Thesis - Colossians

TOWARDS A RE-READING OF COLOSSIANS
FROM AN AFRICAN AMERICAN

POSTCOLONIAL PERSPECTIVE
by
ANNIE TINSLEY
A thesis submitted to
The University of Birmingham
for the degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Department of Theology and Religion

College of Arts and Law
The University of Birmingham
June 2010
University of Birmingham Research Archive

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ABSTRACT
Essential information is often lost when in reading a piece of work the identity of an
audience or the recipients is overlooked. The first hearers of the letter to the
Colossians were a diverse group of people in a colonized country under the imperial
rule of Rome in the first century. The writer of the letter addressed possible concerns
presented to him from the evangelist, Epaphras, a native of Colossae. In identifying
the audience whether they are first recipients or future readers, ideologies and
theologies are discovered which add to the existing criticism genres. The process of
identifying the audience allows one to reread the work through the lens of various
peoples. This process also allows one to make comparisons between the various
audiences.
A comparison is made in this thesis between the 1st century readers and the
enslaved Africans who lived on the continent of North America who were later
exposed to concepts that stemmed from the letter. In viewing the identities of both
groups the most damaging find was the derogatory labels placed on them. This
thesis, an African American postcolonial re-reading of the letter to the Colossians,
looks beyond the labels to ascertain the meaning of the Colossians letter, giving
voices to each group.
ii
DEDICATION
Nothing can compare to the overwhelming gratitude I have for my family for their
never-ending support of me through this arduous task. Words cannot express my
love and thanks to my children: Jaime and Hezekiah Massey, Paul and Demetria
Tinsley II and Patience Tinsley; my mother, Nancy Coakley Barfield, my sister, Nikki
McCoy and to my entire family near and far.
In memoriam:
Paul Michael Tinsley I
1953 - 2000
iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Firstly, I thank God for this great opportunity to braze the trail for future generations
in achieving this most prestigious milestone.
Secondly, to my advisors Drs. R. S. Sugirtharajath who instilled confidence in me to
begin my work and David Parker who saw me through to completion; thank you both
for your combined abilities in helping me in achieving my goal.
Thirdly, to the public libraries too numerous to mention who afforded me interlibrary
loan privileges; special thanks to the York County Library System, Lake Wylie
Branch in South Carolina and to the Charlotte Mecklenburg Library System, in North
Carolina.
Fourthly, to the university and seminary libraries who allowed me to use their
research facilities. Special thanks to Gordon Conwell Theological Seminary, North
Carolina, Winthrop University, South Carolina and University of North Carolina at
Charlotte
Fifthly, to the University of Birmingham library staff who were always kind, extremely
resourceful and patient.
Finally, to my friends and family; I thank you for your unbiased reading and editing. I
offer my extreme gratitude to my sister Nancy Washington, my friends Joni Johnson,
Teresa Ellis and Richard Goode. To those who were unable to read my work but
offered their best wishes for my success, I thank you also.
iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS
GENERAL INTRODUCTION
Goals of the Study
Methodology
Outline of the Study
PART ONE
THE PEOPLE OF C OLOSSAE
Introduction
11
Chapter One
Contemporaries of Laodicea and Hierapolis
17
1.1
Mixed Cultures
19
1.2
The Devastation
22
1.3
The Church at Colossae
23
Chapter Two
Generations of belief in Mysteries and Mythological Cults
25
2.1
Gods, Goddesses, Geniis, Lares Oh My
27
2.2
Cults
29
2.3
Dissimilate or Assimilate
31
Jews
34
3.1
The Law
35
3.2
Circumcision and Traditions
47
3.3
Jesus Christ
52
Subjects of Greco-Roman Empire
61
4.1
Imperial Images and Themes
65
4.2
Imperial Reconciliation Language
67
4.3
Global Rome the Pax Romana
71
4.4
Imperial Imprint in the Household Code
81
Chapter Three
Chapter Four
Conclusion
82
v
PART TWO IDENTITY PEOPLE OF A FRICA

Introduction
85
Chapter Five
First-Century Africa
89
Ethiopia
89
5.1.1
The Account of the Conversion of the Ethiopian Eunuch
90
5.1.2
The Priesthood of Frumentius
91
5.1.3
The Nine Saints Monastic Life
92
Egypt
95
Bridges
96
5.2.1.1 Death
97
5.2.1.2 The Afterlife
97
5.2.1.3 Peace
99
5.2.2
Jewish Diaspora
100
5.2.3
Tradition of Mark
100
The Dissemination of Christianity in Northern Africa
110
African Traditional Religion
120
6.1
Triple Heritage
121
6.2
Mid Second Millennium
122
6.3
Christianity and ATR
125
5.1
5.2
5.2.1
5.3
Chapter Six
Conclusion
127
PART THREE IDENTITY - ENSLAVED AFRICANS IN NORTH A MERICA

Introduction
130
Chapter Seven
Identity through the Language of Enslavers
138
7.1
Silencing the Voices of the Enslaved
138
7.2
Arrival of Slave and Free
139
7.3
Name Changing: Linguistic Colonialism
141
vi
7.4
Learning the Language of the Enslaver
143
7.5
Language of Disease
145
7.6
Rhetoric
146
7.7
Censored Christianity
147
7.8
Planned Illiteracy
150
Identity through the Language of Enslaved
153
8.1
Style-shifting
153
8.2
A Common Language: From Pidgin to Creole
156
8.3
Ebonics
159
8.4
Bible Language
162
8.5
Negro Spirituals
166
8.6
Slave Preacher
170
8.7
Language of Freedom
177
Identity through the language of African America
182
9.1
Shadows of a Lost Heritage
184
9.2
Survival of African Languages
186
9.3
Theft of a Language
188
9.4
African American Language
190
9.5
The Black Church
196
Chapter Eight
Chapter Nine
Conclusion
199
PART FOUR - TOWARDS A RE-READING OF COLOSSIANS

Introduction
202
Chapter Ten
Literary Review of Commentary of Colossians
206
10.1
Labeling
206
10.2
Major Commentators on the Colossians Error
213
10.2.1 J. B. Lightfoot
213
vii
10.2.2 Gnther Bornkamm
214
10.2.3 Martin Dibelius
214
10.2.4 Fred. O. Francis
215
10.2.5 Eduard Schweizer
216
10.2.6 Clinton Arnold
216
10.2.7 Richard DeMaris
216
10.2.8 Troy Martin
217
10.2.9 R. McL Wilson
217
10.2.10 Morna D. Hooker
218
10.3
Christianity
220
10.4
Rhetoric
222
10.5
African American Hermeneutics
224
10.6
A Hermeneutic of a Slave Society (Isolation Theme)
226
Colossians One
236
Introduction
236
11.1
1.1-2
Unity in Diversity: Leveling the Ground
239
11.2
1.3-6
Unity in Visibility and Acceptance
241
11.3
1.7-9
Preaching in Isolation
243
11.4
1.10-12 The Empire and Worth
245
11.5
1.13-20 Empire, Jesus and Isolation
248
11.6
1.21-23a Breaking the Isolation
252
11.7
1.23b-29 Its All About Christ The Christ Hymn
255
Colossians Two
258
Introduction
258
Chapter Eleven
Chapter Twelve
viii
12.1
2.1-3
Gaining Knowledge Through Christ - Resisting the Obvious

263
12.2
2.4-8
No Mans Philosophy
266
12.3
2.9-10 From Isolation to the Divine
271
12.4
2.11-15 Rituals and Rites
273
12.5
2.16-23 Initiations, Intrusions, Perversions
276
Colossians Three
283
Introduction
283
13.1
3.1-4
283
13.2
3.5-13 Catalogue in Overload
288
13.3
3.14-17 Barriers of Unity Race and Class
293
13.4
3.18-25 It All Comes Undone
297
Colossians Four
304
Introduction
304
14.1
4.1
Remains of the Empire
304
14.2
4.2-6
So, What Does Freedom Mean?
307
14.3
4.7-18 Legacy in a Name
Chapter Thirteen
Chapter Fourteen
One if, Many thens
309
Conclusion
312
General Conclusions
314
Bibliography
319
ix
GENERAL INTRODUCTION
Each generation leaves a footprint of their lives on earth. That footprint which is their
identity is a measure of every aspect of their lives except their thoughts. It can be
argued that their footprint is the result of their thought processes whether
constructive or destructive. Yet, the actual thoughts are immeasurable. People can
however leave footprints of their lives through actions that cannot be measured
scientifically. The people of Colossae left footprints even though their lives were
erased through the devastation of an earthquake. Although they can no longer
speak, these footprints or voices are recorded in the letter to the Colossians. Their
voices seemed to have been silenced by history but can be heard through the pages
of that letter. Similarly the identities of the enslaved Africans are the result of
footprints left by generations of Africans whose lives were interrupted by the
devastation of slavery. This thesis explores the religious history of each group to
determine their understanding of the gospel.
The Goals of the Study
The aim of this thesis is to study the presentation of the gospel message to the firstcentury community of Colossae, their reception of it and compare it to the
presentation and reception of the same to the enslaved Africans in the eighteenth
and the nineteenth centuries. The purpose of this study is to look at parallels in the
way the message was presented to and interpreted by the groups. It is the goal of
this paper to show that they were presented with the gospel, but when they
attempted to incorporate it into their belief systems they were told their beliefs were
not sufficient. It is the general consensus that the error or crisis began with
1
teachings from within the community that did not line up with the doctrines being set
forth by first-century leaders such as Paul and those that followed his teachings (see
Chapter Ten subsection 10.2 for notes on Colossians Error). It is the opinion of this
thesis that the issues that are addressed mainly in the second chapter of the letter
do not point to errors in understanding the teachings of the gospel but reflect
attempts by the people of the community to understand and therefore assimilate their
beliefs to this new teaching. The Africans experienced similar difficulties in their
attempt to understand the gospel message presented to them initially by the
Portuguese missionaries, slave traders and later those who enslaved them.
The Methodology
From the field of hermeneutics this thesis takes the form used by postcolonial
scholars R. S. Sugirtharajah whose related works include Voices from the Margin;
Interpreting the Bible in the Third World, Vernacular Hermeneutics; Bible and
Postcolonialism and work co-edited with Fernando S. Segovia, A Postcolonial
Commentary on the New Testament Writings, The Bible and Postcolonialism.
Segovia is a cultural critic (for which he is noted for in this thesis) whose interests
include postcolonial studies, Diaspora studies and minority studies. His
understanding of various methods of biblical interpretation is remarkable and he
seems to favor cultural studies which are shown in his contribution as co-editor of
They Were All Together in One Place? Toward Minority Biblical Criticism. This
particular work reflects on the historical and theoretical structure of minority criticism
from African Americans, Asian Americans and Latino/a scholars in the United States.
Sugirtharajah is very open about his views of mainstream biblical scholarship over
which he favors Third World biblical scholarship. His works demonstrate how the
bible gets used by both the colonized and colonizer. He also supported minority
criticism in his first edition of Voices from the Margin by urging Latin Americans,
Africans and Asians to dialogue among each other as partners in a common
cause.1 Sugirtharajahs main interest in biblical interpretation is from an Indian
perspective; however he offers important discussions within the African context.
The lens for interpreting the letter to the Colossians is formed by examining the
identities of its initial recipients. The research completed during the process of writing
this thesis reflects an African American viewpoint of the letter to the Colossians
which in view of the limited amount of such research makes it to date among the
first. The letter will be read in opposition to those who feel there were false teachings
at Colossae. Further examination of the motives of the author will be made in order
to ascertain possible shortcomings on the letter writers part.
In forming this thesis the debate is moved from pointing to the error on the part of the
community in Colossae to possible misunderstandings on the part of either Epaphras
or the letters disputed author. A study is presented of the similarities between the
people of the Lycus Valley, Jew and Gentile alike, as they are presented with the
gospel. The ancestors of these first-century Jews were transplanted to this region.
However they grew substantially in less than 200 years.2 By 62 BCE the amount of
the temple tax confiscated by the Roman governor (twenty pounds of gold) reveals
R. S. Sugirtharajah, Voices from the Margin: Interpreting the Bible in the Third World, Rev. and expanded 3rd
ed. (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 2006) 443.
2
Colossae In 213 BCE Antiochus III installed 2,000 Jewish families from Mesopotamia (Josephus, Ant 12.14853)
that there were at least 11,000 adult male Jews living in that region.3 A study of the
beliefs of the groups inhabiting this valley can reveal the reasons for concern by the
writer of this letter. Conflicts between the groups and their beliefs could explain the
crisis referred to in the second chapter. Questions that arise in reading the letter
are: Who were the dominant groups? What teachings by Epaphras may have
created the misunderstanding? Did Epaphras react as a native of Colossae, fearing
a schism was about to erupt? Paul as writer presents the problem of his reputation in
the first century compared to how he is viewed by many in the present. Pauls views
and the views of his contemporaries differed substantially (see Chapter Three
Jews). The opposing views coupled with present day commentary can spark a
controversy all its own; an important part of understanding the blame game being
played in commentary after commentary.
The enslaved Africans were also transplanted; however, their circumstance differed
from that of the Colossians in that with the latter there was a mutual cohabitation
between the pagan population and the Jews brought there by Antiochus III. How did
this difference affect their reception and interpretation of the gospel as opposed to
that of the enslaved Africans? Being an already established community (since 213
BCE), the Colossians seemed to have had established beliefs before the
evangelization facilitated by Epaphras. This was also the case with the enslaved
Africans before being brought to the New World. It is interesting to note, however
that both groups were criticized for bringing to the table, so to speak, beliefs that
facilitated their understanding of the gospel as presented to them. What are explored
in this thesis are the intricacies of assimilation of beliefs by both groups to
3
Joseph Barber Lightfoot, Saint Paul's Epistles to the Colossians and to Philemon, 8th ed. (London and New
York,: Macmillan and co., 1886) 20.
understand why the label error occurred. Although the intentions of the slave
traders may seem obvious; the missionaries who thought they were bringing this
new information to the Africans were in error.
Furthermore, this thesis views literature concerning the alleged crisis in the letter
detrimental to the proliferation of the gospel to all people. The epistle writers attempt
to correct or warn the community without fully investigating the situation could have
been detrimental to some who believed, and were considered different because of
the way they interpreted what was being taught. They could also have been
ostracized because they refused to let go of customs and beliefs that did not line up
with or were unfamiliar to the writer. We cannot forget Epaphras role. Perhaps in his
zeal to emulate the major thinkers of the day, he tried to erase former beliefs in
hopes of winning approval. Much of this is speculative, but worth investigating since
the debate seems to lean heavily in favor of error and simply to close the book on
this topic without fleshing it out further does not seem fair.
Relevant literature in the re-reading of Colossians includes commentary on and from
the Pauline corpus, linguistic study of the language of the letter to the Colossians
pertaining to the error and well as African American linguistics. Further included is
literature concerning the history and evangelization of the Lycos Valley cities;
Hierapolis, Laodicea and Colossae, as well as parts of Africa evangelized in the mid
second millennium.
Outline of Study
This thesis discusses the following similarities between the initial recipients of the
letter to the Colossians and the enslaved Africans in North America. First, each was
5
presented with the gospel and their interpretation was viewed as problematic to
those presenting it. Second, they were also subjects of empires into which they were
forced to be assimilated. Third, diversities existed within their culture and religions
which had developed over generations. These similarities contribute to the rereading of the Colossians letter from an African American postcolonial perspective.
If written by Paul or someone close to him it is dated in the spring of CE 57 or as
some scholars think in 62 soon after the Epistle to Ephesians. If not part of the
Pauline Corpus, then it might be dated during the late first century as late as the
80s.4 The term the writer or the author is used as the authorship of this letter is
debated. Where Paul is being discussed specifically he will be referenced.
The letter written to the Colossians was reactionary in that the writer expresses a
third hand opinion of the situation in that first-century community. The writer was
responding to a second hand report from presumably, Epaphras, who could only
assess the beliefs of the people he had evangelized. Therefore it is likely through a
first-hand report from the people of Colossae (which to date does not exist) that a
better understanding of the letters purpose can be ascertained. The textual scholar
may argue that the way the letters were written also impact the message of the
gospel we have today.5 It is however, with confidence this thesis proceeds making
use of the text presently available.
This thesis investigates the identity of the first-century audience of the letter to seek
its meaning and purpose. In addition comparisons between the identities of the first
4
Burton L. Mack, Who Wrote the New Testament? : The Making of the Christian Myth, 1st ed. (San Francisco,
Ca.: HarperSan Francisco, 1995) 184.
5
Parker discusses the role of the amanuensis and different copies produced for specific purposes. D. C. Parker,
An Introduction to the New Testament Manuscripts and Their Texts (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2008) 247-48.
century audience and the enslaved African in North America produce similarities that
further enhance the meaning of the letter. The identity of the audiences mentioned
above serves as a footprint generations later and is essential in the re-reading of the
letter from an African American postcolonial perspective.
However it is with the history of the presentation of the gospel of Jesus Christ that
their voices can be heard. Each group has a legacy that gives them a voice which
allows them to speak through the ages. This thesis in exploring the identities of both
the people of first-century Colossae and the enslaved African gives voice to their
views and the meaning of the letter written to the Colossians.
The author of Colossians introduced new ideas and terminologies into a culture
which historically had various beliefs and traditions. The following questions form the
basis of the re-reading process in Part Four of this thesis:
Should the teachings found in Colossians be presented to persons in

an African American culture what would be the implications?
Would the reaction by the people of the African American community

differ from that of the Colossian community?
Can these reactions be used to draw conclusions which can impact the
meaning of the text?
Can language be used to alter the identity and faith formation of an

existing culture or to eliminate particular ideologies or beliefs?
The main hermeneutical issues from the standpoint of the readers are:
The language of the text
The pre-gospel beliefs of the recipients and
The motives of the presenters.
It is particularly interesting that we know of no existing letters or correspondence of

any kind that was presented to the writer of Colossians. The canon of New
Testament epistles contains responses to situations and concerns either witnessed
by Paul and other writers or by persons, in some way closely associated with them.
The authenticity of the scriptures is not being questioned, but it presents speculation
as to whether Paul or the writers were responding to accurate situations or to
concerns of individuals. This letter in particular speaks of the writers distance from
the situation and relies totally on the report of Epaphras (Col 1.6; 2.1). He never
alludes to having visited Colossae, although Paul, having stayed in Ephesus could
have. However he writes of preaching the gospel as they are being instructed but
makes no connection between the two. He states that Epaphras is the evangelist
and one reference does connect to the other. The gospel that he preaches is no
different from what Epaphras has presented to them.6 He also makes it clear also
that he had never been to this particular congregation. Moreover, if he had actually
visited Colossae, it must appear strange that he should not once allude to any
incident occurring during his sojourn there, for this epistle would then be the single
exception to his ordinary practice.7
6
7
Col 1.5-8, 21-23, 25, 28, 29. 2.5, 6

Lightfoot, Saint Paul's Epistles to the Colossians and to Philemon 28.
Christianity was in the early stages of development in the first century; therefore
doctrines and beliefs were still being formed (see subsection 10.3). The label
heresy, assigned to the suspected teachings mentioned in the letter is questionable
simply because neither heresy nor Christianity was clearly defined in that period.8
The term heresy 9 took on a less controversial meaning during that time. It
was not until later that it took on a more pejorative meaning. It is difficult to
understand what the writer was addressing or trying to correct since the ideals and
doctrines of Christianity were not fully formed. This idea perhaps gives license to the
many opinions and commentaries on the teachings alluded to in the epistle and the
subject of heresy. Among the existing beliefs were mysticisms that were long
practiced for centuries. Was the writer trying to bring their beliefs in line with what he
felt was the beginning of a new sect of Judaism? Or was he trying to sever old ties
with Judaism even to the point of disregarding the holidays and feasts as merely
shadows of what was to come (2.16-17)?
Error on the part of the residents of Colossae is debatable. The letter is a third hand
report of the development of this religious sect. The writer in admitting to never
personally having visited the area must rely on second hand reports. However,
Epaphras and others could only report their findings as they saw them. What of the
people on whom they were reporting? What did they have to say? The belief held by
the writer was that the community at Colossae was in danger of succumbing to
philosophies and teachings that compromised the truth as he saw it. The beginning
8
Wilson also notes that "the lines of division between 'orthodoxy' and 'heresy' were by no means so clear-cut in
the early period as they were later to become", referencing Dunn's work: The Epistles to the Colossians and
Philemon, 1996. R. McL Wilson, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Colossians and Philemon (London ;
New York: T & T Clark International, 2005) 63.
9
Meaning to choose or those follow their own tenets. Frederick W. Danker, Walter Bauer, and William Arndt, A
Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature, 3rd ed. (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 2000) s.v.
of the letter expresses satisfaction in the way the believers understood salvation and
their commitment to Jesus Christ (1.1 2.3). From 2.4 23 the writer gives various
warnings to the Colossian community with the intent of saving them from falling
under the influence of false teachings. The point as to whether there was false
teaching or teachers is and can be further debated. A comparison can also be made
between letters to other communities where churches were being established that
differentiate the alleged problems.
The thesis is presented in four parts. Part One examines the identities of the people
of the first-century community of Colossae where the gospel was being introduced.
Part Two examines the identities of the people of Africa beginning in the first century
to approximately the fifteenth century referencing the reception history of Christianity
there. Part Three investigates the identity of people involved in the Atlantic slave
trade and the role the bible played in shaping their reception and use of Christianity
from the seventeenth century to the present. Part Four uses the information gathered
from the preceding parts to initiate a re-reading of Colossians from the viewpoint of
the other; in this case an African American postcolonial view of scripture. The
discussion begins with the first -century community in Colossae, their identity and
reception of the gospel.
10
P ART ONE
THE PEOPLE OF COLOSSAE
Introduction
Part One is a study of the people of first-century Colossae, who they were and their
reception of early Christian beliefs as presented by Paul, other teachers and
believers of that time. Four areas will be discussed in the identification process:
The Colossians as contemporaries of the people of Laodicea and Hierapolis
The historical data concerning the generations of believers in the mystery and
mythological cults
The Jewish population and their relationship to Paul, the disputed writer of the
epistle to the Colossians, with a unique look at a contemporary Jewish view of
Paul and his Christianizing theology
The people of Colossae as subjects of Greco-Roman governments and rulers.
Each of the above play an essential role in the reception history in the early stages of
Christianity as it was presented to the Colossians. Although discussions of their
beliefs plays into the identity of the Colossians and helps in understanding them as a
people, the emphasis is on who they were, not so much on what they believed.
The letter was written to a newly-founded community of believers. What did this letter
mean to the Colossian community? The letter addresses issues that the Colossians
perhaps did not see as problems until they were pointed out to them. Initially it
appeared they did not quite see the benefit of trusting in God through Jesus Christ.
They were perhaps afraid or unable to let go of their past (See subsection 13.1). The
11
letter however seems to indicate in the first chapter that they had overcome their
trepidation and had come to a belief in Christ (1.4). The writer was trying to get them
to not only let go, but to be encouraged and united in love, so that they may have all
the riches of assured understanding and have the knowledge of Gods mystery, that
is, Christ himself, in whom are hidden all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge
(2.2-3).
The town of Colossae obtained some of its fame from the letter written by Paul or
someone who was familiar with or close to Paul.10 We can assume from the letter
that Colossae existed and the fact that other sources mention the towns which
surrounded it that can be identified today (4.13).11 Colossae, assumed to have been
destroyed by an earthquake has yet to be excavated. The writer alludes to a letter
which is lost (4.16). However, it is from the extant letter to the Colossians that we
have obtained the teachings attributed to Paul which address the situation of the
believers. The letter expresses concern that the hearers remain strong in the gospel
they were being taught concerning the life, death, burial and resurrection of Jesus
Christ (1.11-14).
The religion of the region, according to Morna Hooker, was syncretistic, suggesting
that there were those who worshipped many deities and that the climate for cults
was favorable. Hooker notes, Its population was mixed: native Phrygians had been
joined by Greek and Syrian settlers.12 By the time of the letter the economy and
subsequent popularity of the town had declined and neighboring Laodicea and
Hierapolis were the more visited locations. The population of Colossae was a
10
David M. Hay, Colossians, Abingdon New Testament Commentaries (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 2000) 20.
http://www.philipharland.com/associations/Lycus.html, September 16, 2009
12
Morna Hooker, 'Colossians' James D. G. Dunn and J. W. Rogerson, Eerdmans Commentary on the Bible
(Grand Rapids, Mich.: W.B. Eerdmans, 2003) 1404.
11
12
mixture of Phrygians, Greeks and Syrians. The milieu of the first-century CE

presented a challenge to both the Colossians and the writer of this letter. There
existed over a course of about three hundred years a conglomerate of ethnicities and
wide-ranging beliefs. Epaphras (1.7; 4.12) efforts to introduce them to the gospel
were met with beliefs that were handed down for centuries. Bauer presents two
views about Epaphras capabilities.
Possibly Epaphras is not entirely blameless for the fact that in the
community he established in Colossae, peculiar syncretistic ideas were
introduced such as worship of the cosmic elements or perhaps it
would be more accurate to suggest that such ideas already were
present from the very beginning in Colossae but that Epaphras did not
take the trouble to eliminate them.13
The last argument sounds feasible because it is difficult to judge the effort Epaphras
exhibited in clarifying the teachings set before them. The writer was alerted
concerning the problem and they were discussed in the letter. Whether Epaphras
was the one who brought it to the writers attention or not, he did not object to the
writers interference. He is mentioned in the letter as being present at the penning of
the letter (4.9).
The intended hearers were a newly established community of believers who were
becoming quite familiar with the teachings of Jesus and what it meant to be disciples
(1.21; 2.13). The names of some of the persons mentioned in the letter have some
semblance to pagan deities Tychicus (from Tuche = Fate). Epaphras (short form of
Epaphroditus, related to Aphrodite), and Nympha (probably shortened from Nymph
13
Walter Bauer, Robert A. Kraft, and Gerhard Krodel, Orthodoxy and Heresy in Earliest Christianity, 1st
paperback ed. (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1979, 1996) 235.
13
Dora, gift of the nymphs). Others familiar to the readers were Jews. However, Hays
observes, yet there is no sign of a struggle between Jews and Christians or
between Paulinists and Judaizers. 14 A discussion will follow that will expand this
subject and problems created after the letter was written. The implied readers know
about the teachings of Paul and are not inclined to question his authority. Although
the writer explains his authority in 1.24-25, he seems to not have to defend it. 15
Looking at this mixture of peoples living in the city of Colossae helps to identify the
foundational beliefs that confronted the writer. The history of these peoples was
older than the beliefs he was introducing. Therefore not only does this bring in the
question of orthodoxy (right thinking), but also it is easier to perceive the confusion of
beliefs and the attempt to incorporate what is familiar rather than readily grasping
what is relatively unfamiliar. It can be surmised that the recipients were trying to
make sense of what they were experiencing in studying and living out the teachings
of Christ.
The similarities between the African community of the fifteenth century CE and the
first-century community of Colossae are striking. Each community had its own set or
sets of beliefs and was impacted by new beliefs. The process of incorporating the
unfamiliar with the familiar between Jews and Gentiles has been viewed as syncretic
by Clinton Arnold in this situation (See Subsection 10.2). Syncretism resulted
perhaps unintentionally to facilitate the adaptation of the new ideas. Their
adaptations were not acceptable to those presenting the gospel and they were
seemingly chastised because of them (Colossians 2.20).
14
Hay, 26.
This speaks to the view that in the letters tone there seems to be no urgency to suggest heresy in the
teachings the Colossae church is being exposed to. Bauer also suggests this speaking about the receptivity of
those in Laodicea and Hierapolis proclaiming the gospel abroad and even elaborating on it. Bauer, 235.
15
14
The transference of Jews to Colossae by the Oriental king Antiochus the Great
brings to mind three suppositions. First, Colossae, an Asian city, was once ruled and
governed by Asia. Secondly, some of these Jews converted to Christianity, or
whatever form of the gospel they were presented with (Acts 2.10). Thirdly, what must
be considered are the beliefs of the Phrygians and their effect on the generations of
Jews living in that community. Hamilton and Falconer state, With their unsurprising
ethnocentrism, ancient Mediterraneans divided the peoples of the world into us and
them. Greek writers in general spoke of Greeks and Barbarians.16 The writer
uses terminology that tends to simplify the classes of people in Colossae; neither:
Greek nor Jew, circumcision nor un-circumcision, Barbarian nor Scythian, bond nor
free (3.11). For the most part we have come to accept these distinctions and to see
the audiences world as two dimensional. By doing this it colors our thinking, tending
to group people together accepting the division not realizing that their ethnicities
were diverse. This is a form of stereotyping that was generally accepted by the
culture at large.17 The goal was to keep the family or group together socially and in
this case the early Christian community was trying to find cohesion. The letter to the
Colossians exemplifies this attempt but damages the view of the people ethnically.
Although the practice of grouping peoples as us and them was a common
practice at the time of the writing and probably did not confuse the first readers of the
text, later readers and commentators generally seem to accept the seeming
simplicity of the division without considering that there was a more diverse ethnic
division.
16
Strabo, Hans Claude Hamilton, and W. Falconer, The Geography of Strabo (London and New York,: G. Bell &
sons, 1903) 1.4.9.
17
Bruce J. Malina and Jerome H. Neyrey, Portraits of Paul : An Archaeology of Ancient Personality, 1st ed.
(Louisville, Ky.: Westminster John Knox Press, 1996) 184.
15
By way of comparison, the Africans and the Colossians were not able to voice their
concerns, yet they were able to send a message through the ages. The message,
though not documented, is that they tried to make the gospel their own. They tried to
understand what was being introduced. They were not heard, yet much is being said
about them. The existence of God was undisputed and the way to him was through
his son, Jesus. Yet the path was still unclear. Did the writer, Epaphras or those sent
to teach them stand in the way? Why was God still so inaccessible or was He?
Where was the freedom?
16
P ART ONE - CHAPTER ONE

CONTEMPORARIES OF LAODICEA AND HIERAPOLIS
We begin this study of the identification of the people of Colossae by examining the
region in which it was situated and the two towns closest to them, Laodicea and
Hierapolis. The letter was written to the saints in Colossae (1.2) who inhabited the
fertile Lycus Valley. Colossae was one of the smaller cities in the valley in the
Roman province of Asia. This given easy access most importantly due to the river
Meander, encouraged settlement. The three cities, Colossae, Laodicea and
Hierapolis, developed in proximity to each other. Dunn notes that Laodicea and
Hierapolis on either side of the Lycus a few miles from the junction with the Meander,
six miles apart and within sight of each other across the intervening plain, and
Colossae about ten miles upstream on the southern bank of the Lycus.18 Therefore
a vantage point could be established somewhere in the Lycus Valley where one
could look out and be surrounded by all three cities. Lightfoot suggests:
The three cities lie so near to each other, that it would be quite possible
to visit them all in the course of a single day. Thus situated, they would
necessarily hold constant intercourse with each other. We are not
surprised to find them so closely connected in the earliest stages of
Christianity same evangelist.19
Colossae had been a popular, large and wealthy city four or five centuries before the
time of the New Testament. Its wealth was due to its position on the main road from
18
James D. G. Dunn, The Epistles to the Colossians and to Philemon : A Commentary on the Greek Text (Grand
Rapids, Mich.: Carlisle: William B. Eerdmans Publishing ; Paternoster Press, 1996) 20.
19
17
Ephesus and Sardis to the Euphrates and to its wool industry. 20 Under Roman rule,
Laodicea, founded later than Colossae, flourished. However as Colossae decreased
in significance, Laodicea grew as the administrative and financial center of the
region. It seems Laodicea benefitted greatly as part of the Roman Empire. Laodicea,
also noted for its woolen textile industry and medicines and Hierapolis, with its hot
mineral spring attracting many visitors, steadily cast a shadow on Colossae in
importance. The acceptance of the gospel seemed more successful in Colossae
however. The letter was addressed to them and the contents mentions sending it to
Laodicea, but no mention of Hierapolis. At the time this letter was written perhaps the
people of Colossae yearned for better days or days gone by. The exhortation in the
letter was uplifting and perhaps what was needed at the time of Roman imperial rule
(See Chapter Four).
Surprisingly, the site of Colossae has never been excavated, unlike Laodicea and
Hierapolis;21 this hampers our ability to gain a clearer perspective on what took
place. It can therefore be deduced that the cities were in such close proximity that
they must have had several features in common (not just textiles), and it can be
deduced from reading Colossians 4.14-16 that there must have been daily
movement among them. This knowledge and other information is common
knowledge in the major commentaries about the history of Colossae. In this portion
the writer of the letter suggests they greet believers who are in Laodicea and read
this letter to them.
20
Chicago. University. University extension division. Home-study dept. [from old catalog] and Harold Stukey,
Greek 102 (Xenophon : Anabasis) ([Chicago]: the University of Chicago, 1936) 1.2.6.
21
Edwin M. Yamauchi, The Archaeology of New Testament Cities in Western Asia Minor, Baker Studies in
Biblical Archaeology (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Book House, 1980) Chapters 10-12.
18
1.1
Mixed Cultures
The introduction of this thesis gives evidence that Colossians had a history of being
a city of mixed cultures and peoples. The diversity of the beliefs in that city and
surrounding cities perhaps fueled the many discussions in numerous commentaries
concerning the identity of the false teachers. Had the culture of Colossians not
been diverse there would be less discussions of who they were and more on what
they believed. During the second millennium BCE, Syria was occupied successively
by Canaanites, Phoenicians, Hebrews, and Aramaeans as part of the general
disruptions associated with the Sea Peoples. Eventually the Persians took control of
Syria as part of their general rule of Southwest Asia; this control transferred to the
Greeks after the conquests of Alexander the Great and thence to the Romans and
the Byzantines.22 Syria is significant in the history of Christianity; Paul was
converted on the road to Damascus and the first organized Christian Church was
established at Antioch in ancient Syria, from which he left on many of his missionary
journeys.23 Perhaps this connection at the time of his conversion fueled his interest
in the community there.
Given the access to the Lycus Valley from major roads, many ethnic groups could
have entered the region. Of significance as a feature of the Lycus valley cities,
including presumably Colossae was the presence of a substantial Jewish minority.
According to Philo, Jews were very numerous in every city in Asia Minor. 24 Moreover
Josephus states that, in the late third century BCE Antiochus the Great had settled
two thousand Jewish families in Lydia and Phrygia to help stabilize the region and in
22
David Noel Freedman, Anchor Bible Dictionary, 1st ed., 6 vols. (New York, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1992) s.v. "Syria".
Acts 15:23, 41; 18:18; 20:3; 21:3; 13:1-3
24
Ronald Williamson and Philo, Jews in the Hellenistic World : Philo, Cambridge Commentaries on Writings of
the Jewish and Christian World, 200 Bc to Ad 200 (Cambridge [Cambridgeshire] ; New York: Cambridge
University Press, 1989) 25.
23
19
the middle of the second century a sequence of letters sent by the Roman Senate to
Asia Minor in support of Jews living there indicates a sizeable Jewish population. 25
Evidence given by Flaccus attempt in 62 BCE to confiscate gold collected by Jews
in Asia Minor and Ciceros defense in 59 BCE yielded a little more than twenty
pounds of gold seized in Laodicea.26 Laodicea was obviously the central point for
storing the collection; presumably for the Lycus Valley at least, so that would include
the Jewish population of Colossae and Hierapolis. The city of Apamea, further upcountry, was another collection point, where nearly one hundred pounds of gold was
seized. Cicero mentions only two other collection points further north in Asia Minor,
but presumably there were collection points in the coastal cities such as Ephesus
and Smyrna and other larger centers of Jewish population like Sardis. Assuredly
Laodicea must have functioned as a collection point for such cities as these. It is also
possible that the city may have covered other smaller settlements in the central
Meander valley. According to Trebilco it is possible that more than one years
collection was involved.27
According to Josephus a considerable number of Jews settled in the Lycus Valley in
200 BCE and it could be assumed that some of their descendents still lived there at
the time of this letter.28 Although we have evidence of Jewish communities in the
regions surrounding Colossae, it has not been definitely acknowledged there were
Jewish residents in the town itself. However coins of the city indicate that during the
25
Flavius Josephus and William Whiston, The Complete Works of the Learned and Authentic Jewish Historian,
Flavius Josephus : Comprising the Antiquities of the Jews, a History of the Jewish Wars, Three Dissertations
Concerning Jesus Christ, John the Baptist, &C., &C., and the Life of Josephus (London,: J.G. Murdoch)
Antiquities 12.147-53; 85-267; 16.160-78.
26
Marcus Tullius Cicero, In Difesa Di Lucio Flacco = Pro L. Flacco, 1. ed. (Venezia: Marsilio, 2000) Pro Flacco
28.68, in GLAJ 68.
27
Paul R. Trebilco, Jewish Communities in Asia Minor (Cambridge ; New York: Cambridge University Press,
2006) 14.
28
Ant. 12.147-53.
20
Roman period Isis and Sarapis were worshipped there, as well as Helios, Demeter,
Selene, Artemis the huntress and Artemis the Ephesian as well as the native
Phrygian god Men.29
When taking into consideration the inclusion of Jewish families we may have to allow
a total Jewish population of Colossae during this period comprising as many as two
or three thousand. Depending on how large Colossae still was by this time that
would make the Colossian Jews a substantial and possibly influential ethnic minority,
as they certainly were later in other cities of the region. This information will take on
greater importance in the discussion of the Jewish component in Chapter Three.
This information although not helpful in ascertaining viable information about the city
of Colossae, helps to envision the reality of it. However, the peculiar fact that the site
of Colossae has never been excavated means that we are unable to make informed
guesses on this subject. Dunn also points out that what cannot be deduced are,
other questions such as the size and likely population of the city at the time and
whether there are any indications of a building that may have served as a synagogue
at the time. 30 However, speculations can be and have been made by many
commentators using the information found in the letter to the Colossians. Hence, it is
with this impetus that the discussions in this thesis are set forth; to join in the
discussion and to further the commentary on the people and the occasion of the
letter.
29
30
Viktor Schultze, Altchristliche Stdte Und Landschaften (Leipzig: A. Deichert, 1913) 447.
Dunn, The Epistles to the Colossians and to Philemon : A Commentary on the Greek Text 23.
21
1.2
The Devastation
Frequent earthquakes, which have covered up much of the history of this region,
make it difficult to know the true culture and beliefs of the people of this region.
Lightfoot notes, Not once or twice only in the history of Laodicea do we read of such
visitations lying waste the city itself or some flourishing town in the neighborhood.31
Strabo, in contrast to what was stated earlier, describes Colossae as a small
town.32 Ptolemy does not mention it, though he enumerates other cities.33 Lightfoot
also states, Without doubt Colossae was the least important church to which any
epistle of St. Paul was addressed. 34 The above claims of Strabo and Lightfoot raise
an important question: So, why did the writer write to them? It is evident despite the
above claims there existed a community of believers that captured the attention of
writer. The letter was first to be read to the Colossians and then circulated (4.16).
The fact that the Lycus valley was ravaged by an earthquake in 60-6135 might yield
vital clues on all these matters, including the date of the letter, were we in a position
to evaluate its effects. Unfortunately with no reference to the amount of damage
suffered by Colossae this is not feasible. However Tacitus has given clues to the
damage to Laodicea.36 The volcanic springs and underground rivers alerted Strabo
to the unstable character of the Lycus valley. If any country is subject to
31
" Hierapolis and Colossae in 63 or 64 CE according to Eusebius Chronicles were also devastated." Lightfoot,
Saint Paul's Epistles to the Colossians and to Philemon 3.
32
Strabo and Walter Leaf, Strabo on the Troad; Book Xiii, Cap. I (Cambridge [Eng.]: The University press, 1923)
576.
33
Ptolemy et al., "Geography of Claudius Ptolemy," (New York: New York Public Library,, 1932), V.2.
34
35
A. J. M. Wedderburn, Baptism and Resurrection : Studies in Pauline Theology against Its Graeco-Roman
Background, Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen Zum Neuen Testament, (Tbingen: J.C.B. Mohr (P. Siebeck),
1987) 70, notes a seismologists judgment that the earthquake took place in 60; Tacituss report indicates 60 to
61; according to Lightfoot 38-40, the American version of Eusebius, Chronicle, dates the earthquake subsequent
to the burning of.
36
Cornelius Tacitus, Alfred John Church, and William Jackson Brodribb, The Annals ; and the Histories, New ed.
(New York: Barnes & Noble Books, 2005) Annales 14.27.1.
22
earthquakes, Laodicea is.37 Both Laodicea and Hierapolis were rebuilt, but
Colossae never recovered; note the silence of Pliny.38 Its long slide into oblivion
terminated in the ninth century CE when the site was definitely abandoned.39
1.3
The Church at Colossae
We have no way of knowing how large the church in Colossae was by the time the
letter was written. However, if the saints and faithful brothers (1.2) are not to be
simply identified with the letter addressed to Philemon (Philemon 2) and/or with the
church in the house of Nympha, it is possible that there existed more than one house
church in Colossae (4.15). Also, the reference to churches in Laodicea, support this
possibility (4.15). The lack of reference to Hierapolis presumably implies that
Epaphras was not as successful in spreading the gospel there (4.13-15). Perhaps
believers who lived in Hierapolis may simply have made the double journey to
Laodicea to attend gatherings there. Dunn suggests, In that case we have to
envisage the Christians in the Lycus valley meeting in or at least four small (house)
churches.40
The majority of the inhabitants of Colossae were Gentiles and Bauer believes the
cities around and in Phrygia were populated by gentile Christians and states that the
evidence of this is the letter itself. He surmises, But everything we know of other
communities founded by Paul permits us to conclude that the congregations of Asia
(1Cor. 16.19) also were composed mainly of Gentile Christians.41 This point is
debatable, but helps in determining who the Colossians were ethnically. However, it
37
Geog. 12.8.16.
Nat. Hist. 5.105.
39
John Barton and John Muddiman, The Oxford Bible Commentary (Oxford ; New York: Oxford University Press,
2001) 1191.
40
Dunn, The Epistles to the Colossians and to Philemon : A Commentary on the Greek Text 21.
41
Bauer, Kraft, and Krodel, Orthodoxy and Heresy in Earliest Christianity 89.
38
23
can be deduced from the above statement that there existed among the population
of Colossae and Laodicea Gentiles who were a part of the newly founded community
of believers.
24
P ART ONE - CHAPTER TWO

GENERATIONS OF BELIEVERS IN THE MYSTERIES AND MYTHOLOGICAL CULTS
This section will focus on the beliefs held for generations by the Colossians at the
time of their exposure to the gospel by Epaphras. The idea of Christianity as an
established religion at the time of the letter is an anachronism, not only in the Lycus
Valley, but also in the first century CE.42 The first reason is because the prevailing
mystery and myth religions that evolved through the previous centuries were at
home there. Schweizer remarks that, at the time of the Epistle to the Colossians
an Apollo-Archegetes cult may have replaced that of the mother goddess.43
Dynasties of deities were being worshipped as generations of Colossians were
taught to believe in them. Houses, marketplaces, hills and mountains were filled with
images of gods and goddesses to whom they and their ancestors gave homage (see
subsections 2.1 and 4.1). The second reason is that the doctrines of Christianity
were not yet fully established (see subsection 10.3). The third reason is that the
transplanted Jews practiced a religion that not only preceded Christianity, but taught
about God and that the way to him was the Torah. Into this arena, the writer of
Colossians answers the call of Epaphras to build up the newly founded community.
The terms Christian, first used in Antioch to denote followers of Christ according
to Acts 11.26, and Christianity, first recorded by Ignatius of Antioch in 100 CE,
though familiar today, were respectively novel and non-existing according to our
dating of the Colossian letter. Furthermore, as an established religion it went through
many phases until the ascension of Constantine in 313 CE and the Council of
42
References to the beginnings of Christianity will be discussed in subsection 10.3 of this thesis.
Eduard Schweizer, The Letter to the Colossians : A Commentary (Minneapolis, Minn.: Augsburg Pub. House,
1982) 14.
43
25
Nicaea in 325 CE. Also at the time of its writing this phase of Christianity could be
viewed as a sect of Judaism and from this perspective the beliefs of the people of
Colossae is reflected. Neusner writes:
The earliest Christians, Jesus and his family and Paul, all saw themselves as
Israel and called on Scripture to provide the framework of interpretation of
the life and teachings, death and resurrection of Jesus Christ. All of these
groups fall into the category of Judaisms, though each differs in fundamental
ways from the others.44
Therefore not only should the teachings of Paul be considered but also those of
others. Although this paper cannot encompass the immensity of the canon and
apocryphal writing related to this era, there is much which needs to be considered
outside of Pauls writings to accurately understand what transpired.
Greco-Roman domination was a particularly important aspect in the lives of the
Colossians and it was not something they could pick up and put down at will. To
suggest that they totally do away with their beliefs and traditions was asking a lot. It
would take some time to, not only understand this new belief, but to test the gospels
merit. Similarities existed between the religions that needed to be worked out. The
writers use of terms that sounded familiar to those exposed to or those who
practiced the mystery religions could have played a part in the confusion. Phrases
such as being buried with and you were raised with (2.12) were arguably
concepts from the mysteries.45 Perhaps what happened in Colossae was not unlike
what transpired with the Africans who believed what they were taught about
44
Jacob Neusner, Judaism When Christianity Began : A Survey of Belief and Practice (Louisville: Westminster
John Knox Press, 2002) 9.
45
Fred O. Francis and Wayne A. Meeks, Conflict at Colossae : A Problem in the Interpretation of Early
Christianity, Illustrated by Selected Modern Studies, Rev. ed., Sources for Biblical Study ([Cambridge, Mass.]
Missoula, Mont.: Society of Biblical Literature ;
distributed by Scholars Press, 1975) 89.
26
Christianity and when faced with difficult situations reverted back to traditional
religious practices. Many speculations can be raised here as to the situation and how
the Colossians can be identified.
2.1
Gods, Goddesses, Geniis, Lares Oh My
Colossians displays the writers concerns for the new believers who lived in the Lycus
Valley. The complexity of the religious atmosphere into which the gospel came gave
rise to various problems. According to Bradford:
Some of the people gave their allegiance to family gods or ancestral
spirits who were identified as Lares or genii. Others worshiped the
patron deity of the municipal cult. Wherever one chose to go in Asia
Minor he was sure to be confronted with the gods and goddesses.
Though they were adored and worshiped under different names they
shared an identical role in the faith of the people. Upon the entrance of
the Greek influence most of these gods and goddesses became
identified with the greater Greek deities.46
The Greeks worshipped the bright gods of the day and the dark gods of the
underworld. It was in this milieu that the gospel was preached. For centuries this
type of worship and the beliefs that accompanied it was ingrained in the lives of the
people of Colossae. Neill reveals that, at least seven hundred years before the time
of Paul, Greek-speaking colonists had begun to come into Western Asia Minor from
the mainland of Greece.47 In time every aspect of the Colossians life was Greek;
later Rome would come to dominate the lives of the people of Asia Minor.
Phrygia, in antiquity, a kingdom in the west central part of the Anatolian highlands
and part of modern Turkey from ca. 1200 BCE to 700 BCE, had a rich mythological
46
47
L. B. Radford, The Epistle to the Colossians and the Epistle to Philemon (London,: Methuen & co., 1931) 63.
Stephen Neill, Paul to the Colossians (New York,: Association Press, 1964) 9.
27
heritage as the homeland of the Great Mother Cybele48. This goddess was
commonly perceived of as a nature goddess and the recurrent theme of nature and
motherly care go hand in hand. As the prominent feature of many early IndoEuropean societies, the mother archetype manifests itself in a host of deities and
symbolism.49 The religion of the Phrygians was an ecstatic nature worship in which
the Great Mother of the gods Rhea or Cybele and a male deity Sabazius, a nomadic
horseman and sky father god of the Phrygians and Thracians, played a prominent
part. With the establishment of the Galatians in eastern Phrygia the fertility cult of
Cybele, the mother goddess, spread widely among town dwellers, while the country
folk tended to worship Men, the moon god, ruler of Paradise and the Underworld.50
Anatolian, a pre-Hellenic religion, was a religion of Asia Minor often referred to as the
Phrygian Religion. However the worship of the Great Mother was much older than
the Phrygian conquest. It has also been known by several other names; the most
common probably being the Cybele-Attis Cult. Then there was the Phrygian
Mysteries and the religion of the Great Mother, Cybele. All of the above worshipped
the same Anatolian god. Neill notes, The famous Artemis of the Ephesians was not
really the Greek goddess of that name; she was the age-old mother-goddess of the
eastern regions, the goddess of fertility.51 Therefore, it appears that the pagan
roots of the people of Colossae run deep.
48
The churches of Colossae, Laodicea, and Hierapolis were located in the Lycus valley in the SW part of Asian
Phrygia: The Anchor Bible Dictionary 1992, s.v. Phrygia.
49
Charles Russell Coulter and Patricia Turner, Encyclopedia of Ancient Deities (Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland,
2000).S.V. Cybele
50
Freedman, Anchor Bible Dictionary s.v.
51
Neill, Paul to the Colossians 10.
28
2.2
Cults
The nature of mythology meant that many myths and ideologies were produced, not
only in the first Century, CE, but in the centuries before. In addition to the more
traditional myth cults, Paul is blamed for instituting a version called the Christ-myth.
Francis and Meeks argue, the Christ-myth constructed by Paul shows Christs
incarnation after the manner of a descent-to-Hades myth. According to Colossians,
Christ descended unrecognized through the spheres of the archons, in order then,
ascending in glory, to triumph over the deluded archons.52 Cross referencing
Philippians 2:5 (debatable) and 2:11 shows that the mythical outline is clear. The
proponents of the Christ Myth Theory53 having proposed one form or another of the
theory have documented similarities between the stories of Christ and those of
Krishna, Adonis, Osiris, Mithraism, and a pre-Christian cult of Jesus within Judaism.
As a debate these arguments are only mentioned to substantiate the era in which the
letter to the Colossians was written. This paper does not support the teachings of
these and other parallels, but uses them to shed light on the context of this letter and
the identification of the Colossians.54
Burkert presents parallels in the gospels of Christ with the life-death-rebirth gods
found in the widespread mystery religions common in the Hellenistic culture and
amongst which Christianity is assumed to have been born. Closely related to this are
mythological themes of sacrificial kingship and Theophagy, the eating of the body
of a fertility god. Although the Christ-myth Theory is a discussion started in the
52
Francis and Meeks, Conflict at Colossae : A Problem in the Interpretation of Early Christianity, Illustrated by
Selected Modern Studies 94.
53
The antecedents of the theory can be traced to the French Enlightenment thinkers Constantin-Franois Volney
and Charles Franois Dupuis in the 1790s. The first academic advocate was the 19th century historian and
theologian Bruno Bauer.
54
For a more complete discussion of diversities of beliefs and religions in the Lycus Valley and surrounding
areas see Philip A. Harland, Associations, Synagogues, and Congregations : Claiming a Place in Ancient
Mediterranean Society (Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 2003).
29
eighteenth century, it has its foundational precedence in the culture of people similar
to the Lycus Valley. Burkert writes about a Neolithic fertility rite which surrounds a
god who needs to die and rise again so that the community can be fed, which bears
close similarity to the Christian Eucharist.55
M. Dibelius states that, the letter of Paul did not address directly those who had
introduced this cultus into Colossae. Rather, he turned to the Christians who had
given an audience to those people. 56 He suggests that the Christians at Colossae
were at fault for joining the Christ-cult and element worship. Dibelius also
deduces from 2.20 that the connection between the two was already in place and the
members of the Christian community had joined the mystery religion, but remained
Christians. They were not excluded from the congregation nor did they willing
withdraw. It is possible they felt comfortable with the situation. Francis and Meeks
add, This combination of cults, particularly in the mysteries, is nothing unheard of.57
This line of thinking suggests that Christianity was well established, but in actuality it
was in its initial stage. Not only was it not fully established, but as mentioned earlier it
was also not yet known by that name. Having the two cults fostered a kind of double
insurance made easier by conceivably the want of a kingly god yielding one cult. For
example the different beliefs concerning salvation in the two cults helped to create a
utopia if both ways could be obtained. Francis and Meeks state, Christianity grants
security in the future judgment; the cult of the elements, protection from blind
55
See Walter Burkert, Ancient Mystery Cults (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1987).for further
discussions.
56
Martin Dibelius, 'The Initiation of Apuleius and related initiatory rites', Francis and Meeks, Conflict at Colossae :
A Problem in the Interpretation of Early Christianity, Illustrated by Selected Modern Studies 90.
57
30
fortune as Apuleius calls it.58 The writer of the letter to the Colossians however,
opposes this blend and emphasizes both the pre-eminence and the superiority of the
gospel. Superiority is evident because the letter teaches that Christ gives protection
not only from the coming wrath (cf. I Thess. 1.10) but also from the rulers of this
cosmos (Col. 2.15). All mysteries are made known in Christ, which rules out every
other mystery (Col. 1.26; 2.3).
2.3
Dissimilate or Assimilate
To many of the new believers, the value they found in Christ was also that which
they had in Isis (see 5.2.1.2). Francis and Meeks describe it as liberation from the
cosmic tyrants of existence.59 Therefore does it not seem far-fetched as newly
converted believers to search for other similarities, thus, giving rise to the syncretic
practice of assimilating beliefs from the old into the new? As discussed in subsection
2.1 belief in the Mysteries and Myths existed before the introduction of the newly
forming Christian beliefs. Therefore it would make sense that the new was being
influenced by the old and bringing them together was an issue. There were two ways
this issue could have been addressed: one was to try and understand both and bring
them together somehow, the other was to replace one belief with the beliefs and
practices of the other. (The question would then be would this still be considered
Christianity?)The latter is what was fostered by the writer to the detriment of the
movement, because not only were the so-called pagans (Gentile believers) devalued
because of their beliefs, Jews as well as Jewish Christians were alienated. This
discussion will continue in Chapter Three.
58
59
31
Dibelius suggests:
Evidently the propaganda for the element-worship had first appeared in
the place after the Christian congregation was already in existence.
The element-worshippers apparently had nothing whatever to do with
the Christ cult; the syncretic cult of the elements alongside Christ was
not their doing. Rather the mlange first arose when members of the
Christian group entered the cultic fellowship of the element without
renouncing their Christianity.60
However, here again, Dibelius seems to dismiss the religious history of the people of
Colossae, placing Christianity historically older than their pagan beliefs. The writer
of the epistle praises these new believers for being reconciled after being alienated
and enemies (1.21). The answer to the question, which came first, is obvious. The
Isis mystery and Anatolian mythology were in existence centuries before the coming
of Christianity. Perhaps Dibelius is suggesting that this element worship was new to
the Lycus valley. Finding this argument difficult the following questions are raised.
What was the belief of these believers before being evangelized by Epaphras? Were
they not considered pagans?61
Insisting that all conform to the new doctrines of the faith which was soon to be
known as Christianity presented a problem to the diverse peoples of the Lycus
Valley. Not only were there many beliefs that were handed down through
generations, but issues of culture were present. For example slavery and education
presented barriers that did not allow all to be exposed to the same things. Under
Roman imperial policy:
60
61
For article on paganism see http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paganism, September 16, 2009.
32
The only true educational system was provided by the people in the
various towns who realized the need of the boys and girls. They gave
instructions in writing, music, gymnastics, archery, and the throwing of
the spear. However, the custom was to limit this to the free children,
thus making no provision for the children of slaves. This elementary
instruction was provided by some wealthy citizen and it was the object
of public care.62
The people of the cities in the Lycus valley came together during sporting events.
However the writer of the letter attacked this society on all levels, from teaching that
Christ supersedes every other god to breaking down the cultural boundaries of race.
Cultural issues will be discussed in more detail in Part Four.
62
Theodor Mommsen, William P. Dickson, and F. Haverfield, The Provinces of the Roman Empire, from Caesar
to Diocletian, 2 vols. (Chicago: Ares Publishers, 1974) 362.
33
P ART ONE - CHAPTER THREE

