VIOLENCE AGAINST Johnson,

WOMENJohnson
/ September
/ OPPRESSION
2001
OF WOMEN IN INDIA

The Oppression of Women in India

PAMELA S. JOHNSON
University of Ottawa

JENNIFER A. JOHNSON
University of Toronto at Scarborough

In India, as in all countries around the globe, violence against women occurs daily. Patriarchy plays a role in this violence. For some Indian women, the possibility of violence
occurs throughout their lives, especially with changes in marital status. This article discusses several fatal forms of violence that some of the women in India experience.
Included in this discussion of violence are the role of womens status, dowry, and the
influence of Western capitalism. It is concluded that to combat violence against women,
it is imperative that people work toward a global village where women are viewed as equal
and valuable partners in society.

Today, in every corner of the globe, some women are denied basic
human rights, beaten, raped, and killed by men. Their continued
persecution is a conundrum for scholars. Why does this inequality and oppression persist? Advocates of womens rights have
suggested that among other factors, the sociostructural parameters of the ideology of patriarchy serve to constrain and control
the thoughts, movements, and lives of women. It is arguable that
societies that appear to be heavily patriarchalmale-dominated,
male-identified, male-centeredare the ones in which womens
lives are the harshest (Johnson, 1997). These harsh conditions
often include crimes perpetrated against women by men, including violence and rape. In this article, we will argue the theoretical
position that violence against women in India is due in part to the
patriarchal nature of that society.
AUTHORS NOTE: We wish to acknowledge the extreme sensitivity of this issue. In the
course of doing this research, we often struggled and questioned our position as researchers in presenting this culturally sensitive yet contentious issue. We hope that we have in no
way demeaned the feelings of the people and cultures involved. Also, we would like to
thank the two anonymous reviewers of an earlier draft of this article and C. Benjamin for
their helpful comments.
VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN, Vol. 7 No. 9, September 2001
2001 Sage Publications

1051-1068

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The burning of women is one example of a fatal form of violence against women. In India, police figures indicate that in New
Delhi, 2,755 women died as a result of dowry burning between
1979 and 1983 (Silver, 1985). In the state of Karnataka, there were
792 dowry deaths in 1987 and 922 in 1988 (Kelkar, 1992;
Narasimhan, 1994). In terms of the geographic distribution of
dowry burnings, some assert that they occur more prevalently in
northern India, whereas others argue that dowry burnings occur
throughout India, with a concentration in certain areas such as
Delhi, Harayana, Punjab, the Western Uttar Pradesh and the
Saurashtra region in Gujarat (Kelkar, 1992, p. 80).
Patriarchal forms of oppression manifest themselves in different ways. This article addresses some of the most extreme types of
oppression: dowry, dowry death, and sati. We focus on India
because of the degree of oppression and the extent of the literature
available on dowry burning. However, it must be stressed that
this type of violence occurs elsewhere in the world, such as Bangladesh and Pakistan. We will examine violence against women
throughout the life cycle to demonstrate that some Indian women
are oppressed throughout their lives by the rules, social mores,
and values of their patriarchal society. This can be shown to be
especially true when a change in the marital status of these
women occurs. In addition to investigating the role of patriarchy
in the creation and perpetration of the burning of women, we will
also address the question of the role of increasing westernization.
We will try to address whether westernization increases the violence through the exacerbation of capitalist greed or whether it
alleviates it through the introduction of an individual rightsbased legal system.
A QUESTION OF PATRIARCHY
Patriarchy is a set of symbols and ideas that make up a culture
embodied by everything from the content of everyday conversation to literature and film (Johnson, 1997, p. 84). At the heart of
patriarchy is the oppression of women, which takes several
forms (p. 11). Patriarchy colors family, work, law, individual
identity, and religion; in fact, there is not a single area that can
escape the effects of patriarchy. Patriarchy must be recognized as
one of the underlying causes of violence against women in India.

