Adivasi Research

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Adivasi is an umbrella term for a heterogeneous set of ethnic and tribal groups considered the

aboriginal population of India. They comprise a substantial indigenous minority of the population
of India. The same term Adivasi is used for the ethnic minorities of Bangladesh and the native
Vedda people of Sri Lanka (Sinhala: ).[4] The word is also used in the same sense in Nepal,
as is another word, janajati (Nepali: ; janajti), although the political context differed
historically under the Shah and Rana dynasties.
Adivasi societies are particularly present in Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat,
Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, West Bengal and some
north-eastern states, and the Andaman and Nicobar Islands. Many smaller tribal groups are quite
sensitive to ecological degradation caused by modernisation. Both commercial forestry and
intensive agriculture have proved destructive to the forests that had endured swidden agriculture
for many centuries.
Tribal classification criteria and demands
Population complexities, and the controversies surrounding ethnicity and language in
India, sometimes make the official recognition of groups as adivasis (by way of inclusion in the
Scheduled Tribes list) political and contentious. However, regardless of their language family
affiliations, Australoid and Negrito groups that have survived as distinct forest, mountain or
island dwelling tribes in India and are often classified as adivasi. The relatively autonomous
Mongoloid tribal groups of Northeastern India (including Khasis, Apatani and Nagas), who are
mostly Austro-Asiatic or Tibeto-Burman speakers, are also considered to be adivasis: this area
comprises 7.5% of India's land area but 20% of its adivasi population. However, not all
autonomous northeastern groups are considered adivasis; for instance, the Tibeto-Burmanspeaking Meitei of Manipur were once tribal but, having been settled for many centuries, are
caste Hindus.
It is also difficult, for a given social grouping, to definitively decide whether it is a 'caste' or
a 'tribe'. A combination of internal social organisation, relationship with other groups, selfclassification and perception by other groups has to be taken into account to make a
categorisation, which is at best inexact and open to doubt. These categorisations have been
diffused for thousands of years, and even ancient formulators of caste-discriminatory legal codes
(which usually only applied to settled populations, and not adivasis) were unable to come up with
clean distinctions.
Demands for tribal classification
An additional difficulty in deciding whether a group meets the criteria to be adivasi or not
are the aspirational movements created by the federal and state benefits, including job and
educational reservations, enjoyed by groups listed as scheduled tribes (STs). In Manipur, Meitei
commentators have pointed to the lack of scheduled tribe status as a key economic
disadvantage for Meiteis competing for jobs against groups that are classified as scheduled
tribes. In Assam, Rajbongshi representatives have demanded scheduled tribe status as well. In
Rajasthan, the Gujjar community has demanded ST status, even blockading the national capital
of Delhi to press their demand. However, the Government of Rajasthan declined the Gujjars'
demand, stating the Gujjars are treated as upper caste and are by no means a tribe. In several
cases, these claims to tribalhood are disputed by tribes who are already listed in the schedule
and fear economic losses if more powerful groups are recognized as scheduled tribes; for
instance, the Rajbongshi demand faces resistance from the Bodo tribe, and the Meena tribe has
vigorously opposed Gujjar aspirations to be recognized as a scheduled tribe.
Other criteria
Unlike castes, which form part of a complex and interrelated local economic exchange
system, tribes tend to form self-sufficient economic units. For most tribal people, land-use rights
traditionally derive simply from tribal membership. Tribal society tends to the egalitarian, with its

leadership based on ties of kinship and personality rather than on hereditary status. Tribes
typically consist of segmentary lineages whose extended families provide the basis for social
organisation and control. Tribal religion recognises no authority outside the tribe.
Any of these criteria may not apply in specific instances. Language does not always give
an accurate indicator of tribal or caste status. Especially in regions of mixed population, many
tribal groups have lost their original languages and simply speak local or regional languages. In
parts of Assaman area historically divided between warring tribes and villagesincreased
contact among villagers began during the colonial period, and has accelerated since
independence in 1947. A pidgin Assamese developed, whereas educated tribal members learned
Hindi and, in the late twentieth century, English.
Self-identification and group loyalty do not provide unfailing markers of tribal identity
either. In the case of stratified tribes, the loyalties of clan, kin, and family may well predominate
over those of tribe. In addition, tribes cannot always be viewed as people living apart; the degree
of isolation of various tribes has varied tremendously. The Gonds, Santals, and Bhils traditionally
have dominated the regions in which they have lived. Moreover, tribal society is not always more
egalitarian than the rest of the rural populace; some of the larger tribes, such as the Gonds, are
highly stratified.
The apparently wide fluctuation in estimates of South Asia's tribal population through the
twentieth century gives a sense of how unclear the distinction between tribal and nontribal can
be. India's 1931 census enumerated 22 million tribal people, in 1941 only 10 million were
counted, but by 1961 some 30 million and in 1991 nearly 68 million tribal members were
included. The differences among the figures reflect changing census criteria and the economic
incentives individuals have to maintain or reject classification as a tribal member.
These gyrations of census data serve to underline the complex relationship between caste and
tribe. Although, in theory, these terms represent different ways of life and ideal types, in reality
they stand for a continuum of social groups. In areas of substantial contact between tribes and
castes, social and cultural pressures have often tended to move tribes in the direction of
becoming castes over a period of years. Tribal peoples with ambitions for social advancement in
Indian society at large have tried to gain the classification of caste for their tribes. On occasion,
an entire tribe or part of a tribe joined a Hindu sect and thus entered the caste system en masse.
If a specific tribe engaged in practices that Hindus deemed polluting, the tribe's status when it
was assimilated into the caste hierarchy would be affected.
(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Adivasi)