JEWS
It has already been established in Subsection 1.2 that a substantial number of Jews
were residents of the Lycus Valley and some of them were probably a part of the
community of new believers. Not knowing exactly what Epaphras reported to the
writer, the letter is the main indicator of the concern for specific teachings and the
need to warn or inform against possible misunderstandings. This section serves to
identify the audience of the letter and not to affirm any side. In the twentieth century,
terms such as opponents, errors, false teachers and heresy have become
common when discussing this letter. However, use of such terms in this thesis is not
an attempt to place blame but for identification purposes only. The letter to the
Colossians addresses teachings in the following areas that help to identify a Jewish
audience:
The Law
Jesus Christ.
The majority of the references in this chapter of the thesis are made to Paul and
Pauline teachings and responses by Jewish scholars over the past fifty years. These
scholars are referenced to examine their considerations in an attempt to reflect the
views of the audience of the letter. It must be noted that the teachings in this letter
are attributed to Paul as the debated author. The intentions of the historical Jesus
Christ, his teachings and sayings are not addressed as they fall beyond the scope of
34
this thesis. The letter reflects the writers interpretation of the gospel and addresses
specific issues of the community in Colossae.
3.1
The Law
In Colossians 1.12-14 the following is found. The Father has qualified us to share
in the inheritance of the saints in light through the Son. The writers inclusion of the
Gentiles into the nation of Israel compromised the promise made to the Jews
through Abraham by God. How can Gentiles expect to receive the promise made to
the Jews? The letter taught that through Jesus Christ salvation came to all people
and presents a gospel that is inclusive to an exclusive people. Neusner not arguing
that Judaism is necessarily ethnic states, The nations came to Christ through a
Christianity that was universal. Israel remained aloof, because its Judaism was
(merely) ethnic.63 However, he makes the point that this large group of people did
not embrace the teachings of the gospel due to their beliefs about who they were.
The Sinai Covenant in Exodus 19 -24 addresses a specific group of people chosen
by God. The Law presented to Moses by God at Mount Sinai was specific to Israel
as they were led out of captivity, embarking upon a new life as the people of God.
This history defines Israel, and because of this, it may have been hard for them to
accept teachings concerning the inclusion of Gentiles.
In Colossians (1.22-23, 27-28; 2.4-10) references to legal righteousness or Judaic
legalism, submission to valid regulations, human tradition and philosophy suggests
that the audience had a Jewish component. There were those who are familiar with
Judaic teachings and were perhaps questioning the teaching about the indwelling
63
Jacob Neusner, Children of the Flesh, Children of the Promise : A Rabbi Talks with Paul (Cleveland, Ohio:
Pilgrim Press, 1995) 3.
35
Christ which is received through faith. The doctrines to which the false teachers
hoped to subject the Colossians were not only revealed (2.14) but also angelic (2.20)
and human (2.22). Much has been said about to whom this section of the letter was
referring. However for the purpose of this section, the concentration is on the Jewish
component. The above verses point to teachings concerning belief in the preeminence of Jesus Christ.
Sanders makes the following points concerning the law.64 The first, that Jesus Christ
and Paul were opponents of Jewish legalism is a widely accepted sentiment. The
reasons vary. One is that comparing legalism and grace can cause conflict between
the two. Another is that Judaism and Pharisaism have been dominated by legalism.
Finally, the heart of Judaism has often been depicted in the past as legalistic as
opposed to the centrality of grace within Christianity. Sanders however adds that
Paul did not feel that Judaism was legalistic but that it was based on the election and
this was what he was opposed to. Both legalism and election are addressed in the
letter to the Colossians identifying once again a Jewish component in the
community. Pauls views on the law could have caused some consternation to those
who may have been privy to his contrasting views in both Romans and Galatians.
This of course depends on the dating of the letter, oral tradition and questions of
authorship.
In Colossians 1.23 the writer not only places the legal sense of righteousness aside,
by saying that the law is no longer enough and that the Jews need to be reconciled,
but also he places himself in the stead of a priest. Paul and his followers dismissed
64
E. P. Sanders, Jesus and Judaism, 1st Fortress Press ed. (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1985) 275-76.
36
rabbinic views about the oneness of a diverse mankind under one God.65 According
to Rosenberg, Paul treated the Jews as outcasts because they did not share his
views. He is blamed for perpetuating the idea that Jews are not equals in the sight
of God. This statement comes at the close of a discussion concerning the role of a
Rabbi. Rosenberg compares the roles of priests within the Roman Catholic Church,
and ministers in the Protestant faith to that of the Rabbi in the synagogue. It is his
contention that it is not biblical to have leaders set apart but that leaders should exist
within the community. Rosenberg imparts:
Like his first precursors, the contemporary rabbi is not a priest,
because he performs no ritual for his group only with it. But neither is
the rabbi a minister, because he never acts as Gods authorized agent
in offering access to personal salvation. This is why I have referred to
him as a layman he is a teaching elder.66
Rosenberg points to Paul as the author which has been established as debatable.
Therefore, his comments reflect his views concerning the formation of early church
doctrines.
Colossians 2.2 alludes to love as the fulfillment of the Law (cf. Romans 13.10) which
suggests that love is what is needed to replace the Law; all things are made
understandable by their being knit together in love. According to Bokser man is
incapable of defining to what extent he needs to express love in order to fulfill the
Law. He contends that, Christianity itself refused to depend on the spontaneity of
love to direct man how to serve God. It prescribed rites and sacraments that it
65
66
Stuart E. Rosenberg, The Christian Problem : A Jewish View (New York: Hippocrene Books, 1986) 62-63.
Rosenberg, The Christian Problem : A Jewish View 62.
37
deems mans duty to follow.67 He also points out that society has to impose laws to
assure everyone gets treated fairly and that no one person takes unfair advantage of
another. Bokser asserts, Love is not the fulfillment of law, because it is both more
and less than Law. Law is the fulfillment of love, a particular fulfillment for a
particular time.68 He states that this fulfillment is in the Jewish Law. Society cannot
depend on love to fulfill the Law. The Law cannot be static and the Torah is an
example of how the Law went through changes so that it could remain cogent for
those changed times.
Colossians 2.17 treats the old cultic Law as but a shadow of coming things; but the
substance belongs to Christ In him all the fullness of the Godhead was pleased to
dwell bodily (1.19; 2.9). The temple comes under attack as the divine presence
which was known to dwell there now lives in a person rather than in such a place as
a temple. Continuing this thought, and through him to reconcile to himself all
thingsmaking peace by the blood of his cross (1.20) only serves to place a wider
divide between the Jews and the Gentiles. Christ as the ideal temple (in whom
believers are bound together) is implied in 2.7 and they are built up in him. He is the
communitys center of unity: And the peace of Christ rule in your hearts, to which
indeed you were called in the one body (3.5). Returning to 1.20 and the suggestion
of blood sacrifice appears references also in 1.14 (in whom we have redemption, the
forgiveness of sins) (cf. the reading, through his blood in 1.14; Eph 1.7; Hebr. 9.22)
and 1.22 (present you without blemish). All of which were temple practices
performed under the supervision of priests whose authority is systematically being
undermined.
67
68
Ben Zion Bokser, Judaism and the Christian Predicament, [1st ed. (New York,: Knopf, 1967) 309.
Bokser, Judaism and the Christian Predicament 310.
38
Sandmel compares Paul to Philo69 as they relate to the Laws of Moses. He notes,
For Philo the Laws were eternally valid; for Paul they had been valid for the period
from Moses to Paul himself, and now they were abolished.70 The things that Paul
taught concerning the Law, was in direct opposition to what Philo taught. He
suggests, Philo would never have assented to a view that nullified the Mosaic laws;
nor would Philo have agreed that man was unable to observe the Laws, and
therefore unable to affect his own salvation.71 To claim this is to say that humanity
is weak and according to Sandmel, Philo would never agree to that. He would say
that humanity is capable of affecting his own salvation. In Philo, Judaism is a
religion of salvation by which man saves himself, while, in Paul, Christianity is a
religion of salvation in which man is saved by divine grace.72
Paul is accused of basing his philosophy of the end of the Law on the belief that the
Messiah had come. According to Bokser, the rabbis believed that with the coming
Messiah, man would reach a level of perfection whereby the necessity of Law would
be diminished. This level of perfection would make it possible for God to establish
his kingdom on earth, and a new world order would exist based on justice, freedom,
and peace. Sanders asserts, For Judaism, the kingdom was always the kingdom of
Israel. Jesus, by emphasizing of God, made a fundamental change, one which
broke with Jewish nationalism.73 To the Jews there was a shift from exclusivity to
the universal. Paul takes it further by teaching that the kingdom had now been
69
Jewish thinker and exegete of a prosperous priestly family of Alexandria. His most influential achievement was
his development of the allegorical interpretation of Scripture which enabled him to discover much of Greek
philosophy in the OT, and to combine the respect of his religion for the Pentateuchal law with his personal
aspirations, towards a more spiritual interpretation of it. Cross, F. L. and Livingstone, E. A. ed. The Oxford
Dictionary of the Christian Church (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 1279.
70
Samuel Sandmel, Judaism and Christian Beginnings (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978) 335.
71
Sandmel, Judaism and Christian Beginnings 335.
72
Sandmel, Judaism and Christian Beginnings 335.
73
Sanders, Jesus and Judaism 26.
39
removed from an earthly one to one located in the heavens with the resurrection and
subsequent return of Christ.74 Bokser explains that Jesus Christ as central to the
coming kingdom is a belief Jews cannot embrace for the Jews still look to the future
for the consummation of the coming Messiah, not to the past.75 It is interesting
however that Col 1.13 presents the idea that the kingdom of his beloved Son had
already taken place. Furthermore, Col 3.1 teaches that the believers have been
raised, which is then reinforced by the teaching of the indwelling Christ (3.11). The
writer of Colossians presents thought-provoking concepts to a Jewish audience
whose beliefs of the kingdom were static and long standing. A dichotomy is certainly
evident and eminent not only between Jews and Gentiles, but also among Jewish
and Gentile Christians.
For the Jew, the Law is the way to God and the way man became holy. Bokser
explains: It was the means of hallowing mans life and that of society. 76 However
he believed for the Christian, the Law was obsolete and a hindrance. Sandmel
shares this opinion and further adds, Paul held that the laws not only did not bring
their observer to righteousness but were, indeed, an obstacle to it, and therefore
were null and void, and that the proper way to righteousness was through faith.77
He further uses this argument to say that Paul believed that the New Testament is
right and the Hebrew Bible is wrong; therefore the Jews are the wrong people and
the Christians are the right people. Paul is noted as the most zealous adversary of
the law by Bokser. According to Romans 7:5-8, the Law was superfluous,
ineffectual and a stumbling block. Bokser admits that in some respects Pauls
74
See also I Thessalonians 4.15-17. Other dimensions of kingdom are expressed in I Cor. 15.
Bokser, Judaism and the Christian Predicament 311.
76
Bokser, 306.
77
Samuel Sandmel, We Jews and you Christians (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Company, 1967), 19.
75
40
psychology is sound. He explains that there are those who find pleasure in breaking
the Law just because it is possible to do so. There are some who find it difficult to
abstain from breaking the Law when so much temptation is present. Bokser points
out that it is good when we can count on something outside of ourselves to help us
deal with the perils of living outside of the Law. But he quotes Amos 6:1, Woe to
those who are at ease in Zion to press home that many people are using this as an
excuse to live lives oblivious of the consequences of the law. He therefore argues
that the Law should not be totally done away with. He offers this suggestion: Law
cannot exhaust the moral claims on a man; and the Law itself may need periodic
adjustments to reckon with new visions and new possibilities. But the total
renunciation of law leads to anarchy and moral suicide.78
If it can be interpreted that the enforcers of the law were angels Colossians 2.18
suggests that there were Jews in the city of Colossae. According to 1 Cor. 2.6,8, the
evil of this age stems from bondage to death, sin, the flesh, circumcision, the Law
and hostile cosmic powers who crucified the Lord of glory. Painting a comparison,
Colossians teaches: Let no one disqualify you, insisting on self-abasement and
worship of angels (2.18). Theodore of Mopsuestia understood this verse to suggest
that the Law had been given through the ministry of angels and that they watch over
the observance of the Law 79. Some Jews feared them because the resentful angels
do not tolerate any hatred of the Law when it is not observed. Thus Theodore
explained, that it was taught that God was so exalted that men can only come into
contact with Him through angels. G. Macgregor interpreted the heart of the
78
Bokser, 308-309.
Theodorus and Henry Barclay Swete, Theodori Episcopi Mopsuesteni : In Epistolas B. Pauli Commentarii : The
Latin Version with the Greek Fragments, 2 vols. (Cambridge: The University Press, 1880) 294.
79
41
Colossian heresy in giving to the elements as mediators between God and man, the
place which can belong only to Christ 80. One needs to consider, that, given the
chronology of these two sects, it seemed that Christ was replacing the elements as
mediator. The false teachers were accused of adhering to certain religious customs
out of reverence for angels. This is referred to by Aristides in his Apology as he
criticized the Jews: In the methods of their actions their service is to angels and not
to God, in that they observe Sabbaths and new moons and the Passover and the
great fast and the feast and circumcision and cleanness of meats: which things not
even thus have they perfectly observed. 81
The presence of Jews in Colossae is further evidenced as the writer criticizes similar
observance of Jewish Laws under the guise of following the elements of the world
and demonstrating humiliation and worship of angels. A word of wisdom in
promoting devotion to angels is manifested by subjection to ascetic taboos decreed
by the elements of the world (2.20-21) and interpreted according to human
precepts and doctrines (2.22). Gunther stipulates that Paul was indicating that a
fundamentally Jewish view of angels and the Law has been assimilated to current
pagan cosmology, at least as far as terminology is concerned.82 Fear becomes a
factor when these spiritual powers teach laws and are considered conveyors of
revelations. Add to that self-abasement and the angels are elevated above the
elements. Colossians 2.16, 18 indicates that disobedience of such laws led to human
judgment as a counterpart of the divine. Colossians 2.14-15 confirms this fearful
80
G. MacGregor "Principalites and Powers: The Cosmic Background of Paul's Thought" "New Testament
Studies," New testament studies. (1954): 22.
81
Aristides, J. Rendel Harris, and J. Armitage Robinson, The Apology of Aristides on Behalf of the Christians,
from a Syriac Ms. Preserved on Mount Sinai, 2d ed. (Cambridge [Eng.]: The University press, 1893) 48.
82
John J. Gunther, St. Paul's Opponents and Their Background. A Study of Apocalyptic and Jewish Sectarian
Teachings (Leiden,: Brill, 1973) 174-75.
42
attitude: God through Christ has cancelled the bond which stood against us with its
legal demandsnailing it to the cross. He disarmed the principalities and powers
and made a public example of them, triumphing over them in him.
Maurice Jones makes an interesting analogy: The whole world, the Jewish with its
law and its angels, and the Gentile with its astral religions, is a world in bondage, and
can only attain to freedom and life through the victory accomplished in the death of
Christ on the Cross83 As the power of sin is said to be the Law ( 1 Cor 15.56),
Christs breaking of this power meant the overthrow of the cosmic spirits although all
rule, authority and power will not be abolished until the end (according to 1
Cor. 15.24-26). Hence believers must no longer humble themselves before angelic
powers and the laws by which they judge.84 The above analogy relating sin to the
Law and Christs role in breaking this power overrides the place of the priests in the
atoning process for sin. By so doing the role of the angels as guardians of the Law
also come under attack. When it came to laws of diet and holy days differing views
were held, (2.16) and chastisements and accusations were brought by the angels
holding the book in which are recorded sins.85 According to the writer of Colossians,
Christ superseded these cosmic powers and they have lost their authority to
condemn those who break the Law, because Christ has rubbed off their
handwritten accusations through his being nailed to the cross (2.14). Perhaps as
W. L. Knox proclaims, the opponents sought to impose on them higher standards of
83
Maurice Jones, "St. Paul and Angels""The Brantford Expositor," The Brantford expositor (1918): viii-15, 415.
Gunther, St. Paul's Opponents and Their Background. A Study of Apocalyptic and Jewish Sectarian Teachings
173-76.
85
G. MacGregor "Principalities and Powers:The Cosmic Background of Paul's Thought" "New Testament
Studies," 22.
84
43
special feasts, enjoined as a means of propitiating the angels. 86 In addition

humility (2.18, 23) attached, deduced from the writers use of the term in 3.12, and
from the fact that pleasure in humility, is a Hebraism, according to Arndt.87
In a non-ascetic sense if the readers have died with Christ from the elements of the
world, they should no longer be focused on ascetic laws like those implied in 2.2021, do not taste, do not handle. A true mark of asceticism is the idea of severity to
the body (2.23). Pious Jews were perhaps accused of aiming for a higher form of
purity. To further the idea of a higher form of purity, do not touch do not handle
severity to the body satisfaction of the flesh (2.21, 23) collectively implies
asceticism in sex.88 Hence freedom from the body through abstinence of certain
foods and bodily gratifications fostered communication with the spiritual world. The
writer is either warning them against this type of ascetic practice mentioned or that
the believers should not take things too far.
Colossians 2.18 also contains a warning against those who worship angels and who
humble themselves by fasting in order to see visions, thereby puffing themselves up
without reason by his sensuous mind. As W. L. Knox observed, angelic
appearances to them in a vision would mark the stages of their progress to higher
things89. These heavenly visions considered special revealed laws that elevated the
individual, giving them reason to boast and heaping judgment on those who did not
believe in or accept them. Assured claims of knowledge that were being made may
86
Wilfred Lawrence Knox, St. Paul and the Church of the Gentiles (Cambridge [Eng.]: University Press, 1939)
170.
87
William Arndt et al., A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature : A
Translation and Adaptation of the Fourth Revised and Augmented Edition of Walter Bauer's GriechischDeutsches Wrterbuch Zu Den Schriften Des Neuen Testaments Und Der brigen Urchristlichen Literatur, 2d ed.
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979) 356.
88
Ernst Percy, Die Probleme Der Kolosser- Und Epheserbriefe, Skrifter Utgivna Av Kungl. Humanistiska
Vetenskapssamfundet I Lund ; 39 (Lund: C. W. K. Gleerup, 1946) 92.
89
Knox, St. Paul and the Church of the Gentiles 170.
44
be construed from puffed up (2.18; cf. 1 Cor. 8.1; 13.2; 2 Cor. 12.7: exalted above
measure) and from the writers charge of empty deceit (2.8). In referencing the
Shepherd of Hermas it is suggested that similar methods may have been used by
the readers of the letter. 90 In the text, Hermas states that desiring too many
revelatory visions would harm his flesh implying that fasting occasioned revelations.
He is told that all inquiries require humility; fast, therefore, and you will receive what
you ask of the Lord.91 According to the writer this line of thinking diminishes the
work of Christ (2.17, 20) and replaces emphasis on faith in Christ, in 2.2-28 (in
whom are hid all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge) with beguiling speech. He
contrasts the philosophy and empty deceit (apart from Christ, e.g. of men following
traditions) and the elements of the world. According to Gunther, The controversial
text suggests that the writer was claiming for Christ knowledge of the mystery of
God; this was what the opponents were claiming for their angelic revelations which,
though obscure, they claimed to interpret wisely. 92
The angelology of the Hebrew Bible texts in Daniel offers some parallels which help
to clarify the Jewish belief in angelic powers. Van hov illustrates:
Yahweh, the Prince of the host who receives the daily burnt offering
(8.1), is the Prince of princes (8.25). Among the chief of these are the
princes in charge of the Persians, Greeks and Jews (i.e. Michael)
(10.13, 20; 12.1; cf. Deut. 32.8-993; Jub. 15.31). The host of heaven, or
the host of stars (8.10), consists of the celestial bodies, i.e. sun, moon
and stars (cf Gen. 2.1; Deut. 4.19; 17.3; Neh. 9.6; Pss. 148.3). But in
90
Hermas and Robert Van de Weyer, Revelations to the Shepherd of Hermas : A Book of Spiritual Visions, 1st
U.S. ed. (Liguori, Mo.: Triumph Books, 1997) Vis. iii, 10.
91
Hermas and Van de Weyer, Revelations to the Shepherd of Hermas : A Book of Spiritual Visions iii, 6.10; cf
2.3;. Col. 2.18, 23
92
272.
93
Albert Vanhoye, Situation Du Christ, Hbreux 1-2 (Paris,: ditions du Cerf, 1969) 131.
45
other contexts the heavenly host signified angels (1 Kings 22.19; 2

Chron. 18.18; Luke. 2.13; cf. Job 38.7; Rev. 19.14), or both angels and
heavenly bodies (Ps. 148.2; Acts 7.42). 94
The above becomes a strong argument for the writers inclusion of Jewish angels
and Hellenistic astral deities among elements of the world, i.e. cosmic angels.
Bandstra suggests, The Apostle worshipped God for His mercy as revealed in
Christ, while the Judaizers revered God for His justice as mediated through
angels.95 Both the Jews and the writer of the letter however, acknowledge God as
supreme above all principalities and powers. Where they part ways is God atoning
for sin through Christs death on the cross.
Colossians 3.11 teaches (cf. Galatians 3.28) that there is no distinction between
Jews and Greeks in Christ. Neusner argues that this places Christ and the Torah as
opponents because the Jews are who they are because of the Torah.96 To include
the Gentiles in the promise through Jesus Christ, exclusive of the Torah, seems to
violate the teachings of the Torah, which contains Gods instructions to Israel
(Exodus 13.9), the promise made to Abrahams seed (Genesis 26.4-5). The Torah
defines Israel as the people of God; therefore Judaism cannot accept Christ in place
of the Torah as the letter seems to indicate. Neusner suggests, Pauls comparison
of individual Jews and Greeks contrasts with the formulations of Israel characteristics
of the sages of Judaism. They know only Israel, the supernatural entity, the holy
people; individuals simply exemplify and embody Israel.97 The letter presents a new
belief and Israel cannot accept it because it seems to reject them. Pauls theology
94
178.
95
Andrew John Bandstra, ... The Law and the Elements of the World : An Exegetical Study in Aspects of Paul's
Teaching (Kampen: J.H. Kok, 1964) 152-53.
96
Neusner, Children of the Flesh, Children of the Promise : A Rabbi Talks with Paul 21.
97
Neusner, Children of the Flesh, Children of the Promise : A Rabbi Talks with Paul 21.
46
reflected in the letter was so different from the monotheistic views of Judaism that it
seems to indicate that Paul intentionally set out to start a religion outside of Judaism.
3.2
In Colossians 1.24-25, the writer perpetuates the ministry of preaching fully the word
of God in the church in the role of steward in the house of God (1.24-25). He reminds
his readers that they were called in the one body by the word of Christ (3.15-16),
urging them to put off or put to death the old nature and its corrupt practices and
to put on the new nature which is being renewed in knowledge Here there cannot
be Jew and Greek, circumcised and uncircumcised but Christ is all, and in all (3.514). The use of the phrases old nature and new nature resonates with leaving
behind the Jewish practices that were being replaced with the new teachings of
reconciliation (see also Subsection 4.2). The letter explains that the true circumcision
boast rather in Christ and serve God spiritually. This suggests that Jews were
deceived by believing that through circumcision they served God and in which
boasted their legal righteousness.
Opposing lines have been drawn between Christians and Jews because of
statements such as this in Colossians 2.6. Rosenberg contends that Paul taught that
Israel, Gods elect, was being pushed aside for the New Israel, the Israel of God.
He [Paul] broke the ties that bound the early Judeo-Christians to their ancestral
heritage by announcing in effect: The Old Israel is dead! Long live the Christians,
the New Israel!98 He also asserts that Paul was strategic in targeting weaker
communities in his spread of the gospel. It was no coincidence that Pauls
missionary journeys never led him either to Egypt or Babylonia, Jewish communities
98
47
whose spirit of national sentiment was exceedingly strong. 99 Perhaps the writer of
the letter felt that the diversity of the beliefs of the people of Colossae was fertile
ground for the acceptance of the gospel. Pauls impetus in spreading the gospel in
this sense can be portrayed as shrewd and calculating.
In Colossians 1.21 and 2.11-13 the Jewish tradition of circumcision is intimated and
the audience is reassured that baptism replaces circumcision, thereby nullifying the
act and making baptism into the faith more complete and sanctifying. J. D.
Levenson100 accuses Paul of using Genesis 15.6 to mean that circumcision was
unnecessary because to God Abraham was righteous even before he was
circumcised. He was righteous purely on the basis of his faith. That is to say that
faith could substitute for the commandments of the Torah. This is expressed in
Paul's own words at the end of his ministry, "It was not through the Law that the
promise was made to Abraham and his descendants that he would inherit the world,
but through the righteousness that comes from faith" (Romans 4:13). To counter
this, Levenson points out that, according to the Mishnah completed in 200 BCE,
Abraham practiced the Torah before it was given to the people. This view stands in
opposition to Pauls view concerning the faith of Abraham over the Torah. He goes
on to say that, in the rabbinic interpretation, the Pauline opposition between an
Abrahamic and a Mosaic dispensation dissolves.101 Levenson also points out that
Paul did not dialogue (seek the truth), but argued and went to great lengths to get his
point across by using polemics. Bokser quotes I Corinthians 9.19-24 to illustrate the
tactics Paul used in order to revolutionize his movement as he admitted his methods
99

Jon D Levenson. How not to conduct Jewish-Christian dialogue, Commentary. New York: Dec
2001. Vol. 112, Iss. 5; pg. 31.
101
Levenson, 36.
100
48
are not altogether honorable and that he would in fact go to great lengths to bring
about the conversion of those to whom he was speaking.
It appears from the above statements that Pauls tactics moved the pre-Christian
teachings from a sect of Judaism to a religion no longer associated with Judaism.
The early Christians are accused of needing to supply evidence that they too have a
revelation from God, for the Hebrew Bible holds the covenant made by God with
Israel. The Old Covenant is supplanted by the New Covenant with Jesus Christ as
the focal point of the new revelation. The writer could be accused of forcing the
Jews into making a choice between accepting what was being taught and thereby
becoming a part of the new community or rejecting it and remaining outside of the
faith. Rosenberg interprets Pauls strategy thus: initially proselytizing was among
fellow Jews, but later, following Pauls insistence, among the pagan Gentiles of the
area.102 Seemingly stigmatized for their noncompliance the Jews were left out, and
their rituals replaced.
Using Col. 2.11-12, 20-21; 3.1-3 circumcision and the regulations for the body as
imposed by the elements of the world were being replaced by baptism. Gunther
states, The use of the term, baptismos (2.12), rather than the customary baptisma
suggests ritual washing of eating utensils (Mark 7.14). This usage further suggests
further that Christian baptism is not only the new circumcision but the new
counterpart of the ceremonial washing of cups, pots and vessels. 103 Here again
Gunther suggests that the Jewish laws and traditions were being replaced by
Christianity. With apparent simplicity, these age old Judaic traditions were explained
102
Rosenberg, The Christian Problem, 73.

Gunther, St. Paul's Opponents and Their Background. A Study of Apocalyptic and Jewish Sectarian
Teachings 134.
103
49
away and considered ineffective in the face of these new teachings. The letter to
the Colossians had rendered Judaic practices outdated; updated through Christian
teachings. The practices were not nullified, but simply adjusted so that Gentiles
could be included. Perhaps these assertions were hard for the Jews in that
community to accept. However it must be noted here, that there is a distinction
between hand-washing and ceremonial washing. The reference in this thesis is to
the latter. Sanders remarks, concerning hand-washing that, it is not a biblical purity
law, but a practice which, in Jesus day, was probably developing among certain
groups.104
The reference to a festival, new moon and Sabbath (2.16-17) implies annual,
monthly and weekly observances (cf. 2 Chron. 2.4; 31.3; Ezek. 45.17; Hosea 2.11).
If this were the case, the annual feasts would include the Feasts of Passover, Weeks
and Booths. The addressees were being decisively judged in terms of their keeping
these days holy. No longer considered purely Judaic, the context even suggests that
special times were endorsed by heavenly powers (2.18, 15-20). If this interpretation
is valid, while these days were held in high esteem throughout the history of the
Jews, they are now being subordinated.
Jewish scholars argue that Christianity is based on borrowings from pagan cults.105
Rosenberg contends that, Pauls borrowing from pagan cults resulted in the writing
of the New Testament which differs fundamentally in major respects from all Jewish
104

Bokser quotes Alfred Loisy and Charles Guignebert concerning the practice of the Lords Supper, He deems
the sacramental interpretation of the bread and wine as a contribution of Paul who acted under the influence of
the pagan mysteries., Alfred Loisy, The Christian Mystery, Hibbert Journal, X (1911-12); 54-7. Writing as a
historian, Professor Guignebert declares these rites as clearly a later development, representing the influence of
paganism on the growing Church., Charles Guignebert: Christianity, Past and Present (New York: The
Macmillan Company; 1927), pp. 105 ff.
105
50
literature.106 However, the letter does not however deny the existence of cosmic
powers which tends to support these arguments. The writer does not take a strong
enough stand in denouncing cosmic powers. Placing Jesus above these entities
(1.15-18) only diminishes their power. When the correlation is viewed between the
celebration of the birth of Christ and the birthday celebration of the pagan redeemer
of mankind, Mithras (which also marks the winter solstice), one can wonder about
the reasoning of those who came up with these ideas. Davies point is valid here,
what the layman does not know, and the scholar does, is that there were many
Pagan deities for whom similar claims were made and in whose names were
preached quite similar doctrines. Mithras was a Redeemer of mankind; so were
Tammuz, Adonis, and Osiris.107 It is also A. P. Davies view that Jesus as
Redeemer was not the view of Judaism or that of the early Christians rather, it was
when Christianity spread out into the pagan world that the idea of Jesus as a Savior
God emerged.108
Rosenberg further argues that it was Paul who cultivated pagan ideas and whose
missionary zeal latched onto ideas anchored in the Greek and pagan mystery
cults.109 He points out that the first followers of Jesus Christ were not yet full-blown
Christians, but simply a Jewish sect who differed only from traditional Judaism in
believing that Jesus had not died and was returning as he promised during their
lifetime. They still believed that he would come back and free them from Roman
106

A. Powell Davies, The Meaning of the Dead Sea Scrolls ([New York]: New American Library, 1956) 89-92.
108
109
107
51
rule. Rosenberg, citing the classicist M. Grant, insists that Paul de-nationalized
Judaism by spreading his gospel to all the world. 110
3.3
Jesus Christ
The author of Colossians attempts to make a connection to the Jews with his
reference to the blood of Christ as the atoning factor. This reference to the sacrifice
in his blood and the Lords Supper is made in other early Christian literature.111
Hebrews 9.22 echoes Exodus 24.8 with reference to the blood sacrifice as the
atonement of sin. The argument that Jesus Christ, being a Jew, could not have
possibly instituted the practice of the Lords Supper is based on the Torah (Leviticus
17.10-12) which specifically forbids the drinking of blood. Consequently even the
suggestion of drinking it (even symbolically) is taboo. It may be therefore argued that
to suggest that he would require that his disciples remember him in this way is
incomprehensible since they were all Jews. This also suggests that it is unlikely that
God would require them to accept a messiah of this caliber. Thus the writer of
Colossians could, in the eyes of many Jews can be accused of building a doctrinal
practice on what is perhaps a misinterpretation of the actions of Christ at the Last
Supper or of deliberately using this event to further this cause. Although interesting,
the investigation of these ideas would take this thesis in another direction.
The teaching in the letter concerning the mystery caused concern within the Jewish
community and their beliefs about the presence of God. Bornkamm argues that, to
make the reality of God present: this is the essential mystery of Jesus.112 In
110
Michael Grant, From Alexander to Cleopatra : The Hellenistic World (New York: Scribner, 1982) 79. the Jews
of Asia Minor [who were acculturated to Greek ideas] mostly rejected Paul because they regarded his doctrine of
the divinity of Jesus Christ as a blasphemous betrayal of their tradition of monotheism
111
Rom. 3.25, Rom. 5.8-9, I Cor. 5.7, Eph. 1.7; 2.13, Col. 1.14, 20.
112
Gnther Bornkamm, Jesus of Nazareth, 1st Fortress Press ed. (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1995) 62.
52
discussing this statement Sanders contends that in reference to the contemporaries

of Christ God was not present. Sanders further argues:
That contrast is still based on no study of Judaism to see whether or
not God was perceived to be present; one is rather reading here a
theological assessment of the significance of Jesus for Christians.
Jesus is a living reality in contrast to the Jewish teachers immersed
in dead erudition, for whom God was not present.113
This would challenge the heritage of the Jews as Gods chosen people, which carry
the implication of a long standing relationship.
The above, perhaps, brought to mind one of the occasions where Jesus Christ was
said to forgive the sins of the paralytic (Mark 2.5; cf. Luke 7.47). Sanders in his
discussion of the topic of Christ putting himself in the place of God by forgiving sins
points out that speaking for God was not uncommon. He states, No prophet by
definition a spokesman for God was, as far as our knowledge goes, accused of
blasphemy.114 Although Sanders does not have a problem with Jesus putting
himself in the place of God by forgiving sins, he does not address seriously the
implication of Christ being God as the letter suggests. Bornkamm argues, The oftrepeated claim that Jesus put himself in the place of God is overdone.115 Sanders
doubts the uniqueness of Christ which suggests that the first-century Colossians
may not have taken his claims seriously as well. The writer of the letter addresses
the topic of the mystery of God in Christ which implies there may have been some
questions or a need for further clarification and teaching.
113

115
Bornkamm, Jesus of Nazareth 240.
114
53
The writers wish that the Colossians and Laodiceans have all riches of assured
understanding and the knowledge of Gods mystery, of Christ, in whom are hid all
the treasures of wisdom and knowledge (2.2-3), also implies that Christ has
revealed mysterious treasures. This the Jews could not have understood because
they claimed to know mysteries apart from Christ. Consequently the writers task was
to make the word of God fully known, the mystery hidden from ages and from
generations, i.e. the mystery of Christ in you, the hope of glory. The writer
declares that it is Christ which he proclaims, warning every man and teaching every
man in all wisdom that we may present every man, mature in Christ (1.25-28). In
direct opposition to what the Jews taught it was the Law and not Christ that held all
the answers. The letters emphasis was on preaching the gospel and Christ in us.
Thus, freeing the audience from the Law (2.14, 17, 20-21) and the principalities,
powers and elements (rudiments) (2.15, 20) by the death of Christ through which
comes reconciliation and peace (1.20, 23) and redemption and forgiveness of sins
(1.14; 2.13-14; 3.13).116
This teaching was problematic to the Jewish population for what the writer teaches
about Jesus death and resurrection is something with which Jewish literature cannot
identify. There is nothing in early Jewish literature that deals with the death of God
(1.20, 22) and not much has changed in contemporary literature. Maccoby suggests,
Such a concept, associated everywhere in the ancient world with the renewal of
nature in the spring, was banished forever from Judaism by its theology of a God
superior to nature.117 Rosenberg accuses Christian scholars of being afraid to
116
Teachings 215.
117
Hyman Maccoby, Christianitys Break with Judaism, Commentary, August, 1984, 39.
54
broach this subject, making them not true scholars. He contends that in order to be
willing to change the course of history one should be willing to commit to objective
research.118 Rosenberg adds:
The New Testament writes one Jewish scholar, tells us about the death
of a god who was resurrected on the third day. Unless the death of a
divine figure marks the end of an outworn religious cult, like the death
of Pan, it can be given meaning only in terms of a scheme of salvation:
and this is how the New Testament interprets it.119
To the Jews the very concept of the sacrifice of Jesus Christ brings to mind human
sacrifice, which is totally unacceptable. That God would demand it so that he might
resurrect him goes too far. Therefore it would appear that Christianity turned to the
pagan world while Judaism remained faithful to its teaching.
Sandmel suggests that the writers view concerning the Messiah in the Christ Hymn,
as a pre-existent and a heavenly being was derived from the messianic
speculations of the age.120 By the tone of the letter the Jewish component,
however, were not totally convinced. Sandmel relates that Jewish views and
thoughts concerning the Messiah were not altogether cogent during the time that
Paul began his ministry. He notes that, the recorded utterances of individuals
should be regarded as reflections of something kindred to poetic license.121 He also
states, that the evidence is poorly rendered defensible by his crucifixion and by the
collapse of any political aspect of his movement, and by the sad actuality that
118

120
Samuel Sandmel, Judaism and Christians Beginnings, 207.
121
Sandmel, 207.
119
55
Palestine was still not liberated from Roman domination.122 Therefore it can be
inferred that Paul derived his views from this setting and that they were not credible.
Pauls views were consistent with what Apocalyptic and Rabbinic literature taught
except in the area of Jesus career as it related to sin and atonement. This is where
the problem lies. On the subject of the Law which deals with sin and atonement the
writer makes a detour.
In the first century early Christian and Jewish views concerning the Messiah began
to differ.123 To the Pharisees the Messiah was merely a human being; an agent of
God. Although he may have had special powers, he could never do anything to
atone for the sin of man. Janowski and Stuhlmacher present a summary of the
Jewish view of the Messiah. He was viewed as a comforter for his suffering people,
but not as a suffering savior. He was to defeat the enemies of Israel and set them
up as rulers, restore their land, and bring them back to God in a spirit of tranquility
and restoration.124 Rosenberg sums it all up by stating, Then, at the climax of
human history, the Messiah together with his people was to serve as the instrument
by which the sovereignty of God was established on earth.125 Paul seemed to
abandon his Judaic teaching to embrace a messiah that was strange to Judaism.
The deifying of Jesus caused a break in the relationship between the Jews and the
Jewish Christians as the latter began to adopt this doctrine along with the
122
Samuel Sandmel, A Jewish Understanding of the New Testament (Woodstock, Vt.: SkyLight Paths Pub.,
2004) 33.
123
Neusner, Judaism When Christianity Began : A Survey of Belief and Practice 172-74.
Bernd Janowski and Peter Stuhlmacher, The Suffering Servant : Isaiah 53 in Jewish and Christian
Sources (Grand Rapids, Mich.: William B. Eerdmans Pub., 2004) 89-90.
124
125
Rosenberg, The Christian Problem, 37.
56
immaculate conception of Jesus.126 Within the community two major divisions in the
followers of Jesus were the Jewish Christians and Gentile Christians. The main
cause of dissension was that the Jewish Christians adhered to the belief that Jesus
was the Son of David and the Gentile Christians understood him as the Son of God.
Sanders states that the designation Son of God was not problematic to the Jews for
all Israelites can be said to be sons of God.127 However the problem according to
Sanders was the claim that Jesus was divine which in Jewish law amounts to
blasphemy128. The letter to the Colossians was perhaps designed to mitigate this
tension by calling all believers, be they Jews or Gentiles, to unity in the faith.
The following quote reflects the affinity of pagans to Christianity as opposed to
Judaism with its strict rules and observances because it allowed them to make little
change in their lives.
The Christians sent out zealous messengers, and, following the
example of Paul, sought to make converts by eloquence and so-called
miraculous cures. They imposed no heavy duties on the newly-made
converts, and even permitted them to retain their former habits of life,
and, in part, their old views, without separating themselves from their
family circle, their relations, or from intercourse with those dear to
them.129
A reading of Colossians from a Christian standpoint may indicate the opposite with
the debate using terms such as false teachers, etc. However, from a Jewish
126
Heinrich Graetz, Bella Lwy, and Philipp Bloch, History of the Jews (Philadelphia,: Jewish Publication Society
of America, 1891) 370-71.
127
128
For further discussion on the topic see index 'Blasphemy, charged against Jesus'. Sanders, Jesus and
Judaism.
129
Graetz, Lwy, and Bloch, History of the Jews 383.
57
standpoint, their teachings were being devalued and replaced by a much less
complex ideology, Christ is all and in all (1.19, 2.9, 3.11).
Gunther suggests that the differences in Christology between the Judaizers and the
mainstream of the church were that the work and spiritual nature of Christ was
described in angelic terms by the Judaizers while those in the early Pauline church
tended to assimilate Christ and the Spirit, at least more than had the later church.130
Epiphanius remarks that since the descent of the Spirit at the time of Christs
baptism was accepted even by the Judaizing Ebonites, there was no need to
question its general acceptance in Asia Minor as well. 131 Gunther concurs with that
assessment.132 If interpreted messianically, its Hebraic foundation (Isa. 11.1-5; 42.14; 61.1), states that he shall receive the spirit of wisdom, knowledge and might
which shall enable him to judge the world. These powers, and other like them, would
not nullify his angelic nature. Son of God is an angelic title.133 Certainly those Jews
who witnessed the account of his baptismal could agree. The letter proclaimed that
the spirit was the Holy Spirit, while the Jews still believed it was angel and spirits.
Bornkamm suggests that 2.9 is controversially directed against the teaching that in
the elements the spirit of Godhead dwells. 134 P. Testa argues that Pauls
opponents minimized the concept of the spirit of divinity which indwelled Christ
bodily into fantasy on the [sacred] letters of the alphabet, elements, and on sacred
130
Teachings 259.
131
Epiphanius, Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin., and Karl Holl, Epiphanius, Die Griechischen
Christlichen Schriftsteller Der Ersten Drei Jahrhunderte, (Leipzig,: J. C. Hinrichs, 1915) Haer., 30, 13.2 & 7-8.
132
Teachings 259.
133
Gen. 6.2, 4; Job 38.7; Pss. 29.1; 82.6; 89.6.
134
Gnther Bornkamm, Das Ende Des Gesetzes; Paulusstudien, [5. Aufl.] ed., Beitrge Zur Evangelischen
Theologie (Mnchen,: C. Kaiser, 1966) 140, 46.
58
numbers.135 The Ascension of Isaiah (3.15; 7.23; 9.36, 39-40; 10.4; 11.4, 33)
frequently mentioned the angel of the Holy Spirit.136 Hebrew Bible texts refer to the
spirit as the angel of the Lord. Here it can be construed as a splitting of hairs for
there is no distinction made between the spirit of the Lord and the angel of the
Lord in pre-Christian literature.
This section presents overwhelming evidence that the audience of the letter to the
Colossians contained Jewish believers. The writers warnings address some of the
beliefs held by them as they pertained to his interpretation of the teachings of Jesus.
In the years following the writing of this letter and the rest of the New Testament,
much has been written that often gets embellished to the point that the simple
message is obscured. New Testament writers were writing letters and through
analysis commentators have produced thousands of books and tons of literature
explaining what they said or meant to portray. Even in this paper, it can be
concluded that Jews were in the congregation simply from the evidence that is
written in the Colossian letter. However, not taking anything away from the writer of
the letter, but with the massive amounts of literature that has been generated over
the years it seems to be forgotten that a letter was all it was when penned in the first
century.
Perhaps the Jews in Colossae sensed that Judaism was at risk of being replaced by
this new religious sect. The early Christians were a persistent group and the growth
factor was steadily increased even in the face of persecutions. Johnson states, The
term (supersessionism) is traditionally used for the conviction that the church has
135
Matthew Black and William Foxwell Albright, The Scrolls and Christianity: Historical and Theological
Significance, Theological Collections, (London,: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1969) i, 140; cf.46.
136
Teachings 260.
59
replaced Israel as God's chosen people. Israel has lost its place and Christianity now
occupies it. Supersessionism is shorthand for the dominant Christian theological
position regarding the Jews.137 However, in this article, he admits that
supersessionism did not occur during the time of the initial writing of the New
Testament but in the latter part of the second century.
Historically, the response of the Jewish community historically to the teachings in the
letter to the Colossians serves to prove the existence of Jews in the city. It is the
position of this thesis to present the arguments to this end only. Much debate has
developed over the years concerning this particular letter in relation to the identity of
the false teachers. However, the aim of this thesis has been to determine who the
hearers were. Thus far we know that the Jewish views were represented alongside
the generations of mysteries and mythological beliefs.
137
Luke Timothy Johnson. Christians and Jews: Starting Over, Cilliers Breytenbach, Vershnung : Eine Studie
Zur Paulinischen Soteriologie, Wissenschaftliche Monographien Zum Alten Und Neuen Testament (NeukirchenVluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1989) pg. 15.Jan 31, 2003. Vol. 130, Iss. 2;
60
P ART ONE CHAPTER FOUR

SUBJECTS OF GRECO-ROMAN EMPIRE
This final section discusses the identity of the citizens of Colossians as subjects of
Greco-Roman imperial rule. Their identity is suggested by the imperial language
used by the writer as he addresses the concerns of the audience in reference to the
Christian doctrines. Although the writer is not viewed as deliberately targeting certain
groups of people through the use of rhetoric exclusive to those of the Roman
Empire, by virtue of the language, however, it can be assumed the readers were
either Greco-Roman subjects or citizens of Rome. The people of the Lycus Valley
were subjects of Rome and would, therefore understand the language used as a
matter of course. However, the discussion of imperial terms does not definitively
describe the political situation of Colossae.
H. O. Maier relates, in an article entitled A Sly Civility138: Colossians and
Empire,139 Colossian vocabulary, motifs and theological themes to the cultural
situation of the cult of the emperor. In summary Maier identifies imperial language in
the following texts of the letter:
o Colossians 1.15-23, according to Maier reflects an imperial backdrop and
utilizes civic vocabulary typical of Greek and Roman treatments of concord.
o Geopolitical notions of a worldwide Roman Empire are reflected in the writers
representation of Jesus death as a Roman triumph (2.15).
138
This is a phrase Maier borrows from Homi K. Bhabha, The Location of Culture, Routledge Classics (London ;
New York: Routledge, 2004) 93 -102.
139
H. O. Maier, "A Sly Civility: Colossians and Empire," Journal for the study of the New Testament. 27, no. 3
(2005).
61
o The inclusion of humankind, i.e. Barbarians and Scythians in a trans-ethnic

unity (3.11).
o The Household Code in 3.18-4.1 is an imperial imprint and compares with the
numismatic representations of Nero and his consort enjoying a divinely
appointed familial concord.140
o The letter uses imperial themes and ideals in portraying the place of Jesus in
the lives of the new believers.
Maier claims to offer a reading of Colossians against the backdrop of the Roman
Empire and in particular in the light of the political culture surrounding, embracing
and championing the cult of the divine emperor. 141 There are those who do not
agree with the orientation and consider this controversial. Nevertheless, his
observations concerning the language, however, remain and are useful for
identifying the people of Colossae. Comparing early Christian religious devotion to
Jesus Christ to the category of emperor worship is considered unacceptable to L. W.
Hurtado. He considers emperor worship repulsive to early Christian worship and
discounts it as a source for early Christian reflection.142 Maier criticizes Hurtado by
saying he puts forth a weak argument by dismissing the relevance of the Christ
devotion in the Christian movement.143 Hurtado seems to miss the connection
between the imperial cultural system and the devotion of the Christian movement.
According to Maier early Christian devotion to Christ is not defined by the imperial
cult. Perhaps those who opposed the study set forth by Maier are afraid that
140
Maier, "A Sly Civility: Colossians and Empire," 323.

142
Larry W. Hurtado, Lord Jesus Christ : Devotion to Jesus in Earliest Christianity (Grand Rapids, Mich.: W.B.
Eerdmans Pub. Co., 2003) 92-99.
143
Hurtado, Lord Jesus Christ : Devotion to Jesus in Earliest Christianity 93.
141
62
Christianity could not stand up under such scrutiny. Hurtado in agreement with Maier
states that, reference to the imperial cultural system in which Christianity took root
and grew helps to recognize the appropriation of imperial themes and ideas to
Christians to make sense of their religious devotion and to communicate their own
ideals.144 However he notes that the imperial cultural system did exist. Hence it is
used for identification purposes in this thesis.
Collins uses the phrase cultural situation to describe the imperial context as an
important source in shaping and giving expression to early Christian experience and
theology.145 To dismiss the cultural expressions and beliefs of the day would do an
injustice to the people being exposed to this new religion. This is not to say that it
was acceptable to incorporate pagan beliefs and practices, but to totally dismiss the
beliefs and culture of these people without regard to how they were trying to
understand the gospel does them an injustice. There needed to be some
adjustments made and a process of understanding how this was done in light of new
ideas. The people of Colossae were seeking help in solving the problems that
related to their situation. In many cases their thoughts went toward a greater power
than themselves. Before the gospel was made known to them their former beliefs
and practices were their way of life (see Chapter Two).
Collins explains that, once the letter is read in the context of the cultural situation of
the imperial cult and the political ideals associated with it, a dimension of the letter
144
Hurtado, Lord Jesus Christ : Devotion to Jesus in Earliest Christianity 93.

A. Y. Collins The Worship of Jesus and the Imperial Cult. Carey C. Newman, James R. Davila, and Gladys
S. Lewis, The Jewish Roots of Christological Monotheism : Papers from the St. Andrews Conference on the
Historical Origins of the Worship of Jesus, Supplements to the Journal for the Study of Judaism, (Leiden ;
Boston: Brill, 1999).
145
63
passed over by more traditional exegetical accounts gain a striking relief. 146 By
comparison, B. R. Braxton points out that where ethnic language is unambiguous,
the complexities and ambiguities of early Christian communities are understood. 147
The writers use of imperial language was not forced or contrived. He was writing in
the genre of his time and the nature of his audience; to people who understood the
language. Braxton makes a distinction between culture and ethnicity that is
applicable to this study. ethnicity presupposes the presence of culture between
ethnic groupsit is possible for groups to share the same culture yet understand
themselves to belong to totally different ethnic groups.148 The culture of the
Colossians in and around them was Greco-Roman, but their ethnicity varied. Yet,
being a part of that culture they were able to relate to what the writer was explaining,
although they belonged to different ethnic groups.
Maier asserts, Colossians representation of a gospel embracing the whole world
(1.6; cf 1.23) and its imagery of a Roman Triumph (2.15) represent the most
recognizable parallel with imperial ideas.149 Other examples that parallel Roman
political ideology are the words; affirmation of a universal reconciliation on earth and
in heaven and its celebration of Christs making peace with its former enemies
(1.20). Being under Greco-Roman rule, the audience would be familiar with
reconciliation terms such as making peace. Colossians 3.1, 10, 15 also gives
examples of imperial politics stressing Christs enthronement making possible moral
and natural renewal and let the peace of Christ rule in believers hearts. Still Maier
146
Newman, Davila, and Lewis, The Jewish Roots of Christological Monotheism : Papers from the St. Andrews
Conference on the Historical Origins of the Worship of Jesus 241-42.
147
B. R. Braxton 'Role of Ethnicity in I Corinthians 7:17-24'. Randall C. Bailey, Yet with a Steady Beat :
Contemporary U.S. Afrocentric Biblical Interpretation (Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2003).
148
Bailey, Yet with a Steady Beat : Contemporary U.S. Afrocentric Biblical Interpretation 23.
149
64
makes other references with imperial associations in 3.11; 1.15,20, 23, 28 in which
he indicates that, a cosmic and global renewal and peace brought about by the
universal reign of Christ penetrating and overcoming every ethnic and social
boundary, and representing a cosmic harmony especially in the kingdom of Gods
beloved son (1.13), has similarly imperial associations.150 Whether or not the
hearers believed what was being said, they would recognize the language.
4.1
Imperial Themes and Images
Imperial sounding themes would have been evident to a first-century audience.

Zanker points out that there were images they viewed daily. He notes, Images of
Caesar were found in the market, the city square, the public baths, and the theater,
at the gymnasium and in the temples. Images of the empire were also found on
every imaginable object for private use.151 Images of the divine emperor were
everywhere, but especially in the sacred precincts dedicated to the emperor and his
family. This seemingly omnipresent display celebrated the Roman order, a divinely
ordained order brought together by a divinely appointed emperor by military might
into a world-wide peace. This order was meant to bring together hostile and
ethnically isolated peoples through pacification. The process was meant to create
ethical, natural and spiritual renewal. The language of the text was used to draw the
audience to the message of the gospel. This language was not foreign to them and
the familiarity of imperial terms and ideas helped to foster a greater understanding of
the message. In describing the language of empire Walsh observes, And in the face
of the ubiquitous imagery of the empire, Paul proclaims Jesus as the true image of
150

For other examples see Paul Zanker, The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus, Jerome Lectures (Ann
Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1988) 228-29, 26-67, 70-71.
151
65
God (Col. 1.15) and calls the Colossian Christians to bear the image of Jesus in
shaping an alternative to the empire.152 It is interesting that Walsh uses the term
image here because it is through the image of the empire, using imperial themes, the
writer of Colossians speaks.
Attention to imperial themes and imagery suggest that the people of Colossae,
although ethnically diverse, were culturally linked through prevailing Roman and
Hellenistic views. The themes cannot give a complete account of the letter to
Colossians, nor do they displace other exegetical treatments. However expansion of
the views held were enhanced by the imperial cultural situation. The use of imperial
language in no way detracts from the message of the letter. This view complements
other prevailing ideas and commentaries in helping to discover how these treatments
were probably personalized and revised as a means of creating a religious and
social identity that was unique to Colossae. Acting as a vehicle, the imperial
language enabled the writer to get the message of the gospel to the diverse people
of Colossae.
Upon hearing the Son through whom and for whom all things were created
(1.16e), and whose powers (1.20; 2.15) especially those cosmic powers, some felt
obliged to offer religious observance (2.16-18). The audience was directed to take
another look at their ritualistic practices whether imperial or mythical and perhaps
they saw the redundancy. They had to wonder about the duplication and long for a
simpler way. The pressure to live up to and never attain respect in governance that
reminded them they were simply subjects could be alleviated by belief in Jesus
152
Brian J. Walsh and Sylvia C. Keesmaat, Colossians Remixed : Subverting the Empire (Downers Grove, Ill.:
InterVarsity Press, 2004) 63.
66
Christ (3.15).153 The majority of the people of Colossae and in other towns of the
Mediterranean did not have any rights in modern times, but they did know what their
duties were. The letter does not teach them that their duties changed, as the
household codes exhibit (Col. 3, 4), but a new dimension was added. They belonged
to a greater society. Presented with the gospel by Epaphras, they accepted what he
taught them about Christ (1.6). Christ accepted them and to this they should remain
faithful.
The writers teachings about Jesus Christs place in their lives appeared to be
replacing that of the vice-regent of gods, Nero, the reigning incarnate divine being.
Maier stipulates, He is the one who held all things together in the body of his Empire
of which he is head, and which he maintains in health and security.154 The writer
however, points out that it is the incarnate Son, Jesus Christ, the one who nourishes
the church and in whom the fullness of God dwells bodily, who exercises a universal
reign. This nourishment was made known distinctively in the joints and bands of his
body (2.19). Christ thus replaces the rulers of this world and is universally capable of
doing what the empire had only attempted to do.
4.2
Imperial Reconciliation Language
The language of reconciliation points to Roman rule and how in conquering lands
and its people the idea was to bring peace. Maier states, Especially helpful in
recognizing the imperial valences of these texts is attention to Neronian imperial
iconography deployed to celebrate a global imperial rule by a divine emperor
153
154

67
appointed to pacify the world and bring all into an overarching political union.155 The
message in Colossians differs from imperial propaganda, e.g. a divine emperor
appointed to pacify the world and bring all into an overarching political union, in its
paradoxical assertion that the origin of all the imperial-sounding ideals are to be
found in the cross.
Breytenbach concurs:
diplomatic usage by recognizing that Pauls representations of
himself and his colleagues in 2 Cor. 5.17-20 as exercising the ministry
of reconciliation, proclaiming the message or gospel of reconciliation
and acting as ambassadors for Christ exactly echo imperial political
language describing politically appointed legates designated with the
task of initiating or concluding civic reconciliation between hostile
parties.156
Breytenbach however mirrors E. Schweizer in contrasting the human and cosmic
contexts of Col 1.20 (cf. 2 Cor. 5.19). They insist on comparing this type of
reconciliation to ancient pre-Socratic, Aristotelian, Stoic and especially [neo-]
Pythagorean physical theories of opposing natural elements.157 Maier fails to see the
difference between reconciliation in the human and the cosmic domains or
diplomatic celebrations from ancient religion. Schweizer does and fails to emphasize
the essential facts that point to Roman imperial order and neglects important
confirmation celebrating the Roman imperial order as a public agreement imaging
heavenly peace found in the Colossians letter. This insight or lack thereof on
Schweizers part shows the universal cosmic and human reconciliation motifs in
1.15-16 and 1.20- 23 connecting the preceding verses as unified civic applications
155

Breytenbach, Vershnung : Eine Studie Zur Paulinischen Soteriologie 65-68.
157
Schweizer, The Letter to the Colossians : A Commentary 164-78.
156
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which resound throughout the rest of the letter. The audience was directed to identify
Christ as truly divine and capable of bringing about the reconciliation spoken of by
the rulers of the day.
Civil concord is an idea with which the audience was familiar and the writers use of
reconciliation terminology could strike a welcome chord with them. Maier argues, It
is significant that these verses (1.20-23) deploy language not only belonging to the
diplomatic representations of reconciliation, but also at home in the closely
associated semantic domain of civil concord.158 In the Onomasticon of Pollux
(second century CE) is listed the civic terms used to describe enemies or hostility
which is precisely the vocabulary we discover in 1.20-23.159 Christ has come to
bring peace to those once estranged and hostile in mind.
Using another term especially related to diplomatic ideals of reconciliation, the writer
of Colossians describes his audience as being knit together in love (2.2), and using
the reference of the church as a body in 2.19 he unites this image with the similarly
politically charged reference to the church as body the image presented in 1.18.
Maier references Breytenbach and Schweizer in their works supporting the use of
such terms in diplomatic contexts as well as D. B. Martin.160 This language would
not have been foreign to the people of Colossae living under Roman rule.
Considered civic also are the technical terms in 1.21-23 associated with blame or
blamelessness, a term of course used in the diplomatic semantic domain of
reconciliation. Again the readers would not have difficulty understanding once
158

Julius Pollux, Joh H. Lederlin, and Pre-1801 Imprint Collection (Library of Congress), Iouliou Polydeukous
Onomastikon. En Bibliois Deka. Julii Polucis Onomasticum (Amsteldami,: 1706).
160
Dale B. Martin, The Corinthian Body (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995) 3-37.
159
69
hostile in mind as a wordplay on blame or blameless. They were encouraged to

continue stable and steadfast and not shifting from the message preached to them.
Maier explains, This is architectural language especially common in civic
representations of political concord.161
1. 23 speaks of having a foundation (being grounded) and being settled as opposed
to being moved away specifically from the hope in which one has come to rest.
These concepts are considered by Mitchell metaphors for political stability and
concord.162 Furthermore in 1.20-23 there is a continual application of diplomatic and
civic language. The progression is shown from this highly charged imperial language
of reconciliation to the writer as he brings the gospel to them, declaring himself a
minister of the gospel (1.23b-c). In this place, the letter directs one to the arena of
the diplomatic ambassador (cf. 2Cor. 5.18-20). Noted in Sub-section 3.1 the
Jewish population may have had cause to take issue with this idea, but the concept
would have been understood by all and can be viewed an identifying marker into the
identity of the audience. Although Breytenbach, Schweizer and Martin took note of
and objected to the reference to imperial language in relation to the gospel the
language remains.
Maier discusses Col. 1.20 as crucial in bringing together the communal civicsounding ideals of 21-23 with the cosmic affirmations of 15-19. The verse of the
hymn (15-20), which in Maiers eyes celebrates this cosmic reconciliation,
presupposes the pacification of previous hostile powers in 1.16 and elemental
161
Maier refers to Margaret Mary Mitchell, Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconciliation : An Exegetical Investigation of
the Language and Composition of 1 Corinthians, 1st American ed. (Louisville, Ky.: Westminster/John Knox
Press, 1993) 99-111., for a more thorough treatment of civic concord.
162
Mitchell, Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconciliation : An Exegetical Investigation of the Language and
Composition of 1 Corinthians 107. cf p.108, note 263 for comparison to 1 Cor. 15.58.
70
spirits of the universe in 2.8,20. Christs death, presented as a Roman triumph (2.15)
is then the means of reconciliation and pacification because he is portrayed in verse
16 as the one who by his works is the creator and reconciler of the universe. Again
we see earthly civic mirroring heavenly concord and peace over which Jesus is
heralded as Lord.
4.3
Global Rome the Pax Romana
A closer look should be taken into the degree to which the writer brings together the
following language with ideals and images that would have been familiar to the
people in the political culture of imperial Rome, to celebrate the peace Christ has
made by his death. Arnold states, As has been widely noted, the references in
Colossians to thrones, dominions, principalities, and powers (1.16, 2.15), as
well as rudiments of the world (2.8, 20) represent language characteristic of Jewish
cosmic speculation.163 The term peace does not only belong to the diplomatic
representation of reconciliation; but it rehearses in Roman political discourse the
global pax or military pacification fostered by imperial rule. Dio164 presents Julius
Caesar as the Peacemaker. Cary and Foster note, Indeed, so widely spread was
its use that, by the time of Commodus, the Peacemaker of the World had become
one of the emperors official titles.165 Philo, does the same for Caesar Augustus (of
163
Clinton E. Arnold, The Colossian Syncretism : The Interface between Christianity and Folk Belief at Colossae,
Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen Zum Neuen Testament. 2. Reihe, (Tbingen: J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck),
1995) 158-94, Dunn, The Epistles to the Colossians and to Philemon : A Commentary on the Greek Text 92-93.
164
Cassius Dio was a historian who published a 1,400 year history of Rome (approximately 1200 BCE - 229 CE).
He was a Roman citizen of Greek descent who wrote in his native language. His work survives in fragments.
Simon Hornblower and Antony Spawforth, The Oxford Classical Dictionary, 3rd ed. (Oxford ; New York: Oxford
University Press, 2003).
165
Cocceianus Cassius Dio, Earnest Cary, and Herbert Baldwin Foster, Dio's Roman History (London; New York:
W. Heinemann; The Macmillan co., 1914) 72.15.5.
71
the Julio-Claudian dynasty)166 indicating that he restored civic harmony by pacifying

unsociable, hostile, and brutal nations. Halicarnassus in an earlier inscription (c. 9
BCE) praises Augustus for improving the lot of humankind by bringing peace to the
world: Land and sea are at peace, the cities are flourishing in good order, concord,
and prosperity167 An inscription from Priene, the ancient Greek city located near
the Maeander168, which is roughly contemporary with Halicarnassus, celebrates the
inauguration of the imperial cult of Roman Asia and similarly heralds the emperor as
one who has made war to cease and ordered the world with peace.169 The epistle
of Colossians writers references to peace with Christ could hardly go unnoticed by
the audience who would have been very familiar with their rulers acting in this
identifiable role. As subjects of Roman rule, Christ as peacemaker against the
backdrop of imperial powers, needed clarification. It was necessary to warn them to
not be spoiled or fooled by philosophy and vain deceit and rudiments of the world
that had no dealing with Christ (2.8). Furthermore, the writer cautions the audience
that since they are dead with Christ to the rudiments of the world, do not subjugate
themselves to ordinances (2.20). He was directing them to seek freedom from
imperial rule.
In Colossians 1.15-23 the imperial terminology parallels Romes emperors not only
as gods, but those who bring peace and reconciliation through military success. This
type of success was coupled with ending the civil war, pacifying enemies and ending
piracy. The cosmic and civic themes of reconciliation in 1.15-23, bring to mind
166
The forty year blended dynasty of the Julian and Claudian families (from the second half of 1 BCE to 68 CE).
See further: Philip Matyszak, The Sons of Caesar : Imperial Rome's First Dynasty (London: Thames & Hudson,
2006).
167
Victor Ehrenberg et al., Documents Illustrating the Reigns of Augustus & Tiberius, 2nd [enlarged] ed. (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1976) 83-84, no. 98a, 11. 9-10.
168
Nancy Thomson De Grummond, An Encyclopedia of the History of Classical Archaeology, 2 vols. (London:
Fitzroy Dearborn, 1996) 935.
169
Ehrenberg et al., Documents Illustrating the Reigns of Augustus & Tiberius 81-84, no. 98 11. 36-7.
72
imperial pax reflecting a cosmic concord, a pax deum (the favor of the gods),
guaranteeing Augustuss and his successors achievements, preserved for human
benefit by their piety, and made manifest in the security and tranquility of the Roman
order.170 Peace here is not only a civic phenomenon, it is cosmic. In the Priene
inscription, Augustuss birth is celebrated as good tidings (1.41) from which comes
the beginning of all things (1.6). Furthermore, he is heralded as giving to the whole
world a different appearance (11. 8-9), a new beginning in the natural order of
things. Extravagant praise by court poets celebrate Augustus as ushering in the
Golden Age and Nero for bringing in the second Golden Age. Maier suggests,
These are references to the blessing of cosmic powers preserving imperial concord
manifested in natural abundance and earthy fertility.171
Comparatively in 1.15-23 the Colossian global language contains a recognizably
imperial imprint. The author emphasizes that Christ is before all (1.17), or that he
is the beginning, so that in him all will have preeminence (1.18), apart from the
warning to resist worship of cosmic powers; angels (2.18). In 2.18 the audience
was also warned against being puffed up which is synonymous with boasting (cf.
2 Cor. 9, 10). The two terms are often used synonymously in ancient Greek texts.172
Roman rulers were often depicted as emperors sitting on thrones in heaven with
depictions of subjects or conquered people (nations) below them who had been
pacified by Roman victory; thus, giving the appearance or illusion of divinity. Zanker
portrays Augustus in the guise of Jupiter, enthroned beside Roma, surrounded by
170
For piety, religion and the preservation of the pax romana, see Karl Galinsky, Augustan Culture : An
Interpretive Introduction (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1996) 288-331.
171
172
Composition of 1 Corinthians 95.see note 180 for references to Greek texts.
73
divine personifications of the earth.173 The writer was not only creating a picture of
the preeminence of Christ, but making a substitution for Roman politics.
Divine harmony was illustrated in a large sculpture displaying the divine appointment
of the Julio-Claudian dynasty located only 100 km from Colossae at the temple
complex of Sebasteion at Aphrodisias. Smith suggests that the sculpture was
erected to depict the pacifying of the peoples of the earth and bringing them into a
civil union.
Completed at precisely the time Colossians was composed, the
sculptural programme included representations of emperors and their
family members depicted in the company of Olympian deities and
personified nature and cosmic powers, towering over some 50 statues
representing people pacified, restored and/or absorbed into the Roman
order. 174
Coins also reflected the same idea. The emperor Nero, in various collections of coins
is depicted with Jupiter seated on a throne and/or with head radiate175, or
illustrations associating him with protection by the mythical god Jove176. Maier states,
These symbols, representing a renaissance of Jovian imagery in imperial media,
urged imperial subjects to believe that Neros reign was ordained by Jupiter and
represented the earthly copy of a cosmic model, if not the enfleshed embodiment of
the divine.177 Perhaps used to create a greater understanding of him, the writers
reference in Col. 1.15 to Jesus Christ as the image of the invisible God is a carbon
173
Zanker, The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus 230-38. For other examples see Maier, note 32, page
336
174
R. R. R. Smith, The Imperial Reliefs from the Sebasteion at Aphrodisias, Journal of Roman Studies. [Offprint
(S.l.: s.n., 1987) 77, p. 88 138.
175
J. Rufus Fears, Princeps a Diis Electus : The Divine Election of the Emperor as a Political Concept at Rome
(Rome: American Academy, 1977) 235-37.
176
Fears, Princeps a Diis Electus : The Divine Election of the Emperor as a Political Concept at Rome 235-37.
177
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copy of the Jovian protection afforded Nero. P. Bastien comments that this depiction
was an opportunity for Nero to declare his extraterrestrial nature. He argues, Nero
is portrayed with a radiate crown an honour usually reserved to designate
posthumous deification. 178 Nero was preceded by Gaius who introduced the
iconographical innovation of representing himself on coins as radiate.179
In a quote by Roman poet Calpurnius Siculus, Caesar is heralded as Jupiter in
disguise, with powers beyond his mortal body. He is praised as the very god and
exhorted to rule the world and its people for ever. Heavens love is no match for him
and again he is crowned the originator of peace.180 The comparison facilitates the
audience of Colossaes identification of a greater power in Christ when compared to
the emperors (1.16). Or perhaps confusion or fear takes place and in an attempt to
clarify things, the audience incorporates the message into the existing structure of
their world; thereby placing Christ within this structure.
The audience could not have helped but recognize in the Colossian Christology
(Col. 1.15-23) the imperial and diplomatic language heralding the cosmic and earthly
concord of Roman rule. They could not have helped but be familiar with imperial
nuances in the celebration of an incarnate Son in whom God was pleased to dwell
(1.19; 2.9) to usher in a universal reconciliation. Maier observes, Like Nero, whom
imperial poets acclaimed as an embodied deity, and Seneca celebrated as the head
of the body, the Roman Empire, on whom all rests and depends for its health and
vigour, the incarnate Son, the enthroned Jesus, heads the cosmos growth and
178
Pierre Bastien, Le Buste Montaire Des Empereurs Romains, Numismatique Romaine (Wetteren, Belgique:
Editions numismatiques romaines, 1992).
179
For a historical discussion Bastien, Le Buste Montaire Des Empereurs Romains 105-07.
180
Ecologue. 4.142-46.
75
renewal (2.9-10, 19; 1.6)181 It is interesting to note however that peace and concord
was not the state of the cities and nations globally. The peace and concord was said
to exist only within the empire of Rome. Aelius Aristides182 writes, Although your
empire is so large and great, it is much greater in its good order than in its
circumference. 183 He then goes on to give examples of civil chaos replaced by
imperial rule and civic concord adorning the empire as a garden. Plutarch184
describes Fortune permitting Rome to be confirmed as the city anticipating an
empire-wide concord to come.185 P. Mitchell gives examples of the enduring tradition
of political applications of permanent, firmly built up structures, with representations
of Roman political peace and reconciliation.186 Nevertheless the writer praises the
Colossian for their good order, and their being rooted, built up, and firmly
established in Christ (2.5). These are all civic terms used in commonplace political
treatments of concord to celebrate the benefits and character of Roman rule. The
writer of Colossians almost seems to mock the empire by attributing to Christ the
power to do what it could not without military measures; either nationally or globally.
Here was a chance for the people of Colossae to supersede their rulers.
The use of diplomatic language is clear in Colossians. Christ is depicted as the Son
of the only God, who brought about the creation of the world and sustains it. In
181