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Examples that demonstrate that India is a society governed by a

system where males hold the power include feticide, the disproportionate gender ratio, the fact that most women are not allowed
to be employed, and the belief that from birth until death a
womans role is to serve men. It is recognized that patriarchy and
the control and dominance of women by men have significant
roles to play in the violence perpetrated against women. The
patriarchal ideal is that a womans duty is to serve her father,
brothers, and husband for the entirety of her life; it is a sentiment
lived out in many societies where women are subjected to spousal
abuse daily.
COMPLEXITY OF INDIAN SOCIETY
India is a complex society with citizens from various social, religious, and economic backgrounds. Although this article will not
discuss all aspects of Indian society, the key aspects contributing
to the fatal forms of violence against women will be addressed
here.
According to the 1997 Demographic Yearbook, the population of
India was estimated to be 955.2 million people or one sixth of the
worlds population (United Nations, 1999). More than four fifths
of the population is Hindu, more than one tenth is Muslim, and
the remainder includes Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists, and people
of other religious identifications (India, 1990). Although there has
been a decline in the total fertility rate, the accompanying decline
in the death rate and infant mortality rate during the past 40 years
has not helped to reduce the population pressure (World Conference on Women, 1996). However, in spite of the improvements in
mortality, women are still at a disadvantage in terms of survival,
as the gender ratio remains disproportionately skewed toward
males.
Although the Indian government has taken measures to
improve the health of children, especially females, the death rate
for girls aged 0 to 4 years is still higher than that for boys in the
same age range (World Conference on Women, 1996). Life expectancy, which is a reflection of the overall health of the population,
has risen substantially since the beginning of the 1900s. For the
period 1989 to 1993, the life expectancy of women was 59.7 years
and for men 59.0 years (United Nations, 1999). In other parts of the

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VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN / September 2001

world, the differences in life expectancies between males and

females is usually larger than 0.7 years, with women living longer
than men. One factor that may account for this unusually small
differential in life expectancy in India may be the harsh conditions
that women endure.
In addition, there are regional, caste, and social class variations
in India that appear to be linked to the issue of violence against
women (Miller, 1992). For example, several scholars state that
dowry burnings occur more frequently in the northern parts of
India and among middle- and upper-class households than in
lower-class ones (Kelkar, 1992; Miller, 1992; Van Willigen &
Channa, 1991). The primary reason proposed for this difference is
that in southern India, women are considered more (economically) valuable because they actively participate in agricultural
production.
WOMEN AND LIFE UNDER
THE AUTHORITY OF COMMUNITY
In Indian society, ones community and the approval of others
are seen as two very important aspects of life (interview with
Informant 1, November 1998, Toronto, Ontario, Canada). A community in India is not simply a location for a house, but rather an
integral part of day-to-day life where a persons reputation is
taken seriously. As such, the possibility of being ostracized represents a severe punishment (Deschamps, 1986).
The patriarchal nature of Indian society is seen quite clearly
when one examines the role of women. For the most part, women
are viewed and treated as inferior to men (Frankl, 1986; Gangrade &
Chander, 1991; India: Till Death, 1990; Narasimhan, 1994). As a
result of this domination by men, women are economically
dependent on men and have fewer choices in terms of occupation,
education, and life course (Miller, 1992). From the day she is born
until the day she dies, an Indian woman is expected to be under
the control of a man and to serve him without question (Baig,
1988; Kelkar, 1992; Narasimhan, 1994). Female children are not as
highly valued as male children, and females are often viewed as
economic and social burdens. As a result of this low status and
domination by men, some women in India are quite susceptible to
abuse. Part of the reason they are considered a burden is because

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of the dowry system. This will be discussed further elsewhere in