ADIVASI ART AND CULTURE (http://ignca.nic.in/tribal_art_intro.htm)


The history of Indias Adivasis dates back to the pre-Aryan era. For ages they reigned over
the Subcontinents hilly terrains. But over the centuries those with access to the written word
(apart from other things) gained prominence over those whose traditions were rooted in the oral
culture. During the colonial period, Adivasis were given the new designation of tribal, and in post
independent India, they are known as the scheduled tribes. The essence of the tribe was
interpreted as a stage of evolution, as opposed to a type of society. When education centres
were opened, the syllabi focused on the socio-cultural roots of select communities, which
deprived non-Adivasi children of knowledge of Adivasi culture and denied Adivasi children the
pride of their heritage.
Scholars voiced their concern about this. The British anthropologist Verrier Elwin, who had
lived with the Gonds for twenty years in the 1930s and 40s wrote in his book Tribal Art of Middle
India: Tribal India is to be filled with thousands of small schools there is danger that they will
be led to reject the old life and that they will be given in its place little idea of how to have
rhythm and vitality, exuberance and delight.
In 1987, J Swaminathan, the artist, writes in Perceiving Fingers (Bharat Bhawan, Bhopal),
reflecting on Elwins foresight: The situation, if anything, has not changed for the better. That
such communities should be left alone to themselves doesnt seem to be a viable proposition
either. Their jungles no more belong to them, they can no more practice their traditional mode of
cultivation in the name of conservation of forests (which are anyway being systematically
destroyed for catering to urban and development needs) they cannot seek and hunt game
anymore and the inroads of the money economy are seemingly irreversible.

Adivasi people: proud not primitive

Paniya Women at their Sacred Grove Stan Thekaekara


A German pastor once accused me of romanticizing Indias adivasi people. I was arguing that adivasis had their
own spirituality. He said they have no world view. Majority India, unfortunately, shares this opinion.
Defining whats special about Indias adivasi or indigenous people is complicated. People, mostly
anthropologists and human rights defenders, who know adivasis and have worked closely with them, also tend
to be accused of romanticizing tribal peoples. Yet you can begin to understand whats special about them if you
read Indias first Prime Minister Jawarharlal Nehrus lyrical descriptions about the tribes of India. In his
Panchsheel, or development guidelines, he begged our civil servants to respect adivasis and for Tribal Belt
development to focus on respecting their own genius, not turning them into pale imitations of ourselves.
Yet almost 66 years after Independence, Indias adivasi people continue to be treated shabbily. They are
described practically universally, in even our best newspapers and magazines, as primitive and backward. Our
media is totally ignorant about the meaning of adivasi culture and history. It is common on major festivals to see
them depicted perhaps as noble savages, dancing in feathers and grass skirts, for an uninformed public to
gawk at like creatures in a zoo.

Paniya jewelry Adivasi Cultural Centre, Gudalur


When we arrived in the Nilgiris in 1984, my husband Stan and I often asked young adivasi people what they
thought the word adivasi, original people in Sanskrit, meant. Their replies were predictable. They answered
ignorant, uncivilized, wild, jungle folk, illiterate, uneducated and even stupid people. Children joining local
schools had their adivasi names changed by their teachers and were instructed to civilize their communities.
They were taught to feel ashamed of their people and their culture. Since 1986, we have aimed to help these
communities assert their rights, especially over land. Also to join the outside mainstream if they so wished, on
their own terms, with pride in their culture, with heads held high. We consistently worked on issues of pride and
self-esteem.
So, the news that Survival International has launched a campaign called Proud not Primitive is really
welcome. Adivasis constitute nine per cent of the Indian population. They once led lives of quiet dignity. Now
they live and die in quiet desperation.
Development in the areas where adivasi people live leaves them exploited and deprived, in total contradiction
to Nehrus beautifully worded Panchsheel. The reality of the adivasi existence, most of the nine per cent, is
nothing short of shameful. For centuries, it is the outsiders who have savaged them. Their lands have been taken
away by the likes of Vedanta and Posco mining companies and the Narmada and Damodar Valley projects,
huge dams which submerged thousands of adivasi villages leaving them pauperised. The forest department has
criminalized their existence, treating them as intruders when in fact the recent Forest Rights Act acknowledged
the historical injustice perpetrated on them and declared that their rights to an ancient forest heritage would
finally be recognized.

