Interethnic Relations: Mexican Immigration and The American Economy Logan Schanie University of South Florida Sarasota-Manatee
Interethnic Relations: Mexican Immigration and The American Economy Logan Schanie University of South Florida Sarasota-Manatee
Interethnic Relations: Mexican Immigration and The American Economy Logan Schanie University of South Florida Sarasota-Manatee
Logan Schanie
Abstract
The goal of this analysis is not only to solidify understanding of the various sociological views
that have been discussed throughout the semester, but also to have a multifaceted discussion on
how they are used to interpret concrete situations and realities. In this paper the facts of
immigration from Mexico, both legal and illegal, and their impacts upon society and the
economy will first be delineated as it is important to have a proper place from which to start this
analysis. Thereafter, the following six sociological views will be first explained, then discussed
Choice Theory (RCT), Elite Theory and Neo-Weberian Theory. Last, a short discussion on how
The United States and Mexico have shared, for many years, a unique economic
relationship, and through understanding the countries economics, one can begin to understand
the vast immigration that the United States has received from Mexico over the past 100 years
until just recently. The economic divergence that is found between the United States and Mexico
is not found in any other bordering countries in the world (Schaefer, p.257). This issue stems
back to around the time of World War I when America also happened to be bolstering the
business of agriculture in the Southwest. At the same time, the Mexican revolution that lasted
thirteen years resulted in Mexican refugees flooding into the United States and were welcome as
workers due to the lack of European immigration caused by the effects of WWI. Even after the
Mexican revolution had ended, the tumultuous political situation in Mexico still swayed many to
migrate to the United States where there was the rising business of agriculture.
The businesses of agriculture in the Southwest, however, knew exactly what they were
doing by using Mexican immigrant workers. They pulled strings with wealthy Mexican
businesspeople to keep only as little money and jobs in Mexico not to collapse their economy
entirely and as well maximize their own profits off the cheap labor that was received from the
immigrants, and if they were undocumented they could have them “dismissed” once the point
The Great Depression soon arrived and in America’s attempt to relieve any additional
economic pressures, many Mexicans were deported under repatriation. The legality of this was
rather questionable, as repatriation only applies to illegal aliens, though in the endeavor to not
add more stress to the economy it was not only Mexicans who were here illegally that were
deported. After the United States regained its footing and moved into the 1940s, the agriculture
MEXICAN IMMIGRATION AND ECONOMY 4
industry once again began seeking Mexican workers. In 1942, the two governments derived a
plan called braceros to contract Mexican laborers into America and gave them provisions
through the government with regard to their pay, transportation and housing. The unfortunate
irony in the whole situation is that they were often better taken care of than the Mexican
Americans with whom they also worked. Then, in 1954, the American government began
deporting more and more immigrants that attempted to cross the border at the Rio Grande, whilst
also bringing in Mexicans through the braceros program. By 1964 that program had ended and
due to the lack of easy legal entrance into the United States, illegal immigration became far more
prominent.
Illegal immigration from Mexico has been a much politized topic many years since and
has created a disconnect and level of animosity between both ethnic groups regardless of legal
status in the United States. Mexican Americans often receive mistreatment from law
enforcement and scrutiny by means of racial profiling and blame for the state of the American
economy (Schaefer, p.130,259). This results in many stuck in low wage jobs without means of
advancing economically in the society. Also, to note is the recent decline in immigration from
Mexico as per Gonzalez-Barrera and Krogstad at the Pew Research Center (2017); this is due
primarily to the lack of jobs available after the recession. Though Mexicans still make up 28% of
the United States immigrants and approximately 52% of the 11.1 million undocumented
immigrants, the number of Mexicans living in the U.S. illegally declined by over 1 million
between the years 2007 and 2014. They are also prone to remaining in the country as long term
residents as 78% of unauthorized Mexican immigrants had lived in the country for over ten years
Mexican immigration in the United States differs quite drastically from that of most other
immigrants coming from other countries. The closeness in proximity between the U.S. and
Mexico allows for a continued connection and relationship between Mexican migrants and their
home (Schaefer, p.257). This is where problems on the Mexican side of immigration can arrive.
This closeness allows them to remain connected to the cultural norms and language of their
home country, which causes an unintentional struggle to assimilate to the norms of the United
Sociological Analysis
Under the proper understanding of the history and current information regarding
immigration from Mexico, the analyses of the situation of the sociological views will be
discussed.