the article.
Female children belong to their fathers until they are married,
at which time they become the property of their husbands and are
expected to be of service to them (Gangrade & Chander, 1991;
Narasimhan, 1994; Puri, 1999; Shurei, 1997; K. Singh, 1994). If the
husband should die before the wife, the woman cannot live alone,
but instead becomes the property of her sons (Puri, 1999). Finally,
for Indian women, marriage is the only socially acceptable life
course option. As Vina Talwar states, Remaining single means
bringing disgrace on your family. A woman who doesnt marry is
regarded as an object that has failed to find any use. Theres no
place for her. It is an attitude that leaves the girl and her family
prey to extortion (Frankl, 1986). Thus, if a woman does not
marry, she and her parents will suffer socially. If a woman does
marry and finds herself in an abusive situation, she probably will
not return to her parents home or divorce her husband because
she and her family will be ostracized from their community.
Although marriage is the only acceptable status for adult women,
this constraint does not apply to men (Puri, 1999).
In India, marriage is not just the bringing together of two individuals, but the uniting of two families (for a thorough discussion,
see Puri, 1999; Van Willigen & Channa, 1991). Most marriages
today continue to be arranged by the parents of the respective parties, although self-arranged or love marriages do occur (Puri,
1999). When a daughter reaches a marriageable age, parents play
a pivotal role in the choice of her partner. The process of choosing
a husband or wife begins when parents express to kin, friends,
and possibly professional matchmakers that they are seeking a
marriage partner for their child. Recently, newspaper and
Internet advertisements have also been used as a means of searching for potential mates (Greedy In-Laws, 1983; Puri, 1999; Stein,
1988). During the search, both families take into account certain
traits of the potential mate. For example, the females parents consider the status of the potential grooms family, the caste to which
the potential groom belongs, his education and job prospects, and
his general personality (Stein, 1988; Van Willigen & Channa,
1991). If a match is made, marriage preparations, including the
negotiations of a dowry, will commence.

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A dowry refers to the property given to the daughter by her

parents and family to take with her into marriage (Puri, 1999,
p. 30). The giving and receiving of dowry have been part of Indian
tradition, particularly among Hindus, for a long time. It is usually
a one-way flow of goods from the brides family to the grooms
family that may continue throughout life, especially when important firsts occur (Stein, 1988). In an ideal situation, the woman
remains in control of the possessions that came as her dowry, but
it is quite possible that the groom and his family will assume ownership of the possessions. This lack of control over her dowry may
mean that the woman has no economic collateral at her disposal.
Technically, the giving and receiving of dowry in India is illegal. According to Narayan (1997), there are three main explanations for the existence of the dowry tradition. First, a dowry is
explained as a gift that is part of the gift of a daughter. This gift is
said to provide the donor with spiritual wealth. Second, dowry is
considered compensation for the grooms family for taking on the
economic burden of caring for the bride for the remainder of her
days. Third, dowry is perceived to be a form of premortem inheritance for the bride.
The tradition of giving dowry has expanded into other cultural
and religious communities and has changed in character. However, the reason for this transformation is not so obvious. One theory holds that the evolution of dowry from a gift to its current status is due to the influence of commercialism, consumerism, and
Western culture on India (Narayan, 1997; R. N. Singh & Unnithan,
1999). In its new form, dowry has come to include cash, jewelry,
household items, appliances, and vehicles, and it is often openended in nature (Puri, 1999; Van Willigen & Channa, 1991).
According to Gangrade and Chander (1991), The dowry system
as it is practiced today has become an instrument of oppression
and torture for the bride and her parents (p. 263).
Dowry is usually negotiated between the two families during
the marriage preparations. However, there have been instances
where requests for dowry were made just prior to or during the
marriage ceremony.1 Most often it is the grooms family that sets
the dowry. It is believed that the larger the dowry offered, the
better the brides family appears to the community at large. Large
dowries also assure that more desirable husbands can be found.
This notion is based on the idea that the size of a dowry is

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1057

determined by the males credentials (e.g., his education or caste).

Therefore, parents wishing to provide their daughter with the
best possible partner and marital situation will often put themselves in debt for life to provide a suitable dowry (Greedy InLaws, 1983; Narasimhan, 1994). Furthermore, when the groom
has female siblings, the dowry he receives is often incorporated
into his sisters dowry (Deschamps, 1986; Van Willigen & Channa,
1991). Sometimes the dowry provided by the parents of the bride
is seen as insufficient and demands for supplementary items continue long after the couple is married (Narasimhan, 1994). It is
when these additional dowry requests are not met that a dowry
burning is possible.
Once married, most Hindu women leave their natal home and
begin their new life as part of their husbands family (Puri, 1999).
This patrilocal residence pattern is another factor that contributes
to the violence and dowry murders because often the womans
kin do not reside close to her. As a result, the abused woman cannot leave her marital home and retreat to the safety of her natal
home. Even if she does manage to return to her parents home, her
husband or his family often comes to retrieve her, claiming the
violence will stop. However, it usually does not.
THE LIFE CYCLE AND VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN
According to Banerji, The life of a woman according to the
Dharmasastras, has three stages, that of an unmarried girl, a married girl, and as a widow (quoted in Puri, 1999, p. 6). Interestingly, all three stages of a womans life are defined in relation to
her status to men, that is, premarried, married, and postmarried.
We will examine the violence that occurs for some women during
their life cycle. Figure 1 shows the path of this violence.
UNMARRIED GIRL