Nilgiris Paniya women celebrate their culture Adivasi Cultural Centre, Gudalur
Adivasi people have an alternative world view, which has rarely been acknowledged or recognized. Their
existence was never based on accumulation or consumerism. To understand the clich, they have a symbiotic
relationship with nature, needs close observation of a forest community. They took what they needed from
nature, but never in excess. They never hoarded. This is viewed by non-tribal neighbours as lazy and
unambitious. They never had a need to subdue, conquer or master nature. So, unlike their neighbours, they did
not cut down vast tracts of forest. They plant vegetables between the trees.
Until recently, our government classified 75 tribal groups primitive. They have now changed this to
particularly vulnerable tribal groups. Such epithets, prevalent for over a century, have taken their toll on the
adivasi psyche. Young adivasis view their society as primitive and backward and seek to ape the lifestyles and
aspirations of the dominant society. Tragically, we are watching a replay of Achebes Things fall apart in tribal
India.
It is in this context that Survival Indias campaign is sorely needed. There is a new generation of adivasis
educated in the dominant societys world view who are beginning to look back at their own heritage and
culture, Alex Hailey-like, to their roots. This cultural revival is crucial for the survival of the adivasi world
view, the only truly sustainable lifestyle when the world is looking desperately for solutions to save the earth.
Perhaps its time for us Indians to look back to the Independence era, to the spirit of Nehrus tribal Panchsheel,
to make amends to these once-proud people who have been historically wronged for centuries in the name of
development and progress. All of us can learn from them. And its about time we started.
- See more at: http://newint.org/blog/2013/07/15/india-adivasi-survival-international/#sthash.A6W4kUgd.dpuf
http://newint.org/blog/2013/07/15/india-adivasi-survival-international/

Adivasi of India
Like all tribal people across the globe, the Adivasi of India were happy to live in lives that
were uncomplicated by money. Till recently, they were living in harmony with their surroundings.
The forest gave them food, clothing, material for housing and medicine. Like the
Japanese, who believe in Shinto, the Adivasi believe in the divine nature of "Nature". To them, all
things are imbibed with the divine spirit and are deserving of respect. Later, Hinduism absorbed
their Gods and Goddesses in to its rich tapestry of scriptures, myths and legands and added their
myths and legends to its own.
Adivasi used to situate their villages near their food and water source. The men would
hunt, farm and protect the village, while the women would farm and do the majority of the
household chores. The material they used for housing was easily obtainable from their
surroundings - bamboo, wood, thatch, mud etc. Being a natural insulator, mud walls are great
at keeping temperature inside hut at a constant rate - neither too hot nor too cold. The palm and
thatch roofs kept the rain out and were made from renewable resources.
The life of the Adivasi was spent mainly outdoors. Children ran around and played
outdoors while most of the household chores were conducted outdoors too. The hut was used to
sleep indoors in bad weather and store food, cloths and tools. Children would help out with the
household chores and would hence learn how to do things from an early age. This was essential
in a community that was self reliant self contained.
The tribe used to collectively cultivate small clearings to grow essential food stuff. They
hunted forest animals to supplement their diet as and when required. They used to sell herbs,
animal skins and other forest products to earn cash from city dwellers. They used to prize items
made from metal, tools and glass beads.

Changes in their lives


Arrival of "money" and all it can bring has changed the lives of Adivasi forever.
Now, with new houses, they need money to buy the fired bricks and tiles. They also find
that their life pattern has changed to suite a new way of life. It is no longer possible to "live
outdoors" as before. Now that each room has a "unique function" and furniture that goes with it,
they have to work hard to provide the beds, tables and cabinets that make up their new house.
The village itself has had to relocate to be closer to the main road that runs to the nearest
town. This has brought them away from their traditional source of food and water. Due to
constant traffic, children can no longer play out-doors. Dust, pollution and noise from the road
make life more dirty and stressful. Often new diseases are introduced into the local population
by foreigners. Their own herbal medicines can't cope with these and so they have to rely on
"new medicines" of the westerners.
Shop(s) selling new foods and "luxury" items tempt them to buy things. Adivasi need to
work hard to earn enough to purchase these goods. This pushes them to work for "others". Like
the new clothes, the new foods need to be paid for and the only way to do it is by
1) farming or
2) working for the "richer" folk.

