School Bullying

SCHOOL BULLYING
OXFORD WORKSHOP SERIES:

SCHOOL SOCIAL WORK ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA
Series Advisory Board

Michelle E. Alvarez, President
Frederick Streeck, Executive Director
Vaughn Morrison
Christine Plackis
Evidence-Based Practice in School Mental Health
James C. Raines
The Domains and Demands of School Social Work Practice:
A Guide to Working Effectively with Students, Families, and Schools
Michael S. Kelly
Solution-Focused Brief Therapy in Schools:
A 360-Degree View of Research and Practice
Michael S. Kelly, Johnny S. Kim, and Cynthia Franklin
A New Model of School Discipline:
Engaging Students and Preventing Behavior Problems
David R. Dupper
Truancy Prevention and Intervention:
A Practical Guide
Lynn Bye, Michelle E. Alvarez, Janet Haynes, and Cindy E. Sweigart
Ethical Decision Making in School Mental Health
James C. Raines and Nic T. Dibble
Functional Behavioral Assessment:
A Three-Tiered Prevention Model
Kevin J. Filter and Michelle E. Alvarez
School Bullying:
New Perspectives on a Growing Problem
David R. Dupper
SCHOOL BULLYING
New Perspectives on a Growing Problem
David R. Dupper
OXFORD WORKSHOP SERIES
1
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Dupper, David R.
School bullying : new perspectives on a
growing problem / David R. Dupper.
p. cm.
(Oxford workshop series)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 9780199859597 (pbk : alk. paper)
1. Bullying in schools United States 2. Bullying in schools
United States Prevention. I. Title.
LB3013.32.D87 2012
371.58dc23
2012025240
9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Printed in the United States of America
Contents
Preface
vii
Acknowledgments
xiii
Chapter 1
An Ecological-Systems Perspective of
1
Bullying in Schools
Chapter 2
What Do We Know About Face-to-Face

8
Peer Bullying?
Chapter 3
Cyberbullying: Taking Bullying to New

Levels of Cruelty
28
Chapter 4
LGBTQ Bullying and Sexual Bullying in

40
Schools
Chapter 5
Under-the-Radar Bullying: Religious

Bullying and Bullying by Teachers
Chapter 6
Best Practices in Preventing School

Bullying: A Whole-School Approach and
72
Beyond
Appendix
95
References
Index
101
117
56
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Preface
Bullying is one of the most prevalent and insidious forms of violence in

schools today. A recent study by the Josephson Institute of Ethics reported
that nearly half of the 43,000 students in their sample stated they were
bullied, teased, or taunted in a way that seriously upset them in the past year
(2010). The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) has identied
cyberbullying as an emerging adolescent health issue. Rather than a rite of
passage and normal part of growing up, bullying must be viewed for what
it is: a systematic abuse of power.
Bullying impacts the learning environment of schools in profound ways.
Victims of chronic bullying have poorer grades, increased rates of truancy,
increased rates of dropping out, loss of self-esteem, and feelings of isolation
and depression, and some even attempt suicide. Students who witness
bullying are often intimidated and fearful that it will eventually happen to
them. As a result, witnesses may also perform poorly in the classroom because
their attention is focused on how to avoid being harmed rather than their
schoolwork. Victims may also become bullies themselves and perpetuate a
destructive cycle of violence.
Unfortunately, many educators and other professionals lack sufcient
understanding of the phenomenon of bullying and of best practices in bullying
prevention and intervention (Olweus & Limber, 2010, p. 132). Nearly half
of school social work respondents in a recent survey did not feel equipped to
deal with cyberbullying (Slovak & Singer, 2011). This volume was written to
address this knowledge gap among school professionals and others who want
to more fully understand the complex nature of the bullying phenomenon.
This volume discusses school bullying from an ecological systems perspective
that broadens the conceptualization of bullying and enlarges the potential
targets for intervention. It expands the current discussion of bullying in
schools to include all the ways in which power is misused and abused in
schools including adultstudent relationships. It frames bullying within the
larger cultural context of the United States and incorporates international
perspectives on bullying. While some of these international perspectives may
not be applicable in addressing bullying in the United States, an international
vii
perspective allows us to broaden our conceptualization of bullying and allows

for creative approaches to a seemingly intractable and complex problem.
This volume utilizes a whole-school approach as a framework for developing
and implementing comprehensive interventions to combat bullying.
A whole-school approach seeks to engage all members of the school
community (e.g., students, teachers, staff, parents, community members)
in developing a common vision and a commitment to combat all forms of
bullying in schools. A whole-school approach seeks to change the entire
culture and climate of the school.
This volume highlights the latest research ndings on the nature and
extent of all forms of bullying in schools today, including dispelling myths
about bullies and focusing on the increasingly important role that peer
witnesses play in exacerbating as well as combating bullying in schools.
A unique feature of this volume is the discussion of several under-the-radar
forms of bullying in schools (i.e., religious bullying, bullying by teachers and
other adults in schools) and the unique political challenges in assessing and
combating these largely unacknowledged forms of bullying in todays U.S.
schools. Perhaps most important, this volume discusses specic steps, based
on best practices, that can be taken to combat all forms of bullying in schools
in as comprehensive a manner as possible.
In Chapter 1, I lay the framework for the rest of this volume by
conceptualizing and discussing the bullying phenomenon from an
ecological-systems perspective. Bullying is a complex phenomenon that
dees simple explanations and simple solutions, and the ecological-systems
perspective is a very useful framework for increasing our understanding
of bullying in all of its complexity. An ecological-systems perspective of
bullying, which has begun to receive empirical support, allows us to develop
interventions based on this complexity. I argue that bullying in our schools
is a reection of bullying in our culture and that our youth are receiving
mixed and confusing messages about bullying behavior from adults. I discuss
a culture of bullying that exists in some schools and serves to normalize
bullying within that school. I also talk about how the physiological and
psychological changes that mark early adolescence exacerbate the potential
for bullying and explains a spike in bullying behaviors in 6th grade followed
by a steady decline in later grades.
In Chapter 2, I dene bullying in all of its forms as a systematic abuse
of power. I point out that it is important to be able to distinguish between
bullying and other types of peer conict, such as teasing. I emphasize that
viii
Preface
bullying is a specic type of aggression that involves an imbalance of power

where the bully consciously intends to harm his or her victim physically and/
or psychologically and has the power and the means to do so. I discuss recent
research ndings on those individual characteristics, family characteristics,
and a number of school characteristics that have been associated with bullying. Bullying appears to be widespread in our public schools today, but it is
also important to note that bullying statistics may seriously underestimate the
problem. I point out that bullying is no longer viewed as a normative phase
that most children outgrow but a serious problem with short- and long-term
consequences. In fact, recent neuroscience research ndings provide evidence
that the impact of psychological forms of bullying can be as devastating for
the victim as physical abuse. I also discuss research on popular bullies and
emerging evidence that bullying is increasingly being viewed as a strategy for
gaining or maintaining status among ones peers. I examine the critical role
that peer witnesses play in bullying incidents. I also discuss how teachers and
administrators often underestimate or downplay the extent to which bullying
is a problem in their school as well as the role that they can play to prevent
bullying.
In Chapter 3, I provide a detailed, up-to-date discussion of what we know
about cyberbullying and what can be done to combat it. Cyberbullying differs
in important ways from face-to-face bullying and has taken bullying to new
levels of cruelty and brutality. I argue that interventions to combat cyberbullying must take into account these important differences. For example, teens
may be more reluctant to report instances of electronic bullying since a report
of electronic bullying may result in a restriction in cell phone or Internet use.
The primary challenge facing educators in combating cyberbullying is nding a balance between freedom of speech and the darker side of digital communication. I point out that empathy training appears to be an important
component of any effort to combat cyberbullying.
In Chapter 4, I provide a detailed discussion of the latest research ndings
on the bullying of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) students
in schools. I discuss the unrelenting bullying and harassment experienced
by LGBT students by their peers and the fact that school employees often
do little or nothing to stop antigay behavior when they witness it. I discuss
several concrete steps that can be taken by school ofcials to minimize antigay
bullying in schools and also acknowledge the substantial opposition from
moral conservatives in combating LGBT bullying in schools. Unfortunately,
school personnel are often caught in the middle of this intense political and
Preface
ix
religious battle. While most teachers want to protect LGBT students from
being bullied, teachers also do not want to violate the rights of morally
conservative parents. In this chapter, I also discuss sexual bullying and sexual
harassment, dened as any form of physical or nonphysical bullying using
a persons sexuality or gender as a weapon by boys or girls toward other
boys or girls. By viewing sexual bullying as harassment, school districts can
take specic actions based on the federal denition of sexual harassment and
the rights of students under Title IX. I highlight several programs that show
promise in reducing sexual bullying and harassment in schools.
In Chapter 5, I discuss under-the-radar forms of bullying, namely,
religious bullying and bullying by teachers and other adults. A number of case
studies and legal briefs suggest that religious bullying in U.S. public schools
may be a much broader and more pervasive form of bullying than many
currently acknowledge. Religious bullying has been dened as repeated acts
of aggression in which the power of institutional religion is used to mock,
humiliate, or threaten others who do not share the same religious beliefs
or practices. I point out that the central legal issue facing school ofcials
is balancing the rights of free speech (including religious expression) as
well as protecting students from being coerced by others to accept certain
religious (or antireligious) beliefs. I discuss several recommendations for
increasing religious tolerance in U.S. public schools. In this chapter I also
discuss a largely unacknowledged and often hidden form of bullying in
schoolsteachers who bully students. A teacher-bully is a teacher who uses
his or her power to punish, manipulate, or disparage a student beyond what
would be considered a reasonable disciplinary procedure. I point out that
the impact of teacher bullying can be more devastating and developmentally
destructive than peer-on-peer bullying due to the importance of positive
teacherstudent relationships to a students school success. I point out that
teacher bullying is especially difcult to assess and address because teachers
bullying behaviors are often equated with maintaining order and discipline
and, therefore, are undetectable. In fact, current school policies do not even
recognize teacher-to-student bullying as a problem and, consequently, fail to
provide any formal mechanism to remedy student complaints against abusive
teachers. I explore the few studies that have focused on this largely taboo
topic within the bullying literature.
In Chapter 6, I discuss strategies that do not work in combating bullying
and then describe the philosophy and key features of a whole-school approach
as a framework for developing and implementing comprehensive bullying
Preface
prevention and intervention strategies, including a detailed discussion of

school-level, classroom-level, and student-level components. I also discuss
a number of innovative programs and strategies that schools are currently
using to combat bullying, including using shelter dogs. I point out that 47
states have passed antibullying legislation and all but six state laws contain
prohibitions against cyberbullying. One of the most highly contentious issues
is whether state antibullying laws should include provisions that specically
enumerate certain student populations (i.e., LGBT students and students with
disabilities), who have been shown to be at greater risk of being victimized
by bullies. I conclude this chapter by viewing bullying within a human rights
framework. I argue that organizations such as schools have an obligation
to uphold human rights standards, which include the right for a child to
feel safe in school and to be spared the oppression and repeated, intentional
humiliation.
The appendix contains a number of additional bullying resources. These
resources include a compendium of assessment tools for measuring bullying
victimization, perpetration, and bystander experiences; bullying prevention
curricula and fact sheets; cyberbullying resources; and LGBT bullying
resources.
My hope in writing this volume is that it will assist educators, parents,
students, and other interested individuals to understand bullying in all its
forms and complexity and to plan and implement comprehensive and effective interventions across a number of levels based on this complex understanding. My hope in writing this volume is that it will assist educators,
parents, students, and other interested individuals to understand bullying
in all its forms and complexity and to plan and implement comprehensive
and effective interventions across a number of levels based on this complex
understanding.
Preface
xi
Acknowledgments
I greatly appreciate Autumn Lowrys time and assistance with this volume.
I want to acknowledge her and thank her for writing the bullying vignettes
contained in Box 2.1 of this volume as well as her help with indexing. I also
want to thank Katrina Jordan for her excellent research on sexual bullying.
I especially want to acknowledge and thank my wife, Ann Contole, my
partner of over 30 years, my condante, my best friend, and my love. I thank
her for her excellent editing skills as well as her ongoing encouragement
and unending support throughout the years. I dedicate this volume to Ann
and to our three daughters, Amy, Chrissy, and Laura. I thank each of you for
bringing such joy into my life!
xiii
SCHOOL BULLYING
An Ecological-Systems Perspective of Bullying in Schools

Love and compassion are necessities, not luxuries. Without
them, humanity cannot survive.
Dalai Lama XIV
In order to combat bullying in our schools, it is essential that we broaden

our focus. Research ndings over the past several decades have enhanced
our understanding of this complex phenomenon in important ways. For
example, we have learned that bullying dees simple explanations and
silver-bullet solutions. We have also learned that we must resist singling
out the bully and the victim and broaden our focus to take into account
a number of systemic factors that contribute to the bullying phenomenon
while not losing sight [sic] of the individuals contribution to a given
behavior (Center for Mental Health in Schools at UCLA, 2011, p. 7).
These systemic factors include families, peer groups, teacherstudent
relationships, parentchild relationships, parentschool relationships,
and cultural expectations. We also need to challenge several strongly held
beliefs. Specically, we need to challenge the belief that children and youth
who bully are pathological and dysfunctional individuals who are in need
of rehabilitation. Just as important, we need to challenge the strongly held
belief that bullying victims need to learn how to ght off bullies by learning
self-defense skills. These are misguided approaches to the bullying problem
in schools. Instead, we need to view bullying as a transactional event in
which no single factor provides an adequate understanding of this complex
problem (Swearer, Espelage, Vaillancourt, & Hymel, 2010; Ungar, 2011).
One of the major challenges facing educators, researchers, and the general
public concerned about bullying in our schools and communities is to

acknowledge its complexity and to develop and implement interventions
that take into account all these various factors.
This chapter provides a rationale for and describes an ecological-systems
perspective of bullying. It describes bullying within the larger culture,
the mixed messages that children and youth receive about bullying from
adults, the culture of bullying that exists in some schools, and the extent
to which there may be a biological and developmental explanation for
bullying behaviors.
An Ecological-Systems Perspective of Bullying

We have learned that a number of factors at multiple levels of the social
environment contribute to and maintain bullying. The ecological-systems
perspective is a very useful framework for increasing our understanding of
bullying in all of its complexity as well as developing interventions based
on this complex understanding. The ecological-systems framework is
conceptualized as a series of concentric circles of inuence, which include
intrapersonal, family, peer, community, and wider societal inuences on
behavior and development (Banyard, Cross, & Modecki, 2006, p. 1315).
Within this framework, each student is viewed as an inseparable part of
the various social systems (e.g., school, home, neighborhood, peer group)
within which he or she must function (Apter & Propper, 1986).
This ecological-systems perspective of bullying has begun to receive
empirical support. For example, bullying is increasingly recognized as a
group phenomenon that can be fully addressed only when one considers
peer group processes (Vaillancourt, Hymel, & McDougall, 2003). A recent
study by Barboza et al. (2009) found statistically signicant effects between
bullying and a number of environmental factors, including media effects,
peer and family support systems, self-efcacy, and school environment.
Based on their ndings, these authors concluded that our conceptual
understanding of bullying behavior is advanced by using an ecological
model as the theoretical lens . . . [b]ullying is a complex behavior with
multiple causes and risk factors, ranging from individual characteristics
to school settings to broader social contexts. In our view, the ecological
perspective provides both a vehicle for better understanding the complex
features of bullying and also for crafting sensitive and effective interventions
at multiple contextual levels (pp. 116 & 119).
School Bullying
Our examination of bullying utilizing an ecological-systems perspective

begins at the broadest possible levelour culture. We live in a conict-lled,
competitive world where bullying is pervasive. Bullying behavior is evident in
our international relationships, work environments, politics, sports, media,
and even in our homes.
Bullying in Our Schools Is a Reflection of Bullying in Our Culture

What do we see when we observe the behavior of adults in our society who
serve as role models for our youth? What do kids learn about interpersonal
relationships and resolving conicts by watching adults? Bullying behavior
pervades our culture. For example, we see bullying at the international level
when powerful countries impose their will on less powerful countries through
economic, political, or military force (Parsons, 2005). In the political arena,
we see politicians who attempt to embarrass, humiliate, and expose ones
political enemies as fools and incompetents . . . (Rigby, 2002, p. 97). In football
and other competitive sports, we see older players bullying and harassing
younger players, and we witness parents losing control and screaming insults
at the referees. We hear role models such as tennis player Venus Williams say,
I think if you have the opportunity to bully your opponent, then you have
to take that chance. If you have the power, its perfect to use it (Rigby, 2002,
p. 96). In our workplaces, we hear about aggressive adults who bully their
subordinates (Salin, 2003).
The media must also be examined for the messages and behaviors it
communicates to its youthful viewers. A disproportionate percentage of
preteens, adolescents, and young adults watch popular reality shows such as
Jersey Shore and Real Housewives where competition, scheming, humiliation,
backbiting, betrayal, and callousness are presented as ways to get ahead
(Christenson & Ivancin, 2006). The reality show The Biggest Loser routinely
humiliates overweight participants by having them wear skimpy clothing
during public weigh-ins (Christenson & Ivancin, 2006). A 2010 Kaiser
Family Foundation survey found that American children and teens spend an
average of 7 hours a day engaged with a variety of entertainment screens
television, cell phones, handheld games, iPads, Internet games, Facebook,
and video games, with 2 hours or more being spent playing violent video
games (Benson, 2011). Some researchers have shown a correlation between
aggressive behavior and the viewing of violent video games. Of particular
concern is the development of a computer video game by Rockstar Games
(publishers of the Grand Theft Auto games) called Bully, released in October
2006, where players adopt the persona of a 15-year-old juvenile delinquent
who terrorizes his victims with a range of physically and psychologically
abusive behaviors (Barboza et al., 2009, p. 105).
We must also examine and acknowledge the bullying behaviors that
occur in varied forms in many of our homes. While we do not characterize
spouse abuse, child abuse, and domestic violence as bullying (Rigby, 2002),
these aggressive and violent acts involve the basic characteristic of bullying
behaviors, namely, the systematic abuse of power. It could be persuasively
argued that our culture has institutionalized bullying . . . which no doubt
dramatically affects our children, through poor adult role models . . .
(Twemlow & Sacco, 2007, p. 245). Why should we be surprised that we
have a bullying problem in our schools?
Mixed Messages About Bullying Behavior

To compound the problem, our youth are also receiving mixed and confusing
messages about bullying behavior from adults. Adults actions often do not
match their words and arbitrarily justify certain behaviors. Parsons (2005)
describes how these mixed messages and blurred lines can confuse our
children and youth and complicate our efforts to combat bullying:
As we begin to pit one students achievements and abilities
against anothersin sports, school, or the artsthe line
between competitiveness and aggressiveness becomes blurred.
Competitive individuals strive to prove themselves superior to
others while respecting the goals and rights of others: aggressive
individuals strive to prove themselves superior to others by
subjugating them through an unfair or irrational use of power.
Thats a sophisticated distinction that many adults, let alone
young people, have a hard time making. Children [and youth]
become critically confused, however, when they start to qualify
the principle that all people are created equal by adding that
some people are created more equal than others. Therein lies the
justication for bullies to aggress against others . . . once children
[and youth] start to believe that all people are created equal
except for people of a certain skin color, or a particular religion,
or possessing a physical or mental disability, then Pandoras Box
is broken wide open. The concept of exclusion is sanctioned
(Parsons, 2005, p.79).
School Bullying
As much as adults talk about proper behavior and morals, our children
and youth continue to learn the most from observing the actions of adults
(Hsiao-chuan, 2011). Their observations of adults lead to a number of
troubling questions: When should students cooperate and when should
they compete?, Whats wrong with putting people down, nding an edge
to use to ones advantage, or making a distinction between us and them
when everybody does it, even teachers? In the eyes of a student bully,
aggression is rationalized as strength, competitiveness as license to prey on
others, and bigotry as proof of status (Parsons, 2005, p. 85). In the end,
adults should not blame children for behaviors that result from observing
and modeling adult behavior. Which brings us to the question: Is there a
culture of bullying in some schools, and how might this bullying culture
impact peer-on-peer bullying?
A Bullying School Culture?

We know that a schools culture and climate signicantly affect and inuence
students behavior and learning (Wang, Haertel, & Walberg, 1997). A
schools culture has been dened as the beliefs and expectations apparent
in a schools daily routine, including how colleagues interact with each
other . . . (Hamilton & Richardson, 1995, p. 369). A schools climate has
been described as the heart and soul of a school. It is about that essence of a
school that leads a child, a teacher, an administrator, a staff member to look
forward to each school day . . . (Freiberg & Stein, 1999). How do a schools
culture and climate impact bullying behaviors? A positive school climate,
where students and teachers could be trusted, students were treated with
respect, and rules were perceived to be fair, has been found to be associated
with fewer reports of bullying and victimization (Guerra, Williams, &
Sadek, 2011). It has also been shown that a positive and supportive school
climate was associated with more help-seeking attitudes among students
(Eliot, Cornell, Gregory, & Fan, 2010).
Unfortunately, a culture of bullying exists in some schools. As Parsons
(2005) states, bullying hinges on a power imbalance. Principals wield
the same uncomfortable power over everyone in their schools as teachers
wield in their classrooms. In effective schools, principals ignore the
allure of power and strive to empower others to keep nding solutions
to the thorniest of problems, including bullying. In bullying schools,
the principal is often the source of the problem (p. 65). In bullying
schools, bullying behavior pervades relationships at a number of levels.

Adults in schools with bullying cultures help to normalize bullying because
they continually model bullying behaviors themselves (Viadero, 2010).
Besides principals bullying teachers, ofce staff, students, and parents,
we have teachers who bully other teachers, students, and parents, and we
have parents who bully teachers, ofce staff, principals, and even their own
children (Parsons, 2005). To combat bullying in schools, we must rst
acknowledge its existence in all its forms in our schools (Parsons, 2005).
Is Bullying Part of Our Human Nature?

Why is bullying behavior so rampant throughout our culture? We end
this chapter by exploring the extent to which there may be a biological
explanation for bullying behavior. Any notion that human beings lived in
harmony with each other at any time in history is a myth (Vaughn & Santos,
2007). Evolutionary biologists contend that striving for social dominance
is part of human nature (Rigby, 2002, p. 151) and that the roots of bullying
lie in the group behavior of our species that singles out a scapegoat to
victimize and abuse (Underwood, Rish-Scott, & Springer, 2011, p. 11).
The potential for victimization and scapegoating is exacerbated by the
physiological and psychological changes that mark early adolescence.
Early adolescence is the life stage marked by puberty as well as the stage
where social status and peer afliation become important (Nishina, 2004).
Much more time is spent with peers, and much less time is spent with
family members (Nishina, 2004). A peer-based theory that is frequently
mentioned in the bullying literature is the homophily hypothesis, which
states that aggressive youths afliate with other aggressive youths and
that this peer group afliation results in bullying behaviors (Swearer et al.,
2010, p. 39). Consequently, it is important to understand bullying within
the context of peer group afliation. It is also important to understand the
importance of students who witness bullying since their behaviors and
reactions (e.g., laughter and taunting) can encourage and even prolong
bullying incidents (Swearer et al., 2010). It should not surprise us that these
dramatic physiological and social changes, combined with the move from
elementary to middle school (with less structure and a decrease in adult
supervision), result in a spike in bullying behaviors in 6th grade followed
by a steady decline in later grades (Nishina, 2004). The importance of
the peer group in understanding and combating bullying is discussed in
greater detail in Chapter 2 of this volume.
School Bullying
Summary
Bullying is a complex phenomenon that dees simple explanations and
simple solutions. The ecological-systems perspective is a very useful framework for increasing our understanding of bullying in all of its complexity
as well as developing interventions based on this complex understanding. This ecological-systems perspective of bullying has begun to receive
empirical support.
Bullying in our schools is a reection of bullying in our culture. We live
in a conict-lled, competitive world where bullying is pervasive. Bullying
behavior is evident in our international relationships, work environments,
politics, sports, media, and even in our homes. To compound the problem,
our youth are also receiving mixed messages from adults about bullying
behavior. In the end, adults should not blame children for behaviors
that result from observing and modeling adult behavior. We know that
a schools culture and climate signicantly affect and inuence students
behavior. Unfortunately, a culture of bullying exists in some schools that
serves to normalize bullying within that school.
According to evolutionary biologists, striving for social dominance is
part of human nature. The potential for victimization and scapegoating
are exacerbated by the physiological and psychological changes that mark
early adolescence. This includes the increasing importance of social status
and peer group afliation and explains a spike in bullying behaviors in 6th
grade followed by a steady decline in later grades.
What Do We Know About Face-to-Face Peer Bullying?