Evidence of the preference for and dominance of males in

Indian society is found early in the life cycle. From conception,
female children are regarded and treated differently than male
children. For instance, if through amniocentesis the gender of the
fetus is determined to be female, she may be aborted because of

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VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN / September 2001

Conception of a Child

Male

Female
Burden to
Family

Aborted
Childhood
Death
Suicide

Arranged
Marriage

Dowry

Dowry is used
for his sisters
dowry

The cycle
continues

Wife Lives

Dowry Burning
Wife dies
first

Husband dies
first

Death of
woman

Figure 1:

Life

Sati

Husband
remarries

Burden to
In-laws/
sons

Heroine
to her
family

A new dowry is
obtained

The Life Cycle and Violence

the preference for male children (Kelkar, 1992; Van Willigen &
Channa, 1991). This bias is substantiated by the disparities in the
sex ratio (number of females per 1,000 males), which was
recorded as 933 per 1,000 in the 1981 census, [and] has fallen to 929
according to the census of 1991, making India one of the few countries with such an adverse ratio (Narasimhan, 1994, p. 51). Formerly, infanticide was used to eliminate an unwanted female
child immediately after birth. Now, however, due to the availability of amniocentesis, it appears that abortions are taking over this
role (Gangrade & Chander, 1991; Puri, 1999).
In contrast, male children are highly valued. Males do not
require dowry, they will be able to support their parents in their
old age, and they are the only ones who can perform the death rituals (Deschamps, 1986; interview with Informant 2, November
1998, Toronto, Ontario, Canada; Puri, 1999). Males are also
favored and viewed as an investment because they receive dowry
from their brides family.

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1059

Parents may choose to keep the female child, but priority is

almost always given to male children. The female child receives
less or poorer quality food and may experience unequal access to
health care (Van Willigen & Channa, 1991). As a result of these differentials, female children often die prematurely; the mortality
rate for male children is lower than for female children (World
Conference on Women, 1996).
The female child may continue to live until it is decided that she
is too much of a financial burden on her family or her parents cannot afford to supply her with a proper dowry. At this time, she
may be killed or commit suicide (interview with Informant 2;
Joshi, 1992; Van Willigen & Channa, 1991). For example, Kanwaljit,
a senior policewoman, reported that a penniless couple took their
lame 6-year-old daughter to a lonely spot along the Yamuna River
in the Indian capital and pushed her to her death in the muddy
water. Their reason was that they were too poor to save for her
dowry, and their daughters disability would have required more
dowry money (Joshi, 1992). Another example occurred in February 1988, when three sisters committed suicide together because
they had been observing the negotiations for the marriage and
dowry of their elder sister and realized the difficulties they and
their family would face in arranging marriages for them
(Gangrade & Chander, 1991).
If the female child lives to adulthood, she will remain a charge
of her family until she is married (Gangrade & Chander, 1991).
Once married, she would be a charge of her husband.
MARRIED WOMAN

The control of women and the potential for violence are especially great when a woman leaves her natal home to become part
of her husbands family. On moving in with in-laws, the status of
the daughter-in-law is often very low compared with the men and
even with any older women in the household. If there are dowryrelated problems, it is at this stage that the likelihood of fatal violence is elevated (Kumar, 1993). The abuse begins when the husband and/or in-laws harass the wife for more money and more
goods from her family (Kelkar, 1992; Van Willigen & Channa, 1991).
If the wife and her family do not comply, a staged accident
dowry burningmay occur.

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VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN / September 2001

Dowry burning2 is a type of fatal violence against women.