This is not what the once proud people want to do, but, to pay for a "modern mod cons",
they have to - they have little choice. Being under-educated, many have no choice but to do
menial jobs for low wages. To earn "enough" money they have to work long hours.
The common ownership of things, such as land, has now been largely transferred to
"individuals". This causes tensions in the society / family and is at the root of some of the issues
they face. Life and society is disturbed as never before. Sometimes, mining and logging
companies are taking advantage of their lack of paperwork and usurping land that used to
belong to the community. Most of the time, the community is poorly compensated for such a
loss.
In some area of India, communist ideology is encouraging them to rebel against the Indian
state. In some areas, they are forced to support the rebels at the point of a gun. They are forced
to pay "tax" to finance the rebels. They are also often forced to smuggle rare wood, endangered
animals, weapons and even drugs to finance the rebels.
In other parts of India, Christian missionaries are trying very hard to convert them.
Offering them food, medicine, jobs and other inducements, missionaries are trying to get them to
abandon their ancient life styles. Upon conversion, they are often asked to destory any signs or
symbols of their old faith, destroy sacred groves or idols, stop singing old songs and dancing old
dances. In areas were large number of tribes are converted, such as the North East provinces of
India, the local language is nearly forgotten. Now the official language of those states is
"English" !!
The carefree Adivasi life of a generation or two ago, is sadly no more !
http://pushti-marg.net/bhagwat/Adivasi.htm

Adivasi traditions and practices pervade all aspects of Indian culture and civilization, yet
this awareness is often lacking in popular consciousness, and the extent and import of Adivasi
contributions to Indian philosophy, language and custom have often gone unrecognized, or been
underrated by historians and social scientists.
Although popular myths about Buddhism have obscured the original source and inspiration
for its humanist doctrine, it is to Indias ancient tribal (or Adivasi) societies that Gautam Buddha
looked for a model for the kind of society he wished to advocate. Repulsed by how greed for
private property was instrumental in causing poverty, social exploitation and unending warfare
he saw hope for human society in the tribal republics that had not yet come under the sway of
authoritarian rule and caste discrimination. The early Buddhist Sanghas were modelled on the
tribal pattern of social interaction that stressed gender equality, and respect for all members.
Members of the Sanghas sought to emulate their egalitarian outlook and democratic functioning.
At that time, the tribal republics retained many aspects of social equality that can still be
found in some Adivasi societies that have somehow escaped the ill-effects of commercial plunder
and exploitation. Adivasi society was built on a foundation of equality with respect for all life
forms including plants and trees. There was a deep recognition of mutual dependence in nature
and human society. People were given respect and status according to their contribution to social
needs but only while they were performing that particular function. A priest could be treated with
great respect during a religious ceremony or a doctor revered during a medical consultation, but
once such duties had been performed, the priest or doctor became equal to everyone else. The
possession of highly valued skills or knowledge did not lead to a permanent rise in status. This
meant that no individual or small group could engage in overlordship of any kind, or enjoy
hereditary rights.
Such a value-system was sustainable as long as the Adivasi community was nonacquisitive and all the products of society were shared. Although division of labor did take place,
the work of society was performed on a cooperative and co-equal basis without prejudice or
disrespect for any form of work.
It was the simplicity, the love of nature, the absence of coveting the goods and wealth of
others, and the social harmony of tribal society that attracted Gautam Buddha, and had a
profound impact on the ethical core of his teachings.
Nevertheless, tribal societies were under constant pressure as the money economy grew
and made traditional forms of barter less difficult to sustain. In matters of trade, the Adivasis
followed a highly evolved system of honour. All agreements that they entered into were
honoured, often the entire tribe chipping in to honor an agreement made by an individual
member of the tribe. Individual dishonesty or deceit were punished severely by the tribe. An
individual who acted in a manner that violated the honor of the tribe faced potential banishment
and family members lost the right to participate in community events during the period of
punishment. But often, tribal integrity was undermined because the non-tribals who traded with
the Adivasis reneged on their promises and took advantage of the sincerity and honesty of most
members of the tribe.
Tribal societies came under stress due to several factors. The extension of commerce,
military incursions on tribal land, and the resettling of Brahmins amidst tribal populations had an
impact, as did ideological coercion or persuasion to attract key members of the tribe into
mainstream Hindu society. This led to many tribal communities becoming integrated into Hindu
society as jatis (or castes) while others who resisted were pushed into the hilly or forested areas,
or remote tracks that had not yet been settled. In the worst case, defeated Adivasi tribes were

