Cambridge University Press Cambridge Opera Journal
Cambridge University Press Cambridge Opera Journal
Cambridge University Press Cambridge Opera Journal
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Cambridge Opera Journal
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Cambridge Opera Journal, 5, 1, 39-53
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40 Adriana Guarnieri Corazzol
that reach beyond the level of plot. We need, then, to refer to the entire verismo
period (the final thirty years of the nineteenth century for prose fiction, and
the twenty years from 1890 to 1910 for opera), and to note that the regional
or lower-class urban setting is only one of many shared aspects. Verga, the most
distinguished exponent of literary verismo, came to Vita dei campi (1878) and
I Malavoglia (1880) by way of 'worldly' novels about high society, although one
can see traces of his later themes in early work, especially 'Nedda (Bozzetto sici-
liano)' (1874). He was undergoing a period of crisis, and imagined such 'native',
socially low subject matter as merely the first stage in a projected human comedy
(a cycle about the 'vanquished') that would progress through various ambiences
from the humblest to the most exalted; his programme is set forth in the Preface
to I Malavoglia, which acts as a kind of formal introduction to the new style.
I Malavoglia was quickly acknowledged as a masterpiece, which in a certain sense
locked its author into verismo, or at least into regional and 'low-life' realism.3
La duchessa di Leyra, the third and most ambitious novel in the series, was still
incomplete after thirty years, while the fourth and fifth volumes, L'onorevole
Scipione and L'uomo di lusso, remained mere sketches; but the latter were to have
been examples of a more 'elevated' style, with Mastro-don Gesualdo (1889) as an
intermediate stage. As for the second of our 'famous' veristi, Capuana wrote
regional stories and a great deal of dialect theatre, but primarily concentrated
on bourgeois subjects, especially impersonal illustrations of feminine pathologies
(Profili di donne, Giacinta, Ribrezzo, Profumo). His style is most appropriately
labelled naturalism in the French tradition, and only occasionally verismo in the
strict sense. Our final author, De Roberto, was fond of rustic subjects in his
youth, but his great mature novels take place in aristocratic, political settings
(I vicere, L'imperio).
In opera we might also isolate a strand of traditionally veristic subjects within
a much broader social canvas. Although recent historians have tended to restrict
their definition of musical verismo to 'repugnant', rustic dramas or those of urban
low life,4 the recurrent features of opera during this period - especially as regards
vocal style and musico-dramatic structure - are also fully evident in settings of
aristocratic and bourgeois subjects, whether contemporary or historical. These
features include a marked musical characterisation of the geographic or social
milieu, simple, well-constructed plots, vocal writing exploiting the high register
of each voice type; irregular rhythms and phrases, spoken or shouted utterances,
heavily charged melodies; 'physiological' rhythmic ideas, breathless harmonic
rhythm, overall tonal stability; a dynamic progress through climaxes of tension,
orchestral build-ups and loud, excited vocal climaxes; and recurring themes, mostly
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Opera and verismo 41
identified with the voice. What is more, one might also identify a typical dramatic
structure: a progression from prelude to dramatic action (always a passionate con-
flict), then to symphonic intermezzo, then to a break in the action by means
of an unpitched vocal catharsis, and finally to an orchestral peroration. Puccini
handled this particular structure in an individual manner, favouring a 'descriptive'
act in two parts (the first devoted to ambience, the other to characters), a central
act or acts concerned with plot narration, and a final act that is either evocative
or explanatory, with a 'lament' for the protagonist. Other general features are
the conversational style (or rather, in Puccini, the 'singing conversations'), the
'global' nature of the stage settings, and a tendency towards characteristic closed
numbers (choruses and on-stage canzoni), some of them instrumental (for example,
pieces featuring violin solo).
Given this basically stable dramatic model on the one hand, and socially wide-
ranging plots on the other, a useful definition of verismo might be as a historically
delimited 'vogue' encompassing - as in the spoken theatre - various types of
subject (low-life dramas, historical costume dramas, bourgeois comedies). This
'vogue' is evident in almost the entire corpus of works, the sole exceptions being
musically or dramatically eccentric pieces such as Mascagni's Guglielmo Ratcliff
(1895), Smareglia's Lafalena (1897) and, of course, Verdi's Falstaff(1893). However,
to define the phenomenon in these generic, functional and exclusively historical
terms, one must see verismo opera in a purely negative light, as neither fantastic
nor visionary nor experimental.