The greatness of humanity is not in being human, but in
being humane.
Mahatma Gandhi
This chapter presents a brief history of research on face-to-face peer

bullying, provides a denition of bullying that is used throughout this
volume, and differentiates bullying from other types of peer conict. It
discusses factors that contribute to bullying across a number of contexts
including individual characteristics, family characteristics, and school
characteristics. It presents recent statistics on the extent of and types of
face-to-face bullying in schools and discusses which children and youth are
at greatest risk of becoming victims of bullying. It discusses the educational
and emotional consequences for victims, the bullies themselves, as well as
those who are both bullies and victims (i.e., bully-victims). This chapter
concludes with a discussion of several important developments in recent
research on bullying that challenge some commonly held perceptions: the
socially connected, popular bully; the critical role of peers who witness
bullying; and the ways in which teachers and other adults in school
perceive and respond to bullying incidents.
A Brief History of Research on Bullying

Systematic research on bullying in the United States is a relatively recent
development. For example, it was not until the late 1980s and early 1990s
that bullying began to attract attention in the United States (Olweus & Limber,
2010). Since that time, research on this topic has grown tremendously. In the
mid-2000s, there was a marked shift in bullying research toward research
on cyberbullying (Smith, 2011). (A detailed discussion of cyberbullying can
be found in Chapter 3 of this volume.) Similarly, state laws that focused on
combating bullying in schools were nonexistent in 1999 (Olweus & Limber,
2010). However, as of early 2012, all but three states in the United States
have passed some form of antibullying legislation (American Foundation for
Suicide Prevention, 2011). (A more detailed discussion of antibullying laws
across the United States can be found in Chapter 6 of this volume).
What Is Bullying?
Based on my extensive research on this topic, I believe that the most
succinct and useful way of conceptualizing bullying in all of its forms is as
a a systematic abuse of power (Rigby, 2002). This systematic abuse of
power differentiates bullying from other forms of aggression and conict,
and as such, I discuss bullying from this perspective throughout this
volume.
Beyond the general notion of dening bullying as a systematic abuse
of power, a number of researchers have focused on three key elements in
denitions of bullying. Specically, bullying refers to the unprovoked physical
or psychological abuse of an individual by one student or a group of students
over time to create an ongoing pattern of abuse against a victim who cannot easily
defend him or herself. In other words, bullying is a specic type of aggression
that involves an imbalance of power where the bully consciously intends to
harm his or her victim physically and/or psychologically and has the power
and the means to do so. Youth who engage in bullying behaviors have a need
to feel powerful and in control, and they derive satisfaction from inicting
injury/suffering on their victims (Center for School Mental Health Assistance,
2002). Bullies are also skilled at picking victims who are unlikely to ght
back and for nding victims in unsupervised settings where they cant walk
away or nd an adult to help (Goodwin, 2011, p. 83). The public tears of
victims often serve to solidify the power and status of the bully (Jacobson,
2010). Table 2.1 contains a listing of the various forms of bullying and
respective denitions, and Box 2.1 contains examples of several common
forms of bullying.
Table 2.1 Types of Bullying

Term
Denition
Physical bullying
An attack on a victim that is physical in nature, including

hitting, kicking, pushing, poking, hair pulling, excessive
tickling, punching, choking, taking or damaging
belongings
Verbal bullying
Includes such acts as calling hurtful names, taunting,

threatening, malicious teasing
Relational/Indirect
bullying
A form of bullying where the bully does not directly confront

the victim but covertly attempts to socially isolate and
exclude the victim from social groups and social events.
It includes the spreading of vicious rumors intended to
damage ones reputation, rejecting and humiliating the
victim, and manipulating friendships.
Cyberbullying
(see chapter3 of
this volume)
Cyberbullying has been dened as the repeated use of

computers, cell phones, and other electronic devices
to harm, harass, humiliate, threaten, or damage the
reputation and relationships of the intended victim. It
includes sexting, which is the act of sending sexually
explicit messages or photographs, primarily between
mobile phones. It involves private (such as chat or text
messaging), semi-public (such as posting a harassing
message on an email list), or public communications
(such as creating a website devoted to making fun of the
victim) (Schrock & Boyd, 2011, p. 374).
Sexual bullying
Any physical or verbal bullying behavior that is based on

a persons sexuality or gender. It includes making fun of
someone for being homosexual, making fun of the size of
a girls breasts or buttocks, using sexual terms (e.g., slut,
bitch) to put someone down, making jokes about rape,
spreading rumors about someones sex life, touching parts
of someones body where they dont want to be touched,
and putting pressure on someone to act in a sexual
manner (e.g., sexual propositioning). It also includes
exhibitionism.
Bias bullying
Bullying that is based on (or justied by) the victim being

a member of a particular group, often a marginalized
or disadvantaged one, rather than on individual
characteristics
Note. Sources: Center for Mental Health in Schools at UCLA, 2011; Crick et al., 2001; Espelage,
2004; Hinduja & Patchin, 2007; Holladay, 2010; Ragozzino and OBrien, 2009; Schrock & Boyd,
2011.
10
School Bullying
Box 2.1 Examples of Several Common Forms of Bullying
Physical Bullying
Brandon, a student at Valley Middle School, just got a new jacket
for his birthday. When he wears it to school, Kyle, another student,
begins to taunt Brandon about his jacket. When Brandon asks Kyle
to stop, Kyle laughs at him and pushes him up against the lockers. Brandon tries to push away from Kyle, but the more Brandon
tries, the harder Kyle pushes. Finally, Kyle kicks Brandon, and as
Brandon falls, Kyle takes Brandons jacket from him and stomps it
then spits on it.
Verbal Bullying
Kate is a freshman at East High School and is nervous about her rst
day of high school. Everything appears to go smoothly until it is time
for gym class. As Kate comes out of the locker room, she hears the
other girls laughing and saying things like She can barely even t
into her gym clothes! Kate tries to ignore them, but when it is time
for warm-up laps around the gym track, she can hear them laughing
again and saying things such as Look how red her face is! The fatso
cant even handle warm-ups! Another girl points and laughs and
says, Look at her, she looks like a waddling duck when she runs
because shes so fat! Kate cant bear to listen anymore and runs into
the bathroom crying.
Relational/Indirect Bullying
Rachel and Christine are both students at Hartford High School. Rachel
does not like Christine because she feels that everyone likes Christine
more than they like her. Rachel begins a rumor about Christine in science class, saying that she has been hooking up with every guy on the
football team. Before lunchtime, many students hear the rumor and
distort it even further. By the end of the day, several students begin to
ask Christine how she likes being so easy. Over the next few weeks,
Christine begins to feel the effects of the rumor worsen. She loses her
student council election, her cheerleading coach speaks to her about
the reputation of the squad, and her boyfriend breaks up with her
11
because he thinks she cheated on him. Christine doesnt know where

the rumor started or how she will ever rebuild her reputation.
Cyberbullying
Dean is a student at King Middle School who just tried out for the
football team. As he comes off of the eld after doing poorly on his
throwing and running, he feels pretty discouraged. He can even hear
the older players laughing at him, but he doesnt look up at them to
see who they are. Certain he isnt going to make the team after such
an awful tryout, Dean just wants to go home. After having dinner
with his parents, Dean logs online to check his social network sites.
To his horric surprise, cell phone videos of Deans embarrassing tryout have been uploaded and posted all over many students social
network sites. There are multiple comments making fun of Deans
performance by dozens of students. Just when Dean thinks it cant
get worse, he gets a text message from one of his friends asking if he
knows about the pictures and videos being texted and sent via cell
phone. Dean is sure by the next day that the whole school will access
to the video and picture proof of his bad tryout. He doesnt want to
go to school to nd out.
Sexual Bullying
Bailey is a student at West High School who has been having trouble
with another student, Allan. Allan has been sexually propositioning Bailey for a few weeks. He stops her in the hallway, talks to her
in class, and sends her texts about how hot she is and states how
badly he wants her and how they should hook up. Sometimes
when they pass in the hall, he even makes illicit remarks about her
body in front of other students. Bailey is not only frustrated but
also getting uneasy with Allans persistence after telling him no
several times and asking him to stop. Allans unrelenting behavior
only worsens. He begins to touch Baileys hair in class and tries to
whisper sexually explicit phrases in her ear from the desk behind
her. One day when class lets out and the halls become crowded,
Allan runs his hand across Baileys breast and squeezes. Bailey slaps
Allans hand away and runs to the principals ofce to report Allans
behavior.
12
School Bullying
Bias Bullying
Joseph is a 6th grade Latino student at Marsden Middle School who
lives alone with his mother. His mother is a waitress who works
almost every day and picks up double shifts several times a week
to be able to pay the household bills and have a little left over for
Josephs lunch money. Most students at school know that Joseph
and his mom do not have a lot of money. Almost daily, Joseph hears
other kids at school taunt and ridicule him about being poor, saying
things like nasty Mexican, so poor and ugly his Dad couldnt even
love him enough to stick around, and several other hurtful things.
Joseph cannot understand why the other students are mean to him
and begins to skip school when his mom is at work.
I have referred to bullying as a low-level form of violence in schools

(Dupper & Meyer-Adams, 2002). This is because bullying in schools is largely
hidden from adults and is more insidious than high-level violence. Much
more attention needs to be focused on low-level violence in schools, such as
bullying, since low-level violence can impact its victims in substantial ways
(Boxer, Edwards-Leeper, Goldstein, Musher-Eizenman, & Dubow, 2003) as
well as escalate into more serious acts of violence (Goldstein, 1999). I view
peer-on-peer bullying as peer child abuse. As such, victims of peer bullying are
no different from victims of child abuse. Just as we do not expect child abuse
victims to ght off their abusers, we should not expect bullying victims
to ght off bullies on their own. Peer bullies should be confronted and
held accountable for their actions, and victims of bullying need the help and
support of peers and adults in order to stop the bullying.
How Is Bullying Different From Other Types of Peer Conflict?

It is important to be able to distinguish between bullying and other types
of peer conict. While any two people of relatively equal status can have
a conict or a disagreement or even a ght, as stated earlier, bullying only
occurs where there is a power imbalance with the victim having a difcult
time defending him or herself (U.S. Department of Health and Human
Services, n.d.,e).
Since teasing is a rite of passage and a hallmark of male-to-male
adolescent friendship (Darling, 2010), it is extremely important to
13
differentiate teasing from bullying. While some teasing and exchanging of

insults can become relatively aggressive in nature, teasing is not intended
to harm the other person (Doll, Song, Champion, & Jones, 2011). While
a bully fully intends to harm his or her victim from the outset, a teaser
seeks to elicit some type of reaction from the other person initially. How
the other person reacts to a teasing episode will largely determine how the
interaction proceeds. For example, if a boy laughs off a comment about his
pants being too short, the teasing episode may stop right there. However,
if the boy reacts angrily after hearing that his pants are too short, the
interaction might evolve into a ght among peers of equal status. Or the
teaser may decide to intentionally harm his victim on a chronic basis,
and the initial teasing episode evolves into bullying (Darling, 2010).
Factors Associated With Bullying at Various Contextual Levels

As stated in Chapter 1 of this volume, bullying is a complex behavior
with multiple causes and risk factors (Barboza et al., 2009). Research
ndings by Barboza et al. and others have increased our understanding
of specic factors that contribute to bullying across a number of contexts,
including individual characteristics (see Table 2.2), family characteristics
(see Table 2.3), and a number of school characteristics (see Table 2.4). As
seen in Table 2.2, ones temperament is the best-documented individual
characteristic associated with bullying behaviors. It also appears that
being impulsive, easily frustrated, and having lower-levels of empathy are
associated with bullying behaviors. There is also growing evidence that
bullies, rather than feeling bad about themselves, have average to aboveaverage self-esteem and that bullies are often more condent and socially
astute than generally assumed (Kazdin & Rotella, 2009). We can also see
in Table 2.2 that males are more likely to be bullies than females and
that males engage in direct (i.e., physical and verbal attacks) bullying as
opposed to females, who engage more frequently in indirect (i.e., spreading
rumors, manipulation) bullying.
Table 2.3 identies a number of family characteristics that have been
found to be associated with being a bully. A signicant predictor of engaging
in bullying behaviors is coming from a home where a child has experienced
physical and/or emotional abuse and where there is aggression among siblings.
The role of the father in the family also appears to be important. For example,
coming from a family where a father is a bully himself or where a father is
14
School Bullying
Table 2.2 Individual Characteristics Associated With Children and Youth

Who Engage in Bullying Behaviors
Temperament
The best-documented individual factor in bullying is

temperament. Students who are active and impulsive
in temperament may be more inclined to develop
into bullies. Students who bully their peers regularly
tend to be easily frustrated, have low levels of
empathy, have difculty following rules, view violence
positively, are deant toward adults, break school
rules, have poorer school adjustment, and are more
likely to drink alcohol and smoke. Male bullies tend
to be physically stronger than other children.
Having good self-esteem
Most research indicates that children and youth who

bully have average or above average self-esteem.
Scant evidence exists to support the contention that
bullies victimize others because they feel bad about
themselves.
Being a bullying victim
Victims of bullying are more likely to bully others, and

the odds of bullying increase signicantly with age.
Being male
Males consistently exhibit a higher probability of

bullying than females. Boys are much more likely
to report being bullies, and boys are more likely to
be the perpetrators of direct bullying (bullying
that involves direct physical or verbal attacks). Girls
are more likely to use indirect bullying (social
exclusion, manipulation of friendship relationships,
spreading rumors).
Note. Sources: Barboza et al., 2009; Center for School Mental Health Assistance, 2002; Haynie
et al., 2001; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, n.d.,d; Vaillancourt, Hymel, &
McDougall, 2003.
absent is associated with children who are bullies. It also appears that family
relationships that lack warmth as well as families with inconsistent parental
discipline are associated with children and youth who bully others.
Table 2.4 identies a number of school characteristics that have been
shown to be associated with bullying. This is an important area of current
and future research on bullying since it takes into account factors in the
larger environment that can serve to reinforce or diminish the likelihood
of bullying in a particular school. Research has indicated that a negative
15
Table 2.3 Family Characteristics and Dynamics Associated With Youth

Who Engage in Bullying Behaviors
Aggressive behavior and
violence are common in
the family
Bullies often come from homes where physical

punishment is used. This modeling of aggressive
behavior at home toward the child by parents or
by parents toward each other is associated with
bullying. Sibling aggression and abuse are also
signicant predictors of bullying involvement.
A high level of sibling violence is often found
in the homes of bully-victims, with the majority
of bully-victims admitting that they both bully
and are victimized by their siblings. There is
also an association between being physically or
emotionally abused as a child and engaging in
bullying behavior.
Having a father who is a

bully or an absent father
Fathers who were bullies in school are more likely to

have sons who bully others. Bullies are also likely
to grow up in homes without a father gure and/
or where mothers are perceived to be relatively
powerless.
Inconsistent discipline
Children who engage in bullying are more likely

to come from homes in which parents are overly
permissive and do not set limits on or monitor their
childrens behavior.
Lacking warmth and

closeness
Families of bullies are also characterized as lacking

warmth and lacking close relationships.
Note. Sources: Center for School Mental Health Assistance, 2002; Duncan, 2011; Farrington,
1993; Ragozzino & OBrien, 2009; Smith, 2011.
school climate, poor teacherstudent relationships, low levels of adult

supervision, and the absence of school security procedures or devices are
all associated with higher levels of reported bullying in schools.
How Extensive Is Bullying in Schools?

Bullying at school has been on the rise since 2001 (DeVoe, Kaffenberger,
& Chandler, 2005) and appears to be widespread in our public schools
today. Estimates of bullying differ depending on whether it is measured on
a daily, weekly, or monthly basis as well as the grade level where it occurs.
According to recent national survey data on school violence and student
safety from the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) as well
16
School Bullying
Table 2.4 School Characteristics Associated With Bullying

Student perceptions
of school climate
A school climate characterized as unpleasant, unfair, and

unwelcoming by students increases the probability of
bullying. Bullying is more prevalent in school environments
where students receive negative feedback and negative
attention on a regular basis.
Teacherstudent
relationships
Having poor relationships with teachers is associated with

more bullying while perceived social support from teachers
has been shown to be associated with lower levels of
bullying.
Structure and adult

supervision
Low levels of adult supervision in the school playground,

school yard, and hallways are associated with higher levels
of bullying. Less school structure has also been shown to
be associated with higher levels of bullying.
School security
procedures or
devices
Students were less likely to report being bullied in schools

with target-hardening devices or procedures (e.g., metal
detectors, security cameras) and/or campus police ofcers.
Attitudes of school
personnel toward
bullying
There is less bullying in schools where school personnel

adopt antibullying values and actively intervene during
bullying episodes. Conversely, there is a higher probability
of bullying in schools where school personnel tolerate,
ignore, or dismiss bullying behaviors.
Note. Sources: Center for School Mental Health Assistance, 2002; Cohn & Canter, 2003;
DeVoe, Kaffenberger, & Chandler, 2005; Doll, Song, Champion & Jones, 2011; Espelage,
2004; Swearer, Espelage, Vaillancourt, & Hymel, 2010; Troop-Gordon & Kopp, 2011.
as data from the 20092010 School Survey on Crime and Safety, a much
higher percentage of middle schools (39%) reported bullying on a daily
or weekly basis compared with high schools (20%) or elementary schools
(20%) (Neiman, 2011). These ndings are comparable to other nationally
representative surveys of high schoolage students, which indicate that over
a 12-month period as many as 20 percent of students experience bullying
on school property (CDC, 2011). A recent national survey involving over
43,000 students found that half of U.S. high school students admitted to
bullying someone in the past year, and 47% reported being bullied, teased,
or taunted in a way that seriously upset them in the past year (Josephson
Institute, 2010). Other studies have reported that 61% of girls and 60% of
boys had been bullied one or more times a month (Nishioka Coe, Burke,
Hanita, & Sprague, 2011) and that 7% of students face bullying every day
(Center for Mental Health in Schools at UCLA, 2011).
17
Based on these ndings, it appears that bullying occurs at all school

levels, including preschool, with more direct physical forms of bullying
escalating through elementary school and middle school and gradually
declining as students reach high school. Verbal bullying appears to increase
as students move into middle and high school (Institute of Education
Sciences, 2011). Bullying occurs in rural, suburban, and urban schools,
and among children of every income level, race, and geographic region
(U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, n.d.,e). Bullying occurs
most frequently in school hallways or stairwells (47.2%) and classrooms
(33.6%) (Institute of Education Sciences, 2011), with the notable exception
of cyberbullying (see Chapter 3 of this volume for a detailed discussion of
cyberbullying).
It is also important to note that these bullying statistics may seriously
underestimate the true extent of bullying in schools. There are several reasons
for this. First, students may not report being a victim of bullying because it
would require the victim to acknowledge him or herself as powerless as well
as require the perpetrator to acknowledge him or herself as abusive (Boyd &
Marwick, 2011). Second, victims of bullying may be reluctant to report their
victimization out of concern that nothing will be done about it and that their
tattling will result in more severe bullying incidents in the future (Franks,
2010).
What Types of Bullying Occur in Schools?

It appears that the majority of bullying incidents are verbal (54%) or
relational (51%) in nature, including such behaviors as spreading rumors
or ostracizing the victim; fewer than 30% of bullying incidents are physical
in nature (Goodwin, 2011; Petrosino, Guckenburg, DeVoe, & Hanson,
2010; Wang Iannotti, & Nansel, 2009). According to the most recent
NCES national survey, 21% of respondents reported that they had been
made fun of by their peers, 18% reported that they had been the subject of
rumors, 11% reported that they had been pushed, shoved, tripped, or spit
on, and 6% reported that they had been threatened with harm (Robers,
Zhang, & Truman, 2010).
Which Groups of Children/Youth Are at Greatest Risk of Becoming Victims

of Bullies?
The most reliable predictor of becoming a bullying victim is being viewed
as not tting in or being different in some way (Furlong, Chung,
18
School Bullying
Bates, & Morrison, 1995; Shakeshift et al., 1995). For example, girls who
are perceived by their peers as physically unattractive or physically well
developed, or who do not dress stylishly, are often victims of bullying. Other
victims of bullying include students who are known to be or presumed to
be gay or lesbian, including boys who do not t a stereotypic macho male
image (see Chapter 4 of this volume for a detailed discussion of LGBT
bullying). Other students who are at risk of becoming bullying victims
include students who have a religion that is different from the majority (see
Chapter 5 of this volume for a detailed discussion of religious bullying),
students who wear unique and unusual clothing, and students who exhibit
physical or emotional weaknesses (Furlong et al., 1995; Shakeshift et al.,
1995). In addition, overweight and obese students are often victims of
bullying (Janssen, Craig, Boyce, & Pickett, 2004; Lumeng et al., 2010).
Students with disabilities (e.g., LD [learning disability], ADHD [attention
decit hyperactivity disorder]) are two to three times more at risk of being
bullied as well as at greater risk of taking part in bullying others (Knox &
Conti-Ramsden, 2003; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services,
n.d.,c). Children with medical conditions that affect their appearance (e.g.,
cerebral palsy, muscular dystrophy, and spinal bida) (Dawkins, 1996)
and children who have diabetes and who are dependent on insulin (U.S.
Department of Health and Human Services, n.d.,c) are also at higher risk
of being bullied at school.
Victims of bullying also share some personal characteristics, in general.
For example, victims are typically quiet, shy, anxious, insecure, and cautious;
have few friends; are socially isolated; and rarely defend themselves or
retaliate when confronted by students who bully them (Cohn & Canter,
2003). Victims of bullying often have overprotective parents and overly
close relationships with siblings (Cohn & Canter, 2003; Duncan, 2011).
What Are the Educational and Emotional Consequences for Victims

of Chronic Bullying?
Bullying is no longer viewed as a normative phase that most children
outgrow, but rather, bullying is now linked to a broad range of long-term
harmful effects (Nansel et al., 2001). There is substantial evidence, based
on the ndings of longitudinal studies across four continents, that being
a victim of bullying is consistently associated with depression, loneliness,
social anxiety, school phobia, and low self-esteem (Greene, 2006, p. 71).
Victimized youth are also at increased risk for mental health problems such
19
as depression and anxiety, and psychosomatic complaints such as headaches

and poor school adjustment (Smokowski & Kopasz, 2005). Victims of
bullying have higher rates of eating disorders, lower academic achievement
and school connectedness, and higher rates of truancy and disciplinary
problems (Craig, 1998; Gastic, 2008; Gini, 2008; Kaltiala-Heino, Rimpela,
Rantanen, & Rimpela, 2000; OBrennan, Bradshaw, & Sawyer, 2009; You
et al., 2008).
Recent neuroscience research ndings provide additional evidence that the
short- and long-term impact of psychological forms of bullying can be as devastating for the victim as physical abuse. Specically, it has been discovered
that psychological forms of bullying activate the same regions of the brain as
physical pain and that bullying can, over time, alter brain functioning in ways
that increase a victims sensitivity to future victimization and pain[and]
jeopardize [ones] capacity for effective functioning (Vaillancourt, Hymel &
McDougell, 2011, p. 29-30).
Youth who are bullied have also been shown to be at greater risk of
developing poor self-esteem, depression, and suicidal ideations, and
at greater risk of attempting suicide (Ivarsson, Broberg, Arvidsson, &
Gillberg, 2005; Klomek, Marracco, Kleinman, Schonfeld, & Gould, 2007;
Patchin & Hinduja, 2010; Roland, 2002). Among middle school students,
bullying victims were 3 times, and bully-victims were 6.6 times more
likely to report seriously considering suicide compared with youth who
were not victims of bullies (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
2011). However, the small number of studies that have focused on the
link between bullying and suicide have shown that youth who complete
suicide after being bullied had other serious suicide risk factors including
mental health or substance abuse problems, a family history of suicide,
or a previous suicide attempt (Underwood et al., 2011). As a result,
Underwood et al. (2011) emphasize the importance of being alert to
preexisting suicide risk factors when dealing with a youth who may be a
victim of bullying (p. 13).
There is also evidence that there is potential for escalating violence
resulting from bullying incidents. According to a recent national report,
4.1% of bullied students ages 12 through 18 reported bringing a gun, knife,
or other object that could be used as a weapon to school, compared with
2.1% students who were not bullied (Institute of Education Sciences, 2011).
Table 2.5 summarizes the latest research ndings on the educational and
emotional consequences experienced by victims of bullying.
20
School Bullying
Table 2.5 The Educational and Emotional Consequences Experienced by

Victims of Chronic Bullying
Victims of Chronic Bullying Are More Likely Than Other Students to:
Consider school to be an unsafe and unhappy place. It has been estimated that as
many as 7% of Americas 8th graders stay home at least once a month because of
bullies
Have low social status (in contrast to bullies, who are often considered popular)
reecting the differential power status between bullies and their victims
Fear using the school bathroom
Fear riding on the school bus
Have poorer grades and increased rates of truancy and dropping out
Start ghts or bring weapons to school to exact vengeance on the bully(ies)
Be depressed, lonely, anxious, have poor self-esteem, and think about suicide
Have psychosomatic problems (e.g., headaches, sleep disturbances)
Develop even more severe mental health problems such as psychotic symptoms
Note. Sources: Center for School Mental Health Assistance, 2002; Hazler, 1994; Juvonen &
Graham, 2004; Limber, 2002; Olweus & Limber, 2010.
What Are the Educational and Emotional Consequences for the Bullies
Themselves?
Youth who bully others are at increased risk for substance use, academic
problems, and violence later in adolescence and adulthood (Smokowski
& Kopasz, 2005). There is also evidence that bullying behavior in school
predicts later criminality and delinquency (Hymel, Rocke-Henderson, &
Bonanno, 2005). For example, bullies are ve times more likely than their
classmates to wind up in juvenile court, to be convicted of crimes, and, when
they become adults, to have children with aggression problems (Hazler,
1994). Sixty percent of boys who were bullies in middle school and high
school were convicted of one or more crimes before they reached the age
of 25 while 40% had three or more convictions (Fox, Elliot, Kerlikowske,
Newman, & Christenson, 2003). It has been reported that youth who bully
their peers are more likely to report that they own guns to gain the respect
of others or to frighten others (Cunningham, Henggeler, Limber, Melton,
& Nation, 2000). In the most extreme cases, bullying has been linked to
school shootings (Meyer-Adams & Conner, 2008). Youth who bully are also
more likely to engage in bullying behavior in the workplace or in their future
relationships with their partners (Garbarino & deLara, 2003). Interestingly,
bullies were 4.1 times more likely to report seriously considering suicide
21
compared with youth who were neither bullies nor victims (Underwood,
Rish-Scott, & Springer, 2011).
What Are the Educational and Emotional Consequences for Bully-Victims?

