The Swastika and The Crescent
The Swastika and The Crescent
The Swastika and The Crescent
The swastika
and the crescent
To the end, Hitler rued the Third Reichs failure
in rousing Muslims en masse to his cause
By Tibor Krausz
HITLER CONSIDERED
ARABS, TURKS
AND IRANIANS
TO BE RACIALLY
INFERIOR, YET THEY
WERE REBRANDED
HONORARY
ARYANS
Most historians of World War II have tended
to see the Muslim world as peripheral to the
life-or-death battles of wills between Western
liberalism and Soviet communism, on the one
hand, and Nazism and fascism, on the other.
The resurgence of militant Islamism, however,
has now refocused attention on the role Islam
and Muslims played during the war, if only in
the imagination of warring Europeans. Motadels goal, in his informative and scrupulously
researched if somewhat stolid account, is to
put Islam on the political and strategic map of
the Second World War.
THE JERUSALEM REPORT JUNE 1, 2015
In that he succeeds. From the late 19th century onward, German agitators tried hard to
co-opt Islamic beliefs to undermine British and
French power. Decades later, Motadel shows,
a new generation of German propagandists
mentored by the old guard were still at it,
seeking to rally Muslims against the Allies.
In the Nazis alliance with Muslims, pragmatism trumped ideology. Hitler considered Arabs, Turks and Iranians to be racially inferior,
yet thanks to an ideological sleight of hand they
were rebranded honorary Aryans to avoid
damaging relations with sympathetic Muslim
states. Arabs may have been Semites like
Jews, but to the Nazis they were good Semites.
The Third Reich even stopped using the term
anti-Semitic (Antisemitische) in its propaganda in favor of anti-Jewish (Antijdische).
Joseph Goebbelss Ministry of Propaganda
instructed German newspapers to depict Islam
positively, portray Muslims as the victims of
scheming Jews and Allied imperialists, and
emphasize the affinity between Nazi ideology
and Islamic theology. Bosnian and other southeastern European Muslims were redesignated
racially valuable peoples and allowed into
the ethnically pure ranks of the Waffen-SS,
where some of them acquitted themselves by
murdering Jews with zeal.
In private, both Hitler, who entertained romantic penny dreadful-style notions of Arab
culture, and SS chief Heinrich Himmler, a
lapsed Catholic who admired Mohammed,
repeatedly extolled the virtues of Islam,
which they viewed as a suitably virile religion
with a warriors creed, unlike effete turn-theother-cheek Christianity, which they despised
on circumstantial evidence. The scholars establish credibly that al-Husseini knew and approved of the Germans efforts to exterminate
European Jewry (despite his postwar denials),
and that he lobbied the Nazis and their fascist
allies relentlessly to murder Jews rather than let
them immigrate.
YET RUBIN and Schwanitz may well overstate the muftis contribution to a hardening of
Nazi attitudes toward Jews: chronological correlation doesnt equal proof of causation. According to Motadel himself, the muftis greatest
achievement in Berlin (which was nonetheless
no mean feat) lay in stopping Jewish immigration from the Balkans, which led to the death of
numerous Jews.
Yet it wasnt for want of trying that al-Husseini didnt succeed in getting more Jews killed. In
his Arab-language radio broadcasts, the mufti
exhorted his coreligionists across the Middle
East to Kill Jews wherever you find them, for
the love of Allah. Some Muslims responded
to such calls. In June 1941, rioters in Baghdad,
incited by Radio Berlin broadcasts, murdered
some 180 Jews in the Farhud massacre.
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Books
Its wrong to see [al-Husseini] and his fellow
radicals as merely importing European anti-Semitism, Rubin and Schwanitz stress. Nazis, fascists,
Arab nationalists and Islamists, they argue, came
together on the basis of both common interests and
similar worldviews, the latter of which included
the centrality of Jews as the villains of all history,
the eternal enemy without whose extinction salvation and a proper world were impossible. They
point to the ideological inspiration that modern Islamist movements, such as the Muslim Brotherhood
(whose founder Hassan al-Banna admired Hitler),
and Baath Party nationalists alike would draw from
National Socialist ideas and propaganda.