A Survey of Tibetan History

A Survey of Tibetan History
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Reading notes taken by Alexander Berzin from
Tsepon, W. D. Shakabpa, Tibet: A Political History.
New Haven, Yale University Press, 1967
1 The Empire of the Early Kings of Tibet

[Chapters renumbered and content amended and supplemented, in violet between square
brackets, with reference to, among other sources, the expanded Tibetan work: Zhva-skab-pa
dBang-phyug bde-ldan, Bod-kyi srid-don rgyal-rabs, 2 vols. Kalimpong, India: Shakabpa
House, 1976.]
The Early Yarlung Kings

According to the traditional account, the first king of the Yarlung Dynasty (Yar-klungs) in
Central Tibet came there from the central North Indian kingdom of Magadha. He was called
Nyatri Tsenpo (gNya'-khri btsan-po) and it was thought that he descended from the sky. [The
Tibetan calendar starts its count of "Tibetan royal years" (bod rgyal-lo) from this date, 127
BCE.] He and the next six kings were said to have returned to the sky by a "sky-rope" at their
deaths, since they were not buried in tombs. From the time of the eighth Yarlung king,
Drigum Tsenpo (Gri-gum btsan-po), however, there are tombs and so, in a sense, Tibetan
history begins here.
Drigum Tsenpo's successor, Chatri Tsenpo (Bya-khri btsan-po), also called Pudekungyel
(Pu-de kun-rgyal or Pu-de gung-rgyal), the ninth in this line of kings, was a contemporary of
the Han Emperor of China, Han Wudi (140 - 85 BCE). Pudekungyel brought much material
progress to Tibet. He is famous for having commissioned the building of canals and bridges.
Under him, iron and copper ore were discovered in Tibet.
Eighteen generations of kings later, the twenty-eighth Yarlung king, Lhatotori Nyentsen
(Lha-tho-tho-ri gNyan-btsan) (b. 173 CE) received [a basket of] Buddhist scriptures from
India, written in Sanskrit. It was known as "The Tough Mystery" (gNyan-po gsang-ba),
[According to other traditional sources, a basket fell from the sky. In it, was a Sanskrit sutra,
called Sutra on the Array Like a Woven Basket (Za-ma-tog bkod-pa'i mdo, Skt. Karandavyuha
Sutra), concerning the altruistic deeds of the Buddha-figure of compassion, Avalokiteshvara.
The basket also contained the six-syllable mantra of Avalokiteshvara, The Sutra of the Seal for
Ridding and Restoring (Spang-skong phyag-rgya-pa'i mdo) concerning methods for taming
half-human half-serpent nagas, and a golden reliquary stupa. "The Tough Mystery" refers to
all four objects in the basket.] This occurred in 233 CE. To commemorate this important
event, Tibetan currency notes are dated according to the number of years that have passed
since then.
Some say that the Sanskrit texts were received from Litisi (Li-thi-si) and the Tocharian
translator Buddhirakshita (Tho-gar-gyi Lo-tsa-ba Blo-sems 'tsho), who predicted that the
Tibetans would be able to read them four generations later. [Tocharia (Tho-gar) was a
Buddhist kingdom on the Silk Route, centered in Kucha and Turfan, along the northern rim of
the Tarim Basin in present-day Xinjiang Province of China, north of Tibet. The Tocharians
were an Indo-European people, who came to this area originally from the Roman Empire,
received Buddhism from India, and were instrumental in the translation of its texts into
Chinese and Old Turk.]
Supposedly, then, Tri Desongtsen (Khri lde-srong-btsan), more widely known as
Songtsen-gampo (Srong-btsan sgam-po), the thirty-second Yarlung king, ascended the throne
only four generations after Lhatotori Nyentsen. Songtsen-gampo, however, was born in 617,
which implies enormously long life spans for the three intervening kings. [Thus, various other
traditional Tibetan sources give alternative dates for Lhatotori Nyentsen, such as 254 - 373
and 374 - 493, with his receipt of the texts occurring in either 333 or 468.] One year after
Songtsen-gampo's birth, in 618, the Tang Dynasty (618 - 907) was founded in China by Tang
Gaozu (r. 618 - 627).
Emperor Songtsen-gampo
Songtsen-gampo ascended the throne at the age of thirteen. To arrange an alliance with Nepal,
he sent a minister there to arrange a marriage for him with the Princess Bhrikuti Devi (Lha-mo
Khro-gnyer-can-ma). When she came to Tibet for the marriage, she brought with her a statue
of the Buddha-figure Akshobhya.
It is unclear when Songtsen-gampo sent his minister Tonmi Sambhota (Thon-mi Sambhota) to
learn Sanskrit. He studied it, however, in Kashmir, from the tutors Lipikara (Li-byin) and
Devavidyasimha (Lha rig-pa'i seng-ge). When Tonmi Sambhota returned to Tibet, he
developed a script for writing the Tibetan language, based on the Indian Brahmi and Gupta
scripts. Consequently, he translated The Tough Mystery texts into Tibetan.
[According to A. F. Rudolf Hoernle (Manuscript Remains of Buddhist Literature Found in
Eastern Turkistan), the Tibetan script was developed primarily from the Khotanese adaptation
of the Indian Upright Gupta script. This is inferred from the Tibetan and Khotanese scripts
employing similar manners for indicating initial and long vowels and for placing vowels in the
order of their alphabets. These manners differ significantly from those used in most other
Indian-derived scripts.
Khotan (Li-yul) was a Buddhist kingdom on the Silk Route along the southwestern rim of the
Tarim Basin, just north of western Tibet. Its people were of Iranian origin and its form of
Buddhism derived from India. A trade route ran from Khotan to Tibet via Kashmir and
therefore, as A. H. Francke asserts ("The Tibetan Alphabet," Epigraphia India, vol. 11), it is
not unreasonable that Tonmi Sambhota met and studied with a Khotanese tutor in Kashmir.
"Li-byin," the Tibetan name for the tutor Lipikara, translates as "Script-maker" or "
Script-Giver." He is traditionally said to have been a South Indian brahmin. The first syllable
in his Tibetan name, however, could indicate this Khotanese origin, since "Li" is the Tibetan
name for "Khotan." Thus, "Li-byin" could mean "The (Script)-giver from Khotan." But "Li"
could also be the transliteration of the first syllable of "Lipikara," since the Tibetan language
would not have had an indigenous word for "script" at that time.
In Necklace of Gzi, Namkhai Norbu asserts that the form of the letters in the Tibetan script
was derived from an older Zhang-zhung alphabet, called "Maryig" (smar-yig), which
ultimately would have also derived from an Indian script. Zhang-zhung (Zhang-zhung) was a
kingdom in Ngari (mNga-'ris), Western Tibet, that predated Songtsen-gampo and was the
The Early Yarlung Kings
homeland of the native Tibetan Bon religion. It had eighteen kings before the first Yarlung
ruler, Nyatri Tsenpo. Tonmi Sambhota would have needed to pass through Zhang-zhung in
order to reach Kashmir. "Li" is also the name of a district in Zhang-zhung and was part of the
name of the Zhang-zhung royal family. Thus, "Li-byin" could alternatively mean "The
(Script)-giver from the Zhang-zhung Royal Family." More likely, then, the Tibetan script was
influenced by all three sources: Indian, Khotanese, and Zhang-zhung.]
Songtsen-gampo now sought a similar alliance with China through a marriage with Princess
Wencheng (Tib.: Win-chang Kong-jo, Wun-shing Kong-jo), the daughter of the Tang Emperor
Taizong (r. 627 - 650). This arrangement was delayed, however, because Thokiki (Tho-ki-ki),
the ruler of the Tuyuhun (Thu-lu-hun,'A-zha) Kingdom in the Kokonor region [of northern
Amdo, present-day Qinghai Province of China], was also seeking a marriage with the
princess. The Tuyuhun had ruled this region from the beginning of the fourth century.
Songtsen-gampo was intent on building an extensive empire beyond Central Tibet, first to the
north and the east. A long period of wars ensued, during which he conquered the Qiang
(Cang), Bailan (sBa'i-lang), and Dangxian (Thang-shang) tribes. Now the ruler of a much
greater realm, the Tibetan Emperor Songtsen-gampo asked the Chinese Emperor Taizong
once more for his princess in marriage. When he was refused, Songtsen-gampo attacked the
Chinese frontier province of Songzhou in present-day Sizhuan Province. Finally, he received
the Chinese princess as his bride in 641. She brought with her to Tibet another Buddha image.
The Tibetan Emperor built two temples in the city of Rasa (Ra-sa), later known as Lhasa
(Lha-sa), to house the two Buddha images brought by his Nepali and Chinese wives.
Ramoche Tsuglagkang (Ra-mo-che tsug-lag-khang) was constructed for the Nepali statue and
Rasa Trulnang Tsuglagkang (Ra-sa 'phrul-snang tsug-lag-khang), later called the Jokang
(Jo-khang), for the Chinese one. For security reasons, the location of the two statues was
interchanged during the next generation.
During this period, Songtsen-gampo further extended the Tibetan Empire to parts of northern
Burma and, in 640, to Nepal as well. This was the origin of the Tibetan family clans in Nepal
of Tsang (gTsang), Lama (Bla-ma), Sherpa (Shar-pa), and Tamang (rTa-mang). In 643, the
Tibetan Empire further expanded as Legmi (Legs-mi) [more commonly known in Tibetan as
Li Migkya (Li Mig-rkya, Zhang-zhung: Lig-myi-rhya)], the last ruler of Zhang-zhung,
submitted and Zhang-zhung became a vassal state.
[Citing traditional Tibetan sources, Namkhai Norbu (Necklace of Gzi) relates that
Songtsen-gampo's initial relations with Zhang-zhung were peaceful. In fact, the Tibetan ruler's
first wife was King Li Migkya's daughter Li Tigmen (Li Thig-dman), for whom he gave in
exchange his sister as wife to the Zhang-zhung king. The Zhang-zhung princess brought with
her to the Yarlung court many aspects of Bon culture. In 643, however, Songtsen-gampo
attacked and conquered Zhang-zhung and had King Li Migkya killed.]
Taking advantage of the good relations between Tibet and China, Songtsen-gampo, in 645,
sent a request to the Tang Emperor and subsequently built a temple on Wutaishan (Ri-bo
rtse-lnga), the five-peaked sacred mountain of the Buddha-figure Manjushri [in present-day
Shanxi Province].
In 648, the Chinese Emperor Taizong sent a good-will mission to the Indian Emperor Harsha
(r. 606 - 647). When the mission arrived, Harsha had already passed away and had been
succeeded by Arjuna, his minister. Arjuna was intolerant of Buddhism, and accordingly, had
Emperor Songtsen-gampo
most of the Chinese mission killed. The survivors fled to Nepal and sought Tibetan help there.
Subsequently, the Tibetan armies invaded and defeated Arjuna in Bihar. This defeat was not
recorded, however, in Indian histories. Songtsen-gampo died shortly thereafter in 649.
Emperor Mangsong-mangtsen
The next Tibetan Emperor was Mangsong-mangtsen (Mang-srong mang-btsan, r. 649 - 676).
Under the leadership of his minister, Gar Tongtsen-yulsung (mGar sTong-btsan yul-srung, d.
667), the Tibetan armies conquered the Tuyuhun Kingdom through lengthy campaigns
between 655 and 666. [With their final defeat in 672,] many Tuyuhun refugees resettled in the
Liangzhou region [of present-day southern Gansu Province], under the protectorship of Tang
China.
The Tibetan armies now proceeded, through the Gansu Corridor, to take from China the major
cities along the Silk Route. In 668, they built a military fortress in Drimakol (Dri-ma ' khol)
[at the eastern edge of the Tarim Basin]. The next year, 669, many of the Eastern Turk leaders
in the area pledged an oath of loyalty to the Tibetan Emperor. [This was during the period
between the fall of the First Eastern Turk Empire (552 - 630) and the establishment of the
Second Eastern Turk Empire (682 - 744).]
By 670, the Tibetan forces conquered all four garrisons of the Tarim Basin (An-shi'i
dmag-dpung bzhi-po). [The four garrisons of Anxi were located at the capital cities of the
oasis kingdoms of Kucha, Khotan, Kashgar, and Karashahr (also known as Agni), near the
western end of the Tarim Basin, in present-day Xinjiang Province. Tang China had built these
military garrisons there between 648 and 658.]
[For more detail, see: The Historical Interaction between the Buddhist and Islamic Cultures
before the Mongol Empire, ch. 3 {1}.]
The Tibetan and Tang Chinese armies fought each other throughout this period. The worst
defeat in Tang history occurred at Dafeichuan (rDa-san-can) [south of Kokonor Lake in
present-day Qinghai, when 200,000 Tibetan troops annihilated Tang General Xue Rengui's
army of 100,000]. The Tibetans raided many Tang towns in Gansu, but the fighting was
indecisive and Tibet did not manage to conquer the entire area.
Emperor Tri Dusong-mangjey