It seems more constructive, though, to view verismo opera as intimately bound
up with a crisis in the relationship between language and subject matter. Con-
fronted with a market that for twenty or thirty years had been expanding decisively
towards the lower classes, the period saw a thorough reassessment of the idea
of socially defined 'genres'. The crisis is usually defined in terms of 'realism',
which in part means stylistic departure from a norm (for example, towards the
tragedy of humble people or the comedy of those in power), and, more basically,
an incongruity between style and subject.5 Nineteenth-century realism in art,
literature and music was in this sense a 'bill of rights' for low-life, brutal or 'vulgar'
subjects - their entrance into legitimate culture.
We have, then, a first level of convergence between opera and literature: the
variety of social milieux treated in a tragic vein, a tendency that corresponds,
on a smaller scale, to the seemingly still-Romantic idea of mixing expressive registers
(the tragic, comic, sentimental-pathetic).6
5 On this topic, see especially Carl Dahlhaus, Realism in Nineteenth-Century Music (Cambridge,
1985).
6 While planning the cycle of the 'vanquished', Verga wrote in 1878 to Salvatore Paola Verdura:
'I have in mind a work that will be beautiful and grand, a sort of phantasmagoria of the
struggle of life, and it will stretch from the rag-picker to the minister and to the artist,
and assume all the forms, from ambition to lust for profit, and lend itself to a thousand
representations of human grotesqueness ... In short, I want to collect the dramatic, the
ridiculous or the comic sides of all social types, each type with its own characteristics, each
with the efforts they make to go forward in this immense wave.' The letter is quoted in
the Introduction to Giovanni Verga, IMalavoglia - Mastro-don Gesualdo, ed. Concetta Greco
Lanza (Rome, 1984), x.
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42 Adriana Guarnieri Corazzol
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Opera and verismo 43
comes from the collection La sorte (1887):12 a violent event - the suicide of an
unknown man at an inn - leads to a story crowded with policemen, neighbours
and people at the inn, all expressed in extremely theatrical language. In this context
it is significant that Russian formalist analyses of realist novels developed a distinct-
ion between a tale tout court and a 'scenic tale'.13
However, in discussions of literary verismo the use of an anonymous narrator
- traditionally defined (by Russo and Manacorda) using musical terminology as
'cantilena' or 'chorality' - has recently been characterised as a 'regressive point
of view',14 the adoption of a popular viewpoint that is internal to those represented.
This is the impersonality Verga theorised in his Preface to I Malavoglia, where
he wrote that 'the mechanism of the passions' in the 'low spheres' is 'less compli-
cated', and that language must attempt to reflect this.15 By declaring that he
had suppressed his literary sophistication in a 'sincere and dispassionate study',
Verga in effect proposed lowering the linguistic level to match the social level
of the plot. The distinction between author and narrator was clear: the latter
must adapt to the characters emotively, while the author - enclosed within the
artifice of his writing - can dissociate himself from the narrative, taking a 'colonial
attitude' governed by strategies of simulation. Rustic verismo thus stands out
both as a special case of naturalism and as a mode of writing; as an invented
language, almost a new, 'low' style of the tragic and melodramatic. Verga emerges
as both rustic and Romantic - as theatrical in the sense of rendering psychological
passions in a reduced, 'primitive' form - in works such as 'Nedda', the short
stories 'Cavalleria rusticana' and 'La lupa', and - at least partly - in IMalavoglia.'6
If we agree that the orchestra in late nineteenth-century opera functions as a
narrator,17 then the connection between Verga's regressive point of view and
the new relationship between voice and orchestra in verismo opera becomes clear.
The orchestra increases in importance in the manner described earlier as 'free
12 Federico De Roberto, La sorte (Palermo, 1990).
13 See, for example, Boris Eikenbaum, Leskovi sovremennaja proza - Genri i teorija novelly (1925);
in particular 'on occasions [dialogues] assume a genuinely dramatic form, in the sense that
they no longer function in the development of the characters, but rather function as elements
in the plot, thus constituting the fundamental constituent of the form. The novel in this
way breaks every link with narrative form and transforms itself into a combination of scenic
dialogue and broad scene description, serving as a commentary on the stage set, the gestures,
the intonation'.
4 See Guido Baldi, L'artificio della regressione. Tecnica narrativa e ideologia nel Verga verista
(Naples, 1980).