A growing body of evidence suggests that, although they are a relatively small
subset of students, bully-victims (i.e., children and youth who are bullied
and who then go on to bully other youth) appear to be the most maladjusted
group of students and the most likely group of students to remain chronically
involved in bullying years later (Hamburger, Basile, & Vivolo, 2011; Nishina,
2004; OBrennan, Bradshaw, & Sawyer, 2009). Specically, one study
found that bully-victims felt less safe and more disconnected to their school
environments than their peers and were at increased risk for aggressiveimpulsive behavior (OBrennan, Bradshaw, & Sawyer, 2009). Compared with
youth who only bully, or who are only victims, bully-victims suffer the most
serious consequences and are at greater risk for both mental health and behavior
problems (Smokowski & Kopasz, 2005). Of particular concern is the nding
that bully-victims were 6.6 times more likely to report seriously considering
suicide compared with youth who were neither bullied nor victims (Underwood,
Rish-Scott, & Springer, 2011).
Socially Connected, Popular Bullies

As stated in Chapter 1 of this volume, we have recently begun to acknowledge
the impact and importance of peer group dynamics on bullying. These recent
ndings are challenging some popular notions about bullies. Rather than
view bullies as mists, we are beginning to acknowledge that many school
bullies have a wide variety of friends and are popular among their peers as
a result of their physical attractiveness, athleticism, and highly developed
social skills (Farmer et al., 2010). One example of a highly developed social
skill is the way that a bully plans and anticipates the reaction of his or her
victim and proceeds in a way that escapes adult detection (Coivin, Tobin,
Beard, Hadan, & Sprague, 1998).
The high social status of many bullies further magnies their power
relative to the low social status of their victims (Juvonen & Graham,
2004). As a result, popular bullies are proactive and goal directed in their
aggression (Farmer et al., 2010) Rodkin, 2011; Vaillancourt, McDougall,
Hymel, & Sunderani, 2010). There are several types of popularity among
bullies. One type is perceived popularity or how socially prominent the
individuals are, and the other type is sociometric popularity or how well
22
School Bullying
liked they are (Paul, 2011). Perceived popularity has been linked to high
levels of relational aggression where efforts are made to socially isolate
and exclude victims from social groups and social events (Hamburger
et al., 2011). It appears that the capacity for aggression increases as peer
status increases and that aggression wanes only at the highest echelons
of status, where its utility is questionable (Faris & Felmlee, 2011, p. 49).
Socially connected, popular students often bully students of the same sex
as part of a struggle for dominance, particularly in the beginning of the
school year or between transitions from one school to another, when the
social hierarchy is in ux and when unpopular children can be targeted
(Rodkin, 2011, p. 13). Some children may even bully peers in an effort
to t in, even though they may be uncomfortable with the behavior
(Cohn & Canter, 2003). It appears that many students climb the social
pyramid on the backs of other students, using ostracism, ridicule, and
gossip to gain social status (Goodwin, 2011).
Faris & Felmlee (2011) point out the importance of the social context of
aggression and the link between status and violence by concluding:
Our ndings call into question several traditional assumptions,
including the argument that isolated individuals on a groups
fringes are the most likely to behave aggressively. Instead,
aggression remains most common among centrally located
students, with the exception of the few at the very top of the
hierarchy. Moreover, we nd that social factors at the dyad,
group, and school level all powerfully shape harmful behavior
in a school setting; these factors include the aggressive
behavior of an adolescents friends, location in the friendship
hierarchy, and patterns of relationships between the genders in
a school. (pp. 6869)
These are noteworthy ndings with important implications for combating
bullying in schools. Even among unpopular and socially marginalized
bullies, bullying may be viewed as a way of gaining status among ones
peers. For example, unpopular, marginalized bullies are motivated to
target victims in an effort to gain the status that generally eludes them
(Rodkin, 2011, p. 12). While it is important to recognize that some bullies
are unpopular and socially marginalized and have a host of problems of
which bullying behavior is but one manifestation (Rodkin, 2011, p. 12),
school personnel should not focus all their efforts on peripheral, antisocial
cliques but should also focus their efforts on more socially connected
23
and popular youth who may be responsible for a substantial number of

bullying incidents in a school.
Are Witnesses Innocent Bystanders or Critical Players?

We are also beginning to acknowledge the critical role of peers who witness
bullying incidents (Juvonen & Graham, 2004). The potential power of the
bully is largely dependent on the reaction and behavior of peer witnesses
(Rodkin, 2011). Rather than being innocent bystanders, peer witnesses,
who are present in the overwhelming majority (i.e., 85%88%) of
bullying incidents, play a critical role in diminishing, encouraging, or even
prolonging bullying incidents (Swearer, Espelage, Vaillancourt, & Hymel,
2010; Vaillancourt, Hymel, & McDougall, 2003). Salmivalli, Krn, &
Poskipartas (2010) review of the literature on the group processes and group
involvement in bullying reported that peer witnesses were often effective in
ending a bullying episode when they intervened on behalf of the victim. For
example, one study reported that 20% of witnesses defend the victim and
attempt to stop the bullying and that these defenders are successful over
50% of the time (Salmivalli et al., 2010). Bystanders reactions impact the
victims adjustment following a bullying episode. For example, one study
found that victims who had one or more classmates defending them when
victimized were less anxious, less depressed, and had a higher self-esteem
than victims without defenders (Salmivalli et al., 2010). Despite the fact that
many peer witnesses and bystanders believe that bullying is wrong and that
defending their bullied peer would be the right thing to do, peer witnesses
and bystanders rarely offer support to bullying victims (Salmivalli et al.,
2010). Some of this reluctance to get involved may be explained by their
desire to avoid being bullied themselves, despite the fact that youth who
witness bullying often report increased feelings of guilt or helplessness for
not confronting the bully and/or not supporting the victim (Hamburger et al.,
2011). On the other hand, some peer witnesses actively convey support for
the bully or even join in on the bullying (Pepler, 2001; Smith, Ananiadou &
Cowie, 2003). Some peers have even reported being excited, energized,
and hyped by the experience of witnessing peer-on-peer bullying (Kerbs &
Jolley, 2007). Salmivalli et al. (2010) describes the dilemma facing witnesses
and bystanders:
The literature suggests that children and adolescents facing bullying problems as bystanders are trapped in a social dilemma.
On one hand, they understand that bullying is wrong and they
24
School Bullying
would like to do something to stop iton the other hand, they

strive to secure their own status and safety in the peer group.
However, if fewer children rewarded and reinforced the bully, and if
the group refused to assign high status for those who bully, an important reward for bullying others would be lost. (p. 117)
The potential impact of peer witnesses and bystanders in combating
bullying in schools is unmistakable. Based on these recent ndings pointing
to the importance of peer group dynamics on bullying, peer witnesses and
bystanders appear to be an untapped resource in combating bullying in
schools.
How Do Adults in School Perceive and Respond to Bullying?

It is important to recognize that teachers and administrators often seriously
underestimate the extent to which bullying is a problem in their school as
well as the role that they can play to prevent it (Kallestad & Olweus, 2003).
This can be explained by several factors. First, the vast majority of bullying
incidents in schools occur outside the view of adults (Vaillancourt, Hymel,
& McDougall, 2003). For example, it has been estimated that teachers and
administrators typically see only about 4% of bullying incidents (Kazdin &
Rotella, 2009). Even when teachers witness bullying behavior, they often fail
to recognize it as bullying behavior (Craig, Pepler, & Atlas, 2000; Cohn &
Canter, 2003. For example, teachers and other adults may often overlook
or dismiss the bullying behaviors of popular, high-status bullies because
these students are liked by teachers and other adults (Vaillancourt, Hymel,
& McDougall, 2003). Even when teachers or administrators witness bullying
incidents, they dont always intervene, or they may even exacerbate the
problem by blaming the victim (Rodkin & Hodges, 2003). Franks (2010)
describes the various reasons why adults may not take action when they
witness bullying in schools and the devastating implications of adult inaction
or inconsistent action on victims:
Teachers dont always take action because they receive little or no
backup . . . or are fearful for their own physical safety. Principals
are also often afraid of the parents of bullies, who are usually
bullies themselves and who come tearing in, threatening lawsuits. In light of the new anti-bullying laws, principals fear the
unwanted publicity will lead to a reduction of their school funding. And sometimes they are simply lazy. It is easier to ignore an
incident, pretend its just a part of growing up. As a result of this
25
lassitudein school boards as well as individual schoolsmany

adolescents come to believe that they deserve bullying. (p. 2)
Based on these facts, it should not be surprising that as few as 25%
30% of students who have been bullied report the incident to an authority
gure (Smith & Shu, 2000; Unnever & Cornell, 2004). Moreover, adults
failure to take consistent action in response to bullying incidents may also
impact students who witness bullying. In other words, if bullying behavior
is wrong, why arent adults stopping it?
Summary
I discuss bullying in all of its forms as a systematic abuse of power
throughout this volume. Bullying is a specic type of aggression that
involves an imbalance of power where the bully consciously intends to
harm his or her victim physically and/or psychologically and has the
power and the means to do so. It is important to be able to distinguish
between bullying and other types of peer conict, such as teasing. Teasing
is not bullying because it is not intended to harm the other person. How
the other person reacts to a teasing episode will largely determine how the
interaction proceeds.
Recent research ndings have increased our understanding of specic
factors that contribute to bullying across a number of contexts, including
individual characteristics, family characteristics, and a number of school
characteristics. Bullying appears to be widespread in our public schools
today with 39% of middle schools and 20% of elementary schools and
high schools reporting that bullying occurs on a daily or weekly basis.
However, it is also important to note that bullying statistics may seriously
underestimate the true extent of bullying in schools. The most reliable
predictor of becoming a bullying victim is being viewed as not tting in or
being different in some way. Bullying is no longer viewed as a normative
phase that most children outgrow; rather, bullying is now linked to a broad
range of long-term harmful effects including depression, loneliness, social
anxiety, school phobia, and low self-esteem. Recent neuroscience research
ndings provide additional evidence that the short- and long-term impact
of psychological forms of bullying can be as devastating for the victim as
physical abuse. Youth who are bullied have also been show to be at greater
risk of attempting suicide.
26
School Bullying
Rather than viewing bullies as mists with low self-esteem, we are beginning to acknowledge that many school bullies have high self-esteem and
a wide variety of friends, and are popular among their peers as a result of
their social competence, physical attractiveness, and athleticism. Bullying
is increasingly being viewed as a strategy for gaining or maintaining status
among ones peers. We are also beginning to acknowledge the critical role of
peers who witness bullying incidents, with the potential power of the bully
largely dependent on the reaction and behavior of peer witnesses.
Teachers and administrators often seriously underestimate the extent to
which bullying is a problem in their school as well as the role that they can
play to prevent it. Even when teachers witness bullying behavior, they often
fail to recognize it as bullying behavior, and they may even exacerbate the
problem by blaming the victim. As a result, very few students who have
been bullied report the incident to an authority gure.
27
Cyberbullying: Taking Bullying to New Levels of Cruelty

Like an unchecked cancer, hate corrodes the personality and eats
away its vital unity. Hate destroys a mans sense of values and his
objectivity. It causes him to describe the beautiful as ugly and the
ugly as beautiful, and to confuse the true with the false and the
false with the true.
Martin Luther King, Jr.
This chapter begins with a discussion of the pervasive role of electronic

devices in the lives of todays youth. It denes cyberbullying and what we
currently know about the extent to which it occurs, the unique nature of
cyberbullying, and its impact among todays youth. It explores the unique
legal issues involved in combating cyberbullying. It discusses a number of
strategies designed to combat and prevent cyberbullying, including schoolbased strategies, as well as interventions for families and communities. It
concludes with a discussion of strategies for making the Internet a place of
compassion and connection.
The Pervasive Role of Electronic Devices in the Lives of Todays Youth

Recent technological advances (e.g., increased affordability, mobile
interfaces) over the past decade have fundamentally altered the ways in
which teens communicate and interact with each other (Rivers, Chesney, &
Coyne, 2011). Today, between 93% and 97% of adolescents use the Internet,
and 80% have a mobile device that allows them to text-message and take
digital photos (Underwood & Rosen, 2011). Half of U.S. teens, between the
ages of 12 and 17, send 50 or more text messages a day, and one third send
28
more than 100 per day (Pew Research Center, 2010). American children
and teens spend an average of 7 hours a day engaged with television, cell
phones, handheld games, iPads, Internet games, Facebook, and video games
(Benson, 2011). What is the impact of all this texting, instant messaging,
and online social networking among todays youth? In addition to providing
more opportunities for establishing and maintaining positive relationships
with their peers, there are also more opportunities than ever for youth to
harass and inict harm on each other using a number of electronic devices.
What Is Cyberbullying?
Cyberbullying is the repeated use of computers, cell phones, and other
electronic devices to harm, harass, humiliate, threaten, or damage the
reputation and relationships of the intended victim. It involves private (such
as chat or text messaging), semi-public (such as posting a harassing message
on an email list), or public communications (such as creating a website
devoted to making fun of the victim) (Schrock & Boyd, 2011, p. 374). It
also includes sexting, which is the act of sending sexually explicit messages
or photographs, primarily between mobile phones (Center for Mental Health
in Schools at UCLA, 2011; Hinduja & Patchin, 2007; Holladay, 2010).
While a number of other terms (e.g., electronic bullying, e-bullying, online
harassment, Internet bullying, and online social cruelty) are used in the
literature to describe bullying through electronic devices (Hinduja & Patchin,
2009), for the purposes of this chapter, I will use the term cyberbullying to
describe bullying through the use of electronic devices.
How Prevalent Is Cyberbullying Among Todays Children and Youth?

Unlike research on more traditional forms of face-to-face-bullying, research
on cyberbullying is in its infancy. However, results from studies over the past
several years are beginning to increase our understanding of the prevalence of
cyberbullying among school-aged youth and young adults.
There is wide variation on the reported prevalence of cyberbullying among
todays youth across research studies. Some of this variation is accounted for
by the age range of the youth responding to the survey. Those studies that
have explored reports of cyberbullying among middle and high school youth
(ages 1218) have found that 4% to 25% of youth have been cyberbullies or
victims of cyberbullying. For example, the most recent national survey data
on school violence and student safety from the National Center for Education
Statistics (NCES) reported that 4% percent of youth, ages 1218, had been
Cyberbullying
29
cyberbullied in the year prior to the study (Robers, Zhang, & Truman,
2010), and the same NCES study indicates that about the same percentage of
students had also been involved in the cyberbullying of other youth (Hinduja
& Patchin, 2007) while another study reported that up to a quarter of middle
and high school students are victims of cyberbullying (Cass & Anderson,
2011). Other studies have reported that 19% of middle schools and 18%
of high schools experience daily or weekly problems with cyberbullying,
either at school or away from school (Neiman, 2011). There is evidence that
cyberbullying peaks around 1314 years of age and that girls are more likely
to be victims of cyberbullying than boys (Kowalski & Limber, 2007; Wang,
Iannotti, & Nansel, 2009).
If the age range is expanded to include young adults (i.e., ages 1824),
the reported percentages of cyberbullying increase quite dramatically. For
example, a recent study by Associated Press/MTV found that more than half
(56%) of young people between the ages of 14 and 24 have been victims of
cyberbullying, up from 50% in a similar 2009 MTV/AP survey (Kaufman,
2011). The percentage of young people who frequently see people being
mean to each other on social networking sites also rose to 55% in the 2011
survey, up from 45% in a similar 2009 survey (Cass & Anderson, 2011).
Based on these ndings, it appears that cyberbullying is a signicant
problem in our schools and communities. Given the fact that students use of
electronic communications technologies is unlikely to wane in coming years
(Kowalski & Limber, 2007, p. S29), cyberbullying warrants the attention of
school ofcials, parents, and community leaders. In fact, the CDC (Centers
for Disease Control and Prevention) has identied all forms of electronic
aggression as an emerging adolescent public health issue (David-Ferdon &
Hertz, 2009).
What Is Important to Know About the Unique Nature of Cyberbullying?

Cyberbullies differ from face-to-face bullies in that cyberbullies can remain
virtually anonymous by impersonating others or by hijacking anothers
account. Cyberbullies are not known by their victims almost half the time and
cyberbullying often occurs off school grounds (Greene, 2006). The sharing
or stealing of youths private passwords occurs with relative frequency.
For example, a 2001 Pew Internet research study found that 22% of teens
between the ages of 12 and 17 had shared a password with a friend or with
someone they knew (Schrock & Boyd, 2011). Another study found that 13%
30
School Bullying
of 4th6th graders and 15% of 7th9th graders experienced someone using

their password without their permission (McQuade and Sampat, 2008). The
ability to hide behind fake screen names or to steal someone elses screen
name allows perpetrators to say things to each other that they would never say
face-to-face [and] may lead some perpetrators to remain unconvinced that
they are actually harming their target [or that] they are doing anything wrong
(Kowalski & Limber, 2007, p. S28). As one kid stated on Facebook, you can
be as mean as you want (Hoffman, 2010). Unlike face-to-face bullying that is
limited to the immediate victim or bystanders, cyberbullies can spread their
abuse across their entire electronic contact list in a matter of seconds, which
may also serve to heighten victims perceptions of vulnerability (Kowalski &
Limber, 2007; Ollove, 2010). Perhaps most disturbing is that these harmful
comments can be delivered at any time of the day or night by youth who
cannot see the pain they are inicting on their victims (Hinduja & Patchin,
2007; Underwood, Rish-Scott, & Springer, 2011).
One of the most challenging and distinct features of cyberbullying,
compared with face-to-face bullying, is the degree to which parents and
adults may not understand the nature or impact of cyberbullying. For
example, many parents hold inaccurate beliefs about the risks their children
face when they communicate online, parents underestimate the amount
of information their children post online, and parents are often unaware
of how online sites are used (DeHue, Bolman, & Vllink, 2008; Holladay,
2010; Rosen, Cheever, & Carrier, 2008). Many parents do not routinely
supervise or monitor their teenagers electronic communications and also
underestimate, to a signicant degree, their childs involvement in making
fun of a peer online (Holladay, 2010). Many parents also lag behind their
children and teens in their understanding of and use of technology, which
make cyberbullying incidents very difcult for adults to detect or track
(Center for Mental Health in Schools at UCLA, 2011, p. 1).
An entirely new set of hostile behaviors is unique to cyberenvironments.
These behaviors are identied and described in Table 3.1. Among these four
bullying behaviors unique to cyberenvironments, it appears that outing and
trickery and picture or video clip bullying are most common. For example, 20%
of survey respondents reported someone sharing private information without
their permission, and another 16% of respondents reported someone posting
embarrassing pictures or videos of them without their permission (Cass &
Anderson, 2011). However, it is important to note that sexting (or picture or
Cyberbullying
31
Table 3.1 Bullying Behaviors That Are Unique to Cyberenvironments

Term
Denition
Outing and trickery
Refers to convincing a target to reveal personal

information and then sharing this private
information with others electronically
Masquerading/impersonation
Refers to instances where a bully pretends to be the

victim and then sends messages to others that
seem to come from the victim. It also involves
changing information the victim has posted about
him/herself online
Happy slapping
Refers to digitally recording an episode of physical

bullying/aggression and then electronically
sharing this episode with others
Picture or video clip bullying
Entails the alteration of pictures and/or video clips

of victims and then posting them for others to see
in an effort to embarrass the victim
Note. Source: Adapted from Underwood & Rosen, 2011.
video clip bullying) appears to be much less common among minor children
than previously thought. A recent study found that 10% of children between
the ages of 10 and 17 have used a cell phone to send or receive sexually
suggestive images and that only 1 in 100 has sent images considered graphic
enough to violate child pornography laws (i.e., images that included full or
partial nudity) (OConnor, 2011).
Other forms of cyberbullying include the spreading of false rumors and
the posting of mean messages on Internet pages or by text message (Cass &
Anderson, 2011). Girls commonly target each other with labels such as slut,
whore, and bitch while boys attack other boys a great deal for being gay
or questioning their sexual orientation (Holladay, 2010; Wolak, Finkelhor,
Mitchell, & Ybarra, 2008).
Several additional ndings illustrate the uniqueness of cyberbullying
compared with other forms of bullying. For example, there is some evidence
that certain youths may be more likely to engage in cyberbullying or to
be victimized by cyberbullying compared with other forms of bullying.
Specically, one study found that 64% of youth who reported being
harassed online did not report being bullied in person (Ybarra, DienerWest, & Leaf, 2007). This may be due to the fact that socially anxious teens
may nd the Internet and related technologies as a means to communicate
32
School Bullying
without fear or anxiety as well as a way to exact revenge on perpetrators

of face-to-face bullying. While having more friends is a protective factor
for face-to-face bullying, having more friends is not a protective factor
against cyberbullying (Wang, Iannotti, & Nansel, 2009). Teens may also
be more reluctant to report instances of electronic bullying since a report
of electronic bullying may result in a restriction in cell phone or Internet
use (Kowalski & Limber, 2007).
What Is the Impact of Cyberbullying?