Emperor Mangsong-mangtsen died in 676. He was followed by the infant emperor, Tri
Dusong-mangjey (Khri 'Dus-srong mang-rje, r. 677 - 704). During the Emperor's minority,
the Gar clan of Mangsong-mangtsen's minister continued to wield great power as regents.
Under their guidance, the Tibetan armies continued fighting the Tang Chinese.
Tri Dusong-mangjey died in 704 in Nanzhao (Nan Chao) [located in present-day Yunnan
Province of China. One of the Bai tribes of proto-Thai people had established a small
kingdom there in 649. The Tibetan armies conquered it in 680. But then, in 703, the kingdom
became a suzerain state under Tibet. Uniting with several other small Bai kingdoms in the
area, it evolved into the actual kingdom bearing the name "Nanzhao" (737 - 902). This area
lay on the trade route between India and China, which passed through northern Burma. Before
the arrival of the Tibetans, both Theravada and early forms of Chinese Mahayana Buddhism
were present there. According to Buddhist tradition, Theravada in this region derived from
three sons of King Ashoka (r. 273 - 232 BCE) of the Maurya Dynasty in India.]
Emperor Mangsong-mangtsen
Emperor Mey-agtsom
Emperor Tri Detsugten (Khri lDe-gtsug-brtan), also known as Mey-agtsom (Mes ag-tshoms),
was seven years old when he succeeded his father Tri Dusong-mangjey to the Tibetan
imperial throne. Until he reached adulthood, his grandmother, the Empress Dowager Trima Lo
(Khri-ma Lod), acted as his regent (r. 704 - 712). During his reign (712 - 755), Mey-ag-tsom
built three temples south of Lhasa. [According to other traditional Tibetan sources, he built
five Buddhist temples all together.]
In 710, a Chinese princess named Jincheng (Kim-sheng) [the adoptive daughter of the Tang
Emperor Zhongzong (r. 705 - 710)] was given in marriage to Mey-agtsom. This occurred at
the request of Trima Lo, to which the Tang Emperor had agreed in the hope that it would ease
tensions between Tibet and China. But that goal was not realized. Jincheng was unhappy in
Tibet, feeling alone and regarded with jealousy by Mey-agtsom's other wives. [Jincheng was a
devout Buddhist and, in 737, she gave asylum to Buddhist refugee monks fleeing an
anti-Buddhist persecution in Khotan.]
In 719, the Chinese Emperor Xuanzong (r. 713 - 756) increased military efforts to stop
Tibetan and Arab advances. At different times prior to and during this period, Tibet allied
itself and traded with the neighboring Arab Umayyad Caliphate (661 - 750). [For example, in
717, the Tibetans and Arabs had joined forces to fight the Chinese in Kucha. The Umayyad
Empire, with its capital in Damascus, covered almost the entire Middle East, as well as part of
West Turkistan.
In 730, however, Tibet and China signed a peace treaty, establishing the border between the
two empires to the east of Kokonor Lake. The peace lasted for ten years, during which envoys
traveled regularly between the two capitals, Lhasa and Chang'an (present-day Xi'an). In 740,
however, the Tang forces attacked and regained control of vital areas along the Sino-Tibetan
border.]
In 741, Tibet sent a mission to China to announce the death of Princess Jincheng and ask for
peace, but China refused. Tibet sent an army into Chinese-held territory and recaptured
several border cities [in present-day Qinghai and Sichuan Provinces. In 747, however, the
Chinese, under the command of the Korean general, Gao Xianzhi, drove the Tibetans from
this region.
Despite these battles, Mey Agtsom sent a further mission to the Tang court in 751 to learn
more about Han Chinese Buddhism. 751 was also the year that the newly established Arab
Abbasid Caliphate (750 - 1258), which replaced the Umayyad, defeated the Tang Chinese
forces at Talas River, ending the expansion of Chinese territory into West Turkistan.]
In 755, Mey-agtsom was assassinated by two ministers [who were part of a conservative
xenophobic Bon faction at the Tibetan court that opposed the Emperor's interest in Buddhism
and his continuing conciliatory attitude toward China. This was the same year as the start of
the An Lushan Rebellion in China (755 - 763), which temporarily overthrew the Tang
Dynasty.]
Mey-agtsom's young son, Tri Songdetsen (Khri Srong-lde-btsan, 742 - 798), became the next
emperor of Tibet.
Emperor Mey-agtsom
[For more detail, see: The History of the Early Period of Buddhism and Bon in Tibet, chapter
1 {2}.]
Emperor Tri Songdetsen

Tri Songdetsen (Trisong Detsen) was also a proponent of Buddhism and, as such, was
opposed by his many conservative, xenophobic ministers who preferred the Bon religion. [In
761] he sent his minister [Selnang (gSal-snang)] to Nepal [and on to India] to invite the
Buddhist master Shantarakshita, [the abbot of Nalanda Monastery, the most prestigious
Buddhist center of learning in northern India.] The Indian master's arrival and teaching in
Tibet supposedly displeased the local Bon spirits, resulting in many storms and floods.
[According to other sources, a smallpox epidemic also broke out. Because of pressure on the
Emperor by his xenophobic pro-Bon ministers,] Shantarakshita was [blamed for the disasters
and] expelled from Tibet. Before leaving for India, however, Shantarakshita suggested that the
Emperor invite the powerful Buddhist master Padmasambhava [of Oddiyana, in present-day
Swat Valley of northwestern Pakistan] to subdue the Bon spirits. Tri Songdetsen subsequently
did so and also invited Shantarakshita to return as well. [Once more, Selnang led the Tibetan
mission to accompany the Indian master.]
Emperor Tri Songdetsen built the first monastery in Tibet. [According to most sources, it was
begun in 766 and completed in 775.] Called Samyay (bSam-yas), the monastery was modeled
after Odantapuri [the new Indian monastery built a few years earlier under the sponsorship of
Emperor Gopala (r. 750 - 770), the founder of the Pala Dynasty in India.
Before Samyay was completed, Padmasambhava left Tibet. Before he did so, however, he hid
various texts, concerning the advanced meditation system called "dzogchen (rdzogs-chen)" in
the walls of the monastery. Padmasambhava felt that the Tibetans were not yet sophisticated
and ripe enough to be able to comprehend them. Thus, they were concealed as "treasure texts"
(gter-ma), to be recovered later when the Tibetans were ready to understand and practice them
correctly.]
According to some Tibetan sources, Emperor Tri Songdetsen launched a campaign against the
Bhata Hor (Bha-ta Hor) in the Lake Baikal region in order to bring the protector Pehar
(Pe-har) to Tibet. [The Bhata Hor refer to the Uighur Turks of the Orkhon Uighur Empire
(745 - 840). That empire included Mongolia and the Lake Baikal region of southern Siberia,
north of Mongolia. Pehar (Pe-har) refers to a group of five protector spirits, known as the Five
Bodily Manifest Kings (rGyal-po sKu-lnga), or to just one of them, the King of Enlightening
Influence ('Phrin-las rgyal-po). With his special powers, Padmasambhava foresaw that Pehar
would be the appropriate spiritual protector for Tibet. The Bhata Hor were the keepers of a
raksha demon skin mask, a turquoise statue of the female Buddha-figure Tara, and a
mother-of-pearl statue of the male Buddha-figure Avalokiteshvara. These three were the
physical basis and locus for summoning Pehar. According to other Tibetan sources, it was Tri
Songdetsen's son and successor, Emperor Muney-tsenpo (Mu-ne btsan-po) (r. 797 - 800), who
deputed the expedition to the Bhata Hor.] The Tibetans appropriated these three objects,
brought them to Tibet, and installed them in Samyay.
[Padmasambhava tamed Pehar and bound him by oath to protect Tibet. Samyay later became
known as Nechen (gNas-chen), the Great Place. At the time of the Third Dalai Lama,
Sonam-gyatso (rGyal-ba bSod-nams rgya-mtsho) (1543-1588), Pehar began manifesting as an
oracle, speaking through a medium. The Fifth Dalai Lama, Ngawang-lozang-gyatso
(rGyal-dbang lnga-pa chen-po Ngag-dbang blo-bzang rgya-mtsho) (1617-1682), appointed
Emperor Tri Songdetsen
Pehar as the State Oracle for the newly established Tibetan government and commissioned a
new monastery, Nechung (gNas-chung), the Small Place, as the oracle's seat. The monastery
was completed for Pehar in 1683 and Pehar subsequently became popularly known as the
"Nechung Oracle."]
Samyay was originally populated by the first seven native Tibetan monks, who started a
school there for Sanskrit and translation. [They were given monk ordination by Shantarakshita
and his Indian disciples who accompanied him to Tibet. Scholars at Samyay translated
Buddhist texts not only from Sanskrit, but also from Chinese into Tibetan. Others translated
Bon texts into Tibetan from the Zhang-zhung language.
Shantarakshita passed away at Samyay in 783. In the same year, Emperor Tri Songdetsen
created a Religious Council to decide upon all religious matters. He appointed
Shantarakshita's successor to the abbotship of Samyay, Selnang (gSal-snang), as the chief
minister of the Council. Selnang led the pro-Indian faction in Tibet and, in order to insure the
direction in which Tibet would develop, he influenced the Emperor so that the Council had the
power to override decisions by other ministers.
In 784, one of the Council's first acts was to banish the conservative xenophobic Bon faction
within the imperial court to Gilgit (present-day northern Pakistan) and Nanzhao. Following
the example of Padmasambhava, the Bon master Drenpa-namka (Dran-pa nam-mkha') also
hid various Bon texts, covering all topics, in the mud walls of Samyay for safekeeping.]
The Samyay Debate