Aristides was a second-century sophist and man of letters. He was a student of Alexander of Cotiaeum and
studied in Athens and Pergamum. His most noted polemical works include 'On Rhetoric' and 'In Defence of the
Four'. See further: Hornblower and Spawforth, The Oxford Classical Dictionary s.v.
183
Orations 26.29,99,101,103-104, Aelius Aristides and Charles Allison Behr, The Complete Works, 2 vols.
(Leiden: Brill, 1981) 79, 95-96.
184
Plutarch was a second-century philosopher and biographer. 'The Fortune of Rome' is included in his group of
rhetorical works. He is most famous for 'Parallel Lives' in which he attempts to show individual virtue or vice in the
careers of men of stature. Hornblower and Spawforth, The Oxford Classical Dictionary s.v.
185
"On the Fortunes of the Romans" 9.321D, Plutarch, Plutarch's Complete Works (New York,: T. Y. Crowell &
co., 1909).
186
Composition of 1 Corinthians 105-07.
182
76
comparison in the imperial program there are many gods and the emperor is a god
or a son of god. The language echoes in celebrations and affirmation of imperial rule.
It is important to note the placement of this language in a politically oriented
cosmology. Placed in Colossians this imperial language takes on definite sociopolitical meaning. According to Maier:
The Colossians Christological monotheism and the universal imperialsounding claims associated with it are always affirmed with reference
to the church understood as both the local assembly of the gathered
house church (4.15,16) and a more cosmic reality it makes manifest
(1.18, 24; 2.19).187
For example Christ who is head of the body, the church, is equivalent to the
emperor who is head of the body of his Empire, with the exception that Christ does
not rule by military force over subdued enemies. Rather he rules through his
reconciling death. Furthermore, because of this, his enemies become his friends.
The giving of himself marks his reign, not by domination (1.20, 22). The audience
was urged to live according to its counter-imperial logic (3.13-15). Maier suggests,
Indeed, in its affirmation of Jesus as the one in whom, through whom and for whom
all things are made (1.16) and continue to hold together (v.17), by logical implication
even Caesar, together with the cosmic powers he serves, is ultimately subject (Col
2.10).We have here the making of a Quiet Revolution.188
This notion is not far-fetched when ones attention is drawn to those who were
malcontents or those whose lot in life has been of a servant, woman, or slave.
Perhaps these were the people who were drawn to Pauls gospel and to whom the
187
188

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writer caters his message. However, not all would have been from these classes as
there are records of some well-to-do persons who were believers whose homes
were used as house churches. The writers use of imperial terminology and context
would incite these people to not only give their lives but fight for it as well. Another
group of people would be those who were seeking a position of authority and who
would welcome his message without thought of reconciliation or concord. These
people may have felt trapped in their particular offices and saw a way of better
utilizing their abilities. There are more than a few speculations to be made here that
would be useful to this argument. This letter is written during the time of Roman
imperial politics and divine claims of Caesar and his rule. A. Deissmann, although
not elaborated on in this thesis, is noted for contributing the best known paradigm in
the early twentieth century describing the discussion of the conflict between Pauls
preaching of the gospel and Caesar.189
The imperial language continues, particularly in its affirmations of the global rule of
Christ who is all and in all (3.11). Not only can the imperial descriptions be noted in
reference to Jesus Christs death as a triumph over the Romans and how that relates
to cosmic powers, (2.15 and 1.16 respectively) W. Meeks states these acts are the
result of the scriptures declaring Christ at his baptism as the son of God. Meeks
indicates this utopian declaration helped believers gain a sense of belonging in the
global world.190 Maier remarks that Meeks historical religious insights gain
contextual relief once related to a more imperial reading of Col 3.11; that places its
189
Adolf Deissmann and Lionel Richard Mortimer Strachan, Light from the Ancient East; the New Testament
Illustrated by Recently Discovered Texts of the Graeco-Roman World (London,: Hodder & Stoughton, 1910).
190
Wayne A. Meeks, 'In One Body: The Unity of Humankind in Colossians and Ephesians' in Nils Alstrup Dahl,
Jacob Jervell, and Wayne A. Meeks, God's Christ and His People : Studies in Honour of Nils Alstrup Dahl (Oslo:
Universitetsforl., 1977) 209-21 (09).
78
utopian declaration in the social setting of imperial ideals.191 Outside of this context
the comparison points to religious traditions and patterns set forth concerning the
renewal of life in Jesus Christ through baptism. It also points to unity as new
creatures in comparison to former classifications (3.11).
Unity in Christ transcended ethnic boundaries. The terms used in 3.11 were to
combat the image of dominion over subjected peoples by way of military power as a
way to bring peace and inclusion to the world. Maier, quoting Mhl, contends, Ethnic
diversity in unity created by means of Roman military pacification of enemies
cosmopolitanism with power was the imperial vision Rome held up to its subjects
to convince them of Romes entitlement to govern the world.192 Romes entitlement
was being challenged by the teaching that Jesus brought peace to the world through
his death and resurrection. Instead of being subjects divided by race and ethnicity,
the audience was now full-fledged citizens. This claim again fuels the Quiet
Revolution mentioned previously. Maier states:
The universal claims of a gospel bringing into one unity ethnically
diverse, often mobile peoples of varying socio-economic status, was at
home in an Empire that equated its realm with the world, integrated its
subject peoples militarily and diplomatically into a political union, and
created new possibilities for social and economic mobility.193
The imperial language transcended the rules of society and the diversity of the
audience.
191

Max Mhl, Die Antike Menschheitsidee in Ihrer Geschichtlichen Entwicklung (Leipzig,: Dietrich, 1928) 82.
193
192
79
Utopian association resonate in 3.11 when the author declares here there cannot be
Greek and Jew, circumcised and uncircumcised, barbarian, Scythian, slave, free, but
Christ is all, and in all. Coupled with Roman triumph 2.15 and the claims of a
triumphal Christ proclaimed through all the world (1.6, 23) a new moral order is
envisioned (3.5 4.6). Christs triumph overshadows military pacification under the
appointed right of Rome to rule.
Maier pointing out a metaphor states, The ritual of Roman triumph included a
ceremonial taking off and putting on of clothing to celebrate victorious rule.194 The
image introduced at 2.15 of taking off refers to Christs death. W. Carr draws
attention to the imagery created as a depiction of him triumphantly disrobing in
preparation for the victory parade to follow in which he publicly displays the
principalities and authorities in the triumphal procession of his resurrection.195 The
imperial metaphors continue with the language of triumph. The audience is
encouraged to seek the things above where Christ is enthroned. In 3.15 the call to
let the peace of Christ rule expressed in 3.10 with its obvious connection to the
Hebrew Bible is surrounded by imperial metaphors. The imperial tone is more
strongly felt in 3.11, in which Christ is all, and in all. Maier claims, The triumph
acclaimed at 2.15 now takes on a recognizably Roman imperial reach and
universality. With even barbarians and Scythians caught up in the moral renewal of
the kingdom of [Gods] beloved Son (1.13), the gospel has indeed reached the
world the furthest limits of the imperial imagination.196 Can Roman rule claim to
194

Wesley Carr, Angels and Principalities : The Background, Meaning, and Development of the Pauline Phrase
Hai Archai Kai Hai Exousiai (Cambridge ; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005) 61, H. S. Versnel,
Triumphus; an Inquiry into the Origin, Development and Meaning of the Roman Triumph (Leiden,: Brill, 1970) 5693.
196
195
80
have reached this goal at this point in history? Agreeably Aelius Aristides, noted
earlier would say, No.
4.4
Imperial Imprint in the Household Code
Maiers treatment of the images of imperialism in the Household Code of 3.18 4.1
is significant to identification of the letters audience. He observes, It has long been
recognized that the Haustafeln here and elsewhere in early Christian literature are to
be interpreted as a topos (place, position) at home in Hellenistic political
literature.197 Within the Colossian Haustafel, the characteristics of a well run house
include husbands loving their wives (3.19), and slaves obeying their Master (3.18,
20, 22, 23, 24; 4.1). This is complemented by the divine authority of the rule and
peace of Christ exhibited in 3.15. Furthermore, a well synchronized house outlines
the obligations of slaves and masters (3.22-25). This order similarly mirrors the
imperial political handling of the perfect household. Cary and Foster referencing the
historian state, Dio Chrysostom,198 for example, reflects this Roman context when
he likens civic concord to a well-governed household in which husband and wife
are like-minded and slaves obey their masters.199 Balch suggests that Colossians
idiosyncratic lengthening of slave instructions perhaps originated from the needs of a
community constituted mostly by converted slaves, anxious to defend against pagan
suspicions.200
As hearers of the letter the Colossians would have been able to recognize that like
Caesar, Christ was to bring about peace and reconciliation that superseded race,
197

Cassius Dio, Cary, and Foster, Dio's Roman History Or. 38.14.
199
200
David L. Balch, Let Wives Be Submissive : The Domestic Code in 1 Peter (Chico, CA: Scholars Press, 1981)
96-97, Margaret Y. MacDonald and Daniel J. Harrington, Colossians and Ephesians (Collegeville, Minn.:
Liturgical Press, 2000) 160-69.
198
81
ethnicity, religion and social boundaries. The reemphasis on the household duties
served to paint a portrait of concord and global peace. Christ as the head of the local
house churches brought a domestic political ideal that was supposed to be in the
world around them. The idea, however, was that the reconciliation, spoken of earlier
in the letter, was brought about through the death of Christ and not through Roman
ideas of military pacification. The Household Code, that recommended that those
occupying traditional positions of power (husbands and slave owners) love (3.19
justice and 4.1equity), disrupts Greco-Roman traditional absolute rule and
exploitation over their subjects. Maier adds that, a domestic peace in the house
church marked by love, justice and equity insists that the Colossian church realize a
civic identity that runs counter to the exploitative rule by domination of its imperial
overlords.201 The writer does not change the rules of the house; slaves are still
subject to their masters. However, the masters are to act justly because they too
have a master, in heaven. This goes counter to the role of imperial leaders of the day
who answer to no one.
Conclusion
Colossaes history, although difficult to unravel due to the lack of evidence, is
perceived through the lens of the rich history of the peoples of Asia Minor and into
the Mediterranean era. There too is a long history of beliefs shared and embellished
with each generation and emerging imperial power. Into this culture comes a belief
that shatters all that they believed and offers what was viewed as improbable, even
impossible, and yet long sought after: peace and life throughout eternity. Historically
each group sought after what the empire promised, yet it did not and could not
201
82
deliver. They placed their faith in various gods, traditions and empires and lived their
lives accordingly. They were people like many others and the message of the gospel
reached them where they lived. Their responses identified them in the letter as being
worthy of the writers time to address and this is the most important identifying
marker.
The contribution of Jewish scholars in response to Pauls Christianizing theology
adds a dimension to their identity not readily seen by many Christian scholars. The
belief of present day Jews is a testament to their tenacity in the face of Christianitys
weak beginning yet strong presence in the world today. Their response as presented
here reveals not only the identity of the people of Colossae, but the strong-hold of
traditions and laws within their faith that has kept them. Their views for the most part
mirror the concerns reflected in the letter to the Colossians.
Maiers treatment of the texts imperial connotations was pivotal in determining the
identity of the people of Colossae as not strictly two dimensional. The community at
Colossae, both Gentiles and Jews were subjects of Rome. They were encouraged to
put on love (3.14) and to put off the notion of peace through violent means (2.15) in
the face of the leaders of the empire of Rome and to seek universal peace (3.15).
They were intertwined, as subjects of Rome, but isolated ethnically as Jews and
Gentiles. The writers attempt to bring them together under the umbrella of the
mystery of the gospel of Jesus Christ presented many problems; thus, giving rise to
the letter to the Colossians.
The next section identifies the people of Africa and their exposure to the gospel
beginning in the first century. This section is important in identifying the similarities
between them and Colossians whose existence can only be documented in the first
83
century. The presentation of the gospel to and the reception of it by both groups help
to identify them. Their identities shape the meaning of the text and contribute to the
re-reading of the letter from an African American postcolonial perspective.
84
P ART TWO
THE PEOPLE OF AFRICA
Introduction
Part Two explores the reception history of Christianity in Africa and serves as a
footprint in understanding the re-reading of Colossians from an African American
postcolonial perspective. It examines the reception of Christianity by the Africans in
both the first and fifteenth centuries. These two periods are better documented than
that of the interim years and present interesting information concerning the identity of
those exposed to the teachings of each era. However, for the purposes of this thesis,
the focus will not be on the fifteenth-century re-introduction but on the traditional
religions of Africa as a possible link to first-century African Christianity. Traditional
religions provide the socio-religious context of the Africans who were enslaved and
sent to the New World. As with the Colossians, the identity of the Africans is crucial
to their response and understanding of the gospel. Part Two serves as a bridge to
the understanding of the enslaved Africans in North America which will leads to their
reception of the gospel (Part Three) and then the re-reading (Part Four). Although
Christianity presented some problems with its presentation by the Portuguese and
with the newly enslaved Africans in North America, it took a firm hold among the
enslaved Africans in North America in the eighteenth century. The latter will be
discussed further in Part Three.
The arrival of the missionaries in West Africa beginning in the fifteenth century was
met with long practiced traditional religions. Although Christianity was not new to the
continent, the first-century beliefs that spread through parts of Africa were not
85
evident to the missionaries. There was a desire to convert the so called heathen
and their strange beliefs to those of Christianity. Perhaps, as Cox suggests, For
some missionaries, Africa had no religion at all. Their conclusion was that Africans
were polytheists and idol worshippers and all the missionaries needed to do were to
debunk the African primal religion and spirituality and sweep away that religious
structure. 202 In contradiction: Chapter Six explores African religions, traditional and
Christian, and their importance in the re-reading Colossians from an African
American postcolonial perspective.
At this point in the thesis it is important to note that, as in first-century Colossae,
Christianity was just forming in first-century Africa. Comparatively the Africans and
Colossians were diverse peoples with long standing traditions and religions. Each, at
the points in their history discussed in this thesis, lived under the shadow of empire
and were subjugated and labeled. Part One has shown that the people of Colossae
were exposed to the gospel initially by Epaphras and then by the writer of the letter.
With the destruction of that city the subsequent history of their reception of the
gospel is stunted. Thus far their identity has been discussed in Part One and their
initial response will be ascertained through the examination of the letter in Part Four.
Concerning the presentation of the gospel, the people of Africa had much in common
with the people of Colossae. They both were believers in what appeared to be other
forms of religions and when presented with the gospel they initially accepted the
basic teachings. The major difference is that the beliefs of the Colossians can only
be viewed from their existence in the first century, but the Africans have a longer
history. Discussions follow that concern what history tells of Christianitys initial
202
James L. Cox and Gerrie ter Haar, Uniquely African? : African Christian Identity from Cultural and Historical
Perspectives, Religion in Contemporary Africa Series (Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 2003) 93.
86
contact with the Africans in the first century and its possible connection to the
fifteenth century. The importance of this connection, discussed in Chapter Six, helps
in identifying them and the beliefs that disseminated through subsequent generations
(Part Three).
Chapter Five focuses on the introduction of Christianity to first-century Africa with
special attention paid to Egypt and Ethiopia. Other regions of northern Africa203 are
also being addressed showing the spread and growth of Christianity westward.
Ethiopia is included in this region from a geographic standpoint being situated in the
northern portion of the continent. Chapter Six discusses the similarities between
traditional religion of Africa and Christianity suggesting a possible link that could
have facilitated the evangelization of Africa. Was there a remnant of beliefs that
survived the invasion of North Africa? Could these beliefs have crossed the continent
to western Africa and resulted in a traditional religion being formed? The similarities
are essential as they point to the possibility that African traditional religion and
Christianity may have common origins.
Although mostly documented in the fifteenth century, Africas reception of the gospel
was based on their beliefs before the coming of the Portuguese. T. Oden states that
Western historical skepticism only allows the initial arrival of Christianity to be
pushed back as early as the fifth century. However, as early as 180 CE with the
Martyrs of Scilli there is evidence of first-century existence in Carthage. Oden further
remarks, For it is implausible that the Madaura and Scilli martyrs would be ready to
203
North Africa or Northern Africa is the northern most region of the continent of Africa linked by the Sahara to
Sub-Saharan Africa. According to United Nations geo-political definition the regions include Algeria, Egypt, Libya,
Morocco, Sudan, Tunisia, Mauritania and Western Sahara. United Nations Statistics Division Standard
Country and Area Codes Classification n.p. [cited 6 December 2009]. Online:
http://millenniumindicators.un.org/unsd/methods/m49/m49regin.htm.
87
die for the faith if they had just appeared in North Africa immediately before 180
C.E.204
With strong beginnings in Africa, the teachings and practices of first-century
Christianity were carried out with tenacity by Africans from Egypt and Cyrene
(located in present day Libya). Relying on the scriptures being historically accurate,
the impact of carrying the cross of Jesus upon Simon of Cyrene is suggested in the
conversion of his two sons, Rufus and Alexander (Mark 15.21). Apollos was also
said to be impacted by the gospel message and encouraged by the teaching of
Priscilla and Aquilla (Acts 18:24-26). Jewish Christians from Cyrene were said to
have preached the gospel in Antioch with great power (Acts 11:20). Before the death
of Christ, Africas exposure was evidenced in the story of the flight to Egypt by Jesus
parents to escape his murder.205 Moreover, there is the story of the Ethiopian eunuch
recorded in Acts 8:27-38. Christian Africas interpretation of these accounts places
her at the beginnings of the worlds largest religion.206 Christian Ethiopia also
embraces its rich pre-Christian history (see Chapter Five).
204
Thomas C. Oden, How Africa Shaped the Christian Mind : The African Seedbed of Western Christianity
(Downers Grove, Ill.: IVP Books, 2007) 23.
205
The account of King Herod slaughtering babies is debatable as there is no supporting historical account
recorded.
206
Christianity is ranked as the largest religion in the world today with approximately 2 million adherents.
http://christianity.about.com/od/denominations/p/christiantoday.htm March 26, 2010.
88
P ART TWO CHAPTER FIVE

FIRST CENTURY AFRICA
5.1
Ethiopia
The roots of Ethiopian pre-Christianity, according to Baurs research, are found in

their tradition that holds Ethiopian kingship and priesthood to be the legitimate
continuation of the Solomonic dynasty and the Aaronic priesthood.207 Budge
recounts that I Kings 10:1-13 tell us that the queen of Sheba visited Solomon. In
Ethiopian tradition she is referred to as the queen of the south Makeda of Aksum
(ancient Ethiopia). The tradition continues with her giving birth to Solomons son,
Menelik I.208 History recorded in the Kebra Nagast is considered factual in the
perception of Ethiopians and important to their link to the God of Israel.209
Ullendorff points out that, the Kebra Nagast is not merely a literary work, but as
the Old Testament to the Hebrews and the Quran to the Arabs it is the repository
of Ethiopian national and religious feelings.210 The conversion of Makeda is the link
between Jewish immigrants and the Hebrew Bible customs that Ethiopian Christians
observe. Although some strife existed between the two groups, today the Falasha211
are recognized by the Jewish chief Rabbis as the lost tribe of Dan.212
207
John Baur, 2000 Years of Christianity in Africa : An African History, 62-1992 (Nairobi, Kenya: Paulines, 1994)
34.
208
E. A. Wallis Budge, The Queen of Sheba and Her Only Son Menyelek (I) : Being The "Book of the Glory of
Kings" (Kebra Nagast), The Kegan Paul Library of Arcana (London ; New York: Kegan Paul, 2001).
209
The Kebra Nagast records the conversion of Makeda to Judaism following her encounter with Solomon.
210
Edward Ullendorff, Ethiopia and the Bible (Roma,: Accademia nazionale dei Lincei, 1971).
211
Falasha (or Beta Israel), a Jewish Hamitic people of Ethiopia who claim descent from Menelik I, the son of the
queen of Sheba and King Solomon; have no knowledge of Talmud but use a Bible and a prayer book written in
Ge'ez, the ancient Ethiopian language. They follow Jewish traditions including circumcision, observing the
Sabbath, attending synagogue, and following certain dietary and purity laws.
Recognized in 1975 by the Chief Rabbinate as Jews and allowed to settle in Israel. In 1984-85 thousands of
Falashas resettled to Israel from refugee camps in Sudan as part of the Israeli government's "Operation Moses"
and the U.S. government's "Operation Sheba." Origins and History of the Tribe of Falasha, http://www.falasharecordings.co.uk/teachings/ras.html January 25,2010.
212
Baur, 2000 Years of Christianity in Africa : An African History, 62-1992 35.
89
The kingdom of Aksum was both rich in culture and religious tradition. Baur reveals,
Its major beliefs were based on a divine triad: the god moon, the goddess sun, and
the morning star.213 They were recognized together in every temple as a Trinity. The
king was regarded as the supreme religious authority, a son of a god and he
functioned as a high priest. This concept is reflected in their recognition of the Holy
Trinity and the priestly kingship in Christian beliefs.
Ethiopian Christianitys interpretations of the following three events are the hallmark
of their belief in the gospels:
The account of the conversion of the Ethiopian Eunuch
The priesthood of Frumentius
The Nine Saints monastic life
5.1.1 The account of the conversion of the Ethiopian Eunuch

First, due to lack of physical evidence the Ethiopian Eunuchs actions, following his
conversion cannot decisively place Christianity in Ethiopia in the first century.
However, Baur believes that Origens statement nobody claims that the Gospel has
already been preached to the whole of Ethiopia, especially beyond the River [Nile]
indicates there must have been Christians there at an early date.214 Nevertheless,
the well-established trade route between Ethiopia, India and the Mediterranean via
the Red Sea is believed to be the background to the official conversion of Ethiopia.
213
214

90
5.1.2 The priesthood of Frumentius

Second, Frumentius215 is noted for bringing the priesthood to Ethiopia by traveling
this route in order to be ordained bishop of Ethiopia by Athanasius, the Patriarch of
Alexandria. Trade routes were essential to not only trade, but also to the
dissemination of the gospel from Syria to Ethiopia.216 (See also Subsection 5.3)
Ethiopias importance as an indigenous Christian nation is based on the narrative of
Athanasius refusal to allow Frumentius to be replaced with an Arian Byzantine
bishop by Constantius, emperor of Constantinople.217 The importance of Ethiopia
retaining its Christian roots was essential to the Coptic Church of Ethiopia remaining
African rather than Grecian. The Coptic Orthodox church had connections to the
Syrian churches, Nubia, Ethiopia and probably the southern parts of the Arabian
Peninsula as well as India, following the trade routes.218
The establishment of Christianity in Asia and Eastern Africa followed the trade routes
traveled by merchants and missionaries alike as they took with them their faith and
spread it from person to person. Because of this there was a high degree of
tolerance with cultural and theological diversity as well as an interconnectedness of
historical experience and influences along the trade routes and in the intellectual
centers.219 This widespread diffusion of ideas led to the cultivation of a climate for
Christian thought. The chance to follow ones religious practices and the occasion to
declare ones faith to ones neighbor became central values.
215
Frumentius, his brother Aedesius were shipwrecked in Ethiopia on their journey to India, along with their
teacher, a Syrian philosopher. They were brought to the court of Aksum, where they were educated. Allowed to
leave, Aedesius went home and Frumentius to Alexandria. Ullendorff, Ethiopia and the Bible 25.
216
217
Augustine Casiday and Frederick W. Norris, The Cambridge History of Christianity. Vol. 2, Constantine to C.
600, The Cambridge History of Christianity (Cambridge ; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007) 141.
218
Casiday and Norris, The Cambridge History of Christianity. Vol. 2, Constantine to C. 600 140.
219
Casiday and Norris, The Cambridge History of Christianity. Vol. 2, Constantine to C. 600 144.
91
5.1.3 The Nine Saints monastic life

Third is the event that is credited for evangelizing the whole country. Monks arrived
in various groups around the year 500. The most famous were the Nine Saints, to
who are attributed the true monastic origins. These monks were known to be leaders
of the communities which included priests and nuns. The monastery church of Debre
Damo founded by Michael Aregawi still exists. Also attributed to the Nine Saints is
the educational and literary work of the Church, including the translation of most
books of the Bible.220
There is also significant accord connecting Ethiopian and Syriac Christianity. Syrian
churches rejoice in that their language is the closest to the Aramaic said to be
spoken by Jesus. Aksum was converted by Syrian Christians, and later strengthened
its faith by remaining there as missionaries. A similar spirit existed among the
churches of Egypt, Nubia (an independent kingdom located to the south of Egypt in
ancient times), and Ethiopia with close associations with the rest of Eastern
Christendom.
The beginning of Syrian Christianity is marked by a legend which told of how King
Abgar of Edessa wrote to Jesus Christ, requesting to be healed of his leprosy. Isichei
records the following statement. I have a very little city, but comely, which is
sufficient for us both. 221 The spiritual unity of Ethiopian, Nubian, Egyptian and
Jacobite Syrian Christians was cemented by their adoption of a Monophysite
Christology (one divine nature of Christ) which stood in opposition to previous
220
For further discussions of monastic communities in Ethiopia see: Paul B. Henze, Layers of Time : A History of
Ethiopia (Addis Ababa: Shama Books, 2004).
221
Elizabeth Allo Isichei, A History of Christianity in Africa : From Antiquity to the Present (Grand Rapids; London:
Eerdmans; SPCK, 1995) 18.
92
Chalcedon (two natures; human and divine) beliefs.222 After the Ethiopian church
rejected the decisions of the Council of Chalcedon in 451, many persecuted refugee
monks traveled from Mesopotamia and Palestine to Ethiopia where they supported
missionary efforts among the Ethiopians.
Lardner and Kippis record the tradition of St. Matthew traveling to Ethiopia and
finding on the eastern shore many Ethiopian Christians.223 However, St. Matthew is
said to have neither ordained anyone nor establish the Church there. Perhaps this
lends credence to Origens statement made earlier that supports the theory that the
gospel had already reached Ethiopia with the return of the Ethiopian Eunuch. The
apostle is said to have been martyred in Ethiopia after having spent the remainder of
his life preaching the gospel there.224 It was not until the fourth century that
Athanasius, the twentieth patriarch, was said to have ordained Frumentius as
administrator and Bishop over the Ethiopians. The root of their faith in Christ was
traced to the first Pentecost, where it is recorded that Ethiopians were present during
that time in Jerusalem. Altschul states, In this period, Christianity spread quickly as
far as Nubia and Sudan.225
The Church in Ethiopia survived Islamic invasions and retained its position of being
the main religious force in the country. However, in Egypt, as in other parts of
northern Africa, it was nearly wiped out. Mbiti relates that, what remains of this
Coptic Church has a long tradition going back to the apostolic times and strongly
222
Defined in conflict in Catholic University of America., New Catholic Encyclopedia, 2nd ed. (Detroit;
Washington, D.C.: Thomson/Gale; Catholic University of America, 2003). s,v, 'Council at Chalcedon'. The
Chalcedonian Council issued 27 disciplinary canons and one concerning special treatment for Constantinople.
223
Nathaniel Lardner, The Works of Nathaniel Lardner (London,: 1815) 296.Some however place his preaching
in Parthia and Persia.
224
The Lives of the Holy Evangelists, and Apostles, with Their Martyrdoms, (Barnard, Vt.: Published by Joseph
Dix., 1813).
225
Paisius Altschul, An Unbroken Circle : Linking Ancient African Christianity to the African-American Experience
(St. Louis, Mo.: Brotherhood of St. Moses the Black, 1997) 9.
93
believes that it was St. Mark who founded it. 226 Conscious missionary expansion
was lacking in the ancient Church in these two countries. However, there is evidence
presented in this thesis that Christianity extended further than the present-day
Ethiopia and Egypt. Mbiti explains Portuguese missionary action, but leaves out any
notable expansion of first-century Christianity beyond Ethiopia and Egypt. He
suggests that perhaps the work of the Roman Catholic Church in the fifteenth
century did not penetrate into the interior because it was aimed at European
traders.227
Africas connection to the Mediterranean world is exemplified by the account given of
Philip and the Ethiopian on the road between Jerusalem and Gaza. Described as, a
minister of Candace, the queen of the Ethiopians (Acts 8:27), the account of his
conversion figures in the planting of Christianity in Northern Africa. Falk states, The
story of the Ethiopian leads us to believe that he was a literate proselyte who went to
Jerusalem to worship at the temple. 228 He was said to be reading in the Septuagint
which lends the idea that Hebrew Bible teachings had reached the southern kingdom
by way of the Jews who had come to live along the Nile. We have no reliable
evidence to substantiate the validity of this idea but: Was he a messenger of the
Good News to his people? Several centuries later, Jewish communities existed in
this region and also farther south, but no records concerning a Christian community
have been discovered. However, the idea of this possibility spurs many Africans to
place their belief in Jesus Christ. The very idea that an African had been converted
so early in the first century, soon after the death of Christ and the coming of the Holy
226
John S. Mbiti, African Religions & Philosophy (London, Ibadan [etc.]: Heinemann, 1969) 230, 31.
Mbiti, African Religions & Philosophy.
228
Peter Falk, The Growth of the Church in Africa (Grand Rapids: Zondervan Pub. House, 1979) 28.
227
94
Spirit and before the writings by the Apostles gives credence to the pride of
ownership of such a message.
5.2
Egypt
Before the first millennium the tradition of Christianity is alluded to in the belief that
the pre-ordained Messiah had come to Africa. The following statements by Ativa and
Taylor respectively reveal the pride of Christian Egypt.
The story of the Flight into Egypt has never ceased to glow in the
Coptic229 imagination. In the words of the Coptic liturgy, Be glad and
rejoice, 0 Egypt, and her sons and all her daughters, for there hath
come to Thee the Lord of Man. 230 Modern African Christians cherish
the same tradition: When Jesus was persecuted by the European
Herod, God sent him into Africa by this we know that Africans have
naturally a true spirit of Christianity. 231
There is a tendency to forget that Egypt, dating back to 3150 BCE, has been a part
of Africa as an ancient civilization located in eastern North Africa.232 It is easier to
separate Egypt from a continent about which negative reports were made by the
explorers and missionaries who came to conquer or convert the heathen. Egypt was
the bridge that linked Africa to the Mediterranean world. This bridge brought trade,
such as ivory, ebony and ideas to the rest of the world. Egyptian history consists of
thirty-one dynasties; conquest by Rome in the first century before the coming of
229
The word Coptic can refer to a people, a language, or a Church. Both Copt and Egypt come from a Greek
word, Aigyptos, which in turn, comes from the ancient Egyptian name for Memphis, the house of Ptah.Isichei, A
History of Christianity in Africa : From Antiquity to the Present 26.
230
Aziz Suryal Atiya, A History of Eastern Christianity, [1st American ed. (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre
Dame Press, 1968) 22.
231
The Children of the Sacred Heart in Northern Rhodesia, in 1958, quoted in J. Taylor and D. Lehman,
Christians of the Copperbelt (SCM, London, 1961) p. 167.John V. Taylor and Dorothea Lehmann, Christians of
the Copperbelt : The Growth of the Church in Northern Rhodesia (London: SCM, 1961) 167.
232
Digital Egypt for Universities. Chronology. University College, London. Cited December 2, 2009. Online:
http://www.digitalegypt.ucl.ac.uk/chronology/index.html.
95
Christ and later by Alexander the Great in the fourth century. However, its reception
of Christ in the first century began a religious revolution that has left a lasting impact.
Egyptian culture proved to be good soil for the planting of Christianity in the firstcentury. Three keys to Egypts reception of Christianity are discussed:
Bridges
Jewish Diaspora
Tradition of Mark
5.2.1 Bridges
The first key to this reception are the bridges that prepared Africa to receive the
gospel of Jesus. Egypts conversion to Christianity shows a consideration, whether
intentional or not, for their former beliefs which facilitated the entrance of the gospel
into their culture.
A paradigm is presented here to show the inclusion of religious and cultural practices
in presenting the gospel to indigenous people. Against the practices recorded of the
fifteenth century this paradigm proves more successful in evangelizing the
indigenous. Shaw imparts, Although Egyptian culture offered many barriers to the
gospel; three features in particular seem to have acted as bridges.233 He explains
that these three bridges ingrained in the fabric of Egyptian culture, were critical to
Egypts reception.
Death
The Afterlife
233
Mark Shaw, The Kingdom of God in Africa : A Short History of African Christianity, A Bgc Monograph (Grand
Rapids, Mich.: Wheaton, IL: Baker Books; Billy Graham Center, Wheaton College, 1996) 23.
96
Peace
5.2.1.1 Death
The first bridge was death. Christianity, with its assurance of eternal life and its death
conquering lord who promised a prepared dwelling place in eternity for his followers,
found an amenable audience among people who for numerous millennia viewed the
next life described by Shaw as the proper contemplation for those found in the
present one.234 It is no surprise that monasticism, with its denial of this world for
greater rewards in the next, caught on so completely in the land of the Nile.
5.2.1.2 The Afterlife
The second bridge was the afterlife. Fundamental to the obsession with death was a
religious mythology that promoted longings for immortality (afterlife). The Egyptian
deities included many gods, (e.g. Isis, Osiris, and Horus) who dominated their myths.
Beyond the crude parallels with the Christian doctrine of the Trinity and this family of
three are the more pointed analogies between Christ and Osiris. The concept of a
divine king who rises from the dead and is made lord of the world to come was
readily understood by those still in touch with Egyptian traditional religion. Shaw
states, What made Christianity so attractive was the fact that the resurrected and
ascended Lord was not a mythical symbol but a historical person.235 With all the
power placed in their Egyptian deities and kings there lacked a connection to a real
person after death that had more power than the person who died. They made grand
preparations for the king, generally as soon as he came into power, in order for him
to go to a place in hope of a better life. Christianity offered the missing link, Jesus
234
235
Shaw, The Kingdom of God in Africa : A Short History of African Christianity 23-4.
97
Christ, which taught that he was the son of the living God who would provide
passage not only to the afterlife but life everlasting.
Significant preparation for the coming of the gospel to Egypt was the tradition of
divine kingship.236 From the rainmakers (who controlled the rains and floods) grew
the idea of a semi-divine chief/king who stood halfway between God and man. Clark
provides the following example:The pharaoh was considered the incarnation of
Horus, thus the son in the flesh of Isis, Osiris. Some ancient texts even equate the
pharaoh with the supreme god Ra.237 In order to raise the status of the king, this
equality became necessary, with no tangible evidence of a supreme god. The king
was divinely seen as not only the link to the other world but to a supreme god. Death
was not an ending but a beginning, a link to a higher status than what could be
achieved in life. Mokhtar adds:
The treatment of this divine king became highly ritualized. His names
and titles were regarded as sacred. Great pomp accompanied his
appearances. The women surrounding the pharaoh were given special
status, with the wife receiving the title wife of Amon, another name for
the supreme god.238
All of life pointed to death and the rewards it would bring. However, the king and
those closely associated had to represent what they believed would exist in or after
death. The role of a divine king paved the way for the introduction of Jesus Christ.
236
Inner Africa may have provided the roots for the idea. Roland Oliver expresses this concept as Egypts legacy
to the rest of the continent - Roland Anthony Oliver and J. D. Fage, A Short History of Africa, 6th ed. (London:
Penguin, 1988) 54.
237
Desmond J. Clark et al., The Cambridge History of Africa, 8 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1975) vol. 1, 659.
238
G. Mokhtar and Unesco. International Scientific Committee for the Drafting of a General History of Africa.,
Ancient Civilizations of Africa, Abridged Edition ed., General History of Africa (Abridged Ed.) (London; Paris;
Berkeley: James Currey; Unesco; University of California Press, 1990) 84.
98
5.2.1.3 Peace
The third bridge was peace. Speculations of peace and prosperity surrounded the
death of a king, but only for the hereafter. There were hopes of immortality and the
body was embalmed to preserve it long enough to reach that state. The king held a
status in life that was equal to a god, so who had a better chance than the king?
Although this idea of immortality was reserved only for the nobility, over time, even a
common citizen could acquire this hope. Christianitys teaching on eternal life and a
God who promised peace and prosperity, (the very things they sought after), found a
receptive audience on all levels of Egyptian society. Before this the divine king was
judged by a standard of justice called maat, which carried the implications of cosmic
order, peace, and prosperity comparable to the Hebrew concept of shalom. Once the
pharaoh died the tomb became a sacred place and the deceased pharaohs divine
status increased. Nubia provided the link through which the idea of divine kingship
would spread throughout the continent thus reshaping much of African politics and
religion.239 Shaw adds, It also played a role in providing the categories in which to
understand the person and work of Christ as a divine king who promised a kingdom
of shalom that would never end.240 Not only was this state attainable by even the
common citizen of the empire, it did not have the restrictions of death and the ever
present tomb. The assurance of eternity replaced the uncertainty and the arduous
work of embalming and laboring that was to assure life after death.
The demanding task of preparing a king to travel to eternity really progressed after
the death of the king. Although preparations were made upon the pharaohs
239
Nubia is the biblical Kush (the South, hence the Swahili Kushini) which the Septuagint rendered as
Ethiopia (Land of the Sunburnt Faces).Baur, 2000 Years of Christianity in Africa : An African History, 62-1992
31.
240
99
inauguration with the building of the temple and gathering gifts and furnishings for
the temple, it was after death that the task of preparing the body began. The proper
removal of vital organs and retention of the heart was essential. Each step had to be
done according to ritual or the body of the dead was in jeopardy of not reaching its
soul or spirit. Christianity offered a less complicated way of achieving immortality and
a promised place to reside that even the poorest person could look forward to
achieving. One could enjoy life and not be consumed with the preparation for death
and the afterlife.
5.2.2 Jewish Diaspora
The second key to Egypts receptivity was that from Egypts Jewish Diaspora rose a
community of Jews. Having had no access to the Hebrew original scriptures, the
Greek translation of the Hebrew Bible (the Septuagint) was available from 280 BCE.
This allowed the Jews in the Diaspora to communicate with the Greek speaking
population which surrounded them. It is believed that this was the scripture being
read by the Ethiopian eunuch whom Philip met going to Jerusalem from Gaza.
Isichei also suggests Greek-speaking Jews of Egypt and Cyrene were present at
Pentecost.241
5.2.3 Tradition of Mark
The third key is the Coptic Church belief and tradition of Mark being the first apostle
to Egypt and that he was martyred in Alexandria.242 Although not strictly
documented, we have Clements early reference and also that of Eusebius on which
241
Isichei, A History of Christianity in Africa : From Antiquity to the Present 16.

The identity of Mark as the evangelist or John Mark in Acts is debated in Lardner and Kippis. Also debated is
the time he spent in Egypt if at all. 325-327.
242
100
to rely.243 However the spirit of this tradition continues to be an essential part of

African Christianity. In combination with the earlier story of Jesus escape to Egypt, it
is not hard to imagine the pride of Africa in its earliest encounters with Christianity.
Later, scripture presents an account of Jewish Christians from Cyrene preaching to
Gentiles in Antioch: the Lords power was with them and a great number of people
believed and turned to the Lord (Acts 11.20-21). The teachers at Antioch were said
to include Lucius from Cyrene and Simeon called the black.244 Shaw reveals that,
the Coptic church regards Marks founding of the church as beyond dispute. Visitors
to Egypt can see the site of St. Marks tomb in Boukolou.245 This tenacity in the face
of opposition and lack of conclusive historical evidence links the present to the past.
The Coptic Church still stands by the traditions and beliefs of the first-century church.
Despite the subsequent contradictions to Clement and Eusebius, the entrance of first
Islam and later corruption in the faith, Egypt stands firm in proclaiming the gospel of
Jesus Christ, as proclaimed by the first-century believers, such as Mark, Clement
and Eusebius. The legacy of the first-century church creates a back drop to
Christianity in Egypt today. Oden states, The hundreds of millions of Christians
dwelling in Africa provide more than enough testimony that they feel quite at home.
Christianity is not alien to Africa or to African traditional religion.246 The latter will be
dealt with more fully in Chapter Six.
Egypts continued place in Christian history is further advanced by the belief that the
Nicene Creed, adopted by the Coptic Church was said to be penned primarily by St.
243
Eusebius and Christian Frederic Crus, The Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius Pamphilus, Bishop of Cesarea,
in Palestine : In Ten Books (Philadelphia: R. Davis, 1833) 11, 16.
244
Mark 15.21; Acts 2, 5-12; 11, 20, 13:1; 18-24
245
Shaw, The Kingdom of God in Africa : A Short History of African Christianity 26. Boukolou is the site of one of
the earliest known churches in Egypt.
246
Oden, How Africa Shaped the Christian Mind : The African Seedbed of Western Christianity 32.
101
Athanasius, an African from Egypt.247 Athanasius, along with Patriarch Alexander

and Longinus, the bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, 248 were said to have worded
this document; also referred to as the Athanasian Creed. Subsequent councils were
also attended by Africans from Alexandria. The Third Ecumenical Council at
Ephesus in 431 CE had as its president Pope Kyrillos the First, the twenty-fourth
Patriarch of the Church of Alexandria, known as the Pillar of Faith. He is believed to
have worded the introduction to the Creed which is still recited by the Coptic Church
as a prefix to the Nicene Creed substantiating Africas influence in the early
ecumenical world.
Some historians believe that Christianity was introduced to Nubia in the sixth century
by missionaries from Byzantium.249 Arberry records the only extant Donatist
document from the period identifies the Vandal King with the Beast of Revelations
(Rev. 4,6,17 and 20) and then of Berber nomads, Lawata, ignorant of the Christian
God.250
However, the following statements refute the above claims. While Bishop Athanasius
of Alexandria consecrated one Marcus as bishop of Philae before his death in 373,
showing that Christianity had penetrated the region by the fourth century, John of
Ephesus251 records that a Monophysite priest named Julian252 converted the king
247
Altschul, An Unbroken Circle : Linking Ancient African Christianity to the African-American Experience 13.
The name of an extensive inland district of Asia Minor (modern Turkey). Encyclopaedia Britannica inc., The
New Encyclopaedia Britannica, 15th ed., 32 vols. (Chicago: Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1997).
249
250
A. J. Arberry, Religion in the Middle East : Three Religions in Concord and Conflict, 2 vols. (London:
Cambridge University Press, 1969). On this obscure last phase, cf. W. H. C. Frend, Christianity in the Middle
East: Survey down to CE 1800, in A. J. Arberry, ed., Religion in the Middle East (Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge, 1969) pp. 280-283, and Brett, The Arab Conquest, pp. 509-11.
251
Born in Amida, a city in the north of Mesopotamia, probably about 516 CE; was a monophysite historian, also
known as John of Asia. He was a missionary to Nubia which included Makuria which was a southern kingdom.
Laurence Kirwan et al., Studies on the History of Late Antique and Christian Nubia (Aldershot, Hampshire, Great
Britain ; Burlington, Vt.: Ashgate/Variorum, 2002) XVI 289-90.
248
102
and his nobles of Nobatia around 545. John of Ephesus also writes that the kingdom
of Alodia was converted around 569. However, John of Bisclorum253 records that the
kingdom of Makuria254 was converted to Roman Catholicism255 the same year,
suggesting that John of Ephesus might have been mistaken. Further doubt was cast
on John's testimony by an entry in the chronicle of the Greek Orthodox Patriarch of
Alexandria Eutychius, which stated that in 719, the church of Nubia transferred its
allegiance from the Greek Orthodox to the Coptic Church.
The above summary exemplifying the controversy in Christian Nubian history is

noted to further express the existence of Christianity in Africa before the arrival of the
Portuguese. Also addressed is the rivalry among Christian leaders to implement and
subsequently further doctrines held by the above leaders and nobles to the detriment
of the accuracy of Christian history in Africa and possible hindrance to the
dissemination of the gospel. This too would speak to the ability of the Islam faith to
infiltrate and overtake many of the people of this region in their beliefs.256
The catechetical school of Alexandria, founded in Africa, is recorded as the first

Christian university (180 CE).257 It offered theological instruction and prepared
252
Egyptian priest; a monophysite and a follower of the Empress Theodora, also held in favor by Theodore, the
old Bishop of Philae. Kirwan et al., Studies on the History of Late Antique and Christian Nubia XVIII 127.
253
Cited as "Biclarum" a Melkite chronicler, was a contemporary of John of Ephesus, whose writings held
oppositional views not only within the faith but dates of conversions as noted above. Kirwan et al., Studies on the
History of Late Antique and Christian Nubia XIX 50.
254
Makuria (Makurra), one of three kingdoms of Nubia lay south of Nobatia. The Makurites were converted by an
Orthodox mission from Constantinople around 569 CE and establised direct links with the imperial city.Lloyd A.
Thompson and John Ferguson, Africa in Classical Antiquity; Nine Studies ([Ibadan, Nigeria]: Ibadan University
Press, 1969) 53-54.
255
The phrase used here perhaps refers to the disputed influence by the Byzantinian (Roman) culture on Melkite
(Catholic) Nubia mentioned in this source. Kirwan et al., Studies on the History of Late Antique and Christian
Nubia XVI 294.
256
For a more comprehensive discourse of the history of Christianity in Ancient Nubia see: Joseph E. Holloway,
Africanisms in American Culture, Blacks in the Diaspora (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1990),
Thompson and Ferguson, Africa in Classical Antiquity; Nine Studies.
257
G. S. P. Freeman-Grenville, Chronology of African History ([London, New York]: Oxford University Press,
1973) 21.
103
scholars to introduce the Christian message to others. As a missionary endeavor this

was mostly directed toward those in school and less to convert the population of the
interior. Thus we have some indications of why Christianity did not reach West Africa
until centuries later and also a possible reason for its failure to flourish when faced
with the attacks of the Vandals258 and encounters with those of the Muslim faith. In
the second half of the first century Christianity gained its first supporters among the
God-fearing259 people of Alexandria. Christianitys spread in Egypt, encountered
people of cultural differences; among them were the Greek speaking population of
the Delta who were acquainted with the Septuagint. They in turn were influenced by
Greek philosophy and Platonic ideals.
The first half of the first millennium is considered the period of Africas greatest
energy where African intellect was considered to be extremely influential. It was
sought after and copied widely by Christians of the northern and eastern
Mediterranean shores. Names common to Christian history and literature were
persons who were products of the African intellectualism of the day. Oden remarks
that, Origen, an African, was actively sought out by the teachers of Caesarea
Palestina. Lactantius was invited by Emperor Diocletian (245-313) to be a teacher of
literature in his Asian palace in Bithynia. Augustine was invited to teach in Milan. 260
Others mentioned by Oden in the intellectual movement from Africa to Europe are
Plotinus, Valentinus, Tertullian, Marius Victorinus and Pachomius. Oriental religions
258
The invasion of Northern Africa by an East Germanic tribe called Vandals preceded the sacking of Rome by
nearly 25 years; 429 and 455 respectively. A. H. Merrills, Vandals, Romans and Berbers : New Perspectives on
Late Antique North Africa (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2004).
259
Defined: members of the gentile-community who affiliate themselves to some degree with Jewish worship,
who are interested in Jewish-morality and monotheism yet are not in obedience to some aspects of the Jewish
Law (often circumcision) as a "'proselyte'" Craig A. Evans and Stanley E. Porter, Dictionary of New Testament
Background (Downers Grove, Ill. ; Leicester: Inter-Varsity, 2000).
260
104
began to take a back seat to the early Gnostics presentation of the Christian faith to
the more highly educated of Alexandria. Christianity was then presented as a
superior philosophy giving a more coherent explanation to the workings and
understanding of the universe. Falk states, This teaching was widespread in
Alexandria during the first part of the second century. Basilide, Valentin, and
Carpocrate were prominent leaders of the movement.261
Origen, an early Christian scholar and theologian was one of the most distinguished
fathers of the Christian Church. Oden reveals, Basil and the Gregories introduced
Origens basic teaching and forms of exegesis of Scripture to both Europe and Asia
in their early collection called the Philocalia (c. 360). 262 He is known to have laid the
groundwork for the rules and methods for interpreting Scripture and was considered
Africas greatest scientific investigator of sacred texts. By the fourth and fifth century
African exegetes like Didymus the Blind, Tyconius and Augustine of Hippo followed
suit. Oden adds, Among the most decisive things Augustine personally learned in
Italy, according to his own Confessions (8.6.14), was the impact made upon him by
hearing from Pontitianus of the holy life of Antony of the African desert, written by the
African patriarch Athanasius.263 African influence in the first millennium cannot be
denied. Texts considered products of Greek and Rome such as early Greek and
Latin Bibles before Jerome (the Septuagint and the Old Latin Bible versions) were
both products of Africa. In the twenty-eight volumes of the Ancient Christian
261
Falk, The Growth of the Church in Africa 29.

263
262
105
Commentary on Scripture264 there is a proliferation of texts from Africa or writings

influenced by Africans among large amounts of patristic comments on the Scriptures.
The monastic life of the African church was a vehicle in the spreading of Christianity
from eastern to western Africa. Oden states, The suffering of the African martyrsMark in Alexandria and Cyprian in the Maghreb-became the pattern for early
monasticism in Africa long before it did elsewhere.265 The Egyptian desert became
the environment in which monasticism germinated, and soon thereafter Numidia,
Libya (Tripolitania), Byzacena (present day Tunisia) and all the way to Mauretania in
the northwest of Africa. Monasticism prospered less well on the coast of Africa but
found its greatest successes on the inland deserts, rugged mountains, the salt flats
of Nitris, and further south in the Theban desert wastes where the atmosphere for
solitude and contemplation could be found. Within this type of environment, it took
hold in two major African centers; Scetis (south of Alexandria) and Numidia.
Although the persecutions in Egypt caused the Christians to flee to the interior of the
country, spreading the gospel message in the Coptic language and planting
churches wherever they went, theological controversies weakened and slowed the
process of the Christian ministry in Egypt. Despite the efforts of monasteries which
began as a laymans movement and, which significantly added in the establishment
of this indigenous Christianity in Egypt, the church missed the mark somehow. Falk
offers one explanation: But the Egyptian patriarch could have rendered a greater
264
Thomas C. Oden, "Ancient Christian Commentary on Scripture. Volume I. Cd-Rom," (Downers Grove, Ill.:
InterVarsity Press, 2005).
265
106
service to the church if there had been a more sincere search for the truth, plus the
humility to accept it. 266
Using the term Hellenistic chauvinists, Oden suggests that such persons need to
be reminded that Philo, Ammonias Saccas and Plotinus, the central players in NeoPlatonism, were all Africans. Although, born in Africa, philosophers like Marius
Victorinus would come to reside in Rome; others like Bishop Synesius would remain
in Cyrenaica (present day Libya). Discussions of the connections and distinctions
between logos philosophy and the Christian teaching of God were first introduced by
Christian teachers including Clement of Alexandria. Oden states, Modern
intellectual historians have become too accustomed to the east premise that
whatever Africa learned, it learned from Europe.267
The first Christian church was established in Jerusalem, which is part of Asia, and
was from where the scripture records that Philip left to go to Gaza and meeting an
Ethiopian which whom he shared the gospel. After being baptized the Ethiopian took
his new faith home, which was into Africa along the Nile River.268 Although evidence
of evangelization of Ethiopia is sketchy, spreading the gospel (the good news) was
expected of those who had converted to Christianity (Acts 1.8). Years later, churches
began to spread out across both Africa and Europe as Christianitys path crossed
from northern Africa where they grew strong. Oden makes reference to the growth
of African Christianity speaking to the tenacity of those entrusted to the gospel:
266
Falk, The Growth of the Church in Africa 57-58.