Perhaps the most troubling aspect of cyberbullying is its potentially
devastating impact on its victims. Cyberbullying is different from other
forms of bullying due to its relentless nature. Victims cannot escape
being cyberbullied. It can occur anywhere at any time. Cyberbullying
takes bullying to new levels of cruelty and brutality because of a unique
combination of factors. The combination of the typical adolescents lack
of impulse control and underdeveloped empathy skills combined with
an online environment with no reference points to contain or regulate
behavior can result in extreme forms of cruelty without any accompanying
sense of guilt (Rivers, Chesney, & Coyne, 2011).
It has been reported that victims of cyberbullying experience a sense
of worthlessness and disempowerment (Rivers, Chesney, & Coyne, 2011)
and were more likely to use alcohol and drugs, earn lower grades, cheat at
school, have absenteeism problems, assault others, damage property, and
carry a weapon (Beran & Li, 2007). The link between cyberbullying and
attempted suicide is particularly troubling. For example, cyberbullying
victims were 1.9 times more likely to have attempted suicide (Hinduja
& Patchin, 2010) than were others. The link between cyberbullying and
suicide has been dramatically illustrated by several recent high-prole
suicides involving young adults who were cyberbullied as a result of their
sexual orientation (Schwartz, 2010).
Cyberbullies themselves have also reported experiencing hyperactivity,
conduct problems, low prosocial behavior, frequent smoking and drunkenness,
headaches, and not feeling safe at school (Sourander, et al., 2010) and were 1.5
times more likely to have attempted suicide (Hinduja & Patchin, 2010). Similar
to the bully-victims described in Chapter 2 of this volume, the most troubled
youth were those who are both cyberbullies and cybervictims. It has been
estimated that between 3% and 12% of youth are both victims and perpetrators
of cyberbullying (Beran & Li, 2007).
Cyberbullying
33
Cyberbullying, like more traditional forms of bullying, impacts the learning

climate of the school. For example, rather than being able to explore valuable
online resources for their academic work, youths are constantly surveilling
the landscape of cyberspace or real space to guard against problematic
interpersonal encounters (Hinduja & Patchin, 2007, p. 95). Cyberbullying
may also lead to serious acts of school violence. For example, it has been
reported that one in four youths frequently targeted by rumors and one in
ve youths frequently targeted by threats online carried a weapon to school at
least once in the previous 30 days (Ybarra, Diener-West, & Leaf, 2007).
Legal Issues Involved in Combating Cyberbullying

The challenges that cyberbullying poses to school ofcials have resulted
in increasing numbers of states amending state legislation to address
cyberbullying among students. Thirty-six state laws now include language
that prohibits cyberbullying, and 54% of states with bullying laws now
include language that prohibits and specically denes cyberbullying or
electronic acts (Institute of Education Sciences, 2011).
Citing relevant court cases, Hinduja and Patchin (2011) argue that
educators have the authority to restrict expressions and discipline students
for inappropriate speech or behavior that occurs at school if that speech
causes a substantial disruption at school (Tinker), interference with the rights
of students (Tinker), or is contrary to the schools educational mission (Fraser
and Morse). Further, if that speech has created a hostile environment for
a student, school personnel have the responsibility to [restrict that speech]
(Davis) (pp. 7374).
However, cyberbullying presents particularly difcult legal challenges to
school ofcials since infractions involving electronic communication almost
always occur outside of school and particularly on weekends. Since students
often engage in cyberbullying outside of the school setting using their own
technology (Institute of Education Sciences, 2011), schools that impose
disciplinary consequences for off-campus conduct have often faced legal
challenges for violating students rights to free speech (Hinduja & Patchin,
2011). In essence, the challenge facing educators in combating cyberbullying
is nding a balance between freedom of speech and the darker side of digital
communication (Holladay, 2010, p. 44).
An up-to-date review of state cyberbullying laws can be found at www.
cyberbullying.us.
34
School Bullying
Strategies for Combating and Preventing Cyberbullying

While Chapter 6 of this volume describes a number of proven strategies for
combating all forms of bullying in schools, efforts to combat cyberbullying
must take into account its distinct characteristics. While many states and
school districts are responding to cyberbullying with punitive responses
that include suspensions, expulsions, and even criminal penalties, punitive
discipline is often ineffective in combating cyberbullying (Janssen, 2010).
School-Based Strategies
As stated earlier, one of the most troubling aspects of cyberbullying is its
impersonal nature. Specically, the cyberbully cannot directly see the harm
that he or she is inicting on his or her victim, and when a perpetrator cannot
see the facial expressions and reactions of his or her victim, increasing levels of
viciousness and brutality often ensue. As a result, empathy training appears to
be an important component of any effort to combat cyberbullying. A renewed
focus on empathy is gaining the increasing attention of neuroscientists,
psychologists, and educators who believe that developing empathy at an
early age will lead to reductions in bullying and other kinds of violence.
Empathy training involves two important components: (a) teaching children
to understand their own feelings and behavior, and (b) having adults (parents
and teachers) model empathetic behavior themselves. When children and
youth are able to identify and label their own feelings and experience
empathy themselves, they are more able to recognize and empathize with
the feelings of others (Brody, 2010). Because empathy training includes a
better understanding of emotional nuances and reading facial expressions
and body language, it may deter students from engaging in cyberbullying
(Ollove, 2010; Stout, 2010).
There is empirical evidence to support the inclusion of empathy training
in cyberbullying interventions. A recent study by Ang & Goh (2010) explored
the relationship between affective empathy, cognitive empathy, and gender on
cyberbullying among a sample of 396 adolescents in Singapore. Based on
their ndings, the authors of this study concluded that empathy training
and education should be included in cyberbullying intervention programs,
with additional emphasis on cognitive components of empathy for boys and
affective components of empathy for girls (p. 395).
A school-based program that emphasizes empathy training in combating
cyberbullying is the Middle School Cyberbullying Curriculum. This curriculum,
Cyberbullying
35
developed and implemented by the Seattle Public School District, educates

teachers about cyberbullying and includes a language they can share with
their students. It addresses the issue of a student being a bystander, a victim,
or a bully at different times and how to resist the urge to bully back. The
curriculum focuses on writing and asks students to write personal contracts
about their online behavior. It also involves parents by utilizing takehome letters and activities. It uses the following four promising prevention
practices:
Debunking misperceptions about digital behavior

Building empathy and understanding
Teaching online safety skills
Equipping young people with strategies to reject digital abuse in their
lives
Detailed information about the Middle School Cyberbullying Curriculum

can be found at http://district.seattleschools.org/modules/cms/pages.
phtml?pageid=216981.
A promising school-based prevention program that also focuses on empathy
training is Roots of Empathy, a Canadian-based program. It is currently being
implemented in about 3,000 elementary and middle schools in Canada and 40
schools in Seattle (Szalavitz, 2010). According to information from its website,
Roots of Empathy is designed to build caring, peaceful, and civil societies
through the development of empathy in children and adults . . . at the heart of
the program are classroom visits by an infant and parent . . . through guided
observations of this loving relationship, children learn to identify and reect on
their own thoughts and feelings and those of others. Nine separate studies have
shown that Roots of Empathy has helped reduce bullying at school and increased
supportive behavior among students (Szalavitz, 2010). For more information
see http://www.rootsofempathy.org/.
Strategies for Families

As stated earlier, many parents (a) do not routinely supervise or monitor
their teenagers electronic communications, (b) are unaware of how online
sites are used, and (c) also underestimate, to a signicant degree, their childs
involvement in making fun of a peer online. As a result, parents need to be
much more proactive in monitoring the use of computers by their teenage
children in the home. Delmonico & Grifn (2008) have outlined a number
36
School Bullying
of strategies to assist parents in monitoring the use of computers by their

teenage children in their home. These strategies include:
Ensuring that the computer is only used in high-trafc areas within the
home (e.g., family rooms, living rooms, kitchens) and not isolated in a
teens room, the basement, or the attic
Limiting the days and times of use (e.g., not to be used after 11:00 p.m.;
not available on Sundays)
Using the computer only when responsible adults or siblings are nearby
Ensuring that the monitor and open windows are visible to others when
using the computer (e.g., facing monitor toward trafc areas, not minimizing windows as a parent passes by) (p. 439)
Delmonico and Grifn go on to state that it is wise to involve e-teens in
the development of these ideas since they are familiar with their online
rituals that may lead to problematic behavior and be more invested in the
implementation of these new strategies if they have been involved in their
development (p. 439). It is also important for parents to be aware of Web
sites where cyberbullying is promoted and occurs with great frequency (e.g.,
Formspring, TOPIX, 4 CHAN, My Yearbook).
Parents can also use the vehicle of reality television to teach tolerance
and empathy to their teenage children. If You Really Knew Me is an American
reality television series on MTV that focuses on youth subculture and different
cliques in high schools. In each episode, students from each clique participate
in Challenge Day, where students from all walks of life gather together in
one room where each student must reveal something personal about him or
herself. Its at this point where each student begins his/her dialogue with the
words If you really knew me . . . The goal of Challenge Day is to demonstrate
to students the possibility of love and connection through the celebration of
diversity, truth, and full expression. The show focuses on Challenge Day in
various high schools. Discussion guides for each episode can be found at
http://www.challengeday.org/mtv/.
Community Interventions
Since cyberbullying extends beyond the school, interventions should
also extend beyond the school to include the surrounding community.
Community-level interventions refer to change efforts that strive to shift
the underlying infrastructure within a community or targeted context to
Cyberbullying
37
support a desired outcome, including shifting existing policies and practices,

resource allocations, relational structures, community norms and values,
and skills and attitudes (Durlak et al., 2007). One of the most promising
approaches for involving communities in addressing problems impacting
teens, such as bullying, is Communities That Care (CTC). The CTC,
developed by Drs. J. David Hawkins and Richard Catalano at the University
of Washingtons Social Development Research Group (SDRG), uses a public
health approach and rigorous research ndings from prevention science
to engage community stakeholders and decision makers in understanding
and applying information about risk and protective factors that can buffer
young people from problematic behaviors and promote positive youth
development (Fagan, Hawkins, & Catalano, 2008; Hawkins, Catalano, &
Associates, 1992). More detailed information about CTC can be found at
http://ncadi.samhsa.gov/features/ctc/resources.aspx.
Making the Internet a Place of Compassion and Connection

An innovative strategy to specically combat cyberbullying is making the
Internet a place of social connection and compassion rather than a place of
aggression. Blog sites such as 37 Days (an exploration of what would matter
to us if we only had 37 days to live), Lifeline Gallery (stories of hope and
recovery to raise awareness about the effects of suicide and connect people
to social support), and AllDayBuffet (a site that promotes social action) are
examples of sites focusing on connection and compassion (Martin, 2008).
The social media (e.g., Facebook and Twitter) also provide outlets for
connecting teens in productive and positive ways. These include the Charter
for Compassion (see http://www.facebook.com/CharterforCompassion) and
the Compassionate Friends/USA and CompSocieties.
Summary
Cyberbullying is the repeated use of computers, cell phones, and other
electronic devices to harm, harass, humiliate, threaten, or damage the
reputation and relationships of the intended victim. Between 4% and 25%
of youth have been cyberbullies or victims of cyberbullying, and more than
half (56%) of young people between the ages of 14 and 24 have been victims
of cyberbullying. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention have
identied all forms of electronic aggression as an emerging adolescent public
health issue.
38
School Bullying
Cyberbullies differ from face-to-face bullies in several ways: they can

remain virtually anonymous by impersonating others or hijacking anothers account, they can spread their abuse across their entire electronic contact list in a matter of seconds, and they cannot see the pain they are
inicting on their victims. Many parents and adults do not understand
the nature or impact of cyberbullying and do not routinely supervise or
monitors their teenagers electronic communications. Cyberbullying is also
distinct from other forms of bullying due to its relentless nature.
An entirely new set of hostile behaviors is unique to cyberenvironments.
There is some evidence that certain youths may be more likely to engage in
cyberbullying or to be victimized by cyberbullying compared with other forms
of bullying. While having more friends is a protective factor for face-to-face
bullying, having more friends is not a protective factor against cyberbullying.
Teens may also be more reluctant to report instances of electronic bullying
since a report of electronic bullying may result in a restriction in cell phone
or Internet use.
Cyberbullying has a potentially devastating impact on its victims. It has
been reported that victims of cyberbullying experience a sense of worthlessness
and disempowerment. The link between cyberbullying and attempted suicide
is particularly troubling. Cyberbullying may also lead to serious acts of school
violence. For example, it has been reported that one in four youths frequently
targeted by rumors and one in ve youths frequently targeted by threats online
carried a weapon to school at least once in the previous 30 days.
Thirty-six state laws now include language that prohibits cyberbullying, and
54% of states with bullying laws now include language that prohibits and specically denes cyberbullying or electronic acts. The primary challenge facing
educators in combating cyberbullying is nding a balance between freedom of
speech and the darker side of digital communication.
Empathy training appears to be an important component of any effort
to combat cyberbullying. The Middle School Cyberbullying Curriculum
and Roots of Empathy are two programs that include empathy-training
components. It is also important for parents to utilize several strategies to
monitor the use of computers by their teenage children in their home. One
of the most promising approaches for involving communities in addressing
problems impacting teens, such as bullying, is Communities That Care. It
is also important to make the Internet a place of social connection and
compassion rather than a place of aggression.
Cyberbullying
39
LGBTQ Bullying and Sexual Bullying in Schools

We must never assume that justice is on the side of the strong.
The use of power must always be accompanied by moral choice.
Theodore Bikel
This chapter discusses the prevalence of LGBT bullying, how school

personnel respond to LBGT bullying, the impact of bullying based on
known or presumed gay or lesbian sexual orientation, and school-based
strategies that minimize or prevent antigay bullying. It identies and
discusses several religious and political dimensions of LGBT bullying
and offers strategies for acknowledging and addressing these religious
and political issues. The chapter then turns to the nature and extent of
sexual bullying/harassment in schools and the impact of sexual bullying/
harassment on victims and discusses programs and strategies for preventing
sexual bullying/harassment in schools.
This chapter will refer to both the LGBT population and the LGBTQ
population in various places. This is because some studies have focused
exclusively on the LGBT population while others focus more broadly on the
LGBTQ population. LGBT refers to lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender
youth, and the Q refers to youth questioning their sexuality or youth
who experience same-sex physical and romantic attraction but who do
not self-identify (Moe, Leggett, & Perera-Diltz, 2011). Sexual orientation
is dened as the direction of emotional, cognitive, and sexual attraction
and its expression, including heterosexuality, homosexuality, bisexuality,
and asexuality.
40
Gender expression is dened as all the external characteristics and

behaviors socially dened as either masculine or feminine, including
dress, mannerisms, speech patterns, and social interactions. Homophobia
is dened as a dislike, mistrust, or hatred of gays and lesbians. Transphobia
is dened as a dislike, mistrust, or hatred of transgendered persons.
Heterosexism is dened as the assumption that heterosexuality is the only
valid, or even existing, form of sexual identity or family life.
Prevalence of LGBT Bullying

LGBT students face unrelenting bullying and harassment by their peers
in many U.S. schools (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services,
n.d.,b). A 2009 national survey conducted by Gay, Lesbian, and Straight
Education Network (GLSEN) (2010) that involved over 7,000 LGBT
students between the ages of 13 and 21 provides ample evidence of the
onslaught of verbal and physical bullying. The authors of this GLSEN
study found that 84.6% of LGBT were verbally harassed (e.g., called names
or threatened) at school because of their sexual orientation, and 63.7%
were verbally harassed because of their gender expression; 40.1% of LGBT
students were physically harassed (e.g., pushed or shoved) at school in the
past year because of their sexual orientation, and 27.2% were physically
harassed because of their gender expression; 18.8% of LGBT students
were physically assaulted (e.g., punched, kicked, injured with a weapon)
because of their sexual orientation, and 12.5% were physically assaulted
because of their gender expression; 52.9% of LGBT students were harassed
or threatened by their peers via electronic mediums (e.g., text messages,
e-mail, instant messages or postings on Internet sites such as Facebook);
88.9% of LGBT students heard gay used in a negative way (e.g., thats so
gay) frequently or often at school; 72.4% of LGBT students heard other
homophobic remarks (e.g., dyke or faggot) frequently or often at school;
62.6% of LGBT students heard negative remarks about gender expression
frequently or often at school. Diaz, Kosciw, & Greytak (2010) found that
transgender students experience higher rates of in-school victimization
and lower levels of school connectedness than lesbian, gay, and bisexual
students who are not transgender. The authors of the GLSEN (2010)
study reported that LGBT students experiences with more severe forms of
bullying and harassment (i.e., physical assault and physical harassment)
have remained relatively constant since 1999.
41
Sanders (2010) powerfully describes the psychic terror facing LGBT students everyday in our public schools. He states:
. . . every LGBT person is always and everywhere at risk of
becoming the target of violence solely because of sexual orientation
or gender identity . . . beyond the inicting of individual pain,
violence against lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender people
has effects far beyond the individual target . . . while a majority of
LGBT people may avoid ever becoming the victim of a violence,
none will be able to avoid the psychic terror that is visited upon
LGBT people with each reminder that this world is one in which
people are maimed and killed because of their sexual and gender
identities. It is this psychic terror that makes life so difcult for
many LGBT people. It is this psychic terror that does the heavy
lifting of instrumental, systematic violence. It intends to silence
and to destroy from within. (para. 10)
It should also be noted that straight students who do not conform to socially
dened characteristics and behaviors (i.e., not acting masculine enough or
feminine enough) also face relentless bullying in our schools. For example,
it has been estimated that for every lesbian, gay, and bisexual youth who is
bullied, four straight students who are perceived to be gay or lesbian are
bullied (National Mental Health Association, 2002).
How Do School Personnel Respond to LGBTQ Bullying?

Eighty percent of a national sample of gay students reported that school
employees do little or nothing to stop antigay behavior when they witness it
(Gould, 2011), and 34% of LGBT victims who did report a bullying incident
stated that school staff did nothing in response to their report (GLSEN, 2010).
Not surprisingly, over half (62%) of the victims of bullying based on sexual
orientation or gender expression did not report the incident to adults in school
because they believed that little or no action would be taken or that the situation
could become worse if reported (GLSEN, 2010).
Impact of Bullying Based on Known or Presumed Gay

or Lesbian Sexual Orientation
This relentless verbal and sometimes physical bullying has a signicant impact
on the mental health and school performance of LGBT victims. Compared
with heterosexual and gender-conforming youth, LGBTQ youth experience
42
School Bullying
higher levels of isolation, runaway behavior, homelessness, domestic violence,

anxiety, violent victimization, substance abuse, and pregnancy (National
Association of Pediatric Nurse Practitioners [NAPNAP], 2011). LGBTQ youth
are also more than twice as likely as their heterosexual peers to be depressed,
engage in self-harming behavior, and think about or attempt suicide (Russell
& Joyner, 2002). In fact, suicide remains the third leading cause of death of
LGBT youth (DAugelli et al., 2005).
Being victimized in school because of ones sexual orientation or gender
expression also impacts school performance in several important ways.
Table 4.1 summarizes the latest research ndings on the impact of LGBT bullying
on school performance. As seen in Table 4.1, LGBT students who are victims of
chronic bullying do not feel safe at school and, therefore, miss a lot of school,
which often leads to lower academic grades and lower GPAs. There is also
Table 4.1 Impact of GLBT Bullying on School Performance
Compared With Other Students, Many Victims
of GLBT Bullying
Do not feel safe at school
Three times as many victims of GLBT bullying

reported feeling unsafe at school compared with
non-LGBT students (20% vs. 6%). Sixty-one
percent of LGBT students felt unsafe at school
because of their sexual orientation, and 39.9% felt
unsafe because of how they expressed their gender.
Miss a lot of school
Three times as many victims of GLBT bullying missed

classes (29.1% vs. 8.0%), and they were four times
likelier to have missed at least one day of school
(30.0% vs. 6.7%) in the past month compared
with the general population of secondary school
students.
Have lower levels of

educational achievement
and lower educational
aspirations
LGBT students who were frequently harassed because

of their sexual orientation or gender expression had
grade point averages almost half a grade lower than
students who were less often harassed
(2.7 vs. 3.1). LGBT students were also more likely
to report that they did not plan to pursue any type
of postsecondary education or obtain a high school
diploma compared with a national sample of
students (9.9% vs. 6.6%).
Note. Sources: GLSEN, 2010; Harris Interactive and GLSEN, 2005.
43
evidence that bullying negatively impacts LGBT students long-term educational

aspirations.
School-Based Strategies That Minimize or Prevent Antigay Bullying

There is growing evidence that several concrete steps can be taken by school
ofcials to minimize antigay bullying in schools and create a more welcoming
and safe environment for LGBTQ students (see Box 4.1).
First and foremost, every school should establish a gaystraight alliance
(GSA). GSAs provide a safe haven and critical support for LGBT students,
particularly in schools where there is a hostile climate toward LGBT students
(Diaz et al., 2010; Kosciw, Diaz, & Greytak, 2008; Szalacha, 2003). Toomey,
Ryan, Diaz, & Russell (2011) found that the presence of a high school
GSA was associated with better young adult well-being as well as more
college-level educational attainment and that their study builds on prior
work by documenting that the existence of a GSA has a positive inuence
on the lives of LGBT young people. Our ndings have implications for
school-based personnel in that they provide one avenue through which
professionals may offer and support a positive school environment for LGBT
young people. Schools should support these school-based clubs given that
they offer the potential for positive development and greater educational
Box 4.1 School-Based Strategies That Have Been Shown to Minimize or

Prevent Antigay Bullying in Schools
Gaystraight alliancesStudent-run clubs in high schools or middle
schools that bring together LGBTQ and straight students to support
each other, provide a safe place to socialize, and create a platform for
activism to ght homophobia and transphobia.
Supportive educatorsLGBTQ youth should have knowledge of and
access to at least one supportive adult in the school.
Comprehensive bullying/harassment policiesSexual orientation,
gender identity, and gender expression should be explicitly included
in schools antibullying policies.
Inclusive curriculumPositive representations of LGBT people and
the achievements of gays and lesbians throughout history should be
incorporated in school curricula.
44
School Bullying
attainment (p. 184). The Gay-Straight Alliance Network is a youth leadership

organization that connects school-based gaystraight alliances to each other
and community resources through peer support, leadership development, and
training. The GSA Network supports young people in starting, strengthening,
and sustaining GSAs. Detailed information about the GSA Network can be
found at http://www.gsanetwork.org/.
Having the support of and access to supportive educators is also important.
Victims of anti-LGBTQ bullying who feel they have the support of and access
to at least one adult are more likely to feel safer while at school, to miss less
school, and to report bullying (Kosciw et al., 2008; Moe et al., 2011; Russell,
Seif, & Truong, 2001). The presence of supportive educators can have a
signicant positive impact on LGBT students psychological well-being and
longer-term educational aspirations (GLSEN, 2010).
Since there is currently no federal law that prohibits discrimination
based on sexual orientation at school (Shah, 2011), a third strategy
involves the development and enforcement of comprehensive bullying/
harassment policies. Comprehensive policies send a message that the
safety of all students, including LGBTQ students, is taken seriously
by school administrators and that bias-based bullying and harassment
will not be tolerated in the school (Diaz et al., 2010). Schools that have
already implemented comprehensive antibullying policies that explicitly
include sexual orientation, gender identity, and gender expression have
seen increased rates of staff intervention and lower rates of LGBTQ
bullying (GLSEN, 2010; Shah, 2011). The current absence of a federal
law prohibiting discrimination based on sexual orientation at school has
led Senator Al Franken (D-MN) to propose the inclusion of the Student
Non-Discrimination Act, which includes specic language to protect
students from being bullied because of their sexual orientation, as part
of the reauthorization of the Elementary and Secondary Education
Act. Senator Frankens legislation is in addition to the Safe Schools
Improvement Act, proposed by Sens. Casey (D-PA) and Kirk (R-IL), which
would require schools and districts that accept federal funds to establish
codes of conduct that specically prohibit bullying and harassment for
any reason, including for students sexual orientation and gender identity
(Shah, 2011, p. 14).
A fourth strategy is an inclusive school curriculum that incorporates
the achievements of gays and lesbians throughout history as well as positive
representations of LGBT people, history, and events. This type of inclusive
45
curriculum has been shown to improve an individual LGBT students school

experiences and school connectedness (GLSEN, 2010; Hart & Parmeter, 1992;
Linsley, 2001). Schools can also provide age-appropriate instruction on sexual
orientation in health and sexuality curricula (GLSEN, n.d.). Schools should also
ensure that the guidance department and school library include pamphlets and
books that contain age-appropriate and accurate information about the LGBTQ
population (Hart & Parmeter, 1992; Linsley, 2001). Accurate and truthful
information about sexual orientations and gender expression helps students to
understand and respect people who may seem different, an essential lesson for
ensuring stability in our diverse society (Macgillivray, 2004, p. 149).
Religious and Political Dimensions of LGBTQ Bullying

Several religious and political issues must be acknowledged before attempting
to move forward and implement any of the previously mentioned strategies
to combat antigay bullying in schools and create a more welcoming and safe
environment for LGBTQ students. This is especially true in communities
where there is intolerance toward gays and lesbians.
Much antigay bullying in schools stems from the systemic problems
of homophobia and heterosexism. In many schools and communities,
heterosexuality is viewed as . . . normal and natural not only through gender
socialization but through construction of sexual otherness as inferior (Walton,
2004, p. 26). While many school administrators heartily embrace antibullying
strategies, antibullying initiatives that avoid the larger systemic issues of
homophobia and heterosexism enhance the safety of some students but leave
some of the most vulnerable students unsafe where the . . . threat of violence
for gender and sexual orientation nonconformity is pervasive (Walton, 2004,
p. 29). The reach and devastating impact of homophobic bullying is pointedly
described by Parsons (2005):
With homophobic bullying, you are either one of us or one of
them. Anyone defending a target labeled gay is in danger of
being labeled the same. In fact, gay and lesbian students will
often resort to homophobic bullying to deect suspicions about
their own sexual orientation . . . [and] adults who are proactive in
confronting homophobia are subject to whisper campaigns about
their own sexual orientation. (p. 23)
Much opposition to LGBT equality also stems from moral conservatives
and their deeply held fundamentalist religious beliefs. Central among these
46
School Bullying
beliefs is that the Bible is the literal word of God and that there are moral
absolutes and premarital sex and homosexuality are condemned (Putnam
& Campbell, 2010). As a result, strong objections have been raised by
religious conservatives and fundamentalists regarding any antibullying
strategy that includes LGBT students as victims. Leaders from religious
right organizations such as the Moral Majority, the Christian Coalition, and
Focus on the Family have actively opposed any efforts to combat antigay
bullying in schools because they view these efforts as a way of legitimizing
and promoting homosexuality as normal and natural (Macgillivray, 2004,
p. 17). Focus on the Family contends that liberals and gay rights groups
are using the anti-LGBTQ bullying banner to pursue a hidden agenda
designed to sneak homosexuality into classrooms to indoctrinate and recruit
students (Cushman, 2010; People for the American Way, n.d.). Focus on
the Family education expert Candi Cushman argues that activists are using
their antibullying rhetoric to convey that homosexuality is normal and
should be accepted while opposing viewpoints by conservative Christians
are portrayed as bigotry and belittled (Macgillivray, 2004). Morally
conservative parents believe that parental rights and religious freedoms
are in danger of being violated when homosexual activism is promoted
in schools (Cushman, 2010). However, Eliza Byard, executive director of
the national Gay, Lesbian, and Straight Education Network, says its agenda
is to ensure safe schools and acceptance for all students, regardless of
sexual orientation, gender identity, religion, race, national origin or ability
(Draper, 2010, para. 7). While conservative parents believe that there
should be no tolerance of bullying, they believe that gay rights groups are
using the gay rights issue to press a social agenda (Eckholm, 2011b).
Unfortunately, school personnel are often caught in the middle of this
intense political and religious battle. Most teachers have expressed a strong
commitment to safeguard LGBT students and to work to create school
climates that are safe and supportive (Harris Interactive and GLSEN,
2005). However, teachers also do not want to violate the rights of morally
conservative parents who do not want their children to view or treat
homosexuality as a socially acceptable lifestyle (Macgillivray, 2004). School
ofcials may also be hindered in their efforts to protect LGBT students
out of fear of a substantial backlash from these conservative parents and
religious right organizations. For example, school ofcials may resist
allowing students to form gaystraight alliances, or they may subject GSAs
to a different set of rules (Harris Interactive and GLSEN, 2005).
47
Not surprisingly, a central battleground in this ght between morally

conservative parents and school ofcials is centered upon proposals to include
sexual orientation in schools nondiscrimination policies. Conservative
parents and religious right organizations believe that the ultimate result
will be the legitimization and promotion of homosexuality as an acceptable
alternative to heterosexuality and will also result in LGBT students and staff
having special rights (Macgillivray, 2004). However, it can also be argued
that a school districts attempt to remain neutral on the bullying of LGBT
students is inherently stigmatizing because it inhibits teachers and other
adults from confronting destructive stereotypes and responding aggressively
to the bullying of LGBT students and results in a toxic environment for
LGBT students (Eckholm, 2011, p. 3). (A broader discussion of religious
bullying, which extends beyond the targeting of LGBT students, can be found
in Chapter 5 of this volume.)
Addressing Religious and Political Issues Surrounding LGBTQ Bullying