These burnings are not supported by religion or law, but Muslims,
Hindus, and Christians have all experienced dowry burnings in
their communities (Baig, 1988; Stein, 1988). A dowry burning3
occurs when a wife is doused in kerosene by her husband and/or
in-laws, lit on fire, and left to burn to death (Stein, 1988). If the
authorities investigate the death, the incident may be explained as
a cooking accident (Miller, 1992). Often, the goal of the dowry
burning is to allow the husband to remarry and receive another
dowry from his second wifes family (Frankl, 1986; India: Till
Death, 1990). Remarriage creates the potential for another burning incident (Fineman, 1983). There are numerous reasons given
by husbands and their families to justify dowry burnings. They
include the fact that the woman is not fulfilling her role as a good
wife, that she did not bring enough dowry to the marriage, or that
she has not produced a male heir.
WIDOWED WOMAN

The final stage of the female life cycle is widowhood. If the wife
dies first, the husband may remarry, leading to another dowry
and the possibility of another dowry burning. However, if the
wife is widowed, the restrictions on womens freedom in India
due to the patriarchal nature of the society leave her few
opportunities.
On becoming a widow, a woman may be subjected to another
form of fatal violence, sati.4 Although illegal5 and rarely practiced
in modern India,6 the ritual of sati takes place when a woman is
burnt alive with her late husbands corpse or with his personal
belongings (Narasimhan, 1994). Supporters of the ban have
argued that sati was not a voluntary act performed by the widows. In fact, these women may have been pressured or forced into
sati. As with dowry burnings, many different reasons are offered
to justify sati (Narasimhan, 1994). For example, if a womans main
reason for living is to serve her husband, she no longer has a purpose once he is dead. Therefore, she must show her eternal devotion to him by throwing herself on his funeral pyre. It is said that
by choosing sati, a woman will be given magical powers to return
as a spirit and spread good among her people, a small consolation

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when one is losing her life in an excruciatingly painful way

(Narasimhan, 1994). As a result, a woman who commits sati is
seen by her community as a heroine until the end of time. The
obvious irony of the sati ritual is that men are not expected to burn
themselves on funeral pyres to become heroes. If the protests that
arose surrounding the sati of Roop Kanwar are any indication, it
appears that the practice of sati has become rare and is no longer
tolerated by all members of Indian society (Weinberger-Thompson, 1996).
Today, the vast majority of widows do not end their lives as a
result of the sati ritual, but a few still do. The widow is considered
to be worthless after the passing of her husband, and she is often
blamed for his demise (Baig, 1988). As a widow, a woman is no
longer under the control and care of her husband and must either
reside with her sons or in-laws. Either of these living arrangements may translate into very poor treatment, abuse, or even
abandonment, as the woman is yet again transformed into a social
and financial burden (Baig, 1988; Mani, 1990; Poulin, 1988). Furthermore, mistreatment of the woman by her in-laws arises, especially when the widowed woman is without male children. Once
again, the patriarchal notion of male supremacy prevails.
Aside from living with a son or in-laws, a widow has one other
socially acceptable alternative, that is, to live among other widows in holy cities:
It is estimated that 500 widows live in Brindavan in reality in hapless and pitiable conditions. Most of them are so poor that they
have only one saree, worn with no blouse, no petticoat. . . . According to them, they can manage with one piece of clothing, but cannot
do so without shelter because they are women. (National Commission for Women, 1996, p. 28)

There are government assistance programs, but most widows are

either unaware or unable to take advantage of them (National
Commission for Women, 1996).
Finally, it is worth mentioning that there is no law against
widow remarriage. In fact, for male Indians, remarriage is encouraged. However, women do not often remarry in India because it is
not socially acceptable; remarriage is only for the progressive
(Narasimhan, 1994).

