PA Supreme Court Order Re Redistricting (Jan. 2018)
PA Supreme Court Order Re Redistricting (Jan. 2018)
PA Supreme Court Order Re Redistricting (Jan. 2018)
ORDER
Review, the Commonwealth Court’s proposed findings of fact and conclusions of law,
the briefs of the parties, intervenors, and amici curiae, and the oral argument presented
First, the Court finds as a matter of law that the Congressional Redistricting Act
of 2011 clearly, plainly and palpably violates the Constitution of the Commonwealth of
Accordingly, its further use in elections for Pennsylvania seats in the United States
House of Representatives, commencing with the upcoming May 15, 2018 primary, is
hereby enjoined.
Constitution, it shall submit such plan for consideration by the Governor on or before
districting plan, it shall be submitted to this Court on or before February 15, 2018.
Third, should the General Assembly not submit a congressional districting plan
on or before February 9, 2018, or should the Governor not approve the General
Assembly’s plan on or before February 15, 2018, this Court shall proceed expeditiously
to adopt a plan based on the evidentiary record developed in the Commonwealth Court.
In anticipation of that eventuality, the parties shall have the opportunity to be heard; to
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wit, all parties and intervenors may submit to the Court proposed remedial districting
Fourth, to comply with this Order, any congressional districting plan shall consist
equal in population as practicable; and which do not divide any county, city,
equality of population.
congressional districting plan will be available by February 19, 2018, and are directed
to take all measures, including adjusting the election calendar if necessary, to ensure
that the May 15, 2018 primary election takes place as scheduled under that remedial
districting plan.
Sixth, as acknowledged by the parties, the March 13, 2018 special election for
congressional seat for which the term of office ends in 11 months, shall proceed under
Opinion to follow.
Jurisdiction is retained.
Chief Justice Saylor files a Dissenting Statement in which Justice Mundy joins.
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[J-1-2018]
IN THE SUPREME COURT OF PENNSYLVANIA
MIDDLE DISTRICT
I join the per curiam order (PCO) to the extent it concludes that the districts as
set forth by the Congressional Redistricting Act of 2011 are unconstitutional. I also
concur in the PCO’s invitation to the Legislature and Governor to craft constitutional
maps, recognizing that redistricting is a legislative function. Butcher v. Bloom, 203 A.2d
556, 569 (Pa. 1964) (“The task of reapportionment is not only the responsibility of the
Legislature, it is also a function which can be best accomplished by that elected branch
of government.”).
I find myself in an awkward position regarding the PCO’s directive that the
primary election shall proceed with new maps on May 15, 2018. I understand the
Court’s desire to follow this schedule as it is arguably counterintuitive to believe that the
current map is unconstitutional and, nevertheless, direct its usage in the May 2018
When faced with an unconstitutional map, courts should determine “whether the
imminence of [the primary and] general elections requires the utilization of [a prior plan]
effectuated” in time for the pending election. Id. at 568 (quoting Lucas v. Forty-Fourth
General Assembly of State of Colorado, 377 U.S. 713, 739 (1964)) (internal quotation
marks omitted). In Butcher, we allowed the election to proceed employing maps that we
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As in Butcher, I believe the dangers of implementing a new map for the May
2018 primary election risks “[s]erious disruption of orderly state election processes and
basic governmental functions.” Id. It is naïve to think that disruption will not occur.
Prospective candidates, incumbents and challengers alike, have been running for
other tasks implicit in any campaign - all with a precise understanding of the districts
within which they are to run, which have been in place since 2011. The change of the
districts’ boundary lines at this time could result in candidates, again incumbents and
challengers alike, no longer living in the districts where they have been carrying out
these activities for a year or more. This says nothing of the average voter, who thought
he knew his Congressperson and district, and now finds that all has changed within
worthy of specific mention. A special election will be held there on March 13, 2018. If a
new map is indeed implemented for the 2018 election, voters in this district would be
circulating for a newly-drawn district, which may or may not include the current
candidates for the special election. Again and respectfully, I find the likelihood for
effort to correct the current map prior to the May 15, 2018 primary election.
Moreover, while the Court has set forth a timeline for resolution of this issue
which theoretically allows for implementation of a new, constitutional map for the May
primary election, this timeline will face immense and perhaps insurmountable pressure
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through likely subsequent litigation. Regardless of the merit of any claims, litigation
Finally, I do not favor the alternative of moving this year’s primary election. It has
been the tradition in Pennsylvania to hold a spring primary and a fall general election.