pushed to the margins of settled society and became discriminated as outcastes and
untouchables.
But spontaneous differentiation within tribal societies also took place over time, which
propelled these now unequal tribal communities into integrating into Hindu society without
external violence or coercion. In Central India, ruling dynasties emerged from within the ranks of
tribal society.
In any case, the end result was that throughout India, tribal deities and customs, creation
myths and a variety of religious rites and ceremonies came to absorbed into the broad stream of
Hindu society. In the Adivasi traditions, ancestor worship, worship of fertility gods and
goddesses (as well as male and female fertility symbols), totemic worship all played a role. And
they all found their way into the practice of what is now considered Hinduism. The widespread
Indian practice of keeping vratas, i.e. fasting for wish-fulfillment or moral cleansing also has
Adivasi origins
Mahashweta Devi has shown that both Shiva and Kali have tribal origins as do Krishna and
Ganesh. In the 8th century, the tribal forest goddess or harvest goddess was absorbed and
adapted as Sivas wife. Ganesh owes its origins to a powerful tribe of elephant trainers whose
incorporation into Hindu society was achieved through the deification of their elephant totem. In
his study of Brahmin lineages in Maharashtra, Kosambi points to how many Brahmin gotras (such
as Kashyapa) arose from tribal totems such as Kachhapa (tortoise). In Rajasthan, Rajput rulers
recognised the Adivasi Bhil chiefs as allies and Bhils acquired a central role in some Rajput
coronation ceremonies.
Indias regional languages such as Oriya, Marathi or Bengali developed as a result of the
fusion of tribal languages with Sanskrit or Pali and virtually all the Indian languages have
incorporated words from the vocabulary of Adivasi languages.
Adivasis who developed an intimate knowledge of various plants and their medicinal uses
played an invaluable role in the development of Ayurvedic medicines. In a recent study, the All
India Coordinated Research Project credits Adivasi communities with the knowledge of 9000 plant
species 7500 used for human healing and veterinary health care. Dental care products like
datun, roots and condiments like turmeric used in cooking and ointments are also Adivasi
discoveries, as are many fruit trees and vines. Ayurvedic cures for arthritis and night blindness
owe their origin to Adivasi knowledge.
Adivasis also played an important role in the development of agricultural practices such
as rotational cropping, fertility maintenance through alternating the cultivation of grains with
leaving land fallow or using it for pasture. Adivasis of Orissa were instrumental in developing a
variety of strains of rice.
Adivasi musical instruments such as the bansuri (flute) and dhol (drum), folk-tales, dances
and seasonal celebrations also found their way into Indian traditions as did their art and
metallurgical skills.
In Indias central belt, Adivasi communities rose to considerable prominence and
developed their own ruling clans. The earliest Gond kingdom appears to date from the 10th C
and the Gond Rajas were able to maintain a relatively independent existence until the 18th C.,
although they were compelled to offer nominal allegiance to the Mughal empire. The GarhaMandla kingdom in the north extended control over most of the upper Narmada valley and the
adjacent forest areas. The Deogarh-Nagpur kingdom dominated much of the upper Wainganga

valley, while Chanda-Sirpur in the south consisted of territory around Wardha and the
confluences of the Wainganga with the Penganga.
Jabalpur was one of the major centers of the Garha-Mandla kingdom and like other major
dynastic capitals had a large fort and palace. Temples and palaces with extremely fine carvings
and erotic sculptures came up throughout the Gond kingdoms. The Gond ruling clans enjoyed
close ties with the Chandella ruling clans and both dynasties attempted to maintain their
independence from Mughal rule through tactical alliances. Rani Durgavati of Jabalpur (of
Chandella-Gond heritage) acquired a reputation of legendary proportions when she died in battle
defending against Mughal incursions. The city of Nagpur was founded by a Gond Raja in the early
18th century.
http://records.photodharma.net/culture/adivasi-culture-and-civilization-by-lobsan-payat