Before he died, Shantarakshita predicted a conflict between two schools of Buddhism, the
Chinese Chan School teaching instant enlightenment through stopping all thought and
activity, and his own Indian school's teaching of a gradual path of study, analysis, and ethical
discipline. He directed that his disciple, Kamalashila, should be invited to stand for the Indian
system. A protracted debate between the two schools occurred at Samyay from 792 to 794.
The Chinese system was argued by a Chinese monk called "Hoshang" (Ho-shang
Ma-ha-ya-na) [hoshang is the Chinese word for "monk"], and the Indian system by
Kamalashila. The Indian system was judged to have prevailed, and Emperor Tri Songdetsen
thus declared it to be Tibet's official religion.
The outcome of the debate may have also been influenced by political events, since there were
constant border conflicts with China in the second half of the eighth century. [Hugh
Richardson ("Political Aspects of the Snga-dar, the First Diffusion of Buddhism in Tibet,"
Bulletin of the Department of Sanskrit and Indian Studies, Harvard University, vol. 2, no. 3)
points out, as evidence of the political struggle behind the debate, that monks from the rival
Tibetan noble families that were pro-China and anti-China were present throughout the
debate.]
In 763 [between Shantarakshita's expulsion from Tibet and his return to Tibet a few years
later], the Tibetan army had even taken the Tang capital Chang'an and held it for fifteen days
before being forced to withdraw. [This occurred during the interval between the Chinese
crushing of the An Lushan Rebellion and the return of the new Tang Emperor, Daizong, from
Luoyang to Chang'an.
The fighting between the Tibetans and the Chinese had continued, however, and in 781 the
Tibetan forces had captured Dunhuang (Tun-hvang) at the eastern end of the Tarim Basin. The
The Samyay Debate
large cave monastery complex there became a center for the translation of Buddhist texts from
Chinese into Tibetan. Both dzogchen and a Tibetan form of Chan (Jap. Zen) Buddhism came
to flourish there.]
The Peace Treaty of Qingshui (Cing-co) in 783, [the year of Shantarakshita's death,]
established the Sino-Tibetan boundary in Amdo [present-day Qinghai, giving Tibet control of
the Kokonor regions. Peace between the two empires lasted only three years, however, and
war broke out again in this region in 786, six years before the Samyay debate.
The Sino-Tibetan conflicts were not restricted to the Amdo borders and the Silk Route
regions.] Tibet had entered into various military alliances under Emperor Tri Songdetsen,
especially with King Kolofeng (Ka-lo-phing), the son of King Pilaoko of Siam (Sa'em
rGyal-po sPe-le-ko). [King Pilaoko (r. 728 - 750) was the ruler of Nanzhou, the proto-Thai
kingdom in Yunnan that he had forged from uniting various Bai states in 730. Pilaoko had
accepted Tang Chinese overrule in 735 and had attacked nearby Tibetan areas in 745. His son
and successor, King Kolofeng (r. 750 - 779), however, rebelled against China and allied with
Tibet in 750.] In 778, Tibet and Nanzhao had fought the Chinese together in Sichuan. This
alliance held until 786, [when the next Nanzhao ruler, King Imoshun (r. 779 - 808) allied his
kingdom once more with China, and war broke out again between China and Tibet. Thus,
China and Tibet fought each other on two fronts at this time. The Kingdom of Nanzhao lasted
until 902.]
In 790 [two years before the Samyay debate], Tibet recaptured the four garrisons of Anxi,
which had been lost in 692 to China under Empress Wu (r. 684 - 705). [By declaring herself to
be Maitreya, the future Buddha, Empress Wu had led a coup temporarily overthrowing the
Tang Dynasty. Specifically, Tibet recaptured Khotan in 790, thus gaining control of the entire
southern Tarim Basin branch of the Silk Route. Although Tibet also had control of Kashgar at
this time, they did not rule the other two Anxi garrisons.]
Tibet continually made attacks to the west from 785 - 805. [The Tibetans at this time were
allied with the Qarluq Turks and Turki Shahis against the Abbasid Arabs. The Qarluq lived in
present-day Kyrgyzstan and later founded the Qarakhanid Empire (840 - 1137), centered
there. The Turki Shahis ruled the Kabul Valley and present-day southeastern Afghanistan
from the mid-fifth century until 870. Their kingdom was a vassal state of the Tibetans at this
time.]
The Tibetan army crossed the Pamir Mountains and went as far as the Oxus River [presently
called the Amu Darya River, running from the Pamir Mountains along the border of Tajikistan
and Afghanistan and then through Uzbekistan to the Aral Sea.] To check their advance, the
Abbasid Caliph Harun al-Rashid (r. 786 - 809) formed an alliance with China. The extent of
the Tibetan advance in West Turkistan is marked by a lake to the north of the Oxus River
named "Al-Tubbat" (Al-tu-sbag), called in Tibetan "Small Lake" (mTsho-chung).
["Al-Tubbat" was the Arabic name for "Tibet."
Thus, at the time of the Samyay debate, Tibet and China were fighting on not just two, but on
three fronts. This undoubtedly affected the Chinese side's loss of the debate and Tibet's
subsequent rejection of Chinese Buddhism and adoption, instead, of Indian Buddhism.]
before the Mongol Empire, chapter 11 {3} and chapter 13 {4}.]
The Samyay Debate
Emperors Muney-tsenpo and Saynaleg

Tri Songdetsen retired in 797 and died in 798. During his short reign, his son Muney-tsenpo
(Mu-ne btsan-po, r. 797 - 800) tried to implement some land reforms that ultimately were
unsuccessful. He was succeeded by another son of Tri Songdetsen, Tri Desongtsen (Khri
lDe-srong btsan, r. 800 - 815), also known as Saynaleg (Sad-na-legs). Emperor Saynaleg
continued to support the translation of Buddhist texts. During his reign, the Tibetan armies
continued to harass the Arabs in the west, and even besieged Samarkand, the capital of
Transoxania [in present-day Uzbekistan. This occurred during the Rebellion of Rafi'b. Layth,
which was supported by the Tibetan - Qarluq - Turki Shahi alliance. Caliph Harun al-Rashid
died on his way to defend Samarkand.]
Caliph al-Ma'mun, the second son of Harun al-Rashid, came to an agreement with the Tibetan
governor of Turkistan, who presented him with a gold statue that was later sent to the Kaaba
in Mecca. [After the Arabs lost control of Samarkand, al-Ma'mun made peace with the
Tibetans and the Turki Shahis in order to fight in a civil war with his brother. After his
victory, the Caliph attacked and took Kabul in 815. The defeated "Tibetan governor of
Turkistan," referring to the Tibetan vassal King Salapati of the Turki Shahis, was forced to
convert to Islam. He subsequently presented as tribute a large golden Buddha statue to his
conquerors. The statue was displayed at the Kaaba in Mecca until it was melted down in 817.]
Emperor Relpachen
The Tibetan Emperor Saynaleg was succeeded in 815 by his son Tri Tsugdetsen (Khri
gTsug-lde-brstan, r. 815 - 836), who was also known as Relpachen (Ral-pa-can). Relpachen
invited three Indian pandits, Shilendrabodhi, Danashila, and Jinamitra, to Central Tibet. These
three, with the Tibetan translators Kawa Peltseg (sKa-ba dPal-brtsegs) and Chog-ro
Lui-gyeltsen (Cog-ro Klu'i gyal-mtshan), revised older translations, standardized the
translation of Buddhist terms from Sanskrit, and compiled The Grand (Lexicon) for
Understanding Specific (Terms) (Bye-brag-tu rtogs-pa chen-po, Skt. Mahavyutpatti), which
was the first Sanskrit-Tibetan lexicon.
After ascending the Tibetan throne, Emperor Relpachen sent troops to the Chinese border.
Buddhists on both sides of the border sought mediation, resulting in the Doring peace treaty
(rDo-ring yig-cha) in 821 reaffirming the boundaries of the treaty of 783. This treaty was
inscribed on three stone pillars, one in Chang'an outside the palace of the Chinese Tang
Emperor [Muzong (r. 821 - 825], another at Gugu Meru (Gu-gu rme-ru) on the Sino-Tibetan
border, and the third erected in Lhasa [the Doring pillar] in 823. The treaty affirmed that Tibet
and China were equals.
Relpachen built a monastery known as Ushangdo ('U-shang-rdo gTsug-lag-khang) and
implemented a system of taxation to support the monasteries, allocating seven households to
support each monk.
In 836, Relpachen was assassinated and his jealous brother, Tri Uidumtsen (Khri 'U'i
dum-brtsan, r. 836 - 842), ascended the throne. Popularly referred to, out of disrespect, as
Langdarma (Glang-dar-ma) [Young Bull], the new emperor closed the temples and
monasteries. Buddhist monks were given the choice to marry, become huntsmen, or convert to
the Bon religion. Those who refused were executed. This eliminated Buddhism from Central
Tibet, though not in eastern or western Tibet. [Turrell Wylie ("Some Political Factors in the
Early History of Tibetan Buddhism" in Studies in the History of Buddhism) argues that
Emperors Muney-tsenpo and Saynaleg
Langdarma's persecution was to end the economic drain caused by his brother's diversion of
tax revenue to the monks. It was also to end the powerful influence on political affairs exerted
by the Religious Council.]
In 842, Langdarma was assassinated by a monk named Lhalung Pelgyi-dorjey (Lha-lung
dPal-gyi rdo-rje) [one of the twenty-five disciples of Guru Rinpoche Padmasambhava.
According to Samten Gyaltsen Karmay, The Great Perfection (rDozgs-chen), he was the
deposed head of the Religious Council and former Abbot of Samyay.] After this, a schism in
the royal line split Tibet into various kingdoms with decentralized authority.
before the Mongol Empire, chapter 12 {5}. See also: The History of the Early Period of
Buddhism and Bon in Tibet, chapter 2 {6}.]
2 The Struggle for Religious Survival after the Fall of

the Tibetan Empire
House, 1976.]
The Fragmentation of Tibet after Langdarma's Assassination