Oden, How Africa Shaped the Christian Mind : The African Seedbed of Western Christianity 55-56.
268
John Foster, Church History, 2 vols., Tef Study Guide (London: S.P.C.K. in association with the United
Society for Christian Literature for the Theological Education Fund, 1972) 105.vol 1,
267
107
Early African Christianity did not prevail in all of the reaches of the
continent, but it did eventually influence the whole known continent. It
did not survive the first millennium in many parts of North Africa, but in
those few centuries its impact was felt on the whole of world
Christianity.269
Out of Africa comes Christianity in its purest form (first-century teachings), yet Africa
has been robbed of not only its heritage but the dignity of being the birthplace of
early Christian doctrine and dissemination of the gospel of Jesus Christ. The
following quote captures the essence of the stance taken for the inclusion of this
information.
Major participants in Euro-American theology seem to have thus
missed entirely the literary richness of the distinctive African Christian
imprint on proto-Europe and the formation of the Christian mind. These
mistakes have been passed on through the graduate studies programs
that have formed scholars of all continents subliminally. The liberal bias
wrongly assumed that Africa was inexperienced in understanding
cultural conflict resolution and only needed larger doses of European
enlightenment to solve its maladies. It is more accurately described as
a specific prejudice of Hegelian idealism to assume that everything of
intellectual importance that happened near the Mediterranean is really
at heart European and therefore hardly could be imagined to have had
an African origin. African origins are prima facie ruled out. Here is
where Alexandria gets its unjustified reputation as being simply a nonAfrican extension of the European intellect.270
The following accounts are interpreted pointing to Africas beliefs in its participation
in the history of Christianity. The Acts of the Apostles also presents an account in
269
Oden, How Africa Shaped the Christian Mind : The African Seedbed of Western Christianity 57-58. Here
Oden is referring to Georg Wilhem Fredrick Hegel - German Philosopher.
270
108
which shortly after Jesus Christ ascended into heaven the Holy Spirit appeared to
Christians in Jerusalem and the church began spreading to Africa and Europe (2:4147). Philip evangelized the Ethiopian at Gaza and several years later churches were
started in Egypt and then in the rest of northern Africa. It was twenty years after Paul
began his missionary journeys in Asia that he finally reached Europe during his third
missionary journey 54 CE.271 Before Paul began his first missionary journey in 47
CE, not only had Philip come in contact with the Ethiopian, but Acts 10 records that
Peter had already preached to Cornelius family in Caesarea (39 CE) and Mark
(although disputed) had taken the gospel to Egypt (42 CE). Christianity had reached
northern Africa and was growing rapidly and although it did not prevail throughout
the entire continent, its influence did. Not surviving the first millennium in many parts
of northern Africa, did not impede the impact of African Christianity on Christians
worldwide.
Oden discusses seven ways Africa shaped the Christian mind with the considerable
transfer of scholarly strength and creativity from Africa to Europe. They are:
academia, exegesis, dogmatism, ecumenism, monastic communities, philosophy
and dialectics. He mentions the library of Alexandria, which was unsurpassed for five
centuries, serving as the model for European university libraries. However, for
purposes of this thesis, the monastic communities are key to the dissemination of the
gospel from the heart of the Nile to western Africa. This occurred from two major
African centers; Scetis272 and Numidia (southern Egypt), sprang monasteries that
271
William J. Conybeare and J. S. Howson, The Life and Epistles of St. Paul ([n.p.,).
Famous Egyptian monastery of the fourth century (http://www.hermitary.com/articles/moses.html) January 24,
2010.
272
109
spread throughout northern Africa to Mauretania on the northwest coast during the
fourth century.
5.3
The Dissemination of Christianity in Northern Africa
This section examines the dissemination of Christianity across northern Africa and
possible connections with the reintroduction to West Africans beginning in the
fifteenth century. The role of the Christian church and trades routes are the main
vehicles discussed in this process. Monasteries as a means of spreading Christianity
were previously discussed in 5.2 of this thesis.
The records of the development of the church in this area have not been preserved.
However, according to Synesius (Greek bishop of Ptolemais in Libya) letters, there
were half a dozen bishoprics in the area in 410.273 Christianity did not only rest in the
eastern corner of Africa but spread throughout the Maghrib (North Africa). Africa, in
the first century experienced much in the way of the dissemination of the gospel. Its
connection with the Jewish pogrom of CE 58 and the Jewish rising of 73 to the
institution of the Catholic Church left in its wake the beginnings of Gnosticism and
Monophysitism. The passion for truth was exhibited in the Christian martyrs of Africa
as well as the Greek and Roman worlds of the first century. Isichei suggests, The
known Christian history of the Maghrib begins dramatically in 180 CE, with the
martyrdom of five women and seven men from the little village of Scilli, near
Carthage.274 Isichei recounting the story, says that in the bag of one of the martyred
were the books and letters of Paul, a just man. A Roman proconsul, described as a
religious man who presided at their trial, tried to dissuade them and suggested they
take thirty days to think things over, but the Scilli martyrs refused saying: Today we
273
274

110
are martyrs in heaven, Thanks be to God.275 Dominated by a passion for martyrdom

these words resound through African Christian history.
With limited knowledge of the beginning of the Christian church in Africa and its early
growth until the end of the second century, the earliest dependable records reveal
however a well-established church. Britten recounts, The late Dr. Byang Kato of
Nigeria has correctly pointed out that during the first 200 years of the Christian
church, the strongest churches were in North Africa and western Asia.276 An
organized religion with established doctrines and beliefs in place is thus indicated.
The leaders called upon the emperors to think about the soundness of their faith and
provide open-mindedness for it. Falk states, Justin Martyr, the philosopher from
Asia Minor, spent some time in North Africa. Dressed in his philosophers cloak, he
argued for the reasonableness of the Christian faith according to philosophic
thought. From North Africa, he went to Rome where he died a martyrs death in
166.277 Furthermore Walker remarks that, Tertullian (born c. 155), an apologist of
the Christian faith, presented his apology to the emperor, hoping to promote a
greater understanding of the Christian faith.278 Many would scoff at first-century
African philosophy, making one believe that the abundance of extant documents
belonged solely to Greek and Roman philosophers. Eusebius writes concerning the
validity of Mark- being the first to evangelize Africa and it is debated perhaps
because it is Africa. However there is no question of his validity.
The following point made by P. Schaff is largely accepted and rarely debated: As
commerce with Rome was quite well established and there was a flow of emigrants
275

Bruce Britten, We Don't Want Your White Religion (Manzini, Swaziland: B. Britten, 1984) 11.
277
278
Williston Walker, A History of the Christian Church, 4th ed. (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1986) 67.
276
111
between Rome and Carthage, Christianity came to North Africa from Rome.279 Yet,
that the Ethiopian eunuch could possibly evangelize his own people is overlooked.280
This is part of the degradation of the indigenous people. Falk in his discussion of
traditional view concerning the dissemination of the gospel in Ethiopia uncovers the
following statements.
The names of early Christians indicate that they probably were
servants who had been taught by their masters. The martyrdom of
twelve Christians in A.D. 180 reveals that they were of the Romanized
population of Numidia. This indicates the spread of the Christian faith
among the people of North Africa toward the end of the second
century.281
What of Africas traditional religion? The encounter of Portuguese in the fifteenth
century with Africa indicated a disbelief in its viability as a civilized culture. Africa is
depicted as hedonistic and without religion. Africas traditional and Christian religious
histories were either not known, ignored or not evident. Suggestions follow which
may shed some light.
The gradual process of the extinction of Christianity in the Maghrib is one of the
great mysteries of African history. Alhough the evidence is fragmented, it is clear that
the Arab invaders encountered a Christian culture largely confined to the towns and
weakened both by sectarian divisions and by the invasions of first, Arian Vandals
(the Vandals were Gothic in language and Arian in religion) and persecuted
Catholics and Donatists impartially.282 Falk suggests that the church was
279
Philip Schaff, History of the Christian Church, 3rd ed., 8 vols. (Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson Publishers,
1996) 2:27.
280
Oden, How Africa Shaped the Christian Mind : The African Seedbed of Western Christianity 96-97.
281
282
Discussed summarily: Falk, The Growth of the Church in Africa 42-58.
112
strengthened through dynamic leaders, such as Tertullian and Cyprian, but

weakened through doctrinal controversies, Montanism, Manichaeism, Donatism and
Pelagianism and through its encounter with external peoples.283 He states:
It was a dynamic form of Christianity, producing great scholars and
theologians like Tertullian, Origen, Clement of Alexandria and
Augustine. African Christianity made a great contribution to
Christendom through scholarship, participation in Church councils,
defense of the Faith, movements like monasticism, theology,
translation and preservation of the Scriptures, martyrdom, the famous
Catechetical School of Alexandria, liturgy and even heresies and
controversies.284
From 64 to 311 CE the church in North Africa endured persecutions and with it
Christians multiplied. Fleeing persecution, churches were planted and monasteries
sprang up, supporting a theory that indigenous Christianity in Egypt can be attributed
to monks. However theological controversies and doctrines slowed the dissemination
of Christianity in Egypt. Had the leaders been more concerned with truth the
Egyptian church would have prospered in reaching local people despite Muslim
teachings. Falk contends that in order for a religion to be successful it must become
indigenous.285 He suggests that Christianity failed in this area because it was too
Romanized. Another suggestion is that, The Bible was translated into Latin but was
not made available either in the Punic or in the Berber language. 286 These were the
languages of the people. The use of the Latin language prevented Christianity from
taking strong roots in North Africa in the services and in the preparation of Christian
283

Mbiti, African Religions & Philosophy 230.
285
286
Falk, The Growth of the Church in Africa.
284
113
literature. When suppression and invasion came, the church lost contact with the
indigenous people.
Falk adds that language, as well as cultural differences between the people of the
Delta and those of the interior, slowed down the natural dissemination of the gospel
among the people of Middle and Upper Egypt, where the Coptic language, the
dominion of the priests of the popular Egyptian religion, and the old Egyptian religion
stood in the way287.
The above analysis helps to explain the apparent absence of an organized religion
reaching into the fifteenth century. However, Christianity seemed to have spread into
the upper regions of Egypt as early as the late second century. Neander, Schneider
and Torrey support the theory of the spread of the gospel through persecution.
Persecution once again was the agent in the wake of the Christians in Thebias
under the Emperor Septimius Severus, following the edit of A.D. 202 forbidding
conversions to Christianity and Judaism.288 Persecution largely confined to Egypt
and North Africa led to further expansion of the church, sending Christians fleeing
southwards to the cataract regions and to the west into Libya. They continued
proclaiming the gospel to indigenous people which caused the church to become
rooted in the indigenous populations; the Coptic language, not a hindrance it seems
here, was in use and the church took on a national character.
Therefore, there is a possibility that Christianity may have spread across Africa via
trade and trade routes. Their development across the continent may have linked
Christianity in east Africa to West Africa as far back as the first century. The Iron Age
287

August Neander, K. F. Th Schneider, and Mary Cutler Torrey, General History of the Christian Religion and
Church, 13th American ed., 5 vols. (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1871) 1:83.
288
114
evidences West Africas trade route extending to the Mediterranean and received
added incentive with the growth of the port city of Carthage. Carthage (founded c.
800 BCE), became one station for West African gold, ivory, and slaves. Also along
these routes West Africa received salt, cloth, beads, and metal goods. Shillington
identifies this trade route as the source for West African iron smelting. 289 Trade
routes, as logistical networks with identifiable patterns and stoppages, not only
served to transport goods from place to place, but new ideas and teachings along
the way. The trade route became established over time and if well travelled, lasted
for millennia. With the passage of time diversities of culture and often religious
beliefs were casually, yet purposely, transported from country to country, coast to
coast, and even across continents.
Trade continued into Roman times as travel became more intricate and the routes
became more established. Because of distance being a factor, it would seem
atypical to conduct business through direct personal contacts. Yet there are typical
references to direct travel from the Mediterranean to West Africa. However, most
trade was conducted through middlemen who inhabited the area aware of passages
through the drying lands.290 Opportunities for social contact and free exchanges of
ideas were prevalent along these routes.
Trans-Saharan trade, encompassing lands from the Mediterranean to West Africa,
had existed from pre-historic times but was at its peak from the eighth to the
sixteenth centuries. Hallett reveals, By the end of the first millennium A.D. regular
289
Kevin Shillington, History of Africa, Rev. 2nd ed. (Oxford; New York: Macmillan Education; Palgrave
Macmillan, 2005) 46.
290
Charles Daniels, The Garamantes of Southern Libya (Cambridge, England ; New York, N.Y.: Oleander Press,
1970) 22.
115
trade routes had been established across the Sahara. 291 Hundreds of Maghribi or
Levantine merchants had visited and even settled in the commercial centers of the
Sudan. Is it so hard to imagine that these same roads that brought Muslim scholars
from Cordoba and Baghdad had not previously brought Christian scholars acquiring
first-hand descriptions of the lands beyond the desert? Maghribi merchants were
most familiar with those parts of the Sudan that provided the southern termini of the
trans-Saharan routes, and it is of these areas, such as Ghana and Kanem, that the
most detailed descriptions have been preserved. Both regions shared the
commercial advantage of occupying the end of the main trans-Saharan routes.
Muslims and Christians in the Maghrib had in common an equal fervor for truth, and
a similar combativeness. However, Muslims succeeded where Christians failed in
spreading their faith far to the south, across the Saharan trade routes, and into the
western Sudan. In search of truth, Brown states, In the Roman ruins of Hippo, Arab
visitors looked for the cathedral of Augodjin, a great doctor of the Christian
religion.292 Coming upon public baths in this region they mistakenly took them for
the Roman cathedral of Augodjin, Iglisia Rumi.293 Owing to the grandeur of
paganism compared to the poverty of Christianity the quest points to awareness by
Muslims that Christianity preceded Islam.
Hallett, in discussing the development of territories and states in West Africa
observes, The early traditions of West African peoples are full of stories of
migration, but these stories must usually be taken as referring only to a small section
291
Robin Hallett, Africa to 1875; a Modern History (Ann Arbor,: University of Michigan Press, 1970) 141-42.
Quoted in Peter Robert Lamont Brown, Augustine of Hippo : A Biography, New ed. (London: Faber, 2000)
190.They mistook the ruined baths for the remains of a church.
293
Erwan Marec and Algeria. Service des antiquits., Hippone, Antique Hippo Regius ([Alger: Imprimerie
Officielle, 1950) 89.
292
116
of the community.294 West Africas linguistic map has a staggering number of

diverse languages which proposes a state of cultural stability maintained over a very
long period. No doubt some ideas ultimately derived from Kush or ancient Egypt
reached West Africa, but they must have suffered considerable modification in the
process of transmission, and they could have represented only one element in the
complex pattern of the cultures that developed in the region. Hallett states:
Early Muslim writings confirm that the people of West Africa operated a
sophisticated network of trade, usually under the authority of a
monarch who levied taxes and provided bureaucratic and military
support to his kingdom. Sophisticated mechanisms for the economic
and political development of the involved African areas were in place
before Islam further strengthened trade, towns and government in
western Africa.295
Islam replaced the managers of the trade route, but can it be said they controlled the
travelers and the ideas, political and/or religious thoughts of those traveling? It is
therefore not unreasonable to speculate that Christians from Ethiopia, North Africa
and Arabia shared the gospel message with the trading partners from the ancient
kingdoms of west and southeast Africa?
The knowledge of the biblical God came before the European missionaries landed in
the land of Phut. In the biblical Table of Nations (Genesis 10:6 cf. I Chronicles 1:8),
Phut is named as the third son of Ham, who is one of the sons of Noah. Josephus
describes Phut, as the founder of Libya to the south, and called the inhabitants
294
Hallett, Africa to 1875; a Modern History 145-46.

"History of Western Africa" Encyclopaedia Britannica inc., "Encyclopaedia Britannica 2005 Ultimate Reference
Suite," (Chicago, IL: Encyclopaedia Britannica, Inc., 2005).
295
117
Phutites, from himself.296 This biblical Libya is not exactly the same as modern day
Libya.297 In biblical text, Kush (Cush) along with Phut and Libya were said to be
helpers of Egypt. Burton connects Christianity from east to west through Muslim
missionaries. Direct access to the bible was not necessary since many would have
been familiar with major biblical stories and characters through the work of Muslim
missionaries. Names like Abraham, Moses, and Jesus would have been familiar to
them as they may have come in contact with Christians along the routes. Burton
presents the following argument.
Just by exposure to the Quran, they would have heard stories of the
virgin birth and Jesus miraculous healing ministry. They would have
heard Jesus referred to as the Messiah and been familiar with his role
on the day of judgment. The sons of Put may not have been exposed
to the interpretation of biblical faith that predominated the cathedrals of
Europe, but they had already been provided with practical glimpse of
Gods Word. The foundation for the gospel had already been laid. One
cant help but wonder how different things would have been in the
territory of the Bantu if the European missionaries had entered the
continent with pure motives.298
By the third century, Christianity had spread west to Mauretania. Oden states, From
the start of the third century Tertullian was aware that Christians were being
persecuted in Mauretania.299 He continues by recounting that the bishops of
Mauretania took an active part in wide-ranging African councils in Carthage. One
bishop in particular is clearly called a Mauretanian (Quintas). Furthermore, by the
296
Flavius Josephus, William Whiston, and Susan B. Anthony Collection (Library of Congress), The Works of
Flavius Josephus: Comprising the Antiquities of the Jews; a History of the Jewish Wars; and Life of Flavius
Josephus, Written by Himself (Philadelphia,: J. B. Smith & co., 1854) Book 1:6/2.
297
Herodotus used the name Libya to refer to Africa. Herodotus, Robert B. Strassler, and Andrea L. Purvis, The
Landmark Herodotus : The Histories (London: Quercus, 2008).
298
Keith Augustus Burton, The Blessing of Africa : The Bible and African Christianity (Downers Grove, Ill.: IVP
Academic, 2007) 204-05.
299
118
third century Caesarea Mauretania (Cherchel) had a Christian community whose

cemetery goes back to the persecution of Septimius Severus. Additionally, Tipasa,
on the coast of western Algeria, has necropolis evidences and third-century votive
inscriptions showing a Christian presence before Constantine.300
Christianity was well established in north Sudan, but how far south was it established
in the first millennium? The number of Coptic and Ethiopian Christians who continue
to recall and practice the tradition of early Christianity greatly outnumber those in the
Maghrib, due to the fury of the Arab conquest. The dissemination of Christianity
appears to end in the upper westerly portion of Africa. The next section discusses
the possibility that Christianity and the traditional religions of the African people have
common ground. This discussion provides information essential to the re-reading of
Colossians from an African American postcolonial perspective. Also the similarities
between Christianity and African Traditional Religion are discussed to investigate a
possible link to first-century Christian teachings and its dissemination from the
eastern to western African (see subsection 5.2 5.3).
300
119
P ART TWO CHAPTER SIX

AFRICAN TRADITIONAL RELIGION (ATR)
Describing ATR, in the sense of its/their origins, tends to be difficult in that they
cannot be traced to any one particular group of people. Africa is not a continent with
people sharing common traditions and so the religions of Africa, although they come
under the umbrella of traditional religions, are varied in many respects. However,
ATR does have universal points which are discussed in subsection 6.3. Hallett
suggests, Yet, every religion, not only the so-called historical religions, has a history
behind it insofar as it must have been shaped by the thoughts and actions of
individual men and women.301
Oden writes that Africas traditional religions are said to pre-date Christianity by
thousands of years. There is an enduring pre-Christian traditional African religious
past in the north of Africa during the entire first Christian millennium: Pharaonic,
proto-Nubian, Libyan, Capsian and Ghanian, reaching far back into African
prehistory. 302 They remained indigenously African even under a military force that
compels them to adapt to multiple colonial coercions. Early Christianity met not only
with Greco-Roman religions but had to deal with traditional African cultures in the
remote villages of the Maghreb (also Maghrib) and Nile.
J. S. Mbiti credits Christianity with transforming traditional African religion. With their
combined strength they were able to stand up to what could have been seen as
idolatrous Roman imperial civic religion. He further points out that in a study of
comparative metaphors it is clear how the motifs of ancient Pharaonic religion (such
301
302
Hallett, Africa to 1875; a Modern History 70.

120
as spiritual ascent and eternal life) were echoed and included in the works of Origen,
Athanasius and Pachomius.303 Therefore although the traditional religions of Africa
pre-date the introduction of Christianity, much of what we know of the first century is
related to the effects of the teachings of Jesus Christ.
6.1
Triple Heritage
Africas religious history is complex and there are many questions with few answers.
According to Mazrui, Africa is a continent with a triple heritage.304 Western,
indigenous, and Semitic cultures have each found a home for thousands of years in
Africa. This triple heritage is uniquely manifest in the area of religion. Three religions
in particular: Islam, Christianity, and African traditional religion are all deeply rooted
in Africas past and co-existed in various regions at some point in the history of
Africa. So too were the mystery, mythological and Jewish religions in Colossae.
The mutual exclusiveness of Islam, Christianity, and ATR has been overstated
ignoring their mutual influences. Shaw states, The reality is that both ATR and lslam
cultivated a widespread longing for the kingdom of God and for a sacred king that
eventually led millions of Africans to seek their fulfillment in the redemptive reign of
Christ. 305 This view must be substantiated in the context of those who have
experienced and practiced said religions. However in the context of this thesis ATR
is a possible link to first-century Christianity and its reception in the fifteenth by West
Africans who are the ancestors of the enslaved Africans in the New World. It serves
as a key to their understanding of the gospel as presented both in Africa and in North
America during the time of the slave trade and subsequent slavery.
303

Ali Al Amin Mazrui, The Africans : A Triple Heritage, 1st American ed. (Boston: Little, Brown, 1986).
305
Shaw, The Kingdom of God in Africa : A Short History of African Christianity 76.
304
121
6.2
Mid Second Millennium
Christianity in the middle of the second millennium was somewhat of a mixed bag in
Africa. The Portuguese presented the gospel reflecting their culture which may have
proven problematic. Britten explains that it can be likened to a loaf of bread.306 The
bread is Christianity in its fundamental form, but the wrapper that holds it can differ
according to who is presenting it. In this case Europe brought the bread/gospel
wrapped in European culture and doctrines. The Europeans were unwilling to unwrap Christianity so that the Africans could experience it in its elemental form.
As ancestors to the enslaved Africans in the New World the discussion of the identity
and religious beliefs of the West Africans in the fifteenth century provides information
that formulates the re-reading of Colossians from an African American postcolonial
perspective. The practice of Christianity in Africa before the arrival of the Portuguese
can be documented only to the eleventh century.307 However, much of the practices
of traditional religion of West Africa resemble Christianity. In exploring ATR a link is
made between Christianity in first-century Africa and the beliefs of the Africans when
they encountered the Portuguese in the fifteenth century. Traditional religion was a
way of life for those Africans which beliefs they carried with them to the New World.
The Spanish and Portuguese arrived on the west coast of Africa armed with
weapons and the assumption that Africa was devoid of religion of any kind. They
were either uninformed or refused to believe that the people of Africa could possibly
possess a true knowledge of God. Mbiti points out however that, Christianity in
Africa is so old that it can rightly be described as an indigenous, traditional and
306
307
Britten, We Don't Want Your White Religion.

122
African religion. 308 It bears repeating that Christianity was well established in
Northern Africa, which included Egypt, part of the Sudan and Ethiopia long before
the start of Islam in the seventh century.
Mbiti reports that in the fifteenth century the process of evangelization in Africa
began with the trivialization of the African belief in the Supreme Being; treating
African cosmology as fantasy. He further states that because the Africans claim to a
belief in one Supreme Being did not conform to the outward manifestations of the
religions known to the Europeans it was considered erroneous and had to be
corrected. 309 The missionaries could not cope with the thought of divinities and
ancestral spirits taking prominence in Christianity as it had in African religion.310 This
was not the consensus of everyone during that period. J. L. Cox for example names
Bishop John Colenso311 as a controversial person who was bold enough to speak
out for the validity of the African referencing of God and to accept the African names
for God not forcing European names or traditional names from the bible312. Africas
religious history is too vast to be incorporated in this single work but it bears
mentioning the shortcomings of the presentation of the gospel in the fifteenth century
as a precursor to its failures among the enslaved African in the New World. Not
308

Mbiti, African Religions & Philosophy 10. See also , Placide Tempels, Bantu Philosophy (Paris,: Prsence
africaine, 1969) 75-108.
310
Divinities are defined as ministers of God and distinguished from the Supreme Being (God) and lesser spirits.
For a fuller discussion on divinities see Richard J. Gehman, African Traditional Religion in Biblical Perspective,
Rev. ed. (Nairobi: East African Educational Publishers, 2005) 124-46, and E. Bolaji Idowu, African Traditional
Religion: A Definition (London,: S.C.M. Press, 1973) 173.
311
1814-1883; Anglican Bishop of Natal, F. L. Cross and Elizabeth A. Livingstone, The Oxford Dictionary of the
Christian Church, 3rd ed. (Oxford ; New York: Oxford University Press, 1997) s.v.
312
Cox and Haar, Uniquely African? : African Christian Identity from Cultural and Historical Perspectives 93.
309
123
making Christianity indigenous, exploitation and marginalization were key factors in

the failure of the gospel to truly reach the people exposed to it in West Africa.313
Perhaps it can be determined that missionaries, like the writer of the letter to the
Colossians were truly remiss in their attempts to evangelize. Perhaps it was felt that
the message they brought should not be blemished by allowing the indigenous to
interpret scripture in the light of their experiences and customs. The fear was
perhaps the Africans would pervert the message and so former beliefs and customs
were rejected and condemned as heresy. The first part of the following quote is a
misnomer concerning the introduction of Christianity in Africa in the fifteenth
century; however the second supports the missionaries view of ATR. Gairdner and
Mott state, When Christianity was first introduced to Africa, African religion was
rejected as perfect specimens of absolute error, masterpieces of hells invention,
which Christianity was simply called upon to oppose, uproot and destroy 314.
Because no middle ground could be reached between the missionary message and
the African world view a form of religious schizophrenia was created as neither
party could see giving in to the other. Thus Ntoedibe concludes, This influenced
most colonial writers to state that there were no figures in African cultures playing a
similar role to that played by the Jesus of Christianity.315 However, the following
example from African traditional religion shows some similarities.
313
For further discussions see: Burton, The Blessing of Africa : The Bible and African Christianity, Cox and Haar,
Uniquely African? : African Christian Identity from Cultural and Historical Perspectives, Falk, The Growth of the
Church in Africa, Isichei, A History of Christianity in Africa : From Antiquity to the Present, A. F. C. Ryder, Benin
and the Europeans 1485-1897, Ibadan History Series (Harlow: Longmans, 1969).
314
William Henry Temple Gairdner and John R. Mott, Echoes from Edinburgh, 1910 (New York, Chicago [etc.]: F.
H. Revell company, 1910) 137.
315
Gomang Seratwa Ntloedibe, "Ngaka and Jesus as Liberators:A Comparative Reading", Gerald O. West and
Musa W. Dube Shomanah, The Bible in Africa : Transactions, Trajectories, and Trends (Leiden ; Boston: Brill,
2000) 498. Nthoedibe cites Mbiti's "Some African Concepts of Christology." In Ed. G.F. Vicedon, "Christ and the
Young Churches. London: SPCK, 1972, 51-60.
124
Ntloedibe compares Jesus and Ngaka as liberators, saviors and sacred agents.316
Ntloedibe remarks:
The role of Jesus in the Jewish society is similar to the role of Ngaka in
the Batswana society. Yet, when colonial Christianity was introduced to
Batswana, the role of the Ngaka in his/her society was condemned.
The same Jesus who built his reputation of healings in the Jewish
culture was made to be indifferent to Batswana culture by the
missionary enterprise.317
Instead of dismissing the belief in the Ngaka, the missionaries could have been more
successful by exploring the beliefs of the Batswana (Botswana) society. A
comparison could also be made to the writer to the Colossians as he elevates Jesus
over their gods and the Torah. Perhaps, in the case of Batswana, the Ngaka would
have proven to be Jesus. The Batswana were forced to differentiate between the
two, instead of embracing them as one. Instead Jesus was reduced to being referred
as an agent who serves Gods creation and Ngaka takes preeminence as liberator,
savior and sacred agent. West and Dube state, In spite of the attempt to denigrate
the role of the Ngaka, his/her role remains indispensable.318 Similarly the community
in Colossae seemed unwilling to let go of former beliefs which perhaps occasioned
the letter.
6.3
Christianity and ATR
ATR has hundreds of variations, yet, within its specificities, there are enough
universal points to use African Traditional Religion as an umbrella term referring to
316
For more comparisons of Jesus and Ngaka see pages 504-509 in West and Dube Shomanah, The Bible in
Africa : Transactions, Trajectories, and Trends.
317
Gomang Seratwa Ntloedibe West and Dube Shomanah, The Bible in Africa : Transactions, Trajectories, and
Trends 509-10.
318
West and Dube Shomanah, The Bible in Africa : Transactions, Trajectories, and Trends 510.
125
the traditional religions of the people of sub-Saharan Africa. Corduan, making the
comparison between the two states:
The elements that these cultures hold loosely in common include (1)
the recognition and worship of the high god, (2) the importance
attached to relationships with the ancestors; (3) the importance
attached to age grades and rites of passage and (4) a philosophy of life
that focuses on this-worldly concerns and present spiritual agencies.319
Specifically, West African traditional religion sets the stage for the relationship that
existed between the Africans who were shipped to the New World. The beliefs held
by the Africans prior to being sent to the New World followed them and impacted
their reception of Christianity as enslaved (see Subsection 10.6). In describing basic
elements of West African traditional religion E. B. Idowu, basing his study on the
concept of Africa as a whole, proposed a five-fold classification. These are belief in
God, belief in divinities, belief in the ancestors, belief in spirits, belief in the practice
of magic and medicine.320 African tribes acknowledge the supreme God in one way
or another. This one attribute, albeit there are many, stands out because it is
reflected in Christianity as a foundation of belief. In ATR, however, either this god is
recognized fully or with little reflection. Corduan suggests:
The God of ATR fits the picture of the God of original monotheism. God
is thought to be (1) associated with the sky, (2) all-powerful, (3) allknowing, (4) eternal, (5) spirit (not having a physical body), (6) a
person, (7) good, though he can be capricious (unpredictable), (8)
creator of the world, (9) provider.321
319
Winfried Corduan, Neighboring Faiths : A Christian Introduction to World Religions (Downers Grove, Ill.:
320
S. A. Abioye, Basic Text on West African Traditional Religion for Higher Education, [1st ed. ([Akunlemu, Oyo
state, Nigeria: Immaculate-City Publishers, 2001) 25.
321
Corduan, Neighboring Faiths : A Christian Introduction to World Religions 144.
126
This God is not a totally different being from the God of the Christians, although the
name(s) attributed may be. The West African religions had numerous subordinate
gods but God in these contexts is the supreme God. God is Olorun, meaning
owner of the sky; the source of all power.
In West African traditional religion many different gods are recognized that are
inferior to the original supreme God. Among the Yoruba, Olorun has been practically
displaced by Orisa-nla (carried out the actual work of creation). The Yoruba, in fact,
have hundreds of such lower deities called the orisa (estimates vary from 400 to
1,700). It is difficult to know the exact number of gods, because many of them may
be known by several different names. According to Lawson the term god has
referred to the orisa (a common scholarly practice).322 If the use of this terminology is
correct, Yoruba religion is polytheistic; other scholars, however, dispute the
appropriateness of this label.323 According to Mbiti they would rather refer to the
orisa as divinities, thereby indicating that they are something less than gods. This
understanding maintains the idea that ATR is uniformly monotheistic.
Conclusion
Part Two has shown that Africa as an integral part of the dissemination of the gospel
to the world has been largely ignored. The identities of the people of first-century
Africa have proven that Christianity had reached Africa earlier than in Europe and
produced biblical scholars who made major contributions to the literature of early
Christianity. In comparing the first-century inhabitants of both Colossae and Africa
322
E. Thomas Lawson, Religions of Africa : Traditions in Transformation, 1st ed., Religious Traditions of the
World. (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1984).
323
Mbiti, African Religions & Philosophy 75-77.
127
their reception of the teachings of the gospel was met with acceptance of its basic
tenets.
Referring to the African religious system as devil worship, Europeans wanted them
to cease this form of worship and adopt theirs. What the Europeans saw as
polygamy was considered sinful and often a pretentious conversion resulted. Bond,
Johnson and Walker state, The missionaries did get some villages to cease the
overt practice of their traditional religion with the promise to teach them Christianity,
which the Africans imagined to be a stronger religion because it had given the
Europeans the power to conquer them. 324 This did not last very long because this
belief did not meet the total needs of the African. When the villages came upon hard
times, the Christian practices taught by the missionaries were insufficient. They
returned to their old practices when they realized what they were being taught did
not keep misfortune from entering into their lives, often brought on by the exploitation
at the hands of those bringing this seemingly new religion.
So delusional were European missionaries that they did not recognize one of the
oldest Christian churches in the world; the Ethiopian Church. Missionaries still
arrived in Ethiopia with their own religious doctrines and strategies, believing they
were fostering the work of Christianity. Bond, Johnson and Walker also point out,
Their spiritual mission is to convert Ethiopians Christians to Christianity! African
Christianity, like Ethiopian Christianity is Christianity. Both emerged out of an
expanding world system at different periods of historical time.325 The supposition
of bringing Christianity as a new faith to Africa was constantly repeated without
324
George C. Bond, Walton R. Johnson, and Sheila S. Walker, African Christianity : Patterns of Religious
Continuity (New York: Academic Press, 1979) 11.
325
Bond, Johnson, and Walker, African Christianity : Patterns of Religious Continuity xiv.
128
regard for the beliefs already in place. Careful consideration would not only reveal
Christianity in its purest forms, but the knowledge of Christianitys origins on that
continent reflected in ATR.
Altschul, in the following quote, references either the place of Africans among the
martyrs of early Christianity or uses a kind of euphemism in pointing out the
immense sacrifice made by early Christians for the spreading of the gospel. Having
produced tens of thousands of martyrs in the first three centuries after Christ, the
African Church led the way in preserving the vitality of the faith passed on from the
martyrs when Christianity was legally tolerated after 313 A.C.326 African deserts, at
that time, became invigorating sources of life. They were inhabited by holy monks
and virgins as the cities were becoming polluted by political and economic
immoralities. Some Christians were falling prey to and perpetuating these practices
as others went to the deserts of Egypt and Ethiopia to repent and be purified.
The tenacity of the Africans to identify with Christianity although in opposition to it in
some cases, speaks to their acuity in discerning truth in the way it was being
presented. Comparatively, the West Africans and the Colossians accepted the basic
tenets of the gospel, but questioned the application of it as it related to their former
beliefs. In so doing, both groups were negatively labeled and treated as inferior
intellectually and spiritually. In re-reading Colossians, without the obstacle of these
labels, the views of both the Colossians and the enslaved Africans (in particular) are
made clearer. The information discussed in this section is further utilized in
understanding the enslaved Africans reception of Christianity in Part Three.
326
Altschul, An Unbroken Circle : Linking Ancient African Christianity to the African-American Experience xiii.
129
P ART THREE
IDENTITY THROUGH THE ENSLAVED AFRICANS IN NORTH AMERICA
Introduction
Part Two introduced the background of Christianity in Africa as a footprint for the
reception of Christianity among the enslaved Africans in the New World. As shown
with the first-century Colossians and the Africans in the fifteenth century the
enslaved Africans in the New World, when presented with the gospel were not
allowed to make Christianity or their Christian beliefs indigenous. Part Three will
show that the outcome proved beneficial to them despite the oppression and
controlling efforts of the enslavers to subdue them. It also serves as the basis for the
re-reading of Colossians from an African American postcolonial perspective.
A double standard existed where Christianity was practiced by the dominant culture
(enslavers) who enjoyed liberty as they interpreted the scriptures, but for the
subdominant culture (enslaved) it meant servitude and conformity. Becoming
Christians did not improve their way of life as the Bible taught (John 10.10; 2
Corinthians 5.17).The dominant culture neither accepted the language of the
oppressed, nor did they allow them to master their language. With the presentation
of the gospel rules for the form of worship followed. Worship was to conform to
European interpretations of acceptance and the enslaved were to only worship in
methods taught by the dominant culture. These were standards which prevented the
practice of Christianity from being indigenous to the enslaved (See subsection 10.6).
Christianity, although intended to minimize, maximized the humanity of the enslaved
African and takes a central role in the creation of African America. To clarify: the
130
dominant society in this discussion is the enslavers of Africans who were sent to the
New World and the subordinates are the enslaved Africans. The discussion will
focus on the way Biblical language in particular has been used by the dominant
society and the subordinates during the time of the Atlantic Slave Trade and into the
present. Why language? Language was a vehicle used by both the enslaved and
the enslavers to not only accomplish the means for survival as they saw it, but it
identified them. As the dominant culture sought to silence the voice 327 of the
subordinate culture it was met with refusal and their voices united to give utterance
to who they were and what they had to say about themselves. I. Berlin expresses
that, although denied the right to marry, they made families; denied the right to an
independent religious life, they established churches; denied the right to hold
property, they owned many things. Defined as property and condemned as little
more than beasts, they refused to surrender their humanity.328
The discussion will show how language has given voice to and has come to shape
the identity of African America today. Erin Aubry describes the African American
experience as otherness. 329 Powell states, and Language especially
language. It didnt merely survive in the barren cold of otherness; it thrived in it.330 In
this depiction of the other the African American evolved. The evolution however,
did not erase the distinguishing characteristics of race and culture. Wimbush
remarks that, African Americans, perhaps more than any other racial/ethnic group
327
Used here to describe the collective desire to be heard and understood. Henry Louis Gates, 'Writing Race',
Bill Ashcroft, Gareth Griffiths, and Helen Tiffin, The Post-Colonial Studies Reader (London ; New York:
Routledge, 1995) 218."...an authentic black voice - a voice of deliverance from the deafening discursive
silence..."
328
Ira Berlin, Generations of Captivity: A History of African-American Slaves (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press
of Harvard University Press, 2003) 4.
329
Erin Aubry, 'The Soul of Black Talk' in Kevin Powell, Step into a World : A Global Anthology of the New Black
Literature (New York: Wiley, 2000).
330
Powell, Step into a World : A Global Anthology of the New Black Literature 152.
131
in the United States, by historical tradition and present realities, represent radical
otherness of origins, appearance, speech, orientation to world, and (for most, even
today) physical location.331 As with other races, African Americans are
distinguishable by their physical features. However, that is not what makes them
different. Among the defining factors of this race are the language and its
development within their culture.
Three discussions will be presented examining the role of language in the
identification process of the enslaved African in the New World:
The use of language by the enslavers
Second the use of language by the enslaved
Third language as instrumental in sustaining the culture of African Americans
What has thus far been discussed serves as a precursor to the fourth part of this
thesis which will be a re-reading of the epistle to the Colossians from an African
American postcolonial lens. Therefore specific comments will be kept to a minimum
and will only reflect what is pertinent thus far to the discussion.
Differing language between groups of people is a barrier to understanding one
another. When that barrier is overcome, there is then communication, next if
continued, comes dialogue, and finally understanding.332 The early enslavers
seemed to understand this concept to the degree that separation of the slaves from
their relatives and/or neighbors prevented understanding which could possibly lead
331
Wimbush, "Reading..." Fernando F. Segovia and Mary Ann Tolbert, Teaching the Bible : The Discourses and
Politics of Biblical Pedagogy (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1998) 108.
332
Ngugi wa Thiong'o, 'The Language of African Literature', Ashcroft, Griffiths, and Tiffin, The Post-Colonial
Studies Reader 288-89.
132
to rebellion. With the mastery of a language came power. Smitherman states,

However, because of the Black Liberation Movement I learned that language is a
peoples identity, culture, and history, that language is power.333
On one hand, with a common language, the power to unite and rebel was evident;
on the other hand, without a common language, the power to control and enslave
developed. The comparison can be made to the Babel experience in the Bible
(Genesis 11:1-9). There is also evidence in the power of language to manipulate
events. In the language or rhetoric of disease, labeling persons sick or a potential
danger to society places a stigma on those persons. For example, Leviticus 13.44-46
instructs that when a leper came in close proximity of persons not infected, he or she
was instructed to yell, unclean to indicate the potential to harm. In Leviticus 15.19
women were instructed to stay away from others during their period of menstruation.
The flow of blood was believed to represent uncleanness.
Using language to strip the enslaved of power and control are ways the enslaver
benefited from the institution of slavery. Rendering the enslaved powerless to
communicate with others placed them in subjection to the enslaver. The enslaved
was thus labeled illiterate because they were unable to be understood by or to
understand the enslaver. One has to wonder why such lengths were taken. The
effect on the economy through loss of this institution, although not justified, is
evident, but why the extremity?
The enslaved Africans were shipped to a country unfamiliar to them. They were
prohibited from acquiescing to all semblances of their religious practices and form of
333
Geneva Smitherman, Word from the Mother: Language and African Americans, 1st ed. (New York: Routledge,
2006) 145.
133
dress. Their names were also changed. They were neither to mention their former
gods nor recognize them. After being exploited in their homeland, the Africans were
sent to the New World to be further exasperated and denigrated, but before they left,
some had to be catechized and or baptized as Christians.334 Upon arrival in the New
World after being chatteled in a manner worse than the animals on ships, they
were sold to the highest bidder and in most cases immediately separated from their
families.335 This separation was also often done before leaving their homeland. With
the same Bible presented to them in Africa and the promise of salvation, in the New
World they were told that slavery was their plight in life.
The voices of the enslaved Africans were being silenced and the manipulation of
language played a vital role in the process. To expedite matters, because the
demand was great, at one point the catechists were Africans who were taught the
doctrines of the faith by the Church eliminating the need of the enslavers to learn
their language.336 However, upon arrival in the New World, language presented
another problem. The slave traders and future slave owners were unable to
communicate with each other or the slaves. A language had to be created so that the
slave traders, the slaves and the new owners could understand each other. A pidgin
language was created just for that purpose, however after that the owners could use
whatever method they needed to get the point across, mostly it was corporal or other
physical means of communication. There was no time or need to learn the
languages of the enslaved who were brought over to work. There was little chance of
going back as it was too expensive, and they were going to work for free. They were
334
Hugh Thomas, The Slave Trade : The Story of the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1440-1870 (New York, NY: Simon &
Schuster, 1997) 9.
335
Joseph R. Washington, Jr. "Folk Religion and Negro Congregations: The Fifth Religion", Gayraud S. Wilmore,
African American Religious Studies : An Interdisciplinary Anthology (Durham: Duke University Press, 1989) 51.
336
Thomas, The Slave Trade : The Story of the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1440-1870 396.
134
kept in the bowels of the ship sometimes for the entire journey and they had no
means or direction to return home. With the language seemingly confused and their
former lives eradicated, this new strange world was home.
The significance of the languages of the enslaved was lost on the enslaver. To the
enslaver the enslaved Africans were of a subordinate culture and were to be used to
the advantage of the enslaver. The enslaved as indigenous in Africa were now in the
Diaspora in America. The problems with communication between the enslaved and
enslavers were only relevant in the process of enslaving and controlling the
enslaved. Not only were Africa languages not considered important, not meriting
examination, but the enslaved were ridiculed for trying to adjust to their new
language.
When the African came to the United States and encountered in
English certain sounds not present in his native language, he did what
any other person to whom English was a foreign language would have
done under similar circumstances he substituted sounds from his
own language which appeared to him to resemble most closely those
English sounds which were unfamiliar to him.337
Forced to adopt a version of English not acceptable to the enslavers, a common
language evolved because the practice of mixing Africans from different ethniclinguistic groups was developed in order to frustrate communication and rebellion.
Smitherman reveals, However, enslaved Africans stepped up to the challenge and
made English work for them by creating a new language using the English language
vocabulary.338 This strategy was crucial to the liberation of the slaves as it was also
337
Smitherman, Word from the Mother: Language and African Americans 10.
Geneva Smitherman, Black Talk: Words and Phrases from the Hood to the Amen Corner, Rev. ed. (Boston:
Houghton Mifflin, 2000) 25-26.
338
135
used to build hope through the use of scriptures. The language of the Bible united
the enslaved as passages were often extracted in attempts to learn to read, not
having the opportunity to formally learn. Groups such as the abolitionists and
Quakers were instrumental in teaching and supplying literature in order to give
slaves the opportunity to learn to read.339
Between 1620 and 1700 little direct or indirect evidence of the speech of slaves
survives in manuscripts.340 Some of the manuscripts that do exist are in the form of
scant letters and journals. The study is documented through comparison and
reconstruction. Despite the lack of documentation of the language of the enslaved
during their time of enslavement and that of indigenous peoples in America during
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the Federal Writers Project includes more
than two thousand interviews with former slaves in seventeen states collected
between 1936 and 1938. These were accounts of life in antebellum South told from
the perspective of African American former slaves.341 What concerns this thesis is
the language that was discovered in this collection. Dillard reveals, in reference to
the evidence of the language of the enslaved:
There is, in short, evidence that by the end of the eighteenth century
slaves from Massachusetts to South Carolina used varieties of English
ranging from West African Pidgin to (nearly) Standard English. To
discover the evidence, one must examine some relatively obscure
339
Thomas P. Slaughter, The Beautiful Soul of John Woolman, Apostle of Abolition, 1st ed. (New York: Hill and
Wang, 2008) 196-97.
340
J. L. Dillard, Black English; Its History and Usage in the United States (New York,: Vintage Books, 1973) 7778.
341
Norman R. Yetman, Life under The "Peculiar Institution"; Selections from the Slave Narrative Collection
[Library of Congress (New York,: Holt, 1970) 1.
136
documents. But the documentation is available to anyone who will look

for it.342
There is a lack of an empirical record of African American language in its incubation
period (1619 to the Revolutionary War era). Speaking Negro is documented by a
few whites as some kind of linguistic phenomenon, but there is no written record of
the language used by African Americans of the time of their enslavement. In the late
eighteenth century however, there are demonstrations of slave speech in literature
and few written examples of speech from enslaved Africans in other parts of the New
World. However scant there is linguistic evidence of language patterns still in use by
African American speakers of Ebonics.343
So important was language to the enslaver that measures were taken to discourage
a common language among the enslaved. The following chapter identifies the
enslaver through the language.
342
Dillard, Black English; Its History and Usage in the United States 93.
"Ebonics is a set of communication patterns and practices resulting from African's appropriation and
transformation of a foreign tongue during the African Holocaust."Geneva Smitherman, Talkin That Talk:
Language, Culture, and Education in African America (New York: Routledge, 2000) 19.
343
137
P ART THREE - CHAPTER SEVEN

IDENTITY THROUGH THE LANGUAGE OF THE ENSLAVER
Literature on the culture of New World slave populations, particularly from the
seventeenth century, is extremely limited. 344 Rickford notes, there is less direct
documentation on American slaves than on any other American group. 345 Why
should this be? This scourge on the conscience of the nation known as a superpower would serve no purpose other than to diminish it; and diminish it, it does. How
does one deal with the history of enslaving people, but to try and erase it? Perhaps
the strategy was to not document it so that no paper trail could be found.
7.1
Silencing the Voices of the Enslaved
The enslavers so despised the language of the enslaved that they took measures to
silence their voices. The measures noted below are not documentation but helps to
portray measures taken by European conquerors of Australia. That the conquerors
in fact continue to fear the story of the indigene and seek to silence it is graphically
and horrifically illustrated by their favoured torture of cutting out the tongues of the
Indians and then, subsequent to this act, forcing them to speak. 346 However,
figuratively, the enslaved were castigated with the separation from their homeland
and each other. Then they were despised for attempting to speak the language of
their oppressors.
344
The only contemporary records for this period cited in Walter M. Brasch (1981:30) are the court transcripts of
the Salem witch trials of 1692, recorded by Magistrate John Hawthorne, and not published until 1866.
345
John R. Rickford, African American Vernacular English : Features, Evolution, Educational Implications
(Malden, Mass.: Blackwell Publishers, 1999) 203, See also Robert Ascher, "Tin-can Archaeology." Society for
Historical Archaeology., "Historical Archaeology," ([Bethlehem, Pa., etc.]: Society for Historical Archaeology.), 8:
7-16.
346
Gareth Griffiths, 'The Myth of Authenticity',Ashcroft, Griffiths, and Tiffin, The Post-Colonial Studies Reader
166-67.
138
7.2
The Arrival of Slave and Free
The Africans first arrived in Jamestown in 1619, and continued arriving in a constant
stream until at least 1808, when the slave trade officially ended. African immigrants
spoke languages other than English; so did the ancestors of many other Americans.
Rickford states, Their languages were from the Niger-Congo language family,
especially the West Atlantic, Mande, and Kwa sub-groups spoken from Senegal and
Gambia to the Cameroons, and the Banto sub-group spoken farther south.347
Holloway gives a definitive breakdown of the groups of Africans transported to the
New World.348 Upon arrival the enslaved learned the dominant language, English.
Holloway notes, But how quickly and completely they did so and with how much
influence from the African languages are matters of dispute among linguists. 349
At this juncture it is necessary to emphasize that slavery was not new to some of the
West African peoples. Arab slave traders introduced the practice into Europe among
the Spanish and Portuguese.350 Geography plays a major part in the linguistic
emphasis of this thesis. The introduction of European languages further hampered
the abilities of the enslaved to communicate not only with each other, for their
languages were diverse but with those who had power over them. Upon arrival to the
new world many Africans were introduced to indentured servitude. This was a sevenyear term of service practiced within the British colonies, after which the servant was
to be freed and awarded land to make his own living. C. S. Keener asserts that this
was based on an Hebrew Biblical practice meant to wean the Israelites, newly freed
from slavery themselves, away from practicing slavery at all (Lev 25.39-43; Deut
347
Rickford, African American Vernacular English : Features, Evolution, Educational Implications 324.
Holloway, Africanisms in American Culture 1-17.
349
Rickford, African American Vernacular English : Features, Evolution, Educational Implications 324.
350
John G. Jackson, Introduction to African Civilizations (New York,: University Books, 1970) 305.
348
139
15.12-18). 351 Usry and Keener also add, Poor British people voluntarily entered into
indentured servitude, hoping to find more economic prosperity in the New World at
the end of their service; African slaves were procured from the Spanish and
Portuguese and brought into indentured servitude as well.352
It cannot be determined how early Africans arrived in the Americas. L. Bennett
remarks, Africans arrived in the New World before the Mayflower (1619) and
perhaps even before Christopher Columbus (1492.)353 However, according to
Bennett the first Africans in English America thus were not indentured servants or
slaves, but arrived on these same socioeconomic terms on which many English and
Irish settlers came.354 (From 1619) Additionally, Over the next four decades, Black
Americans bought land, voted, testified in court and mingled with whites on a basis
of equality. They owned other Negro servants. And at least one Negro imported and
paid for a white servant whom he held in servitude.355
C. E. Lincoln states that this institution did not last long as economics became the
impetus for longer periods of servitude.
With Africa as an inexhaustible source of supply for free Black labor,
Portugal contracted with Spain to provide the Spaniards with slaves for
markets Spain had developed in the New Worldthe monopoly was
soon fractured by Spanish, English, Dutch, Danish, and American
351
Craig S. Keener, Paul, Women & Wives : Marriage and Women's Ministry in the Letters of Paul (Peabody,
Mass.: Hendrickson Publishers, 1992) 188-91.
352
Glenn Usry and Craig S. Keener, Black Man's Religion : Can Christianity Be Afrocentric? (Downers Grove, Ill.:
353
Lerone Bennett, Before the Mayflower : A History of Black America, 8th ed. (Chicago: Johnson Publishing Co.,
2007), Ivan Van Sertima, African Presence in Early America (New Brunswick: Transaction Books, 1987) 25-38.
354
Bennett, Before the Mayflower : A History of Black America 36, Leonard L. Haynes, The Negro Community
within American Protestantism, 1619-1844 (Boston: Christopher Pub. House, 1953) 27-31.
355
Bennett, Before the Mayflower : A History of Black America 36.
140
competitionas a result there were 500,000 slaves in the American

colonies by the time of the Revolution.356
Legally servants were supposed to serve their tenure with the idea that they would
become a part of the society they once served and therefore become equal to those
whom they once served. However, the supply was becoming exhausted and fewer
people from across the Atlantic and in the Americas were opting for indentured
servitude. Lincoln states,
The colonists quickly learned, however, that it was more economically
advantageous to exploit African servants than European ones. The
basis was economic; racism dehumanizing African peoples based on
their skin color was simply an ideology created to justify economic
exploitation and relieve tender European consciences.357
7.3
Name Changing: Linguistic Colonialism
Name changing became a way of disengaging the enslaved from their past, as
silencing the sounds of the voices disengaged them from their homeland. Since the
late 1960s African Americans have been seeking to lose their given names. Perhaps
it represents a desire to lose slave names, a symbol of suppression of African culture
and identity in the United States. The changing of names was a practice among early
Christians who received new names upon conversion. Ceylonese Buddhists
denounce family ties and receive a new name. Muslim converts change their names.
The new names of the enslaved Africans were those given to them by their
enslavers. In so doing, the language of the enslaved was also changed. Their
original names had meaning that linked them to their past and family. Before this
356
C. Eric Lincoln, 'The Development of Black Religion in America', Wilmore, African American Religious Studies
: An Interdisciplinary Anthology 8-9.
357
C. Eric Lincoln, Race, Religion, and the Continuing American Dilemma (New York: Hill and Wang, 1984) 35.
141
name changing practice became standard (and even after it was not permitted)
newborn children were given Day Names a West African influence, which carried
special significance.358
Sunday - Quashee, Quasheba
Monday - Cudjo, Juba
Tuesday - Cubbenah, Beneba
Wednesday - Quaco, Cuba
Thursday - Quao, Abba
Friday - Cuffe, Phebe, Phibbi
Saturday - Quame, Mimba
Under the influence of certain whites, pejoratives were produced which belittled this
practice:
Quasheba came to represent the colored mistress of a white man or

prostitute
Quao represented ugly stupid man
Cuffie became contemptuous name for a negro
Sambo became (name given to second son in a family, and/or anyone called
Muhammdu name of a spirit to disgrace, to be shameful, generic term for
Negroes
The denial of the enslaved to retain their given names was part of the practice called
linguistic colonialism. The practice of name changing of Africans by Europeans took
place as early as the sixteenth century. Mbemba Nzingas, name, then king of
Congo, was forever changed to Alfonso. Two other examples of linguistic colonialism
358
142
can be found in South Africa and the United States of America during the time of the
colonizing of each. South Africans were allowed to retain their languages; however
the languages were relegated to dialects by the British. A system of rewards was
established for Africans who spoke English. Languages then became a source of the
divide and rule strategy. Blacks who spoke different languages had to live in
separate quarters. The division caused conflict and competition within the black race
as better jobs were given to those who spoke Afrikaans (one of the 11 official
languages of South Africa) and for those who spoke English. It was also spoken in
Namibia, it is descended from the seventeenth-century Dutch spoken by settlers.
7.4
Learning the Language of the Enslaver
In the New World African Languages and early forms of Ebonics (see Subsection 8.3
for discussion of term) were devalued by the whites. Enslaved Africans were
characterized by their competence in speaking white English which consisted of
three categories: bad English, tolerable English, and good English. The
following questions point to the complexity of language created by subordinating
language for the purpose of oppression. Is Ebonics broken English? Which is a
foreigners accented English? Or is it Pidgin English developed after slaves learned
proper English (disputed standing theory). Or is it simplified English taught to
Africans and Indians by Whites? In dispute of this theory, Dillard points out that most
whites did not know the rules enough to either speak or understand the Pidgin which
was spoken in Massachusetts for the 65 to 70 years before examples were
recorded.359
359
143
Advertisements for captured runaway Slaves, which indicate the desire to denigrate
the enslaved, but shows the lack of understanding by whites of the English spoken
by the enslaved included:
Speaks very good English
Speaks pretty good English
Speaks proper English
Speaks English though somewhat Negroish
He speaks remarkably good English for a Negro
Speaks rather more proper than Negroes in general360
Slaves born in America commanded a higher price than the native Africans because
the former spoke better English than the latter. Thus, we can surmise there was a
varied use of the language by enslaved Africans that escaped the comprehension of
the slavers and slave owners.
Europeans involved in the slave trade saw no need to learn the language of the
people they conquered because to them their language was superior as were they.
V. Wimbush imparts that, they conquered native peoples and declared that
European customs, languages, and traditions were the law. The Europeans
embrace of the Bible helped to lend this process legitimacy.361 It facilitated a
smoother transition into the lifestyle the Europeans desired. They were the
conquerors out to build a new nation and the Bible (as they saw it) supported them in
this process (See Subsection 7.7). Some learned to use language/rhetoric to
advance and maintain the institution of slavery in America (See Subsection 7.6).
360
Vincent L. Wimbush, "The Bible and African Americans: An Outline of an Interpretative History", Cain Hope
Felder, Stony the Road We Trod: African American Biblical Interpretation (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1991) 84.
361
144
7.5
The Language of Disease
The language of disease was an important factor in the attempt to maintain the
enslaving of Africans in America. Being black was considered a disease to the end
that being chatteled and separated from society as a whole was in the best interest
of the wider world. Evans states, One writer notes that there is a long history of
perceiving this [black] skin color as the result of some pathology.362 He notes that
although this was not the reason for the initiation of the slave trade, it was used as a
justification for slavery. This prognosis was not an overt assertion, but it served to
pacify the minds of some and spur others to vigorously promote the maintenance of
the institution of slavery in America. Leprosy was the disease that was said to have
caused the darkening of the skin.363
Benjamin Rush, a founder of the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of
Slavery, a member of the Continental Congress, a signer of the Declaration of
Independence is said to be a major contributor to the theory of the rhetoric of
disease.364 He had credibility as he was a medical doctor and was later considered
to be the Father of American Psychiatry.365 Using the language of disease, Rush
advocated quarantining the slaves to a leper colony so as not to infect the rest of
society with this disease. He cites that, a white woman in North Carolina not only
acquired a dark color, but several of the features of the Negro, by marrying and living
with a black husband.366 He fails to show findings of the white men, who cohabitated
362
James H. Evans, We Shall All Be Changed : Social Problems and Theological Renewal (Minneapolis:
Fortress Press, 1997) 55.
363
Sander L. Gilman, Difference and Pathology : Stereotypes of Sexuality, Race, and Madness (Ithaca: Cornell
364
Evans, We Shall All Be Changed : Social Problems and Theological Renewal 55.
365
Ronald T. Takaki, Iron Cages : Race and Culture in 19th-Century America (New York: Oxford University
Press, 1990) 16-17.
366
Takaki, Iron Cages : Race and Culture in 19th-Century America 31.
145
with black women, to ascertain their state. Evans indicates that there is no mention
of a physical change in these men.367 Rush, in the opinion of this thesis, was covertly
re-institutionalizing the enslaved under the guise of abolition. This in measure would
permanently insure their chatteled state and present opportunities for genocide.
Incidents like The Tuskegee Experiment,368 had he succeeded, would have taken
place in a more secluded place and perhaps not been discovered at all. The
language of disease was a convenient way to insure that the institution remained
intact. Ultimately Rush wanted to use this rhetoric to cure black people of their
blackness. He went so far as to suggest the ancient practice of bleeding, or purging,
as a cure for this malady.369 This finding makes a case for genocide.
7.6
Rhetoric
The idea that slaves were not supposed to possess the presence of mind to live free
lives was also relegated to rhetoric. The desire to be free, which resulted in the act of
running way, was denigrated to a disease called Drapetomania370. The symptom
of this disease was running away and only consigned to black slaves. The cure was
to keep slaves enslaved and the study only applied to black slaves. The study was
published in 1851 in a paper in the New Orleans Surgical Journal, by S.
Cartwright.371 Evans notes that many people of the medical profession believed that
the problem of the black race hampered the process of the nation.372 The use of the
367
Beginning in the 1930's, more than four hundred black men were either purposely infected with syphilis or
simply diagnosed and left untreated. The disease was allowed to progress in these men even though effective
treatments were readily available. The sole purpose of this experiment was to chart the disease until the subjects
died.
369
370
Gilman, Difference and Pathology : Stereotypes of Sexuality, Race, and Madness 138.
371
See entry for Samuel Aldophus Cartwright in Glenn R. Conrad, Louisiana Historical Association., and
University of Southwestern Louisiana. Center for Louisiana Studies., A Dictionary of Louisiana Biography, 2 vols.
(New Orleans, La.: Louisiana Historical Association, 1988).
372
368
146
language of medicine hid the actions of the enslaver and those who advocated
their actions as justified under the guise of the good of mankind. Did anyone not
think to look at the other side of the coin? Perhaps the problem could have been
solved by less dramatic means and without extensive study into bogus diseases,
maladies and the senseless waste of human lives. It must not be forgotten that
America was built on the backs of these slaves. The attempt to use whites from
England proved to produce too few participants and the use of Native Americans
was hampered by disease spread among them after the arrival of Europeans. The
enslaved Africans proved to be the strongest, hardest working and most convenient
source of labor thanks to the combined actions of the slave traders, European and
African.
7.7
Censored Christianity
The institutionalizing of slavery was aided by the innovative and dehumanizing

practices of the enslavers. Once name changing and separatism was in place,
further steps were taken to ensure the maintenance of the practice of slavery.
Stampp suggests:
Slaveholders felt that religion reduced social problems on their
plantations. But as one historian notes, The master class understood
of course, that only a carefully censored version of Christianity could
have this desired effect. Inappropriate biblical passages had to be
deleted; sermons that might be proper for freeman were not
necessarily proper for slaves. 373
It is utterly amazing the lengths taken in maintain the institution of slavery. The
process was a continuum of events that with time evolved as situations were
373
Kenneth M. Stampp, The Peculiar Institution : Slavery in the Ante-Bellum South, Vintage Books ed. (New
York: Vintage Books, 1989) 159-60.
147
presented. Lincoln states, The Christianizing of slavery meant, first of all, the
sanctification of the practice of slave-holding as having biblical precedent and
spiritual merit.374
The voice of the enslaved was silenced because the act of slavery appeared to be
sanctioned by God. Their lives were said to be improved because they no longer
lived as savages. Scriptures relating to the curse of the sons of Ham were evoked
(Genesis 9.21-27 and Joshua 9.21-17) as the destiny of the enslaved. Segovia and
Tolbert state, During the slave trade, theories of saving the souls of the African
people through enslavement were also propounded and supported on the basis of
the biblical text.375
In the arena of theology the use by Christian writers of the language of contrasts
persists in the commentaries of scripture. This language appears to emanate from
the written text, yet no scripture can be found to suggest this. Evans points out that,
much of this discourse was set by commentaries of St. Ambrose of Milan and St.
Bernard of Clairvaux on the Song of Songs.376 He also suggests that from the
language of the text the Shulamite woman was black and the suggestion is that this
was the reason for her fall from grace. Evans remarks, Blackness is associated with
sin, and sin is associated with disease.377 Where did this originate? Does the Bible
offer any rebuttal or can scripture be the cause?
374
C. Eric Lincoln, 'Development of Black Religion', Wilmore, African American Religious Studies : An
Interdisciplinary Anthology 12.
375
Segovia and Tolbert, Teaching the Bible : The Discourses and Politics of Biblical Pedagogy 227.See Katie G.
Cannon, "Slave Ideology and Biblical Interpretation," Interpretation for Liberation in Semeia 47; ed Elisabeth
Schussler Fiorenza (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1989) 9-23.
376
377
148
The use of scripture to elevate one race over another with the right to oppress or use
as experiments is flawed. Leviticus 25.39-43; Deuteronomy 15.12-18 explains the
process of ending slavery to the Israelites (who were once slaves themselves); the
practice of slavery was not to be continued indefinitely. In addition the Bible does not
discuss diseases to minimize the humanity of people nor does it concentrate on why
one person was diseased and another was not. Although some did try and introduce
this concept (John 9.12), Jesus is portrayed throughout his healing ministry as one
who did not concentrate on the cause of a disease, but upon the healing of it to the
betterment of all involved (John 10.10). The language of the Bible speaks to Gods
power to heal and to deliver from infirmities. Evans suggests that, the Bible provides
resources for the deconstruction of the rhetoric of disease that has often attended
the experience of people of African descent.378
The church was complicit in the enslavers desire to maintain the institution by using
the Bible. Preachers were also involved in this misuse of the language of the
scripture. A. J. Raboteau states, As religion gained a wider hearing in the southern
colonies, some preachers who supported the slaveholders cause found a way to
leave out parts of the Bible that sounded like they made the slaves equal; different
catechisms were provided for slave and free.379 Many of the Africans who were
brought over had been exposed to the Bible before they arrived. Some were
catechized before they were brought onto the ships to the New World. One thing that
can be ascertained is that not many of them understood that the Bible they were
378
Albert J. Raboteau, Slave Religion : The "Invisible Institution" In the Antebellum South (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1978) 152-80.
379
149
presented with, welcoming them into the faith, was to be used later to separate them
from that which they knew as freedom.
7.8
Planned Illiteracy
To further silence the voice of the enslaved the teaching of reading and writing was
prohibited among them by their slaveholders. They were often threatened and
punished for attempting to acquire literacy.380 However, slaves hungry for literacy
found ways with or without help from others.381 How better to control their thoughts
and language development? There were some exceptions mostly in the north and
among Anglican clergymen and Quakers, who actually encouraged and taught
slaves. Along with the prohibition of literacy, and the use of a common language
among the slaves by inter-mixing the tribes making it difficult for slaves to even
communicate with each other. Drums, a sophisticated form of communication among
the Africans, were even prohibited on the plantations. 382 Felder points out,
However, blacks found ways of communicating, and they became ingenious in their
use of symbols. The symbolic thus became a part of their history that is valued even
to this day. Where there is a lack of reading and writing, other symbols take on great
meaning.383 The actions by the slaveholders and the reaction by the enslaved
became providential in forming a cultural language primarily exclusive not only to the
380
Heather Andrea Williams, Self-Taught : African American Education in Slavery and Freedom, The John Hope
Franklin Series in African American History and Culture (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2005)
18, 219.For discussions of antiliteracy statutes see pages 7 and 216.
381
Williams outlines various ways slaves found to obtain help from free blacks and white mistresses despite the
close scrutiny placed on them by their owners. Williams, Self-Taught : African American Education in Slavery and
Freedom 18-22.
382
H. Samy Alim, Roc the Mic Right : The Language of Hip Hop Culture (London ; New York: Routledge, 2006)
135, Amanda Villepastour, Ancient Text Messages of the Yoruba Bata Drum : Cracking the Code (Burlington, VT:
Ashgate, 2009).
383
Felder, Stony the Road We Trod: African American Biblical Interpretation 26.
150
enslaved community but to the African American community of today (See Chapter
Nine).
Frazier and Lincoln note that in the course of time, whites used the Christian religion
to bring slaves increasingly under the influence of slavery as African religious
practices were lost or forgotten. They state, This deculturation was effected by
efforts on the part of whites to prevent any resurgence of African religion. 384
However they add that the African based shout songs and holy dances of black
Sea Islanders of South Carolina and Georgia were being addressed to the white
mans God and were mostly influenced by Christian philosophy. Nevertheless, they
conclude, The black man therefore adapted Christianity to his experience in the
New World. The spirituals and the invisible church were the results.385 Roberts and
Goatley suggest that the traditional religion of the enslaved is the impetus for the
spirituals and the preaching of the enslaved preachers. 386 Roberts and Goatley
seem to contradict Frazier concerning the elimination of African traditional religious
beliefs. However there appears to be a syncretism that developed to meet the
spiritual needs of the enslaved. Their beliefs, although seemingly suppressed by
their captivity, were ethnically redirected.
The use of the term ethnic is not peculiar to African America or any third world group.
Within each culture there can be various ethnicities. Giles and Johnson state,
Language is vital to any groups identity and is particularly salient for ethnic
384
Edward Franklin Frazier and C. Eric Lincoln, The Negro Church in America, Sourcebooks in Negro History
(New York,: Schocken Books, 1974) 9-11.
385
Frazier, "The Negro Church in America", Frazier and Lincoln, The Negro Church in America 12-19.
386
J. Deotis Roberts and David Emmanuel Goatley, Black Religion, Black Theology : The Collected Essays of J.
Deotis Roberts, African American Religious Thought and Life (Harrisburg [Pa.]: Trinity Press International, 2003)
118.
151
groups.387 What makes each group unique can range from race to customs within
that group and language, not excluded, is essential in the identification process.
Hecht, Collier and Ribeau state, The process of identification is one of adopting the
code, learning to do the conversation, and associating within the community literally
and/or symbolically. Identity means orienting self toward a particular ethno cultural
framework.388 The enslaved Africans, although forced into their communities, were
successful at creating a new identity by learning to communicate through the
language of the enslaved.
387
H. Giles & P. Johnson, "The Role of Language in Ethnic Group Relations" In John C. Turner and Howard
Giles, Intergroup Behavior (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981) 199-242.
388
Michael L. Hecht, Mary Jane Collier, and Sidney A. Ribeau, African American Communication : Ethnic Identity
and Cultural Interpretation, Language and Language Behaviors (Newbury Park: Sage Publications, 1993) 34.
152
P ART THREE CHAPTER EIGHT