Adivasi Contributions to Indian Culture and Civilization


Adivasi traditions and practices pervade all aspects of Indian culture and civilization, yet
this awareness is often lacking in popular consciousness, and the extent and import of Adivasi
contributions to Indian philosophy, language and custom have often gone unrecognized, or been
underrated by historians and social scientists.
Although popular myths about Buddhism have obscured the original source and inspiration
for it's humanist doctrine, it is to India's ancient tribal (or Adivasi) societies that Gautam Buddha
looked for a model for the kind of society he wished to advocate. Repulsed by how greed for
private property was instrumental in causing poverty, social exploitation and unending warfare he saw hope for human society in the tribal republics that had not yet come under the sway of
authoritarian rule and caste discrimination. The early Buddhist Sanghas were modelled on the
tribal pattern of social interaction that stressed gender equality, and respect for all members.
Members of the Sanghas sought to emulate their egalitarian outlook and democratic functioning
At that time, the tribal republics retained many aspects of social equality that can still be
found in some Adivasi societies that have somehow escaped the ill-effects of commercial plunder
and exploitation. Adivasi society was built on a foundation of equality with respect for all life
forms including plants and trees. There was a deep recognition of mutual dependence in nature
and human society. People were given respect and status according to their contribution to social
needs but only while they were performing that particular function. A priest could be treated with
great respect during a religious ceremony or a doctor revered during a medical consultation, but
once such duties had been performed, the priest or doctor became equal to everyone else. The
possession of highly valued skills or knowledge did not lead to a permanent rise in status. This
meant that no individual or small group could engage in overlordship of any kind, or enjoy
hereditary rights.
Such a value-system was sustainable as long as the Adivasi community was nonacquisitive and all the products of society were shared. Although division of labor did take place,
the work of society was performed on a cooperative and co-equal basis - without prejudice or
disrespect for any form of work.
It was the simplicity, the love of nature, the absence of coveting the goods and wealth of
others, and the social harmony of tribal society that attracted Gautam Buddha, and had a
profound impact on the ethical core of his teachings.
(To this day, sharing is a vital and integral part of the philosophy of the Mullakurumba
Adivasis of South India. When the Mullakurumbas go hunting a share is given to every family in
the village, even those who may be absent, sick or cannot participate for any other reason. An
extra portion is added for any guest in the village and even a non-tribal passersby will be offered
a share. Not sharing is something they find difficult to comprehend.)
Nevertheless, tribal societies were under constant pressure as the money economy grew
and made traditional forms of barter less difficult to sustain. In matters of trade, the Adivasis
followed a highly evolved system of honour. All agreements that they entered into were
honoured, often the entire tribe chipping in to honor an agreement made by an individual
member of the tribe. Individual dishonesty or deceit were punished severely by the tribe. An
individual who acted in a manner that violated the honor of the tribe faced potential banishment
and family members lost the right to participate in community events during the period of
punishment. But often, tribal integrity was undermined because the non-tribals who traded with

the Adivasis reneged on their promises and took advantage of the sincerity and honesty of most
members of the tribe.
Tribal societies came under stress due to several factors. The extension of commerce,
military incursions on tribal land, and the resettling of Brahmins amidst tribal populations had an
impact, as did ideological coercion or persuasion to attract key members of the tribe into
"mainstream" Hindu society. This led to many tribal communities becoming integrated into Hindu
society as jatis (or castes) while others who resisted were pushed into the hilly or forested areas,
or remote tracks that had not yet been settled. In the worst case, defeated Adivasi tribes were
pushed to the margins of settled society and became discriminated as outcastes and
"untouchables".
But spontaneous differentiation within tribal societies also took place over time, which
propelled these now unequal tribal communities into integrating into Hindu society without
external violence or coercion. In Central India, ruling dynasties emerged from within the ranks of
tribal society.
In any case, the end result was that throughout India, tribal deities and customs, creation
myths and a variety of religious rites and ceremonies came to absorbed into the broad stream of
"Hindu" society. In the Adivasi traditions, ancestor worship, worship of fertility gods and
goddesses (as well as male and female fertility symbols), totemic worship - all played a role. And
they all found their way into the practice of what is now considered Hinduism. The widespread
Indian practice of keeping 'vratas', i.e. fasting for wish-fulfillment or moral cleansing also has
Adivasi origins
Mahashweta Devi has shown that both Shiva and Kali have tribal origins as do Krishna and
Ganesh. In the 8th century, the tribal forest goddess or harvest goddess was absorbed and
adapted as Siva's wife. Ganesh owes it's origins to a powerful tribe of elephant trainers whose
incorporation into Hindu society was achieved through the deification of their elephant totem. In
his study of Brahmin lineages in Maharashtra, Kosambi points to how many Brahmin gotras (such
as Kashyapa) arose from tribal totems such as Kachhapa (tortoise). In Rajasthan, Rajput rulers
recognised the Adivasi Bhil chiefs as allies and Bhils acquired a central role in some Rajput
coronation ceremonies.
India's regional languages such as Oriya, Marathi or Bengali developed as a result of the
fusion of tribal languages with Sanskrit or Pali and virtually all the Indian languages have
incorporated words from the vocabulary of Adivasi languages.
Adivasis who developed an intimate knowledge of various plants and their medicinal uses
played an invaluable role in the development of Ayurvedic medicines. In a recent study, the All
India Coordinated Research Project credits Adivasi communities with the knowledge of 9000 plant
species - 7500 used for human healing and veterinary health care. Dental care products like
datun, roots and condiments like turmeric used in cooking and ointments are also Adivasi
discoveries, as are many fruit trees and vines. Ayurvedic cures for arthritis and night blindness
owe their origin to Adivasi knowledge.
Adivasis also played an important role in the development of agricultural practices - such
as rotational cropping, fertility maintenance through alternating the cultivation of grains with
leaving land fallow or using it for pasture. Adivasis of Orissa were instrumental in developing a
variety of strains of rice.

