Festivals and Folklife: Project Planning For Cultural Festivals
Festivals and Folklife: Project Planning For Cultural Festivals
Festivals and Folklife: Project Planning For Cultural Festivals
By Ryan Davis
2010
When we talk about grassroots in the folklife festival context, we mean that agendas are
driven and informed by a range of individuals who are closely connected to their respective
traditions and/or the communities involved. The decisions made while planning the festival
should ideally reflect the views of many individuals within a community who are intimately
connected with the traditions on display. This process has been described as natural,
spontaneous, and from the ground up. It refers to producing festivals with due attention to
local groups.
Referring to its political nature, Richard Kurin of the Smithsonian Folklife Festival (SFF)writes
that the folklife festival becomes, an advocate for human cultural rights, for cultural equity,
for cultural diversity in the context of the Smithsoniana national institution founded with
democratic, enlightenment ideals... (10).
Our mission is to promote the understanding and continuity of diverse, contemporary
grassroots cultures (Smithsonian Folklife Festival website)
promoting and protecting cultural diversity; the right to culture for everyone in our
society;
encouraging active participation in community cultural life; granting people the right to
participate in policy decisions that affect our cultural lives
safeguarding fair and equitable access to cultural resources and support.
1.5 Legitimization
A folklife festival attempts to legitimize many different representations of culture. A folklife
festival can be a place where the important messages are communicated through cultural
expression by all people. This process can provide validity to the cultural expression of many
different people that otherwise might go unnoticed and unrecognized.
Visitors [to a folklife festival] can only understand and interpret performances in terms of
their own cultural endowment; visitors generally respect the cultural authority of the
institution whose endorsement participants have won and are willing, certainly on account of
their own advantages of class and education, to appreciate, however imperfectly, cultural
difference. (Cantwell 161)
who controls culture, questions for whom culture is mediated, and reflects an interest in how
folklore can be used to combat forms of essentialized identity.
Preserving and safeguarding culture does not suggest the protection of traditions from
outside forces, but rather, supports the conditions necessary for cultural reproduction. In line
with cultural conservation, ICH policies encourage the sustainability of traditions by taking a
natural heritage as living systems approach that seeks to sustain the whole system as a living
entity and not just to collect 'intangible artifacts'. As Barbara Kirshenblatt-Gimblett explains,
this marks a progressive shift in ICH policy that conceptualizes intangible heritage to
include not only the masterpieces, but also the masters (53).
Ethnography refers to how we describe culture and, as the primary tool of cultural
conservation, it seeks to understand the full range of cultural resources people use to
constitute their own living heritage. Within the context of a folklife festival, ethnography
helps planners conceptualize events that affirm, strengthen, and sustain those relevant
resources for use by local groups. But this is not to say that cultural conservation facilitates an
unmediated pathway for the transmission of traditions. Ethnography describes the cultural
landscape and thus, ethnographers become collaborators in the creation of culture. Further,
when applying ethnography to a folklife festival, the culture broker is put in a position of
selecting what to include and exclude.
2.3 Traditions
While the word tradition has been commonly thought of as something of the
pastreferring to static, unchanging, relics of the pastthey are also connected and
expressed in the present. Folklorists have come to understand tradition as something more
fluid. Traditions are always changing shape by those who use them, making them
contemporary and relevant to current social situations. While there is value in presenting
how traditions once were in the past, when showcasing traditions at a folklife festival, we
should focus on their contemporary expressions to provide a nuanced and varied view.
their own purposes. As we plan for a folklife festival, we should consider how the festival
stage can provide opportunity for the invention of tradition.
It is the participants own resourcefulness and imagination, not the festival makers
ingenuity, that has produced the magic; the magic is a sign not of the folklorists sovereignty,
or of the festivals influence, but of the participants independence of these factors. This is not
culture induced or culture reproduced or culture renewed or even culture conserved but
culture invented: the original response of particular people, informed by a culture of their
own, to new conditions in which they learn to shape, at a particular historical moment, a
reality in conformity with their own beliefs and values. It is festive culture, not only in a local
and accidental sense, but comprehensively and totally (Cantwell 161).