IDENTITY THROUGH THE LANGUAGE OF THE ENSLAVED
Out of the oppression and degradation felt by the enslaved emerged a voice that
identified them as a people that were unified by language and culture. The process
of learning to navigate through the new language and new environment is not easily
traceable nor was it fully documented. The following discussion traces the linguistics
of the language (as well as its evolution) which has come to be known as African
American English. Through the process of the development of the language, the rereading of Colossians is formed and the enslaved Africans voice is heard.
8.1
Style-shifting
With the separation of slaves from their families and friends, the necessity to
communicate with those among whom they were then united was created. A further
issue was being able to communicate on a level that only those within your group
could understand. Some may ask, why this was necessary? With dignity and family
all gone, what else was left? The following passage is quoted in its entirety because
of its salient expression validating the truth of the existence of the emasculation of
the slaves and their resiliency in coping with their situation. The enslaved resisted
slavery and their resistance was evident in the language that developed from the
slave culture. Smitherman adds:
The roots of African American speech lie in the counter language, the
resistance discourse that was created as a communication system
unintelligible to speakers of the dominant master class. Enslaved
Africans and their descendents assigned alternate and sometimes
oppositional semantics to English words, like Miss Ann and Mr. Charlie,
153
coded derisive terms for White woman and White man. This language
practice also produced negative terms for Africans and later, African
Americans, who acted as spies and agents for Whites terms such as
Uncle Tom/Tom, Aunt Jane, and the expression, run and tell that,
referring to traitors within the community who would run and tell Ole
Massa about schemes and plans for escape from enslavement.389
The voice of the enslaved became exclusive out of necessity. B. B. Kachru states
that, the English language is a tool of power.390 His article refers to English as elitist
and domineering in that it is used as communication across continents. The
enslaved were able to use the power of their new language to their advantage by
creating a secret language. Their voice, or meaning, could only be understood by an
informed ear, namely their peers.
This exclusive technique of communication that existed among the enslaved is called
style-shifting. Style-shifting is an in and out of, in-group way of speaking. One
reason for the shift was for the communication with different types of people. Today,
for example a person would speak a certain way to their minister and another way in
the Nation of Islam mosque. While speaking to white teachers, grandmother,
girlfriend, father, a brother on the block or a job outside of community (to different
customers) natural adjustments are made to facilitate adequate communication.
Another term is Playing the Game which indicates access to white ways of
speaking and a strategy used by enslaved African called Puttin On Ole Massa.391
Style-shifting stems from enslaved Africans who were adept at using language to
either put on a faade of servitude, a form of self-defense or to express true feelings
389
Smitherman, Word from the Mother: Language and African Americans 4-5.
'The Alchemy of English', Ashcroft, Griffiths, and Tiffin, The Post-Colonial Studies Reader 272.
391
Gilbert Osofsky et al., Puttin' on Ole Massa; the Slave Narratives of Henry Bibb, William Wells Brown, and
Solomon Northup, [1st ed. (New York,: Harper & Row, 1969) 9-48.For full treatment.
390
154
in front of whites that only a fellow slave would understand. H. Bibb states, The only
weapon of self defense I could use successfully was that of deception.392 Hence, it
is through the narratives of slaves we see the usefulness of this technique, which is
evident even today in the speech practices of African Americans.393
Slave Narratives exhibit this type of shift in language that give a sense of the
struggle impressed by slavery and how the enslaved managed to cope with it. L.
Lanes statement indicates the shift was necessary for his survival and it was a
choice he made to maintain the station in life he had worked so hard to achieve.
Ever after I entertained the first idea of being free, I had endeavored so
to conduct myself as not to become obnoxious to the white inhabitants,
knowing as I did their power, and their hostility to the colored people.
The two points necessary in such a case I had kept constantly in mind.
First I had made no display of the little property or money I possessed,
but in every way I wore as much as possible the aspect of slavery.
Second, I never appeared to be even so intelligent as I really was. This
all colored people at the south, free and slaves, find it peculiarly
necessary for their own comfort and safety to observe.394
That Mr. Lane felt it necessary to avoid offending the sensibilities of the whites in his
day is a testament not to the power of the white people, but his desire to survive. In
spite of the circumstances which placed him in degradation and the position of
opposition, he like many others, knew what it meant to be free. Although freedom
392
Henry Bibb, Narrative of the Life and Adventures of Henry Bibb : An American Slave (Mineola, N.Y.: Dover
Publications, 2005) 17.
393
In the section entitled "Duality of Survival" Hopkins explains "a conscious false display of the slave self" as a
mechanism of survival. Dwight N. Hopkins, Shoes That Fit Our Feet : Sources for a Constructive Black Theology
(Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1993) 43-45.
394
Lunsford Lane, The Narrative of Lunsford Lane, Formerly of Raleigh, N. C., Embracing an Account of His
Early Life, the Redemption, by Purchase of Himself and Family from Slavery, and His Banishment from the Place
of His Birth for the Crime of Wearing a Colored Skin, 4th ed. (Boston: Printed for the publisher, Hewes and
Watson's print., 1848) 31.
155
was not afforded in the physical sense, through the use of language the enslaved
found freedom.
8.2
A Common Language: Pidgin to Creole
The semantics of the language of the enslaved was evolutionary. Coming to a

country where language was one barrier among many, the necessity to overcome
this obstacle produced a new communication form; the combining of what was
known to the unknown. Despite deliberate attempts to prevent communication and
rebellion on the plantations (putting a variety of West Africans together), a common
language evolved because the enslaved Africans shared two linguistic
denominators: 1) the English vocabulary; and 2) the structure and meaning systems
of the African languages. This created the lingua franca, Africanized English, of the
enslavement communities, as well as the language used, often on their terms, to
communicate with the Europeans in the British colony in America. The result was
called Pidgin Language.
Following is summary of Murphys research of the development of Pidgin.395 Murphy
states that Pidgin refers to a language which has no native speakers. It exists only
as Lingua Franca. It is to language what a KOINE is to dialects. It dispenses with
the unusual features which speakers from a great variety of languages would find
strange or difficult to learn. When the pidgin becomes the only language of the
speech community, it then becomes Creole. He reveals that there were four varieties
of Pidgin English spoken in the US: African, American Indian, Hawaiian and
Chinese. There were idiomatic expressions which varied from the original languages.
395
John Joseph Murphy, The Book of Pidgin English, Being (1) a Grammar and Notes (2) an Outline of Pidgin
English (3) a Pidgin English-English Dictionary (4) an English-Pidgin English Dictionary, Rev. [i.e. 3rd] ed.
(Brisbane,: Smith & Paterson, 1966) s.v.
156
Even today dialects of Pidgin are evident. The circulation of Pidgin English
(seventeenth century) developed out of the Mediterranean and West African lingua
franca but it was spoken in West Africa during the sixteenth century.396 Later, it
spread east to China and the Pacific and west to the Americas. Effects of Pidgin can
be seen among the following peoples: Chinese, Australian, Melanesian, African,
French, Portuguese, and Indian. Pidgin left traces in the West Coast of Africa, West
Indian Islands, coastal South America, Vietnam, Portugal, India, Malacca, China,
and the Philippines.397 It was transmitted by African escapees to Florida Seminoles
and by polyglots to the West Indies. Some slaves acted as interpreters for the
whites.398
The surviving texts of the speech of slaves corroborate the hypothesis that Pidgin
English was the language of the masses of slaves in, what is now, the continental
United States. Early evidence suggests that Pidgin English was widespread both in
northern and southern states. Late in the eighteenth century, there is evidence that,
by the end of the eighteenth century, slaves from Massachusetts to South Carolina
used varieties of English ranging from West African Pidgin to (nearly) Standard
English.399
Existing Creole, that resulted from Pidgin when it became the only language of the
speech community, are Gullah or Geechee of the South Carolina-Georgia Sea
Islands; French Creole of Louisiana and Southeastern Texas; Haitian French Creole;
396
Murphy, The Book of Pidgin English, Being (1) a Grammar and Notes (2) an Outline of Pidgin English (3) a
Pidgin English-English Dictionary (4) an English-Pidgin English Dictionary s.v.
398
Dillard, Black English; Its History and Usage in the United States 140-41.
399
397
157
Caribbean Creole; Plantation Creole. Three Varieties of English existed in the

seventeenth through the nineteenth centuries:
West African Pidgin English. The example which follows comes from Daniel
Defoe400, Yes, yesme know, me know but we want speak, me tell
something. O! me no let him makee de great master angry.
Plantation Creole: On Sunday, we-uns do us washing,401
Standard English
Smitherman states, The African-based tradition of Ebonics, asserted that Negro
English was a kind of Africanized English developed during the slave trade.402 An
earlier view is that this Africanized English began as Pidgin English, which later
evolved into Plantation Creole, which was de-Creolized over time.
Pidgin and Creole refer to language mixtures developed in situations where
speakers of different languages had extended contact with one another that required
them to communicate. Pidgin is the language spoken where other languages existed
and it was used for the purpose of communication outside of a given circle. Creole is
an outgrowth of Pidgin when their children grew up using it as their first and only
language. It becomes more developed grammatically and has a more extensive
vocabulary since Creole is used widely and frequently. The vocabulary from a given
European language (English, Dutch, French, etc.) is combined with the grammatical
and pronunciation patterns of African languages. Smitherman points out, While the
words may have been derived from the European language, the way the Africans
400
Daniel Defoe, The History and Remarkable Life of the Truly Honourable Colonel Jacque, Commonly Called
Colonel Jack ([New York,: AMS Press, 1974) 152.
401
Benjamin Albert Botkin, Lay My Burden Down : A Folk History of Slavery (Athens: University of Georgia Press,
1989) 57.
402
Smitherman, Talkin That Talk: Language, Culture, and Education in African America 32.
158
used the words was distinctly African.403 What developed were systems of syntax
and communicative styles that were not found in the European languages. Note
however, that the English spoken today by those of the United States of America is
not what is accepted by the British or people of some African nations as Standard
English.
8.3
Ebonics
C. G. Woodson and W.E.B. DuBois were pioneers in thinking that the linguistic
version (a prerequisite of Ebonics) reflects African-language origins. Both argued
that African American cultural distinctiveness resulted from retentions and
adaptations of African culture to new circumstances and conditions. They argued
that a culture cannot be wiped out by a journey across the Atlantic, or harsh living
conditions. Because culture is ways of thinking, behavioral habits, patterns of
conduct and language, they disavowed the tabula rasa theory as a logical
impossibility for any human group, even one under the siege of enslavement and
post Emancipation poverty and degradation.404 The enslaved resisted through the
development of Black Talk which enabled them to grasp the meaning of the gospel.
A brief history follows showing the development of African American English also
referred to as Black Talk.405 In 1554 five enslaved Africans are taken to England to
learn English as interpreters in the slave trade. By 1619, in Jamestown, enslaved
Africans speak their own languages as well as Pidgin (or Creole), which enables
them to talk with the white settlers, as well as among themselves in instances where
they dont speak the same language. The Pidgin/Creole formation may have been
403
Smitherman, Talkin That Talk: Language, Culture, and Education in African America 32-33.
405
Dillard, Black English; Its History and Usage in the United States Chapter 3.
404
159
introduced by enslaved Africans from the Caribbean (where slaves would be taken
for seasoning and breaking and/or it may have been formed on the West Coast of
Africa, and during the long periods of time when captured Africans were held in the
slave castles awaiting transport to the New World.
In 1661 Slaves Codes were instituted which gave slaves limited freedom to move
about. Slaves were slaves for life. It was illegal to teach slaves to read or write, and
the breeding of slaves was carried out to produce stronger workers. Children born in
this period would be exposed to less of the African language and more of the
Africanized language (Pidgin/Creole English) for communication and solidarity
among the enslaved. Class distinctions formed where the house slave was more
exposed to the language of the massa than the field slave.
From 1808 1945 de-Creolization (linguistic de-Africanization of Black speech)
slowly began with the house slaves and free blacks and later with the Anti-Slavery
Movement. Post-war dreams of equality by blacks were dashed which resulted in a
period of the denial of Africa and with that came the continuance of de-Africanization
of the language.
From1950 1966 the Black Freedom Struggle and Civil Rights Movement signaled a
new pride in being black which replaced black inferiority. The Black Power arm of the
Freedom Struggle turned things around and brought back a drive for ReCreolization, with a move to recapture the African nuances of language and culture.
160
From 1990 the Hip hop culture and the works of Alice Walker, Toni Morrison, and
Terri McMillan continue the process of Re-creolization.406
English which grew out of the Germanic tribes who settled in England in the fifth
century did not reach West Africa until the sixteenth century (noted above). The
multiplicity of West African languages, however, encouraged the adoption of English
as well as Portuguese and French as means of communication along the West
African coast, but, at the same time, it led to the modification of the European
languages to fit their (enslaved) new linguistic and cultural environment.407 AfricanIndian cooperation and resistance to the English suggests a common language
spoken that facilitated this attempt.408
Language was not the only thing the enslaved was denied. Along with their dignity
went their hope and religious freedom. Felder notes, Although they initially could not
participate in their adopted languages, Africans in the Americas did not enter the
New World with a religious and cultural tabula rasa.409 They remembered their past,
including their rich oral tradition of the griots stories of life, death, and rebirth. Their
memories included a religion that was the foundation of life and gave meaning to it
through the power of their language; the spoken word. The oral tradition was not
primitive trivia to be erased or ignored, but vital for the African perspective. Felder
adds, It often assumed formal expression in rhythmic music, colorful imagery, and
poetic force that enriched the more visual Western culture shaped by the printed
406
Thomas Kochman, Rappin' and Stylin' out; Communication in Urban Black America (Urbana,: University of
Illinois Press, 1972) 170-71.
408
For a full treatment of this subject see Herbert Aptheker, American Negro Slave Revolts (New York:
International Publishers, 1983), Melville J. Herskovits and Frances S. Herskovits, The New World Negro;
Selected Papers in Afroamerican Studies (Bloomington,: Indiana University Press, 1966).
409
Cain Hope Felder, Troubling Biblical Waters: Race, Class, and Family, Bishop Henry Mcneal Turner Studies
in North American Black Religion (Maryknoll, N.Y: Orbis Books, 1989) 82.
407
161
word.410 First generation slaves were exposed to the language and religion of their
masters, but later generations combined African oral tradition with that of Western
writing.
8.4
Bible Language
The enslaved Africans were separated from their families, and also the attempt was
made to separate them from their language and religion. In the African American
community, the influence of family provides the language, the imagery, and the
cadences in which the people, inside and outside the church give voice to their
experience. The Bible as a language became the vehicle by which they could
navigate between this strange new world and the slave existence. The Bible as The
Living Word, spoke about white slavers among whom the enslaved found
themselves. In it, they found ways to understand their situation; as slaves, as freed
persons, as disenfranchised persons and as a people. Christian and biblical, double
entendre was used in spirituals to protect the enslaved Africans from whites and to
bind them together.411
The Bible as a historical book, was a language world full of stories; a world into
which they could retreat; a world in which to find identity; a world from which to draw
strength and a world they could to manipulate for self-affirmation. Felder states, One
useful way of beginning to clarify the issues involved in thinking about the function of
the Bible among African Americans is to think of the Bible as a language, even
language-world.412 Being uprooted and denied communication with fellow tribesmen
was harsh enough. The use of the Bible by the enslavers caused many of the
410
Felder, Troubling Biblical Waters: Race, Class, and Family 82.

John Lovell, Black Song : The Forge and the Flame : The Story of How the Afro-American Spiritual Was
Hammered Out, 1st U.S. pbk. ed. (New York: Paragon House, 1986) 190-92.
412
411
162
enslaved to reject the Bible; lending a feeling of hopelessness. However, a great

many of the enslaved adapted to their situation and found new languages for survival
in the Bible. As a powerful language Europeans embraced the language of the Bible
to legitimize their conquering of native peoples and declaring European customs,
languages, and traditions as law. Enslaved Africans noticed the powerful influence of
the Bible and in learning the language used their understanding of this language to
survive.
The language of the Bible spoke of freedom through acceptance and affirmation.
They sought freedom through faith and found freedom of interpretation in songs,
prayers, sermons, testimonies and addresses. The language of faith was seen
through identification with the heroes and heroines of the Hebrew Bible, who sought
deliverance from enslavement. This identification was also with the long-suffering but
ultimately victorious Jesus. They sought resurrection from their social death to a new
life.
The Bible allowed the enslaved to learn the language of interpretation. This
reasoning was the bane of slaveholders as they realized that literacy, especially
Biblical in nature, was enlightening to the slave and detrimental to the industry.
Frederick Douglass aptly affirms this thinking, quoting Master Hugh upon the
discovery of his wifes instruction of young Douglass, If he learns to read the Bible it
will forever unfit him to be a slave.413
413
Frederick Douglass, Life and Times of Frederick Douglass: His Early Life as a Slave, His Escape from
Bondage, and His Complete History (New York,: Collier Books, 1962) 79.
163
J. Hammons first poem An Evening Thought: Salvation by Christ, with Penitential

Cries,414 is a prayer of personal salvation (freedom), as well as being one for all
Africans in the Diaspora415. The poem is cloaked in special Biblical language and
meaning for enslaved Africans. There is imagery of black and white that depict one
over the other. However, Americas biblical culture was accepted by the Africans, but
not in the way that white Americans accepted it or in the way the whites preferred
that others accept it. The Bible, first rejected as the white folks book, was accepted
but not interpreted in the way white Christians interpreted it (discussed further in Part
Four). Among many, in the academy and seminary, the voice and language of black
people is reluctantly heard and then it is only tolerated.
Felder, reflecting upon the use of Bible language by the enslaved, remarks that, the
Africans could not and did not fail to notice the powerful influence of the Bible upon
the Europeans self-image, culture, and orientation.416 Initially doubt and suspicion
was their reaction to the written word for their tradition was oral. How can something
written down be sacred compared to the honor bestowed on those who carefully
carried out their office as storytellers; groits.
In African culture, the person in the community who serves as the
repository of community customs, history, and traditions is the griot. He
is pivotal for remembrance of past events and the re-creations of the
community traditions and so provides occasion for tribal reflection,
appreciation, and celebration. When Africans were brought to
414
Sondra A. O'Neale, Jupiter Hammon and the Biblical Beginnings of African-American Literature, Atla
Monograph Series (Metuchen, N.J. [Philadelphia]: Scarecrow Press; American Theological Library Association,
1993).
415
Avtah Bran 'Thinking Through the Concept of Diaspora' referring to Africans, "Or it might have resulted from
the capture or removal of a group through slavery or systems of indentured labor."Ashcroft, Griffiths, and Tiffin,
The Post-Colonial Studies Reader 443.
416
164
Jamestown in 1619 as slaves, they brought this oral style of historicalcultural transmission with them.417
In addition, Turner states, the fact that those who had enslaved them and were
conquering the New World were Bible Christians was not at all lost on the Africans:
It did not take them long to associate the Book Religion with power. 418 As the
Europeans used the Bible to assert their superiority over the enslaved, the Africans
began to see ways of using scripture to help them adapt to their new situation. The
stories and teachings of the Bible were a source of hope and a tool for survival.
Felder suggests:
They were attracted primarily to the narratives of the Hebrew bible
dealing with the adventures of the Hebrews in bondage and escaping
from bondage, to the oracles of the eighth-century prophets and their
denunciations of social injustice and visions of social justice, and to the
New Testament texts concerning the compassion, passion, and
resurrection of Jesus.419
These enslaved Africans interpreted the language of the scriptures in light of their
experiences. Although they identified with the champions of the Hebrew Bible and
saw themselves as liberated and victorious in Jesus, it wasnt until the eighteenth
century that Africans began to convert to Christianity in large numbers through
evangelical preaching (see Subsection 10.6). In this era as before, their spirituals
and sermons reflected the language of scripture that spoke of Jesus being raised
from the dead to new life. Therefore, songs and testimonies evolved with exaltations
of being raised from their social death to equality and freedom.
417
Harold W. Turner, Religious Innovation in Africa : Collected Essays on New Religious Movements (Boston: G.
K. Hall, 1979) 271-88.
419
418
165
8.5
Negro Spirituals
What are presently known as Negro Spirituals are the result of the reflections on the
language of the scriptures that touched the condition of the enslaved. Felder states,
The spirituals reflect the process of the transformation of the Book Religion of the
dominant people into the religion reflective of the socio-political and economic status
of African slaves.420 The language of the Bible was transformed into soul wrenching
ballads of freedom from the oppressor and a faith in Gods power to free them, not
only in the next life, but in this present life also. This same Bible, which was used by
the dominant culture to oppress them, became the very vehicle to freedom in the
minds of the enslaved Africans. Felder adds, The interpretation was not controlled
by the literal words of the text, but by social experience. The texts were heard more
than read; they were engaged as stories that seized and freed the imagination.421
The enslaved allowed the language of the text to enter their situation and, upon
entering, freed them to express their desires. As the promises of the passages
became their own, the lives of the biblical characters began to take shape as
reflections of their lives. The words were a commentary on their situation in life and
their lives began to take on new meaning. The language of the Bible, spoken or
read, spoke to their situation and freed them. Felder reveals, That the songs and
sermons reflect a type of indirect or veiled commentary on the social situation that
the African slaves faced has been noted by most interpreters.422
The language of the text was also oppositional when it came to sections that spoke
about slavery. Sections of the epistles (e.g. Ephesians 6.5 and the Colossians 3.22)
were hammered into them by preachers: Slaves, be obedient to them that are your
420
422
421
166
master., as unto Christ. Afterwards, they would go on to demonstrate that it was

the will of God that they were slaves and that they were to be happy and good. And if
so, God would be pleased with them and blessed them. Not being allowed to learn to
read, the enslaved were initially excluded from all written word. The Bible was no
exception, therefore oral translations ensued and parts of scripture found distasteful
were initially avoided even when the slaves began reading them for themselves.
However this was not the case with the slave preacher (See Subsection 10.6).
The following question posed by Wimbush and Rodman is paramount to
understanding the enslaveds ability to rise above their situation.
How could the formation of African America, as an example of a socialcultural formation in the West, be understood without heightened
attention to the Bible, specifically, the manner in which the Bible was
used as language world within which those violently cut off from their
home could speak again?423
This use of the Bible as language is in opposition to the intended use by white slave
owners, particularly Protestant owners in their use of it to justify slavery and the
maintenance of the institution. Once the enslaved African began to use the language
of the Bible to free himself from the shackles of illiteracy, the process of liberation
began. The Bible as the enslaved saw it demanded equal justice. The dominance by
whites, European and American was challenged by the interpretation of the text
through the lens of the enslaved mind. Wimbush and Rodman also state:
The Bible quickly came to be embraced as a powerfully arresting and
expansive language world full of poignant, memorable stories;
423
Vincent L. Wimbush and Rosamond C. Rodman, African Americans and the Bible: Sacred Texts and Social
Textures (New York: Continuum, 2000) 15.
167
breathtaking vision of the pathetic travails and great triumphs of a

rootless people, and of a savior figure who is mistreated and abused
but who ultimately overcomes.424
After hearing the Bible preached by white preachers and slave preachers alike, the
passages of the Bible became ingrained in the minds of the enslaved. These
passages and stories were transformed into a language world through prayers,
songs, exhortation and sermons. 425 This action transcended the use of the Bible by
white Protestants in that no longer was the power of the enslaver sought, but a new
world was envisioned and oppression lost its power to trample them under.
The efforts by missionaries, abolitionists and religious leaders did not go unnoticed
by the enslaved. Their desire to be free spawned creative developments in their
acceptance of the religions being presented to them. They saw themselves in the
stories being told, not only of exodus from bondage but beyond freedom to a place in
the world into which they were brought. Wimbush and Rodman describe this action
as manipulation of the religions and states that, the major turning points in the
history of their engagement of religion in North America, especially but not limited to
Protestantism, reflect religions significant and complex role in the development of
African America.426 The enslaved were able to see beyond the Exodus story in the
Bible to the gospels and see Jesus as triumphant; therefore they too could
overcome.
The resultant coded language of the spirituals served to liberate them from the
masters constant interruption into their world. This language world was exclusively
424
Wimbush and Rodman, African Americans and the Bible: Sacred Texts and Social Textures 146.
426
Wimbush, "Reading Texts as Reading Ourselves" Segovia and Tolbert, Teaching the Bible : The Discourses
and Politics of Biblical Pedagogy 97.
425
168
understood and was the enslaveds way of passive resistance. B. Holdredge in her
article Beyond the Guild uses the example of how differently white nationalist and
the enslaved African interpreted the Exodus experience. 427 Where the enslaved saw
this experience central to their liberation from the American institution of slavery,
whites read the account in reference to their liberation from Great Britain.
Furthermore the songs created by the enslaved from their understanding of the Bible
reminded them that the Promised Land was also to be reached after death, at the
end of this journey of life. Wimbush states, They frequently invoked the Exodus
event in their spirituals and prayers, as a paradigm not only for sociopolitical freedom
from the fetters of slavery, but also for spiritual freedom from the bonds of sin and
final deliverance in the Promised Land after death.428
The Negro Spiritual is one of the earliest and most idiosyncratic forms of rhetoric
originating in the African American Church. Frazier and Lincoln point out that the
Bible provided the Negro with the rich imagery which has characterized the sermons
of Negro preachers and the sacred folk songs of the Negro.429 The
rhetoric/language stems from the experience of the enslaved African reaching
deeper than any whip can cut and any master can beat out of him. The language
that was produced could be understood by others who were torn away from their
homes and forced to endure hardships no one should have had to be subject. The
experience was so gut retching it produced sounds that sometimes could not be
uttered. So the enslaved moaned out songs and sermons that reached the ears of
others who through the years carried this language in their souls.
427
Wimbush, "African Americans and the Bible", Wimbush and Rodman, African Americans and the Bible:
Sacred Texts and Social Textures 147.
429
Frazier and Lincoln, The Negro Church in America 12.
428
169
Meeks notices a parallel in the spiritual odes or psalmic hymns of the primitive
Church.430 By comparison it shows that, Pauls churches developed spiritual odes
that were regularly sung in early Christian meetings, and that such songs were
crafted as a means of coping with affliction.431 In Colossians 5.18-20, Paul exhorts
the believers to be filled with the spirit and to encourage one another by singing
spiritual songs and making melody in their hearts; also an expression of thanksgiving
to God. The language of the spirituals most often reflected the sorrow and pain of
enslaved Africans. DuBois remarks, They are the music of an unhappy people, of
the children of disappointment; they tell of death and suffering, and unvoiced longing
toward a truer world, of misty wanderings and hidden ways. 432 A comparison is
evident between the two eras and peoples as the sufferings of the first-century
Christians, because of their faith and Pauls endured hardships, proved to show
evidence of similar if not equal cruelties. The first-century martyrs died as a result of
their belief and unwavering faith in the gospel of Jesus Christ.433 The scriptures,
mentioned below, recount how Paul was beaten and imprisoned due to his
unwavering belief. Acts 16.37 presents Paul specifically being beaten and
imprisoned. Further in Ephesians 3.1, Philemon 1.1 and 9 reports him referring to
himself as a prisoner of Christ.
8.6
Slave Preacher
The Bible language that entered the lives of the enslaved gave a voice to the
enslaved preacher to speak to their condition. The sermons of the enslaved African
430
Wayne A. Meeks, The First Urban Christians: The Social World of the Apostle Paul, 2nd ed. (New Haven, CT:
Yale University Press, 2003) 144, 74.
431
432
W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk (New York: New American Library, 1969) 267.
433
John Foxe, The Book of Martyrs. Condensed from the Larger Editions (London; New York,: F. Warne;
Scribner, Welford, 1869) 14-18.
170
preachers and those that followed are examples of the style and language of the
enslaved. James Weldon Johnsons Gods Trombones is one of the best known
written accounts of the oral tradition of the preaching language of the enslaved. 434
The preacher used and interpreted the Bible to tell the story of the enslaved from
their perspective. The language that developed among the enslaved served to bring
cohesion and relief from the situation in which they found themselves. Johnson does
not often use the dialect of the slave preachers, but he does use biblical subject
matter and language in an attempt to make authentic the tone of the work reflecting
that of the slave preacher.435 He uses dialect sparsely, mostly in reference to the
spirituals. Often the stories the preachers expounded upon were used to buffer them
against the harsh reality of life and to transport the people if only for a little while to a
more tolerable place. These sermons gave them hope.
Although illiterate, the memorization and the internalizing of the text read to the black
preacher brought about a linguistic education. R. E. Fleming remarks,
They [the old-time black preachers] were all saturated with the sublime
phraseology of the Hebrew prophets and steeped in the idioms of King
James English, so when they preached and warmed to their work they
spoke another language, a language far removed from traditional
Negro dialect.436
434
James Weldon Johnson, God's Trombones; Seven Negro Sermons in Verse (New York: The Viking Press,
1927) 8.
435
Manfred Siebald "James Weldon Johnson's Biblical Tuning of 'God's Trombones', " in Winfried Herget and
Alfred Hornung, Religion in African-American Culture (Heidelberg: Winter, 2006) 78-79.
436
Robert E. Fleming, James Weldon Johnson, Twayne's United States Authors Series (Boston: Twayne
Publishers, 1987) 59.
171
The English, written and heard from the Bible, became a familiar and welcoming
sound in this context.437 To emulate the language of those who enslaved, while
pushing back at their teachings, elevated not only the preacher but the text. His
preaching transformed the congregation from their dire existence with the language
they too had internalized.
The Bible stories entered the lives of the enslaved. Felder suggests, Basic to the
treatment of Scripture was the fact that those who heard the sermons lived in a
society that rejected, debased, and discriminated against them.438 Amazingly, the
preacher was able to take the language of the biblical text and link it to the
predicament of the enslaved. D. T. Shannon uses Paul Lawrence Dunbars An
Ante-bellum Sermon to illustrate the use of the Hebrew Exodus experience on
which to base the message of the preacher. Felder states that, therefore it is clear
that he expects liberation in his own lifetime.439 The language of the text fits quite
easily the situation of the enslaved and the preacher was able to bring the message
of hope and restoration. The people understood their predicament and had no doubt
that liberation was evident because the same God that brought about the exodus of
the Jews would do the same for them.
The enslaved held the unique belief that slavery could only be effective if it totally
affected their lives. The totality of their situation was minimized with the belief that, in
spite of their physical slavery, they were free mentally. Felder adds, The biblical
faith led the slaves to affirm that God had already made them free in spite of the
437
Robert Aitken and Marian S. Carson Collection (Library of Congress), The Holy Bible; Containing the Old and
New Testaments, 2 vols. (Philadelphia: Printed and sold by R. Aitken, at Pope's Head, three doors above the
Coffee-house, in Market street, 1782).
438
439
172
chains of slavery.440 The language of the scripture was not only transformed to fit
their situation but it transformed their minds to allow them to rise above their
situation. Contextually, the text of the Bible spoke of the past, but, through the
language of the text, the preacher was able to bring life to the text by applying it to
the present. Moses was sent to free the Jews from Pharaohs enslavement and God
was going to send another Moses to set them free. The preacher did not try and
delude the people into thinking that Moses would rise up and free them. The
language was clear in that the hope was a present one and their time would come
just as surely as that of the enslaved Jews of the Hebrew Bible.
But de Moses is a-comin,
An hes a comin, suah and fas
We kin hyeah his feet a-trompin,
We kin hyeah his trumpit blas.441
Hermeneutically the African American slave preacher provided a way to empower
and instill hope and solace to the enslaved as they daily faced their plight. The
preachers use of the language of scripture and his delivery were vehicles to raise
the consciousness of the enslaved to live their lives in survival mode. This technique
is not unique to the slave preacher. Each preacher must be able to apply the text to
the lives of those within in his care. It was this same approach that was taken by
white preachers to maintain the status of enslavement. The question here, however,
is to what degree is one allowed to interpret the text and to what end? For what
purpose was the text written and how it is interpreted should not be at opposite ends
440
441
Paul Laurence Dunbar, Lyrics of Lowly Life (New York: Dodd, Mead and company, 1896) Lines 73-76.
173
of a spectrum. The context can only be stretched so far before it becomes

counterfeit.
The language of the Bible became vibrant. Wimbush and Rodman state:
Having heard the Word proclaimed by white preachers as well as slave
preachers, they inscribed the biblical passages in their memories and
incorporated the images, stories, prophecies, and sayings of the Bible
in their prayers, songs, sermons, and exhortations transforming the
fixed text of Holy Writ into a fluid, vibrant language world. 442
This world, seen as empowerment by some because of the white enslavers use of
the Bible to capture and enslave, meant more than that. The language of the Bible
transcended the abyss of slavery into a world that condemned the actions of their
enslavers despite their attempts to justify it. Although thought to have animalistic or
infantile minds, the enslaved understood that something was amiss and, although
they were seemingly powerless to escape it, the language of freedom and sympathy
for the oppressed emanated from the Bible. The fact that most could not read the
words for themselves neither hampered their understanding of the language of the
texts nor denied them from questioning it. By comparison the letter presented to the
Colossians indicated a desire for a better understanding of the gospel being
presented.
In reference to style-shifting (see subsection 8.1), the African American preacher
used the rhetorical device of double entendre to protect the slaves against possible
danger from the enslaver who may have been listening. The listeners went away
with the understanding that this message was for their present situation with hopes
442
174
of change in the future. Sometimes that future was alluded to as near or in the
afterlife. A subtle style of interpretation of the Bible in its fullest sense was employed.
The physical nature of the Bible as a powerful book soon gave way to the spiritual.
Wimbush and Rodman state:
The world of the Bible with its stories of enslaved people who are
liberated, oppressed individuals who are delivered, poor and
marginalized groups who are uplifted, and a persecuted savior who is
ultimately triumphant resonated with the world of enslaved and
oppressed African Americans.443
It was the language of the Bible that captivated the enslaved not the book itself. The
book at first confused them as a written text because their tradition was oral. When
the language of the text was laid bare, the world of the enslaved took on relevance
and then their imaginations were exposed. The language became natural to them
because of their oral tradition. Hearing the texts read and preached served to incite
them to internalize what they were hearing and make it their own through spirituals
and preaching. Wimbush and Rodman discussing the content of the Bible affirm that
it was not simply its status as a sacred object that captivated the imagination of
the slaves, catalyzing their devotion, nurturing their hopes, inspiring their visions, and
fueling their rhetoric.444 In conjunction with the sermons, the spirituals further gave
the enslaved confidence to express their feelings and desires.
Their story was told through these mediums and they were protected by the
anonymity given to them by the stories in the Bible. What was heard by the enslaver
was different from what the enslaved were saying. Wimbush and Rodman agree
443
444
175
that, moreover, their readings of the Bible especially as embodied in the coded
language of the spirituals served as an instrument of resistance through which they
countered and critiqued the hegemonic readings of white slaveholding Christian
culture.445
The black preachers history reaches back to Colonial days, before the Revolutionary
War. Then, slavery had yet to take on the economic importance that diminished
people to nothing but property. It was through the African American enslaved
preacher that the people of Africa, with such diverse languages and customs found
unity and solidarity for the first time in their new situation as slaves. Often portrayed
as a semi-comic figure, his importance cannot be diminished. Johnson adds that,
he was the first shepherd of this bewildered flock. His power for good or ill was very
great. It was the old-time preacher who for generations was the mainspring of hope
and inspiration for the Negro in America.446
The capacity of the slave preacher to retain the scriptures was vital to the
dissemination of the gospel among the enslaved. Johnson points out, The earliest of
these preachers must have virtually committed many parts of the Bible to memory
through hearing the scriptures read or preached from in the white churches which
the slaves attended.447 Over the years, being among the first of the slaves to learn
to read, the preachers readings were confined to the Bible, and exclusively to the
Hebrew Bible where lay the more dramatic passages.448 A text, merely a starting
point rarely had any relation to the growth or outcome of the sermon. The preacher
445
Vincent Wimbush, "African Americans and the Bible" in Wimbush and Rodman, African Americans and the
Bible: Sacred Texts and Social Textures 147.
446
Johnson, God's Trombones; Seven Negro Sermons in Verse 2-3.
447
448
Janet Duitsman Cornelius, "When I Can Read My Title Clear" : Literacy, Slavery, and Religion in the
Antebellum South (Columbia, S.C.: University of South Carolina Press, 1991) 3.
176
was not afraid to approach or expound on any text within the contents of the Bible.
Johnson adds,The old-time Negro preacher of parts was above all an orator and in
good measure an actor. He knew the secret of oratory, that at bottom it is a
progression of rhythmic words more than it is anything else.449 The dialectic
language of the preacher uniquely contributed to uplifting of the listeners. The
language of the text was transformed into the nuances and dialect of the hearers so
as to facilitate their understanding on all levels. Johnson rightly bemoaned the
elimination of dialect in African American poetry in his day.450 Perhaps the writers
deliberately wrote this way to erase the stigma and memory of a time that stained the
history of African America. However it is also possible that the writers were
attempting to reach a wider audience.
8.7
Language of Freedom
The enslavers attempt to create happy slaves by preaching Christianity slanted

toward their obedience to their masters backfired. Initially freedom was not relegated
to the physical but to the mind. This process could not remain in stasis long. The
desire to be free physically spoke to the language of their present condition. The
African had known freedom and no amount of indoctrination could repress that
memory. The language of the Bible, as seen by the enslavers, was meant to pacify
the enslaved and take his mind off returning to Africa. However, it can be argued that
the Bible opened up a new world for the enslaved. Lischer states:
The cruelties of slavery made it imperative that African Americans not
step back but step into the Book and its storied world of Gods personal
relations with those in trouble. Bereft of a remembered history of their
449
450

Johnson, God's Trombones; Seven Negro Sermons in Verse 8.
177
own in a culture that valued historical consciousness, the enslaved

Africans listened to the Bible and adopted a new history. 451
The desire was to be free in America and to that end they sang and the preacher
preached. In the process of concentrating on and expressing freedom the enslaved
seemed to surpass their enslavers in their understanding of the scripture. Roberts
and Goatley explain, But the African has an oriental mind, and even without
learning, he appeared to understand the message of the Bible better than his white
teachers. The tragic aftermath is that whites believed their own false version of the
Bible.452 Roberts makes a very good point here as some atrocious acts were done
under the guise of religion, namely Christianity. The advocates of the Nazi regime
adopted the church as the banner under which they carried out their aggression
against the Jews and some parts of the church stood by idly. White supremacist
groups believe they are justified in their attempts to purify their race in the name of
Christianity. DuBois suggests, Racism in the sense of preferring ones people to
other peoples is as old as recorded history, but racism in the sense of dehumanizing
others on the basis of their skin color is a modern phenomenon. 453 This thesis does
not allow full disclosure on this discussion, but points out the historical abuses of
Christianity.
The language of freedom expressed in the Bible helped the enslaved Africans to see
that the slaves obeying masters was a message relegated in time when compared to
what it said of Jesus. They were able to perceive, in spite of the restrictions and the
constant indoctrination by enslavers, that the Jesus story pertained to them as well
451
Richard Lischer, The Preacher King : Martin Luther King, Jr. And the Word That Moved America (New York ;
Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995) 200.
452
Roberts and Goatley, Black Religion, Black Theology : The Collected Essays of J. Deotis Roberts 120.
453
W. E. B. Du Bois, Mahmood Mamdani, and Gerald Horne, The World and Africa (New York: Oxford University
Press, 2007) 224, 26-27.
178
and he would also lift their burdens. Thus, they discovered a secret that their master
did not want them to know.454 The secret is very aptly put into the words of Usry and
Keener: It is to the credit of our forebears that they could discern real Christianity
from the perverted form of it their masters sought to enforce on them.455
The Bible, in spite of its limited exposure to the enslaved by Whites had come to
inhabit a central place in religions of the Black Diaspora. Felder states:
Whether in slave religion or independent Black Churches of the
Americas and the Caribbean, biblical stories, themes, personalities,
and images have inspired, captivated, given meaning, and served as a
basis of hope for a liberated and enhanced material life. They have
enriched the prospects for a glorious afterlife, as well.456
L. Thomas perceived that blacks identified with daring heroes of the faith through the
language of the Bible. 457 And, whether spoken or later read they realized that the
God who empowered those heroes would likewise empower them.
Perhaps, the language of the enslaved preacher touched and reached the ears of
those who were resistant to it. Some enslaved preachers were given the liberty by
the enslaver to preach in an arena where many came because it was an outlet from
the daily woes of slavery. Not all received the preaching as was intended, but many
heard it. The language of freedom and deliverance had drawing power.
Being denied the opportunity to be fully human, which included the opportunity to
learn to read and write, the letters of biblical text were not essential to the
454
Mark A. Noll, A History of Christianity in the United States and Canada (Grand Rapids, Mich.: W.B. Eerdmans,
1992) 79.
455
Usry and Keener, Black Man's Religion : Can Christianity Be Afrocentric? 104.
456
Felder, Troubling Biblical Waters: Race, Class, and Family 5-6.
457
Latta R. Thomas, Biblical Faith and the Black American (Valley Forge, Pa.: Judson Press, 1976) 15.
179
enslaveds ability to understand its true meaning. Wimbush states, What became
important was the telling and retelling, the hearing and re-hearing of biblical stories
stories of perseverance, of strength in weakness and under oppressive burdens, of
hope in hopeless situations.458 So they gathered in the fields to listen and absorb
the language.
Being delegated to the fields to work under conditions not meant for humans
strengthened the resolve of the enslaved to survive against impossible odds.
Although much was lost in the process of transportation and enculturation to and in
the New World core values remained. Berlin states:
Family, language, and spirituality infused the patches of tobacco and
the fields of rice and indigo, just as exploitation and compensation
informed the spiritual language of brush-arbor sermons and the
vernacular of field chants. Over time, slaves transformed their
experience drawn from, among other things, work habits, musical
style, and religious beliefs into a culture that joined them together as
a class and distinguished them from their owners.459
The enslaved did not adopt the ways of the enslavers and persistent resistance was
the result. Unity is expressed as the result of the experience of the enslaved, yet also
by their experience a survivors mentality resulted. What was meant to subdue and
oppress the enslaved produced a race and class of people who by their very nature
are unique. An example can be taken from the Civil Rights movement in twentiethcentury America where against impossible odds the oppressed rose up in unity
without adopting the ways of those who oppressed them and won for all people their
458
Vincent Wimbush, "Biblical-Historical Study as Liberation: Toward an Afro-Christian Hermeneutic,," The

Journal of religious thought 42, no. 2 (Fall-Winter 1984-1985): 10.
459
Berlin, Generations Berlin, Generations of Captivity: A History of African-American Slaves 5.
180
constitutional rights. This thesis however is unable to encompass this discussion in

its entirety.460
The irony of the biblical stories touching the lives of the enslaved lies in Felders
statement: Many of the biblical stories reflect the existential reality of the Black
story in an environment typically hostile to the interests of Blacks attaining their full
sense of human potential.461 Although the enslaved African identified with the
stories in the Bible, the Bible itself held special meaning. Its use by whites to
denigrate revealed aspects of the master race and helped them to sympathize with
it, bringing life to the pages and the language therein. The language of the Bible
spoke to them of revelation and justice which in turn turned their attention toward
their plight. It was through this experience that the Bible was seen literally as the
revealed Word of God. Experiencing the language of the Bible within in the context
of slavery touched not only the individual but the race as a whole. Thomas explains
the impact of the Bible on African America by stating: Even beyond the confines of
African-American religion, Black people are fundamentally people of the Book.462 Its
effect is felt even in its cultural and ethnical diversities.
460
See legislation on Civil Rights Acts of 1866, 1964 and 1968.

462
Thomas, Biblical Faith and the Black American 18.
461
181
P ART THREE CHAPTER NINE

IDENTITY THROUGH THE L ANGUAGE OF AFRICAN AMERICA
In the process of insuring slavery as an institution, a language was created that not
only allowed the enslaved to survive but the survival of the language itself helped to
sustain the culture and beliefs of African Americans; thereby solidifying its identity.
The communication between the enslaved, in exclusivity, gave voice to their feelings
and helped to create their culture. N. W. Thiongo reveals that, in doing similar kinds
of things and actions over and over again under similar circumstances, similar even
in their mutability, certain patterns, moves, rhythms, habits, attitudes, experiences
and knowledge emerge.463 He also points out that it is through these experiences
which are passed on to the next generation that culture is established and
reestablished through time.464 In time, these experiences create a way of life that
distinguishes one culture from another. Values are formed and the identity of the
people is solidified. Furthermore, he states, All this is carried by language.
Language as culture is the collective memory bank of a peoples experience in
history465 The importance of language cannot be overly stressed. The
communication brought by a common language brings identity to the African
American. They were to tell their story during slavery and that voice has shaped their
identity.
The importance of language as an identifying marker during slavery continues to be
essential with African Americans today. This section discusses how the language
survives and in so doing the voice of African America survives. It is important that
463
Ashcroft, Griffiths, and Tiffin, The Post-Colonial Studies Reader 289.

465
464
182
this link exists for the re-reading of Colossians from an African American
perspective, because it links the past with the present. The text was not only relevant
to the enslaved but to present day African Americans. Though Africa is not
considered a homeland as such to most African Americans, what survived were the
languages which were created and recreated through the experience of slavery and
later freedom. The language is the one common denominator among a race of
people who have been deliberately dispersed across America. H.S. Alim adequately
expresses it thus: The reason why Black students continue to speak their language
is because, really, if you think about it, its the only ONE THING that they own in this
world. Its the one thing that NOOOOOBODY can take away from them. NObody.466 Enslavement has successfully separated African Americans from the
customs of their forbears, but the language survives. Smitherman states:
African American language crosses boundaries of gender, age,
religion, social class, and region because it derives from the same
source: the Black Experience and the Oral Tradition embedded in that
Experience. Of course its true today in the twenty-first century that
there is greater diversity within the African American community than
ever before in the history of U.S. slave descendents.467
The language of African Americans has been under attack since the period of
enslavement. The mere fact that the debate still exists about the viability of the
language is a testament to its survival and that of the people. Those outside the
culture do not understand how it is communicated. Those inside, although diversities
exist, can. Smitherman points out, African American diversity notwithstanding, there
466
H. Samy Alim and American Dialect Society, You Know My Steez : An Ethnographic and Sociolinguistic Study
of Styleshifting in a Black American Speech Community, Publication of the American Dialect Society ([Durham,
N.C.]: Duke University Press for the American Dialect Society, 2004) 246.
467
183
is an underlying commonality among all those with the blood of a slave running in
they veins (as Hip Hop artist Nas would say). Culture, history, experience, not just
skin color and race, continue to define African America.468
9.1
Shadows of a Lost Heritage
African Americans are the only racial/ethnic group in the US in which the first
generation did not speak its native tongue. (Pidgin and Creole English were spoken
in the enslavement community.) It is important to note that knowing the history of
words used by African Americans contributes to the viability of the language.
The following are scant examples of African words used by Americans of all races.
Although many words are now extinct in our culture, a few words did survive: tote
to carry from Kikongo, tota; jazz from Mandinka, jasi; banana, from Wolof,
banana; cola as in Coca-Cola, from Temne, kola; juke, as in jukebox, from
Wolof, dzug (to misbehave), and Bambara, dzugu (wicked); gumbo, from Tshiluba,
kingombo, and Umbundu, ochingombo; banjo, from Kimbundu, mbanza; and
Voodoo, from Fon, vodoun, and Ewe, vodu.469 Under the heading of farming
practices, farm machinery and kitchen utensils are terms listed in the Linguistic
Atlas of the United States and Canada470 project with origins in African Languages.
These, however are not among the majority of terms that still survive in the
language. Some expressions survived linguistically: e. g. bad meaning good. In
Mandinka is the phrase, a ka nyi ko-jugu, which means, literally, it is good badly,
that is, it is very good, or it is so good that its bad! Another is the okay from West
468
Smitherman, Black Talk: Words and Phrases from the Hood to the Amen Corner 19.
470
Linguistic Atlas of the United States and Canada, s.v.
469
184
African kay meaning yes, of course, or all right. In Wolof, waw kay, in Fula
eeyi kay; in Mandinka, o-ke.
Some African influences on the black vernacular are looked down upon but are
actually carry-overs which have persisted throughout the years. As discussed earlier
for example: the spoken dat for that most West African languages do not have a
th sound. Another is He tall the verb to be is not obligatory in West African
languages. Another example, Playin the Dozens, is derived from ritual insult verbal
practices in West African cultures.471 The following is a humorous song, sung by
slaves about the devil during the Civil War recorded by William Wells Brown. Brown
was the first African-American to publish a novel, a play, a travel book, a military
study of his people, and a study of black sociology. Throughout his life he was
committed to the abolition of slavery. He made eloquent speeches putting forward
ideas for reform. Later in life he took up the cause of the temperance movement. It
shows the use of de for the and dat for that to represent the absence of th in
the language of enslaved Africans as it is directly influenced by the West African
language. Quoted by Brown and Smith:
If de Debble do not ketch
Jeff Davis, dat infernal retch,
An roast and frigazee dat rebble,
Wat is de use of any Debble? 472
It was widely believed by historians, linguists, and other scholars, that enslavement
had wiped out all traces of African languages and cultures during the first fifty years
471
William Wells Brown and John David Smith, The Negro in the American Rebellion: His Heroism and His
Fidelity (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2003) 113.
472
185
of slavery. Secondly it was believed that Black English is a poor replication of

European American language. However Smitherman remarks, Today scholars
generally agree that the African heritage was not totally wiped out, and that both
African American language and African American culture have roots in African
patterns.473 There may have been some implementation and variation of and with
Eurocentric patterns, but the African patterns of language have not been erased.
9.2
Survival of African Languages
In a debate between M. J. Herskovits and E. F. Frazier concerning the survival of

linguistic Africanisms in North America Frazier says that the institution of slavery
completely destroyed any surviving African culture and that African American culture
developed without any African antecedents.474 Holloway and Vass in discussing
findings by Herskovits reveal him saying that African cultural influences survived in
America and were retained by the process of acculturation and adaptation. The
thread that bridges these cultures is the African American language. Herskovits, in
his initial studies, was not able to gather enough statistics to support this theory, but
others followed and they were able to some degree by linking Bantu and other
African languages to many facets of American culture.475 In proving the linguistic
survival of Africanisms in North American of Bantu origin, two cultural baselines were
used: West African baseline (for assessing New World Africanisms among whites)
and a Central African baseline (for assessing Africanisms among African
Americans).476
473
Frazier and Lincoln, The Negro Church in America 9-11.
475
Joseph E. Holloway and Winifred Kellersberger Vass, The African Heritage of American English (Bloomington:
Indiana University Press, 1993) xx.
476
Holloway and Vass, The African Heritage of American English xvi.
474
186
The survival of African language is documented in Wolof folk tales that came over to
North America from Africa, which included Brer tales and Nanny tales originating
with the Fulani and Mandinka peoples. The Wolofs, being the dominant African
culture on both sides of the Atlantic, in the upper Guinea coast and the coast of
South Carolina, were the first Africans to have elements of their language and
culture retained within the developing American culture. Mande and Wolof were the
two most widespread languages of the Senegambia. Bilingualism was important for
the trade and commerce in the region.477
The Hare (Rabbit) story is also found in parts of Nigeria, Angola, and East Africa.
Tortoise stories are also found among the Yoruba, Igbo, and Edo-Bini peoples of
Nigeria. From West Africa Sudanic zone come the Hare and the Hyena. These
stories were part of the oral tradition of the Africans who were brought to the new
world as slaves. These stories were even spread among the Creek Indians known as
Trickster and Hare tales. Most of the folk tales told by Uncle Remus are Hausa in
origin and were transported to North America by the Mandinkas (Mandingos).478
Gullah, mentioned earlier as a dialect spoken by some in South Carolina and
Georgia, is derived from Angola.479 From Mande, American English borrowed
numerous words now a part of everyday English. But it was from Bantu 480 that, the
greatest influence on Black American culture came.481 Holloway states:
477
Holloway and Vass, The African Heritage of American English xxiii.

Holloway and Vass, The African Heritage of American English xxiii.
479
Holloway and Vass, The African Heritage of American English xxiv.
480
Bantu is a large category of African languages. It also is used as a general label for over 400 ethnic groups in
Sub-Saharan Africa, from Cameroon across Central Africa and Eastern Africa to Southern Africa. These peoples
share a common language family sub-group, the Bantu languages, and broad ancestral culture, but Bantu
languages as a whole are as diverse as Indo-European languages.
481
Holloway and Vass, The African Heritage of American English xxiv.
478
187
Once the Bantu reached America they were able to retain much of their
cultural identity. Enforced isolation of these Africans by plantation
owners allowed them to retain their religion, philosophy, culture,
folklore, folkways, folk beliefs, folk tales, storytelling, naming practice,
home economics, arts, kinship, and music. These Africanisms were
shared and adopted by the various African ethnic groups of the field
slave community, and they gradually developed into African-American
cooking (soul food), music (jazz, blues, spirituals, gospels), language,
religion, philosophy, customs, and arts.482
The theme of isolation will be discussed in Part Four of this thesis and will reflect the
above in the lives of the enslaved as a means of survival. Conversely, the
discussion will entail how it was used by the enslavers to help maintain servitude for
the advancement of the economy. Most importantly, this section reinforces the
viability of language as a tool in the identification of a group of people.
9.3
Theft of a Language
Although the enslaved were not colonized as such on American soil, the effect of
colonization has had lasting. One effect is the stealing of African American terms. It
is a kind of reverse colonization that steals the culture of the African American. When
terms are used or adopted by the white American mainstream, it is dropped by
blacks and new ones are created. Hecht, Collier and Ribeau state, Such doublemeaning expressions are used only until those outside the culture discover the true
meaning then new alternate-meaning words and phrases are created.483 This is
what is known as crossover or theft. A cultural example is the Harlem
Renaissance as not all blacks are flattered by this theft. Langston Hughes argues,
that many people of Harlem had never heard of the Renaissance and if they had,
482
483
Holloway, Africanisms in American Culture 17.

Hecht, Collier, and Ribeau, African American Communication : Ethnic Identity and Cultural Interpretation 86.
188
it never raised their wages any. He called it the out-migration of Black Culture;
They done taken my blues and gone.484 As with the enslaved, the attempt is made
to silence the voice of the African American. During the Harlem Renaissance, whites
profited from black peoples work done in the arts.
There is presently a multibillion-dollar industry based on African American language
and culture, where, at the same time those who produce this language and culture
are still underprivileged. So why is it considered that black people have a no culture?
Wiley concludes, Because most of it is loaned to white people. With no interest.485
There is money being made by using Black Language: McDonalds, Coca-Cola, and
Gatorade.486 The following are examples of cross-over adopted into the English
language by whites from blacks: Chill out, Jack, Upside the head, White on
rice, Hit on, Dont even go there and Twenty-four seven.487 These terms are
presently outdated indicating the turnaround time to be less than ten years. This
speaks to the continued struggle between the races to maintain or gain dominance
of a commodity important to each. On one hand money is to be made on the other a
culture struggles to survive.
T. Kochman asks the question Why can the language crossover but the people
cant?488 Norman Mailer attributes it to stubborn rebelliousness against societal
constraints, and Blacks fierce determination to live life on their terms.489 It appears
that white privilege, picked up whenever needed by some whites and those who
484
Smitherman, Black Talk: Words and Phrases from the Hood to the Amen Corner 28-29.
Ralph Wiley, Why Black People Tend to Shout : Cold Facts and Wry Views from a Black Man's World
(Secaucus, N.J.: Carol Pub. Group, 1991).
486
Erin Aubry, 'The Soul of Black Talk' Powell, Step into a World : A Global Anthology of the New Black Literature
154.
487
488
Kochman, Rappin' and Stylin' out; Communication in Urban Black America.
489
485
189
can pass as white gives them carte blanche to pursue life on their terms. Societal
constraints are exactly those issues that the enslaved encountered upon their arrival
and they still exist even today. Words, such as, determination, live and the phrase
on their terms appear to be an affront, according to Mailer, when applied to African
Americans. In January 1865, General William Tecumseh Sherman and Secretary of
War Edwin M. Stanton met in Savannah to question a group of African American
former slaves and also those who had not known slavery concerning their definition
of slavery and freedom. Garrison Frazier, a 67-year-old Baptist minister served as
spokesman for the group, and offers an effective rebuke to Mailers idea of what it
meant to African Americans to live life on their own terms and he offered a clearer
understanding of the aspirations of black people. Frazier stated:
Slavery is receiving by the irresistible power the work of another man,
and not by his consent. While freedom is taking us from the yoke of
bondage, and placing us where we could reap the fruits of our own
labor, take care of ourselves and assist the Government in maintaining
our freedom.490
Clearly Mailer could not speak for African Americans and misses the mark opining a
one-sided viewpoint about a black mindset.
9.4
African American Language
The language and phrases used by African Americans are often misunderstood and
most often misappropriated when used by those outside of the race. Many times
whites get the language wrong in an attempt to be with it. A very positive article
about Henry Louis Gates is overshadowed by the use of a phrase, Head Negro in
Charge; denoting in history the practice of whites placing key black figures over
490
Berlin, Generations of Captivity: A History of African-American Slaves 2.
190
blacks to keep them in line.491 This actually signifies that he is not really in charge at
all. There is a difference when blacks use this term to describe themselves and when
a white person uses it. The underlying implications can be felt by both and for very
different reasons. The message is felt more on the negative side than on the
positive. Smitherman points out: whites dont pay no dues but reap the benefits of
the social, psychological and economic advantage of a language and culture born
out of enslavement, neo-enslavement, Jim Crow, U.S. apartheid, and twentieth
century hard times.492
The nuances and temperament of African American culture is often lost on whites. N.
George while discussing the topic of rap and white folks says, They [whites] dont
feel the music like a black kid from Harlem might. No, they feel it like white people
have always felt black pop. It speaks to them in some deep, joyous sense as a
sweet memory of childhood fun.493 This same idea is expressed in terminology
when used in the context of African American culture. The term nigger as pejorative
has gotten a lot of attention in the last five years. Viewed from different perspectives
different feelings derive. D. Alexander explains the use of the word describing it
essentially as evolutionary stemming from slavery. It is a voice of a people who have
been made to make something out of nothing in their lives.494
The resilience of African America stems from a long history of making due with
what they had. Slaves were made to create meals out of the garbage that their white
491
492
Cheryl Bentzen, Head Negro in Charge. Boston Magazine, April 1998.