Neo-Marxism
The ideas of Neo-Marxism in relation to Mexican workers in the United States and the
economy are best demonstrated by Oliver Cox and Edna Bonacich. In classical Marxist theory,
class is prioritized over ethnicity. Cox follows suit in this thought and charges that capitalism
merely uses racial studies as a means to exploit the proletariat. He too maintains that capitalist
societies, though specifically the US, drive a wedge between ethnicities that creates a class
barrier along “ethnic lines” (Malesevic, p. 32). Furthermore, capitalism exploits the work of the
proletariat to further the wealth of the already bourgeois. This exploitation however is dependent
upon animosity toward ethnic groups, which is stated by Cox in this way “Racial antagonism is
part and parcel of this class struggle … The interest behind racial antagonism is an exploitative
interest – the peculiar type of economic exploitation characteristic of capitalist society … We can
MEXICAN IMMIGRATION AND ECONOMY 6
understand the Negro problem only in so far as we understand their position as workers”
(Malesevic, p. 32). What is being said here is that the ethnic animosity is done purely with the
intention to undermine the low-wage workers, not just specific groups. Under this thinking, the
cohesion of class is viewed as far more important to progress than an ethnic or racial status,
which results in the idea that those are no longer of modern economic importance. Regarding
Mexican immigration, this demonstrates the issues that many Mexican immigrants faced during
the 20th century. They were exploited by the agriculture businesses in the Southwest and
employers used their leverage and knowledge of legal status to pay the workers lower wages.
Keep in mind, in the 1930s Mexicans were often being deported no matter their legal status in
Edna Bonacich echoes Cox’s theory by changing the way in which capitalist societies
maintain a monopoly over the proletariat in “multi-ethnic” societies. Cox’s theory states that the
people at the top use animosity as an artificial governor of the people, whereas Bonacich
maintains that people are put to work under certain like conditions. She divides the conditions
into three categories: the business owners/entrepreneurs (capitalists – dominant ethnicity), the
already working and better paid (workers – dominant ethnicity) and those whom are either
ethnicity and wage it becomes more difficult for the ethnic minorities to climb the economic
latter. This division is still seen in the unauthorized Mexican immigrant workforce today. Since
2009 after the recession had ended, unauthorized immigrants in the work force has been steady
hovering around or just above 5 million (Passel & Cohn, 2016). In sum, undocumented
immigrant workers populate approximately 5% of the workforce in the U.S.; however, they
occupy 17% of the workforce in the agricultural industry and 13% in the construction industry
MEXICAN IMMIGRATION AND ECONOMY 7
(Passel & Cohn, 2016). What these industries have in common is that they are often high-
demanding physical jobs that do not pay well for the labor given.
Functionalism
ethnic differences among groups. As societies modernize and swing from agrarian to industrial,
he charges that ethnicity would become less relevant than merit based achievements in society.
He looks less at the ascribed markers of particular people and instead looks more at how people,
though perhaps of differing ethnicity, can find social solidarity through economic status.
Furthermore, he asserts that people will work for what is in their best interest and interact in
ways that move them forward economically, without regard to ethnicity. For example, all people
will receive some education to ensure economic security and specialize to further their own self-
interests. This is where classic functionalism fails in accuracy, the prediction that merit would
become more important than ethnicity simply – though unfortunately – takes precedence.
Immigrants are here for economic security and will specialize for their own self-interests;
however, they are commonly restrained from making much economic process due to nothing
Immigration relations in functionalism have effect(s) that are three-fold: manifest, latent
and dysfunction. In the United States, we have many immigrants that are here to fill our lack of
science, math and technology students. They come to work for companies that need their skills
yet do not have the available talent to pull from our own citizens. This, in some regard, is a
dysfunction in our society, though the immigration and use of people from other countries is
manifest in solving the current problem quickly. This does not differ from the position of
Mexican immigrants in the U.S. filling hard labor positions that are not as easily occupied by our
MEXICAN IMMIGRATION AND ECONOMY 8
own naturalized citizens that are in the work force. Furthermore, if we do not use them in the
workforce and welcome them into our country there will be many latent qualities that we will
lack from their Mexican heritage. For example, their foods and music that permeate the U.S. and
Symbolic Interactionism
Every people group has symbols that can be interpreted about them, be it the language
that they speak, their religion, clad, etc. The interaction of these symbols is what creates the
ethnic boundaries between given groups. These symbols are then used to distinguish between the
groups; for example, if one is out and sees a woman wearing a hijab or a man speaking Arabic,
they would most likely be identified as a Muslim individual. If that is contrasted against the sight
of a man wearing a sombrero and singing Mariachi, it would be assumed that he is Mexican.
These dress and language distinctions (symbols) that are identified through interaction draw the
Thomas is concerned with the definition of situations and how different groups define
and respond to them. He states, “if men define situations as real, they are real in their
consequences” (Malesevic, p.63). Mexican immigrants will define their situation as necessary;
they must have the job in America to send money home for their family to have the ability to
survive. The antithesis of this and the definition of this situation by the American proletariat, is
that jobs in the U.S. are being occupied by people who are not from this country, are not citizens,
and even perhaps are not here legally. This creates a level of misunderstanding resulting in
Rational choice theory emphasizes individualism and charges that people are selfish,
greedy and in that way, inalterable. There are two questions that RCT addresses that are: “How
do individuals make their choices? And how are society and collective action possible if
everybody acts as a selfish individual?” (Malesevic, pg.97). In answer to the first question Elster
gives three elements with regard to the choice situation: (1) A feasible set of all courses of action
that are rationally believed to satisfy various ‘outside’ constraints, (2) A set of rational beliefs
about the causal structure of the situation that controls the courses of action as well as their
outcomes, and (3) The subjective ranking of the feasible alternatives (often deduced from a
ranking of the outcomes to which they are expected to lead) (Malesevic, p.97). In short,
individuals will act in a manner that they think will result in overall value for themselves. This is
exactly what Mexican immigrants are doing and it is not by any means different from a family
moving within the U.S. to pursue another (better) job opportunity. Their country lacks the
economic stability that they need to provide for their family, thus they take the next best option.