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FACTORS BEHIND WOMENS SUBJUGATION

CONTROL

The absolute control of women is present in every aspect of the

burning of women. In most cases, the womans death is planned
many days in advance. Even women who sense that their husbands or in-laws are going kill them may feel that they have no
other option but death. Returning home would disgrace her family, dishonor her husband, and result in ruining her sisters
chances of ever marrying (Shurei, 1997). As for sati, it has been
reported that women are physically forced onto their husbands
pyres, armed guards are stationed at the ceremony, and women
are even drugged so they will not try to escape (Narasimhan,
1994).
WOMEN AGAINST WOMEN

Despite the fact that many women are beginning to unite

through the growing feminist movement in India, some mothersin-law actively participate in the violence perpetrated against
other women. The role of the mother-in-law in the violence can
take the form of encouragement and support of a sons desire to
kill his wife, or it can escalate to the point where the mother-inlaw physically participates in the killing of her daughter-in-law.
This perpetration of violence against women by women may
appear at first glance to be attributable to historical variables
and identification with the aggressor (Brown, 1997, p. 89).
However, as Sever (1997) indicates, one must be careful not to
blame the victim. Although the mother-in-law is involved in the
violence, she, like the daughter-in-law, is trapped by the oppressive nature of the patriarchal system under which she lives. The
most important thing to remember is that some women in India
lead horrible lives in which they are second-class citizens,
oppressed, controlled, dominated, and undervalued by their
fathers, husbands, and sons. Instead of focusing on the hostilities
between women, we must center our attention on the real perpetrators of the violence.

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EDUCATION

Education is a strategy that is often used to combat issues such

as violence against women. However, there is reason to believe
that education may not be as effective in India as it has been elsewhere. There are several reasons for this concern. The first is that
recently there has been a push by the Indian government for
women to continue to be formally educated (Department of
Women and Child Development, Ministry of Human Resource
Development, Government of India, 1997-1998). The government
has implemented scholarships specifically for girls to encourage
continued schooling (Department of Women and Child Development, Ministry of Human Resource Development, Government
of India, 1997-1998). However, it appears that the overriding
motivation for a daughter to become educated is not to broaden
her knowledge, increase her job prospects, or provide her with a
sense of power, but rather to improve her marriage prospects
(Shurei, 1997). The second is that despite this emphasis on education, violence against women in many forms, including dowry
murders, continues to occur. Finally, a strong preference for the
dowry system remains among the people of India (Gangrade &
Chander, 1991; Puri, 1999). According to Gangrade and Chander
(1991), Many times it seems that educated young people and
their parents become even more greedy and demanding of the
brides parents, in order to recover their expenditures on the boys
education (p. 264). As a result, the strategy of formally educating
women may not work as one of the main strategies to combat violence in India. Indeed, many women are already educated but
cannot use their knowledge to improve their situation. Strategies
must be found so that the education these women have obtained
can be used to make a social change.
LAW ENFORCEMENT AGENCIES

Presently in India, laws exist that prohibit dowry, dowry murder, and sati. However, these laws are either ignored, unknown by
law enforcement, or not enforced by some higher officials
(Gangrade & Chander, 1991). As a result, the ability of the laws to
be effective in the fight against violence is questionable.

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VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN / September 2001

With respect to dowry, laws were put in place in 1961 that

banned the practice, but they were not effective.7 As a result, in
1984 and 1986 amendments were made to the Dowry Prohibition
Act. The government of India made the practice of dowry punishable with imprisonment for a term which shall not be less than
five years; and with a fine which shall not be less than fifteen thousand rupees or the amount of such dowry whichever is more
(Van Willigen & Channa, 1991). Despite these changes, the laws
remain ineffective. Part of the reason for the ineffectiveness of the
laws is the continuing support and expectation among the population for dowry (Puri, 1999).
With respect to dowry death, the 1986 amendment to the
Dowry Prohibition Act included a definition of dowry death and
ordered that any person who causes dowry death is liable to be
punished with imprisonment for at least seven years, and up to
life imprisonment (Gangrade & Chander, 1991, p. 274). However, just when it seemed that progress was being made, a high
court overturned the historic ruling of an Indian judge who ruled
in favor of a dead bride by sentencing her husband and his parents to death for her murder (Indians Denounce, 1983; Kumar,
1993). The problem is that although the laws and punishments
exist, little is done to change the methods by which the judges and
police officers enforce them (Fineman, 1983; India: Till Death,
1990; Singh, 1994). It is worth noting that feminists have been
variously advised by policemen and politicians to use social
pressure against dowry murderers rather than to take recourse in
the law (Kumar, 1993, p. 122). The strength of public shaming8
lies in the fact that Indian people place extreme importance on the
community and community approval. However, caution is
needed, as public shaming may be a regression to a time when
conflict was left entirely up to the people to resolve. In addition to
having laws in place, it is necessary to address the ingrained
notions of women as social and financial burdens who need to be
controlled and dominated before real change occurs.
A DISCUSSION OF SOME REMEDIES
To combat the problem of violence against women, strategies
that are culturally sensitive and relevant must be implemented.
One strategy is to continue to evaluate those remedies and laws