The Tibetan Empire disintegrated after the assassination of Langdarma in 842 CE. Central
authority was not restored for four centuries.
[The imperial Tibetan troops had already started to withdraw from the border regions of
China, Burma, and the Silk Route in Central Asia during Langdarma's reign and, soon after
his death, many small buffer states sprung up in these areas. Tibetan language and Buddhist
culture, however, continued to play a large role in these buffer states for several centuries
afterwards. In the formerly Tibetan-controlled areas of Amdo, Gansu, and the Tarim Basin,
for example, these states included
Tsongka (Tsong-kha), which lasted in the Kokonor region of Amdo until 1182
the city states the Yellow Yugurs (866 - 1028) in the Gansu Corridor
Guiyijun (848 - 890s) in the region of western Gansu around Dunhuang
Karakhoja (866 - 1209) of the Qocho Uighurs in the oases along the northern rim of
the Tarim Basin.
[See: The Historical Interaction between the Buddhist and Islamic Cultures before the Mongol
Empire, chapter 17 {7}.]
Until at least 920, the Tibetan language was used for commercial and diplomatic purposes in
the Gansu Corridor and along the Silk Route as far as Khotan, since it was the only common
language of the various peoples there. Some Chinese Buddhist texts were even transliterated
into Tibetan letters for ease of recitation.
Scholars in these areas translated Buddhist texts from Tibetan into various other languages.
For example, beginning in 930, Tsongka scholars translated texts from Tibetan into Uighur
Emperor Relpachen
10
(Yu-gur).
After the establishment of the Tangut state (Mi-nyag, Chin. Xi Xia) (982 - 1227) in southern
Gansu and present-day Ningxia, to the east of Amdo, Tibetan Buddhist texts were translated
into the Tangut language starting in 1049, although the majority of the texts in the Tangut
Buddhist canon were translated from Chinese. The Tibetan language had been widespread in
the Tangut regions, however, from even before the founding of its state. Thus, the Tibetan
alphabetic script was used to transliterate the extremely complex Tangut ideographic script
that had been promulgated in 1036.]
After the assassination, Langdarma's sons vied with each other for the throne. [By 929, the
line of Namde Wosung (gNam-lde 'Od-srung), the son of Langdarma's senior queen,
eventually came to rule in Ngari (mNga'-ris), Western Tibet, the territory of the pre-Buddhist
kingdom of Zhang-zhung; while the line of Ngadag Yumden (mNga'-bdag Yum-brtan), the
son of his junior queen, came to rule in U (dBus), the eastern half of Central Tibet. The
kingdom of Ngari eventually included not only Western Tibet, but also a large stretch of the
southern flank of the Pamir Mountains and the Himalayas, from Gilgit in present-day
northwestern Pakistan, through eastern Ladakh, Spiti in present-day Himachal Pradesh India,
and up to and including present-day northwestern Nepal.]
The other regions of Tibet fragmented into many small states, each with its own ruler
(sde-dpon) and fortress (rdzong). They alternately fought and allied with each other.
Revival of the Monk Ordination Lineage

Although Langdarma's sons hid away many Buddhist statues and texts for safekeeping and the
lay tradition of tantra continued even in Central Tibet; nevertheless, the monastic community
there came to an end. Three monks, however, fled to [the Tsongka kingdom in] Amdo and
there, with the help of two Chinese monks, continued the Mulasarvastivada line of monk
ordination.
Soon, ten youths from Central Tibet [led by Lumey Tsultrim-sherab (Klu-mes Tshul-khrims
shes-rab)] traveled there to study and receive the monk's vows. [They then brought the
ordination lineage back to U in 912, after its absence there for seventy years, and built seven
new temples. These included Gyel Lhakang (rGyal Lha-khang), built by Lumey's disciple
Nanam Dorje-wangchug (sNa-nam rDo-rje dbang-phyug). Buddhist traditional sources,
however, date the building of this temple at 1012.]
[See: The Revival of the Monk Ordination Lineage in Tenth-Century Tibet {8}.]
Start of the Later Flourishing of the Teachings

During the second half of the tenth century, the King of Ngari, Tsenpo Khorey (bTsan-po
Kho-re), abdicated his throne in favor of his brother, Song-ngey (Srong-nge), and became a
monk. He is known to posterity as Lha Lama Yeshey-wo (Lha bla-ma Yes-shes ' od).
Wanting to reverse the decline of Buddhism in Western Tibet, Yeshey-wo sent twenty-one
young men to Kashmir in 971 to learn Sanskrit and study Buddhism. Of these, only
Rinchen-zangpo (Rin-chen bzang-po, 958 - 1051) and Legpay-sherab (Legs-pa'i shes-rab)
survived the journey, eventually developing into renowned translators. While studying in
Kashmir and the famous monasteries of northern India, they sent back to Tibet several learned
The Fragmentation of Tibet after Langdarma's Assassination
11
Indian scholars. These scholars represented several Indian Buddhist schools, though primarily
the tantra tradition of Mahayana.
Yeshe-wo continued to invite Indian masters to Tibet. Among them was Dharmapala
(Dha-rma pa-la), who together with the Indian disciples who accompanied him, started the
second Mulasarvastivada monk ordination line in Tibet. The ordinations they conferred mark
the beginning of a period in Tibetan history known as the "Later Flourishing of the Teachings"
(bstan-pa phyi-dar). [The prior period became known, by contrast, as the "Earlier Flourishing
of the Teachings" (bstan-pa rnying-ma.)
Other traditional Tibetan sources give as the starting point of this later period Lumey's
ordination, and they date this at either 973 or 978. It is these traditions that date the founding
of the Gyel Lhakang by Lumey's disciple at 1012.]
[See: History of the Mulasarvastivada Ordination Lineages in Tibet {9}.]
[Rinchen - zangpo and Legpay-sherab returned to Ngari in 988. As part of this later
flourishing period, Rinchen-zangpo founded several new monasteries there. Among them was
Tabo Monastery (rTa-po dgon-pa) in Spiti, built in 996.] In the same year, Yeshe-wo founded
Toling Monastery (mTho-ling, sometimes spelled mTho-lding) in Guge (Gu-ge).
Atisha's Visit to Tibet

[During this period, the Ghaznavids, under Mahmud of Ghazni (r. 998-1030), conquered
present-day Pakistani and Indian Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, and the regions around Delhi.
Due to the heavy damage that Mahmud's forces inflicted on the Buddhist monasteries in the
area, many monks sought asylum in Ngari. So many eventually fled there, that in the 1020s
the Ngari King passed a law restricting foreigners from staying in the country more than three
years.
It was under these unsettled circumstances that,] in his latter years, Yeshey-wo invited Atisha
(Jo-be-che dPal-ldan A-ti-sha, 982 - 1054) to come to Tibet from his monastery,
Vikramashila, in central North India. He hoped that the Indian master would be able to help
not only reestablish Buddhism in Tibet, but also resolve confusion based on differences
among the schools. He sent Gyatsonseng (rGya brTson-'grus seng-ge) to deliver the
invitation, with presents of gold. Atisha refused the presents and declined the invitation,
explaining that he was needed in India to halt the decline of Buddhism that was taking place
there.
Yeshey-wo believed that Atisha had refused because not enough gold had been sent, so he
went to the Qarluq (Gar-log) king in order to obtain more. The Qarluqs were a Turkic group
living northwest of Ngari. Unfortunately, the Qarluq king threw him in prison.
Jangchub-wo (Byang-chub 'od), a grandnephew of Yeshey-wo and also a monk, attempted to
gather enough gold to ransom his granduncle from the Qarluq. Yeshey-wo told him to use it
instead to convince Atisha to come, and ultimately Yeshey-wo died in prison.
[Having established the Qarakhanid Empire (840 - 1137), the Qarluqs remained friendly
relations with their former military allies, the Tibetans, even after Langdarma's assassination.
In the 930s, the Qarluq/Qarakhanids converted from a mixture of Buddhism and Turkic
shamanism to Islam. The western branch of the Qarakhanids, which had been centered in
Start of the Later Flourishing of the Teachings
12
Kashgar, attacked Khotan in 982 in their drive to gain control of the southern Tarim Basin
branch of the Silk Route. They maintained a siege of the oasis state until 1006.
Traditional Tibetan sources explain that Yeshey-wo was imprisoned during a war that the
Qarluq/Qarakhanids were waging in Nepal. John Brough ("Legends of Khotan and Nepal,"
Bulletin of the School of African and Oriental Studies, vol. 12) has demonstrated, however,
that the Tibetan name for Khotan, "Li," along with many legends concerning Khotan, were
transferred and projected by the Tibetans onto Nepal. Thus, one could infer that Yeshey-wo
encountered the Qarluq and was imprisoned when he went to the defense of Khotan during the
siege.
Shakabpa, however, in his two volume history, makes no mention of any battles in relation to
this incident. Instead, he relates that the Qarluq King gave Jangchub-wo a choice - give up all
efforts to invite Buddhist masters from India to Tibet, pay a ransom of gold equal to
Yeshey-wo's weight, or have Yeshey-wo executed. This choice that Jangchub-wo was given
suggests that this incident most likely occurred after the Qarluq's conquest of Khotan. Having
converted Buddhist Khotan to Islam, the Qarluq King seemed to be against any further
strengthening of Buddhism in Tibet.]
before the Mongol Empire, chapter 15 {10} and chapter 16 {11}.]
[David Snellgrove (Indo-Tibetan Buddhism: Indian Buddhists and Their Tibetan Successors)
writes that this account of Yeshey-wo's death in the Qarluq prison is apocryphal. As evidence,
he cites that in 1027 Yeshey-wo issued an edict to regulate the translation of Buddhist texts
and that, according to Rinchen-zangpo's biography, Yeshey-wo died of illness in his palace in
Toling. Rinchen-zangpo himself performed the funeral rites. However, if Yeshey-wo went to
the Qarluqs on a peaceful mission to request financial support, it is reasonable, considering
that Atisha arrived in Toling in 1042, that this mission occurred after 1027. Still,
Rinchen-zangpo's biography contravenes the traditional account of Yeshe-wo's death in
prison.
As a side note, 1027 was also the year that the Kalachakra Tantra teachings were first brought
to Tibet, based on the translations from Sanskrit into Tibetan by the Indian pandit
Bhadrabodhi and the Tibetan translator Gyijo (Gyi-jo Zla-ba'i 'od-zer). This year also marks
the start of the Kalachakra-style calendar in Tibet, with the first sixty-year calendar cycle
prabhava (rab-'byung, Skt. prabhava).]
Jangchub-wo sent Nagtso (Nag-mtsho Lo-tsa-ba), an accomplished translator, to India with
the gold and another invitation to Atisha. On receiving the invitation and hearing the story
behind it, and after receiving direction from the Buddha-figure Tara, Atisha agreed to go to
Tibet for three years. He arrived at Toling in 1042. While there, he revised translations and
wrote Lamp for the Path to Enlightenment (Byang-chub lam-gyi sgron-ma, Skt.
Bodhipathapradipa).
In 1045, as Atisha was returning to India, he was joined by a layman, Dromtonpa ('Brom-ston
rGyal-ba'i 'byung-gnas) (1004 - 1064), who wished to study under him. The road through
Nepal was blocked by a civil war [which lasted from 1039 - 1045], and so Dromtonpa asked
Atisha to visit Central Tibet instead. Atisha agreed and, after visiting Samyay Monastery near
Lhasa, stayed mostly at Nyetang (sNye-thang) [in U] before dying in 1054.
Atisha's Visit to Tibet
13
[While visiting Samyey, Atisha was amazed at the huge number of Sanskrit texts preserved at
the monastery's library. He remarked that even in India it was not possible to find such a large
collection. This indicates that Langdarma's persecution had been directed at the Buddhist
monastic institution and not at the Buddhist teachings themselves.]
Establishment of New Monasteries and the Development of