Most importantly, the objections of religious conservatives and fundamentalists regarding the bullying of LGBTQ students should not be ignored
or dismissed. It is important to be sensitive to and respectful of strongly
held religious beliefs because, when this occurs, the groups holding these
beliefs are more likely to be receptive to change (Cole, 2006). Instead,
each of their arguments and concerns should be directly addressed and
myths should be replaced by facts. One of the major objections of religious
conservatives is that combating LGBT bullying in schools will result in
students being recruited and brainwashed to become gay. However, there
is considerable scientic evidence that an individuals sexual orientation is
not a choice (American Psychological Association, 2011). Opponents also
argue that anti-LGBT bullying provides special rights to LGBT students.
However, protecting LGBT students from bullying simply ensures that LGBT
students receive similar protections against harassment as other groups of
students (e.g., students with disabilities) (People for the American Way,
n.d.). Focus on the Family contends that generic antibullying policies that
dont include LGBT bullying are most effective, but they offer no evidence to
substantiate this claim. However, there is evidence that schools become safer
for all students when schools adopt antibullying policies that enumerate the
categories of students most frequently targeted by bullies, including race,
religion, disability, sexual orientation, and gender identity or expression
(Costello, 2010b).
48
School Bullying
Since scientic evidence alone is not likely to inuence or sway the opinions
of individuals whose negative views about homosexuality are based on their
religious beliefs, arguments should also be theological in nature (Bartkowski,
1996). Some religious leaders have offered compelling counterarguments to
the biblical basis for antigay beliefs. (For example, see Daniel Helminiaks
book What the Bible Really Says About Homosexuality.)
The bottom line is that groups of people with differing religious beliefs
must learn to cope with each other in our democratic society as well as
work together to protect all students from being harmed. Costello (2010b),
writing on behalf of Teaching Tolerance, argues these points forcefully and
effectively:
Focus on the Familys biggest fear is that schools will reect a
diverse U.S. societyone that includes LGBT students. They
do not want to be challenged in their belief that homosexuality
is immoral, abnormal and changeable. We dont expect
to change those personal beliefs. Simply put, our goal is to
ask those who would ignore the pain and suffering of these
children to understand that acknowledging the problem
of anti-gay bullyingand wanting to make schools safe
for all students from harassmentdoesnt require that you
approve . . . we would remind them that living in a democratic
and diverse society means living alongside people with whom
you disagree. The alternative is to stay silent and stand by
while terrible things happen to other peoples children. Terrible
things that no parent would ever want to happen to his or her
own child. (p. 2)
Sexual Bullying/Harassment
Sexual bullying and sexual harassment are used in the literature to describe
verbal or physical conduct of a sexual nature. The concept of sexual
harassment is distinct from the concept of sexual bullying in several ways.
Most signicantly, sexual harassment is a form of sex discrimination and is
illegal under federal law Title IX, which was passed by the U.S. Congress
in 1972 (Stein & Mennemeier, 2011). Sexual bullying, as codied in state
laws, varies state by state and does not rise to the level of being a violation
of federal law (Stein & Mennemeier, 2011).
While a number of researchers detail the important differences between
sexual harassment and sexual bullying (see Sparks, 2011, and see Espelage,
49
Stein, Rose, & Elliot, 2009), I will use the terms sexual bullying and sexual
harassment interchangeably throughout this chapter since I agree with
the view that sexual harassment is bullying with overt sexual overtones
(Stein & Mennemeier, 2011).
In the broadest sense, sexual bullying/harassment is any form of physical
or nonphysical bullying using a persons sexuality or gender as a weapon
by boys or girls toward other boys or girlsalthough it is more commonly
directed at girls (NSPCC, n.d.). It includes bullying people because of
their sex life (e.g., because they havent had sex or because theyve had sex
with a number of people), or their body (e.g., the size of their breasts).
It includes using words that refer to someones sexuality in a derogatory
way (like calling something gay to mean that it is not very good), using
sexual words to put someone down (like calling someone slut or bitch),
making threats or jokes about serious and frightening subjects like rape,
spreading rumors about someones sexuality and sex life, touching parts of
someones body where he or she doesnt want to be touched, and putting
pressure on someone to act in a sexual way (NSPCC).
What Is the Nature and Extent of Sexual Bullying/Harassment in Schools?

A 2011 national study on sexual harassment in schools sponsored by the
American Association of University Women (AAUW) provides up-to-date
ndings on the extent to which students in Grades 712 have experienced
or witnessed sexual harassment in schools (Hill & Kearl, 2011). In this
survey, sexual harassment was dened as unwelcome sexual behavior
that takes place in person or electronically; if everyone involved likes and
agrees to the sexual behavior, it is not sexual harassment. The authors of
this study reported the following ndings: Nearly half (48%) of the students surveyed experienced some form of sexual harassment with verbal
harassment (unwelcome sexual comments, jokes, or gestures) making up
the bulk of the incidents. Sexual harassment by text, e-mail, Facebook, or
other electronic means affected 30% of students, and many of the students
who were sexually harassed through cyberspace were also sexually harassed
in person. Girls were more likely than boys to be sexually harassed (56%
versus 40%). Girls and boys reported that they were called gay or lesbian
in a negative way in equal numbers (18% of students). One third of girls
(33%) and about one quarter (24%) of boys said that they observed sexual
harassment at their school. Among students who were sexually harassed,
about 9% reported the incident to a teacher, guidance counselor, or other
50
School Bullying
adult at school, and about one quarter (27%) of students said they talked
about the incident with parents or family members (including siblings);
about one quarter (23%) spoke with friends about the incident; and one
half of students who were sexually harassed said they did nothing afterward in response to sexual harassment. Forty-four percent who admitted
to sexually harassing others didnt think of it as a big deal, and 39% said
they were trying to be funny; only a handful of students who harassed
others did so because they wanted a date with the person (3%) or thought
the person liked it (6%). Ninety-two percent of girls and 80% of boys
who admitted to sexually harassing another student were also the target
of sexual harassment themselves (Hill & Kearl, 2011). Other researchers
have reported that cyberbullying (discussed in detail in Chapter 3 of this
volume) is emerging as the newest way to sexually harass peers, with 18%
of students reporting that a harassing text message was sexual in nature
(Ybarra, Espelage, & Martin, 2011), and that sexual harassment is more
severe in high school than in middle school (Gruber & Fineran, 2008).
It is important to note that teachers and other adults may also bully
and harass students in sexual ways. It is difcult to know the actual rate
of teachers as abusers because the sexual abuse often goes unreported.
However, an extensive investigation by the Associated Press found that 2,570
teaching credentials were revoked between 2001 and 2005 for allegations of
sexual misconduct with a student (Irvine & Tanner, 2007). Most allegations
of sexual abuse by teachers are often unfounded or declared false due to
insufcient evidence and a victims morality comes into question (Irvine
& Tanner, 2007). (A detailed discussion of additional ways that teachers
bully students can be found of Chapter 5 of this volume.)
Impact of Sexual Bullying/Harassment on Victims

While both girls and boys can encounter sexual harassment at school, it
appears that sexual harassment is a highly gendered phenomenon that is
directly associated with negative outcomes for girls (Hill & Kearl, 2011).
While the vast majority of victims (87%) said it had a negative effect on them,
girls are more likely than boys to say that sexual harassment caused them to
have trouble sleeping (22% of girls vs. 14% of boys), not want to go to school
(37% of girls vs. 25% of boys), or change the way they went to school or back
home from school (10% of girls vs. 6% of boys). Girls were more likely in
every case to say they felt that way for quite a while compared with boys.
Boys were most likely to report that being called gay was the type of sexual
51
harassment most troubling to them. Reactions varied, however, with some

boys saying that they laughed it off, while others expressed embarrassment,
sadness, or fear as a result of the experience (Hill & Kearl, 2011). It has
also been reported that the effects of sexual harassment in high school are
more damaging than the bullying behaviors students may have experienced
in middle school (Gruber & Fineran, 2008).
Preventing Sexual Bullying/Harassment in Schools

Based on these ndings, prevention efforts should focus on situations where
humor crosses the line and becomes sexual harassment (Hill & Kearl, 2011).
Students who participated in the 2011 AAUW study of sexual harassment
in schools offered several ideas for reducing sexual harassment in their
school, including: designating a person students can talk to; providing online
resources; holding in-class discussions; and providing for the anonymous
reporting of problems, enforcement of sexual harassment policies, and
punishment of harassers. Based on ndings from their national survey as
well as other researchers in this eld, Hill & Kearl (2011) also offer a number
of concrete recommendations to combat sexual bullying and harassment in
schools (see Box 4.2). In essence, by viewing sexual bullying as harassment,
school districts can take specic actions based on the federal denition of
sexual harassment and the rights of students under Title IX (Goodemann,
Zammitt, & Hagedorn, in press).
Several programs show promise in reducing sexual bullying and
harassment in schools. Expect Respect: A School-Based Program
Promoting Safe and Healthy Relationships for Youth was developed in the
late 1980s by SafePlace. According to information contained on their Web
site, a major premise of the Expect Respect program is that bullying and
sexual harassment behaviors condition students to accept mistreatment
in their peer relationships, laying the foundation for abuse in future
dating relationships. Without effective adult intervention, students learn
to expect and accept mistreatment from and among their peers. Based
upon available research on bullying, the most effective strategy involves
preparing all members of the school community to respond consistently
whenever a student is mistreated (Olweus, Limber, & Mihalic, 1999).
The Expect Respect program consists of four components: (a) counseling
and support groups, (b) classroom presentations, (c) the summer teen
leadership program, and (d) training for school personnel. According to
the publication, Expect Respect: A School-Based Program Promoting Safe &
52
School Bullying
Box 4.2 Recommendations Designed to Combat Sexual Bullying and

Harassment in Schools
Schools that do not have a sexual harassment policy must

create one, and all schools should make sure that the policy
is publicized and enforced.
Schools must ensure that students are aware of and
educated about what sexual harassment is, what their rights
are under Title IX, and how to respond if they experience or
witness sexual harassment.
Schools must train their staff and faculty to recognize
and respond to sexual harassment, to know how to help
students who come to them, and to know their obligations
if they witness sexual harassment.
Schools must work to create a culture of respect and gender
equality.
Schools must teach all students that sexual harassment is
not funny.
Schools must create a culture of acceptance and tolerance
for all, without regard to gender presentation or sexual
orientation, and must reinforce that culture by the attitudes,
words, and actions of school ofcials, faculty, and staff.
Schools must recognize and address how the intersections
of race, class, gender, and sexual orientation can cause some
students to fare worse than others when they experience
sexual harassment.
Schools must teach students about cyberharassment, what
their rights are, and how to respond to or report instances.
Source: Hill, C., & Kearl, H. (2011). Crossing the line: Sexual harassment at school.
Washington, DC: American Association of University Women. Reprinted with
permission.
Healthy Relationships for Youth by Barri Rosenbluth, published by the

National Resource Center on Domestic Violence, intervention schools
demonstrated a decrease in students self-reported incidences of bullying
others, being bullied, and witnessing bullying; and students acceptance of
negative dating and gender role attitudes as well as an increase in students
53
willingness to intervene on behalf of other students who were being bullied

or harassed, students ability to identify sexual harassment, students
awareness of school sexual harassment policy, and students willingness to
tell parents and adults on campus about incidents of bullying and sexual
harassment.
Shifting Boundaries: Lessons on Relationships for Students in
Middle School was developed by Nan D. Stein, with Kelly Mennemeier,
Natalie Russ, and Bruce Taylor, with contributions from the New York
City Department of Education. Shifting Boundaries began in 2005 and
features detailed instructions for teachers and handouts for six sessions for
Grades 6 and 7. The lessons discuss setting boundaries, measuring
personal space, determining appropriate and inappropriate behaviors at
school, what sexual harassment is, how to respond, the consequences
for harassers, and mapping safe and unsafe spaces at school. Each lesson
includes discussion questions, group work, and personal reection. In one
activity, students map out hot spots in the school where they feel most
unsafe. A 2010 study funded by the U.S. Department of Justice of 30 New
York City middle schools found schools that implemented the program
saw 26% to 34% fewer instances of sexual harassment after 6 months,
32% to 47% fewer instances of sexual violence, and 50% less physical and
sexual dating violence than at the start of the program.
Summary
LGBT students face unrelenting bullying and harassment by their peers
in many U.S. schools. Gay students report that school employees do little
or nothing to stop antigay behavior when they witness it. LGBT students
who are victims of chronic bullying do not feel safe at school, miss a lot of
school, and get lower academic grades and lower GPAs. Suicide remains
the third leading cause of death of LGBT youth.
Several concrete steps can be taken by school ofcials to minimize
antigay bullying in schools: establish a gaystraight alliance; ensure that
LGBTQ youth have knowledge of and access to at least one supportive adult
in the school; develop and enforce an antibullying policy that explicitly
includes sexual orientation, gender identity, and gender expression; and
incorporate positive representations of LGBT people and the achievements
of gays and lesbians throughout history in the school curriculum.
Much opposition to LGBT equality stems from moral conservatives and
their deeply held fundamentalist religious beliefs. Unfortunately, school
54
School Bullying
personnel are often caught in the middle of this intense political and religious battle. For example, while most teachers want to protect LGBTQ
students from being bullied, teachers also do not want to violate the rights
of morally conservative parents.
Sexual bullying and sexual harassment is any form of physical or
nonphysical bullying using a persons sexuality or gender as a weapon by
boys or girls toward other boys or girlsalthough it is more commonly
directed at girls. Nearly half of the students in a national survey experienced
some form of sexual harassment, with verbal harassment making up the
bulk of the incidents. Teachers and other adults bully and harass students
in sexual ways but it often goes unreported. Intervention efforts should
focus on situations where humor crosses the line and becomes sexual
harassment. By viewing sexual bullying as harassment, school districts can
take specic actions based on the federal denition of sexual harassment
and the rights of students under Title IX. Several programs show promise
in reducing sexual bullying and harassment in schools, including Expect
Respect: A School-Based Program Promoting Safe and Healthy Relationships
for Youth and Shifting Boundaries: Lessons on Relationships for Students
in Middle School.
55
Under-the-Radar Bullying: Religious Bullying

and Bullying by Teachers
Do not condemn the judgment of another because it differs from
your own. You may both be wrong.
Dandemis
While the destructive nature of peer-on-peer bullying in school has been

extensively reported in the literature, relatively little is known about the
prevalence and impact of bullying that often occurs under the radar in U.S.
public schools. This chapter explores two seldom discussed types of bullying in schoolsstudents bullied for their religious beliefs (or nonbelief),
and students bullied by teachers and other adults in schools. It discusses the
nature and extent of religious bullying in U.S. public schools, its legal and
moral frameworks, and strategies for preventing religious bullying in schools.
It then moves to a discussion of bullying by teachers and other adults in
school, why there is a paucity of research and knowledge on teachers who
bully students, and the educational and emotional consequences for students
who are victims of teacher bullying. It concludes with recommendations for
increasing knowledge of teacher bullying and strategies for preventing this
form of bullying in schools.
What Is Religious Bullying?

Religious bullying has been dened as repeated acts of aggression in which
the power of institutional religion is used to mock, humiliate, or threaten
others who do not share the same religious beliefs or practices (Croucher
et al., 2009). The potential for bullying based on being different in terms
56
of ones religious beliefs (or unafliated with any religious tradition) is of

particular concern in communities where there is a signicant discrepancy
between the religious afliation (or nonafliation) of the majority compared
with those of other religious traditions (or nonbelievers). For example,
there is a potential for religious bullying by conservative Evangelical
Christians within the Bible Belt, by Mormons in Utah, by Catholics in
several Northeastern states or even by those unafliated with any religious
tradition in certain Northeastern states or certain Western states (The Pew
Forum on Religion and Public Life, 2012).
What Are the Nature and Extent of Religious Bullying

in U.S. Public Schools?
Few empirical studies have explored the extent of and impact of religious
bullying in U.S. public schools. However, there is some evidence that remarks
that mock or humiliate another students religious beliefs may not be viewed
as a form of bullying. For example, one study has reported that negative
religious remarks were less likely than other remarks to result in teacher
intervention (Harris Interactive and GLSEN, 2005, p. 36).
Only one empirical study on religious bullying could be located, and
that study involved a survey of over 800 British school children. The
authors of this study reported that one in four British young people who
practice a religion have been bullied due to their faith or the wearing of
religious symbols (Interfaith Report, 2008). For example, one 13-year-old
student reported, I am an atheist, so people were calling me the devil and
the anti-Christ. A 14-year-old reported, they were shouting Jews killed
Jesus. Some of them were my friends; they didnt know I was Jewish.
A 15-year-old reported that he was bullied all the time because he stated,
I believe in Jesus and the Bible. This study of religious bullying among
British students reported that victims had trouble sleeping, drank or took
drugs, were constantly frightened, were stressed out, and were unable to
concentrate at school (Interfaith Report, 2008).
While empirical research on religious bullying in U.S. schools has focused
primarily on the bullying of LGBTQ students (see Chapter 4 of this volume
for an in-depth discussion of LGBTQ bullying), a number of case studies
and legal briefs suggest that religious bullying in U.S. public schools may be
a much broader and more pervasive form of bullying than many currently
acknowledge. For example, a straight-A, female student, whose family
was pagan, was physically and emotionally bullied over several years in
Under-the-Radar Bullying
57
a rural area of East Tennessee. Reportedly, this female student was beaten
and ridiculed by other students for not being a Christian, repeatedly called
a Satan worshipper and witch, accused of eating babies, and called a
lesbian. Three boys who grabbed her by the back of the neck and told
her that she should change her religion or theyd change it for her also
chased her down the hallway. In addition, she was forced to attend regular
Bible study classes during the school day, urged to lead the school and her
class in prayer, sent to the principals ofce for not attending a Christian tent
revival during school hours, and also told by a teacher to keep quiet because
youll get in trouble after she wrote a paper about religious freedom (India
Tracy Campaign, 2005). In another case, a 14-year-old girl in an Ohio school
district was called a dirty Jew and told that she would rot in hell because
she didnt believe in Jesus Christ (Higgins, 2011). In another case, a Muslim
junior high school student was reportedly kicked so hard in the groin that he
bled in his urine (Marcus, 2011).
Beyond these individual cases, there have also been reports of religious
bullying in U.S. public schools that target groups of students based on their
religious beliefs. For example, it has been reported that dozens of students at
certain schools have carried out Kick a Jew Day on school grounds during
school hours (Marcus, 2011) and that religious hectoring by students in a
northern Virginia high school is very aggressive, with teenagers being verbally assaulted by students who roam corridors demanding to know if their
fellow students share their messianic religious visionsand if not, why not?
(Rodgers, 2009, para.7).
Beyond the obvious legal issues involving the separation of church and
state, these incidents raise questions about the line between unwanted
proselytizing and religious bullying. For example, an atheist student in a
middle school in South Carolina was ordered, as punishment for forgetting
his belt and his gym clothing, to copy religious essays proclaiming a belief
in God and stating that he was thankful God would help him remember
these items in the future (Eckholm, 2011a). In another case, at a high school
near Pensacola, Fla., teachers cited the Bible as fact in class, and one teacher
preached to students with a bullhorn as they arrived at school (Eckholm,
2011a). In another case in Tennessee, teachers led students in prayer and
Bible study and allowed Gideons International to distribute Bibles during
school hours (Eckholm, 2011a).
In an effort to learn more about the extent and nature of religious bullying
in schools located within one area of the Bible Belt, my research team
58
School Bullying
and I recently facilitated a series of focus groups involving students who

identify with minority religious traditions (e.g., Muslim, Jewish, Catholic,
Unitarian Universalist) as well as those with no religious afliation (e.g.,
atheist, agnostic). While we are in the process of analyzing our data for an
in-depth research report, we have identied several themes and issues related
to students direct experiences with or witnessing of religious bullying in the
public schools they attend (see Box 5.1).
Box 5.1 Themes and Issues Related to Students Direct

Experiences With or Witnessing of Religious Bullying
in Public Schools in One Bible Belt Community
Non-Christian students endure slurs, verbal bullying,

and physical threats while at their public school.
Examples include: Heil Hitler! (to a Jewish student),
What would you do if I punched you in the face until
you said you were Christian?Your beliefs are crazy,
totally wacko, and Youre going to hell and I am going
to send you there. Even Catholics heard slurs such as
Dirty Catholic, and several Catholic students were told
that they were going to hell because they worshipped
statues and worshipped Mary. One Catholicstudent
commented that a teacher said Catholics were not
Christian in front of the class.
Religious holidays (e.g., Ramadan) and news stories
(e.g., death of Osama bin Laden, Saddam Hussein)
trigger bullying incidents. For example, a coach
repeatedly taunted a Muslim student with food during
Ramadan. (Ramadan is an Islamic holiday during
which Muslims fast from sunrise to sunset, and not
even water is to be consumed). Muslim students were
also ridiculed after news/historical events (such as
Saddam Husseins death, Osama bin Ladens death, and
9/11 anniversaries), by being called terrorists and
accused of being related to Saddam Hussein or Osama
bin Laden.
59
Some religious bullying in public schools begins with

teacher comments or assignments in the classroom that
appear to carry over to peer group interactions outside
the classroom. In one instance, a religious history teacher
asked if there were any Catholics in the class because this
teacher did not want to offend any Catholics in the class in
their class discussion of Catholicism. In another instance, a
teacher asked a Muslim student to write an essay on Islam,
and this Muslim student was the only student in that class
who had to present her essay in front of the class.
Students clothing and diet that are part of ones religious
beliefs can trigger bullying incidents. Muslim girls seemed
to suffer most of the bullying due to wearing clothes with
long sleeves, long pants or skirts year-round and the hijab
headscarf.
Catholic and Jewish students felt that they were welcome to
attend Christian-sponsored student clubs and organizations
at the public schools they attended.
Understanding Religious Bullying Through Legal and Moral Frameworks

Before we can begin to address religious bullying in schools, it is important
to understand the broader context within which religious bullying occurs. The
central legal issue facing school ofcials is balancing the rights of free speech
(including religious expression) as well as protecting students from being coerced
by others to accept certain religious (or antireligious) beliefs (American Civil
Liberties Union, n.d.). This is a particular concern in communities where there
is little religious diversity and the potential abuse of power by those who are
in the religious majority must be constantly monitored. Legally, students have
the right to pray in public schools either as individuals or in groups and, if it is
not disruptive, students can also share their faith with other students and form
afterschool religious clubs (ACLU, n.d.). The core issue here is differentiating
between a respectful invitation to share ones religious beliefs versus an ongoing
and unwelcome religious hectoring of students who have made it very clear that
they do not share and do not wish to share anothers religious beliefs. In other
words, when does proselytizing cross the line and become religious bullying?
60
School Bullying
In addition to the legal issues involved, it is also important to recognize

the subtle and not-so subtle promotion of Christianity in public schooling
and the institutional enforcement of dominant Christian standards in
our schools which serves to dominate and subordinate non-Christians
(Blumenfeld, 2006, p. 195). This is a form of hegemony where Christian
beliefs and standards are taken for granted as common sense, and
works to the power advantage of one group (the hegemonic one) and
the disadvantage of others (Hulsether, 2007, p. 10). Blumenfeld argues
that there is an array of invisible, unearned, and largely unacknowledged
benets accorded to Christians in our public schools. For example, Christian
students and school personnel can be reasonably assured that when they
talk about their religious traditions or wear religious symbols such as a
cross, they will not be the targets of ridicule, discrimination, or harassment
by their peers and school ofcials. Students and school personnel of other
faith communities or non-believers have no such assurance (pp. 204
205). This largely unacknowledged Christian hegemony in U.S. public
schools can distort and complicate denitions and assessments of religious
bullying.
Strategies for Preventing Religious Bullying in Schools