This year, Pennsylvanians will elect a Governor, a Lieutenant Governor, a United States
cannot determine the impact of moving a primary election from the timeframe it has long
Accordingly, I believe it more prudent to apply our holding in this case to the
2020 election cycle, which would allow ample time for our sister branches of
government to comply with our holding with guidance from our forthcoming opinion, as
well as providing candidates and their supporters the opportunity to campaign in their
newly established districts, and, most importantly, to reduce the risk of voter confusion.
Having said all of this, I readily acknowledge the Court’s commendable attempt
to compress the process of correcting the map to conduct timely primary elections. I will
cooperate with the Court as it pursues its admirable goal, so long as all involved receive
due process. I cannot, however, join the PCO without this expression because of my
concern that a well-intentioned effort can still produce an unsatisfactory process and
conclusion.
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[J-1-2018]
IN THE SUPREME COURT OF PENNSYLVANIA
MIDDLE DISTRICT
DISSENTING STATEMENT
jurisdiction, I agree with the Commonwealth Court’s original position that it would have
been appropriate to stay this matter pending anticipated guidance from the Supreme
Court of the United States in Gill v. Whitford, No. 16-1161 (U.S.). See Order dated Oct.
16, 2017, in League of Women Voters of Pa. v. Commonwealth, No. 261 M.D. 2017
(Pa. Cmwlth.). Indeed, the Supreme Court has stayed a series of recent federal court
pending its review, most recently, as of last week. See Order dated Jan. 18, 2018, in
Rucho v. Common Cause, No. 17A745 (U.S.). I hold the view that restraint is
redistricting plan that was enacted in 2011 and the proximity of the impending 2018
election cycle. Cf. Concurring and Dissenting Statement, slip op. at 3-4 (Baer, J.).
endeavor assigned to state legislatures by the United States Constitution. See U.S.
CONST. art. I, §4. Notably, certain political objectives – such as the aim to avoid pitting
incumbents against each other or to maintain the cores of prior districts – have been
recognized as traditional redistricting criteria. See Karcher v. Daggett, 462 U.S. 725,
740, 103 S. Ct. 2653, 2663 (1983). Federal and state courts also appreciate the
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propriety of preserving communities of interest which may not overlap with political
subdivision lines. See, e.g., Evenwel v. Abbott, ___ U.S. ___, ___, 136 S. Ct. 1120,
1124 (2016); Holt v. 2011 Legislative Reapportionment Comm’n, 620 Pa. 373, 422-23,
67 A.3d 1211, 1241 (2013). Furthermore, in terms of such communities, it seems plain
that legislators are in a superior position to address their interests. Accord Vieth v.
Jubelirer, 541 U.S. 267, 358, 124 S. Ct. 1769, 1824 (2004) (Breyer, J., dissenting) (“It is
precisely because politicians are best able to predict the effects of boundary changes
that the districts they design usually make some political sense.” (emphasis in original)).
arena, I believe the proper litmus should abide such considerations. I also consider it
appropriate to take into account matters of degree relative to the inevitable political and
have recently been applied by some federal courts in decisions, which, again, are under
review by the United States Supreme Court. My position at this juncture is only that I
would not presently upset those districts, in such an extraordinarily compressed fashion,
and without clarifying – for the benefit of the General Assembly and the public – the
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[J-1-2018]
IN THE SUPREME COURT OF PENNSYLVANIA
MIDDLE DISTRICT
DISSENTING STATEMENT
express my concern with the vagueness of the Court’s order. Despite its
pronouncement that the 2011 map clearly, plainly, and palpably violates the
violates. This vagueness by the Court is problematic because the parties raise several
state constitutional claims, including the Speech Clause, the Free Association Clause,
the Elections Clause, and the Equal Protection Clause, each of which has a different
mode of analysis. See generally PA. CONST. art. I, §§ 1, 5, 7, 20, 26; Pap’s AM v. City of
Erie, 812 A.2d 591, 612 (Pa. 2002) (Speech Clause); Love v. Borough of Stroudsburg,
597 A.2d 1137, 1139 (Pa. 1991) (Equal Protection Clause); Mixon v. Commonwealth,
759 A.2d 442, 449-50 (Pa. Cmwlth. 2000), aff’d, 783 A.2d 763 (Pa. 2002) (Elections
Clause). The Court’s order fails to give essential guidance to the General Assembly
map.
I am also troubled by the order striking down the 2011 Congressional map on the
eve of our midterm elections, as well as the remedy proposed by the Court. In my view,
the implication that this Court may undertake the task of drawing a congressional map
on its own raises a serious federal constitutional concern. See U.S. CONST. art. I, § 4,
cl. 1 (stating, “[t]he Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and
2652, 2667-68 (2015) (concluding the Federal Elections Clause permits redistricting by
reasons, I conclude the Court’s approach is imprudent and I cannot participate in it. I
respectfully dissent.