15 Verga (see n. 6), 21-2.
16 Debenedetti (see n. 3), 244, writes of an 'operatic scene' when discussing the opening of
'Nedda'; he also refers to narrative progress through 'peaks' (single, critical events): in essence,
then, the techniques of Italian opera.
For a general discussion of verismo opera as a 'musical novel', see Dahlhaus (n. 5), 87-94;
on the opera composer as 'hidden narrator' (functioning through a system of motifs), see
Lorenzo Bianconi, 'Introduzione' to La drammaturgia musicale, ed. Lorenzo Bianconi
(Bologna, 1986), 7-51, esp. 38; on the presence of a narrator in the opera-novel, see Carl
Dahlhaus, 'Zeitstrukturen in der Oper', Die Musikforschung, 34 (1981), 2-11. For more recent
discussions of operatic narrativity, see Carolyn Abbate, Unsung Voices. Opera and Musical
Narrative in the Nineteenth Century (Princeton, 1991); and Luca Zoppelli, 'Der Ring des
Nibelungen: Proposta per una lettura narratologica dell'epos wagneriano', Studi musicali, 20
(1991), 317-38.
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44 Adriana Guarnieri Corazzol
indirect' discourse, echoing and in some cases equalling the voices. It has a dramati-
cally active role as a discourse with marked internal focalisation; symphonic voca-
lity is at the same emotive level as that of the characters and can play host, in
a prelude for example, to an off-stage voice; it is alone 'on stage' during the sym-
phonic intermezzo, that is, at the dramatically decisive moment preceding the
catastrophe; and finally it has the gestural and elemental character of a collective
narrator.
18 It is from this perspective that Cavalleria rusticana has reaped its great twentieth-c
success; see in particular W. H. Auden, The Dyer's Hand and Other Essays, 3rd edn (L
1975), 481-2. Auden's appreciation derives precisely from his sense of the style: the
and 'vital' (i.e., artistic) existence of both awkward music and awkward characters.
On the melodramatic nature of verismo opera, see above all Carl Dahlhaus, Ninetee
Century Music (Berkeley, 1989), 351-9. For a definition of melodrama in historical c
from melodrame to nineteenth-century narrative, see Peter Brooks, The Melodrama
Imagination (New Haven, 1976).
20 Amongst the various models in prose fiction, perhaps the most obvious are the nov
Eugene Sue and Alexandre Dumas pere, in both of whom the dialogue tends towar
constant state of emotional excitement.
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Opera and verismo 45
21 On these writers, and in general on the humanitarian socialism of the period, see Alberto
Asor Rosa's classic Scrittori epopolo. Ilpopulismo nella letteratura italiana contemporanea,
6th edn (Rome, 1975), 61-8.
22 Amintore Galli, Estetica della musica ossia Del Bello nella Musica Sacra, Teatrale e da Concerto,
in ordine alla sua storia (Turin, 1900), 8: 'as well as instincts, man also possesses affections
or natural tendencies, motives of the soul that the artist, creator or performer is called on
to make manifest by special means'.
23 On the problem of point of view (focalisation) and on the distance between the author and
characters in narrative, see above all Mikhail Bakhtin, The Dialogic Imagination, ed. Michael
Holquist, trans. Caryl Emerson and Michael Holquist (Austin, 1981). For an attempt to
apply this perspective to opera between Mozart and Wagner, see Richard B. Greene, Listening
to Richard Strauss Operas. TheAudience's Multiple Standpoints (New York, 1991), 18-28.
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46 Adriana Guarnieri Corazzol
chapter by chapter until the confession in the final coup de scene.24 The real-life
origin of the tale, an event that occurred in 1894, and the markedly impersonal
style might encourage reference to the 'mass' taste of contemporary opera; for
example to Illica's and Giordano's Fedora (1898, from Sardou's 1882 play), in
which the first act, fashioned in strict 'conversational style', is in effect the opening
chapter of a detective story. De Roberto's novel is concerned more with psychologi-
cal analysis than with plot, but the starting point - the discovery of the crime
- is decidedly theatrical. Passion is always to the fore: the main characters are
all emotionally intertwined during the course of the narrative; the point of view
- an internal one - is that of the investigator-narrator, who is in love with the
countess (herself perhaps guilty of the crime).