A number of recommendations for increasing religious tolerance in
U.S. public schools have been developed by Blumenfeld (2006). These
recommendations are highlighted in Box 5.2. As seen in Box 5.2, rst and
foremost, it is important to develop and offer ongoing training to all school
personnel that focuses on the religious accommodation needs of students
and school personnel. This ongoing training should include discussions of
world religions, the history of religion, and religious oppression in the United
States and other countries throughout the world. It is important that teachers
become aware of how they can teach about religious tolerance and religious
freedom and remain within the bounds of the Constitution. One helpful
resource is a series of lesson plans designed to promote religious tolerance
that have been developed for public school teachers by Teaching Tolerance
(a project of the Southern Poverty Law Center). For more information, see
http://www.tolerance.org/activity/understanding-other-religious-beliefs and
http://www.tolerance.org/activity/understanding-religious-clothing.
All school personnel should also be encouraged to educate themselves
about religious minorities and nonbelievers. It should be assumed that there
are people of other faiths and nonbelievers in ones school, workplace, and
61
Box 5.2 Recommendations for Increasing Religious Tolerance

in U.S. Public Schools
Develop and implement ongoing in-service training for all

school personnel that focuses on the needs, concerns, and
life experiences of members of different faith communities
and of nonbelievers.
Organize and sponsor community-wide forums to discuss
issues related to religious diversity and religious pluralism.
Develop and implement school policies designed to protect
students, faculty, staff, and administrators of every (and no)
faith from harassment, bullying, and discrimination, and to
provide equality of treatment.
Materials in library collections, curriculum, and school
programs regarding religious issues and world religions
should include accurate, honest, up-to-date, and ageappropriate information presented uniformly and without
bias or judgment.
Recruit and hire faculty and staff from disparate religious
and spiritual backgrounds as well as nonbelievers to serve as
supportive role models for all youth.
Source: Adapted from Blumenfeld (2006).
community. Attempts should be made to experience major Christian holiday

seasons from the perspective of non-Christians. Care should be taken to
avoid imposing ones traditions and values on others. It is also helpful to
attend cultural events of other religions.
Second, community-wide forums should be held that focus on becoming
more aware of issues related to religious tolerance, religious diversity, and
religious pluralism. One helpful resource is the Pluralism Project at Harvard
University. According to information contained on their Web site, the mission
of the Pluralism Project is: (a) to document and better understand the changing
contours of American religious demography, focusing especially on those cities
and towns where the new plurality has been most evident and discerning
the ways in which this plurality is both visible and invisible in American
public life; (b) to study the religious communities themselvestheir temples,
62
School Bullying
mosques, gurudwaras and retreat centers, their informal networks and

emerging institutions, their forms of adaptation and religious education in the
American context, their encounter with the other religious traditions of our
common society, and their encounter with civic institutions; (c) to explore the
ramications and implications of Americas new plurality through case studies
of particular cities and towns, looking at the response of Christian and Jewish
communities to their new neighbors; the development of interfaith councils
and networks; the new theological and pastoral questions that emerge from
the pluralistic context; and the recasting of traditional churchstate issues
in a wider context; and (d) to discern, in light of this work, the emerging
meanings of religious pluralism, both for religious communities and for
public institutions, and to consider the real challenges and opportunities of a
public commitment to pluralism in the light of the new religious contours of
America. More information about the Pluralism Project at Harvard University
can be found at http://pluralism.org/.
Third, it is important to develop school policies that protect students and
school staff who hold minority religious beliefs from all forms of harassment
and bullying. One helpful resource is the Policies & Procedures page at
the First Amendment Schools (FAS) Web site. According to information
contained on their Web site, this site offers thematic overviews, expert
commentary, and sample policies for schools intent on adhering to the latest
interpretations of First Amendment law and promoting the responsible usage
of First Amendment freedoms. FAS was launched by the Association for
Supervision and Curriculum Development (ASCD) and the First Amendment
Center in 2001, and today the First Amendment Schools Network includes
schools throughout the nation, both public and private, that are committed
to becoming laboratories of democratic freedom. More information about
First Amendment Schools can be found at their Web site: http://www.
rstamendmentschools.org/about/aboutindex.aspx.
Fourth, up-to-date and age-appropriate materials pertaining to religious
issues (e.g., collections of books, videos/DVDs) should be developed and
maintained. When introducing controversial topics, such as Christian
privilege and religious oppression, it is effective to bring a panel of outside
speakers into the classroom that identify as Christian and understand the
benets they are accorded on the basis of their religious identity. Students are
often more inclined to hear those who are most like them. It is also important
to include members of other faith communities as well as nonbelievers on
these panels.
63
Lastly, just as it is important for schools to hire racially and ethnically

diverse faculty and staff to serve as role models and supports for all
students, school ofcials should also recruit and hire faculty and staff who
hold diverse religious and spiritual beliefs (as well as nonbelievers) to serve
as role models and supports for students from minority religious traditions
or who are nonbelievers.
Bullying by Teachers and Other Adults in School

It is essential to recognize bullying in all its forms in schools. While the vast
majority of teachers interact respectfully with students, there is mounting
anecdotal evidence that some teachers do indeed bully students. This is
a potentially devastating type of bullying that is largely unacknowledged
and often hidden from view. Although state laws protect minors from
such physical and emotional abuse at the hands of parents or guardians
(Child Welfare Information Gateway, 2011), these legal protections do not
follow students into the school setting. Although the destructive nature
of peer-on-peer bullying in school has been extensively reported in the
literature (Borg, 1999; Boulton & Underwood, 1992; Olweus, 1993),
relatively little attention, thus far, has focused on teachers as perpetrators
of bullying. However, even if only a few teachers engage in this behavior
within a school, the consequences are profound for the victims as well as
the entire environment of the school (McEvoy, 2005).
Since a positive teacherstudent relationship is such a critical factor
in a childs development and educational experience, there is a pressing
need to increase our understanding of this insidious form of bullying
in our schools. As with other forms of bullying discussed throughout
this volume, the abuse of power is also a central component of teacher
bullying. For example, Twemlow & Fonagy (2005) dene a teacher-bully
as a teacher who uses his or her power to punish, manipulate or disparage
a student beyond what would be a reasonable disciplinary procedure
(p. 2387). McEvoy (2005) expands on this denition by dening teacher
bullying as a pattern of conduct, rooted in a power differential, that
threatens, harms, humiliates, induces fear, or causes students substantial
emotional distress . . . like peer-on-peer bullying, [teacher bullying] is an
abuse of power that tends to be chronic and often is expressed in a public
manner (p. 1). Because of the vast power differential between teachers
and students, teacher bullying often results in students having little or no
ability to defend themselves (Hyman & Perone, 1998).
64
School Bullying
Why Is There a Paucity of Research on Teachers Who Bully Students?

There are several unique and highly political aspects to teacher bullying that
make it much more difcult to assess and address. First, bullying behaviors
by teachers are often equated with maintaining order and discipline and,
therefore, often undetectable. Teachers who bully students will often disguise
their demeaning and cruel behavior as appropriate disciplinary responses to
unacceptable student behavior or as a necessary means to motivate students
to behave appropriately (McEvoy, 2005). Devine (1996) has pointed out the
tough language, intimidation, tough demeanor, and tough posturing that
some teachers use to exert their power and authority over students are often
praised by other teachers and administrators.
Second, there are few if any negative consequences or any type of
retribution for teachers who bully students (Koenig & Daniels, 2011).
Current school policies do not even recognize teacher-to-student bullying
as a problem and, consequently, fail to provide any formal mechanism to
remedy student complaints against abusive teachers. This lack of policies and
institutional inaction serve to tacitly sanction a teachers bullying behavior
and mistreatment of students (McEvoy, 2005; Sylvester, 2011). Moreover,
parents may be reluctant to confront a teacher due to feelings of intimidation,
or they may be from a culture where teaching is held in high esteem and
a teachers conduct or classroom management techniques would never be
questioned (Sylvester, 2011).
Third, conducting research on teacher-on-student bullying is difcult
because researchers cannot simply observe this phenomenon because teachers
are likely to modify their behavior in the presence of observers (Hyman et
al., 1997), and teachers may be reluctant to discuss this problem openly out
of fear of being shunned by their colleagues (Twemlow, Fonagy, & Sacco,
2004).
Fourth, if a teacher is accused of bullying a student, a labor conict with
teacher unions can ensue where the protection of the bullying teacher can
take precedence over the impact that the bullying teacher has on the larger
body of teachers or the student victims of teacher bullies (Twemlow, Fonagy,
Sacco, & Brethour, 2006).
What We Currently Know About Teacher Bullying in Schools

Several researchers have begun to systematically investigate teachers who
bully students. For example, McEvoy (2005) reported that in many schools
at least one or more teachers can be identied as abusive toward students and
65
that teachers who bully tend to be established and secure in their positions.
Twemlow & Fonagy (2005) found that 45% of teachers in their study stated
they had bullied a student at some point in their teaching career and that
teachers who bully students may contribute to students behavioral problems
in school. In another study, 70% of elementary teachers admitted to bullying
students on an isolated basis, and 18% of elementary teachers reported
bullying students on a frequent basis (Twemlow, Fonagy, Sacco, & Brethour,
2006).
I was the coauthor of a study that explored the extent to which students
in an alternative school reported being victimized by teachers or other adults
during their school career (Whitted & Dupper, 2008). Participants in this
study were a convenience sample of 50 students ranging in age from 11 to
18 years old who attended alternative schools in an urban school district in a
Southeastern state in the United States during the 20042005 school year. To
determine if students were physically or psychologically victimized by peers
or adults at some point during their school career and the nature and the
frequency of this victimization, participants were asked to complete a revised
version of the Student Alienation and Trauma Survey (Hyman & Snook, 2002).
We found that 86% of the respondents reported at least one incident of adult
physical maltreatment in school, and 88% reported at least one incident of adult
psychological maltreatment in school. The most commonly reported types of
physical maltreatment in our study involved an adult not allowing them to go
to the bathroom (70%); an adult grabbing them very hard (38%); and adults
punching them (32%), pushing them (28%), or shaking them (26%). The most
commonly reported types of psychological maltreatment involved being yelled
at by an adult (66%), having an adult make them stay away from others (64%),
and being ignored by an adult (56%). Students reported that adults made fun of
them or teased them in a harmful way (34%), said mean things about students
family (34%), or made fun of them because of their race or color of their skin
(20%). Students who are victimized by adults in schools are involved in a power
imbalance that makes them extremely vulnerable to ongoing mistreatment and
abuse. Being pushed by an adult into a snack machine or being told by an
adult that you dress like a whore is humiliating enough, but in not being able
to defend yourself against such hurtful or demeaning comments, you are further
victimized. For example, when a student attempts to defend himself or herself
in response to a demeaning comment from a teacher or other adult, the student
is often also punished by receiving a detention or being suspended from school
for being disrespectful toward an adult in authority (p. 339). We conclude by
66
School Bullying
stating that the results of this study suggest that teacher-on-student bullying
may be more ubiquitous than previously thought (p. 339).
The Educational and Emotional Consequences for Students Who Are

Victims of Teacher Bullying
The impact of teacher bullying can be more devastating and developmentally
destructive than peer bullying due to the considerable power differential
between adults and students (McEvoy, 2005). Students who feel ridiculed,
mistreated, verbally or physically attacked, and/or ignored by the school staff
can develop feelings of victimization and alienation, potentially resulting in
a range of problems, from lags in emotional and intellectual development, to
behavioral, social, emotional, and academic problems, to attempted suicide
(Hyman, 1990; Hyman et al., 1997; Hyman, Zelikoff, & Clarke, 1988;
Vargas-Moll, 1991; Zelikoff, 1990). Hyman and Perone (1998) state that
adult-to-student maltreatment may result in students developing symptoms
of posttraumatic stress disorder.
The potentially destructive nature of teacher-on-student bullying is powerfully described by McEvoy (2005):
Like stalking victims, students who are the targets of teachers who
bully feel trapped in a situation where the abuser is all-powerful.
Sometimes they may be literally trapped in an environment (e.g.,
classroom or ofce) where offensive conduct is imposed upon
them and there is no escape. More often, they feel situationally
trapped and bereft of a way to mitigate this harmful situation.
Any complaint about the abusive behavior places the student at
risk of retaliation by the teacher, including the use of grades as a
sanction. Equally important, it is the student not the teacher who
suffers deprivations if he or she misses class, withdraws from a
course, or has to avoid certain classes because the teacher is a
bully. (p. 3)
Recommendations for Increasing Our Knowledge of and Preventing

Teacher Bullying in Schools
Based on what we currently know, and more importantly, what we dont
know about teachers who bully students, we need to take several steps to
increase our understanding of and knowledge of teacher bullying. First
and foremost, permission needs to be granted to researchers who want to
examine this type of bullying in schools (Twemlow et al., 2006). There is a
pressing need to explicitly dene teacher bullying, and to accurately assess
67
how often it occurs, how it is manifested, and its short- and long-term impact
on students development and school experiences. We also need national data
on teachers who bully. Currently, the Indicators of School Crime and Safety
annual survey, the most denitive assessment of safety in schools, does not
include survey questions on teachers who bully students (although there are
statistics on students who bully teachers) (Koenig & Daniels, 2011).
Second, teachers need to be trained in effective classroom management
techniques built upon the establishment of positive teacherstudent
relationships. It is important for teachers to be able to distinguish between
reasonable and effective disciplinary techniques as opposed to discipline
that relies upon fear and intimidation. Some teachers believe that they
must be punitive to be effective disciplinarians. However, tough discipline
techniques based on intimidation and fear (e.g., screaming at students, using
sarcasm, threats, or ridicule, or publicly humiliating students) often cross
over the line into bullying (McEvoy, 2005). I discuss a relationship-based,
preventive model of school discipline (Dupper, 2010) where students
behave appropriately, not out of fear of punishment or desire for reward, but
out of a sense of personal responsibility, respect, and regard for the group
(Woolfolk Hoy & Weinstein, 2006, p. 210). It is a discipline model that:
(a) is built upon caring and trust, and dignity and cooperation, and that
communicates to all students that they are respected and valued members
of the school community (Belenardo, 2001; Freiberg & Lapointe, 2006);
(b) views discipline as teachable moments that provide students with
an opportunity for learning and growth (Sullivan & Keeney, 2008); (c) is
preventive in nature and anticipates the inevitable conicts that occur on a
daily basis in schools and implements strategies designed to defuse rather
than escalate these interpersonal conicts; (d) utilizes social learning theory
to teach social, behavioral, and cognitive skills to children and youth using
structured skill-training techniques and lesson plans (Jenson, 2006).
Third, because of the considerable power differential between teachers
and students, teachers must be held to a high level of accountability for their
behavior toward students (Koenig & Daniels, 2011). While teachers have
every right to maintain order and discipline, they also have the responsibility
to present themselves as models of the kind of behavior they expect from their
students (McEvoy, 2005). Students should be constantly reassured that they
are valued as individuals (Parsons, 2005). Sarcasm or demeaning comments
have no place within the classroom (Sylvester, 2011). Several recent news
stories have reported on students videotaping of bullying incidents with
68
School Bullying
teachers with their cell phones and then turning the videotape over to school
authorities. The question must be asked, Is a cell phone videotape a students
only means of catching teachers and holding them accountable for their
bullying behavior? Lastly, students need to learn how to respond to teacher
bullying (Sylvester, 2011). For example, procedures need to be established
that include the anonymous reporting of teacher bullying.
Summary
Religious bullying has been dened as repeated acts of aggression in which
the power of institutional religion is used to mock, humiliate, or threaten
others who do not share the same religious beliefs or practices. The potential
for bullying based on being different in terms of ones religious beliefs (or
being unafliated with any religious tradition) is of particular concern in
communities where there is a signicant discrepancy between the religious
afliation of the majority compared with those of other religious traditions
(or nonbelievers). The authors of a study of religious bullying that involved
a survey of over eight hundred British school children reported that one in
four British young people who practice a religion have been bullied due to
their faith or the wearing of religious symbols. While I was unable to locate
any empirical studies that focused on religious bullying in U.S. public
schools, a number of case studies and legal briefs suggest that religious
bullying in U.S. public schools may be a much broader and more pervasive
form of bullying than many currently acknowledge.
The central legal issue facing school ofcials is balancing the rights of
free speech (including religious expression) as well as protecting students
from being coerced by others to accept certain religious (or antireligious)
beliefs. In essence, there is a need to differentiate a respectful invitation
to share ones religious beliefs from an ongoing and unwelcome religious
hectoring of students who have made it very clear that they do not share
and do not wish to share anothers religious beliefs. In other words, when
does proselytizing cross the line and become religious bullying? Christian
hegemony in U.S. public schools can also distort and complicate denitions and assessments of religious bullying.
Recommendations for increasing religious tolerance in U.S. public
schools include (a) ongoing training to all school personnel that focuses on
the religious accommodation needs of students and school personnel; (b)
holding community-wide forums that focus on becoming more aware of
issues related to religious tolerance, religious diversity, and religious pluralism;
69
(c) the development of school policies that protect students and school staff
who hold minority religious beliefs from all forms of harassment and bullying;
(d) the development and maintenance of up-to-date and age-appropriate
materials pertaining to religious issues; and (e) the recruitment and hiring of
faculty and staff who hold diverse religious and spiritual beliefs (as well as
nonbelievers) to serve as role models and supports for students from minority
religious traditions or who are nonbelievers.
While the vast majority of teachers interact respectfully with students,
there are anecdotal evidence and some preliminary studies focusing on a
form of bullying in schools that is largely unacknowledged and often hidden
from viewteachers who bully students. Since a positive teacherstudent
relationship is such a critical factor in a childs development and educational experience, there is a pressing need to increase our understanding of
this insidious form of bullying in our schools. A teacher-bully is a teacher
who uses his or her power to punish, manipulate, or disparage a student
beyond what would be a reasonable disciplinary procedure. Because of the
vast power differential between teachers and students, teacher bullying
often results in students having little or no ability to defend themselves.
Teacher bullying is difcult to assess and address because bullying
behaviors are often equated with maintaining order and discipline and
are often undetectable. Current school policies do not even recognize
teacher-to-student bullying as a problem and, consequently, fail to provide
any formal mechanism to remedy student complaints against abusive
teachers. Conducting research on teacher-on-student bullying is difcult
because teachers are likely to modify their behavior in the presence of
observers, and teachers may be reluctant to discuss this problem openly
out of fear of being shunned by their colleagues. Teacher unions also often
protect the bullying teacher. One of the few studies of teacher bullying
reported that 45% of teachers stated they had bullied a student at some
point in their teaching career while another study found that 70% of
elementary teachers admitted to bullying students on an isolated basis and
18% of elementary teachers reported bullying students on a frequent basis.
A study I coauthored found that 86% of the respondents reported at least
one incident of adult physical maltreatment in school and 88% reported at
least one incident of adult psychological maltreatment in school.
The impact of teacher bullying can be more devastating and
developmentally destructive than peer bullying due to the considerable
power differential between adults and students. We need to take several
70
School Bullying
steps to increase our understanding and knowledge of teacher bullying,

including explicitly dening it, and accurately assessing how often it occurs,
how it is manifested, and its short- and long-term impact on students
development and school experiences. Teachers also need to be trained in
effective classroom management techniques built upon the establishment
of positive teacherstudent relationships.
71
Best Practices in Preventing School Bullying: A Whole-School

Approach and Beyond
What this world needs is a new kind of armythe army of the
kind.
Cleveland Armory
This nal chapter begins by discussing strategies that do not work in combating
bullying. It then describes the philosophy and key features of a whole-school
approach as a framework for developing and implementing comprehensive
bullying prevention and intervention strategies, including a detailed discussion of
school-level, classroom-level, and student-level components. It describes several
empirically supported bullying prevention programs that are based on a wholeschool approach and strategies for integrating bullying prevention strategies into
Schoolwide Positive Behavior Support (SWPBS). It describes several innovative
approaches designed to combat bullying and concludes with a discussion of
tough antibullying laws across the United States, issues related to state bullying
policies, and combating bullying as a human rights issue.
What Strategies Do Not Work in Combating Bullying?

Because bullying differs from other kinds of violence, it does not lend itself to
the same interventions that may be effective in addressing other types of peer
conict. As stated throughout this volume, bullying involves powerful students
against students who are less powerful, rather than a conict between peers
of relatively equal status. Moreover, bullying behavior does not result from a
decit in social skills. As a consequence, conict resolution, peer mediation
72
strategies, and group therapy focusing on increasing self-esteem have all been
shown to be relatively ineffective with bullies (Limber & Nation, 1998. In fact,
interventions that involve peers, such as using students as peer mediators,
have been shown to be associated with increases in victimization (Farrington
and Tto, 2010). Peer inuences can be a constructive or destructive force
on bullying and need to be handled with knowledge, skill, and care (Rodkin,
2011; Vaillancourt, McDougall, Hymel, & Sunderani, 2010). Zero tolerance
discipline that involves an escalating series of sanctions if rules are broken
also appear to be ineffective because it simply reinforces a bullys intrinsic
belief that power and aggression are the essential and controlling values in a
society (Parsons, 2005, pp. 6667).
A Whole-School Approach to Bullying Prevention

Two decades of research have produced general agreement among researchers
that narrowly conceived, piecemeal, add-on strategies have not been shown
to be effective in combating bullying in schools (Tto & Farrington, 2009;
Vreeman & Carroll, 2007; UCLA Center for Mental Health Services in Schools,
2011, p. 7). However, bullying can be reduced substantially by implementing
a comprehensive, whole-school approach that modies all levels of the social
ecology of the school (i.e., individual, classroom, school, and community
levels) (Blosnich & Bossarte, 2011; Holt, Keyes, & Koening, 2011; Olweus &
Limber, 2010; Srabstein & Leventhal, 2010; Swearer, Espelage, Vaillancourt,
& Hymel, 2010).
School-Level Components
Based on research ndings and best practices, Table 6.1 lists nine essential
school-level components to combat bullying, within a whole-school
approach. All of these nine strategies are important in changing the culture
and climate of the schoolan essential element of a whole-school approach.
I will describe each of these nine components in detail here.
An essential rst step is conducting an accurate assessment of the extent
and nature of bullying in the school. Adults are not always good at estimating
the nature and extent of bullying at their school and are often surprised by
the amount of bullying in their school, the types of bullying that are most
common, or the places where bullying occurs most often (U.S. Department
of Health and Human Services, n.d.,a). As a result, it is often useful to assess
bullying by administering an anonymous questionnaire to students about
bullying. An anonymous questionnaire should be completed by students to
Best Practices in Preventing School Bullying
73
Table 6.1 A Whole-School Approach to Combat Bullying: Essential