Adivasi musical instruments such as the bansuri (flute) and dhol (drum), folk-tales, dances
and seasonal celebrations also found their way into Indian traditions as did their art and
metallurgical skills.
In India's central belt, Adivasi communities rose to considerable prominence and
developed their own ruling clans. The earliest Gond kingdom appears to date from the 10th C
and the Gond Rajas were able to maintain a relatively independent existence until the 18th C.,
although they were compelled to offer nominal allegiance to the Mughal empire. The GarhaMandla kingdom in the north extended control over most of the upper Narmada valley and the
adjacent forest areas. The Deogarh-Nagpur kingdom dominated much of the upper Wainganga
valley, while Chanda-Sirpur in the south consisted of territory around Wardha and the
confluences of the Wainganga with the Penganga.
Jabalpur was one of the major centers of the Garha-Mandla kingdom and like other major
dynastic capitals had a large fort and palace. Temples and palaces with extremely fine carvings
and erotic sculptures came up throughout the Gond kingdoms. The Gond ruling clans enjoyed
close ties with the Chandella ruling clans and both dynasties attempted to maintain their
independence from Mughal rule through tactical alliances. Rani Durgavati of Jabalpur (of
Chandella-Gond heritage) acquired a reputation of legendary proportions when she died in battle
defending against Mughal incursions. The city of Nagpur was founded by a Gond Raja in the early
18th century.
Adivasis and the Freedom Movement
As soon as the British took over Eastern India tribal revolts broke out to challenge alien
rule. In the early years of colonization, no other community in India offered such heroic
resistance to British rule or faced such tragic consequences as did the numerous Adivasi
communities of now Jharkhand, Chhatisgarh, Orissa and Bengal. In 1772, the Paharia revolt broke
out which was followed by a five year uprising led by Tilka Manjhi who was hanged in Bhagalpur
in 1785. The Tamar and Munda revolts followed. In the next two decades, revolts took place in
Singhbhum, Gumla, Birbhum, Bankura, Manbhoom and Palamau, followed by the great Kol
Risings of 1832 and the Khewar and Bhumij revolts (1832-34). In 1855, the Santhals waged war
against the permanent settlement of Lord Cornwallis, and a year later, numerous adivasi leaders
played key roles in the 1857 war of independence.
But the defeat of 1858 only intensified British exploitation of national wealth and
resources. A forest regulation passed in 1865 empowered the British government to declare any
land covered with trees or brushwood as government forest and to make rules to manage it
under terms of it's own choosing. The act made no provision regarding the rights of the Adivasi
users. A more comprehensive Indian Forest Act was passed in 1878, which imposed severe
restrictions upon Adivasi rights over forest land and produce in the protected and reserved
forests. The act radically changed the nature of the traditional common property of the Adivasi
communities and made it state property.
As punishment for Adivasi resistance to British rule, "The Criminal Tribes Act" was passed
by the British Government in 1871 arbitrarily stigmatizing groups such as the Adivasis (who were
perceived as most hostile to British interests) as congenital criminals.
Adivasi uprisings in the Jharkhand belt were quelled by the British through massive
deployment of troops across the region. The Kherwar uprising and the Birsa Munda movement
were the most important of the late-18th century struggles against British rule and their local
agents. The long struggle led by Birsa Munda was directed at British policies that allowed the