On the level of content, then, the distance between fin-de-siecle literature and
opera seems rather small; what is more, verismo writers often turned for economic
reasons to the world of opera. The theatrical version of Verga's La lupa (from
the novella of the same name) was simultaneously created as a libretto in which
De Roberto collaborated as a versifier; it became a spoken drama only after Puccini
and Mascagni had rejected it.25 Verga was unaware that operas had to realise con-
cretely the passionate climaxes (in effect, a sequence of carnal couplings), while
the novella, as verbal expression, could effect brusque and 'dramatic' cuts from
one scene to another. He would probably have received a very different response
if he had offered Puccini 'Nedda', a perfect melodramatic opportunity, with an
'ill-fated character', an opening choral scene that was virtually tailor-made, and
an action progressing by fits and starts, from crisis to crisis.26 Following the same
general trend, Verga turned to the cinema in 1912-13, producing five unsigned adapt-
ations of his own works, amongst which were La lupa and Cavalleria rusticana.
We also find obvious examples of this focus on operatic elements in Italian
naturalism, at the chronological meeting point between positivistic materialism
and spiritual decadence. This is already a feature of Capuana's final footnote to
his 1887 play Rospus;27 he went even further with the picturesque libretto Milda,
written for the American composer Paul Hastings Allen, a fable in one act whose
essential features were sorcery and a magic scenic atmosphere.28 And in 1895
came the melodrama Malia, based on a libretto that Capuana extracted from one
of his prose comedies, with music by Francesco Paolo Frontini (Bologna, Teatro
Brunetti, 30 May 1893). The opera takes place in a rustic setting (an early nineteenth-
24 In a second version (third edition, Milan, 1925), the author completely altered the
denouement.
25 Its first performance was in Turin on 26 January 1896. On De Roberto's collaboration on
the libretto (suggested to Puccini by Verga), and for further information, see Ferrone (n.
7) and Roberto Bracco, 'Introduzione', in Teatro verista, ed. Roberto Bracco (Brescia, 1975),
22. For a comparison of the three texts (novella, prose drama, libretto), see Giovanni Verga,
La lupa, ed. Sarah Zappulla Muscara (Palermo, 1991).
26 On Mascagni's refusal (motivated by the plot's lack of 'scenic presence'), see Bianconi (n.
17), 28. Significantly, however, Puccini's refusal was motivated by the preponderance of
dialogue and the absence of 'sympathetic' characters.
27 Luigi Capuana, Rospus, fiaba in un atto, in prosa o quasi (Florence, 1887).
28 Milda, fiaba in un atto di Luigi Capuana, musica di Paul Allen, vocal score (Milan, 1913).
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Opera and verismo 47
century Sicilian village) and has marked local colour (Act I requires on-stage instru-
mentalists and a wedding celebration dance); and it is also traditionally melodrama-
tic, its transgressive, highly passionate plot revolving around a presumed evil spell.29
A later Capuana libretto, II filtro, a one-act piece again with music by
Allen, also has a rustic, Sicilian plot, the conflict revolving around a love philtre
and a peasant witch.30
Other 'operatic' topics come to mind so far as Capuana is concerned. For exam-
ple, the influence exerted by Wagner's operas (Die Walktire, Tannhduser) is explicit
in the novella 'Ribrezzo' (1885), and eventually gave rise to a plan for a Gesamt-
kunstwerk on a mythological subject - in the form of a hallucination - in the
novella 'Un melodramma inedito' (Rome, 1888).31 Equally relevant is the extensive
exoticism - interest in the 'other' - of Capuana's first complete collection of
Sicilian novellas, Le paesane: the typically decadent opposition between sacred
and profane ('La conversione di don Ilario', 1888), the grotesque and macabre
of 'Il tabbutu' (1889), magic and tribal ('II mago', also 1889), and finally the attempt
to draw ironic attention to the traditional venues of romantic opera ('Lotta sismica',
1891).32 One can also detect operatic influence in spectacular scenes of ancient
religious rites, such as the Good Friday procession in the novel Profumo33 - though
here the tale is told with a high degree of impersonality. A stage band heralds
the procession of the faithful with the funeral march from Petrella's Jone; there
follow the holy sepulchre and the flagellants, described in vivid detail at the conclu-
sion of the scene, with a significant comment by the bourgeois 'collectivity' that
observes them: 'sembravano selvaggi' (they seemed like savages). It is a sequence
loaded with both religious and social exoticism, obviously placed at a dramatically
decisive moment: the chapter closes with the discovery of the death of the protago-
nist's mother, the novel's key character.34 The same, grand-opera-influenced pictor-
ial violence and spectacle, though spread over two chapters equally strong in
decadent naturalism, characterises the Casalbordino sanctuary scene in d'Annun-
zio's Trionfo della morte (1894).35
In the two decades spanning the turn of the nineteenth century, the sharing
of sources and themes between opera and literature seems, in short, to be continual;
and mass-market prose narratives relate in some way to both. We might close
the circle by recalling a popular novel from the beginning of the twentieth century
that both imitates a famous novel and quotes from an opera derived from it:
La boheme italiana. Emilio Salgari, one of the most widely read authors of the
period, was particularly fond of exotic ambiences and adventure stories in his
most popular work (the 'della Malesia' and 'delle Americhe' cycles), and was also
29 For the libretto, see Luigi Capuana, Malta, melodramma in 3 atti ... (Milan, 1895); the
commedia in prosa (published in Rome, 1981) was collected in Le paesane (1894).