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that already exist and to continue to support those that are working. For example, although the laws against dowry and dowry
death are not working as effectively as desired, they are producing some positive outcomes. It is important to concentrate on
improving and supporting these measures before implementing
new ones.
Another strategy needed to combat the problem of violence is
to work toward changing mens beliefs and attitudes. Young children need to be taught that men and women are equal. This must
be taught and reflected at home and in the greater community. In
addition, the people with the powerthat is, judges, lawyers,
teachers, and the policemust also change their ideas and be
willing to enforce the existing laws.
CONCLUSION
Violence against women is an international problem. Women
are friends, partners, lovers, family, and human beings. They have
a right to life and to freedom from persecution based on their gender. This article has demonstrated that fatal forms of violence
against women, such as the burning of women, are serious issues
that cannot be ignored by the global community. It must be recognized that the reason the violence continues to occur is because
men dominate, control, and oppress women. To combat the problem of violence against women, it is imperative that we work
toward changing the socialization of men to be aware of the gender discrimination that exists and work toward changing it. To do
this, we cannot simply begin with the young generation; although
raising them to believe in equality is important, we must work
toward changing the opinions and ideas of those who are presently in power.
This article shows that the potential for lethal violence against
Indian women occurs throughout their lives, with increasing vulnerability at times when their marital status changes. We have
argued that the issue of violence against women in India is intrinsically linked to the problem of patriarchy and Western capitalism. In fact, the influence of Western capitalism on Indian society
has been linked to the increased value of dowries and the resulting occurrences of dowry deaths. Finally, readers have been introduced to possible strategies to help combat this violence,

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although change is likely to occur slowly. What is needed is an

international movement that works toward a global village where
women are viewed as valuable individuals and equal partners.

NOTES
1. This can result in a number of scenarios, including the brides parents scrambling to
raise the money needed to meet the last-minute dowry demands or (although rarely) the
wedding may be called off and criminal charges laid (Gangrade & Chander, 1991).
2. Dowry burning is also known as dowry death, dowry murder, and bride burning.
3. Although referred to as dowry burnings by many, the harassment is usually not
because the dowry was unpaid but more often because the in-laws desire more goods.
4. Historically, sati was practiced in all parts of India with the exception of the
matrilineal castes in the southwest (Stein, 1988). However, the practice was not unique to
India and was also practiced in China, Mesopotamia, Iran, and other countries (Baig, 1988;
interview with Informant 2, November 1998, Toronto, Ontario, Canada; Stein, 1988).
Although there is no confirmation of its existence in religious scripture, many have and
continue to justify the practice of sati as a religious ritual and part of Indian culture. However, others have challenged this idea since the 1820s, arguing that sati was not a part of the
Hindu religion or scriptural writings (Stein, 1988).
5. By 1829, the practice of sati was banned in India (National Commission for Women,
1996).
6. There is little consensus as to the prevalence of sati today. For example, Narasimhan
(1994) states that for Rajasthan there has been approximately one death per decade,
whereas Kumar (1993) states that there has been, on average, something like one sati a
year in India (p. 174). Yet another value of only 28 postindependence sati has been put
forward by the prosati group, Sati Dharma Raksa Samiti (Stein, 1988).
7. See Gangrade and Chander (1991) for an explanation of the legal reasons for the ineffectiveness of the 1961 Dowry Prohibition Acts.
8. One example of public shaming occurred when a man was paraded around naked in
a crowded market area because he was known to have burned his wife. A second example
occurred when more than 300 members of a community arrived at a guilty husbands family home to express their disapproval of the burning of his wife. They refused to leave until
the police and judiciary took action (Kelkar, 1992).

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Pamela S. Johnson is an undergraduate student in criminology at the University

of Ottawa.
Jennifer A. Johnson, M.Sc., is a doctoral candidate in anthropology at the University of Toronto.