As festival planners, we can create new contexts for traditions. But the people who participate
and attend the festival are the ones who make it what it is. Finding out what will be the
appropriate context for a festival will come from consulting with tradition-bearers and the
expected audience. One goal of folklorists in public sector work is to extend the reach of
traditional cultures through collaborative recontextualization into varied appropriate forms
of representation....Such representations should assist traditional communities in recreating
their own metaphors. (Spitzer 82).
3.2 Transport
Transport, in this sense, refers to an overwhelmingly strong emotion. Many studies on the
structure of festivals identify the ways in which they mark time and space as something
entirely different from everyday life. Often described as liminal or liminoid, these timeout-of-time experiences often have the effect of feeling transported amongst participants.
The success of festivals are ultimately measured by the degree to which participants are
swept away, or transported by the temporary collective unity that can occur during festival
time. While we can talk about folklife festivals in terms of cultural democracy, tradition and
culture, in the end, it is the language of emotion that can help shed light on what makes
festivals worthwhile and meaningful. Transport is used to describe that feeling of getting
lost, for example, in a piece of music, or becoming completely absorbed in making pottery,
performing surgery, playing sports, or dancing. It refers to experiences that transport you
into an immediate present.
For festival scholars, like Robert Cantwell, this describes the magic of festivals. He writes
that the Smithsonian Folklife Festival can, at times, create an 'induced natural context,'
through which, by a kind of transport, simulated experiences become real ones, and the 'inner
audience,' through which members of one cultural group feel themselves swept on a tide of
enthusiasm into copartnership with another, feel their hearts swollen with the intimation of a
brave new world that has such people in it. (Cantwell 159).
Cantwell gives us some examples and praise for magic at a folklife festival: The counterfeit
shrine that practice sacralizes, the imitated trance state that in performance becomes
harrowingly genuine, the craftsworker who momentarily forgets himself and stoops to wash
his hands in a creek that isn't there, the Saint's Day procession in which participants and
visitors from other parts of the Catholic world spontaneously participatethese 'enviable
moments in which displayed enactments and real activity merge,' as Richard Bauman puts it
(1987), are, again, what Smithsonian folklorists consistently point to as indications of the
success of their enterprise. (Cantwell 158)
The magic of a folklife festival happens amongst the people who participate (the presenters
and the audience), and not in the control of the planners. We can only plan for so much. But
thoughtful planning can help facilitate magic and transport. In Cantwell's discussion of
magic, he identifies some of the ways in which this occurs. This includes notions of,
Similitude: the quality or state of being similar to something.
Resemblance: the state of resembling or being alike
Affinity: a spontaneous or natural liking or sympathy for someone or something
Collective energy
Unity
Commonality
Reciprocity
Ideals of spontaneity and unpredictability
The ultimate effects of a folklife festival are to call down...cultural forces into the Festival
and to animate the participants and visitors with them; to create, in effect, what the staff
folklorist calls 'life,' or what Richard Kurin calls 'emergent, non-predictable cultural
creation.' (Cantwell 158)
When an audience shows appreciation for a performance, there is a reciprocity. When we can
bring performer and audience close together, on even planes, we can potentially increase the
chances of reciprocity.
It is magic when the frightful and tangled forces that divide human beings suddenly vanish,
effaced by the sheer power and excellence, the authenticity, of performance on the one hand
and by the willingness of visitors on the other hand to recognize power and excellence as
such, even if they are unacquainted with the specific cultural values that inform it. To
suppose that the festival maker can induce or in any other way summon up this moment is
to fall into the most persistent intellectual infirmity of science and magic, the illusion that
what we conjure we can control. The festival maker can prepare for this moment; but only
the participant and visitor together can create it. (Cantwell 160)
3.4 Audience
Who is this festival for? This becomes a very important question as you plan a folklife
festival. As a grassroots festival, the aim is inclusionpeople of all walks of life should be
encouraged to attend and get involved. Some of the choices we make when planning a
festival might deter or exclude certain pockets of a community. For example, charging
admission to events might create economic barriers for some people. Making events free or
low-cost can be one way of helping to reduce economic barriers.