30 The libretto was published in Milan, 1911; the vocal score in Milan, 1912.
31 'Ribrezzo' and 'Un melodramma inedito' (from Le appassionate) are in Racconti, ed. Enrico
Ghidetti, I (Rome, 1973), 427-74 and 317-23. The collection was first published in Catania
(1893).
32 For all these titles, see Racconti (n. 31), II, 1-225.
33 (Palermo, 1892); it first appeared in episodes in Nuova Antologia (July-December 1890).
(Milan, 1977), 100-5.
35 Collected in Prose di romanzi, I, ed. Annamaria Andreoli (Milan, 1988), 871-906.
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48 Adriana Guarnieri Corazzol
a writer fully aware of social issues. When Salgari died, Puccini contributed to
a collection in support of his orphaned children - a gesture of some significance
considering the composer's notorious thrift. Two years before he committed sui-
cide, Salgari concocted this autobiographical novel, a vulgarisation of Scenes de
la vie de Boheme that explicitly mentions both the characters of Murger's book
and the music of a Boheme opera (presumably Puccini's).36 Notwithstanding the
minimal formal sophistication of this type of literature, we can still find the play
of mirrors - use of quotation that encourages intertextual reading.
If we turn to operatic works in the light of these shared themes and mixture
of formal levels, we might view certain verismo cliches differently. Excitement,
immediacy, a tendency towards total drama and scenic physicality of action seem
to be common features of a period that viewed social problems in terms of commu-
nication between cultural classes.37 Vocal and orchestral gestures in opera coincide
with the theatricality and orality in much verismo prose; the dialogic aspect and
the 'singing conversations' provide their own 'realism', one that works against
the traditional aristocratic and academic manner; the shouted aria and spoken
passages can be a pretence of the plebeian rather than the plebeian pure and simple.
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Opera and verismo 49
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50 Adriana Guarnieri Corazzol
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Opera and verismo 51
cism, not found in prose writing and other kinds of naturalism.49 The difference
between the two exoticisms resides in formal solutions to the treatment of the
'other': Verga invented a socially removed language; opera, on the other hand,
used the 'other' as an opportunity for integration, metabolising the 'foreign' linguis-
tic elements with an almost touristic gesture of appropriation.50 The fact that
opera composers (and playwrights), in contrast to prose writers, did not avoid
historical subjects (Tosca, Andrea Chenier) might furnish proof of this orientation.
The poetics of the human document, the representation of an event in the news,
automatically contains an element of dissociation in the inevitable contrast between
the experience of a contemporary occurrence and its scenic representation. Verismo
opera indulged in only a limited level of dissociation, using social distance in
small doses, almost as if to immunise itself; basically it disarmed that distance,
just as it disarmed the historical or geographical 'other'. The collision of expressive
registers became a confirmation rather than a criticism of language: empirical
emotion triumphed over intellectual passion with, as it were, a postmodern -
as opposed to a modernist, cognitive - sensibility.51 The phenomenon becomes
clear if we consider pastiche (for example, in the second act of Fedora, with its
musical episode a la Chopin): the 'other' language creates an alienating effect on
the drama, but this merely fixes the basic colour more firmly. The same occurs
in the play within the play, or the deception within deception (Pagliacci, Tosca),
where the dissociation of the two eventually confirms the 'truth' of the dramatic
enterprise.