zamindars (landowners) and money-lenders to harshly exploit the Adivasis. In 1914 Jatra Oraon
started what is called the Tana Movement (which drew the participation of over 25,500 Adivasis).
The Tana movement joined the nation-wide Satyagrah Movement in 1920 and stopped the
payment of land-taxes to the colonial Government.
During British rule, several revolts also took place in Orissa which naturally drew
participation from the Adivasis. The significant ones included the Paik Rebellion of 1817, the
Ghumsar uprisings of 1836-1856, and the Sambhalpur revolt of 1857-1864.
In the hill tribal tracts of Andhra Pradesh a revolt broke out in August 1922. Led by Alluri
Ramachandra Raju (better known as Sitarama Raju), the Adivasis of the Andhra hills succeeded
in drawing the British into a full-scale guerrilla war. Unable to cope, the British brought in the
Malabar Special Force to crush it and only prevailed when Alluri Raju died.
As the freedom movement widened, it drew Adivasis into all aspects of the struggle. Many
landless and deeply oppressed Adivasis joined in with upper-caste freedom fighters expecting
that the defeat of the British would usher in a new democratic era.
Unfortunately, even fifty years after independence, Dalits and Adivasis have benefited
least from the advent of freedom. Although independence has brought widespread gains for the
vast majority of the Indian population, Dalits and Adivasis have often been left out, and new
problems have arisen for the nation's Adivasi populations. With the tripling of the population
since 1947, pressures on land resources, especially demands on forested tracks, mines and
water resources have played havoc on the lives of the Adivasis. A disproportionate number of
Adivasis have been displaced from their traditional lands while many have seen access to
traditional resources undercut by forest mafias and corrupt officials who have signed irregular
commercial leases that conflict with rights granted to the Adivasis by the Indian constitution.
It remains to be seen if the the grant of statehood for Jharkhand and Chhatisgarh
ameliorates the conditions for India's Adivasis. However, it is imperative that all Adivasi districts
receive special attention from the Central government in terms of investment in schools,
research institutes, participatory forest management and preservation schemes, non-polluting
industries, and opportunities for the Adivasi communities to document and preserve their rich
heritage. Adivasis must have special access to educational, cultural and economic opportunities
so as to reverse the effects of colonization and earlier injustices experienced by the Adivasi
communities.
At the same time, the country can learn much from the beauty of Adivasi social practices,
their culture of sharing and respect for all - their deep humility and love of nature - and most of
all - their deep devotion to social equality and civic harmony.

Notes
Abhishek Sheetal from the Munda tribe in Jharkhand wrote to us emphasizing how
traditionally tribal societies valued gender equality, respect for nature and equality of all trades.
This Munda fable is particularly illustrative:

There was a king who lost a war with Munda tribals. He sent a messenger to the king of
Mundas. The messenger looked around but could not find the king or his palace. He asked one
farmer as to where to find the king. The farmer replied, "He was here a while ago, let me see (he

looks around)....Oh there he is (pointing to a man plowing his fields with his bullocks)... He is
working there."

original artical at - http://india_resource.tripod.com/adivasi.html

http://www.adiyuva.in/2008/05/adivasi-contributions-to-indian-culture_28.html

Apart from the above view, I have following recommendation to the NGOs, Central
Government and State government of Orissa and local people of Orissa:

Help and educate tribes people on their land and welfare issues. They need to
learn that there is a life which is feasible for them to live with little support.

One of the major recommendations I would make is an intervention of the craft


and design to the tribes to develop and promote the art, craft and culture of the
Orissa creating sustainable income, livelihood and training program. For this there
is no need of such qualification however one need to cultivate skill and require
team leading skill so they sufficient motivation and income generation could be
implemented to the life of tribes. People who are creative may train local artisan in
tribe area to work on specific design or train them to give a export quality of the
product that is easy to sale. If anyone need more help to set up any project or
work in Orissa or any other part that helps Indian rural or backward class to
develop, you may contact me on [email protected] (karnav shah) I would
be more than happy to be volunteering or advising on it.

Help to recognize individual skill of the local tribes and if it is sustainable and
profitable make them entrepreneur and instead of making them dependent on
such organization, show or team them how to access direct market or find client to
sale or assist them to communicate with the potential client. For this group of
people with the same interest needs to be gathering and make non-profit group.
Remember I never advise to run an NGO as many times it loses its path in the
middle seeing such personal benefits. However it is up to the group how they
decide to move on. The concept of the NGO is good as long as involved people are
unbiased and working to meet the objective.

Encourage local Municipality, Businessmen, Industrialist or State government to


organize independent or joint project that helps directly to the local tribes in the
major area like education and health-care. Without education and heath, capable
and progressive society cannot be built.

Consider politics as your first right. It is not bad thing. If you say people in this
area are bad then I would say it is because you are not a part of it. Be a part of it,
represent the interest of your community and state people. Dont just fight but
fight till you get the justice. However one need patience and critical analysis for it.

Negations with Maoist is necessary for the constructive action and violation by the
security forces must be eliminated for this Chief Minister, Mr Naveen Patnaik
should organize few hours (say1/2) weekly session direct for the citizen of the
Orissa to hear their problem directly through video conference which will bring
stress on the police force, security force and other activities to work ethically and
it also gives opportunity to build an trust among the community. After all CM is for
the people.

International funder must ask and take possible answer for the amount that they
fund to NGOs in Orissa for the welfare of Tribes or handicraft project. This is also
applicable to local funder.

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