Location can also affect who attends a folklife festival. Schools or community centres, for
example, may be (but not always) considered neutral ground. Hosting events in places that
do not exclude sections of society is an important consideration. Outdoor venues, such as
parks, are often good spaces for a meeting of diverse groups of people. We should also
consider the ways we promote and advertise our folklife festivals. By what means are we
promoting our events, and who is the audience that receives notice of the festival?
We should also consider the concerns of the tradition-bearers when it comes to whom they
will presenting their tradition. For example, at the Mummers Festival, some of the mummers
interviewed and asked to present felt comfortable coming from their respective communities
and into St. John's to present. However they did not wish to present in their own
communities. Some felt that they didn't want to be placed on a pedestal amongst community
members, as experts of a tradition that the whole community was familiar with. However,
for a larger audience, less familiar with the tradition, they were willing to present. Initially
this was counter-intuitive to what we, the planners had thought. We felt that if we were to
present the mummering tradition, that we should do so for the community from which the
tradition-bearers belonged. We must consider our audience for such presentations and
3.5 Participation
Participation is a very important concept in planning a folklife festival. The more people
invest themselves in the festival, it is hoped, the more they will get out of it. Encouraging
participation should be a major concern as you try to conceptualize the festival and try to
attract an audience. We can encourage participation, by simulating traditions and involving
an unfamiliar public. The level of involvement by the audience, will, of course, vary. But the
audience might engage by acting out traditions, participating in workshops, posing questions
and creating dialogue with tradition bearers, or taking photos or video to document their
own experiences. We should encourage active involvement as much as possible. It's a move
away from spectatorship and a move toward participation.
For example, The Mummers Parade was framed as a peoples' parade. It says on the
website, We hope for more mummers than onlookers in our first Mummers Parade. This is a
participant-driven event. The Mummers Parade is open to interpretation so your presence
will add colour and shape the outcome. You make it what you want it to be. In addition,
there were a series of events that led up to the final parade that helped build momentum and
gave people multiple ways to engage creatively in the parade. We hosted a Hobby Horse
Making Workshop where people could make their own horse for the parade. We invited
mummers from Ferryland to give a talk about how they mummer for an audience to learn
some of the tricks of the trade. We hosted a Rig-Up so people could create a disguise just
before the parade started. At the Mummers Jam after the parade, we opened the
microphones up to the public to add their own entertainment to the event. On the festival's
website we provided information about the mummering tradition and provided links to
photos and video to help people new to mummering, become acquainted with the tradition.
The poster and postcard offered up a number of visuals for people to engage with and think
about as they planned to participate in the parade.
Giving people multiple ways to get involved played an important role in the parade's success.
While only some people might be musical and willing to perform on stage at the Mummers
Jam, piecing together a disguise from provided clothes, and walking the parade route was
accessible to many.
Some other examples of participant-focused public events:
Accordion Revolution at the Newfoundland and Labrador Folk Festival
The Great Fogo Island Punt Race
The George Street Mardi Gras
The New York City Halloween Parade
The Burning Man Festival
All these events invoke a rhetoric of participation that engages community members and
community groups.
of diverse people all dressed in a mummers disguise, helps to remove the boundaries that our
day-to-day clothing might establishwhen everyone is a mummer, notions of difference
might melt away. We can consider the many ways that structuring a festival can put people
of differing backgrounds on an even playing field.
Festivals in general, have that levelling quality. When diverse groups of people come to a
festival, their day-to-day life gets put on hold. Therefore, making day-to-day spaces into
festival spaces can have an effect on people that helps to relax boundaries. If people can
contribute to the ways in which day-to-day spaces get converted into festival spaces, even
better. A good example of this is the St. John's Lantern Festival that, for one day, transforms a
public park into a festival space using homemade jar lanterns and other bamboo paper
lanterns. It is the participants that transform the space with their own creativity.
The Festival of American Folklife has over the years elaborated a complex set of framing
devices that mark and replace daunting and often insurmountable barriers of class, race,
language, and the like, reducing them to a set of ephemeral physical structures symbolic in
their slightness and ephemerality but in their physicality capable of shaping socially and
psychologically the nature of the encounter framed by means of them. (Cantwell 160)
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