An operatic parallel now appears in the didactic works of writers concerned
with social problems, in which violence and shock serve to instruct and inform:
consider the atrocities and sadism encapsulated within edifying heroism in the
story within a story of De Amicis's Cuore (1886).52 In light of this and other
models of mass culture dedicated to good works and grand effects, operatic 'regres-
sion' seems a modern, unpretentiously didactic style. Verismo opera is written
to please everyone: it relies on the stage picture, the plot and the confirmation
of expectations; it confronts the artifice of alienation (primitivism, satire, negative
thinking), but ultimately recuperates that artifice into a homogeneous design. It
is not, in short, anti-opera.
We can conclude that verismo opera in the broadest sense, unlike works of
literature, reached the brink of an identity crisis and then stepped back, refashioning
its contrasts into a final, synthesising gesture. The resulting difference in perspective
became even more distinct when, in the Giolitti period (the moment at which
a political programme for mass culture was proclaimed), opera also became comple-
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52 Adriana Guarnieri Corazzol
For a general survey of the problems, see in particular Umberto Eco, Apocalittici e integrati
(Milan, 1964); for specific definitions, see Vittorio Spinazzola, 'Le coordinate del sistema
letterario', in Livelli e linguaggi letterari nella societa di massa (Trieste, 1985), 29-40; and
Ulrich Schulz-Buschhaus, 'Livelli di stile e sistema dei generi letterari nella societa di massa',
in the same volume, pp. 41-8.
5 I use these terms in the sense defined by Norbert Elias, Engagement und Distanzierung.
Arbeiten zur Wissenssoziologie, I (Frankfurt am Main, 1983).
55 See Asor Rosa (n. 52), 969-71 and nn. 1 and 2.
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Opera and verismo 53
opera as culturally inferior. Here is how Thovez characterised the new type of
opera in 1896, a year of intense discussion on the topic:56
from that moment, art was fashioned out of stabbings and flattery, Camorra and chatter,
curses and perorations. Under the rain of success geniuses sprang forth like mushrooms
throughout the fertile ground of the country in which commonplaces abound. They
unleashed duels and celebrations at sea, bloody Christmases, Easter vendettas, all the literary
brigandage that ten years before had been seen in Italian novels. And the example proved
contagious. All the superannuated bandleaders and amateur trombone players were struck
with an incurable lust for creation; all the mazurka composers, assaulted by the frenzy
for glory, all believed themselves geniuses called forth to illuminate the world; and hoisting
their ragged hats in the air, displaying their Apollonian hair styles, and getting into orphic
poses, they wrote librettos and dispensed theories. And newspapers described the socks
of one, the polished boots of another, the white waistcoat of a third, and photographed
them indoors and outdoors, in top hat and tails, alone and together. And conical hats
and trombones came forth from the Alps and conquered the world. They conquered
the world, and much water must flow down the rough sides of the Alps and through
the gentle inclines of the Appenines before Italy will wash away the shame.57
In the end, then, we can confirm the traditional thesis: there is no identity between
verismo opera composers and verismo writers. In a certain sense, the comparison
might simply have been ignored; but it has perhaps served to demonstrate that
the points of contact between them are notable, and more numerous than is
usually stated. From this perspective, we can also revalue much of the operatic
writing of the period: the distance between opera and prose emerges as basically
hermeneutic, consisting of the diverse interpretations we give to their level of
alienation: the fact that we recognise integration or disintegration, and the historical
judgement we derive from it. The difference does not reside in the products them-
selves, but in how the authors locate themselves in relation to their texts or -
the same thing - how readers and listeners locate themselves in relation to these
products. In this sense, Puccini's close attachment to certain subjects, his character-
istic frenzy of involvement at all costs, his pretence of 'passion' for the text,
might have broader significance. We, too, are free to seek that emotional involve-
ment; or we can, of course, continue to deny it with an elitist gesture of critical
distance.
56 See Renato Di Benedetto, 'Poetiche e polemiche', in Lorenzo Bianconi and Giorgio Pestelli,
eds., Storia dell'opera italiana, vi (Turin, 1988), 68-9.
57 Enrico Thovez, 'La leggenda del Wagner', in L'arco d'Ulisse. Prose di combattimento (Naples,
1921), 98-120; here 117-18.
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