Smitherman, "Black Talk" Smitherman, Black Talk: Words and Phrases from the Hood to the Amen Corner
32.
493
Nelson George, Hip Hop America (New York: Penguin, 2005) 75.
Donnell Alexander, "Are Black People Cooler than White People?", Powell, Step into a World : A Global
Anthology of the New Black Literature 15.
494
191
master threw away; surviving on virtually the cast offs of their masters. 495 Alexander
explains:
The tryin-to-make-a-dollar-outa-fifteen-cent outlook that explains the
crossover: Cool, the basic reason blacks remain in the American culture mix
is an industry of style that everyone in the world can use. Its making
something out of nothing. Its the nigga496 metaphor. And nigga metaphor is
the genius of America.497
An adequate example follows: partying all night whilst knowing that the next day the
gas is going to be cut off because the bill has not been paid and its zero degrees
outside! Smitherman suggests, The absorption of African American Language into
European American culture masks its true origin and reason for being cause the
nigga metaphor is born from a culture of struggle.498 An example follows where
attributing the opposite meaning to a Euro-standard, Fat spelled Phat refers to a
person or thing that is excellent and desirable. Thus reflecting the traditional African
value that human body weight is a good thing, and implicitly rejecting the EuroAmerican mainstream in which skinny, not fat, is valued, and everybody is always on
a diet. Smitherman making a generational connection also states, Black senior
citizens convey the same value with the expression Dont nobody want no bone. 499
The above examples facilitate the enslavers inability to understand the perception of
the enslaved as they interpreted the scripture on their own terms. So they rejected it.
495
Donnell Alexander "Are Black people Cooler than White People?", Powell, Step into a World : A Global
Anthology of the New Black Literature 16.
496
Nigger - The term is often derogatory when used by persons other than Blacks. Alexander explains that the
term was invented in America to denegrate slaves but has evolved as a status symbol for survival in America (1516, see reference Powell).
497
Donnell Alexander, "Are Black People Cooler than White People?" in Powell, Step into a World : A Global
Anthology of the New Black Literature.
498
499
192
Rap and Hip Hop have been said to bridge the gap between black and white
cultures (rap group Public Enemys Chuck D., the Commissioner of Rap in Time
magazine 1999). However the cultural gap still remains as two separate societies still
exist, one black and the other white. Racial injustice and economic inequality
continues. Within the black society there is also a division; the middle-class group of
haves and the have-nots. The haves are the older forty-five plus and the
younger and celebrants of the new Hip Hop Language and Culture are the havenots. Language is a factor into this contradiction with the haves and have-nots
dissing500 each others language. The haves are bilingual, speaking Black
Language (U.S. Ebonics) and Standard English (the language of commerce,
business and mainstream politics or the Language of the Wider Communication
(LWC or Standard American English).501 The have-nots are monolingual, only
speaking Black Language and minimally LWC or not at all; sometimes dissing LWC
altogether. The same holds true for the haves, they may dis Black Language. The
division, however, is about acceptance of the language and not its viability.
Ebonics (African American Vernacular English) also refers to French-African and
Dutch-African. However the exact origin of the terms and phrases in African
American Language cannot be determined as with the term Ebonics. United States
Ebonics is rooted in the Black American Oral Tradition, reflecting the combination of
African languages (Niger-Congo) and Euro American English. It is the result of
enslavement, which survived domination. Ebonics is not broken English, nor
sloppy speech or slang. It is set of communication patterns and practices resulting
500
To discount or show disrespect for a person; to put someone or something down. (Smitherman, Black Talk,
108)
501
193
from Africans appropriation and transformation of a foreign tongue during the

enslavement of African people in the United States and throughout the Diaspora,
known to black writers, Rappers, activists, and others as the African Holocaust502.
The parallel is seen as the lives of those in the communities of Africa were disrupted
by the European slave trade. Millions died as a result of deplorable conditions in the
Middle Passage and the constant torture of the slaves. Smitherman states, A
number of contemporary Black historians and other scholars have argued that the
consequences of the African Holocaust and its impact on present-day Black
communities have yet to be fully assessed.503
The dialects and languages of the African American community are represented by
the following:
United States Ebonics derived from the Niger-Congo (African) languages

and/or derived from Creole languages of the Caribbean, and/or derived from
the linguistic related to but not directly the same as either English or West
African languages.
Standard American English (U.S. Language of Wider Communication (LWC)
Nonstandard American English
Language patterns and communication styles that are non-African in origin

and are used by the working class which incorporates double negatives and
mis-pronunciations (ask and axe)
Arabic, Spanish, Swahili, Creole, etc.504
502
"A term used by Black writers, Rappers, activists, and others to refer to the enslavement of African people in
the US and throughout the Diaspora", Smitherman, Talkin That Talk: Language, Culture, and Education in
African America 19.
503
Smitherman, Talkin That Talk: Language, Culture, and Education in African America Note 1, 400.
504
194
All of which was shaped by the desire to communicate under duress as enslaved
Africans in America.
In the controversy about the existence and role of Africanisms in the Black
Experience two schools of thought exist. In the Anglican tradition Negro or Black
English is really White English and traceable to British dialects spoken in remote
areas. Enslaved Africans picked up their English from white immigrants, from places
like East Anglia (whites of the British Isles), who had settled in the South during the
Colonial era in U.S. history. Thus, saying that black speech is simply outdated or
archaic white speech. In this tradition, it is believed that these outdated and oldfashioned forms of English have persisted in the African American community
because of racial, and consequently, linguistic isolation. Furthermore, it is believed
that, because blacks have not participated in the mainstream of white society, they
have not evolved. This line of reasoning replaces or piggybacks on, the theory
concerning genetic and biological and sociological differences. Also in the Anglican
tradition, is the theory that everything African was lost during the hardship of the
Middle Passage and the aftermath of slavery. A blank slate was left (tabula rasa),
which was filled with European American culture. Cultural differences are also
attributed to the degradation of poverty and hard times, rather than to African
linguistic and cultural influence.
The other school of thought lies in the definition of Ebonics: linguistic and
paralinguistic features, which on a concentric continuum, represents the
communicative competence of the West African, Caribbean, and United States slave
descendant of African origin. It includes the various idioms, patois, argots, idiolects,
and social dialects of black people, especially those who have been forced to adapt
195
to colonial circumstances. Ebonics derives its form from ebony (black) and phonics
(sound, the study of sound).
At the level where African Americans were prevented from maintaining the large
number of African cultural institutions and traditional customs (which survived in the
Caribbean and in South America) is racial barriers which prevent the poor from
assimilation into white American society. They also served as cultural and linguistic
barriers, enabling many African characteristics including linguistic features to be
preserved behind an apparently American exterior. Africanisms survived and were
not recreated as is assumed. Smitherman states:
Other creations emerged from the life and experience of a segregated
culture and include language concerning a life of oppression,
expressions indicative of a strong Christian orientation, and phrases
that are coded to mean something other than what they would mean to
a non-Black listener.505
Here we see that style-shifting, discussed in Subsection 8.1, has also survived into
the present century. African Americans are very protective of the language and
forms of expression inherited from their ancestors. Perhaps this form of self
preservation speaks to the continuing desire for freedom; an inheritance that cannot
be denied, as is exhibited in Part Four.
9.5
The Black Church
J.D. Roberts, in discussing the survival of Africanisms in the black church community
expresses the following: It follows that there were no significant religious
505
See "code-switching" in Geneva Smitherman, Talkin and Testifyin : The Language of Black America (Boston:
Houghton Mifflin, 1977).
196
survivals.506 In dispute of this statement, the voice of African America was heard
loudest during the American Civil Rights Movement of the 50s into the early 70s
coming through the African American church. Mailer expressed earlier (9.3) the
African Americans desire to live life on their own terms. During the time of the Civil
Rights movement African Americans were speaking out and rebelling against living
their lives on terms set for them by the dominant society. The act of rebellion was not
new as there were many rebellions in the past by the enslaved. These rebellions
symbolized the desire to live as human beings and the voice of the enslaved was
crying out to be heard. Hopkins states, The myth of the happy slave evaporates
when one discovers that there were so many slave insurrections in Virginia in the
nineteenth century that they were not all recorded for fear that the magnitude of the
Black quest for freedom might overwhelm the slave-owners.507 The enslaved were
punished like little children for desiring to have the basic right that was afforded to
many other people of their time, freedom. Why were the enslaved Africans not only
denied the basic right of freedom, but also denied the right to want it? This thesis has
shown that one of the primary measures taken to quell the desire to be free was the
presentation of Christianity.
The abuse of Christianity in the past by whites has been discussed in this thesis and
the effect on the black church has fostered a renewed desire to reclaim and rename
the past and present respectively. Smitherman reveals, Yes, enslaved Africans
adopted ole massas religion, but they Africanized this religion into spirit-gittin,
tongue-speakin, vision-receivin, amen-sayin, singsong preachin, holy-dancin
506
Roberts and Goatley, Black Religion, Black Theology : The Collected Essays of J. Deotis Roberts 118.
Hopkins, Shoes That Fit Our Feet : Sources for a Constructive Black Theology 38-41, Wilmore, African
American Religious Studies : An Interdisciplinary Anthology 27.
507
197
worship.508 The above statement, although seemingly simplistic and archaic

represents the voice of the African American church. Very often in the experience of
the African American Christian, attending church is what sustains them and allows
them to give voice to their daily lives. Many African Americans are comfortable with
attending multicultural church services, but uncomfortable when it comes to worship.
Wilmore states, Regardless of the congregational expression in which he may be
involved side by side with his white neighbor, the Negro knows the dimension of
separation from the white that leads him to seek fulfillment in fellowships primarily
concerned with the folk religion: freedom and equality. 509 Often times they are self
conscious about their desire to express their praise to God in a manner that would
single them out from the crowd. It is in their blood to rejoice openly and sometimes
in ways peculiar to the experience mentioned above by Smitherman. Wilmore adds,
Black religion is unique to the Negro folk, born as it was of slavery, and it ties them
each to the other in times of stress by a racial bond that cuts across all other
variables.510 There are times when African Americans are reminded of their past,
albeit through negative contact with other societies or in times of close contact with
other African Americans. During these times the voice of the enslaved speaks
reminding them of who they are. A mixture of rage and pride develops and often it is
through their faith that an outlet comes. Wilmore concurs, The voices of Black faith
508
Smitherman, Black Talk: Words and Phrases from the Hood to the Amen Corner 20-21.
Joseph R. Washington, Jr. "Folk Religion and Negro Congregations: The Fifth Religion", Wilmore, African
510
Joseph R. Washington, Jr. "Folk Religion and Negro Congregations: The Fifth Religion", Wilmore, African
509
198
granted Blacks a spiritual emancipation from their oppression, which is still a primary
element in the anatomy of contemporary African American Christianity. 511
Conclusion
Through the languages of Pidgin, Creole, spirituals, sermons, style-shifting, etc the
voice of African America is heard. Their story is told through the struggles with
learning English and making it their own. The history of the songs, sermons, poems
still coming to light pull out of obscurity the rich yet debased lives of a people
struggling to survive and make sense of their history. This thesis is not just about the
survival of words or even language, but the voice that is created from the origin of
the African American language; a product of two cultures, Africa and America. Yet
the voice is that of African America and that voice is that of survival. Enslaved
Africans were forced to survive from the time they left the shores of West Africa.
Some did not make it across the Atlantic, but those that did carry their blood in their
veins. Therefore, they too survived as African Americans. In spite of the hardships
and the attempts by enslavers to erase the memory of those who perished, they live
on.
The common language of African Americans is constantly changing but the voice of
survival remains. With this change comes new dynamics that merely reiterate the
consciousness of African Americans concerning their identity. Language has power
to shape identity, culture and to remind of the past. The changes in the language, as
with the culture, will not necessary come from the past but from the future. D. S.
Hope states, Shifts in identity are more likely to come about through new age
511
Marable Manning, "Religion and Black Protest Thought in African American History", Wilmore, African
199
cohorts than in changes in existing cohorts. As a result, the history of African

American rhetoric has been characterized by a continuing search for identity. 512
Powell, in the chapter of the book Step Into a World entitled The Word Movement,
discusses the current movement of the voice of African America. 513 The Word
Movement is not new for it began with the voice of the enslaved African spanning
from Phyllis Wheatley to todays voices of those like Toni Morrison and young writers
like Kevin Powell. The movement encompasses the voices of writers, poets, rappers,
preachers and teachers. The new cohorts are young African Americans voicing
their concerns about poverty, injustice, and AIDS that beat their communities down.
The former writers have passed on the legacy of language and the voice of the
marginalized continues to be heard. Powell adds, The goal was not just to write, but
to aggressively inform the public of our efforts.514 His anthology informs and reminds
one of the worlds African America has inherited.
Christianity stands at the center of the survival of African America. Used to subdue
and pacify the enslaved, the Bible spoke of freedom. The enslaved were not satisfied
with the teachings by the white preachers and even before they were allowed to read
the words for themselves the message of the Bible was revealed. The stories
became their stories and the enslaved preacher spoke of survival. Wimbush
describes the Bible as:
An ideological and rhetorical weapon on an ideological and rhetorical
playing field. Different regions of the country, different religious and
cultural groups, and different racial and ethnic groups and classes
512
D.S. Hope, "Redefinition of self: A Comparison of the Rhetoric of the Women's Liberation and Black Liberation
Movements" Eastern Communication Association. and Speech Association of the Eastern States., "Today's
Speech," ([Amherst, Mass., etc.,: Eastern Communication Association), 23, 17-25.
513
Powell, Step into a World : A Global Anthology of the New Black Literature 1-14.
514
Powell, Step into a World : A Global Anthology of the New Black Literature 6.
200
turned to the Bible both to articulate and to justify their views on the
great controversial topic of the times slavery.515
Christianity, used by some to silence the voice of the enslaved, literally gave them
their voice and identity which carried over into the American Civil Rights Movement a
collective voice that was heard and still reverberates around the world. Part Four
utilizes the identity and culture of African America and data collected to discuss the
presentation to and reception of the gospel to both the Colossians in the first century
and the enslaved Africans of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
515
Wimbush, "Reading..." Segovia and Tolbert, Teaching the Bible : The Discourses and Politics of Biblical
Pedagogy 99.
201
P ART FOUR
TOWARDS A RE-READING OF COLOSSIANS
Introduction
The identities of the Colossians and Africans mentioned in this thesis produced a
footprint for understanding the reception of the gospel portrayed in the letter to the
Colossians from an African American perspective. Africas extensive history of
exposure to the teachings of the gospel is reflected in the re-reading of Colossians.
With strong beginnings in Africa, the teachings and practices of first-century
Christianity were observed with tenacity by Africans. If not largely ignored, the
similarities between the traditional religions of Africa and Christianity would have
served as a bridge for the missionaries of the fifteenth century (See Subsection 5.2).
Subsequently Africans carried with them to the New World the teachings of both their
traditional religions and Christianity. As with the Colossians, their interpretation of the
teachings did not meet the standards of those presenting the gospel.
The re-reading is seen through the lens of the people of Colossae and that of the
enslaved Africans in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries from an
African American postcolonial perspective. These two groups were chosen because
in paralleling the presentation and reception of the gospel to Colossae and to the
enslaved African during the respective periods mentioned, similarities existed:
Both groups lived in countries that had been colonized.
They were mostly powerless to change their status without negative

repercussions.
Diversities of beliefs and customs existed within their communities.
The dominant culture controlled them to the betterment of the empire and the
detriment of its subjects.
202
This thesis does not attempt to equate one society with the other. They differed in
that, unlike the enslaved African, the people of Colossae had more mobility. They
travelled freely to other cities, e.g. Laodicea and Hierapolis. They were hampered
neither by race nor by ethnic differences, however they were classified by status
(slave and free). The letter does suggest that the people were under the subjection
of worldly powers (Colossians 2.8, 15). The lives of each group differed
geographically and in the era in which they lived. However, a greater similarity (and
the focus of this thesis) was that both groups were new believers. The difference
was that the gospel had only just begun to be spread in the first century and
Christianity was in its early stages. Nevertheless as new believers, both groups had
been exposed to religions and practices for generations that seemed to oppose the
teachings of the gospel. The impact of Christianity through the centuries on the
generations of Africans, both in Africa and the New World is pivotal in understanding
the postcolonial view.
In understanding postcolonial (as with post-feminine or postmodern), the post does
not mean sequentially after or anti as the prefix might indicate. Bhabha explains it
in oppositional terms. The discourse does not represent what happens beyond or
outside a given era or genre. Nor is it merely relevant to that which happens during a
set period. The prefix post rather concerns what Bhabha interprets as: that which
represents what is produced by the very existence of the era or genre; be it art,
music, literature, etc. He states, It is in this sense that the boundary becomes the
place from which something begins its presencing.516
516
Bhabha, The Location of Culture 5.
203
The re-reading begins with a brief mention of authorship of the Colossians letter.
Next in Chapter Ten a summary of the commentaries on Colossians is presented.
Finally, the actual re-reading will follow in Chapters Twelve through Fifteen.
Authorship is addressed to further identify the hearers. Pauls writings show a
different approach when writing to the different communities. The writer of this letter,
if not Paul, shows techniques that parallel him. The letter differs from that to the
Galatians and the Corinthians. Barclay, referencing the letter to the Colossians
suggests, Whereas there is more or less settled consensus about the target of
Pauls attack on Galatians or the viewpoints Paul combats in 1 Corinthians, here
there is not only no consensus but, it seems, an ever-increasing in the range of
reconstructions on offer.517 The diversity of the population in Colossae and the rest
of the cities in the Lycos valley perhaps contributed to the problem of identifying the
target of the so called attack. The various commentators attempting to lay blame as
to who the false teachers were help identify the hearers. However, it is not the aim
of this thesis to point to the hearers or community members as false teachers but to
identify them, promoting the idea that various beliefs were represented which
constituted the purpose of the letter.
Within the purview of this letter, written to a first-century community of new
believers, five areas are briefly presented in reference to the development of this
perspective:
Labeling
Major Commentators on the Colossian Error
517
John M. G. Barclay, Colossians and Philemon, New Testament Guides (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press,
1997) 40.
204
Christianity
Rhetoric
A Hermeneutic of a Slave Society (Isolation Theme)
205
P ART FOUR - CHAPTER TEN

LITERARY REVIEW OF COMMENTARY ON COLOSSIANS
10.1
Labeling
Can one speak for the people of Colossae, the hearers/readers of the letter written
by Paul or someone of the Pauline Corpus? The answer has to be no, because only
they can speak and that is now an impossibility considering the letter was written
nearly 2000 years ago. Does anyone have the right to speak for them? No, unless
they had asked someone and that cannot be determined (unless there is tangible
evidence that has survived the devastation of that city). Should someone speak for
them? Now this is the question that needs clarifying. What would be accomplished
by giving a voice to the people of first-century Colossae? Perhaps it is just the
curiosity of one person who is puzzled by the hype of twentieth and twenty-firstcentury scholars labeling some of the early believers of that community as heretics,
false teachers and opponents. From a postcolonial standpoint interest is
generated in hearing the voice of the other unraveling the European and EuroAmerican criticism of the text which presents an imperialistic view of society gone
wrong. This thesis identifies with the other on the subject of the voice of the
Colossians and takes issue with speaking about and to the other.
Spivaks statement concerning the voices of the indigenous rings true for both the
believers in Colossae and the enslaved Africans. She remarks, The subaltern
cannot speak. There is no virtue in global laundry lists with woman as a pious item.
Representation has not withered away. The female intellectual as intellectual has a
206
circumscribed task which she must not disown with a flourish.518 However, by
comparing the circumstances of each group as it relates to the reception of
Christianity in this thesis a collective voice resounds giving notice to those who will
hear. The labels placed on the people of Colossae and those of the enslaved
Africans have placed limitations on the interpretation of the text.
Viewing the text of Colossians from the lens of the subdominant culture offers
interpretation from the perspective of the other; a valuable interpretation in
furthering the debate in biblical hermeneutics in the critical study of the Bible.
Foucault suggests, To make visible the unseen can also mean a change of level,
addressing oneself to a layer of material which had hitherto had no pertinence for
history and which had not been recognized as having any moral, aesthetic or
historical value.519 In changing the level of the conversation in Colossians from
concentrating on the error to examining the people to whom the letter was addressed
argues against labeling them. Re-reading the text from the view of other allows one
to see historic value in people who otherwise have no voice.
Spivak responds to Foucaults statement by saying that; it is the slippage from
rendering visible the mechanism to rendering vocal the individual both avoiding any
kind of analysis of [the subject] whether psychological, psychoanalytical or linguistic,
that is consistently troublesome.520 The people of Colossae were labeled and as a
consequence their views were not valued. It should be noted that the writer of the
letter is not complicit to the degree of the commentators in their labeling of its
518
Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, "Can the Subaltern Speak?" Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg, Marxism and
the Interpretation of Culture (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988) 308.
519
Michel Foucault and Colin Gordon, Power/Knowledge : Selected Interviews and Other Writings, 1972-1977
(Brighton, Sussex: Harvester Press, 1980) 49-50.
520
Spivak, "Can the Subaltern Speak?" Nelson and Grossberg, Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture 285.
207
readers as heretics and false teachers. However, he suggests they were not
worthy (1.10) as believers unless they rose to the level of knowledge to which he
encouraged them (1.9 the knowledge of his will in all wisdom and spiritual
understanding). The listeners were praised for their belief in Christ as having faith
and love (1.4-8); yet the goal was to have a deeper knowledge. They were not to
be heard from (made visible) unless they conformed to the edict of the gospel
concerning the Lordship of Jesus Christ. They were to be presentable only through
their acknowledging (1.21-22, that they were once alienated and must be made
presentable holy, blameless and above reproach).
The people of Colossae had been believers in religions of some kind before the
teachings of the gospel were introduced. The religion that was later to be known as
Christianity was new; therefore commentators who place belief in Christ as being
older than that of the beliefs of the Colossians are not looking at the chronology of
religion in the Lycus Valley. Christianity was not yet fully established. Therefore why
is it being presented in such an authoritative fashion? MacDonald points out, The
Church was in the intermediate stages of the institutionalization of the Pauline
communities.521 The language of the letter needs to be looked at more closely to
determine the tenor of the writers concern. This thesis suggests that the writer and
later commentators are in error in claiming to know the people of Colossae to the
point of labeling those of the community who appear to be trying to make sense of
this new belief.
521
Margaret Y. MacDonald, The Pauline Churches : A Socio-Historical Study of Institutionalization in the Pauline
and Deutero-Pauline Writings (Cambridge [England] ; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988) 2-4.
208
Often, neither the beliefs nor the traditions of the indigenous are investigated beyond
observing what appears on the surface. Zerbe remarks:
With a few sharp strokes the author asserts the supremacy and
absolutism of Christ over all other religious and political claimants
(1.13-20; 2.8-3.4). These texts have been a powerful tool in the history
of the colonial missionary enterprise, a weapon used to reject
indigenous rituals, practices and beliefs of colonized and converted
peoples.522
Upon viewing certain behavior that appears strange or foreign, opinions are formed
and actions are taken to correct the beliefs on the assumption that what is viewed is
in error. Zerbe and Orevillo-Montenegro assert in the following quote that the beliefs
of the other are not properly investigated, thus that voice is often misrepresented.
Almost invariably, Western scholarly commentators either proudly
proclaim and sanctify Pauls resistance to error and heresy or refuse
to engage the critical religious and cultural issues by resting content to
reconstruct descriptively the alternative perspective which Paul
opposes. Proposed labels for the other tendency include JewishChristian Gnosticism, a Christianized mystery cult, Jewish ascent
mysticism, Hellenistic philosophy (various forms) and syncretistic folk
religion.523
Africa Answers Back524 portrays the traditional beliefs of remote African villagers in
early twentieth-century Uganda. As a case review for this thesis this biographical
story told in a fictional fashion, reveals a well structured society and reaction to
missionary attempts to correct what they interpreted as erroneous beliefs. The
522
Zerbe and Orevillo-Montenegro Fernando F. Segovia and R. S. Sugirtharajah, A Postcolonial Commentary on

the New Testament Writings, The Bible and Postcolonialism (London ; New York: T & T Clark, 2007) 295.
523
Zerbe and Orevillo-Montenegro Segovia and Sugirtharajah, A Postcolonial Commentary on the New
Testament Writings 296.
524
Akiki K. Nyabongo, Africa Answers Back (London,: Routledge, 1936).
209
author reveals the problems encountered by both missionaries and indigenous

people in understanding the beliefs of one another. Nyabongo records an instance
where missionaries sought to correct the practice of polygamy within the tribal
system by citing the teachings of Paul, but failed to dissuade the chief in adequately
answering the question of Solomons many wives and concubines. Another area
questioned by the people was Jesus lineage in light of Marys Immaculate
Conception and her betrothal and marriage to Joseph. In addition from the
missionarys teaching there was the confusion about Jesus step-father and from
their calculation the result was that Jesus seemed to have had three fathers. This
undermined the missionarys attempt to teach monogamy since the Ugandans
thought Mary had three husbands.
The book illustrated the problems of presenting the gospel to a society whose beliefs
were not only different but grounded in traditions that extended to past generations.
Their beliefs did not hamper them in offering informed questions and in some cases
accepting the doctrines presented to them. The Chief in the story inquired about
having his son baptized, but a missionary refused because the chief practiced
polygamy. Although the intention of the missionary was for a far-reaching
evangelism throughout the entire village, his refusal sent a different message to the
people. Instead of drawing them into the faith, they were turned away.
Aichele asks provoking questions that add to the discussion of labeling in the context
of biblical hermeneutics.
To what extent have the echoes of other voices in these letters been
drowned out simply by being labeled the opponents, the biblical
scholars equivalent of the term other? To what extent does the term
210
opponent connote the normativity of Pauls own discourse? And to

what extent does such Pauline commentary become an extension of
Pauls own discourse, a testament to its cooptive power, and a
repetition of its gesture of exclusion? 525
He offers a Foucauldian reading which he feels would attempt an alternative
interpretation of the various voices within the Pauline corpus, by saying that the
labeling is not necessarily negative; just an example of unconventional
interpretations of truth in terms. Walsh disagrees with this concept. He calls it, a
facile strategy with an appearance of wisdom, that drowns out the voice of the
marginalized. 526 He adds, What such reading against the grain of the text actually
accomplishes is a new kind of violence with a new opponent who is deemed to have
deviated from another assumed normative stance.527 While seeing Walshs point,
the idea of other applied to Paul would only work if poststructuralist critics applied
the same rhetorical techniques to him as he did his opponents. This tactic, being
reactionary, would only serve to dismiss Paul and his theology which is not the
intention of this thesis. Although the discussions surrounding Pauls voice tends to
be an obstacle, they are necessary for identifying the voices of the people of
Colossae.
The free use of the term pagan in many of the commentaries on Colossians points
to the Europeans view of the Africans when first encountered. They were said to be
without a religion or what they believed was false therefore the need to evangelize
them was evident. Their beliefs were dismissed as pagan and if there were any
525
George Aichele and Bible and Culture Collective., The Postmodern Bible (New Haven: Yale University Press,
1995) 143.
526
George Aichele and Bible and Culture Collective Aichele and Bible and Culture Collective., The Postmodern
Bible 275.
527
Walsh and Keesmaat, Colossians Remixed : Subverting the Empire 104-05.
211
examination of them they proved to be substandard. The writer of Colossians letter

was kind; however, there is the element of sub-standardizing the former beliefs of
the community.
To dismiss the discourse of the letter to the Colossians would only serve to further
silence their voices. The obstacle in this process is the labeling by contemporary
critics of the people of the newly formed community of believers as heretics and
opponents and presupposing knowledge of their beliefs by labeling them erroneous.
The danger in perpetuating this practice is born out historically in presuppositions
concerning the beliefs of people in various other world countries. The following is
quoted in entirety to reflect accusations supporting the derogatory view of many
European critics of the other:
Hypocrisy is of recent date; that neither Cortez discovering Mexico
from the top of the great teocalli, nor Pizzaro before Cuzco (much less
Marco Polo before Cambaluc), claims that he is the harbinger of a
superior order; that they kill; that they plunder; that they have helmets,
lances, cupidities; that the slavering apologists came later; that the
chief culprit in this domain is Christian pedantry, which laid down the
dishonest equations Christianity = civilization, paganism = savagery,
from which there could not but ensue abominable colonialist and racist
consequences, whose victims were to be the Indians. The refusal of
the Caribs (Caribals / cannibals) to convert to Christianity justified
European genocide in the Caribbean. Native other and cannibal
became linked concepts in a European psyche already politically and
religiously alert for signs of this ultimate sacrilege / sacrament. Myths of
212
African savagery and heathen rites justified a racism rendered

necessary by the economic promise of the slave trade.528
10.2
Major Commentators on the Colossian Error
This section presents background literature on the labeling of false teachers. The
views are used in this thesis to identify the Colossian believers. Although not meant
to dismiss the views held by the commentators presented, this thesis stands in
opposition to the labeling itself and the foundations on which the commentators base
it. However, this thesis finds value in the labels to aid in identifying the people of
Colossae and to give them a voice in the understanding their view of the
presentation of the gospel. The authors are not listed in any particular order.
10.2.1 J.B. Lightfoot529
Lightfoot identifies the false teacher as Jewish with the references to circumcision,
Sabbaths, new moons and the rules about food and drink. He saw a close
relationship to Judaism in wisdom, knowledge and mystery; fascination with angels
and other intermediary powers; and interest in asceticism and humiliation of the
body. He also made a parallel between Judaism and the Essenes. The Essenes
were interested in angels, ascetic practices and knowledge that he felt influenced the
newly formed Christian church in Colossae. He considered the Essenes to be a form
of pre-Christian Judaic Gnosticism although not claiming that the heresy originated
in the doctrines of the Essenes.
528
Diana Brydon, Helen Tiffin, 'West Indian Literature and the Australian Comparison' Postcolonial Criticism B. J.
Moore-Gilbert, Gareth Stanton, and Willy Maley, Postcolonial Criticism, Longman Critical Readers (London ; New
York: Longman, 1997) 201.
529
(reprinted in) Francis and Meeks, Conflict at Colossae : A Problem in the Interpretation of Early Christianity,
Illustrated by Selected Modern Studies 13-59, Primary source Lightfoot, Saint Paul's Epistles to the Colossians
and to Philemon.
213
10.2.2 Gnther Bornkamm530

Bornkamm concentrated on the reference to elements/elemental spirits of the
universe (2.8, 20) which connects with powers in 2.10 and 2.15, angels 2.18 and
fullness 2.9. He made a connection between Mithras and Jews to Christ through
the references to angel worship, observance of festivals and seasons and the
insistence on certain ascetic practices. His Gnostic connection stems from the
Mithras celebration of a mystery of rebirth which he parallels with the ascetic of
voluntary humiliation (2.8, 23). He considered the heresy to be a Jewish
Gnosticism stemming from the aforementioned feasts and festivals as ascetic
practices which he later indicated as the precursor to Hypsistarians a successor in
Asian Christianity. This he identified as the Jewish-Christian Gnosticism combated in
Colossians.531
10.2.3 Martin Dibelius532
Dibelius argued that Christians had adapted a pagan mystery cult dedicated to the
elements of the cosmos. With Christianity in its early stages one would argue that
they were mixing more familiar pagan beliefs with their new beliefs in the gospel.
Barclay here however sounds closer to chronologically putting the beliefs in order,
whereby Christianity is not mentioned as an established religion, but beginning to
form. He states that, we have a fine example of the syncretization of Christianity
in which early mystical forms of gnosis (not yet developed Gnosticism) proved
attractive to Christians as a kind of secondary religious insurance.533 However, there
530
'The Heresy of Colossians', translated in Francis and Meeks, Conflict at Colossae : A Problem in the
Interpretation of Early Christianity, Illustrated by Selected Modern Studies 123-45.
531
Barclay, Colossians and Philemon 42.
532
Martin Dibelius, An Die Kolosser, Epheser, an Philemon (Tbingen,: J.C.B. Mohr (p. Siebeck),
1927).Translated in Francis and Meeks 'Conflict at Colossae' 61-121.
533
214
is still a sense that Christianity dominates with the use of the secondary. The
mystery cults predated Christianity. Dibelius was particularly interested in the phrase
, roughly translated which he has seen entering or
dwelling on visions. He connects this entry rite to mystery initiations in antiquity.
Dibelius views indicate a struggle between early Christian beliefs and existing pagan
beliefs. His arguments comes closer to the view held by this thesis in that although
he refers to error on the part of the Colossians, he does recognize that there
existed beliefs rooted in generations of pagan worship.
10.2.4 Fred O. Francis534
The readers of the letter can be identified as a mixture of pagan mystery believers
and Jews. Francis took the interpretation of in 2.18 to be important
(as did Dibelius). However, Francis equated self-mortification to a fasting regimen
and the visions which could result. He found this to be common in both the
Hellenistic world and Jewish post-biblical literature. In this period Jewish asceticism
and mystical ascent were the result of fasting which resulted in visions and a sense
of entering into the heavens (cf. 2 Corinthians 12.1-6). Francis pioneered the thought
that the phrase translated by nearly all scholars to mean
worship of angels, to be better translated as worship practiced by angels; thus,
directing the error as a fascination with or human participation in the activity of
angels worshipping God. This type of activity is discussed in Jewish apocalyptic
literature. Francis aligns with Dibelius and the discussion of mysticism and
Gnosticism places the target of the letter with Judaic ideology.
534
Selected Modern Studies 163-95.
215
10.2.5 Eduard Schweizer535

The audience can be looked at as traditional Jews with a Greco-Roman background
according to Schweizers views of the heresy in Colossae. Hellenistic Philosophy is
identified with the repeated phrase the elements of the world (2.8, 20). Schweizer
took this phrase to refer neither to spirits nor astral powers but to the (four) physical
elements of the world, which were regarded by some Greek philosophers as being in
constant strife and as holding humanity captive in the physical world.536 Self
mortification to Schweizer meant fasting and sexual abstinence which expressed a
traditional Jewish characteristic when rules about food, drink and festivals were
enforced. He also paralleled the Jewish implications with a neo-Pythagorean text
from the first century (Diogenes Laertius, Lives 8.25-33) giving the philosophy a
Judaized Pythagoreanism.
10.2.6 Clinton Arnold537
Jewish and Gentile syncretism is identified within this newly forming Christian
community. Traditional local religions were practiced with reference to invocation to
angels and magic to ward off evil powers. He contends that the phrase
has nothing to do with Jewish mysticism. He identifies the hearers as the
local peoples of Phrygian (mystery 2.18) and Jewish (2.16) descent.
10.2.7 Richard DeMaris538
535
Schweizer, The Letter to the Colossians : A Commentary.

537
Arnold, The Colossian Syncretism : The Interface between Christianity and Folk Belief at Colossae.
538
Richard E. DeMaris, The Colossian Controversy : Wisdom in Dispute at Colossae, Journal for the Study of the
New Testament. Supplement Series (Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1994).
536
216
DeMaris identifies the people of Colossae as Jewish and Greek. He identifies

elements of Middle-Platonic demonology and a Jewish-Christian emphasis on
humility, food and celebrations. DeMaris points out that the Jews were no longer
concerned with the religious aspects of these traditions. The worship of angels
meant that the angels themselves were worshipped. Contrary to Francis, however,
angels were another name for pagan heroes or lesser divinities, identifying a more
mythic audience. He translates the term , to mean investigating which
points to the philosophical tone of heresy. He feels this attracted Christians
precisely by its combination of Jewish tradition and Greek philosophy.539
10.2.8 Troy Martin540
Cynic philosophers were thought to be among the Colossian congregation using
2.16-18 and 20-23 as evidence. The Cynics were said to criticize the community for
their eating and drinking and observance of feasts, new moons and Sabbaths.
Cynics were noted for their prohibitions of consumer goods and an understanding of
humility as bodily discipline, not social respect.541 Martin argues that the phrase
does not mean worship of angels or worship with them, but
the religion communicated by human messengers. The Cynics criticized the
preaching of the gospel by the Colossian Christians.542
10.2.9 R. McL. Wilson543
Wilson views the controversy as pre-gnostic in nature stating: The only proper
course is to read the letter as is stands, without importing ideas from a later age, but
539

Troy W. Martin, By Philosophy and Empty Deceit : Colossians as Response to a Cynic Critique, Journal for
the Study of the New Testament. Supplement Series, (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1996).
541
542
Barclay Barclay, Colossians and Philemon 47.
540
543
Wilson, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Colossians and Philemon 61.
217
at the same time recognizing throughout the possibility that there may be elements
which suggest a development in the direction of the later Gnosticism.544 He
identifies a Jewish component in relation to the Gnostic elements making note of
the debate concerning the authenticity and dating of the letter. Wilson affirms, as
does this thesis, that; We are not yet in a position to affirm with confidence that we
have finally identified the nature and origins of the Colossian heresy.545 He
identifies the community largely as Gentile Christians and, on a smaller scale, some
Jews.546
10.2.10
Morna D. Hooker
Morna Hookers view of the comments to the Colossians community is as general

warnings to a community which consisted of diverse peoples of faiths ranging from
Judaism to the mystery cults. She suggests, Even if the letter is written out of a
general pastoral concern for the Christians in Colossae, rather than because of
some dangerous error there, we may expect Pauls words to reflect knowledge of the
state of the Church.547 Hookers stance on the controversy is that due to the unusual
calm of the writer in confronting the situation as reported to him in Colossae the idea
of false teaching is questionable. She suggests that, if there were indications of false
teachings it was not serious enough to warrant attacks as other commentators
suggest. The letter indicates at the onset that there were no questions about the
uniqueness of Christ that would suggest, for example, the beginning of Gnostic
belief. The writer does not specifically point that out. There was no clear correction
directed to outsiders bringing into the community false teachings. Hooker mentions
544
Wilson, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Colossians and Philemon 45 - 63.

546
545
547
Morna Dorothy Hooker, From Adam to Christ: Essays on Paul (Cambridge [England]; New York: Cambridge
218
the letter to the Galatians, where faith in Christ was being compromised, as a
reference to the different tone of the letter. She adds, There is therefore no real
basis for assuming that the Christology of chapter 1 is developed in opposition to
false beliefs in the Colossian Church which could in any sense be described as
heretical or dangerous.548
This thesis is in agreement with Hookers assessment of the situation. Colossians
does not contain the angry outbursts and concerns found in Galatians, Philippians
(3.2) or the Corinthian letters. Hooker states, Indeed, a closer examination of Pauls
language in Colossians suggests a situation very different from the troubled state of
some of his churches.549 Chapter One is very encouraging and exhibits confidence
in their adapting to the teachings of the gospel. Chapter Two shows the writer
rejoicing over their good order and faith as he urges them to live their lives as those
who are rooted and built up in him and established in the faith (2.7).
In 2.2 the writer explains that he is reminding the Colossians of certain facts in order
that no one should delude them. The warning is a general one, and it should not be
assumed that the writer believes that the people of Colossae are in imminent danger
from particular false teachers. In employing the term (in verse 20) the
writer is perhaps asking them rhetorically in order to invoke thought why subject
yourselves or why submit to regulations as opposed to implying that they have
already done so. Hooker remarks that, in view of the lack of any other indication that
548
549
Hooker, From Adam to Christ: Essays on Paul 122.

219
the Colossians have submitted to such regulations, it seems more likely that Paul is
issuing a warning than an accusation.550
Pagan beliefs were alive as was the heritage of Judaism. The newly baptized
community of believers were called to be holy and blameless and irreproachable
(1.22) within this atmosphere. Imagine the pressure of those who had removed
themselves from their former pagan beliefs to achieve purity by keeping the
regulations of Judaism. It was perhaps not so difficult for the Jewish population.
Hooker points out, The convert who accepted as much from Judaism would
naturally tend to accept these also. There is no need to postulate the arrival in
Colossae of false teachers or Judaizers to explain Pauls warnings.551 The
tension created within the community in deconstructing former beliefs and instituting
the teachings of the gospel was what concerned the writer. Therefore clarification
was needed which over time could create a more stable community. With persons
living in the community who were outside the faith tensions would naturally occur
and Hookers following statement could hold true.
Pauls teaching in Colossians, then, seems to us to be quite as
appropriate to a situation in which young Christians are under pressure
to conform to the beliefs and practices of their pagan and Jewish
neighbors, as to a situation in which their faith is endangered by the
deliberate attacks of false teachers. 552
10.3
Christianity
Reading the letter from the perspective that it was addressing people who were still
practicing pagan religions and viewing Christianity in its infancy turns the tables to
550

552
551
220
show that Christianity was not necessarily being challenged but the former beliefs
and culture of the Colossians. What did the Colossians need to change about their
faith and what could be incorporated? Surely there were practices that seem to
contradict the teachings of Paul and others. The labeling of the teachings and the
stigma of the word opponents is reminiscent of the missionary efforts to convert
West Africans as early as the fifteenth century to Christianity. Since the indigenous
beliefs were foreign to that with which the missionaries were familiar the indigenous
people were labeled as savages and heathens and their beliefs were condemned.
The use of the term wayward community by Zerbe and Montenegro following,
suggests a pulling away from established beliefs of a group or culture. The letter to
the Colossians is, in brief, an assertion of Pauls apostolic authority over a
(potentially) wayward community not established by Paul himself.553 This community
was a newly formed community of believers in the gospel of Jesus Christ being led
by Epaphras in the absence of the writer; thus the label wayward does not fit into
this cultural context. The following statement by Zerbe rings truer in reference to the
chronological place of Christianity as a more established movement elsewhere.
Appealing to Pauls special role in the divine management of
redemption (1.24-2.5), the letter attempts to maintain or restore a
normative understanding of faith and practice within the community in
the face of rival perspectives and teachers and seeks, accordingly, to
promote social cohesion both within the community and between the
community and adherents of the Pauline movement in other locations
(e.g., 4.7-17). 554
553
Gordon Zerbe and Muriel Orevillo-Montenegro, 'The Letter to the Colossians', Segovia and Sugirtharajah, A
Postcolonial Commentary on the New Testament Writings 294.
554
Zerbe and Orevilo-Montenegro Segovia and Sugirtharajah, A Postcolonial Commentary on the New
221
Yet, Christianity as an established religion was in its early stages.555 The writers of
this comment go on to make reference to alternative religious perspectives and
practices, introduced by rival teachers (2.4, 8, 16, and 18). Alternatively it suggests
movement from Christianity to another religion, where as Epaphras was actually
attempting to accomplish the opposite.
10.4
Rhetoric
Amidst strong criticism it is thought that traditional religions were woven into the
fabric of Christian teachings among indigenous people. What some critics failed to
acknowledge was that all people bring their existing beliefs to bear when faced with
new beliefs. This does not necessarily negatively affect the doctrines of the faith
unless these doctrines negate foundational beliefs. For example, Paul used his
background, his rhetoric and opinions in presenting the gospel. Zerbe remarks:
Writings by or about Paul indicate that he is quite ready to use
syncretism and self-conscious cultural accommodation in his
proclamation of the gospel (e.g., Acts 14, 17; 1 Cor. 11). Yet, Paul also
appears to be uncompromising in rejecting particular Hellenistic
religious notions, such as those regarding the afterlife (e.g., 1
Corinthians 15) or when he considers the truth of the gospel to be
potentially compromised (e.g., Galatians 1-2).556
In the letter to the Colossians, though not as harsh as in these mentioned here, the
writer takes great pains to instruct the community concerning pitfalls that might occur
555
64 CE - persecutions by Nero blaming Christians for Great Fire of Rome

150 CE Theologies and apologetics began to be formed
313 CE persecutions ended; Constantine and Licinius issues edict of tolerance (previously issued in 311 by
Galerius of Serdica) in the Edict of Milan. Margaret Mary Mitchell, Frances M. Young, and K. Scott Bowie, The
Cambridge History of Christianity. Vol. 1, Origins to Constantine (Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University
Press, 2006). Casiday and Norris, The Cambridge History of Christianity. Vol. 2, Constantine to C. 600.
.
556
Zerbe and Orevillo-Montenegro Segovia and Sugirtharajah, A Postcolonial Commentary on the New
222
and encourages them to remain faithful. He appears to be intolerant of views that

may oppose those being taught and leaves little room for discourse.
Paul successfully used rhetoric to capture the attention of his readers and to
persuade them to hear the gospel in language that was often familiar to them. A. T.
Lincoln points out:
Since the letter was a substitute for speech and since Pauls letters
were meant to be read aloud to their recipients, it is also appropriate to
view their contents in the light of the conventions of ancient rhetoric.
Although the categories from the ancient rhetorical handbooks should
not be applied rigidly or mechanically, they may be employed, where
they fit, to illuminate the letter writers persuasive strategy. 557
The language of the letter indicates that the writer is attempting to guide the hearers
from one degree of learning to another. He wants to increase their understanding
incrementally, by building on what is already known by them, and then systematically
encouraging them, pushing them further through the learning process. A. J.
Malherbe suggests, As a paraenetic558 letter, Colossians shares numerous features
with other letters of moral guidance produced in the Greco-Roman philosophical
schools.559 In these schools teachers would also use a combination of three major
functions entitled affirmation, correction of rival views, and exhortation
attempting to form or re-form the lives of the students to reflect the teachings.
557
Andrew T. Lincoln "The Letter to the Colossians" Abingdon Press., The New Interpreter's Bible : General
Articles & Introduction, Commentary, & Reflections for Each Book of the Bible, Including the
Apocryphal/Deuterocanonical Books in Twelve Volumes, 12 vols. (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1994) Volume 11,
557.
558
To exhort someone by urging them to pursue something or avoid something - See A.J. Malherbe, "Ancient
Epistolary Theorists" (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1988) 37, 69.
559
Abingdon Press., The New Interpreter's Bible : General Articles & Introduction, Commentary, & Reflections for
Each Book of the Bible, Including the Apocryphal/Deuterocanonical Books in Twelve Volumes 560 See also
W.T. Wilson, 'The Hope of Glory: Education and Exhortation in the Epistle to the Colossians (Leiden: E. J. Brill,
1997) esp. 10-131, 219-29
223
Another striking similarity is that their letters were sometimes written in the name of a
past philosopher. The letter to the Colossians, as a disputed letter, would fit into this
category with an added similarity that it was often addressed to past persons with a
contemporary audience in view. The writer of this letter, if not Paul himself, was an
adept student of Paul and was knowledgeable in the teaching styles of that day.
10.5
Every interpreter is biased in some way for they will bring to the reading their own
experiences and presuppositions; therefore there exist various types of biblical
hermeneutics. How the message is perceived depends on the biases of that person.
In this thesis African American hermeneutics is applied, which indicates that it comes
from that perspective; a person who is of that ethnicity, and a product of that culture.
A person of that culture will interpret Scriptures in ways that are unique to them and
often different from white interpreters. This concept is often referred to by black
scholars as the politics of interpretation.560 A universal hermeneutic is therefore a
misleading concept because there is no absolute interpretation to which all should
ascribe. G. Mulrain states:
The popular procedure in Black hermeneutics is to adopt the approach
that there is no textual authority. No text ought to stand unchallenged.
A purely Western scientific approach will claim absoluteness in the text,
namely that it is fixed, that it emerged in a given historical period,
therefore contains an absolute meaning.561
Although there must be interaction between the text and context, that context does
not fix the message in time. Mulrain further adds, This means that the text must
560
Cain Hope Felder Felder, Stony the Road We Trod: African American Biblical Interpretation 6.
George Mulrain, Hermeneutics within a Caribbean Context in R. S. Sugirtharajah, Vernacular Hermeneutics,
Bible and Postcolonialism (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999) 120-21.
561
224
always be relevant to todays realities and not just those of yesteryear.562 Surely this
is not to say that the text is no longer relevant to the time in which it was written. In
re-reading Colossians, looking at the context of the letter and viewing it from the
standpoint of the audience, a larger picture of that society is seen.
Apart from the commentaries labeling the people of the community as heretics and
false teachers, one can not only identify the people but also gain a different view of
their situation. Mulrain advises, In Black culture when one speaks of the readers
context, it must be realized that it is the reader writ large being referred to. One
should read the text from the point of view of the community.563 Often when this is
done particularly from the lens of a certain culture identifying markers from that
culture come to bear in that context. For example, a person reading the letter to the
Colossians from an Asian lens will view it differently from that of a Latino. Their
histories and present day cultural experiences come to bear.
Viewing a text from an African American perspective fits into the description of
vernacular hermeneutics.564 S. Hawley states, Creatively intermixing and
synthesizing biblical faith with indigenous religion, vernacular hermeneutics has not
only transformed the biblical faith. It has also enabled indigenous cultures to survive
for instance, Mayan identity in Guatemala565. Sugirtharajah continues by saying in
562
Sugirtharajah, Vernacular Hermeneutics 122.

Sugirtharajah, Vernacular Hermeneutics 122.
564
Vernacular hermeneutics privileges indigenous culture as an authentic site for doing theology, and focuses
on native characteristics and ideas (paraphrased to state meaning)... Vernacular reading is often undertaken by
the indigenes themselves. Vernacular hermeneutics is about being nearer home and getting closer to the roots...
In his paper, Gerald West defines vernacular hermeneutics as the reading strategy, using their own resources, of
ordinary indigenous readers of the Bible, mainly the marginalized, who bring their own critical consciousness to
the text. For him, vernacular is not an interesting reading but an interested reading which always sides with the
marginalized. Sugirtharajah, Vernacular Hermeneutics, 12-14.
565
Susan Hawley 'Does God Speak Miskiro? The Bible and Ethnic Identity among the Misteitu of Nicaragua',
Mark G. Brett, Ethnicity and the Bible, Biblical Interpretation Series, V. 19 (Leiden ; New York: E.J. Brill, 1996)
315-42.
563
225
opposition to hermeneutical practices that emphasizes textual and visual modes as a

way to interpret a text, vernacular hermeneutics provides a corrective with its
emphasis on the non-visual senses, and reverses the bias towards rationalistic
understanding and opens up the richness of non-rationalist modes of
interpretation.566 By doing this the interpretation is not relevant to a particular people
to the exclusion of all others. This is not to say that one method is better than
another. The emphasis is on the interpreter and what is produced from that process.
Did not the writer of Colossians in response to the situation brought to him by
Epaphras respond according to his views of the situation? It has also been shown in
this thesis that the writer used the language of the culture and rhetorical practices of
the era. It is therefore important at this juncture to unpack the culture of the enslaved
as it relates to their own interpretation of their condition, which will be further
discussed in the re-reading.
10.6
A Hermeneutic of Slave Society (Isolation theme)
The letter to the Colossians, in the context of slavery in America encountered social
and cultural similarities yet their world exhibited marked differences. Although
resistance to the dominant society was suggested by the Colossians in this thesis, it
was more evident among the enslaved Africans. Most enslaved Africans in the New
World lived on plantations in isolation from other plantations and apart from rights
and liberties experienced by the dominant society. They were treated like animals
and were the property of their enslaver. Although treated as such, they did not
accept this defamation. There were insurrections and rebellions that often resulted in
bloodshed and death on both sides. Berlin notes:
566
Sugirtharajah, Vernacular Hermeneutics 106-07.
226
The transplanted Africans who might be subjected to such abuse made

no pretense of trying to adapt to the planters ways. Slave unrest grew
with every new wave of harsh discipline and terror. The first decades of
the eighteenth century were alive with rumors of insurrection and
outbursts of violence, as slaves lashed back at the lords of the
plantation.567
There were also rebellions that were not so violently carried out. They cried out, but
their voices were often met with silence as no one seemed to care. Some who did
hear their voices and had the power to help chose to only respond in deference to
their own advantage. Laws were created that gave the slaveholders total and
absolute power over their slaves.568 Some enslavers hired overseers who watched
for signs of rebellion in order to keep the enslaved subjugated. Sometimes the
overseers were slaves who had won the favor and trust of their master.
The letter to the Colossians re-read from an African American postcolonial
perspective will be viewed from the lens of an isolated people. In their isolation the
enslaved Africans, whose voices the enslaver tried to silence, directed their hopes
for deliverance and understanding towards God. They looked to God, who was
omnipresent in place and time, to hear their voices and deliver them from their
oppressor as he did the Israelites. He spoke to them through scant passages they
were able to access, in spite of the restrictions placed by their enslavers. It is
unknown what other passages they were able to access, except for what was
preached to them concerning slavery.
567
568

227
Many slaveholders were unaware that the scriptures preached to the enslaved
(intended to maintain their captivity) were actually planting seeds for their liberation.
Often the freedom they experienced was psychological, but it also fed their desires
to be free to live their lives on their own terms. What was desired by the enslaved
was the freedom to provide decent homes and crops for themselves and their
families. They desired to worship in ways in which they felt familiar and in places
called hush harbors also called brush harbors.569 They often achieved satisfaction
in reaching freedom in worship and communion with each other. In the hush harbors
discussions and plans for escape and rebellions were made. It was here explains Hill
that religious institutions created social spaces for making their voices heard and
worship was unhindered by the restraints of the dominant society. 570
Christianity in the lives of the enslaved was met with complexities. Those who
presented the teachings of the gospel to them had agendas that ranged from
genuine evangelization to maintaining slavery for profit, right through to those who
were genuinely interested in freeing the slaves. The enslaved received the teachings
for many reasons as well. Christianity was presented to some with the promise of a
better life. To others it was presented as a means to freedom from one form of
slavery to another or one location of slavery to another. Christianity represented
power and both sides often used it for personal gain. The earlier generations of
African slaves resisted Christianity and sought to maintain their former beliefs.571
569
See Chapter One: "Religious Meetings in de Bushes" for fuller explanation in Hopkins, Shoes That Fit Our
Feet : Sources for a Constructive Black Theology.
570
Herbert Hill and James E. Jones, Race in America : The Struggle for Equality (Madison, Wis.: University of
Wisconsin Press, 1993) 27.
571
228
Two of the components of ATR that impacted the reception of Christianity and
changed it for the enslaved were the belief in morality and the attributes of the
Supreme Being. Paris states that, All value in general and moral value in particular
is thought to be grounded in and derived from the supreme deity. 572 He indicates
that in Christianity a source for moral teaching is the Bible and in traditional African
religion is through oral tradition facilitated by the elders. Morality then is a part of the
fabric of ATR and the authority/elder that encourages morality is revered. Paris
contends that because of this reverence for authority Africans are passive in the
presence of legitimate authority and they are not critical of their teachings. There is
trust in the leadership because of belief that they represent morality of the Supreme
Being. However, he states, in the face of illegitimate authorities these same people
will rebel.
It was through remembering the teachings of traditional religion of Africa applied to
the erroneous teachings of the Bible that Christianity was changed for the enslaved
African. The harmony that traditional religion produced was disrupted by the violence
and ill-treatment of the enslaved in North America. The introduction in Part Three
pointed out the double standard that existed in the practice of Christianity during
slavery in North America. The enslavers represented illegitimate authority in that
they violated the moral values of the Africans, by implementing a system of
oppression and domination, i.e. slavery, based on what was portrayed as Christian
teachings (see Subsection 13.4). Although speculations are various as to the
reasons, one thing can be certain, having faith in the religion that not only enslaved
them, but was used to maintain that status, could not have been appealing. Some
572
Peter J. Paris, The Spirituality of African Peoples : The Search for a Common Moral Discourse (Minneapolis:
229
had little need for it. Others tried to adapt using their traditional worldview to
survive.573
The enslaved Africans recognized similar traits in the God of Christianity and the
God of ATR. From an African viewpoint God is creator and protector. He served their
communal needs and preserved their well-being.574 It is through this belief that the
enslaved could not believe that Christianity upheld the indignity they endured as
slaves in North America. The enslaved, despite planned illiteracy (see Subsection
7.8), comprehended this authentic gospel as centering on the parenthood of God
and the kinship of all peoples under God.575
The gospel portrayed God as the liberator of the oppressed and opposed to those
who sought to maintain oppression. The enslaved recognized these similarities in the
God of their traditional religion. Paris states: Their belief that God wills that the good
of all people should be realized in community is both commensurate with the
expansive of the African traditional understanding of God.576 All slaveholders were
not Christians, but some however saw the advantage of using religion and would
seek out religious leaders to preach to the slaves in order to convince them that
being a slave was what they were born to be.
The following views, from Ira Berlin and others, interpret feelings toward Christianity
among the enslaved during the period of its growth. 577 Much of what Berlin shares
are reflected in the re-reading of Colossians in this thesis. Initially enslavers took little
573
Paris, The Spirituality of African Peoples : The Search for a Common Moral Discourse 43.
575
For a fuller explanation of this understanding, see Peter J. Paris, The Social Teaching of the Black Churches
(Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1985).
576
577
Berlin, Generations of Captivity: A History of African-American Slaves. See also works cited by John C. Van
Horne and Randy J. Sparks
574
230
notice of the religious beliefs of the enslaved. From 1590 to the mid 1700s a sort of
tug of war existed between the enslaved Africans and Christianity. The first
generation of blacks to reach the New World were known as Creoles578 who
considered themselves by right to be a part of the Christian churches, but later
generations kept their distance finding opposition to be great. As time passed
conversion to Christianity was used to lure slaves from state to state with the
promise of freedom; however rarely was this realized. The religious practices of the
enslaved were considered, at times, by the established clergy to be idolatrous and
devil worship.579 They were also accused of clinging to old superstitions and
practicing false religions. Attempts to make Christianity their own were met with
hostility by both the enslavers and the religious leaders.
Many who accepted Christianity prior to their arrival in the New World dismissed it
and reverted to old religious beliefs. The Anglican clergy condemned the
polygamous practices of the male population of slaves. Attempts by the enslaved to
adopt and adapt Christianity to their former beliefs were also met with disdain by
their masters as well as the clergy. The promise of equality in the sight of God was
not appealing to the enslavers, so often evangelization was discouraged. At times
urban slaves showed more of an interest in Christianity than those in slave quarters.
Newl- arriving slaves retained much of their former beliefs, which reminded and
578
Referred to by Berlin as Atlantic creoles, these people was either a mixture of African, European, and
American descent or held knowledge of the three continents that facilitated their use as a commodity to New
World. Their familiarity with commerce and languages, trade and culture made them essential to merchants along
routes between Africa, Europe and the Americas. See Berlin, Generations of Captivity, "Charter Generations".
26-29.
579
231
fascinated the slaves they encountered in the New World. This facilitated the
distance between old beliefs and Christianity.580
From 1780, with the importation of slaves diminishing coupled with the evangelical
awakening led by Baptists and Methodists, more slaves turned to Christianity. With
anti-slavery sentiments and slaves and free persons worshipping together a feeling
of power among the enslaved emerged. During this period, African Americans, slave
and free, filled churches and camp meetings and some often preached openly to
black and mixed congregations. According to Berlin this was the foundation of the
Christianization of black life.581 Divisions between urban slaves and plantation slaves
still existed in some areas and planters capitalized on this by driving a wedge
between the two groups. However, for those who accepted the teachings of
Christianity a new sense of control over their lives took place. There was a sense
that their destiny was redefined from that of hopeless isolation to inclusion into a
wider world of freedom. Many of the plantation slaves resisted meeting in the urban
churches and preferred to worship in hush harbors armed with both the knowledge of
the freedom that Christianity taught and the freedom to worship on their own terms.
The early nineteenth century marked the forced migration of slaves into the
American West, known as the Second Middle Passage.582 This migration was
involuntary and the anguish it created resembled that of the Atlantic Middle Passage
experienced by those being transported from Africa. Families were destroyed and
then reconstructed; relationships between the members were redefined as further
580
James Oliver Horton and Lois E. Horton, In Hope of Liberty : Culture, Community, and Protest among
Northern Free Blacks, 1700-1860 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997) 16-17, 78-79.
581
Berlin, Generations of Captivity: A History of African-American Slaves 118. For an estimate of African
American membership is Baptist, Methodist,and Presbyterian churches in 1810 see Heyrman, South Cross, 5,
23, 26, 218-220, 262-263.
582
Berlin, Generations of Captivity: A History of African-American Slaves 161-62.
232
separation of husband, wives, children and close relatives occurred. Additionally

division was created as people who experienced generational slavery from the
sixteenth century experienced a schism in opposition to those whose ancestors
never experienced slavery. Christianity was now more readily embraced in
opposition to the rejection by earlier generations.583
During the middle of the nineteenth century many planters converted to Christianity
but the enslaved remained suspicious, due to the sermons to which they were
subjected that reinforced their condition. Their belief was not in just freedom in
captivity but from it as well. Many of the enslaved worshipped both in the hush
harbors and in the churches of their masters. They enjoyed the freedom of
worshipping on their own terms and also the feeling that they were truly equal in
Christ. However biracial worship often reinforced the masters authority and the
slaves subordination. Thus, the enslaved often questioned this forcing the dominant
society to come to terms with the teachings of the Bible.584
African Americans who were only allowed to rise to the rank of deacons in biracial
churches promoted themselves by preaching to their people and interpreting the
Bible in their own way; also resolving disputes within the slave community.585
Standards were set as they placed themselves in authority beyond the walls of the
church. Like the family this new aspect of community provided a place where slaves
lived out their shared ambitions and pooled their resources, infusing them with
spiritual meaning which challenged the authority of their owners. Although still
slaves, within this community a platform was created that advocated for their rights;
583