Tibetan Buddhism and Bon into Various Schools
Pre-Atisha
[Some of the older Buddhist monasteries, such as Samyay, survived in Central Tibet from the
earlier flourishing of the teachings and were once more filled with Tibetan monks by the time
of Atisha's arrival there. In addition, some new monasteries had been built there as well by
this time. For example, Zhalu Monastery (Zha-lu dgon-pa, Zhva-lu dgon-pa) had been built in
Tsang in 1040 by Chetsun Sherab-jungnay (lCe-btsun Shes-rab 'byung-gnas), two years
before Atisha's arrival in Ngari. It later became an important center of Sakya scholarship.]
Kadam
Atisha had named Dromtonpa as his successor. In 1057, Dromtonpa founded the Radreng
Monastery (Rva-sgreng rGyal-ba'i dben-gnas) in U, where he continued to teach until his
death in 1064. He shaped Atisha's teachings into a new school of Buddhism called "Kadam"
(bKa'- gdams). A second Kadam monastery, Sangpu-neutog (gSang-phu sne'u-thog-gi
dgon-pa), also in U, was built in 1073 by another of Atisha's disciples, Ngog Legpay-sherab
(rNgog Legs-pa'i shes-rab).
[See: The Life of Atisha {12}.]
[In 1076, King Tsedey (rTse-lde) of Ngari convened the Council of Toling at Toling
Monastery of Ngari. He gathered together translators from the western, central, and eastern
regions of Tibet, as well as several Kashmiri and northern Indian masters, in order to
coordinate their translation work. In 1092, Prince Zhiwa-wo (Zhi-ba 'od) of Ngari issued an
edict setting the standards for determining which Buddhist texts were reliable. The main
criterion for authenticity was whether a Sanskrit original for the text existed. Soon,
Sangpu-neutog became an important center for translation, as well as for learning and debate.
A further major Kadam center of learning, Nartang Monastery (sNar-thang dgon-pa), was
founded in 1153 in Tsang. It later became a center for the printing of Buddhist texts. Although
some traditional Tibetan sources date the founding of Nartang at 1033 and ascribe its founding
to the Kadam master Tumton Lodro-drag (gTum-ston Blo-gros grags), this is anachronistic,
since Atisha first arrived in Ngari only in 1042. The difference of 120 years between the two
dates suggests confusion concerning the sixty-year Kalachakra calendar-cycle in which the
founding took place.]
Sakya
[Other traditions of the "Later Flourishing of the Teachings," known collectively as the Sarma
(gSar-ma) or New Schools, also began to build monasteries at this time. For example,] in
1073, the same year as the founding of Sangpu-neutog, Sakya Monastery (Sa-skya dgon-pa)
was founded [in Tsang (gTsang), the western half of Central Tibet] by Kon Konchog-gyelpo ('
Khon dKon-mchog rgyal-po). The monastery gave its name to the Sakya (Sa-skya) School.
Establishment of New Monasteries and the Development of Tibetan Buddhism and Bon into14
Various Schools
[See: A Brief History of Sakya Monastery {13}.]

Bon
[The non-Buddhist tradition of Bon also built its first monastery at this time. In 1072, Drujey
Yungdrung Lama (Bru-rje g.Yung-drung Bla-ma) founded Yayru Ensaka Monastery (g.Yas-ru
dBen-sa-kha dGon-pa), also in Tsang. He built the monastery to establish a debate tradition to
study the texts recovered from the walls of Samyay by the first great revealer of Bon treasure
texts (gter-ston), Shenchen Luga (gShen-chen Klu-dga') (996-1035). The first hidden Bon
treasure texts had been found by accident at Samyay in 913 by a shepherd.]
[See: A Brief History of Menri Monastery {14}.]
Nyingma
[The first Nyingma (rNying-ma) treasure texts were revealed by the monk Sang-gyay Lama
(Sangs-rgyas bla-ma), toward the end of the tenth century or the beginning of the eleventh.
"Nyingma," the Old School, was the name given to Padmasambhava's Buddhist tradition in
contrast to the "Sarma," the New Schools. Sang-gyay Lama found them in a temple and in
nearby rocks in Ngari. Their transmission, however, soon died out after him.
In 1038, Drapa Ngonshey (Gra-pa mNgon-shes) (b. 1012), however, discovered several
Nyingma treasure texts concealed at Samyay. He also revealed The Four Glorious Tantras of
Medical Knowledge (gSo-ba rig-pa dpal-ldan rgyud-bzhi), which had also been concealed at
the monastery. The transmissions of the texts that Drapa Ngonshey found did continue after
him.
Although several pre-Langdarma monasteries, such as Samyay, had revived and become
centers of what now became known as the Nyingma tradition, the first new Nyingma
monastery of this period was not built until 1159. This was Katog Dorjeyden Monastery
(Ka:-thog rDo-rje gdan dGon-pa, Kathog Monastery), founded in Derge District (sDe-dge)
Kham (Khams), Southeastern Tibet, by Ka Dampa-desheg (Ka Dam-pa bDe-gshegs)
(1122-1192).]
[See: A Brief History of Katog Monastery {15}.]
Kagyu
[The third major Sarma School, in addition to Kadam and Sakya, was the Kagyu (bKa'brgyud). Its major lineage derived from the Indian masters Tilopa, through Naropa (1016 1100), to the Tibetan translator Marpa (Mar-pa Lo-tsa-ba Chos-kyi blo-gros) (1012 - 1097),
his disciple Milarepa (Mi-la bZhad-pa rdo-rje) (1040 - 1123), and Milarepa's disciple
Gampopa (sGam-po-pa bSod-nams rin-chen) (1079-1153).]
[See: How Gampopa Reached His Spiritual Attainments {16}.]
[In 1158, one of Gampopa's disciples, Pagmodrupa (Phag-mo gru-pa rDo-rje rgyal-po )
(1110-1170), founded Pagdrui Densatel (Phag-gru'i gDan-sa thel), the earliest Kagyu
monastery. It became the seat of the Pagmodrupa Kagyu (Phag-mo gru-pa bKa'- brgyud)
School.
Sakya
15
In 1161, Barompa (' Ba'-rom-pa Dar-ma dbang-phyug) (1127 - 1199), the disciple of another
of Gampopa's disciples, Won-gom Tsultrim-nyingpo (dBon-sgom Tshul-khrims snying-po),
founded the Barom Monastery (' Ba'-rom dgon-pa). From here, the Barom Kagyu (' Ba'-rom
bKa'-brgyud) School evolved.
In 1175, Pagmodrupa's disciple, Tselpa Zhang Yudragpa (Tshal-pa Zhang 'Gro-ba'i mgon-po
g.Yu-brag-pa brTson-'grus grags-pa) (1123 - 1194), built Tsel Yanggon Monastery (Tshal
Yang-dgon grva-tshang). Together with Tsel Gungtang Monastery (Tshal gung-thang-gi
dgon-pa), founded by him in 1187, it became the center for the Tselpa Kagyu (Tshal-pa bKa'brgyud) School.
In 1179, another of Pagmodrupa's disciples, Drigungpa ('Bri-gung sKyob-pa 'Jig-rten dgon-po
rin-chen dpal) (1143-1217), founded Drigungtil Monastery ('Bri-gung mthil 'Og-min
byang-chub gling). From Drigungpa derives the Drigung Kagyu (' Bri-kung bKa'-brgyud)
School.]
[See: A Brief History of Drigungtil Monastery {17}.]
[The next year, 1180, Taglung-tangpa (sTag-lung thang-pa bKra-shis dpal) (1142-1210), yet
another of Pagmodrupa's disciples, founded Taglungpa Monastery (sTag-lung-gi dgon-pa). It
became the center for the Taglung Kagyu (sTag-lung bKa'-brgyud) School.
Next was the construction of Tsurpu Monastery (Tshur-phu dgon-pa) in 1189 by the First
Karmapa, Dusum-kyenpa (Kar-ma Dus-gsum mkhyen-pa) (1110-1193). The First Karmapa
was a direct disciple of Gampopa. Tsurpu Monastery became the center of the Karma
Kamtsang Kagyu (Kar-ma kam-tshang bKa'-brgyud) School and the center for the line of
Karmapas that followed.]
[See: A Brief History of Tsurpu Monastery {18}.]
[The first major monastery of the Drugpa Kagyu (' Brug-pa bKa'-brgyud) School, Namgyipur
Monastery (gNam-gyi phur dgon-pa) was built in 1205 by Tsangpa Gyaray (gTsang-pa
rGya-ras Ye-shes rdo-rje) (1161 - 1211). Tsangpa Gyaray was a disciple of Ling-raypa (gLing
Ras-pa Pad-ma rdo-rje) (1128 - 1211), who in turn was a disciple of Pagmodrupa.
Thus, by the time the Tibetans became aware of the Mongol threat of Chinggis Khan (Genghis
Khan), the major monasteries of the major schools of Tibetan Buddhism and Bon had already
been established in Tibet. Later, various Mongol Khan's supported one or another of these
Tibetan Buddhist Schools.]
3 Tibetan Lamas and Mongol Patrons