Components and Best Practices
School-Level Components: Strategies for Changing the Culture and Climate of
the School
1. Assess the extent and nature of bullying.
2. Obtain the support, buy-in, and commitment of all key stakeholders.
3. A school coordinating team should be formed.
4. In-service training for teachers and other school staff.
5. The language and needs of youth should be taken into account.
6. Shift the power dynamics and change the social norms in schools by empowering
bystanders.
7. Establish and enforce policies related to bullying that include expectations for
behavior.
8. Increase adult supervision in areas where bullying occurs most frequently.
9. Middle school years are critical.
Classroom-Level Components: Strategies Involving Teachers and Other Adults
in the School
1. Regular classroom meetings should be held by teachers to discuss issues related to
bullying.
2. Antibullying themes and messages should be integrated into the
curriculum.
3. Teachers should encourage the reporting of bullying incidents.
4. All school personnel should model positive interpersonal skills.
Student-Level Components: Strategies Designed to Help Victims, Bullies, and
Bystanders
1. All staff should be equipped to intervene consistently and appropriately in all
bullying situations.
2. Designated staff should hold sensitive follow-up meetings with children who are
bullied and (separately) with children who bully.
3. Students should learn skills to intervene and provide assistance to bullying
victims.
Note. Sources: Blosnich & Bossarte, 2011; Boyd & Marwick, 2011; Coivin, Tobin, Beard,
Hadan, & Sprague, 1998; Espelage, 2004; Frey et al., 2011; Graham, 2009; Greene, 2006;
Kallestad & Olweus, 2003; Low et al., 2011; Northwest Regional Educational Laboratory,
2001; Olweus et al., 1999; Olweus & Limber, 2010; Parent Teacher Association of
Connecticut, Inc., 2000; Parsons, 2005;Rigby, 1995; Rodkin, 2011; Swearer & Doll, 2001;
Swearer & Espelage, 2011; Srabstein & Leventhal, 2010; UCLA Center for Mental Health
Services in Schools, 2011.
74
School Bullying
assess the extent and nature of bullying at individual schools. Findings from
this survey can be used to motivate adults to take action against bullying
and to help administrators and other educators tailor a bullying prevention
strategy to the particular needs of the school. Data from this survey can
also serve as a baseline from which administrators and other educators can
measure their progress in reducing bullying over time (U.S. Department of
Health and Human Services, n.d.,a). A recent compendium published by
the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention entitled Measuring Bullying
Victimization, Perpetration, and Bystander Experiences: A Compendium of
Assessment Tools provides tools to measure a range of bullying experiences,
including bully perpetration, bully victimization, bully-victim experiences,
and bystander experiences. Parsons (2005) also offers a series of questions
designed to assess the current state of a schools antibullying environment,
including Does your school staff insist on an environment completely free of
sexist, racial, cultural, ability-related, and homophobic stereotyping?, Do all
teachers display a respectful attitude toward all students and a genuine regard
for their learning?, Do all teachers in the school use cooperative learning
strategies?, Are teachers meaningfully involved in the decision-making and
problem-solving processes on a school-wide basis? (p. 68).
A second step involves garnering the widespread support and signicant
commitment of all key stakeholders (e.g., administrators, teachers, students,
parents, auxiliary school staff, and community partners) in recognizing the
importance of the problem and making a commitment to establish prevention and intervention programs and policies (Low et al., 2011; Olweus,
Limber, & Mihalic, 1999). There should be no end date for bullying prevention activities (Low et al., 2011; U.S. Department of Health and Human
Services, n.d.,a).
A third step is the formation of a school coordinating team. This team
includes representatives from a number of groups, including a school
administrator, a teacher from each grade, a member of the nonteaching staff,
a school counselor or other school-based mental health professional (e.g.,
school social worker), a school nurse, and a parent. This team is involved
in the development, implementation, maintenance, and evaluation of the
program (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, n.d.,a). A school
coordinating team should meet regularly to develop bullying prevention rules,
policies, and activities; motivate staff, students, and parents; and ensure that
the efforts continue over time. A student advisory group can also be formed to
focus on bullying prevention strategies and provide valuable suggestions and
75
feedback to adults (e.g., student input in developing rules against bullying)

(U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, n.d.,a).
A fourth step involves the development and provision of ongoing in-service
training for teachers and all adults in the school environment who interact
with students (e.g., counselors, media specialists, school resource ofcers,
nurses, lunchroom and recess aides, bus drivers, parent volunteers, custodians, cafeteria workers, maintenance staff, paraprofessionals, and secretaries)
(U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, n.d.,a). Teachers are central gures in schools efforts to intervene effectively and limit the negative
effects of school bullying (Blosnich & Bossarte, 2011; Kallestad & Olweus,
2003). The critical importance of ongoing teacher training is evidenced by
the ndings that teachers often do not recognize more subtle forms of bullying (e.g., social exclusion, spreading rumors, and name-calling) and are
less likely to intervene or know how to respond to bullying without specic training (Allen, 2010; Doll, Song, Champion, & Jones, 2011; Greene,
2006). This annual, in-service training should include recent research on
the nature of bullying and its effects, how to use evidence-based strategies to
help prevent bullying from occurring, and strategies for responding to bullying incidents (e.g., how to better understand and manage student social
dynamics and strategies for handling aggression), as well as how to work
with others at the school to help prevent bullying from occurring (U.S.
Department of Health and Human Services, n.d.,a). Ongoing professional
development should be provided for new employees who are hired after the
start of the school year.
A fth strategy recognizes that antibullying efforts cannot be successful
unless the language and needs of youth are taken into account. Based on
their interviews with and observations of youth over several years, Boyd &
Marwick (2011) found that many youths engaged in practices that adults label
bullying but that the youths do not name them as such because admitting
that theyre being bullied (or worse, that they are bullies) makes them feel weak
and childish. Antibullying efforts cannot be successful if they make teenagers
feel victimized without providing them the support to go from a position
of victimization to one of empowerment. When teenagers acknowledge that
theyre being bullied, adults need to provide programs similar to those that
help victims of abuse and recognize that emotional recovery can be a long
and difcult process. The key is to help young people feel independently
strong, condent, and capable without rst requiring them to see themselves
as either a victim or a perpetrator (Boyd & Marwick, 2011).
76
School Bullying
A sixth strategy focuses on shifting peer group norms and dynamics in

schools by targeting bystanders in antibullying interventions. We have come
to recognize that peer group dynamics and peer group norms play a critical
role in fueling bullying incidents (Salmivalli, Voeten, & Poskiparta, 2011).
Many bullying prevention programs have yielded less-than-encouraging
outcomes because of their failure to address the fact that bullying might be
a peer group norm (Swearer, Espelage, & Napolitano, 2009), and unless
and until these peer group norms are modied, bullying behaviors will not
decrease in our schools (Vaillancourt, Hymel, & McDougall, 2003). Peer
group norms can be changed by capitalizing on the power that peers have
to disapprove of bullying (Juvonen & Graham, 2004, p. 235) and changing
the ways in which peers respond to bullying incidents that they witness
(Frey et al., 2010; Orpinas & Horne, 2006; Salmivalli, Krn, & Poskiparta,
2010). In many schools, there are peer group norms that support bullying
or reinforce the high social standing of bullies (Juvonen & Graham, 2004).
Withdrawing bystander reinforcement (especially for high-status bullies) is a
pathway for reducing bullying (Frey, Carlson Jones, Hirschstein, & Edstrom,
2011). Bystanders and witnesses to bullying must be empowered to act on
behalf of the victim. For example, it must become uncool to bully, cool to
help students who are bullied, and normative for staff and students to notice
when a child is bullied or left out (U.S. Department of Health and Human
Services, n.d.,a). By taking these steps, bullying becomes viewed as a problem
for which everyone is responsible and in which there is no such thing as
an innocent bystander. In essence, bullying becomes socially unacceptable
(Farrington & Tto, 2010). There is evidence to suggest that bystanders who
do intervene on behalf of the victim are typically students with high social
status (e.g., Salmivalli, Lagerpetz, Bjorkqvist, Osterman, & Kaukiainen,
1996). Consequently, high-status peers are more likely to be successful in
intervening on the part of the victim and should be targeted in school-based
intervention efforts (Vaillancourt et al., 2003, p. 172). It is also important
to note that positive bystander responses in bullying situations may be more
effective with younger, elementary students than with older students because
younger students are signicantly more likely to take direct positive action
as bystanders (e.g., direct intervention, helping the victim, talking to adults)
and that passive (do nothing) and aggressive (get back at the bully) responses
increase with age (Swearer et al., 2010, p. 40). Twemlow & Sacco (2007)
have developed an intervention that is designed to alter these peer group
dynamics by empowering helpful, natural leaders whom they refer to as
77
helpful bystanders. These helpful bystanders foster wide support for kindness
and helpfulness as values with a higher social status, rather than the macho
power of the bully dynamic. The helpfulness ideal was reinforced and the
bullies and purveyors of prejudice were marginalized, to everyones benet
(Twemlow & Sacco, 2007, p. 244). Another promising program that takes
advantage of peer relationships to combat bullying is the Finnish program
KiVa (Salmivalli et al., 2010), KiVa has a strong emphasis on inuencing
onlookers to support the victim rather than encourage the bully. Several
programs that empower peers to combat bullying are described in Box 6.1.
Box 6.1 Programs That Empower Peers to Combat Bullying
You Have the Power! (YHTP!)

The You Have the Power! (YHTP!) program was developed in
Montgomery County, Md., in 2004 by Project Change teen members
who wanted to take action to reduce bullying among students in their
community. Project Change is a youth/adult partnership organization
dedicated to promoting opportunities for youth to be engaged in,
contribute to, and be satised members of their community. The YHTP!
program features teen mentors working with middle and elementary
students after school to raise awareness about characteristics, risks,
and consequences of bullying. Teen mentors help younger kids learn
about bullying prevention and develop a project to bring this valuable
information to their schoolmates. YHTP! has been implemented at
middle and elementary schools in Montgomery County, Md. Detailed
information about the You Have the Power! program is available at:
http://www.projectchange-md.org/yhtp/index.php.
Safe School Ambassadors (SSA)

The Safe School Ambassadors (SSA) program equips young people
with nonviolent communication skills to speak up; intervene; and stop
harassment, meanness, and all forms of bullying. Students acquire
skills they can use in the moment, with their friends, to defuse and
deescalate potentially hurtful incidents. Key adults are trained to facilitate regular small-group meetings of Ambassadors, which sharpen
their skills, sustain their commitment, and increase their reporting of
dangerous activities like planned ghts or weapons on campus. Safe
78
School Bullying
School Ambassadors (SSA) is designed for students in the 4th12th

grades and has been implemented in 900 schools across 28 states and
two Canadian provinces. The schools that have utilized the SSA program have seen results including decreased discipline referrals, suspensions, and expulsions; decreased tension and increased tolerance;
increased ow of information to adults about potentially hurtful and
violent acts; and improved school climate impacting attendance and
academic performance. Detailed information about the Safe School
Ambassadors is available at: http://www.community-matters.org/safeschool-ambassadors/.
Defeat the Label (DTL)

This new antibullying initiative is designed to empower teens to stand
up to bullying and social labeling and to promote an inclusive, judgment-free society, void of social labels and stereotypes. To date, 1,300
teenagers around the world have signed up at DefeatTheLabel.com,
where they record the results of weekly missions to do one specic
act of good for a friend. Their Web site (http://defeatthelabel.com/)
contains information about their in-school programs and a number of
social advocacy tools.
Acknowledge, Care and Tell (ACT) Program

The Acknowledge, Care and Tell (ACT) Program is being implemented
in the West Hartford, Conn., school district. The ACT Program educates students and parents on how to deal with bullying through the
teaching of proactive prevention strategies. The focus of the program
is to teach kids to be an ally to bullying victims. The assistant superintendent of West Hartford schools stated that this program stresses
the importance of not being a bystander and being proactive and that
telling a parent or a trusted adult is the most important thing that you
can do (Gore-Oleksiw, 2011, para. 4).
Link-Crew
Link-crew is another student-initiated program in several West
Hartford, Conn., high schools where upper classmen try to educate
8th graders, freshmen, and sophomores through assemblies and
step-up programs within the transitioning grades. Link-crew will
79
bring incoming freshman into the high school for a 2-day period to
help build connections with juniors and seniors before school starts.
The principal of one of the high schools stated that Link-crew reduces
the sense of alienation and reduces bullying and harassment (GoreOleksiw, 2011, para. 26). As part of this program, one of the high
schools will also implement Stand up Against Bullying Week and
allow students to sell motivational bracelets and sign pledges to not
bully (Gore-Oleksiw).
Put-Ups Program
In this West Hartford, Conn., program, a school, with the help
of parents, selects peer leaders and puts them through weeks of
training. These peer leaders then send out invitations to pizza and
game parties to those students who are loners and struggling
socially (Gore-Oleksiw, 2011).
A seventh strategy is the establishment and enforcement of a discipline

policy that includes simple, clear rules about bullying as well as the development of appropriate positive and negative consequences that are consistently
enforced. Although many school behavior codes implicitly forbid bullying,
many codes do not explicitly state expectations for student behavior (U.S.
Department of Health and Human Services, n.d.,a). The ultimate goal is to
ensure that students are aware of adults expectations that they refrain from
bullying as well as help students who are bullied. It is important to make
clear that the school not only expects students not to bully, but that it also
expects them to be good citizens, not passive bystanders (U.S. Department
of Health and Human Services, n.d.,a). For example, the Olweus Bullying
Prevention Program (OBPD) (described later in this chapter) recommends
that schools adopt four straightforward rules about bullying: (1) We will not
bully others; (2) we will try to help students who are bullied; (3) we will
make it a point to include students who are easily left out; and (4) if we know
that someone is being bullied, we will tell an adult at school and an adult at
home. Rigby (2002) recommends that a schools antibullying policy include
a succinct denition of bullying with illustrations; a declaration of the rights of
individuals in the school communitystudents, teachers, other, workers and
parentsto be free of bullying and (if bullied) to be provided with help and
80
School Bullying
support; a statement of responsibilities of members of the school community

to abstain personally from bullying others in any way, and of those who witness it, to actively seek to stop bullying when it occurs and to give support to
those who are victimized.
An eighth strategy involves an increase in adult supervision in the areas
of the school where bullying occurs with the greatest frequency (i.e., hot
spots). Bullying tends to thrive in locations where adults are not present
or are not vigilant (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, n.d.,a).
Once school personnel have identied these hot spots, they should discuss
and implement creative ways to increase adults presence in these locations
in order to reduce opportunities for bullying. This strategy is important
since it has been shown that having adults in hallways results in signicant
reductions in being physically bullied, having property vandalized, or having
rumors spread (Blosnich & Bossarte, 2011).
A ninth and nal strategy is to direct prevention and intervention efforts at
the transition from elementary to middle school and throughout the critical
middle school years due to a documented increase in bullying during early
adolescence (Espelage, 2004).
Classroom-Level Components
Table 6.1 also lists four essential strategies to combat bullying at the
classroom level. Regular classroom meetings to discuss issues related to
bullying are essential. Teachers, with the support of administrators, should
set aside 2030 minutes each week (or every other week) to discuss bullying
and peer relations with students. These classroom meetings help teachers to
keep their ngers on the pulse of students concerns, allow time for candid
discussions about bullying and the harm that it can cause, and provide tools
for students to address bullying problems (U.S. Department of Health and
Human Services, n.d.,a). For example, teachers can help students acquire
and practice positive behaviors with their peers through a strategy referred
to as empathy scaffolding, which refers to the assistance offered by the teacher
to help students acquire and practice positive behavior with peers. Empathy
scaffolding appears to be an important classroom strategy for teachers (Frey
et al., 2011, p. 273). Classroom meetings can also help teachers understand
students relationships at the school. For example, these meetings can be
used to discuss which students are perceived to be popular and unpopular,
whom students hang out with, who their friends are, and whom they dislike.
These meetings can be used to identify and connect with students who have
81
no friends and to identify student leaders who can encourage peers to stand
up against bullying.
A second classroom-level strategy is the integration and incorporation of
antibullying themes and messages throughout the school curriculum. For
example, a schools curriculum can teach students how to achieve their goals
by being assertive rather than aggressive and how to resolve conicts with
civility (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, n.d.,a).
A third strategy involves implementing steps in schools to make it easier
for students to come to a teacher to talk about bullying incidents. This can
be accomplished by establishing anonymous reporting procedures for peer
witnesses and assuring these peer witnesses that teachers and other adults will
take appropriate action to address the situation. Strategies that foster positive
bystander responses in bullying situations should also be developed and
implemented.
A fourth classroom-level strategy involves the modeling of positive
interpersonal skills by adults in the school. Students learn how to behave by
observing the behavior of adults around them. If schools want to reduce bullying
incidents, it is important that teachers and other adults model appropriate and
respectful behavior toward students (e.g., teachers should not exhibit dominating
or authoritarian behavior with students).
Student-Level Components
A whole-school approach to bullying prevention extends beyond primary
prevention to include targeted one-on-one mental health treatment for
bullies, victims, and bully-victims (Swearer & Espelage, 2011). Table 6.1 also
lists four essential student-level strategies.
First, teachers and other school staff should consistently enforce
nonpunitive, graduated consequences for bullying behaviors. Teachers and
other adults should send clear messages that bullying will not be tolerated,
and they should be equipped to intervene consistently and appropriately in
all bullying situations. Specically, all school staff should be able to intervene
to stop bullying usually in the 12 minutes that one frequently has to deal
with bullying incidents (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services,
n.d.,a).
Second, it is also important that designated staff hold sensitive follow-up
meetings with children who are bullied and separate meetings with children
who bully. All adults in the school should protect and support bullying
victims. Mental health professionals, such as school social workers, should
82
School Bullying
provide supportive counseling to the bullying victim as well as protection

from retaliation. Parents should also be encouraged to contact the school if
they suspect their child is being bullied. In working with victims of bullying
and their parents, it is important to remember that the typical victim has
been threatened with more bullying if he or she tattles. Fear from such
threats causes many victims to decide to suffer quietly, and they ask their
parents not to contact the school (Olweus, 1993). The primary response in
dealing with bullies and their parents is to talk with bullies individually and
tell them in absolute terms that bullying will not be tolerated and that it
will end. Remedial measures designed to correct the bullying behavior and
prevent another occurrence are important. This can be accomplished by
teaching bullies replacement behaviors, empathy, tolerance, and sensitivity
to diversity. Staff should also involve parents of students who bully whenever
possible. Mental health resources should be made available to those students
who are unable to stop bullying behaviors in spite of school intervention.
As a nal step, all students should learn skills to intervene and provide
assistance to bullying victims. For example, bystanders should be taught
specic skills to intervene to help students who are being bullied, and these
prosocial behaviors should be immediately reinforced.
Bullying Prevention Programs Based on a Whole-School Approach

There are several empirically supported bullying prevention programs based
on a whole-school, comprehensive approach. Box 6.2 contains detailed
information about three of these programs. The rst and best known is the
Olweus Bullying Prevention Program (OBPP). Implemented in Norway and
Sweden in the early 1980s, the OBPP has as its major goal the reduction
of victim/bullying problems among primary and secondary school children
(Olweus, 1993). These goals are achieved through a restructuring of the
school environment designed to reduce opportunities and rewards for
engaging in bullying and to build a sense of community among students
and adults within the school (Olweus, 1993, 2001; Olweus et al., 2007).
The OBPP is based on the following four key principles: (1) adults should
show warmth and positive interest in their students; (2) adults should
set rm limits to unacceptable behavior; (3) adults should use consistent
nonphysical, negative consequences when rules are broken; and (4) adults
should function as authorities and positive role models (Olweus, 1993, 2001;
Olweus et al., 2007). Although these principles and the components of the
OBPP have remained largely unchanged, ongoing research and experience
83
Box 6.2 Bullying Prevention Programs Based on a Whole-School Approach
The Olweus Bullying Prevention Program (OBBP)

Bullying Prevention Program is a comprehensive, schoolwide
program that targets students in elementary, middle, or junior high
schools. Its goals are to reduce and prevent bullying problems
among schoolchildren and to improve peer relations. The program is
designed to be implemented at the school level, the class level, and
the individual level. Schoolwide components include a questionnaire
to assess the nature and prevalence of bullying at each school, and
a school conference day to discuss bullying, plan interventions, and
form a coordinating committee. Classroom components include
the establishment and enforcement of class rules against bullying
and regular class meetings with students. Individual components
include interventions with children identied as bullies and victims
and discussions with parents of involved students. The program has
been found to reduce bullying among children, improve the social
climate of classrooms, and reduce antisocial behaviors. Observational
techniques showed marked decreases in relational and physical
bullying. More information about this program is available at the
Center for the Study and Prevention of Violence, University of
Colorado, Web site at: http://www.colorado.edu/cspv/blueprints/
modelprograms/BPP.html.
Bully-Proofing Your School (BPYS)

Bully-Proong Your School (BPYS) is a nationally recognized school
safety program, implemented in school districts throughout the United
States and Canada, with a scientically proven track record since its
inception in 1994. Bully-Proong Your School is a comprehensive
program for handling bully/victim problems through the creation of
a caring majority of students who take the lead in establishing and
maintaining a safe and caring school community. The program focuses
on converting the silent majority of students into a caring majority by
teaching strategies that help them to avoid victimization and to take
a stand for a bully-free school. In schools that have implemented the
program, incidences of bullying behaviors have declined and feelings
of safety among the students have increased. More information about
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School Bullying
this program is available at the National Center for School Engagement

Web site at: http://www.schoolengagement.org/index.cfm/Bully%20
Proof%20Your%20School.
Steps to Respect
Steps to Respect is a multidimensional program that targets interventions at the individual, classroom, and school levels. The student
curriculum teaches children the three Rs of bullying (recognizing,
refusing, and reporting). The program helps children develop friendship skills and focuses on changing bystander behavior that supports
bullying. The program teaches students and adults how to respond to
bullying. According to information on their Web site, Steps to Respect
is based on research demonstrating that teaching certain skills is an
effective method of reducing bullying behavior. The entire school staff
attends 3-hour all-staff training. This training increases adult awareness of bullying at school and teaches adults how to respond effectively
to childrens reports of bullying. Lessons focus on building students
skills in making and keeping friends, solving problems, managing
emotions, and responding to bullying. Effective teacher interventions
to reduce bullying in classrooms include empathy scaffolding, brief
individual coaching sessions with students involved in bullying situations, and emotion regulation. More information about this program
is available at the Committee for Children Web site at: http://www.
cfchildren.org/programs/str/overview/.
in the eld have led to some adaptations of the program to help ensure that it
ts different cultural contexts (Olweus & Limber, 2010, p. 126).
Bully-Proong Your School (BPYS) was developed in 1994 as a
comprehensive prevention program designed to reduce bullying at the
elementary level. Based on the pioneering ideas of Olweus, a schoolwide,
systemic bullying intervention with teacher training and a student curriculum
was developed. The focus of BPYS is on creating a safer school environment
for all by creating, nurturing, and sustaining a culture within the school that
is not conducive to acts of physical, verbal, or social aggression (Porter, Plog,
Jens, Garrity, Sager, & Jimerson, 2010).
Steps to Respect is a school-based program designed to decrease bullying
in elementary schools and help children build more respectful, caring peer
85
relationships. Lessons in the Steps to Respect Program promote empathic

understanding of the feelings of others. The lessons aim to reduce perceptions
that victims are outsiders by emphasizing emotional understanding and
support of peers who are excluded or harassed (Frey et al., 2011, p. 269).
Steps to Respect has been shown to reduce the kinds of by-stander behaviors
that encourage bullying (Viadero, 2010, p. 18).
Some bullying prevention programs work well in Europe but do not work
as well in the United States (Rodkin, 2011). Some of this difference can be
explained by a number of challenges in adopting and implementing wholeschool, comprehensive, antibullying programs with delity in U.S. schools.
Olweus & Limber (2010) have identied and described a number of these
challenges (see Box 6.3). Another challenge in adopting and implementing
whole-school, comprehensive antibullying programs is the lack of adequate
nancial support at the state level. Research indicates that legislative
requirements for bullying prevention programs, such as whole-school
bullying education, often represent unfunded mandates, leaving schools to
reallocate scarce resources to fund implementation (Institute of Education
Sciences, 2011, p. 45).
Integrating Bullying Prevention Strategies Into Schoolwide Positive

Behavior Support
A promising way of addressing these implementation challenges is to
integrate bullying prevention strategies within existing approaches such
as Schoolwide Positive Behavior Support. SWPBS is a proactive, systems-level approach that provides the tools and practices to help support
students and staff and promote positive social and learning environments (Good, McIntosh, & Gietz, 2011, p. 50). SWPBS uses a three-tier
approach that ensures the support of all students. In the primary tier, the
focus is on simple preventive strategies, such as establishing, teaching,
and acknowledging positively stated school expectations, and using that
language regularly throughout the school day. Previous research has shown
that the majority of students, sometimes as many as 80%, will respond to
primary tier interventions that are implemented with integrity (Simonsen,
Sugai, & Negron, 2008). Secondary and tertiary intervention strategies
target those students who do not respond to primary interventions and
need more targeted and intensive support (Fairbanks, Simonsen, & Sugai,
2008). Numerous studies demonstrate the effectiveness of individualized
secondary and tertiary interventions on improving students academic and
86
School Bullying
Box 6.3 Challenges in Implementing Whole-School, Comprehensive,

Evidenced-Based Bullying Prevention Programs in U.S. Schools
Resistance on the part of staff and parentsefforts to

introduce and sustain a comprehensive bullying prevention
program may be doomed if a majority of school staff do
not believe that bullying is a serious issue or believe that
students need to deal with bullying on their own. The
attitudes of the school principal about bullying prevention
are particularly important to the success of a comprehensive
schoolwide program.
Desires for simple, short-term solutions to bullying. What
is required to reduce bullying is nothing less than a change
in the school culture and in the norms for behavior. This
message may be hard for many to hear.
A tendency by school personnel to cherry pick program
elements that are perceived as easier to implement, while
failing to implement those elements that pose bigger
challenges.
Zero tolerance for bullyingrather than be excluded,
bullies need positive, prosocial role models.
State laws typically require the establishment of bullying
prevention policies, but few require research-based
approaches to prevention and intervention. As a result,
what exists in American schools is a hodgepodge of efforts
to address bullying, many of which are short-term and/or
quick xes that are unlikely to have signicant effects on
the culture of bullying within schools.
Comprehensive, research-based bullying prevention
efforts require additional training, personnel, and material
resources. This may a difcult sell in difcult economic
times.
Source: Adapted from Olweus & Limber, 2010.
87
social behaviors (Good, McIntosh, & Gietz, 2011, p. 51). For individuals
who are interested in learning more about Schoolwide Positive Behavior
Support, it can be accessed at http://www.pbis.org/.
Innovative Approaches Designed to Combat Bullying

Several programs across the United States are using shelter dogs to combat
bullying. Healing Species, which began in South Carolina around 2001,
addresses bullying with the assistance of rescued dogs. This program
engages youth with stories, exercises, videos, and discussions of rescued
animals in an effort to help students learn and practice respect for the
feelings of others, and appropriate ways to respond to a bully. Students also
learn how to gain power through acts of kindness and respect. Professional,
trained instructors with a temperament-tested rescued dog deliver each
lesson in the 13-week course. Detailed information about Healing Species
can be found at: http://www.healingspecies.org/program.
The No More Bullies program, which started around 2007, in Kansas
City schools, also uses canine friends to help children and youth learn
empathy, respect for others, compassion, social skills, responsibility, and
self-control. Ex-teacher Jo Dean Hearn, a humane education director at
the animal rescue group Wayside Waifs, developed the curriculum. Hearn
states that children can easily identify with an animal and its easy for
them to transition when we ask them to consider how an animal feels (if ill
treated) to how the kid sitting near them feels (if poorly treated) (Peters,
2011, para. 3). Independent research found that the No More Bullies
program resulted in a 55% decrease in suspensions, a 62% decrease in acts
of aggression, and a 42% increase in acts of empathy (Peters).
Another program utilizing shelter dogs is Mutt-i-grees, which was
developed at the Yale University School of the 21st Century and the
Pet Savers Foundation of North Shore Animal League of America.
According to information contained on its Web site, Mutt-i-grees builds
on childrens afnity for animals and highlights the unique characteristics
and desirability of shelter dogs. The Mutt-i-grees curriculum consists of
at least 25 age-appropriate 30-minute lessons and focuses on teaching
social and emotional skills. In a series of easily implemented lessons,
children learn critical skills that will help them in their interactions with
people and animals. According to its founders, this curriculum is unique
in its bridging of humane education with the emerging eld of social and
88
School Bullying
emotional learning (SEL). Mutt-i-grees is in 900 schools in 28 states.