585
584
233
a place to voice their concerns and seek solutions to their problems. It was in this
atmosphere that slaves in the interior of the South worshipped in their own way and
waited for opportunities to make their lives better.586
According to Berlin, it was with the ratification of the 13th Amendment of the United
States Constitution (in 1865) that more ex-slaves professed Christianity. The
amendment proclaimed that, neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a
punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist
within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction. Section Two
states that Congress shall have the power to enforce this article by appropriate
legislation587. Perhaps their dream of freedom was beginning to be realized as the
dominant society was forced to recognize their right to freedom.
It is from this background the re-reading of Colossians commences. The African
American postcolonial perspective is based on the history of Christianity as it was
presented to the Africans beginning in the first century and through to the period of
slavery in America. This history is the presupposition brought to bear when rereading this text from an African American perspective. It shapes how one views the
Colossian community and the enslaved African community and their reception of the
gospel presented to them in their respective eras.
Part Four is the re-reading of Colossians which includes views of both the Colossian
communitys response and that of the enslaved Africans. The views presented,
based on the findings in the previous sections of this thesis, serve to further the
debate concerning the identity and the reception of the gospel by both groups. The
586
587

United States Constitution
234
hope is to encourage other cultures to re-read literature in light of their perspective

histories. Recognizing the scope of the diversity of the lives within the society of both
communities as too vast for the confines of this thesis, the comments resulting from
the re-reading will focus on the teachings of the letter to the Colossians to believers
and potential believers or to those who perhaps were curious.
235
P ART FOUR - CHAPTER ELEVEN

COLOSSIANS O NE
Introduction
In this chapter the writer is calling for solidarity and attempts to instill, within this firstcentury community a hope, for a better future. He also illustrates unity in Christ in
opposition to Greco-Roman rule. The writer encourages the audience that he is
united with them by telling them of his bonds and that he struggles for them.
Since Rome promises peace and unity, but fails to deliver; peace and unity are
aspects missing in their situation. Peace is only maintained by military might and
most of the members are mere subjects whose status is unequal to the dominant
society. Deliverance had not been realized and they have grown accustomed to their
way of life. Hope is stirred within them and, with it, the promise of a savior, realized
in Christ.
The audience is told to believe walk in what they have already been taught and to
seek further knowledge. W. R. Roberts points out, In an analysis of Colossians as a
persuasive speech, 1:3-23 constitutes the exordium. The exordium functioned as the
introduction, indicating the aim of the speech and attempting to secure the hearers
goodwill.588 The writer stated that he desired to be with them, but was unfortunately
unable to accommodate them. Opening the letter with an exordium fulfills both the
purpose of introducing the subject of the letter and drawing the audience into a
personal relationship through the gospel message. The mention of Epaphras, who is
one of them, also serves to bring about closeness; bridging the gap between them.
588
Aristotle and W. Rhys Roberts, Rhetoric, Dover thrift eds. ed. (Mineola, N.Y.: Dover Publications, 2004) 3.13-
14.
236
A. T. Lincoln suggests, Since in Colossians the author claims to have no personal

acquaintance with the people being addressed, it is necessary for him to establish an
initial positive relationship with them if they are to be receptive to his message.589
In the introduction, the Colossians are noted for their faith and are encouraged by
referring to the prayers that are being made in their behalf. According to Lincoln, of
the three main rhetoric genres deliberative and epideictic are used to persuade and
dissuade the people of Colossae as they work to build their community. Deliberative
rhetoric seeks to persuade the listeners to work toward future goals and the
epideictic seeks to encourage them using praise; to hold on to what they have
learned in the present. Lincoln dismisses the third genre, forensic, because he feels
the writer is not trying to persuade the Colossians to make a judgment about events
in the past. On this point, although debatable in view of the labels placed by
aforementioned commentators, he is accurate when viewing the authors intent as
being that of erasing the former beliefs of the Colossians. However, when one
considers the mentioning in the letter of Christ being above all, the audience is
forced to review their former lives against what they had come to believe. Their faith
is commended as the writer seems to notice the struggle they were experiencing in
this area; emphasized as he references his own and his desires to have contact with
them in spite of his inability to personally deliver this message.
Lincoln is adept in noticing the writers joy in the faith of the audience along with
mentioning prayer for them as a means of producing a positive emotional effect that
589
Andrew T. Lincoln "The Letter to the Colossians" Abingdon Press., The New Interpreter's Bible : General
Apocryphal/Deuterocanonical Books in Twelve Volumes 557.
237
will make them responsive to his exhortations. 590 He also sees the use of the Christ
hymn (verses 15-20) early in the letter to evoke common feelings of praise and
worship that also sets the stage for the message to follow. The writer is identifying
with the readers plight as subjects of the Greco-Roman Empire and the struggles
they are experiencing in sorting out the teachings presented to them of the gospel.
Perhaps he realizes their position as being subordinate to the dominant culture and
uses that to persuade them to believe the gospel.
The daily lives of the believers included the knowledge of deities as well as the
knowing of the aspirations of emperors concerning deification see Subsection 4.3).
Yet, deities are not dismissed by the writer. He places Christ above all powers.
Referring to the phrase elemental spirits of the universe used by most interpreters
Lincoln states, This also fits well the context of thought in the letter, for elsewhere
the writer emphasized Christs supremacy and victory over just such spiritual
agencies. 591 He also references the elements used in Galatians 4:3.9 where Paul
is admonishing the Gentile Christians to avoid falling under the power of the law. To
turn to the law would be equivalent to returning to their previous enslavement to the
stoicheia, who are linked with their pagan deities, designated by Paul as beings that
by nature are not gods (Gal 4:8).592 A clear line in dismissing pagan beliefs in
deities and the Roman emperor beliefs in attaining that status should have been
drawn. However, the writer chooses to avoid that area.
590
Each Book of the Bible, Including the Apocryphal/Deuterocanonical Books in Twelve Volumes.
591
Andrew T. Lincoln, "The Letter to the Colossians" Abingdon Press., The New Interpreter's Bible : General
Apocryphal/Deuterocanonical Books in Twelve Volumes 566.
592
Each Book of the Bible, Including the Apocryphal/Deuterocanonical Books in Twelve Volumes 566.
238
The language of the letter serves to warn the audience concerning influences that
may deter them from gaining the knowledge necessary for understanding Christs
position in the cosmos. Their identity is tied into Christ as above all and in all which
separates them from the world. MacDonald remarks:
Language of belonging works together with language of separation in
the process of creating self-definition. In Colossians and Ephesians the
language of separation primarily takes the form of remembrance of
conversion transference from the evil world outside into the body
where salvation is found (e.g., Col. 1:13-14, 21-23; Eph. 4:17-24).593
The audience is warned to be aware of worldly outside influences, to remain true to
their new beliefs and to not slip back into their old ways. MacDonald mentions that
there are no explicit descriptions of the outside world.594 The comments are general
yet they are encouraged to remain together and to strive for unity. Therefore they are
to be steadfast in what they have learned in order to make progress in their
development into a stronger community of believers.
11.1
Colossians 1.1-2 Unity in Diversity: Leveling the Ground"
The letter begins with the customary salutation and prayer as in the undisputed
Pauline epistles. It immediately lets the audience know that they are accepted and
that their progress in the faith is noted. Their advancement is acknowledged and a
prayer that they will continue to grow is offered. The author wants them to
understand that he knows of their achievements and that he cares about them. He
affirms Epaphras as their minister and that what they have heard from him is in
accordance with the gospel. How does this affect them? What is the desired
593
MacDonald Leif E. Vaage and Vincent L. Wimbush, Asceticism and the New Testament (New York:
Routledge, 1999) 271-72.
594
Vaage and Wimbush, Asceticism and the New Testament.
239
reaction? The writers use of inclusive language attempts to bring unity to a diverse
people perhaps feeling for the first time that they can all agree and aspire to work
together. They have a chance at fellowship with one another, with people outside of
their city and with a power that is higher than anyone or anything they have ever
known.
They are called saints and faithful brethren united in Christ. Perhaps to be called a
saint is to be elevated. The writer is leveling the ground. They are not only equal to
each other but to Christ as brothers and sisters. Although the Gospels were not yet
written, if some the teachings of Christ were made known at this point they would be
familiar with saying attributed to Jesus Christ, no longer servants, but friends (John
15.15).595 The writer addresses readers of his letters as brothers to denote
commonality and unity in Christ. Unity is brought to another level with the last line in
verse 2. He brings a message of grace and peace from God and Christ who is
exalted above all and in all.
For the enslaved African the name Jesus Christ was either new or an unpleasant
reminder of their past. To those who had heard the name of Jesus, perhaps pain
resurfaced of their journey to either this new land or from one plantation to another.
The name of Jesus had perhaps been used in the baptisms prior to their transport as
new arrivals or later in sermons that were preached to remind them of their status as
slaves. They too are confronted with a level to which perhaps they dared not to
aspire but had hopes of attaining thereby identifying with the Colossian community.
595
See Subsection 11.5 note 601 for discussion of Paul and John.
240
11.2
Colossians 1.3-6 Unity in Visibility and Acceptance
This prayer is an affirmation as the writer lets them know that he is thankful because
of what he has heard about them. In so doing he is letting them know that they are
not invisible. Often, as this thesis has shown, in a colonial setting, the indigenous are
not viewed as important and their daily lives are insignificant to the dominant society
(see Chapter Seven). He is letting them know that he has heard about their progress
and he thanks God for them.
Unity is expressed in that the hope/promise of eternal life they were attaining to is
also that which all the world expects, and which is a realized hope (brings fruit).
The truth of the gospel is emphasized and the grace of God in truth. The writer
wants them to know that they were not being fed lies. Epaphras had confirmed the
hope and the writer was also affirming them.
Focusing on isolation, a term mentioned several times in this thesis, the enslaved
African heard this letter say to them that someone outside of their situation had
heard their voices. Whether or not at this point they had become Christians; to know
that someone was praying for them perhaps awakened in them the desire to be free.
Someone either identified with their plight or understood it. As with the Colossians,
the enslaved Africans needed to know that others shared their faith either in the God
of Christianity or the god of their ancestors. The letter made the distinction that God,
the Father, was aware of their existence (1.2).
The truth is put on display here. What had the enslaved heard about faith in Jesus
Christ? They were told that the Bible confirmed that they were to be slaves and that
as slaves they were to obey their masters. They were to accept their place in life with
241
no reservation. Moreover they were to live in isolation because they had no place in
the dominant society. Their place was on the plantation or workplace creating wealth
for the society that enslaved them. The enslaved were necessary to the economic
stability of the dominant society and they were also to accept this without
reservation. The enslaved, however resisted the notion of working for others and not
personally being able to benefit from their labor. Long hours and strenuous work left
no time to plant and work for themselves.596
They were taught that their reward was laid up for them in heaven (1.5). Although
this was true, it was not enough. The gospel being taught to them could not be the
only truth. They saw the fruit of their labor and it was abundant; yet the abundance of
fruit rarely reached their tables nor were they allowed to wear the clothing produced
from the crops they worked. As the first fruit of their labor was not extended to them,
Colossians promised that the truth of the gospel brings fruit. Addressing the duality
of the truth, reference is made to Matthew 7.17-18 which teaches a good tree bears
good fruit and adversely bad bears bad, the truth of the gospel cannot be carried by
persons who were not truthful. The tree that bears bad fruit is the one who would
pervert the gospel. The truth of the gospel is that all will have an inheritance.
The message, at this point, that the Colossians received found a place of
acceptance in the community of the enslaved believers. They were encouraged to
overcome their circumstances and exhibit faith and love within their community. In
reading this text what could the enslaved find encouraging? The hope of an
inheritance was promised to them that believed in the gospel of truth. The example
596
242
of the Colossians community gave them hope that they too would find acceptance
among other believers.
11.3
Colossians 1.7-9 Preaching in Isolation
Epaphras, who probably carried the report to the writer, is being praised for his
success in bringing the people of this new community of believers to the level of
saints and faithful brethren in Christ. At this point Epaphras seems satisfied with
their progress in showing their love in the Spirit. The Spirit is now brought into the
picture clearly indicating that they are familiar with the term; nevertheless, it is the
only time he mentions Him. Great praise is heaped upon them for their progress.
However, theres more to learn or perhaps this is where Epaphras teachings ended
or where some questions arose that needed clarification.
Was there an Epaphras among the enslaved that imparted to them the gospel? The
slave preacher comes to mind and he would be their faithful minister of Christ. Slave
preachers were often allowed to move between plantations and perhaps he would
relay messages concerning the progress in the faith from place to place. In addition
the selling and renting of slaves to other plantations may have also helped to
connect believers. Often the enslaver would allow slaves to congregate together for
services and the message would be brought, although sometimes monitored. In the
hush harbors perhaps the message of truth was preached beyond the ears of the
enslaver where freedom of interpretation was prevalent.
The language of the text made them aware of their isolation however adding a new
dimension: praying for you; heard of your faith; in all the world. The letter
suggests that others have heard the truth and they were now a part of a wider
243
movement. They were isolated but not alone and their hope for a better future was
expressed as they congregated either in their homes or special places such as hush
harbors. These desires have found their way into the contemporary literature of the
twentieth and twenty-first centuries. L. L. Lewis states:
African American believers have preserved in hymns and sermons and
in their poetry this same eschatological concern and tension. In hope
they anticipate the future. At the same time they see in the Good News
proclaimed and enacted signs of hope visible as Gods new
arrangement confronts injustice and evil.597
(1.9) is translated complete and precise understanding.598 They were
called to seek after God to know him and his will for them. Through the act of
insurrection and resistance the enslaved questioned their existence. They did not
accept their status and sought to free themselves from the oppression of slavery.
Although tragically the rebellion may have resulted in bloodshed and loss of life,
freedom to live life on their own terms was the goal. They believed that outside of
their isolated environment they could live life as they saw fit. Even though they knew
that the struggle often did not end once they had escaped, they were willing to risk it,
because anything was better than living in isolation.
As in times past, some of the enslaved used religion as the door to freedom. With
hopes dashed, many turned away and others would have nothing to do with
Christianity. As the truth of the gospel was not told; perversions existed on both
597
Lloyd A. Lewis, 'Colossians', Brian K. Blount et al., True to Our Native Land: An African American New
Testament Commentary (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2007) 382.
598
Danker, Bauer, and Arndt, A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament and Other Early Christian
Literature s.v.
244
sides, being used for personal gain. The enslaved sought a way to liberty and the
enslavers sought a way to maintain slavery through the word of God.
11.4
Colossians 1.10-12 The Empire and Worth
The language of worth, perhaps spoke to the subordinate in negative terms as,
according to Rome, some of the people of Colossae were not worthy citizens. The
designation some is used because of the diversity of the people. As subjects of the
empire, worth belonged to the rulers and they were to be held in high esteem. The
writer is introducing a novel concept because their worth now was contingent upon
their being filled with wisdom and understanding (1.9). Again, we find that speaking
of worth in this context created problems among the believers who were slaves and
slave owners alike. How were they to interpret worthy? The standard of slavery
addressed in Colossians Chapter Four serves to clarify this. Although they stood on
equal footing as believers, in the community they did not.
The Colossians were being told to walk in a manner that was pleasing to God, and
although further explanation is given in Chapter Three of the letter, how does one
living in a subjugated society understand that? There is a great build up from the
beginning of the letter until you get to 3.22 where they are reminded just who they
are; subjects of Rome, living within the household codes and the limits of Roman
domination. By comparison walking in a manner that was pleasing to God may have
also been difficult for those in authority. One must not only consider those who were
subordinate but those who had higher status and who were asked to look at their
neighbors in a different light (4.9). They were to put their past behind them and follow
245
the teachings of the gospel to love one another and treat each other with kindness
and fairness.
However, the shadow of the empire looms. It is one thing no longer to view the
emperor as a god, but quite another to look at a neighbor, who might have been a
slave, as an equal. The emperor was not personally a part of their daily life (although
his statue may have been visible), but they interacted with their neighbors daily.599
DeSilva states:
By focusing on Gods approval, the Christians desire will be to live up
to (walk in a way worthy of) the gospel or the Lord rather than living
up to the standards of the culture they left behind. (See Eph. 4.1, Phil.
1.27, 2Thess. 1.11-12) The opinion of those who award honor and
censure by standards alien to the Christian culture is bracketed as
being of no real concern.600
This could not be so easily done, as the empires presence was felt and they knew
the threat of military intervention at the first sign of insurrection. The letter however
does not encourage overt opposition, but encourages patience, because what they
looked forward to was an inheritance. An inheritance, however, was preserved in this
society for the elite. Ordinary citizens and slaves would only receive an inheritance in
unusual circumstances; for it was possible some may have looked to their children
being free, or if the owner had no heir, they might receive one.601 However, all
believers were affirmed as inheritors. Again it can be mentioned that this teaching
599
DeSilva discusses the effect of the Greco-Roman empire on the New Testament church of the 1st century in
David Arthur DeSilva, Honor, Patronage, Kinship & Purity : Unlocking New Testament Culture (Downers Grove,
Ill.: InterVarsity Press, 2000) 19.
600
DeSilva, Honor, Patronage, Kinship & Purity : Unlocking New Testament Culture 57-58.
601
Thomas E. J. Wiedemann, Greek and Roman Slavery (London: Croom Helm, 1981). See Chapter Three
"Manumission" for explanations of possible reasons for slaves to be set free.
246
was perhaps beyond the scope of Epaphras instruction and the people of Colossae
wanted to hear more.
Those who were taught the doctrines of the Mystery Religions perhaps sought
instant gratification, and therefore, learning to wait was new to them. The Jewish
population had a long history of waiting, for the Messiah was a promise they wished
to witness. He was to bring about a new era in the lives of the promised people of
God. Caird imparts:
When the Israelites looked forward to a new age, they envisaged it as
a new Exodus (Isa. 11:12-16; 43:16-20). Thus a whole language was
ready-made for the early Christians, as they strove to expound the
significance of the life and death of Christ, and Exodus imagery
abounds in almost every book of the New Testament. When the New
Testament writers speak of redemption (e.g. Luke 1:68; 2:38..), they
are using a metaphor drawn from slavery, but they are using it at one
remove; for them the surface significance of the term is that it belongs
to Exodus language.602
The Israelites, as a transplanted population, are reminded of their history as captives

once again; e.g. Babylonian (see II Chron. 36). They are subjects in a kingdom that
does not recognize their God. This letter speaks to what they know about the coming
Messiah and now what they hoped to be a part of. They wanted to be delivered and
redeemed to their rightful place as heirs in the kingdom of God. Perhaps it is at this
point they begin to question former rituals and their significance in light of the gospel.
Should they continue with circumcision, celebration of holy days, etc? The question
about being called elect will be addressed in Subsection 13.2.
602
G. B. Caird, The Language and Imagery of the Bible (London: Duckworth, 1980) 156.
247
The message in this section is that, although isolated, the enslaved were to prove
themselves worthy of the Lord in gaining the true knowledge of God, thereby
pleasing him in all that they did. This placed added pressure on the enslaved
because their lives were consumed with pleasing others with little or no selfgratification. The scripture here tells them to please God as well. What were they to
get from it? They were promised an inheritance along with other believers. Was this
enough? Faced with constant constraints, was a promise of a future prize enough?
To those who had reason to hope this may have been appealing, however, to the
enslaved that daily fought to survive, this was perhaps not enough.
Did the letter to the Colossians fail to meet the needs of the enslaved African? Some
had heard the biblical account concerning Moses and how God had delivered the
Israelite slaves from bondage. Christ is described as one who overcame adversity
and death to be delivered to his father, God; the supreme one. This parallel was not
lost on the slaves; there had to be more. The message seemed to be for those who
looked for their inheritance to come in the future. How did living their lives according
to the teaching in Colossians improve their present circumstances?
11.5
Colossians 1.13-20 Empire, Jesus and Isolation
Now begins the teaching concerning the identity of Jesus Christ. The commentaries
on these verses have filled many books and will not be dealt with here in depth.
Depending on the date of this letter, in the city of Colossae this was a hard lesson for
first-century Jews and anyone coming into the faith that may have heard of or
witnessed the crucifixion of Jesus Christ. Those who came into the faith were looking
to Christ as the son of God and the writer is teaching that he is God. Also Johns
248
gospel records Jesus saying; When you have seen me, you have seen the Father
(John 14.9).603 Viewing this point technically Caird states, Metonymy is calling a
thing by the name of something typically associated with it: e.g. the Bench, the
stage, the turf, the bottle, may stand for magistrates, the theatrical profession, horseracing and alcoholic liquor.604 The use of the term image denotes likeness. Using
the concept of metonymy, the writer is teaching that everything God is, so is Christ.
He goes further, however, in saying that Jesus Christ is God, the creator. Whether
this teaching is accepted, it is clear that they are being taught that Christ is above the
empires and empirical rulers. He is above the gods of the pagan believers of the day.
He was and is in company with the invisible God. The Jews, who sometimes lived
in a form of isolation because of their faith, existed however in and around the
community of the believers and would have questioned Epaphras and the writer.
Perhaps this teaching created an issue about Jesus Christs role as Messiah (see
Chapter Three of this thesis).
The exaltation of Christ against the isolated conditions of the enslaved is poignant as
darkness adequately defined their isolated social condition. A law was enacted which
further stripped some of their humanity for they were already removed from their
culture. Berlin reveals, An 1822 Mississippi law barring black people from meeting
without white supervision spoke directly to the planters fear. 605 Their lives were
being monitored and fear of cruel punishment and sometimes death for suspicious
behavior often resulted. They were reminded that their lives were expendable and
603
If John and Paul were contemporaries as Galatians 2.9 suggests this interpretation of the oneness
of God and Jesus may have been familiar to first-century believers. As to whether John's teachings
had reached Colossae that remains to be proven. Although authorship and place of writing is
disputed, commentators have suggested that John may have resided in Ephesus which was nearby.
604
605
Caird, The Language and Imagery of the Bible 136.

249
that they existed solely for the benefit of the dominant society. Slaves were
constantly arriving, either legally or illegally, from across the ocean and through the
constant buying and selling of slaves between slave owners to meet the demands of
production. Dark was the existence of the enslaved African for they were made to
work long hours during the day and they did not own the night because it
encompassed them as they lay exhausted in their dimly lit and meager dwellings.
The contrast to the existence of the enslaved is made with Christ, who is their
deliverer and redeemer. The language of this section spoke to their desire for
freedom. Christ had suffered so that they would be free, yet his suffering was for all
who had sinned. He died not only for them but for their oppressor. It is not known
whether this concept was realized, however, upon hearing this message.
Nevertheless, the thought must have crossed their minds. The oppressor had
entered their isolated world as those who also needed forgiveness of sins. Jesus
Christ, however, is able to pull the enslaved out of isolation and elevate them as
partakers of his Kingdom. Christ is being equated (image ) with God and
identified as the firstborn of every creature and firstborn from the dead (1.15). His
position is further elevated to encompass all things and having preeminence over all
things.
Referencing the blood of the cross (1.20) touches both the enslaved Africans and
the community of Colossians crossing boundaries of race, culture and beliefs. The
enslaved can identify with Christs suffering and it was through his suffering, his
blood that peace and reconciliation were accomplished. His suffering brings them
out of isolation because they can empathize with him. ODonovan states:
250
In most African cultures, initiation rituals are the critical rites of passage
by which a child becomes an adult. Closely related to the issue of adult
clan acceptance is the issue of being united to the whole clan, both
living and dead. The shedding of blood at the circumcision ceremony or
in other initiation rituals is often intended to unite the boy or girl by
covenant to the ancestors of the clan.606
The crucifixion of Jesus Christ is referenced as an act of reconciliation between God
and mankind. All are reconciled, brought together as one by the atoning death of
Christ. His death is viewed as a sacrifice so all mankind is united with God bringing
to mind the covenant made between God and Israel in the Hebrew Bible.
The idea of unity permeates, both the Judaic and African beliefs in the shedding of
blood, atoning for sin and the initiation rituals, respectively. The practical applications
and distinctions are clear between the shedding of blood for circumcision in the
uniting with family members and that with Christs sacrificial death. However, the
concept of unity and reconciliation is seen in both, not minimizing Christ in any way.
To the enslaved African the blood of those who died before during and after the
Middle Passage is a unifying element; it is a reminder of the horrors of slavery.
Furthermore, the blood that was shed in their bondage in the New World from the
plantations and later the streets of the south during the Civil Rights movement unifies
them, not because they died senselessly, but because they were willing to die to be
free. From the pulpits of churches all around the country Christians were encouraged
to look to Christ as an example of one who was willing to sacrifice himself for the
sake of others. Not only that, but that he made the ultimate sacrifice. His legacy was
606
Wilbur O'Donovan, Biblical Christianity in Modern Africa (Carlisle: Paternoster, 2000) 232-35.
251
the basis for the sermons preached by the slave preachers and later Civil Rights
leaders like Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Here again, the unifying power of Christ is at
work. The people whose ancestors died and those who were willing to lay down their
lives were being reconciled by their belief that God made all men equal.
The shedding of black blood by whites could also be cause for violence and anger.
C. H. Felder quotes W.E.B. DuBois postscript from The Gift of Black Folk607 as a
possible call to such violence that has been carried out by activist for the rights of
blacks and other sub-dominant peoples in the United States. However, he declares
that to listen only to the winds, bones, and blood invoked by DuBois, Blacks would
only be listening with one ear. There is another blood for believers to hear with the
other ear the blood that symbolizes hope, new citizenship, and membership in the
Household.608 1. 20 is a call to the oppressed members of the both communities to
realize that they were part of a new community where they could feel at home. The
pressures of the empire would not ultimately defeat them and they were to live in
unity because of the shed blood of Christ.
11.6
Colossians 1.21-23a Breaking the Isolation
The writer changes the focus from all (universal) and particularizes the people of
Colossae by reminding them of who they were before they came to faith in Christ.
These are harsh words used to contrast the old and the new as the teaching of
newness continues in 2.12-15. The language of reconciliation is continued as the
607
"Listen to the Winds, O God the Reader, that wail across the whip-cords stretched taut on broken human
hearts; listen to the Bones, the bare bleached bones of the slaves, that line the lanes of Seven Seas and beat
eternal tom-toms in the forests of the laboring deep; listen to the Blood, the cold thick blood that spills its filth
across the fields and flowers of the Free; listen to the Souls that wing and thrill and weep and scream and sob
and sing above it all. What shall things mean, O God the Reader? You know. You know." W. E. B. Du Bois and
Edward F. McSweeney, The Gift of Black Folk : The Negroes in the Making of America (Garden City Park, NY:
Square One Pub., 2009) 341.
608
252
reason for it is explained. The idea of being reconciled is not new to the community.
As stated in Part One of this thesis, this is the language of the empire and the Jews
awaited reconciliation in the coming Messiah. To both, perhaps the concept was
futuristic; certainly to the Jews, yet as subjects of the Roman Empire reconciliation
was a promise that was realized only in the eyes of the empire. 1.21-22 informs the
readers that they were once alienated, enemies and wicked, but now they are holy,
blameless and above reproach because of the death of Jesus Christ. One act, albeit
magnanimous, changes them as rituals that were taught are no longer needed. Their
lives were now changed by the sacrificial death of Christ. The writer speaks to every
group who has become a part of the community; Jews and Gentiles as new
believers. In Christ they are reconciled by his death on the cross.
The following excerpt by L. Lewis combines baptism and temple service into a single
act which result in sacrifice. These two acts which were separate parts of both the
mystery religions and Judaism are seemingly simplified when entered into in the
teachings of the gospel. Yet, the result is a life totally made over and dedicated to
Christ.
If the language of the Colossians hymn focuses on creation, then the
implications of the hymn focus on worship, particularly in baptism and
temple service. Initiation into the church is more than a contract of
membership. Baptism functions as a dynamic border, and once it is
crossed, an individual is changed. Combining his belief in the power of
baptism with language drawn from the temple cult of Judaism, Paul
envisions baptism as an occasion when the believer offers his or her
life as an act of sacrifice: a life made into the perfect sacrificial victim
253
(holy, pure, spotless, v.22), so that an individual might live the life of
faith.609
The new believers, some of whom were familiar with at least one of the acts of
baptism or temple service in their former lives were made to view these in a new
light. According to Lewis interpretation, they were not simply being initiated into a
cult or organization; they were sacrificing themselves and, as a result, living changed
lives. 1. 23 is a warning that their new lives will only be validated if they remain
faithful. The question that could have arisen may have concerned the difference in
the former baptism rituals and the new. In all cases, the act of baptism exemplified a
joining of sorts into a community; however, the difference was in the results.
The enslaved Africans were told that they were wicked and were treated as enemies
by their enslavers.610 Their behavior was monitored and if it was not to the
satisfaction of their master, attempts to adjust it were enforced by cruel means. The
letter to Colossians identified them as alienated and enemies and this could not
have sat well with them. Although they are then told that they have been reconciled
(placing ones self in the mindset of these enslaved Africans) it may have been
difficult to hear these terms for they were used to identify them. Furthermore if their
former condition was of alienation and enemies and Christianity was to make them
free, why were they still enslaved?
Although the message is of a spiritual nature and the writer is exalting Jesus Christ
above all things, the same gospel they were hearing was intended for the dominant
609
Lloyd Lewis, "Colossians", Blount et al., True to Our Native Land: An African American New Testament
Commentary 383.
610
See in this thesis Chapter Thirteen Cartledge's statements concerning slaves as dangerous and
enemies.
254
society. It was to be understood that all are in need of salvation. What is hard to
understand is how the enslaved were to respond to this message? Did this message
that was preached to them really apply to the dominant society? Yet, respond they
did; for the enslaved realized what their enslaver did not. They looked at their lives
and compared it to that of the enslaver. Although they looked to achieve just a
measure of what the dominant society possessed they understood that it was only
temporal in comparison to what lay ahead in eternity. They did not wish for the
destruction of the enslaver, but for deliverance from their oppression. During the
Reconstruction period of American history, once slavery was abolished, many freed
slaves held responsible offices in government.611 Their aim was to allow all people to
live equally under the law. This absence of malice towards those who oppressed
former slaves is also evident in the spirituals and sermons preached as recorded for
example by James Weldon Johnson612 and by Jupiter Hammon.613
11.7
Colossians 1.23b-29 Its All About Christ the Christ Hymn
The writer interjects himself into the discourse in 1.27 then continues the teaching
started in 1.12. Unity is further emphasized by identifying with the suffering of Christ
and placing himself as a bridge between the audience and Christ. As a minister he
is charged with carrying out the gospel of Christ in his absence.614 Another
interpretation would suggest that the writer is claiming superiority in Christ. However,
the tenor of the letter does not lend itself to the idea that he is anything other than a
611
Eric Foner, The Tocsin of Freedom : The Black Leadership of Radical Reconstruction ([Gettysburg, Pa.]:
Gettysburg College, 1992).
612
Johnson, God's Trombones; Seven Negro Sermons in Verse.
613
Jupiter Hammon and Stanley Austin Ransom, America's First Negro Poet : The Complete Works of Jupiter
Hammon of Long Island, Empire State Historical Publications Series (Port Washington, N.Y.: Associated Faculty
Press : Kennikat Press, 1983).
614
"One who executes the commands of another, esp. of a master, a servant, attendant, minister." Danker,
Bauer, and Arndt, A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature s.v.
255
minister (1.23, 25). In so doing, with the new teachings that are meant to break down
barriers, he discourages power struggles that may arise. It is important within the
community that they be Christ-centered. The writer directs the teachings of the letter
back to Christ as the connection from 1.12 is made 1.27.
Christ is the catalyst, the one who is the mechanism whereby unity is made possible.
The letter, thus far, suggests diversity in culture and beliefs that once existed. 1.27
mentions Gentiles and the mystery now being revealed to them. Reconciliation
language implies both Jewish and Greco-Roman elements. The writer is
encouraging them to seek not only unity but completeness by faith in Christ.
The mystery is defined clearly as Christ; the hope of glory (1.27) in the lives of the
believers. To those who were labeled pagans, their former beliefs could have led
them to believe in the mystery as a secret or secret rites or initiations into a cult.
Although baptism could be viewed as an initiation, it was made public and available
to all. Jews, presented with the idea of being baptized, may have protested since
baptism was only for those joining Judaism from outside of the faith. However,
perhaps many were willing to put these beliefs aside due to their new found faith in
Jesus Christ. The writer applauds them for their faith, but questions still may have
arisen concerning other rituals with which they were familiar (the discussion will
continue in Colossians 2).
The enslaved were encouraged to continue in the faith in union with all other
believers. Perhaps the use of the phrase every creature under heaven (1.23)
appealed to them on two levels. They were included because every creature meant
even those who were made to feel less than human. The other level is that the same
256
gospel was preached to those who used religion to oppress them. The conditional
if/then phrase is used to relay the message that if the truth of the gospel is accepted
then the mystery, Christ in the believer is made manifest. If the message of
Colossians was not lost on the enslaved then they are aware that the enslaver did
not have Christ in them and their actions proved it. Christs suffering and the writers
identification with them in his suffering would not produce more suffering. Again, the
enslaver is brought into the isolated world of the enslaved with the warning to every
man (1.28). Connecting verses 1.23 and 1.28 indicates that no one is left out of the
purpose of bringing all to Christ.
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P ART FOUR CHAPTER TWELVE - COLOSSIANS TWO

Introduction
Barclay asks, How literally should we take the reference to philosophy in 2.8? Is
this a term used by the heretics or by the author of Colossians?615 The issue
addressed earlier in this thesis concerning the lack of the evidence of letters or
correspondence to Paul from the churches to which he wrote comes to bear here.
Barclay discussed the use of terms which could be labeled abusive or vindictive
which reveal nothing of the character of a person or group of people. Can the
people of Colossae be identified by the attacks or accusations of error alleged by the
writer or the commentators? Where did these terms originate and why did he (or
they) find it necessary to address these issues using them? Are these words merely
repeated by the writer that Epaphras used in describing the problem at Colossae?
Or, are these words used by the so-called heretics? As evidenced by the many
commentaries using the terms as clues to the target(s) of Colossians, much has
been derived without consensus. Barclay points out, Scholars who survey this mass
of hypothetical reconstructions are apt to be dismayed by the failure of the guild to
reach unanimity on even the rudiments of a solution.616 In attempting to identify the
hearers of the letter the accusative language proves to be problematic. However, if
one could look beyond the attack to the letter in its entirety, the process of identifying
the people of Colossae and how they received the message of the gospel may be
obtained. Their former beliefs can be assessed and the way in which they processed
their new belief can be revealed. The attack by commentators hides the message of
the letter. Barclay states, We are trying to trace a target that we can see only
615
616

258
through the haze of a polemical tirade, leaving traces that are brief, often ambiguous
and sometimes wholly obscure.617 The re-reading of the Colossians letter without
the labeling have revealed more about the identity of the recipients and what they
believed.
The issue of asceticism is raised in discussing this chapter. Do the instructions in
this chapter reveal the authors intentions to create a new subjectivity? Wimbushs
definition suggests, Asceticism may be defined as performances within a dominant
social environment intended to inaugurate a new subjectivity, different social
relations, and an alternative symbolic universe.618 R. Valantasis points out that the
writer of Colossians speaks against a specific type of ascetic performance, one that
involves physical indicators of world rejection and visible signs of identity.619 Yet the
writer appears to be replacing one form of asceticism with another by instructing
them to reject their former worldly views and admonishing them to accept another
form; directing them to live according to the gospel. MacDonald suggests, The
author wages a battle on two fronts, rejecting one type of asceticism while fervently
propounding another, intentionally directing the audience toward an alternative
mode of existence within a dominant social environment.620 Some hearing this
letter, attuned to the ascetic forms in former beliefs, may have questioned the
motives and the intent of this teaching. Thus valid questions concerning rituals
leading to labeling were being addressed in the bulk of this chapter.
617
618
Barclay Barclay, Colossians and Philemon 52-53.

Vincent L. Wimbush and Richard Valantasis, Asceticism (New York, N.Y.: Oxford University Press, 1995) 544-
52.
619
Richard Valantasis, "Constructions of Power in Asceticism," Journal of the American Academy of Religion. 63,
no. 4 (1995): 800.
620
Margaret Y. MacDonald "Asceticism in Colossians and Ephesians" in Vaage and Wimbush, Asceticism and
the New Testament 270.
259
Christianity in its infancy had many parallels to the existing mystery cults; e.g.
teachings concerning salvation, resurrection, eternal life, initiation and ritual
sacraments. Throughout the first four centuries there often existed direct competition
in evangelization between various cults and sects.621 Christianity, possibly an early
form of Judaism, by definition could have been considered a cult622 (See Subsection
2.2 for discussion of the Christ myth). It is evident in this chapter that although
conflicting views existed within the community, former beliefs did not initially create
problems. The audience, although embracing the new teachings were keen to
distinguish the validity of their former beliefs in the light of what was being taught.
Klauck states, "In my opinion, the Christian doctrine of the sacraments, in the form in
which we know it, would not have arisen without this interaction; and Christology too
understood how to 'take up' the mythical inheritance, purifying it and elevating it." 623
The Jews were known for debating the scripture. This is not meant pejoratively but
alludes to a form of discussing the written text. It was a healthy way of getting at the
truth (Job 13.3, 15.3; Prov. 25.9; Isa. 43.26) Looking from a twentieth-century
perspective at the practice, commentators seemed to miss the validity of it in labeling
the audience rather than considering the problem as a debate of some sort. The
Jewish form of discussing scripture/oral tradition was a debate which, in the case of
the Talmud, resulted in the writings of the Misnah.624 The dates of the institution of
the transcribing Jewish oral tradition coincide with that of the beginning of
Christianity. The completed process of forming ideas and doctrines could not have
621
Hans-Josef Klauck, The Religious Context of Early Christianity : A Guide to Graeco-Roman Religions,
Fortress Press ed. (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2003) 81-152.
622
Encyclopaedia Britannica inc., "Encyclopaedia Britannica 2005 Ultimate Reference Suite," s.v.
623
Klauck, The Religious Context of Early Christianity : A Guide to Graeco-Roman Religions 152.
624
The Mishnah reflects debates between 70-200 CE by the group of rabbinic sages known as the Tannaim. For
detailed history see Jacob Neusner, The Mishnah : A New Translation (New Haven: Yale University Press,
1988).
260
happened overnight as this letter shows. Important discussions occurred which

shaped doctrines of not only Christianity, but perhaps those of the Gnostics and
other beliefs that were believed to have grown out of this period (see Subsection 2.2
R. McL. Wilson, G. Bornkamm and J.B. Lightfoot).
The writer of this letter was concerned because of the diversity of beliefs that existed
in the community. The gospel being preached to former mystic and mystery
adherents and Jews presented many questions as this chapter suggests. In
agreement with M. Hookers view of the situation, additionally, the information the
writer received, which perhaps sparked this letter, came from discussions within the
community. The similarities between the various cults and this new teaching needed
to be talked out. Ancient philosophy dates from 600 BCE to 500 CE625and the
practice of philosophy, probably not unfamiliar to the population at Colossae during
Greco-Roman rule, was another common form of discussion.
The themes of philosophy cited in The Oxford Companion to Philosophy626 relevant
to this thesis are: the understanding of the basic causes and attributes of the
universe; discussions of it in an economical and uniform way; the theoretical
problem of integrating the diversity and variation of the natural universe, with the
prospect of obtaining rigid and clear knowledge about it; questions about numbers,
elements, universals, and gods; the study of patterns of reasoning and argument;
the nature of the good life and the importance of understanding and knowledge in
order to pursue it; the clarification of the concept of justice, and its relation to various
political systems. The use of persuasion and imperial language points to the
625
Ted Honderich, The Oxford Companion to Philosophy, 2nd ed. (Oxford ; New York: Oxford University Press,
2005) s.v.
626
Honderich, The Oxford Companion to Philosophy s.v.
261
knowledge of the above practices by the writer of the letter and the assumption by
him that the audience would understand the message presented in this manner. The
audience, as a colonized people, was exposed to Greco-Roman civic and cultural
attributes. Colossians Three shows that the writer is not willing to oppose
societal/familial mandates and treads lightly in making any substantial changes (See
Subsections13.4 and 14.1).
Chapter Two the writer was faced with issues brought to his attention perhaps by
Epaphras. These issues were the result of the discussions held upon hearing the
gospel preached to them in attempts to gain a better understanding of what they
were hearing. Also stated earlier, perhaps Epaphras had reached the limit of his
ability to answer the questions that were being raised and from his report to the
writer, clarification was necessary. The letter, as with other letters of the Pauline
genre, was an attempt to encourage the community to stay together and seek the
truth; to not be afraid to engage each other and those around them. Stambaugh
adds, The oneness of God demanded that the body of the church also be one, that
there be no internal boundaries between members (Col 2).627
The enslaved Africans were faced with not only the oppression of the dominant
society but with the pressure of behaving in such a way to avoid punishment. They
had to walk a fine line in their speech and mannerisms so as not to offend those who
were in authority over them (See Subsection 8.1, quote by L. Lane). However,
Lanes statement is a debunking of the idea that the enslaved adopted the slave or
colonial mentality. Being subjects in a colonial society and more specifically a slave
society, there was the possibility of adopting the mindset of defeat. The slaves were
627
John E. Stambaugh and David L. Balch, The Social World of the First Christians (London: SPCK, 1986) 57.
262
in danger of succumbing to either accepting their status as property or trying to adopt

the ways of the colonizer or enslaver. The letter to the Colossians speaks to their
retaining their dignity in the face of degradation, oppression and death. With
boldness the readers were to walk according to the will of God as Christians and to
allow neither anyone nor their circumstances to deter them.
The slaves agenda was two-fold. One: they sought salvation eschatologically and
two: they pursued salvation from their present state of slavery; both of which they
sought in Christ. For some, perhaps, the latter weighed more importantly, but their
faith for both was to be in Christ. The letter reaffirmed their desires as they perceived
both their destiny and the demise of the enslavers dominion over them.
The theme of isolation discussed in Subsection 10.6 still holds true for this chapter.
Although, in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries many of the slaves
had freedom of movement within the confines of their society which often included
attending churches with whites and free blacks. Nevertheless, they also worshipped
in their own churches or sought out hush harbors where they felt free to worship and
converse about their faith on their own terms. In spite of their location the isolation is
seen in their status as slaves.
12.1
Colossians 2.1-3 Gaining Knowledge through Christ Resisting the
Obvious
The tenor of the letter begins to change in this chapter. We get a hint of that change
in 1.10 in the phrase walk worthy. The term conflict concern628 is derived from
628
Literature s.v.
263
an athletic contest.629 The writer is pulling for them as an athlete would for a team
member. The Apostle Pauls writings often used the analogy of an athlete to make
his point (Heb 21.1; Phil 1.3). This is a new community of believers who have made
great strides within the context of their diverse cultures. The author wants to let them
know that he is taking pride in their accomplishment. They are being encouraged to
stay in the race and to engage each other in conversation. He mentions Laodicea
because they have not seen him either. With the distance between the two cities and
the fact that he tells them to exchange letters, dialogue probably ensued.
To encourage (2.2) means To call to ones side, to comfort. The writer
is telling them to stand up. The notion is that they are capable of understanding what
they have been taught. They were to study and discuss it. As an act of
encouragement the writer again acts as a bridge; in this case as an authority on the
subject of the teachings of Jesus Christ and his relationship with God.
Perhaps the writer, aware of the diverse ethnicity and beliefs, continues the call to
unity but that does not seem to be the concern here. They seem to have overcome
their different backgrounds and are gaining an understanding of the gospel to the
point that he trusts them with knowing the true relationship of God in Christ on which
the gospel of salvation hinges.
The enslaved faced many difficulties: e.g. prohibitions on learning to read and not
being able to comprehend their status. It is important to remember that the slaves did
not accept their status as some would think and the history of rebellions confirms it.
Rebellions as a way of resisting came in many forms. They resisted through their
629
Literature s.v.
264
determination to learn the word of God. Although many of the earlier generations had
little desire to adopt the religion of their enslaver, some sought out answers in the
Bible. They found consolation in the various texts that spoke of the oppressed and
how God sent deliverers to relieve and avenge them. The Acts of the Apostles
portrays Paul as one of the persons who understood oppression. It recounts that he
and his companions had been beaten and imprisoned for his resistance; refusing to
back down in their beliefs and for continuing to spread the gospel even in prison
(Acts 16:37).
The writers words in this section describe his anguish at not being able to be with
the Colossians and Laodiceans, but he wanted them to be comforted. He
encouraged them that if they stayed together and remained faithful they would
understand who Christ was. In the previous chapter he described Christ as all in all
and as the image of God. Here he is telling them to remain faithful and it would
become even clearer. If it was knowledge they sought, Christ was the way to all the
treasures of wisdom and knowledge (2.3).
Some would say that the enslaved desired knowledge into the ways of the enslaver
so that they might live like them or gain revenge. To some extent this was true, but
upon release from slavery they did not seek retribution but only the ability to care for
themselves and live peacefully in society.630 The slaves rebelled against the inability,
caused by their enslavers long hours and physical torture, to grow crops for their
families and to worship as they desired. The knowledge they sought was not only to
survive this present situation, but to live long enough to be free of it.
630
See discussions of African Americans during American Reconstruction Period (1863-1877) in Foner, The
Tocsin of Freedom : The Black Leadership of Radical Reconstruction.
265
12.2
Colossians 2.4-8 No Mans Philosophy
The use of the phrase (anyone or any man631) in both 2.4 and 2.8 denotes the
writer cautioning the Colossians to be careful how they are interpreting what they are
hearing either from Epaphras, others in the community or the writer himself. He is
not accusing anyone in particular. His caution is general, hence the word any.
Neither gender nor specific persons is implied. In the Masoretic Text and the
Septuagint the word any is often followed by a qualifier to determine of whom or
what it refers.632 In the Colossian text any man is inferred by those that translated
it. Apart from not being gender specific, the reference could have been to words or
ideals that formed within the community that may have caused concern.
Addressing the diversity of the community, there were many pre-existing ideas about
the meaning of what was said concerning mystery, treasures wisdom and
knowledge. These words in themselves are enticing when applied to gaining a
better life. The Colossians were a mixture of people under Roman rule, living under
colonial conditions, whose lives were ruled by imperial standards which was
supposed to benefit all. They, however, were not often the recipients of the promises
made by the empire and were often the means whereby the dominant society
benefited; i.e. through taxation and subordination necessary for control by the
empire.
Before and after enslavement, the African community experienced similar conditions.
However, in the case of the Colossians, race was not so much a factor. The
communities were diverse, with those owning property and those who were the
631
Literature s.v.
632
The Holy Scriptures According to the Masoretic Text, [New and rev. ed. (Chicago,: Menorah Press,
1973).Genesis. 24.16 any man, Genesis 17.12 any stranger, Leviticus. 22.4 any thing, Charles Thomson, The
Septuagint Bible, the Oldest Text of the Old Testament, 2d ed. ([Indian Hills, Colo.]: Falcon's Wing Press, 1960).
266
property of others; those who were citizens as opposed to those who were subjects.
The writer is telling this group that no one was to deter them from gaining the liberty
to walk in Christ (2.6). At this point in the letter Christ was said to have freed them
from their way of thinking. The wisdom that they once owned was now to be
replaced with that of Christ. Their eyes were to be opened to the mystery, God in
Christ. This text, when applied to the conditions of the African before slavery, meant
they would have the power that the missionaries had as they came over to their land;
the power to cross oceans and bring elaborate gifts; ultimately the same power that
robbed them of their resources.633 Both communities were told they were free, but
they were not (ref Col. 3.22- 4.1). The text suggests that the slaves were not free to
do as they pleased and the masters were not obligated to let them go.
The art of persuasion (2.4) was practiced by famous teachers such as
Aristotle, Epicures and Diogenes. Is this not what the writer is doing? He would not
have been able to stand with former teachers nor his contemporaries had he not
done so. The word comes from the root meaning calculated to persuade and
which means to bring reasons for persuading or making probable, to
use probable arguments.634 Although often described in connection with Colossians
as a negative act, this was the accepted means of discussion in the time of this
writing. Paul himself was using the art as he wrote letters to the churches. Galatians
proves to be a much sterner letter in which the practice of persuasion is more readily
seen. The writer, therefore, has justification in being concerned. This becomes a lost
art when only one party is allowed to voice their beliefs to the detriment of the
633
Walter Rodney, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, Rev. pbk. ed. (Washington, D.C.: Howard University
Press, 1981).
634
Henry George Liddell et al., A Greek-English Lexicon, Rev. and augm. throughout / ed. (Oxford; New York:
Clarendon Press; Oxford University Press, 1996) s.v.
267
message being brought. He seems to fear that, in his absence, there is no one else
who could act as his substitute in presenting this side of the dialogue. (2.1). It can
also be inferred that there seems to be a fear on the part of Epaphras to allow the
new believers to voice their concerns. Was there a letter sent from the church or did
Epaphras verbally voice his or their concerns or questions? The negative labeling of
those in the community by commentators is unjust, yet unavoidable due to the
circumstance of no other surviving information. However, this fact leaves open the
door for many opinions as in this thesis.
The writer seems to think that the terms and expressions in 2.6-8 are effective in
cautioning the audience to remember the teaching they have already received. The
teaching referred to in verse six, is presumably what they received from Epaphras.
The term abounding (in verse seven) means to excel more or increase in
excellence; used of a flower going from a bud to full bloom.635 Similar expressions as
those used in 2.8, traditions of men and basic principles of the world, are also
used by Paul in other letters (e.g Galatians 1.14).
L. Lewis comments on the language used in this chapter. He suggests, What is
remarkable in this section is Pauls uncompromisingly hostile language launched at
the false teachers. They are frauds and thieves, (2:4, 8) who peddle a counterfeit
product. The reality they proclaim, compared to the reality of Christ, is illusory (2:17)
and ephemeral.636 Although the writers view of their hostility, or referring to them
as frauds and thieves, does not conform to the tone of the letter (again we must
compare the mood of this letter to Galatians and 1 Corinthians), he is nevertheless,
635
Literature s.v.
636
Lloyd A. Lewis, 'Colossians', Blount et al., True to Our Native Land: An African American New Testament
Commentary 385.
268
uncompromising. The presentation of Christ is phenomenal in that his devotion to

him is quite clear. The letter captures Pauls zeal for Christ and the gospel of
salvation which is only matched by that of his former days in persecuting believers.
The following word analyses from 2.8 suggest alternatives to the way the community
was told to view what was being taught as opposed to labeling them as false
teachings.
means to be perceptive, discerning, look into, discern by use, know by
experience.637 They were to study the matter to see whether the philosophy lined up
with what they were taught and had already accomplished (military reference to
being taken away as booty perhaps into slavery). The Africans had already been
carried away, made spoil of, physically taken from their homeland to the New World
as slaves. Then they were spoiled (2.8) through the teachings that maintained their
servitude. The indication here for the Colossians is that they could be pulled away
from what they already knew. If they were once pagans, what they already knew was
not a threat. Therefore their former beliefs were not an issue. What the writer is
cautioning them about is discernment in what they have come to believe.
638 refers to the love of wisdom. 2.8 references three areas he warns them
about in opposition to the philosophy of Christ (vain deceit, traditions of men and
rudiments of the world). A line is drawn between the two philosophies; philosophy
itself is not under attack, just what is not according to Christ. So it is false or just
different?
637
Literature s.v.
638
Literature s.v.
269
639 640 means to cheat, deceive, or beguile. Philippians recounts that to

Paul except for Christ and Him crucified everything else were dung (3.8).
Therefore, the writer like Paul is not allowing for any outside thought to be brought in.
This seems to contradict his saying beware in 2.8. Stated earlier, to beware;
is to have knowledge of something and make a choice. Blind faith is not
suggested as the letter encourages them to beware (look into).
The above suggests that discussions should ensue within the audience although the
writer seems to be directing them through persuasion to adopt his point of view. He
seems to be going out on a limb, so to speak, by encouraging debate. He does not
waver, however, on the teachings concerning Christ.
On both sides the enslaved and the enslaver learned how to use words to
manipulate the other. Slaves learned how to speak and act so as to appease the
sensibilities of the enslaver. The enslaver learned how to denigrate the slave to
shame him into working and by telling him that his work was for the betterment of all.
This philosophy was according to a tradition (servitude) that had evolved with the
growing economy. The enslaver was using the enslaved to do work that he could not
do alone, but he did not want to share the profits. The fundamentals of the New
World economy was the driving force behind the maintenance of slavery. Increased
production required increased labor and increased labor only served to increase
production. The letter warned the enslaved to not allow the dominant society to use
them because it was not according to Christ. The enslaved heard this and continued
to resist their status covertly, either through quiet rebellions, escapes, etc., or when
639
Literature s.v.
640
Literature s.v.
270
necessary overtly, through open rebellions and in the biracial churches they were
later allowed to join.
12.3
Colossians 2.9-10 From Isolation to the Divine
In 2.9 the writer uses the word to indicate the deity of God as opposed to
which relates to divinity. Whether intentional or not it is significant when
expressing the superiority of God in Christ in reference to all other expressions of
godlikeness. Richard Trench gives a fuller discourse on the use of the two Greek
words.
St. Paul is declaring that in the Son there dwells all the fullness of the
absolute Godhead; they were no mere rays of divine glory which gilded
Him, lighting up his person for a season and with a splendour not his
own; but He was, and is, absolute and perfect God; and the Apostle
uses to express this essential and personal Godhead of the
Son; In all of these it expresses, in agreement with the view here
asserted, Godhead in the absolute sense, or at all events in as
absolute a sense as the heathen could conceive it. is a very
much commoner word; and its employment everywhere bears out the
distinction here drawn. There is ever a manifestation of the divine, of
some divine attributes, in that to which is attributed, but never
absolute essential Deity.641
Again, the diversity of the first-century community comes in to play as the writer is
dispelling all indications that there is anyone or anything greater than Jesus. He does
not single out one group over the other, but issues a blanket statement in 2.9
concerning the deity of Jesus in God. To emphasize this, he adds the word bodily
meaning of the exalted spiritual body, visible only to the inhabitants of
641
Richard Chenevix Trench et al., Synonyms of the New Testament (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Book House,
1989) (1990). s.v.
271
heaven642. The distinction between and is noted by the community

in this Greco-Roman governance. The emperors, see Subsection 4.3, were often
aspiring to be known as living gods and, often upon their death, this was sometimes
bestowed upon them.643 Therefore, to make the distinction clear, the writer chooses
the higher of the two which is rarely used to refer to the status of an emperor. 644
The writer here again elevates the believers letting them know that they are
complete in Christ who, in him, dwells all the fullness of the Godhead bodily. He
reminds the audience of what they were taught about reconciliation to God through
Christ (1.21-22).
Complete used here differs from perfect (1.28) in that the latter goes
beyond completeness645. Their perfection was not an act of self; it was contingent
on their belief in Christ. A boundary is set to insure that they understood Christs
position as the head and their position in him. Unity again is stressed as Jesus is
raised above principalities and powers.
With the limitation of language and literature it is unclear how the enslaved African
would interpret the idea that in Christ was the fullness of the Godhead. How far
removed were they from the teachings of the traditional religion of their homeland?
Chapter Six of this thesis reflects an understanding of the ordering of the gods and
the place of the Supreme God. Perhaps from other teachings in the Bible they would
have been exposed to the trinity. They would come to know that God is the head, the
642
Literature s.v.
643
Trench et al., Synonyms of the New Testament 10. Cites works of Lucian and Plutarch where they reference
the use of to raise the rank of emperors to that of a god.
644
Trench et al., Synonyms of the New Testament ", "
645
Literature s.v.
272
highest part of the triad. The letter is pointing them to God, placing the weight of the
motives of their actions on their belief in God. Christ dwells in the Godhead as the
image of God and it is through him that they are identified as complete.
Completeness (2.10) brings the enslaved from their status of isolation to an intimate
relationship with Christ. As heirs with him they are also above their situation for he is
the head of all principality and power. The enslaved did not allow the power exerted
over them by the dominant culture to force them into succumbing to the
aforementioned colonial or slave mentality (Part Four Introduction). They are
complete, not less than others. The letter spoke to them about looking to heavenly
things and not to things on the earth (1.5). At this point in the letter they are to look
above their present status because they occupy a place with Christ who is above all.
Christianity was used by both the enslaved and enslaver. At various times the
enslaver either allowed slaves to be Christianized or sought to prevent it as it served
his needs. The letter tells both parties that order and the steadfastness of their faith
in Christ is above all. It reminds them of their faith walk as that which is pleasing to
Christ. They are not to allow the twisting of words or doctrines for personal gain to
deter them.
12.4
Colossians 2.11-15 Rituals and Rites
Although there is no mention of law in itself, it is implied in circumcision. In the era of

this letter did other cults/religions require circumcision? The writer uses this practice
to differentiate non-believing Jews from Gentiles and believing Jews and Gentiles.
The unity the writer so carefully tries to instill is complicated by the Jewish population
273
and their history during the persecutions of Antiochus Epiphanes.646 In referring to

angels, they are reminded of the writings which reflected the contest of angel princes
in the court of heaven. To this part of the community the very realization of this event
enters the discussion. The translation of the text concerning angel worship is
controversial. However, the writer refers to the practice with the intent of elevating
Christ above all powers, authorities, sovereignties, thrones and lordships. Caird
states:
They were created by God (Col. 1:16), and they were disarmed and
defeated by Christ on the cross (Col. 2:15). Although all the words are
in the form of abstract nouns, connoting structures of power, they do
not in these contexts denote abstractions, but personal beings, who
symbolize, personify, embody or wield power. 647
The writer does not dismiss them as mythical beings, but disarms them however
real, as entities over which Christ has dominion.
Evidence pointing to the opinion that there were no false teachers within the
community is that although references were made to Jewish cultic regulations and
calendrical observances, there is no mention of the law as such, as would be
expected if the teaching were under attack by the Jewish community.
648
Lincoln also
makes reference to the idea that circumcision, mentioned in 2.11, operates for the
most part as a metaphor for dealing with the physical body as a whole. The question
646
Epiphanes ruled Hellenistic Syria 175-164 BCE. His attempts to suppress Judaism brought on the Wars of the
Maccabees. John R. Bartlett, The First and Second Books of the Maccabees, The Cambridge Bible Commentary:
New English Bible (Cambridge [Eng.]: University Press, 1973) 19-44.
647
648
Andrew T. Lincoln "Colossians" Abingdon Press., The New Interpreter's Bible : General Articles &
Introduction, Commentary, & Reflections for Each Book of the Bible, Including the Apocryphal/Deuterocanonical
Books in Twelve Volumes 568.
274
may have been raised as to the necessity of actual physical circumcision among
gentiles.
The writers language is strong as he describes the power of God in what is often
referred to as the crucifixion and resurrection of Christ in 2.15. Caird refers to this
section as a linguistic description of the death of Christ in mythological terms.649 This
would be familiar to those with mystic and mythological backgrounds. Dibelius
describes the acts of baptism and quickening (Part One). However, Christ
disarmed/spoiled/ put off/ stripped off, in the sense of separating ones self from
something to have nothing to do with it again, (for ones own advantage650). 2.15
completes the dissertation which follows the writers caution in 2.8. The audience is
guided through this section to show that they share in the triumph with Christ over all
them the powers of the cosmos. Them could also refer to people in authority or
spiritual entities651
Rituals among the enslaved referenced in 2.14 were a part of life; they changed only
with time and with the application and society of which they were a part. Some of the
enslaved may have been familiar with circumcision as it was practiced in some
countries in Africa.652 Baptism as well as circumcision took on new meaning as it did
with the first-century church. However, in the case of some of the enslaved baptism
was just a ritual that was performed before they were put in the holds of the slave
ships. The letter instructed them on the meaning of baptism as a rite of passage from
death to life; from their old life to new life. They were often told that they were sinners
649

Literature s.v.
651
Literature s.v.
652
O'Donovan, Biblical Christianity in Modern Africa 232-35.
650
275
without a way of redemption. The letter exposes that theory as false with their belief
in Christ and the outward show of their faith in baptism. The ordinances that
denigrated them to unsalvageable sinners and even less than human had been
canceled with Christs death on the cross. The powers and principalities were
exposed because Christ had won the battle over them.
That the teachings in this section of the letter also applied to the enslaver was not
lost on the enslaved. Many of them realized that their masters could also receive
salvation and some rejoiced and joined them in worship upon learning of their
conversion. The idea of communal worship and belief brought the enslaver into their
isolation and took the enslaved outside of their world even just for a little while.
The writer in 2.14 references avoiding things for ones own advantage. For the
Africans and enslaved Africans their advantage was only considered when it served
the purpose of the enslaver. This verse adequately described their condition. They
were victims of such treatment and were looking to Christ to remove their yoke of
bondage. Their hope was to be separated from the life that defined them and to be
free; living in triumph over their present condition.
12.5
Colossians 2.16-23 Initiations, Intrusions, Perversions
In 2.23, humility is the technical term for fasting in Hermas V. III.

