Judicial Independence
Judicial Independence
Judicial Independence
1
2
department and no other. There must be independence and equity of the several
departments.
Issue
This paper aims to criticize and to propose some changes and innovations in the
actual application of the concept of separation of powers as applied in the Philippine
Government. The main focus of this paper is the subject of appointments in the Judiciary
including the elimination of the express grant by the Constitution to the President of the
power to appoint the justices and judges of the Supreme Court and the lower courts.
The Constitution provides that the Members of the Supreme Court and judges of
the lower courts shall be appointed by the President from a list of at least three nominees
prepared by the Judicial and Bar Council for every vacancy. Such appointments need no
confirmation. For the lower courts, the President shall issue the appointments within
ninety days from the submission of the list.6
Although some countries, like the United States, maintain a similar manner of
selection of justices and judges, I strongly believe that this should not apply in the
Philippines.
Proposed Innovations
I believe that the concept of judicial independence in this country must
necessarily include absolute independence from the President, at least with respect to
appointments in the Judiciary. The President is and always will be the supreme
appointing power, but this should not apply to the judicial department.
The Supreme Court once held that the concept of the independence of the three
branches of government, extends from the notion that the powers of government must be
6
divided to avoid concentration of these powers in any one branch; the division, it is
hoped, would avoid any single branch from lording its power over the other branches or
the citizenry.7
In my humble opinion, it is logically absurd to maintain this concept when the
justices and judges of this country are appointed by the President himself. In law school,
it is always preached before the students that the Judiciary shall always be free from
partisan politics. In reality however, the person who gets to choose who becomes justices
or judges is the President whose position is essentially partisan and political. This power
of the President has always been subjected to scrutiny since they have almost always
appeared improper and politically-motivated.
The Constitution provided a safeguard against in the creation of a Constitutional
organ known as the Judicial and Bar Council. Under the Constitution 8, the Judicial and
Bar Council consists of the Chief Justice as ex officio Chairman, the Secretary of Justice,
and a representative of the Congress as ex officio Members, a representative of the
Integrated Bar, a professor of law, a retired Member of the Supreme Court, and a
representative of the private sector. However, I maintain that the creation of this body
however is subject to a lot of loopholes. The Secretary of Justice, as an alter ego of the
President, may nominate a candidate through the advice of the President. Moreover, the
regular members of the Judicial and Bar Council are also appointees of the President
himself.
It is worth mentioning that both the nomination (although in a limited manner)
and the appointment processes are subject to whims and discretion of only one person.
7
Re: COA Opinion on the Computation of the Appraised Value of the Properties Purchased by the Retired
Chief/Associate Justices of the Supreme Court. A.M. No. 11-7-10-SC, July 31, 2012
8
Section 8(1), Article VIII, 1987 Philippine Constitution
For every vacancy, the Judicial and Bar council must submit to the President a list
of at least three names, after it has investigated and evaluated the applicants. The
Constitution limits the President to the list officially transmitted to him or her. However
the list may be sent back if there is no name in it he or she wishes to appoint. This can be
subject to abuse of the appointing power. The President, in his discretion, may also decide
to break or uphold judicial traditions, which includes the rule of seniority, i.e. the
appointment of the most senior member of the Supreme Court to be the Chief Justice.
The President may also appoint a person outside the Supreme Court to serve as the Chief
Justice.
To maintain the independence of the Judiciary, my propositions, which naturally
entail changes in our Constitution, include the following:
First, the Associate Justices of the Supreme Court and judges of the lower courts
shall be appointed by incumbent Supreme Court Justices from a list of at least three but
not exceeding six nominees prepared by the Judicial and Bar Council for every vacancy.
This would result in a practice known as appointment by committee. The person who
receives the highest amount of votes shall be the one appointed. The limitation of six
nominees ensures that one candidate may garner at least two votes.
Second, the Associate Justices shall elect its Chief Justice by a majority vote of all
its respective Members. The list of candidates shall only include the three most senior
Associate Justices. This is similar to the manner of electing the Senate President and the
Speaker of the House of Representatives 9. This also upholds the tradition of the rule of
seniority.
9
10
office on impeachment for, and conviction of, culpable violation of the Constitution,
treason, bribery, graft and corruption, other high crimes, or betrayal of public trust.13
My propositions shall in no way resolve and answer the lingering issues of
corruption, giving and receiving favors and blackmailing, that have been persistently
happening in our government. These are questions, which should be best left to the
wisdom of our leaders, both elected and appointed in accordance with the Constitution
and the law. What this paper seeks to uphold is improving the independence of the
Judiciary and at least reducing the appearances of impropriety in the manner of selecting
their members. After all, the judicial department and the practice of law are covered by
the highest of ethical standards.
13