Detailed information about Mutt-i-grees can be found at http://education.
muttigrees.org/.
The Recent Emergence of Tough Antibullying Laws

Across the United States
In October 2010, the U.S. Education Department sent a clear signal to
schools to take a stronger stance on bullying with a Dear Colleague
letter reminding schools that failure to properly address bullying cases
could violate students civil rights (Zubrzycki, 2011, p. 16). In their
letter, the DOE (Department of Education) stated that educators need
to look beyond single incidents of bullying and examine the nature of
the conduct for civil rights violations. If the bullying behavior is based
on perceptions about someones race, color, national origin, sex, or
disabilityand if the conduct creates a hostile environmentschool
administrators are expected, by law, to respond with civil rights in mind
(Costello, 2010a).
In reaction to the U.S. Department of Educations actions as well as public
concerns about a series of high-prole suicides linked to bullying over the
past several years, a growing number of states have passed antibullying
legislation (Zubrzycki, 2011). As of July 2012, a total of 49 states have
passed antibullying legislation and 45 states contain prohibitions against
electronic harassment. Montana is the only state that currently has no such
laws (Hinduja&Patchin, 2012).
According to a recent analysis of state bullying legislation, 45 state
laws direct school districts to adopt bullying policies, 43 states include
descriptions of bullying behavior that is prohibited under the law, 3 states
prohibit bullying without dening the prohibited actions or behaviors,
36 states now include provisions in their education codes prohibiting
cyberbullying or bullying using electronic media, 13 states specify that
schools have jurisdiction over off-campus bullying behavior if it creates a
hostile school environment, and referrals for mental health counseling are
covered in only 11 state laws (Institute of Education Sciences, 2011).
Perhaps the toughest and farthest-reaching of the new state laws is New
Jerseys antibullying legislationthe Anti-Bullying Bill of Rights Act (Hu,
2011). New Jerseys new law requires all public schools to adopt comprehensive
antibullying policies (there are 18 pages of required components), increase
89
staff training and adhere to tight deadlines for reporting episodes, and
designate an antibullying specialist to investigate complaints, and the State
Education Department will evaluate every effort and post grades on its Web
site. Superintendents said that educators who fail to comply could lose their
licenses (Hu, 2011; Zubrzycki, 2011). In addition to New Jersey, Iowa passed
an antibullying law that was hailed as one of the best in the country when
it was passed in 2007 (Wiser, 2011, p. 1). Iowas antibullying law requires
school districts to record and report any incident of bullying, the reason for
the bullying, and any action the school takes because of the incident. School
administrators have four categories to choose from when they record a reason
for bullying: physical attributes, race or ethnicity, real or perceived sexual
orientation, and other. Districts have the latitude to carry out the policy as
they see t, as long as they record it and report it to the state (Wiser, 2011,
pp. 12). Because Iowa school districts, on average, reported that less than
2% of their students had been bullied in any given year since the state passed
its antibullying law in 2007, the Iowa Department of Education will pilot
a more comprehensive antibullying policy in select school districts before
expanding it statewide during the 20122013 school year. Their new pilot
policy has 17 categories and includes verbal, physical, and electronic bullying
(Wiser, 2011).
Several trends in recent state antibullying legislation are noteworthy. These
tends are: (1) expansion of the denition of bullying to include cyberbullying;
(2) spelling out the potential victims of bullying, such as students who are
gay, lesbian, bisexual, or transgender; (3) increasing protections for victims of
bullying and those who report it; and (4) mandating professional development
for teachers and education for students on the issue (Zubrzycki, 2011,
p. 16). One of the most highly contentious issues is whether state antibullying
laws should include provisions that specically enumerate certain student
populations (i.e., LGBT students and students with disabilities), who have
been shown to be at greater risk of being victimized by bullies (American
Foundation for Suicide Prevention, 2011).
Several challenges have also emerged in the development and
implementation of recent state antibullying legislation. Since there is no
standard denition of bullying that is universally accepted in the research
eld or at the federal level, the states must establish their own denitions
through legislative debate and administrative action. States must dene
bullying by considering the specic behaviors, intent, and degree of harm to
the victim (Institute of Education Sciences, 2011). A difcult legal challenge
90
School Bullying
is proving the intent of the bullya key characteristic of bullying (American

Foundation for Suicide Prevention, 2011). In certain cases, the language
used in legislation to dene bullying has been either too broad or too
specic to provide adequate protection to victims (Sacks & Salem, 2009). In
addition, the way that bullying is dened in law has important implications
for how behavior is viewed within the school community and the extent
to which school personnel and other students recognize and respond to
bullying situations (Swearer, Limber, & Alley, 2009). A signicant challenge
in dening bullying is determining when developmentally appropriate
problem behavior, such as teasing, progresses into more serious misconduct
that warrants intervention or disciplinary action. The growth of cyberbullying
introduces added challenges to dening conduct that reasonably requires
school action or enforcement (Institute of Education Sciences, 2011,
p. 25).
A very thorough, detailed analysis of current state bullying laws and
policies published by the U.S. Department of Education is available on the
Departments Web site at http://www.ed.gov/about/ofces/list/opepd/ppss/
index.html. Recent state antibullying legislation can also be tracked at the
Bully Police USA Web site (http://www.bullypolice.org/). This Web site was
founded by Brenda High, whose son hanged himself by his backpack strap
just after his 12th birthday. It provides grades to each state according to the
comprehensiveness and effectiveness of its antibullying legislation (Franks,
2010).
In the EndCombating Bullying Is a Human Rights Issue

Perhaps one of the most powerful vantage points for raising consciousness
and rallying the support of others to combat bullying is by viewing bullying
within a human rights framework (Levesque, 2001). Greene (2006) provides
a compelling case for adopting and infusing a human rights perspective as
a means of increasing the effectiveness and sustainability of school-based
bullying prevention programs by stating that [a] human rights perspective
is predicated on the assumption that all human beings are entitled to an
inalienable set of rights simply because of their human status and that
organizations such as schools have an obligation to uphold human rights
standards . . . [which includes the] right for a child to feel safe in school and
to be spared the oppression and repeated, intentional humiliation (Greene,
2006, pp. 7374). A human rights perspective also forces us to broaden
the scope of antibullying efforts to include those actions and circumstances
91
that create hostile environments. For example, students should not have
to attend schools where bullying incidents among students are routinely
ignored by adults or where sexual jokes and innuendos are condoned or
where bullying exists among teachers and administrators (Galloway &
Roland, 2004). A human rights perspective can also serve to encourage
victimized students and witnesses to intervene and report instances of
bullying or human rights violations to authorities and overcome a culture
of silence (Greene, 2006, p. 73).
Summary
Bullying does not lend itself to the same interventions that may be effective in
addressing other types of peer conict. Bullying can be reduced substantially
by implementing a comprehensive, whole-school approach that modies all
levels of the social ecology of the school (i.e., school-level, classroom-level,
and student-level). A number of best-practice strategies at each of these levels
have been developed. Several empirically supported bullying prevention
programs based on a whole-school, comprehensive approach have also
been implemented including, the Olweus Bullying Prevention Program,
Bully-Proong Your School, and Steps to Respect.
There are a number of challenges in adopting and implementing wholeschool, comprehensive antibullying programs with delity in U.S. schools.
One promising way of addressing these implementation challenges is to
integrate bullying prevention strategies within existing approaches such as
Schoolwide Positive Behavior Support. Several programs across the U.S.
(Healing Species, No More Bullies, and Mutt-i-grees) are also using shelter
dogs to combat bullying. Over the past several years, a total of 47 states have
passed antibullying legislation. Only Michigan, Montana, and South Dakota
have no such laws, and all but six state laws contain prohibitions against
cyberbullying. Perhaps the toughest and farthest-reaching of the new state
laws is New Jerseys antibullying legislation. In addition to New Jersey, Iowa
passed an antibullying law that was hailed as one of the best in the country
when it was passed in 2007. One of the most highly contentious issues is
whether state antibullying laws should include provisions that specically
enumerate certain student populations (i.e., LGBT students and students with
disabilities), who have been shown to be at greater risk of being victimized by
bullies. A difcult legal challenge facing each state in dening bullying in its
state laws is proving the intent of the bullya key characteristic of bullying.
92
School Bullying
Perhaps one of the most powerful vantage points for raising consciousness
and rallying the support of others to combat bullying is by viewing bullying
within a human rights framework, namely, that all human beings are entitled
to an inalienable set of rights simply because of their human status and that
organizations such as schools have an obligation to uphold human rights
standards, which include the right for a child to feel safe in school and to be
spared the oppression and repeated, intentional humiliation.
93
Appendix
Bullying Assessment Tools

Hamburger, M. E., Basile, K. C., & Vivolo, A. M. (2011). Measuring bullying
victimization, perpetration, and bystander experiences: A compendium of assessment tools. Atlanta, GA: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, National
Center for Injury Prevention and Control.
This compendium provides researchers, prevention specialists, and
health educators with tools to measure a range of bullying experiences:
bully perpetration, bully victimization, bully-victim experiences, and
bystander experiences. This compendium represents a starting point from
which researchers can consider a set of psychometrically sound measures
for assessing self-reported incidence and prevalence of a variety of bullying
experiences. This compendium includes measures of bully perpetration only
(Section A: Bully Only); bully victimization only (Section B: Victim Only);
being both a bully and a victim (Section C: Bully and Victim); and being a
bully, a bystander (observer), and/or a victim of bullying situations (Section
D: Bystander, Bully, and/or Victim).
Bullying Prevention Curricula and Fact Sheets

StopBullying.gov
StopBullying.gov provides information from various government agencies on
how kids, teens, young adults, parents, educators, and others in the community can prevent or stop bullying. All of these resource kits can be downloaded from www.stopbullying.gov.
Anti-Defamation League
The ADL is a leader in developing antibullying and anti-cyberbullying training, curriculum, and resources for teens, school educators, youth providers,
and adult family members. ADL provides the tools and resources to assist
people in taking action to prevent and respond to bullying and cyberbullying. See http://www.adl.org/combatbullying/.
95
The ADL has also developed a model Cyberbullying Prevention

Law for states to adopt and implement. The policy gives schools the
resources they need to combat and respond to bully ing and cyberbullying. This model statute can be found at http://www.adl.org/main_internet/
Cyberbullying_Prevention_Law.
Special Issue of Excellence and Ethics

A special issue of Excellence and Ethics focuses on bullying, promoting
kindness, and creating a safe and supportive learning environment. See
http://www2.cortland.edu/dotAsset/a7bc96d9-acad-472c-8ae4a1891781a0d6.pdf.
Connect for Respect

In March 2011, National PTA launched an initiative to encourage PTAs
across the country to lead conversations in their school communities about
bullying and how it is affecting their communities, and to develop solutions
that they can implement collaboratively together. This Web site contains tools
and resources that PTAs can use to plan their Connect for Respect events.
See http://www.pta.org/bullying.asp.
Cyberbullying Resources
Seattle Public SchoolsMiddle School Cyberbullying Curriculum
This curriculum educates teachers about cyberbullying and includes a
language they can share with their students. It addresses the issue of a student
being a bystander to being a victim to being a bully at different times and
how to resist the urge to bully back. The curriculum focuses on writing
and asks students to write personal contracts about their online behavior. It
also involves parents by utilizing take-home letters and activities. See http://
district.seattleschools.org/modules/cms/pages.phtml?pageid=216981.
Cyberbullying Research Center

The Cyberbullying Research Center is dedicated to providing up-to-date
information about the nature, extent, causes, and consequences of cyberbullying among adolescents. This Web site serves as a clearinghouse of information concerning the ways adolescents use and misuse technology. It is
intended to be a resource for parents, educators, law enforcement ofcers,
counselors, and others who work with youth. Here you will nd facts, gures,
and detailed stories from those who have been directly impacted by online
96
Appendix
aggression. In addition, the site includes numerous resources to help you

prevent and respond to cyberbullying incidents. The Cyberbullying Research
Center is directed by Dr. Sameer Hinduja (Florida Atlantic University) and
Dr. Justin Patchin (University of Wisconsin-Eau Claire). They have been
studying cyberbullying since 2002 and rst launched this Web site in 2005.
They founded the Center as a means to further their mission of bringing
sound research about cyberbullying to those who can benet most from it.
See http://www.cyberbullying.us/.
WiredSafety.org
WiredSafety.org is a U.S. charity operating through its volunteers worldwide. It
is the largest and oldest online safety, education, and help group in the world.
Originating in 1995 as a group of volunteers rating Web sites, it now provides
one-to-one help, extensive information, and education to cyberspace users of
all ages on a myriad of Internet and interactive technology safety, privacy, and
security issues. These services are offered through a worldwide organization
comprised entirely of unpaid volunteers who administer specialized Web
sites, resources, and programs. See http://www.wiredsafety.org/.
Embracing Digital Youth

Embracing Digital Youth (a program of Center for Safe and Responsible
Internet Use) promotes approaches that will best ensure all young people
become cybersavvy and address youth risk in a positive and restorative
manner. See http://www.embracingdigitalyouth.org/.
Netcetera
The Net Cetera Community Outreach Toolkit helps you provide the people in
your community with information about protecting kids online. Regardless
of your experience as a speakeror your expertise in online safetythis
kit has the resources and information you need to convey key points about
protecting kids online. See http://www.onguardonline.gov/topics/net-cetera.
aspx.
GLBTQ Bullying Resources

Gay, Lesbian and Straight Education Network
GLSEN, or the Gay, Lesbian and Straight Education Network, is the leading national education organization focused on ensuring safe schools for all
students. GLSEN envisions a world in which every child learns to respect and
Appendix
97
accept all people, regardless of sexual orientation or gender identity/expression. For more information on GLSENs research, educational resources, public policy agenda, student organizing programs, or development initiatives,
visit www.glsen.org.
Parents, Families and Friends of Lesbians and Gays (PFLAG)

Parents, Families and Friends of Lesbians and Gays (PFLAG) is a national
nonprot organization with over 200,000 members and supporters and
over 350 afliates in the United States. This vast grassroots network is
cultivated, resourced, and serviced by the PFLAG National Ofce, located
in Washington, D.C., the national Board of Directors, and 13 Regional
Directors. See http://community.pag.org/page.aspx?pid=191.
It Gets Better Project

The It Gets Better Project was created to show young LGBT people the levels
of happiness, potential, and positivity their lives will reachif they can just
get through their teen years. The It Gets Better Project wants to remind teenagers in the LGBT community that they are not aloneand it will get better.
See http://www.itgetsbetter.org/.
Planned Parenthood
Planned Parenthood provides high-quality, sensitive, and appropriate
reproductive health, general health, and sexual health services to all
lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) patients. See http://
www.plannedparenthood.org/health-topics/sexual-orientation-gender-4329.
htm.
American Academy of Pediatrics

The American Academy of Pediatrics issued its rst statement on
homosexuality and adolescents in 1983, with a revision in 1993. This
2004 report reects the growing understanding of youth of differing sexual
orientations. It contains denitions of sexual orientation, gender identity,
gender role, transgendered individuals, and transvestites. It also includes
sections on etiology and prevalence, special needs of nonheterosexual
and questioning youth, comprehensive health care for all adolescents,
and community advocacy. See http://aappolicy.aappublications.org/cgi/
content/full/pediatrics;113/6/1827.
98
Appendix
Project 10
The Project 10 Web site includes links to a bill of rights for gay and lesbian
students, how to deal with the opposition, and a teachers self-evaluation of
nonbiased behavior. See www.project10.org.
Its Elementary. Talking About Gay Issues

This 78-minute documentary makes a case that children should be taught
to respect all people, including lesbians and gay men, as part of their early
education. It is designed to inspire teachers and administrators to take the
next steps at their own schools to increase student knowledge and sensitivity
for this aspect of diversity. This videotape may be obtained through Womens
Educational Media, 2180 Bryant St., Suite 203, San Francisco, CA 94110.
Telephone: (415) 641-4616. E-mail: [email protected].
Sexual Bullying/Sexual Harassment

Smith, J., Huppuch, M., & Van Deven, M. (and Girls for Gender Equity).
(2011). Hey, shorty!: A guide to combating sexual harassment and violence in
schools and on the streets. New York: The Feminist Press at CUNY.
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Index
Acknowledge, Care and Tell (ACT)

Program 95
antibullying laws 105106
bias bullying 10, 13
Biggest Loser 3, 37
bully-victims 8, 22
bullying
common forms of 911
in competitive sports 3
denition of 910
and family characteristics ix, 8,
14, 16, 26
history of research on 8
and human nature 67
as a human rights issue 72, 91
and individual characteristics 26
at the international level 3
in the media 3, 7
in the political arena 3
and response of teachers 25, 27
and role of peer witnesses viiiix,
2425, 27, 82
and school characteristics ix, 8,
1415, 17, 26
as a systematic abuse of power
9, 26
bullying and peer group
afliation 67
bullying compared to other types of

peer conict 13
bullying vs. teasing 14
bullying school culture 5
Bully-Proong Your School (BPYS)
100101
bystanders 25, 31, 74
bystanders and witnesses 93
Charter for Compassion 38
Christian Coalition 63
Communities That Care 3839
Compassionate Friends/USA 38
CompSocieties 38
culture of bullying viii, 7, 87
cyberbullying 10, 12, 28
denition of 29
and its impact on victims 3334
legal issues and 34
prevalence of 2930
unique nature of 30
Cyberenvironments 3132, 39
bullying behaviors unique to 39
Defeat the Label (DTL) 95
early adolescence viii, 67, 81
ecological/ecological-systems
perspective 12, 7
117
electronic devices, pervasive role

of 28
empathy scaffolding 97, 101
Expect Respect: A School-Based
Program Promoting Safe and
Healthy Relationships for Youth
52, 55
homophily hypothesis 6
homophobia 41, 44, 46
homophobic bullying 41, 46
If You Really Knew Me 37
Iowas antibullying law 106
Jersey Shore 3
face-to-face peer bullying ix, 8

and educational consequences for
bullies 21
and educational consequences for
bully-victims 22
educational consequences for
victims of 20
and emotional consequences for
bullies 21
and emotional consequences for
bully-victims 22
emotional consequences for
victims of 20
and escalating violence 20
groups at greatest risk of being
victims of 1819
neuroscience research ndings
and 26
prevalence of 16
responses of adults in school
to 25
Focus on the Family 6365
Gaystraight alliances (GSAs)
4445, 47
gender expression 4142
gender-conforming youth 42
happy slapping 32
heterosexism 41, 46
118
key stakeholders 91
LGBTQ bullying 40
victims of 4243
victims of 4243
moral conservatives and 54
prevalence of 41
religious and political dimensions
of 4647
responses of adults in school
to 42
Link-Crew 9596
masquerading/impersonation 32
Middle School Cyberbullying
Curriculum 3536, 39, 96,
Moral Majority 63,
New Jerseys Anti-Bullying Bill of
Rights Act 105, 108
nondiscrimination policies 64
outing and trickery 3132
physical bullying 1011, 31, 42, 84
picture or video clip bullying 32
Put-Ups Program 96
Index
Real Housewives 3
reality TV shows 3
relational/Indirect bullying 1011
religious bullying
denition of 56
legal and moral frameworks and 76
prevalence of 73
strategies for combating 77
rights of students under Title IX x,
52, 55
Roots of Empathy 36, 39
Safe School Ambassadors (SSA) 94
school climate 1617, 47, 79
school coordinating teams 91
Schoolwide Positive Behavior Support
(SWPBS) 88,102,104,108
sexting 10, 29, 31
sexual bullying 41
denition of 50
and its impact on victims 51
nature of 50
prevalence of 50
and sexual harassment 4950
strategies to prevent 5253
sexual orientation 4748, 54, 90, 98
Shifting Boundaries: Lessons on
Relationships for Students in
Middle School 5455
social ecology of the school 89
socially connected, popular bullies
8, 2223
Steps to Respect 101102, 108
strategies for combating
cyberbullying 33
community-based 37
family-based 36
Internet-based 38
Index
school-based 35
strategies for combating LGBTQ
bullying 44
addressing religious and political
issues 48
school-based strategies 44
strategies that do not prevent
bullying 88
teachers who bully
victims of 83 86
victims of 83 86
strategies for combating 8788
The Olweus Bullying Prevention
Program (OBBP) 96, 99100,
108
transphobia 41, 44
under the radar bullying 8,
10, 72
verbal bullying 1011, 18, 59
whole-school approach to bullying
prevention 72, 8889
classroom-level components as
part of a 90
school-level components as part
of a 8990
student-level components as part
of a 90
witnesses 2425
You Have the Power! (YHTP!) 94
zero tolerance 87, 103
119

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School Bullying

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SCHOOL BULLYING

OXFORD WORKSHOP SERIES:

Series Advisory Board

OXFORD WORKSHOP SERIES

by Oxford University Press 2013

What Do We Know About Face-to-Face

Cyberbullying: Taking Bullying to New

LGBTQ Bullying and Sexual Bullying in

Under-the-Radar Bullying: Religious

Best Practices in Preventing School

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Bullying is one of the most prevalent and insidious forms of violence in

perspective allows us to broaden our conceptualization of bullying and allows

bullying is a specic type of aggression that involves an imbalance of power

prevention and intervention strategies, including a detailed discussion of

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An Ecological-Systems Perspective of Bullying in Schools

In order to combat bullying in our schools, it is essential that we broaden

public concerned about bullying in our schools and communities is to

An Ecological-Systems Perspective of Bullying

Our examination of bullying utilizing an ecological-systems perspective

Bullying in Our Schools Is a Reflection of Bullying in Our Culture

An Ecological-Systems Perspective of Bullying in Schools

Mixed Messages About Bullying Behavior

A Bullying School Culture?

An Ecological-Systems Perspective of Bullying in Schools

schools, bullying behavior pervades relationships at a number of levels.

Is Bullying Part of Our Human Nature?

An Ecological-Systems Perspective of Bullying in Schools

What Do We Know About Face-to-Face Peer Bullying?

This chapter presents a brief history of research on face-to-face peer

A Brief History of Research on Bullying

What Do We Know About Face-to-Face Peer Bullying?

Table 2.1 Types of Bullying

An attack on a victim that is physical in nature, including

Includes such acts as calling hurtful names, taunting,

A form of bullying where the bully does not directly confront

Cyberbullying has been dened as the repeated use of

Any physical or verbal bullying behavior that is based on

Bullying that is based on (or justied by) the victim being

Box 2.1 Examples of Several Common Forms of Bullying

What Do We Know About Face-to-Face Peer Bullying?

because he thinks she cheated on him. Christine doesnt know where

I have referred to bullying as a low-level form of violence in schools

How Is Bullying Different From Other Types of Peer Conflict?

What Do We Know About Face-to-Face Peer Bullying?

differentiate teasing from bullying. While some teasing and exchanging of

Factors Associated With Bullying at Various Contextual Levels

Table 2.2 Individual Characteristics Associated With Children and Youth

The best-documented individual factor in bullying is

Having good self-esteem

Most research indicates that children and youth who

Being a bullying victim

Victims of bullying are more likely to bully others, and

Males consistently exhibit a higher probability of

What Do We Know About Face-to-Face Peer Bullying?

Table 2.3 Family Characteristics and Dynamics Associated With Youth