House, 1976.]
Chinggis Khan
In 1207 CE, news reached Tibet that Chinggis Khan (Sog-po Ching-ge-se Kh'ang) (1162 Kagyu
16
1227) had conquered the Tangut Empire in Gansu and Amdo. [The Tibetans had a close
relation with the Tanguts at this time. They had already been engaged in translating Buddhist
texts from Tibetan into Tangut for over a century and a half. Tselpa Kagyupa and Barom
Kagyupa lamas held prominent positions in the Tangut court and Tangut monks were studying
in Tibet, especially with the Drigung Kagyupas.
The Mongols attacked the Tanguts in 1206 and finally defeated them in 1211. The Tanguts
then became a vassal state of the growing Mongol Empire, required to support the Khan in his
military efforts.
Before turning to conquests in the west, the Mongol forces next invaded the Jurchen (Chin.
Jin) Empire (1115 - 1234) to the east of the Tanguts, in Manchuria and northern China.
Chinggis's army defeated them and took the northern half of their territory, including Yanjing,
later known as Beijing. The Mongols forced the Jurchen to sign a peace treaty in 1214.
The Jurchen were the ancestors of the Manchus. After having consolidated their rule in
Manchuria, the Jurchens had overthrown the Chinese Northern Song Dynasty (960 - 1126)
and incorporated northern China into their empire in 1126. The Chinese Southern Song
Dynasty (1127 - 1278) dates from this defeat.]
Upon receiving the news of the Mongol campaign against the Tanguts, the rulers of the
various states within Tibet sent a combined delegation to Chinggis Khan to declare their
submission. This arrangement included paying tribute to the Mongols and, as a result, the
Khan did not invade Tibet.
[Turrell Wylie ("The First Mongol Conquest of Tibet Reinterpreted," Harvard Journal of
Asian Studies vol. 37, no. 1) questions this point. Tibet was still fragmented at this time and
cooperation among the small states seems unlikely.
The Qocho Uighurs along the northern rim of the Tarim Basin, however, did submit
peacefully to the Chinggis Khan in 1209. The Uighurs cooperated with the Mongols,
developing for them an adaptation of their own script for writing Mongolian and providing
administrative help for the growing empire. They made the first translations of Buddhist texts
into Mongolian, translating from Uighur texts.]
Chinggis Khan died in 1227. [The Tanguts had refused to send troops to fight with the
Mongols in their campaign against the Khwarezmian Empire in present-day Uzbekistan,
Turkmenistan, and Iran. Consequently, after his successful western conquests, Chinggis
returned to the Tangut homeland and decimated his former vassals. Chinggis, however, died
during this campaign, due to a fever.] After Chinggis Khan's death, Tibet stopped paying
tribute to the Mongols.
Invitation of Sakya Pandita to Mongolia by Godan Khan

[Chinggis was succeeded as Grand Khan by his third son, Ogedei (U-ge-ta Kh'an) (1189 1241). Like his father, Ogedei was open to the advice and prayers of leaders from the various
religions that the Mongols encountered. Thus, he kept in his court not only outstanding figures
from the native Mongol shamanist tradition, but also from the Chinese Chan Buddhist and
Daoist schools, Nestorian Christianity, as well as the Kashmiri Buddhist teacher, Namo.
Chinggis Khan
17
In 1234, after conquering Korea, Ogedei put an end to the Jurchen Dynasty and incorporated
the rest of northern China into the Mongol Empire. Two years later, in 1236, he granted the
former Jurchen territories as a fiefdom to his nephew, Khubilai (Kublai) Khan (Kub-la'i Kh'an
or, more commonly, Se-chen rGyal-po, Mong. Setsen Khan) (1215 - 1294). Ogedei's son,
Godan Khan (Go-dan Kh'an, Mong. Koton) (1206 - 1251), held a fief in the former Tangut
region. The local Tanguts and Yellow Yugurs living there followed predominantly the Tibetan
forms of Buddhism. Godan frequently raided Amdo, to the west of his fiefdom and looted the
Buddhist monasteries there.]
In 1240, Godan sent 30,000 of his troops deeper into Tibet [under the Mongol General Doorda
Darkhan. According to Wylie, this was the first contact the Mongols made with Central
Tibet.]
These forces reached as far as Penpo ('Phan-po), north of Lhasa, and not only looted, but also
burned down Radreng Monastery and the Gyel Lhakang Temple. Regretting this destruction,
Godan Khan had a change of heart. He now felt that the Mongolian people could benefit from
the spiritual teachings of Buddhism.
[According to Wylie, since there is no record of the Mongols having looted or destroyed any
monasteries other than these two Kadam ones during this expedition, the main purpose was
undoubtedly reconnaissance to find a suitable Tibetan leader to submit to the Mongols. Since
Tibet as a whole lacked any political leader, the Mongols sought a prestigious spiritual leader
instead.]
Asking who would be best to invite, General Doorda Darkhan advised, "The Kadampas are
the best regarding the monastic institution; the Taglungpas are the most skilled in worldly
human affairs; in splendor, the Drigungpas are the greatest; but as for Dharma, Sakya Pandita
is the most learned of them all." Subsequently, the Khan sent an order to Sakya Pandita
Kunga-gyeltsen (Sa-skya Pandita Kun-dga' rgyal-mtshan) (1182 1251) to come to his court to
teach the Dharma to him and his people.
[According to Wylie, the political reason behind Godan Khan's choice of Sakya Pandita was
that succession within the Sakya line was hereditary within the Kon ('Khon) family. Thus, the
choice of him insured continuity of submission to the Mongols.]
Sakya Pandita set out from Sakya Monastery in 1244, accompanied by his nephews, the
ten-year old Pagpa ('Gro-mgon Chos-rgyal 'Phags-pa Blo-gros rgyal-mtshan) (1235 - 1280)
and the six-year old Chagna-dorjey (Phyag-na rdo-rje) (b. 1239 - 1267). [According to Wylie,
the nephews were forced to come in order to ensure lasting Sakya allegiance. Pagpa was the
religious heir of the Sakyas, while Chagna was destined to be the Kon family patriarch.] They
arrived in Lanzhou (Ling-chur) in 1247, the present-day capital of Gansu. Godan Khan met
them there upon his return from the enthronement of his older brother Guyuk (Go-yug Kh'an)
(1206 - 1248) as Grand Khan. [Ogedei Khan's Nestorian Christian widow, Toregene, had held
power during the interim period between Ogedei's death in 1241 and her son Guyuk's
enthronement in 1246.
Guyuk Khan was favorably disposed to Buddhism and had studied under the Kashmiri
Buddhist teacher, Namo. He granted Namo the title "Guusi" (gu-shri, Chin: guoshi), meaning
"State Preceptor." The Mongols had borrowed the Chinese title from the Tanguts. Prior to
Namo, the Tselpa Kagyu scholar Gushri Togpa-yongsel (rTogs-pa Yongs-su gsal-ba) had held
the title in the Tangut court before Chinggis Khan's invasion in 1226.
Invitation of Sakya Pandita to Mongolia by Godan Khan
18
After Guyuk Khan's death in 1248 and another short interim rule, Mongke (r. 1251 - 1259),
the oldest son of Chinggis Khan's fourth son, Tolui (1190 - 1232), became Grand Khan. In
1252, Mongke put Namo in charge of administering Buddhist affairs throughout his realm.]
Sakya Pandita taught Buddhism to Godan Khan, convincing him stop decimating the local
Chinese population by drowning. He also cured the Khan of a serious skin disease. In return,
Godan was given temporal authority over Tibet in the name of the Mongols. Sakya Pandita
wrote a letter to the learned Buddhist masters and their lay patrons (yon-mchod) in U and
Tsang in Central Tibet, as well as in Kham (mDo-khams). In it, he advised them that it was
futile to resist the Mongol army, and that they should instead pay tribute. The Tibetans
requested that Sakya Pandita return to Central Tibet, but as Godan was treating him well, and
feeling that his presence among the Mongols and local Uighurs, Tanguts, and Chinese was
more valuable, he excused himself and remained.
[Wylie notes that the above happenings conformed to the customs regularly followed by the
Mongols when assimilating a new territory. Submission required the ruler of the territory to
personally surrender before the Khan. The Khan would then keep the ruler with him as
hostage, exact tribute, and depute a Mongol governor to rule the new territory.]
Sensing that he would die soon, Sakya Pandita left as his legacy a book titled Clarifying the
Buddha's Intentions (Thub pa'i dgong gsal) and a letter for lay people that described his
confidence in Godan's good intentions for Tibet. After appointing Pagpa as his successor,
Sakya Pandita passed away in Lanzhou in 1251.
Establishment of a Lama-Patron Relationship between Khubilai