10. 6, S. v. 3. 7.653 The writer is aware that within the community are those who fast
and he encourages them to investigate their reasons. Matthew records Christs
teaching that fasting was for specific purposes and not to be done for vain glory
(17.21; see also Mark 9.29). The Hebrew Bible also gives references to fasting and
653
C. F. D. Moule, The Epistles of Paul the Apostle to the Colossians and to Philemon : An Introduction and
Commentary, Cambridge Greek Testament Commentary (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1957) 104.
276
some in the audience would be familiar with the practice, even if they were not
partakers. The writer was telling them to make decisions about what was important.
Did they want to lose their reward over these things, which according to him and in
the face of who Christ is has little value? It must be stressed here again that these
were issues which needed clarification. The labeling of them overshadows the
uniqueness of this community; for they appeared to be as curious as they were
diverse. The main issue the writer wanted to address was their knowledge of Christ.
Examination of this section points to their diverse former beliefs and their willingness
to examine their traditions in light of their new beliefs.
Cairds comment is out of context as we continue observing the tone of the letter and
also in light of at least interpretations of the phrase. Angel-worship was Pauls
pejorative and emotive term for a practice he wished to ridicule, and that the
heretics themselves would have resented and repudiated it.654 The translation
debate over whether it was worship of angels or worship with angels has not
found consensus. He also suggests that this was pre-Gnostic. To say that this was
the beginning of a movement (Gnostics) is questionable. The writer may have been
addressing a practice that existed among the people in general or just a small group.
The term intruding carries three possible meanings: 1) borrowed from the mystery
religions and referring to entering the sanctuary after initiation; 2) O.T. metaphor
from the occupation of the promised landthe person treats his visions as his most
prized territory, his Mecca; 3) investigating.655 All are viable considering the diversity
of the population in Colossae. Here again, as much discussion exists on this topic, it
654

Moule, The Epistles of Paul the Apostle to the Colossians and to Philemon : An Introduction and Commentary
105., Citing II Macc. 51. 30, Philo, de Plant. 80.
655
277
is mentioned briefly in this thesis to point to questions that may have been raised
concerning the usage of the term in this context. In the absence of existing
correspondence between the writer and Epaphras, it is not known who initially used
the term. If Epaphras used the term, the audience could have initiated the discussion
to clarify its meaning. If the writer used the term, their question could have varied
concerning proper entry into the faith; whether by baptism, circumcision or other
rituals that existed in the community. The writer again makes it clear however that
faith in Jesus Christ is the unifying entity; anything or anyone else is temporal (2.2022).
The writer makes a listing of the common teachings mentioned in the beginning of
the discussion in this chapter. As many parallels existed, it was necessary to
address each one, circumcision, baptism, ordinances, principalities and powers.
Each had its place in the existing and developing beliefs and religions of this time.
Numerous commentaries expound on the meanings of each in reference to this letter
and other letters written by New Testament writers. In this thesis is a synopsis of the
views of major thinkers in reference to much of whom and what the writer was
addressing. Concurring comments made in this chapter will correlate with the views
held by Morna Hooker. The writer is issuing general warnings about what could
occur within the community concerning teachings in the gospel.
The tone of the letter indicates that it is written to an informed audience. This
statement does not imply that the enslaved Africans were comparatively uninformed.
The instructions build upon each other, beginning with comments about what they
already know and then encouraging them to make informed choices about what they
are hearing and discussing around them. They are not to shy away from the
278
philosophy, but weigh it and see if it makes sense. He makes a final push in this
section by encouraging them to think about what they have learned and if they have
decided to become believers, why are they still dwelling on things that are no longer
relevant (2.20-23)?
The second chapter of Colossians represents the crux of the argument over the
interpretation of error, heresy and false teachers by many commentators. No
consensus to date has been reached definitively as to whom they were referring, but
it is generally agreed that the community of believers, as with Christianity, was in its
infancy. There were issues that needed to be addressed and the writer points out
those areas. As with other letters, there is no correspondence to the writer that
survived, so speculation as to what was actually reported remains moot.
Many of the enslaved were accused of perverting Christianity because they included
traditions and practices from their homeland. Some of these traditions were not
personally initiated but passed down through generations and perhaps brought by
the new arrivals from Africa. This section as well as the previous one would cause
one to pause and think about how they incorporated them. Their practices were
sometimes viewed as idolatrous by those who were not familiar with them (See
subsection 10.6).
Traditionally Africans believe in numerous spirits, good and evil. (See subsection 6.3
for documentation.) Divinities are intermediaries between God and man. In what they
believe to be a demon haunted universe, belief in witches and wizards are common.
Wind and rain, thunder and lightning are forces that have spiritual forces controlling
them. Trees, mountains, rivers, etc. are inhabited by spirits which can either bless or
279
harm man. Fear of these forces and spirits govern the daily lives of the African and
the person who can tap into these entities is also feared. Abogunrin reveals,
Traditionally, nobody would act without consulting a particular or family divinity. The
gods and spirits control access to the divine Presence.656
Christianity in the atmosphere of slavery was in a fragile state, as many were
frustrated with the teachings from both sides. On one side slave holders were wary
of those preaching the gospel because often what ensued were discussions of
freeing the slaves or at least giving them liberties that would, as they saw it, cut into
their productivity. Some slave holders became Christians but used the scriptures to
reinforce their stance on slavery. On the other side the enslaved were often
dismayed to find that Christianity in this state was, not the answer to what they
needed and, therefore, many either reverted to traditional rituals or incorporated
them into Christianity.
Abogunrin writes that, today many of the churches in Africa enslaved their followers
by not giving them the freedom they were promised. 657 Traditional practices that still
exist in Africa were often a part of the enslaved participation in Christian practices.
He states, The belief in angelic intermediaries is generally common. Prayers are
offered through angels to God, especially Michael the Arch-angel. The jingling of the
bells three times before prayer is to invite God, Jesus and the angels to join in
worship.658 Many other rituals are performed that center around worshipping God,
656
Samuel O. Abogunrin, "The Total Adequacy of Christ in the African Context", Nigerian Baptist Theological
Seminary Ogbomoso., "Ogbomoso Journal of Theology," (Ogbomoso, Nigeria: Nigerian Baptist Theological
Seminary, 1986), 10.
657
Samual O. Abogunrin "The Total Adequacy of Christ in the African Context" Nigerian Baptist Theological
Seminary Ogbomoso., "Ogbomoso Journal of Theology," 15.
658
Nigerian Baptist Theological Seminary Ogbomoso., "Ogbomoso Journal of Theology," 12.
280
however the rituals can often take precedence. People then become focused on
formulas and procedures minimizing the attention on God.
In referencing the African Christian churches today, Abogunrin remarks that, they
feel that the mission churches have not preached the gospel undiluted with Westernisms and that the missionaries are not Bible-believing Christians. Today, while the
missionary churches are gradually becoming stagnant in growth, these churches are
growing in an amazing way.659 The mention of missionary activity does not reflect
more recent progress, a topic this thesis cannot address totally. These churches are
where rituals have become dominant and Christ is minimized. He blames the lack of
teaching of the word of God for the problem in most of these churches. He blames
this also on the use of Western terminologies and ideals that fail to see the total
picture of African life. Yet it is through these churches that Christianity is making its
strongest impact in Africa.
Subsection 6.2 of this thesis states three reasons why Christianity failed in Africa
when the Portuguese entered in the fifteenth century. The enslaved Africans were
faced with the same problems in the New World. The gospel was perverted due to
problems on both sides, but the main reason stated by Abogunrin was the lack of the
teaching of the word of God. Too many agendas prevailed and the gospel was often
not heard. However, as in Africa, amazingly Christianity in the New World had a
strong impact on the lives of the people.
659
281
Much of this can be attributed to the perseverance of the enslaved Africans to seek
out the truth of the gospel. The sound of drums and exuberant shouts and songs
coming from the hush harbors were disturbing and often a cause for fear on the part
of the whites who chose to ignore the viability of African culture. In the process of
making their beliefs in Christ their own, the enslaved African was warned in this letter
to not allow their witness to be held suspect. They are constantly reminded to center
their beliefs and actions on Christ; to remember that he is the head and that he is
above all. Just as the Colossians were warned, in the context of their society, that
Christ is above all they once believed in, so were the enslaved Africans.
282
P ART FOUR - CHAPTER THIRTEEN - COLOSSIANS THREE

Introduction
Colossians Three is a call to action. The readers are reminded of their new life in
Christ and it is at this point the lenses of the two groups converge. The writer gives
two lists to show the contrast between their old and new lives which represent their
conduct on earth. This is a timeless message that encourages believers to adopt a
lifestyle that transcends not only their old lives but what they must endure in their
present situations. The chapter begins however with another elevation. Although
they are to live pleasing lives on earth, they are to seek a heavenly existence. They
are to live life on earth with a heavenly mindset. 3.1-4 elevate them mentally, looking
forward to eternal life with Chris. The rest of the chapter is meant to elevate them
physically. With these instructions they are to live new lives in contrast to and apart
from the old.
13.1
Colossians 3.1-4 One if Many thens
The writer continues to address the audience as an informed community. Here his
tone is not derogatory. He uses an if/then clause to stimulate their thinking and to
persuade them to make the choice between their old life and their new (life is
singular because of the emphasis on unity). However, notice that there is simply one
if but many thens. The word in verse one, meaning to be raised with
or together660 promotes the theme of unity. If together they are raised with Christ
as a community of believers then they should seek and do. The writer is aware that
temptations will come and that they will be faced with making decisions about their
660
Literature s.v.
283
new belief. The process is complicated by the single if. Although meant to simplify
matters the hearers of the letter are forced to make this decision on the pains of what
is required of them in the succeeding verses.
The first then (a collective command) is an instruction to seek or set their
understanding on things above. The writer has accessed and addressed
the divisions in the previous chapter and feels now the believers, as community, are
ready to walk worthy of the Lord. The division he addresses now is the separation
of their old lives from their new. This is no longer a community divided, but unified
and the instructions given in this chapter are aimed at solidifying that union.
Christs position is further explained as physically sitting at the right hand of God.
Their position is spiritual with Christ, as their lives are hidden with him in God. The
promise that they will be with him physically in eternity is given, contingent upon the
if in 3.1. Such elevation supersedes not only their former lives as non-believers, but
their present lives as believers. The writer raises the bar from Christ being all in all
to their being totally in him.
There is a suggestion of an ultimatum here and this may cause a problem for the
subjects of Rome. Can there be dual allegiance? In theory, what the writer is
suggesting sounds exceptional, but is Rome tolerant enough when faced with the
competition of all that Christ offers? However, what the writer suggests is passively
subversive in that they are not to rise up against the empire, but to be a community
of believers within the existing structure. If that is so, why is it recorded that Paul was
in prison? Does, he not ask that they no longer give allegiance to, nor worship other
284
gods? What about the claims of the emperor to be divine? Does not that imply some
form of worship?
The Jews of the new community are faced with similar problems; further complicated
by their former beliefs. Was it so easy to accept that Jesus Christ, the crucified, was
the Messiah? How were they to now separate their doctrines along the lines of
salvation? Was the Torah no longer the way to salvation? These are questions that
presumably were being asked.
What appeared to be simplistic with the one if is complicated not only by the
catalogue of guidelines in this chapter, but by the diversity of the community.
Although they placed their faith in Christ, their various ethnicities still existed. The
letter does not address the issues of customs and traditions effectively. The issues
mentioned in Colossians Two, are too general to identify the various beliefs that
existed. The solutions suggested in both Colossians Two and Three only served to
unify them in the faith. The many denominations that later developed within
Christianity are partly an indication of cultural and traditional diversities.
In this chapter, the people of Colossae have reached the pinnacle of their position in
Christ. The writer is adept in elevating the Colossians to a place they were privileged
to occupy. To reiterate: they were accepted in the faith of Christ who is above all and
in all. They were made aware of the mystery who is Christ in God. They were being
treated as citizens rather than subjects and made to feel that the unattainable
promise of peace by the empire was nothing in comparison to the peace in knowing
Christ. Colossians 3.5 gave the guidelines to maintaining peace within the
community.
285
What began as inclusive teaching turns exclusive. The writer praises them for their
faith and includes them within the faith by stressing unity. He also places himself
among them first by writing to them and then acting as a bridge between them,
Epaphras and God. This chapter stresses the exclusivity of being a new creature.
They are no longer to act like the world around them, but be examples to those who
were without (1.10; 4.5).
Some enslavers, needing a way to subdue the enslaved, used Christianity to
separate themselves from those they captured for the profit of slavery. In order to
manage this enterprise and quench resistance, the enslavers adopted the attitude
that the slave was dangerous and must be dealt with as the enemy. Cartledge
makes a comparison between managing the risk of native and black resistance to
that of first-century Jews and other nationalists conquered by the Empire. All slaves
are enemies is a Roman proverb Quot servi, tot hostes.661 This idiom served as a
valuable lesson quickly learned by colonial slaveholders. Like the Romans, they
were not always successful in their endeavors to maintain the illusion of peace. This
attitude was prevalent throughout the history of the colonizing of the Americas. J. M.
Terrell suggests, British militia leavened the American populace, regulating the
social and civic affairs of whites, displacing and annihilating native peoples and
intimidating free blacks and slaves in an effort to preclude insurrection on the part of
activist black denizens and their abolitionist friends.662
661
Cited in Paul Cartledge, "Rebels and Sambos in Classical Greece," in Paul Cartledge, F. D. Harvey, and G. E.
M. De Ste. Croix, Crux : Essays in Greek History Presented to G.E.M. De Ste. Croix on His 75th Birthday
(London: Duckworth, in association with Imprint Academic, 1985) 16-46 quotation at p. 21.
662
JoAnne Marie Terrell, Power in the Blood? : The Cross in the African American Experience, The Bishop Henry
Mcneal Turner/Sojourner Truth Series in Black Religion (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1998) 37.
286
The enslaved are again reminded that their focus should be (above) and the
clarification is made with the next phrase not on (earth). Most often they
understood this to mean that they were to look for life to be better after death. Their
expectancy of change was not to be in their present condition, and although this was
meant to be consolation, it was something to aspire to in the future. As indicated in
this thesis, the actions of the enslaved proved that they wanted life to be better in the
present. The image of the docile, happy slave is a false one, portrayed in pictures
were meant to depict the desire of the enslaver. Slaves were adept at puttin on ole
massa to appease their masters and often what was seen in these pictures were
just a depiction of a performance by the enslaved (See Subsection 8.1).
To focus on things above and not things on the earth meant also that they were to
look beyond their present condition. They were to set their standards higher than
what was expected of them. Often the enslaved rebelled out of frustration and
lamented their present conditions causing them to pity themselves. The text
encouraged them to look beyond or above what they could see and view
themselves; not as property, but as people. Their present condition should not define
them; thus they were not to adopt a slave mentality by succumbing to the image of
one without hope. Nor were they to adopt the colonial mentality by aspiring to be like
their enslaver. They were to look to Christ where their lives were hidden.
Living life in the isolation of servitude could create the desire to be hidden from the
degradations of that sort of life. To be seen as the lowest form of humanity is such a
negative image to have to endure day in and day out. That image was perpetuated in
everyone and every situation encountered. The letter threw light on that image as it
287
encouraged them that they were no longer to be seen as such. Because of Christ, all
that they were before was dead; they were now hidden in him. Christ had come to
break the barriers of their isolation as he took up residence in their lives. The
evidence of life in him is expressed in the latter part of the if/then clause in the next
section.
13.2
Colossians 3.5-13 Catalogue in Overload
The catalogue of iniquities, beginning in Colossians 3.5, is a restatement of Wisdom

14.22-31, with which the Jewish community would be familiar. The writer takes it to
another level by removing the sin from tangible to moral intent. The genre
represented in Colossians also appears later in, Didache 5; Shepherd of Hermas
and Mandate 8.663 It can be argued that its inclusion represents the Jewish
background of the writer and has no bearing on the audience. That would be feasible
if the writer had not included 3.11. The intent was to identify the diversity of the
audience and to unify them; uniting them with Christ as all, and in all.
Paul identified with liberty from bonds and the writer of the letter seems familiar with
his experience (3.11). He considered his new life in Christ to be removed from his
old life in Judaism. His experience on the road to Damascus is explained as
transformative and he was not only delivered from sin but from the bondage of the
law (Rom. 8.3; Gal. 3.13). In Rom 8.15; Col 2.15 and Eph 6.10-16, the writer(s)
speaks of being set free from the power of unseen forces of evil or demonic
elements of life. With Christ there is new life and that meant he was a new man. He
hath delivered us from the power of darkness, and hath translated us into the
Kingdom of His dear Son (1.13). The writer is echoing Pauls jubilation over being
663
Bruce Chilton and Jacob Neusner, Classical Christianity and Rabbinic Judaism : Comparing Theologies
(Grand Rapids, Mich.: Baker Academic, 2004) 148.
288
set free. He wants the believers in Colossae to experience the same and warns them
of pitfalls that might occur.
The writer wanted the Jews of this congregation to see that the Messiah they were
looking for had already come. In the process of realizing the Messiah, they were also
to be re-created. These two concepts were not unfamiliar to his contemporaries.
Davies states, We have seen that he used the terminology of the two ages, a
concept that was perfectly familiar to the Rabbinic Judaism of his day.664
Four groups of opposites are named who are made in the image of Christ (3.11).
These groups are included as part of the makeup of those who can attain new life in
Christ. However, this grouping is not complete unless Christ is all in all. The question
is therefore raised as to what is meant by all in all. Davies replies, It is not merely
men, Greek and Jew, Scythian and barbarian, who are made at one with themselves
and with God but also all things that God may be all in all.665 Schweitzer interprets
all to refer to the Elect.666 He is distinguishing those who are selected by God to
be saved. C.H. Dodd disagrees saying that Paul meant exactly what he said.667 The
goal of the letter is to unify all believers in the faith. Schweitzers response is
indicative of the labeling placed on the Colossians by other commentators. Can an
individual decide who the Elect are? This is a question that cannot be addressed in
its fullness, but only considered so as to bring attention to labels that can cause
things to be interpreted or perhaps misinterpreted. Davies disputes the theory of the
664
see Davies for more discussion of Christ as messiah and Christian dispensation as a new creation W. D.
Davies, Paul and Rabbinic Judaism : Some Rabbinic Elements in Pauline Theology, 4th ed. (Philadelphia, Pa.:
665
Davies, Paul and Rabbinic Judaism : Some Rabbinic Elements in Pauline Theology 58.
666
Albert Schweitzer, The Mysticism of Paul the Apostle, Johns Hopkins papberbacks ed., The Albert Schweitzer
Library (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998) 185.
667
C.H. Dodd, The Mind of Paul: Change and Development. Reprinted from John Rylands Library. and Henry
Guppy, "Bulletin of the John Rylands Library," (Manchester,: Manchester University Press [etc.]), Vol. 18, No. 1,
Etc. 40.
289
elect purported by Schweitzer indicating the universal and national (in this case) call
of God to all people.668 The letter indicates that the Colossian believers were once
alienated and enemies in your mind nowreconciled (1.21). Others can also be
brought into the faith that was once as they were (1.23). Inclusive in all in all is
anyone or anything that has put on and has been raised with Christ (1.17; 3.1).
Schweitzer explains his position by stating, The adjective elect is found in Paul only
in Rom. 8:39; 16:13, specifically in relation to the person who believes in Christ,
while the noun election features significantly in the discussion of Israels destiny
(Rom. 9:11; 11:5, 7, 28)669
The Jews of the community are given a challenge. Meeks states, All these terms
are drawn from biblical language referring to Israel; Paul himself still uses several of
them of the Jewish people in Romans 9 -11.670 How are they to understand the
elect of God? Were they able to make the above distinction between elect and
election? The terms saints or holy ones (used earlier in Col 1.2,4) are reflected
with the use of elect and loved. They were striking and a bit ambiguous when
applied to this diverse community of believers.
The writer explains that to walk worthy indicates that others will notice and perhaps
be saved (1.10) and walk in him (2.6). 671 (walk meaning to make ones
way, progress), to make due use of opportunities. In Hebrew h lak672 (meaning to
regulate ones life, to pass ones life, to conduct ones self), represents an outward
668
Col 1.20, 3.11; 2 Cor. 5.19; Rom. 8.19-23, 11.32.

Schweizer, The Letter to the Colossians : A Commentary 205.
670
Meeks, The First Urban Christians: The Social World of the Apostle Paul 84.
671
Literature s.v.
672
Francis Brown et al., The Brown, Driver, Briggs Hebrew and English Lexicon : With an Appendix Containing
the Biblical Aramaic: Coded with the Numbering System from Strong's Exhaustive Concordance of the Bible
(Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson Publishers, 2001). s.v.
669
290
show of your life and beliefs. Others will see how a person conducts ones self and it
becomes a witness, showing the beliefs held by that person. In the case of the
Colossians the writer was telling them Gods call was to all people and that their
witness was crucial to those outside the faith in seeing Christ in them. This was the
cause of his concern (2.1). The instructions in Chapter Three were given so that they
could live harmoniously. As others came into the community and eventually into the
faith they would not be turned away by disharmony and strife.
The letter to the Colossians is remembered because of the language; such as
cosmic powers and vain philosophy. The language that developed later identifies
the hearers; heretics, false teachers are examples. Felder states:
The new universalism and unity to be found in the Christian church
express themselves further in the new sequence of thoughts found in
Colossians 3.11-12 (Here there cannot be Greek and Jew,
circumcised and uncircumcised, barbarian, Scythian, slave, free man,
but Christ is all, and in all) cross reference Galatians 3.28 and I
Corinthians 12.13. 673
He is speaking of the term chosen in opposition to being ethnic or cultic. Looked at
from this point of view, in opposition to what was stated concerning the elect
earlier, it is corporate including all people, and is making a case for Christianity being
inclusive and not exclusive.
If the previous section presented tremendous challenges to the enslaved, this

section of the chapter compounds them. Dire living conditions can produce
unpleasant attitudes to say the least and the enslaved could have been justified in
673
291
exhibiting the worst of human characteristics apart from the labels placed on them by
the dominant society. The list given in 3.5-9 is an example of the labeling they had to
endure. They were often labeled liars, sensual, angry, filthy, idolaters, blasphemous
to justify their servitude. It would seem justifiable for the enslaved to exhibit these
traits under the circumstances. However, the letter dispels this myth. Firstly it lets
them know that they were now in Christ; un-blamable and un-reprovable in his
sight, therefore these labels no longer applied to them (2.22). The old man was dead
and the new man seeks after knowledge in Christ. Secondly, these were attributes,
within themselves, they could control. Although they could not control the way in
which they are treated, they were in charge of their behavior. The letter informs them
that this type of negative behavior will be rewarded with wrath from God who sees all
things. Neither their treatment nor their behavior has gone unnoticed. Thirdly, these
are traits that all people exhibit apart from Christ. 2.1 clarifies those who are in Christ
and those who are not. Christ-likeness is portrayed by those who are willing to erase
these traits. Although it is difficult to perceive the desires of people, it is easier to see
their actions.
Herein lay another difficulty. Although the enslaved could see the behavior exhibited
by their enslavers and could perhaps pass judgment on them; the letter does not
focus on others, but cautions them to take an inward look and strive to correct these
faults. It suggests that it is within their power to do so in spite of their circumstances,
for who but themselves are affected? Neither being treated humanely without
retribution nor living as free persons could come about effectively with the use of any
of these. In the best of circumstances these instructions are difficult; imagine living
as a slave? They were being reminded that if they portray these attributes, they are
292
no better than those who abuse them and that they should not judge. 3.7 echoes the
teaching in Romans 3.23. 5.12 reminded them of the commonality of man and sin. It
also reminded them that a person is enslaved by sin (John 8.34).
The traits in 3.5-10 were often pointed out by the enslavers aiming to control the
enslaved. The enslavers desire to maintain his economic existence, which was
contingent upon the actions of the enslaved, produced daily tensions. The scriptures
were a means of showing the expected shortfalls of the enslaved and how control
within the enclave of servitude needed to be acquired which justified the harsh
measures used. The enslaved, on the other hand, resisted being controlled and
desired freedom if only in their isolated lives. Being denied inalienable rights of life,
liberty and the pursuit of happiness (a phrase in the United States Declaration of
Independence) was disheartening.
13.3
Colossians 3.14-17 Barriers of Unity Race and Class
The writer brings this section to a close with words that appeal to the intellect. They
were advised that love is the standard whereby intelligence is measured. Perfection
from to bring to completeness, or perfect, suggests a culmination
of all that had been taught. However, although, in the life of the believer it can be
attained, it must be held together by love. The theme of unity was further
encouraged in 3.15-16 as the writer admonished them to live at peace with each
other; not allowing divisions to exist. The last three verses in this section describe
the atmosphere in which believers are to come together; encouraging and lifting
each other up.
293
Up to this point, the theme of unity is intact. 3.11 breaks down the barrier of race and
class and in the following verses, in keeping with the theme of unity, the writer
continues to give instructions on how to maintain it within their community. They
were admonished at the close of the section to keep Christ at the center of
everything they do and say. In addition, they were to give thanks to God. What
follows is meant to be a continuation of the if /then process. The flow is interrupted
with specific individuals being named; nowhere else are instructions given to specific
persons. In the following verses, discussed in the next section, the unity theme is
compromised.
The instructions in this chapter would have produced a desirable atmosphere had
the enslaver attempted to rightly enforce them within the slave society, without the
cruel measures used. Additionally, most enslavers, by their actions, did not adhere to
the instructions themselves. In whom were the enslaved to look for these attributes?
Their examples were limited by their isolation; therefore they had to look among and
within themselves. This is the message in Colossians; they were to set their sights
on Christ, who is above all and in all. It was within their power to affect a change in
their lives and they were to teach each other (3.16).
In this chapter the enslaved, by the instructions given, could have created a new
community within the isolated walls of their physical, emotional and mental
conditions. The two lists provide the guidelines for each member of the community to
live at peace with one another and with their enslaver. Ideally, getting rid of the bad
and instilling the new qualities would not only better their isolated condition, but
would send a message to the dominant culture. Christ promises that if they adjust
294
their sights, he would not only protect them (3. 3) and be their avenger (3. 6), but that
he would reward them in eternity (3. 4).
The enslaved, however, did not rest with the promise of eternity as they wrestled
with living with the indignity and indecency of the present. They desired to
experience peace, yet it eluded them as their daily lives were disrupted by the evils
of slavery. The atrocities made it difficult to cope and as they were often made to
think that the only escape and reward was in death itself, many took their chances by
either risking escape or rebellion.674 Surely the message of the letter did not include
the continued mistreatment and degradation with which they were faced? Although
faced with similar conditions, could the audience in first-century Colossae have
endured under these circumstances? This thesis does not serve to equate the two,
but the letter speaks to both under their separate conditions.
Paul (the disputed author) could identify here with those who are enslaved. Slavery
causes blindness wherein a person cannot see beyond their circumstances or their
existence. Pauls experience is mirrored by the experience of the enslaved Africans
in that they were blinded to the truth of the gospel and made to see only partially
what was needed to keep them in bondage. As with the enslaved Africans, Paul
understood he was delivered from the darkness by the redemptive blood of Jesus
Christ; whereby both/all were to be freed. Hence, freedom was sought by the
enslaved Africans because in spite of all that occurred around them, this was what
they believed.
674
http://www.johnhorse.com/highlights/essays/buried.htm September 10, 2009 Author also discusses the

covering up and omission in the recording of rebellions in the history of American slavery.
295
Referencing again the instructions given in Chapter Three concerning living in

harmony with each other; within the community of the enslaved African, this type of
bonding was limited due to the divisions within and without (see page 291). The
white preachers could not preach the full gospel because their agenda to keep
slavery alive did not allow harmony to exist, apart from maintaining servitude.
Therefore the enslaved were admonished to stay in their place and masters to
remember that God was watching them (3.22 and 4.1 respectively).
The ambiguity and pressure in 3.16 is capitalized on with the expectations placed
upon the enslaved African to be happy and carefree, singing and dancing at the
whim of their superiors. The letter is redirecting their singing in support of those in
the community of believers. J. White and T. Parham call on examples of religion and
art to support this category. They note the transcendent theme of gospel songs that
teach the message that sorrows will pass and a spiritual hope and joy will triumph.675
In a harmonious society the writers if/then list could be portrayed more easily. This is
not to say that that arena naturally produces what is suggested in 3.11-17. The
evidence is in 3.11 which points out that it is in Christ that the list of favorable
attributes is attained. The enslaved are made aware that it is in Christ that the listing
of persons and ethnicities cohere. The erasure of divisions is only possible if they be
raised in Christ and put on newness. This, however, cannot be achieved within the
complexities of the two worlds that existed, apart from all coming to Christ. The
enslaved could only do their part by striving to adhere to the standards set in the
second list.
675
Joseph L. White and Thomas A. Parham, The Psychology of Blacks : An African-American Perspective, 2nd
ed. (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1990).
296
The identification assigned to believers in 3.12; elect of God, holy and beloved
carry with it a weight meant to liberate them. However, in the face of adversity the
enslaved were asked to do the impossible. Slavery in the New World is a blight on
the American conscience. The enslaved in America, whether they were African,
Indian or early indentured servants were treated with the lowest regard. Greed and
hatred was at their height and being instructed by this letter to exhibit the
characteristics listed was a hardship considering first the motives of most slave
owners and then the conditions endured by the enslaved.
13.4
Colossians 3.18-25 It All Comes Undone
The letter to the Colossians changes dramatically in this chapter when the household
codes are mentioned. The male dominated household is enforced, albeit the roles of
husband and wife are changed slightly to include admonitions of fairness on the part
of the husband and father. The master, in 4.1, is given a warning that he is being
watched and the slave is also informed of this. Was this a message to the slave that
was supposed to soften the blow of his position? Did this change his status in any
way? How frustrating this must have been after all the glowing words that preceded
this part of the letter.
The household codes (or the Haustafln) are the subject of many books and needs no
explanation in this thesis. The discussion in this thesis is to bring attention to the
identity of the people of Colossae and the teachings of the writer in light of his
attempt to unify them as new believers in the gospel. It is the opinion of this thesis
that, at this juncture, the writer diverts from this purpose to pacify those in the
community who are not ready or unable to leave their old lives behind. In no other
setting is the status of the members of the community more evident than in the
297
household; the position of the father to his family; the mother to the family and the
slave. Had the writer excluded 3.11, perhaps this section would not be problematic.
The believers of the Colossae community were made to think that they could exist
beyond the bounds of the empire and then those of their status; but then they are
reminded of their status.
The inclusion of this section in the letter is a clear indication that the writer either
could not or would not address changing the structure of the family in Greco-Rome.
MacDonald remarks:
Household codes offer indisputable evidence of the merging of
traditional Greco-Roman ethics with early church exhortation.
Moreover, there is significant evidence contemporary with Colossians
and Ephesians to support the theory that New Testament household
codes served an apologetic function.676
She also mentions that traditional household ethics may have served the same
purpose in Jewish households in the ancient world. In addition she references the
household code of 1 Peter; stating that its purpose was a desire to appease strained
relations with the outside world (1 Pet. 2:18-3:7; cf. 2:15; 3:15-16). Stambaugh offers
this explanation.
Within the group, at least in the early decades, there was a conscious
rejection of the status-conscious norms of society, a rejection
summarized in the admonition that within the community of the
baptized there was neither Jew nor Greek slave nor free . Other
passages of the New Testament, on the other hand, especially the
admonitions to orderly family life known as Haustafeln (Col. 3.18 to
4.4 ) seem to show an attempt in the next generation of Christian
676
MacDonald, Vaage and Wimbush, Asceticism and the New Testament 271.
298
leaders to impose a more patriarchal order, patterned more closely on

the traditional Greco-Roman (and Jewish) family.677
Despite all the writer has set in motion to this point, he fails to live up to the
standards he set for his hearers. They are not one in Christ for there is still a
separation between bond and free. Wilson intimates that the reference to slavery
in this text should not be compared to the slave trade in America, yet he discusses
the comparison in the degrees of slavery in each era. Yet, stating further that one
cannot assume that conditions were the same everywhere in the ancient world.678
However, the view taken in this thesis references the writers statement in 3.11.
The writer fails to address classes in this society. He tells them Christ is all and in all,
but how does that translate in the work place? Realizing that this is just one letter
riddled with admonitions about conduct, the writer seems far removed in this area.
Perhaps he is not able to address this issue because he has little experience in
running a household. Paul is recorded as not married and celibate and would be
remiss in addressing an issue of which he has no personal knowledge (1 Corinthians
7.7). Perhaps he had no intention of instructing in this area, but the question came
up. Furthermore questions may have also arisen concerning Nympha, who was a
woman whose home was mentioned in 4.15. Perhaps someone questioned her
status in this male dominated society.
Much can be deduced from this section. Judge declares:
Male dominance is the theme as the dynamic of power and the
concern is for his relationship to the weaker and inferior groups. The
677
678
Stambaugh Stambaugh and Balch, The Social World of the First Christians 55.
299
male, in the Greco-Roman household was the head and exercised full
authority over the wife, children and slaves. What is heard in the
Haustafeln are the voice of the propertied class.679
The letter is not sufficient in this area in bringing about unity in the community. C. J.
Martin states:
The ethical teachings of the Christianized household codes thereby
conveyed a new motive for action in accord with the prescribed
behavior. One was to act as is fitting in the Lord (Col 3.18 Eph 6.1),
fearing the Lord (Col 3.22), as to the Lord (Eph 5.22). In sum, the
hierarchical structural pattern of a male superior and wife-child-slave
inferiors remains intact.680
The division is evident and the call for unity is compromised. The letter, addressed in
this manner, suggests confusion on the part of the audience as to the extent of the
call to unity.
The address to the wives pertaining to submissiveness perhaps was to clarify
whether there was now a differentiation suggested in reference to 3.11. Martin offers
still another problem with interpretation in light of the same. She remarks, Equally
problematic in the interpretation of the regulation regarding wives is the meaning of
to be subject (see Col 3.18; I Peter 3.1). Is submission synonymous
with obedience? Is it voluntary? Reciprocal?681 Furthermore, is this outdated along
with the slave code? See C. Martins chapter in Stony the Road We Trod for fuller
679
E. A. Judge, The Social Pattern of the Christian Groups in the First Century: Some Prolegomena to the Study
of New Testament Ideas of Social Obligation, [1st ed. (London: Tyndale Press, 1960) 60, 71.
680
Clarice J. Martin, 'The Haustafeln' in Felder, Stony the Road We Trod: African American Biblical Interpretation
210.
681
220.
300
treatment of Household Code.682 Also see Chapter 11 of same for Philemon-PaulOnesimus discussion (Col 4.7-18)683
The writers inclusion of the Haustafeln causes one to wonder about his tenacity in
the face of the empire. He was powerful in his message of the gospel and
proclaiming the lordship of Christ and his place as the son of God; yet, here he
weakens. The stance in 3.11, concerning the unity of all people in the faith is
suddenly halted in 3.22, where servants and masters are excluded from that unity. If
all have become new creatures, why have the status of the free and the slave not
been re-created? Controversy exists over the question of whether servants/slaves of
the first century had accepted their station in life and a change in status although
possible was mostly horizontal.684 Whatever their occupation, they were still servants
and were made to think that this was all they could expect. By comparison, one
difference between the slaves of the first century and the enslaved Africans in the
New World was skin color. Another distinction was that, initially, most of the Africans
were not born into slavery. It was a condition forced on them. Nevertheless, their
plight was similar and this marks a major commonality; they were the property of
other human beings.
The household codes discussed in this thesis were for the most part a tool used in
Greco-Roman societies that was perpetuated to maintain the economic and military
strength of the empire under the guise of creating and maintaining a peaceful
682
206-31.
683
Lloyd A. Lewis 'An African American Appraisal of the Philemon - Paul - Onesimus Triangle' in Felder, Stony
the Road We Trod: African American Biblical Interpretation 232-46.
684
For further discussions of slavery in the first century see Cartledge, Harvey, and De Ste. Croix, Crux : Essays
in Greek History Presented to G.E.M. De Ste. Croix on His 75th Birthday.
301
society.685 The empire profited economically and militarily on the backs of the slaves,
yet peace was not to be found. Fiorenza further suggests, As a patriarchal society
the Greco-Roman world was one in which a few men exercised power over other
men, women, children, slaves, and colonized people.686
In 3.19 the fathers responsibility is to no person (as opposed to that of the wife and
children). He is to look to God for approval. The only place we see the mans
responsibility to God is if he owns slaves (4.1). Perhaps the writers instructions carry
a subversive message that the males behavior toward his family is to be fitting
/pleasing to God. 4.25 could be an open admonition to all in the household. Hays
table illustrates the different responsibilities of each member of the household.687
The table shows the greater responsibility to be on the slave, followed by the wife
and child. The male (father, husband) and master, although their responsibility is
expressed in their accountability to God, ambiguity exists because they are only to
be aware of Gods presence. Hay suggests, Probably the brevity of teaching for
masters reflects the fact that there were far more slaves than masters in early
Christian congregations.688 Thus, in 3.25 the emphasis is placed on the slave.
However, the instruction in Eph. 6.9 contradicts 3.25, where more pressure was
being placed on the master. Ephesians 6.8 gives the warning to both the master and
the slave.
685
Philip H. Towner," Romans 13:1-7 and Paul's Missiological Perspective: A Call to Political Quietism or
Transformation" in Gordon D. Fee, Sven Soderlund, and N. T. Wright, Romans and the People of God : Essays
in Honor of Gordon D. Fee on the Occasion of His 65th Birthday (Grand Rapids, Mich.: W.B. Eerdmans, 1999)
156-57.
686
Elisabeth Schssler Fiorenza, In Memory of Her: A Feminist Theological Reconstruction of Christian Origins,
10th anniversary ed. (New York: Crossroad, 1994) 29.
687
Hay, Colossians 139.
688
302
Colossians 3.22 - 25 has the greatest amount of household instructions. The

servants position appears complicated. It is not enough to give a simple if/then
instruction as with the others. Perhaps it could be construed that there was a
problem that the writer wanted to address specifically. Earlier, he states that there is
no difference between slave and free, but now he reinforces the status of each to
remain as it always was. He explicates this by saying that, if the slave behaves as
instructed then his/her reward is eschatological. He then adds a clause in 3.25
admonishing the slave to remain a slave. This verse could strike discord in the
hearts of the enslaved and was used very adeptly by the enslavers to discourage
revolt and maintain slavery as an institution. These passages, as well as others,
were preached from white pulpits and variations from black pulpits during slavery in
the New World with the same results in the new community; slavery was right
because it was part of the gospel message. The manipulation of the scriptures in the
Bible was evident. The Colossians, as well as the enslaved African, could expect no
more. The responses of the Colossians were not recorded but the enslaved African
did, however, perceive that the Bible was being manipulated and, in time, the
preaching from the black pulpits no longer echoed the message from the white
pulpits (See Subsection 8.6).
303
P ART FOUR CHAPTER FOURTEEN - COLOSSIANS FOUR
Introduction
Following the teachings concerning the household the writer conveys his situation
and his instructions given to those around him. The conclusion of the letter names
persons with whom the readers may or may not be familiar. His concern for the
wellbeing of those around him and the recipients of the letter is expressed through
admonitions of prayer for the continuation of the teachings of the gospel. The ending
is similar to other letters written to churches in the first century. The emphasis in this
thesis is on the names and their importance in identifying the recipients. The impact
on both the first-century believers and the enslaved Africans is discussed.
14.1
Colossians 4.1 Remains of the Empire
The instruction given to the masters in 4.1 is ambiguous and open to interpretation.
How does one measure this? In the cases of both the Colossians and the enslaved
African, their status determined what was just and fair. That determination lay totally
in the hands of their owners. The writer finally mentions the masters responsibility to
God but this puts distance between them and their slaves, allowing room for error.
Martin states, In Ephesians and Colossians the exhortations in the Haustafeln are
set forth in three pairs and outline reciprocal relationships between husbands and
wives, fathers and children, and masters and slaves.689 This remark is not true as
there is a double standard concerning master and slave. According to Zerbe:
its words of caution uttered at the expense of the powerless (in this
text: slaves, women and children). This text is one of the chief planks
689
208.
304
used to support androcentric, patriarchal and classist perspectives.

Indeed, this text gives the prevailing status quo a religious legitimation the conduct of all three lower positions (but only one of the superior
positions) is motivated by religious means (confirming the social
legitimating function of religion).690
If this section was taken seriously at it all it was with the hopes that God would
intervene on their behalf. The enslaved had experienced separation from the earliest
days of their participation in the institution. But does one get used to the trauma of
families being divided? The family life of the enslaved was fragile as the threat of
separation was eminent. Parents were in perpetual fear of separation from their
teenage children, for it was inevitable. Young slaves were bought and sold for profit.
Marriage in the slave society was not viewed as valid and separation could occur at
some point to facilitate the profiteer in the slave trade.691 This section must have cut
deep, yet one cannot help but feel that those parents must have cherished the time
they spent with their children. Thus, it is sensed that in reading this part of the
scripture, the enslaved relished the time they spent together and held dear the ideal
of their familial duties. (See subsection 10.6 for documentation.)
Painful as it must have been to read verses referencing the household, wives were
told to stand beside their husbands, even when the wives saw their husbands
manhood challenged by the degradation of being overworked and disrespected. The
admonishment to do this as unto the Lord must have given them some courage.
Husbands were to love their wives without bitterness, although faced with the reality
that often they were the objects of sexual abuse by their masters and those in
690
Zerbe and Orvevillo-Montenegro Segovia and Sugirtharajah, A Postcolonial Commentary on the New
691
305
authority over them. The wives, having to endure the abuse, faced the impossible
task of facing her family with this knowledge and that it would happen repeatedly at a
whim. Children faced with all that they experienced were to obey their parents. What
a horrible environment to be forced to live in. Fathers, , generator or male
ancestor692, the description of God; denoting authority, were reduced by their
circumstances and often were debased while their families were forced to watch in
order to teach everybody the lessons of servitude.
Three observations can be made concerning the inclusion of the household codes in
this letter. Firstly, what cannot be overlooked here, as with the interpretation in light
of the people of Colossae, is that to be a slave was to have your life depredated. A
slaves life was not his or her own. Their daily existence was at the discretion of
others. In each case the slaves were forced to accept their condition and, although
their desires were for better lives, they did not expect it.
Secondly, this passage speaks volumes concerning the heart of the situation. Family
order, in both situations, was governed by the dominate society. The writer of the
letter makes strong statements about the nullification of division in 3.11, but the
statement is contradicted when faced with the household codes in the time it was
written. The letter speaks of equality, but it must not affect the structure of the
household. For the enslaved Africans, as well as for the Colossians, the entire
message is turned around by the instructions concerning the household.
692
Literature s.v.
306
Thirdly, the writer offers little consolation in the hope of obtaining equality. The
message he sends is that slavery is approved by God. Godly instructions are given
throughout the letter for living faithfully as believers. The instructions in the
household codes are also given in like manner. The phrase as pleasing to God is
central in the message. The enslavers used this type of reasoning to reinforce the
enslavement of Africans within their communities citing Haustafeln scriptures. The
end was to oppress and maintain society to benefit those in dominance.
14.2
Colossians 4.2-6 So, What does Freedom Mean?
Taking on an air of business as usual, the writer references having an opportunity

to further spread the gospel, indicating that is the reason he is in prison. The people
of Colossae are made aware that they are part of a movement that had the potential
for danger. Yet, they were not alone. The same message they are receiving is
intended for the world. MacDonald remarks that, Paul certainly believes that the
communitys interaction with outsiders can lead to the expansion of the church.693
Apart from the household codes, the writer seems bold in his attempts. He gives
added instructions to members with reference to their responsibility to God, which is
perhaps all he felt was needed to align the code with his message of unity. The
community had been the subjects of Greco Roman rule and were, in addition, now
part of the kingdom of Christ. Perhaps he is taking measured steps here; trying to
not move too fast. However, this is not consistent with his prior statement in 3.11.
, without in 4.5, shows that a definite line is drawn between church
members and nonbelievers; those who are being saved and those who are not.694
693
694
MacDonald Vaage and Wimbush, Asceticism and the New Testament 272.
Vaage and Wimbush, Asceticism and the New Testament 272.
307
Although a line was drawn, Paul is telling the members to try and draw the outsiders
in by their behavior.
Here, the church at Colossae is being instructed to take every
advantage of the opportunity for dialogue, but to take care not to harm
delicate relations with outsiders. (cf., 1Peter 3.15-16). The community
is instructed to always be ready to make a defense (apologia) to
anyone who challenges them concerning their faith, although their
dealings with nonbelievers still should be characterized by gentleness
and reverence.695
The witness, in the form of the life of the believer, is essential for showing
unbelievers the love of God for all mankind. Hope is rekindled as the letter
encourages the believer to pray. The request is two-fold; they are to pray for one
another as a community and for others outside that community. The writer shows the
constraints he has endured and wishes to be able to preach the gospel freely.
Freedom as with salvation carries a dual meaning for the enslaved. They wanted to
be free physically and mentally. The writer teaches in this section that, although he is
physically bound, mentally he is free. The constraints of prison did not prevent him
from exhibiting the characteristics of the life of the believer. Abogunrin states:
The majority of African Christians understanding of salvation covers
the whole sphere of life. Salvation must be related to mans body,
health, victory over demonic powers and continued protection from
these powers, provision of daily needs, the security of the society in
which he lives, and mans total well-being.696
695
696
Vaage and Wimbush, Asceticism and the New Testament 273.

308
The enslaved were again encouraged to seek ways of overcoming their adversity
through the attributes taught them in this letter. The message was that their actions
could win over others. Many slaveholders became believers and the results often
were the catalyst for change within the structure of slavery. In some cases, the
believers afforded slaves liberties which they would not have received otherwise
(see 8.6, Slave Preacher). However, some slaveholders, in spite of their belief, used
Christianity to further control slaves and this could have been an indication of
whether or not their faith was real. It is also fair to say that some slaves used
Christianity to gain control of their lives and the same can be said of them. This
passage serves as warning to those whose walk may be questioned and whether
they can offer a valid answer.
14.3
Colossians 4.7-18 Legacy in a Name
Epaphras is praised for his work among the believers in the three cities of the Lycos
Valley. His aspirations for them are that they come to the full knowledge of Gods
will. As part of a team, he stays with the writer, as Tychicus and Onesimus are sent
to deliver the letter(s) to the cities in the Lycos Valley. The community in Colossae is
being given adequate attention in order that they may grow. The indication from the
letter and the people being sent to minister to them as well as those who are already
there offering them their homes for meeting, is that this community is of worth. It is a
viable community where its people are sought after for their potential as strong
believers in the gospel.
Names in this section represent people who were important to the ministry. The
writer praises each and gives instructions to the hearers. Although, not relevant in
the contemporary sense, the names reflect the society from which this letter was
309
generated. As indicated in Chapter Two of this thesis some of the names may have
been changed from the ancestral ones to reflect the change in their beliefs as some
of the believers previous names could have been of pagan origin.
The writer names those who have served with him. They have been a comfort to him
(4.10-12). He commends some as being the only ones of the circumcision. Hay
states that in making this statement the writer implies that some of the Jewish
Christians did not support him in the ministry.697 Thus bringing to mind the Acts
account (15.37-39) of a possible dispute between Paul, Barnabas and Mark.
Whether or not he specifically names them, their legacy is now known. Onesimus,
whose name means useful698 is legendary. He is the slave who, after a dispute
with his master, was employed to accompany Tychicus with this letter to the church
at Colossae. Onesimus, although a slave, was trusted to carry the letter along with
Tychicus, and is called the faithful and beloved brother, who is one of you (9). In
this act, orchestrated by the writer, the two walk along side each other in the delivery
of the gospel message. However R.J. Weems is concerned that not enough was
said about Onesimus and even in the letter to Philemon more focus was placed on
Philemon, his owner, to receive him with love.699 Onesimus was a slave and that
status did not change upon his return to Colossae. There are many discussions
concerning Pauls intentions concerning Onesimus and the unique situation of
slavery in ancient Rome. In all that is said about the differences between slavery in
the ancient world and those in the later centuries of this millennium, the following is
697

Arndt et al., A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature : A
Translation and Adaptation of the Fourth Revised and Augmented Edition of Walter Bauer's GriechischDeutsches Wrterbuch Zu Den Schriften Des Neuen Testaments Und Der brigen Urchristlichen Literatur s.v.
699
Renita J. Weems, "Reading Her Way through the Struggle: African American Women and the Bible". Felder,
Stony the Road We Trod: African American Biblical Interpretation 73.
698
310
portrayed in the scriptures; Onesimus was a runaway slave who was returned to his
believing master700 by the leader of the then developing Christian church. This,
above all, is the message seen in this thesis as most troubling.
The community in Colossae perhaps is aware of the situation with Onesimus and
Philemon. Perhaps the private letter to Philemon was read to them.701
Comparatively, the enslaved African may have also known about the letter to
Philemon which would acquaint them with the identity of Onesimus. This thesis,
however, is limited to Colossians in viewing the letter from an African American
postcolonial perspective. Therefore, the discussion focuses on the text and in
particular the verses discussed earlier in this section concerning slaves (3.11, 22).
Along with many attributes of Christianity this type of relationship between the writer
and Onesimus was missing in the isolated existence of the enslaved. If Onesimus
was known to them, perhaps they, unlike Onesimus, were not worthy to carry the
gospel. Their preachers were assigned to them as was the message. They owned
virtually nothing and names held special significance to the enslaved for their names
spoke of slavery. Often, the names given were not flattering and reflected the hatred
that the slave owners had for their heritage. In many cases, the enslaved were not
given the opportunity to even name their children. A name is something of which a
person should be proud, but since that was not the intention of the enslaver the
names took on a pejorative nature (See Subsection 7.3).
700
The letter addressed to Philemon describes him as a "dearly beloved and fellow laborer" (1.1). The rest of the
letter lends support to these attributes in the eyes of the writer.
701
A documented interpretation of the reading of the letter from Onesimus' perspective is given by: Walsh and
Keesmaat, Colossians Remixed : Subverting the Empire 202-12.
311
Each persons name in the letter marked them as a part of the era in which they
lived. They belonged to that society and their names linked them to families. The
defaming names of the enslaved Africans marked them as well and often family lines
were lost due to the changing of their names. Scant records were kept (if at all) of
the births and deaths of the enslaved. In reading this letter they were reminded of
their real names and, although they often secretly retained them, they were not
recorded in history. The role call in the closing of the letter identifies each person
and marks a place for them in history. For example: Luke was a physician; Justus
was a Jew; Nympha was a church leader in whose home they met. Onesimus and
Epaphras were Colossians and, from reading Philemon, we know that the former
was a slave. They will be remembered individually. The same cannot be said of the
enslaved African.
Conclusion
The letter to the Colossians revealed the identity of the people of Colossae and
spoke to the enslaved Africans revealing to them their identity in Christ. Without
tangible evidence of their existence due to the devastation of the town of Colossae
this letter serves as their voice. Without labeling them, it was found that they were a
diverse people with different ethnicities attempting to understand the doctrines of the
gospel of Jesus Christ being introduced to them by leaders of their community and,
later, through this letter. They presented areas of concern and the letter addressed
them albeit from a third party perspective. In the process of their inquiries they were
led to believe that their status had changed with the knowledge of Christ, however
only spiritually. They are reminded that their status in the society in which they lived
had not altered.
312
The enslaved Africans realized they were no longer isolated and their belief in Christ
defined them and not their status. However, they too were reminded that their status
in the society in which they lived had not changed. Unlike the people of Colossae,
the voice of the enslaved African was heard through songs, preaching and the
history of the African American. This letter spoke to them about who they were as
Christians and motivated them to seek freedom from slavery of the mind and body.
313
General Conclusions
The letter is possibly a third party account of a representation of the beliefs of the
people of Colossae. Concerns were addressed to Epaphras, who relayed them to
the writer, who then responded. It is difficult to ascertain the validity of the concerns
of the audience, except in trying to identify the people themselves. This thesis, in its
determining the reaction of the first-century audience to the gospel of Jesus Christ
presented by the writer of the letter, can only speak to the diversity of the community
and by use of commentaries ascertain that they were a new community of believers
presented with doctrines that were not yet fully formed. The labels placed on them by
modern commentaries were an injustice in that subsequently their voices were not
heard.
The enslaved Africans were dealt a similar injustice by not being allowed to explore
the gospel and determine what was necessary for their understanding. They were
constantly fed doctrines that were aimed at oppressing them and maintaining their
servitude. Colossians was used as an example because of the texts that not only
related to servitude but because of the labels placed on the audience, as a result of
their attempts to understand the teachings as they related to their situation. As with
the first-century audience, the Africans of the fifteenth century and the enslaved
Africans in North America were labeled as heretics and culpable in perverting the
message by incorporating former beliefs into the doctrines of the gospel.
Consideration needed to be given to their status in the society in which they lived;
the laws that governed them and their relationship to each other. Further studies of
the identity of both societies would yield even more insight into the viewpoints of the
314
people being presented the gospel. They can neither be spoken about nor
understood adequately without ascertaining their identity.
Re-reading the letter to the Colossians from an African American postcolonial stance
has determined that the writer was not guilty of labeling the people of the community
at Colossae harshly. His instructions were directed at an informed people who
showed signs of sharp abilities in understanding what was being taught. The letter is
an attempt to answer questions being raised from the teaching given by Epaphras.
As stated earlier, Epaphras seemed to have reached his potential and sought out the
writers help. This act was magnanimous in that he put the needs of the community
above his own.
This thesis points to the labeling of the people in this community by modern
commentators. The error was not with the people of this first-century community, nor
with the writer of the letter, but with the commentators. The popularity of using the
terms heresy and orthodoxy began in early Christianity between groups of people
with differing and unfamiliar beliefs.702 Issues of unity/diversity; heresy/orthodoxy are
topics that can be discussed further perhaps in a subsequent work. However, Bauer
points out that, What constitutes truth in one generation can be out of date in the
next through progress, but also through retrogression into an earlier position. 703
Perhaps in the spirit of this statement and in the context of this re-reading it is time to
move from labeling to ascertaining the history of the audience. Examining the text
with the identities of the audience in mind, the intention of the writer becomes clearer
and allows both voices to be heard.
702
703
For comprehensive discussions see Bauer, Kraft, and Krodel, Orthodoxy and Heresy in Earliest Christianity.
Bauer, Kraft, and Krodel, Orthodoxy and Heresy in Earliest Christianity xxii.
315
At the time of the reception of this letter, the people of this community, in postcolonial
terms, were the other in that they were citizens of a country that had been
colonized and they were now subjects. They were subject to the laws of Rome and
were required to pay homage, financially and civically, to the empire. In addition,
there were beliefs that stemmed centuries before the coming of the gospel as well as
those they were forced to adhere to within the empire. It is understandable that
confusion, and perhaps doubt had set in with the teachings of the gospel.
In examining the footprints of the believers of the groups referred to in this thesis
what can be found? One thing stands out, Christianity and its mark upon these
groups of people. In examining their collective identities, it is determined that both
groups had two main things in common. Firstly, colonization left its impact on their
lives and thought processes. Secondly, they were labeled because of their efforts to
understand and adapt to the teachings of the gospel. The labels that were placed on
them effectively silenced these voices, however, with their removal, they are once
more heard. From this examination, their voices are heard as it relates to their
reception of the gospel in their given eras.
The following questions were asked in the introduction of this thesis (see page 7):
Should the teachings found in Colossians be presented to persons in an

African American culture, what would be the implications?
The implications of the teachings found in Colossians when presented in an African

American cultural setting varied according to the agenda of those presenting them.
However, this does not make the question less meaningful. Summarily the teachings
in Colossians were used as a vehicle by both the enslaver and the enslaved. Some
316
slaveholders used the text to oppress and profit from slavery. Some slaves used the
text to gain freedom from oppression and exploitation due to slavery.
Would the reaction by the people of the African American community differ
from that of the Colossian community?
The reactions of the people of both communities were similar in that they tried to
make the religion their own and in so doing they were found wanting and labeled.
Can these reactions be used to draw conclusions which can impact the
meaning and/or interpretation of the text?
Investigating the intent of the letter helps in the comprehension of the text. However,
each readers interpretation may vary. Their reactions to the text indicated their
abilities to reason and to question the teachings in light of their histories and
background. These abilities contradicted the labels placed on them.
Can language be used to alter the identity and faith formation of an existing
culture or to eliminate particular ideologies or beliefs?
The investigation of the use of language produced both positive and negative effects.
Language was used in attempts to persuade, deny and eliminate certain aspects in
the lives of the groups discussed. Whether temporary or permanent, the affects of
the use of language in this process cannot be readily measured, but showed the
degree to which it was used to obtain desired effects.
The re-reading of the letter from an African American postcolonial perspective gave
a voice to the people of Colossae that was silenced not only by the devastation of
that city but by the labels placed on them by modern commentators. Why should
their voices be heard and should anyone speak for them? The letter was a response
to their reaction to the gospel. Their identities, which impacted their response,
317
produced the letter. The letter is a footprint of the lives of the people of Colossae in
their journey in understanding the early teachings of the gospel. Their concerns, like
those of the enslaved Africans, are part of the history of Christianity. Therefore, their
voices should be heard and only an informed ear can hear and speak for them.
318
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TOWARDS A RE-READING OF COLOSSIANS

FROM AN AFRICAN AMERICAN

Department of Theology and Religion

University of Birmingham Research Archive

Goals of the Study

Outline of the Study

Contemporaries of Laodicea and Hierapolis

The Church at Colossae

Generations of belief in Mysteries and Mythological Cults

Gods, Goddesses, Geniis, Lares Oh My

Circumcision and Traditions

Subjects of Greco-Roman Empire

Imperial Images and Themes

Imperial Reconciliation Language

Global Rome the Pax Romana

Imperial Imprint in the Household Code

PART TWO IDENTITY PEOPLE OF A FRICA

The Account of the Conversion of the Ethiopian Eunuch

The Priesthood of Frumentius

The Nine Saints Monastic Life

5.2.1.2 The Afterlife

The Dissemination of Christianity in Northern Africa

African Traditional Religion

Mid Second Millennium

Christianity and ATR

PART THREE IDENTITY - ENSLAVED AFRICANS IN NORTH A MERICA

Identity through the Language of Enslavers

Silencing the Voices of the Enslaved

Arrival of Slave and Free

Name Changing: Linguistic Colonialism

Learning the Language of the Enslaver

Identity through the Language of Enslaved

A Common Language: From Pidgin to Creole

Identity through the language of African America

Shadows of a Lost Heritage

Survival of African Languages

African American Language

The Black Church

PART FOUR - TOWARDS A RE-READING OF COLOSSIANS

Literary Review of Commentary of Colossians

Major Commentators on the Colossians Error

10.2.2 Gnther Bornkamm

10.2.3 Martin Dibelius

10.2.4 Fred. O. Francis

10.2.5 Eduard Schweizer

10.2.6 Clinton Arnold

10.2.7 Richard DeMaris

10.2.8 Troy Martin

10.2.9 R. McL Wilson

10.2.10 Morna D. Hooker

African American Hermeneutics

A Hermeneutic of a Slave Society (Isolation Theme)

Unity in Diversity: Leveling the Ground

Unity in Visibility and Acceptance

1.10-12 The Empire and Worth

1.13-20 Empire, Jesus and Isolation

1.21-23a Breaking the Isolation

1.23b-29 Its All About Christ The Christ Hymn

Gaining Knowledge Through Christ - Resisting the Obvious

2.9-10 From Isolation to the Divine