As for the second question, individuals will act altruistically and integrate into situations where
The rational choice theory is used within ethnicities as well. In this case, however, people
often use their distinctive physical demarcations to advantage themselves individually. For
example, when their ethnicity is being in some way threatened, one will accentuate the
importance of theirs over the others. Ethnic identity is something that becomes important in this
area. In fact, it is common that people will alter their ethnic identity as a manner of making
themselves more relevant. A Mexican American speaking with another American under this
theory will be sure to emphasize his or her Mexicanness, even speaking with fellow Latinos from
countries outside of Mexico, the same will apply. However, when speaking with other Mexicans
MEXICAN IMMIGRATION AND ECONOMY 10
the opposite becomes true and they will accentuate their Americanness. Though, one’s ethnicity
is largely irrelevant when used in the individual sense under rational choice theory; instead, it
Elite Theory
Elite theory has interesting uses of ethnicity for its own political advances. In fact,
ethnicity among elites is little more than a political piece. To start, elites find themselves as a
rather heterogeneous group that is often at war with each other to maintain power; though, they
find that minority and ethnic groups are homogeneous in nature and operate in infantile fashions.
They use pieces of ethnicity to advance their political agenda. They push ideology that creates a
false sense of consciousness by the non-elites. This new reality promotes a level of solidarity
among them, which benefits the elites. The new social reality ensures that the proletariat will not
rise against the elitists and attempt a coup. This is easily achieved by pushing false narratives
that eventually become reality for many. Even by Marx ethnicity was viewed as having little
actual importance. For example, his view of defeating capitalism is by groups identifying their
class and working to better themselves from that standpoint rather than an ethnic one.
Brass’ view on ethnicity in politics among elites applies itself accurately to the current
situation of Latinos in the United States. In short, what he states is that ethnicities and their
culture are broken down into a few specific symbols or markers that identify them. An example
of this symbol is language. In the U.S., the deduction that if you speak Spanish then you must be
ethnicity to a single symbol is often what elites can use to motivate that specific group, though.
For example, if we look at Marco Rubio, even though he is a republican who almost always
receive less support than democrats from Latino voters, his Cuban heritage and ability to speak
MEXICAN IMMIGRATION AND ECONOMY 11
Spanish give him an edge over his republican colleagues. Even if we look at Tim Kaine, who,
though not of Hispanic heritage, can speak Spanish, used this ability during the campaign to help
grow support for Hillary Clinton among Latinos. She did win the majority of Latino voters at
66% while Donald Trump only had 28% of their vote (Krogstad, 2016). The silver lining in this
is that people like Marco Rubio can use this to their advantage to win over Hispanic voters and
he, and people like him, give Latinos the ability to have their concerns heard from both sides of
the aisle.
Neo-Weberian Theory
Weber’s work rather than a re-articulation thereof (Malesevic, p.137). Randall Collins ideas
regarding ethnic groups and somatotypes, however, bring an interesting look at the Mexican
immigration scenario. About ethnic groups he states, “conflict creates the framework that is
projected backward into a primordial past. An ethnic group is not merely, or even primarily, a
community that shares a common culture and identity. Its identity is constituted by dividing
lines, by contrast with others” (Malesevic, p.133). This reigns true under the discussion of
Mexican immigration in the sense that Mexicans are recognized as a distinct group through the
line created by the American and Mexican American working classes. Collins also discusses
somatotypes, which are socially constructed markers, language being one of the most important
of these. The markings, however, are significant in their geo-political and historical contexts.
The Spanish language dominating over the languages of the Aztecs and Mayans during the
group today.
Multidimensional Analysis
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Each of the sociological views chosen are not done so that they explicitly describe the
situation of Mexican Immigration perfectly or that of how the economy forces Mexicans to use
the Rational Choice Theory. But rather to see if it is possible to extrapolate elements from each
of the views into something cohesive that applies to a current interethnic relationship. It is very
common that modern sociologists redefine what the classic of whichever view meant or update
their logic along the same line of thought. This falls under a similar umbrella of practice where
one must ask themselves, “Does this apply to the situation that I am investigating and if not
References
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Malesevic, S. (2004). The sociology of ethnicity. London, England: SAGE Publications Inc.
Passel, J. S., & Cohn, D. (2016, November 03). Size of U.S. Unauthorized Immigrant Workforce
Stable After the Great Recession. Retrieved April 12, 2017, from
http://www.pewhispanic.org/2016/11/03/size-of-u-s-unauthorized-immigrant-workforce-
stable-after-the-great-recession/
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