Khan and Pagpa
Shortly after this, Godan Khan also died. He was succeeded as ruler over the former Tangut
region by Khubilai Khan [one of the younger brothers of the Grand Khan Mongke and cousin
to Godan Khan. Khubilai already had held the fiefdom of northern China since 1236].
Khubilai summoned Pagpa to his camp in 1253 and took him as his teacher. It was decided
that Khubilai would prostrate to Pagpa in private, but not in public. Also, the Khan would seek
Pagpa's consent on decisions regarding Tibet, and Pagpa would not interfere on matters
involving other regions controlled by the Mongols. This turned out to be the prototype
lama-patron (bla-yon) relationship in Asian government.
Pagpa then conferred the Hevajra empowerment on the Khan, his senior queen, and
twenty-five of his ministers. In return, Pagpa was granted authority over the thirteen
myriarchies (khri-skor bcu-gsum) or administrative units of Central and Western Tibet, and
later over the three regions of Tibet (chol-kha gsum): namely, Central Tibet (U and Tsang),
Kham (mDo-stod), and Amdo (mDo-smad).
[Wylie points out that mention of the myriarchies in this traditional account is an
anachronism. This is because the division of Central and Western Tibet into thirteen
myriarchies took place only after the census of 1268, undertaken by the Mongols to facilitate
the collection of taxes. A myriarchy was supposed to consist of a region containing ten
thousand families, although the actual numbers were much less.
Also in 1253, Mongke Khan ordered Khubilai to attack and take Nanzhao (present-day
Yunnan), known at this time as "Dali" (Ta-li). Khubilai Khan passed through Kham to reach
Establishment of a Lama-Patron Relationship between Khubilai Khan and Pagpa
19
Dali, but Mongol troops did not remain there afterwards. Communist Chinese historians,
however, claim that Tibet became part of Yuan China from the time of this incursion, despite
the fact that the Yuan Dynasty was not founded until 1271.]
[Upon his return from Dali,] Khubilai invited the Second Karmapa, Karma Pakshi (Kar-ma-pa
Pakshi) (1204 - 1283) to his camp. [The Karma Kagyu leader arrived in 1255. Although
Khubiliai urged him to stay, Karma Pakshi declined and went instead to the court of the Grand
Khan Mongke in Karakorum, his capital in Mongolia. He arrived there the next year, in 1256.]
Debates between Buddhism and Other Religions

[Like his predecessors as Grand Khan, Mongke had representatives of various religions at his
court. He was interested to sponsor debates among them, to see which religion was superior.
In 1254, William of Rubruck, a Flemish Franciscan missionary, together with representatives
of Nestorian Christianity and Islam debated against the Chinese Chan Buddhists, whom he
characterized as "idolators." In 1255, the Grand Khan sponsored a debate between the
Buddhists, represented by Namo, and the Daoists concerning the Daoist claim that Buddha
was a disciple of Laozi and that Laozi had converted the western lands to Daoism. Namo was
the victor.]
Mongke Khan was intent on completing the conquest of China begun by his grandfather
Chinggis and his uncle Ogedei. In 1256, Khubilai, as holder of the fiefdom of northern China,
had already built a palace for himself at Khanbaliq (Chin. Shangdu, Xanadu), north of
present-day Beijing. From there, Khubilai joined Mongke in a campaign against Southern
Song China in 1258.
Before setting out on the campaign, Mongke ordered Khubilai to hold another debate between
the Buddhists and the Daoists, also concerning the issue of Buddha being a disciple of Laozi.
This time Pagpa represented the Buddhist side and again the Daoists were defeated. Since
Daoism was extremely popular in the Southern Song territories, a doctrinal victory was seen
as auspicious.
Mongke Khan, however, died of fever in 1259 during this campaign. Upon his death, a
struggle for the position of Grand Khan ensued between Mongke's two brothers, Khubilai and
Ariq Boke. Mongke had left Ariq Boke in charge at Karakorum when he left on this
campaign. In 1260, while Ariq Boke was elected Grand Khan in Karakorum, Khubilai was
elected to the same position in Khanbaliq. War broke out between them, and Khubilai finally
defeated Ariq Boke in 1264.
Once the internecine struggle was settled, Khubilai granted Pagpa the title of "Tishri" (Ti-shri,
Chin. Di-shi), meaning "Imperial Preceptor." [According to Wylie and others, Pagpa was
granted merely the title "Gushri" (State Preceptor) at this time.]
Khubilai wanted to allow the practice of only Pagpa's Sakya School, but Pagpa insisted that
other Tibet Buddhist Schools be allowed to practice as well, including Karma Kagyu.
[Because of Karma Pakshi's refusal of Khubilai's previous invitation to remain with him and
because of Karma Pakshi's suspected support of Ariq Boke, Khubilai offered him no
patronage after he became Grand Khan. According to Luciano Petech (Central Tibet and the
Mongols: The Yan - Sa-skya Period of Tibetan History), Khubilai had Karma Pakshi arrested
and banished to Dali, from which he was only allowed to return to Tibet in 1269.]
Debates between Buddhism and Other Religions
20
Establishment of Mongol Overlordship of Tibet

[Once Khubilai defeated Ariq Boke and became the undisputed Grand Khan, he founded in
that same year, 1264, the Main Governing Bureau (Chin. Zongzhi yuan) for Tibetan and
Buddhist Affairs. This was seven years before Khubilai founded the Yuan Dynasty in China.
The Bureau had three divisions, according to the three Tibetan regions mentioned above:
Central Tibet, Amdo, and Kham. Each was administered under a separate office. It was
headed by a Uighurized Tibetan monk, Seng-ge (Chin. Sang-ge, Wade-Giles: Sang-ko.)
Subsequently, the position of Bureau Head was always held by a Buddhist monk. The Bureau
controlled the postal stations in Tibet and organized Buddhist rituals for the state and the
imperial family. Military affairs in Tibet were also organized by this Bureau, under its
Pacification Office (Chin. Xuanwei shisi).
Herbert Franke ("Tibetans in Yan China" in China under Mongol Rule) explains that only
Tibetans and Mongols staffed the Main Governing Bureau for Tibetan and Buddhist Affairs,
no Han Chinese; while the Pacification Office had only Mongols. Thus, the Bureau formed a
distinct unit in the Mongol imperial government, completely separate from the governing
organs later created for administering Yuan China. Thus, the three Tibetan regions were never
made provinces of Yuan China, but were always administered separately as Mongol
territories. In fact, the Mongols even established trading posts, with licensed border markets,
on the borders of Amdo and Kham with China, clearly indicating that the Tibetan regions
formed a distinct part of the Mongol Empire separate from China. They did not set up similar
posts for trade within the borders of China.]
In 1265, Pagpa returned to Tibet for the first time since his childhood. [He was accompanied
by his younger lay brother Chagna-dorjey, who was deputed to be the local administrative
head for Central Tibet. The party was also accompanied by 6000 Mongol soldiers. According
to Wylie ("The First Mongol Conquest of Tibet Reinterpreted"), the Mongol cavalry went
with Pagpa to assure centralized Mongol authority under the Main Governing Bureau for
Buddhist and Tibetan Affairs. While on route, the Mongols secured their control over Amdo.
Chagna died in Tibet in 1267.] Shakya-zangpo (Sha-kya bzang-po) (d. 1275) was then
appointed in his place and given the title "Chief Magistrate" (dpon-chen), with a headquarters
at Sakya.
Pagpa left Tibet in 1267 to return to Khubilai's new capital, Daidu (Chin. Dadu) [(present-day
Beijing). It was then, after Pagpa's departure, that the census of Tibet was made in 1268. It
was conducted in the Mongolian language, under the authority of Shakya-zangpo and the
Mongol officers left behind. As a result of this census, the division of Central Tibet into
thirteen myriarchies or administrative units was started, with each headed by a "Myriarch
Magistrate" (khri-dpon). The Mongols also went on, at this time, to secure Kham under the
control of the Bureau of Tibetan and Buddhist Affairs.]
Pagpa arrived back at Khubilai Khan's court in 1269 [three years after the arrival there of
Marco Polo in 1266]. He brought with him a script for writing the Mongolian language that he
had invented, based on the Tibetan script. It was better equipped for transcribing Sanskrit and
Tibetan letters than the previously used Uighur-based script was. For a short while, the "Pagpa
Script" was used for official business, but its square form made it awkward and it was
abandoned after Khubilai's death in 1295.
Establishment of Mongol Overlordship of Tibet
21
[According to Wylie, Pagpa was only granted the title "Tishri" in 1270, in anticipation of
Khubilai's founding of the Yuan Dynasty of China and enthronement as its first emperor,
Yuan Shizu, in 1271. In granting this title to a Tibetan lama, Khubilai was following the
example set by the Tanguts of the region that he had governed since 1251. The Barom Kagyu
lama Tishri-raypa (Ti-shri Ras-pa Sangs-rgyas ras-chen) (b. 1164) had held this title in the
Tangut court from 1196 to 1226 under the rule of three or four Tangut kings. Usually, the title
"Tishri" implied that the holder conferred tantric empowerments on the emperor.
Pagpa returned to Sakya in 1276. According to Wylie, this was to find a replacement for
Shakya-zangpo, who had died the year before. Pagpa appointed Kunga-zangpo (Kun-dga'
bzang-po) as the next Chief Magistrate.
Khubilai Khan now extended the jurisdiction of the Main Governing Bureau for Tibetan and
Buddhist Affairs to all of China. In 1277, it was given control over all the Buddhist
monasteries not only within the Tibetan regions, but inside China as well. Within two years, in
1279, Khubilai completed his conquest of Southern Song China. He had the defeated last
Song Emperor exiled to Tibet to become a Buddhist monk.]
Drigung Rebellion against the Sakyas

Meanwhile, in Tibet, in 1280, Pagpa mysteriously died. [Kunga-zangpo was accused of
poisoning him and Khubilai had him executed for the murder in 1281. A period of unrest
followed. In 1285, Drigung Kagyu forces rebelled against the Sakya rule and burned various
Sakya monasteries. The rebellion was put down by Mongol troops under the command of
Khubilai's grandson, Temur Khan (1265 - 1307) and organized by Seng-ge, the head of the
Main Governing Bureau for Tibetan and Buddhist Affairs. With the help of Sakya loyalists,
the Mongol army burned down the monastic headquarters of the Drigung.
According to Wylie, these events were probably part of Khubilai's larger military campaign
against his rival Khaidu (Kaidu) Khan (1230 - 1301), grandson of Ogedei. In 1268, Khaidu
had formed his own khanate in East Turkistan and parts of West Turkistan and never accepted
Khubilai as Grand Khan. Khaidu, who was favorably disposed to Islam, patronized the
Drigung Kagyupas. Wylie postulates that Khaidu was behind the Drigung rebellion in Tibet.
Khubilai's forces defeated Khaidu in 1288.
In this same year, Khubilai replaced the Main Governing Bureau with a General Regulations
Bureau (Svon-ching dben, Chin. Xuanzheng yuan) for Tibetan and Buddhist Affairs. It had the
same functions as the previous bureau and was also headed by Seng-ge. Nominally, it was
under the offices of Imperial Preceptor. The restructuring came after the Mongols conducted a
second census of Tibet in 1287.
Temur Khan succeeded Khubilai as the Yuan Emperor, Yuan Chengzong (r. 1294 - 1307).
During his reign, he sponsored the printing of the Tangut Tripitika collection of Buddhist
scriptures in 1305. This clearly indicates the continuing respect shown to the Tanguts despite
Chinggis Khan's decimation of its population. Under the reign of the next Mongol Emperor,
Khaishan Khan, Yuan Wuzong (1308 - 1312), the Mongolian translation of texts included in
the Kangyur (bKa'-'gyur), the Tibetan translation of the Buddha's words, was begun. The first
Tibetan Kangyur was being compiled at this time at Nartang Monastery. It was revised by the
Sakya lama Buton (Bu-ston Rin-chen grub) (1290 - 1364) in 1351 at Zhalu Monastery.]
Drigung Rebellion against the Sakyas
22
The Decline of Mongol Power

After Khubilai Khan's death in 1294, however, Mongol power in China slowly declined, due
to corruption, poor financial management, and famine. The power of the Sakya family in Tibet
declined as well, due to numerous lineage sons and the resulting schisms. [In 1319, the Sakya
ruling family split into four houses. Disenchanted with the situation and weak themselves, the
Mongols gradually withdrew their military support of the Sakyas.
The influence of the Karmapas increased, however, at this stage. Chang Jiunn Yih ("The
Relationship between the Yuan and the Sa-skya Sect after Khubilai Khan," Bulletin of the
Institute of China Border Area Studies, vol. 16), suggests that the Mongols were looking to
support a Tibetan Buddhist School with a more stable line of succession. The Karmapas were
the first line of tulkus, Reincarnate Lamas, and thus offered a more promising alternative to
the Sakyas.]
The Third Karmapa, Rangjung-dorjey (Kar-ma-pa Rang-byung rdo-rje) (1284 - 1339 CE),
was thus ordered to the Mongol Yuan court in China in 1331 [by Togh Temur, Emperor Yuan
Wenzong (1329 - 1332). The Third Karmapa had gained great prominence at this time as a
master scholar and practitioner, and had been teaching extensively in the Uighur and Mongol
regions. Togh Temur, as well as his successor Irinchibal, Yuan Ningzong (Rin-chen dpal) (r.
1332) died while the Third Karmapa was en route. When the Karmapa finally arrived in Daidu
in 1333,] he officiated at the enthronement of Toghan Temur (Tho-gan the-mur) [as Emperor
Yuan Shundi (r. 1333 - 1370), the last Yuan Emperor.
The Third Karmapa returned to Tibet in 1334 and, two years later, was invited to China once
more by the Mongol Emperor, this time in a more respectful tone. He arrived in 1338,
conferred the Kalachakra empowerment on the Emperor and received the title "Gushri," "State
Preceptor." Up until then, this title had been held only by Sakyapas. It carried no political
authority, however. The Third Karmapa also founded a Karma Kagyu temple in Daidu and
then shortly thereafter passed away there.]
Establishment of the Pagmodru Hegemony

In 1352, Jangchub-gyeltsen (Byang-chub rgyal-mtshan) (1302 - 1364), Myriarch Magistrate
of Pagmodru (Phag-mo-gru) Myriarch began a military offensive in U, Central Tibet, to seize
control of Tibet from the Sakyapas. [Like the Sakyapas, the Pagmodrupas also had a line of
succession that passed within a family. The Mongol Emperor Toghun Temur did not send any
military assistance to the Sakyapas. Instead of becoming involved in the conflict, he invited
the young Fourth Karmapa (Kar-ma-pa Rol-pa'i rdo-rje) (1340 - 1383) to Daidu in 1356.
While the Karmapa was on route,] the last Sakya Chief Magistrate of Tibet was overthrown
and Jangchub-gyeltsen established the second religious hegemony of Tibet, that of Pagmodru
in 1358. It lasted until 1434.
[Toghun Temur still did not become involved with political affairs in Tibet, although he
acknowledged Jangchub-gyeltsen's title of "Tai-situ" (ta'i si-tu, Chin. da situ) once the
Pagmodru hegemony had been founded. In inviting the Fourth Karmapa, however, it seemed
that he wanted to avoid taking sides in a Tibetan conflict between two clans.
"Da situ" or simply "Situ" was a traditional Chinese administrative title used for either
Ministers of Work and Revenue or Ministers of Education. In Tibet, the Tibetanized version
of the title, "Tai-situ," was used for Myriarch Magistrates. In later times, the title was granted
The Decline of Mongol Power
23
by Chinese emperors to prominent lamas who traveled to the imperial court.

Although Toghun Temur was infamous for conducting tantric rituals in his court in a
degenerate literal manner with women, nevertheless the Fourth Karmapa stayed at the Yuan
court from 1359 to 1363. Like his predecessor the Third Karmapa, he conferred the
Kalachakra empowerment on both the Emperor and his queen.
Toghun Temur was expelled from Daidu in 1368 by Zhu Yuanzhang and withdrew to
Mongolia where he carried on the Northern Yuan Dynasty (1368 - 1412). Zhu Yuanzhang
took over the rule of China and founded the Ming Dynasty (1368 - 1644), with its capital in
Nanjing. He became known as Hungwu Emperor, Ming Taizu (r. 1368 - 1399).]
4 The Pagmodru, Rinpung, and Tsangpa Hegemonies

House, 1976.]
The Establishment of the Pagmodru Hegemony

Dorjey-gyelpo (1110 - 1170), a highly educated monk from Kham, [disciple of the Kagyu
master Gampopa,] arrived in Central Tibet in 1158. He was given the name "Pagmodrupa"
(Phag-mo gru-pa), meaning "One from Sow's Ferry," since he built a hermitage at a ferry
crossing. This hermitage eventually expanded into the Pagdrui Densatel Monastery
(Phag-gru'i gDan-sa thel or gDan-sa mthil). One of the disciples of Pagmodrupa's disciple
Drigungpa was Chen-nga Rinpoche (sPyan-snga Rin-po-che Grags-pa ' byung-gnas) (1175 1255). He became abbot of the monastery and appointed Dorjey-pel (rDo-rje dpal) of the
Lang (rLangs) family as head of the nearby Nedong (sNe-gdong) estate.
When the thirteen-myriarchy structure was established in 1268, Dorjepal became the Myriarch
Magistrate of Pagmodru. This position remained in the Lang family, where it became
customary for one unmarried son to head both the monastery and the myriarchy. [Thus, the
Lang family played a role in Pagmodru similar to that which the Kon family played in Sakya.
Pagmodru was in U Province, the eastern half of Central Tibet, while Sakya was in Tsang
Province, the western half.]
Jangchub-gyeltsen (1302 - 1364) was born into this Lang family. At twelve years of age, he
began studying Buddhism and administration at Sakya. In 1322, he was appointed by the
Sakya Chief Magistrate as the Pagmodru Myriarch Magistrate, granted the appropriate title
"Tai-situ" in the name of the Yuan emperor, and returned to Nedong. [Thereafter, he became
known as Situ Jangchub-gyeltsen.]
Jangchub-gyeltsen soon began a military campaign to recover land lost to a neighboring
myriarchy. This conflict continued through 1345. The Sakya Chief Magistrate Gyelwa-zangpo
(rGyal-ba bzang-po) was displeased by Jangchub-gyeltsen's persistence in this matter and
dismissed him as myriarch magistrate. Jangchub-gyeltsen refused to step down, even when
Sakya and the surrounding myriarchies allied against him and he was imprisoned and tortured.
The alliance against Jangchub-gyeltsen began to fracture due to increasing jealousy between
Establishment of the Pagmodru Hegemony
24
Sakya Chief Magistrate Gyelwa-zangpo and his Internal Minister Wangtson (Nang-chen
dBang-brtson). Gyelwa-zangpo felt his survival in power depended on finding a strong ally,
and so he offered to restore Jangchub-gyeltsen's freedom and titles for a guarantee that
Jangchub-gyeltsen would not challenge him.
On his release in 1352, Jangchub-gyeltsen reassumed his position in Nedong and immediately
went on the offensive. By 1354, with Gyelwa-zangpo's help, he soon controlled all of U. At a
meeting with the Sakya Lama Kunpangpa (Bla-ma Kun-spangs-pa), Gyelwa-zangpo
apologized to Jangchub-gyeltsen for how he had been treated. This reconciliation did not
agree with Internal Minister Wangtson, who stripped Gyelwa-zangpo of his duties, imprisoned
him, and took over as Sakya Chief Magistrate.
Four years later, in 1358, Wangtson assassinated Lama Kunpangpa. This event, along with a
rumor that Wangtson had poisoned Gyelwa-zangpo, caused Jangchub-gyeltsen to take his
army to Sakya, imprison Wangtson, and replace four hundred court officials and the newly
appointed ruling lama.
The Pagmodru hegemony of Central Tibet (U and Tsang) dates from this coup in 1358. [Some
other Tibetan sources date Jangchub-gyeltsen's release from prison and receipt of the title
"Tai-Situ" at 1347 and the beginning of the Pagmodru hegemony at 1349, when
Jangchub-gyeltsen took over all of U.
In an attempt to reestablish the Tibetan Empire of Songtsen-gampo and Tri Songdetsen,]
Jangchub-gyeltsen then reorganized the thirteen myriarchies into districts (rdzong), each with
a District Magistrate (rdzong-spon). [He himself, as ruler, took the purely Tibetan title "Desi"
(sde-srid), roughly equivalent to "Prime Minister." Following Buddhist principles,] he set a
fixed agricultural tax rate of 1/6 of the crop yield, developed an infrastructure of roads,
bridges, and ferries, and staffed military posts in rough areas to protect travelers from bandits.
Abolishing Mongol law and re-establishing traditional Tibetan law, he instituted a progressive
criminal justice system that investigated crimes before levying one of thirteen levels of
punishment. Previously, the Sakya lamas had followed the Mongol custom of simply
executing suspects without trial.
Throughout his life, Jangchub-gyeltsen's monastic vows remained important to him. For
example, neither women nor wine were permitted into the innermost areas of his palace at
Nedong. When he died in 1364. His nephew Jamyang-shakya-gyeltsen (' Jam-dbyangs
sha-kya rgyal-msthan) (1340 - 1373), also a monk, succeeded him.
The Ming Dynasty's Claim of Being the Heir of the Mongol Rule of
Tibet
Thus, Tibet and China fell under the Mongol Empire at different times, and they gained
independence from that empire at different times.
[Although parts of Amdo were subject to Mongol raids subsequent to Chinggis Khan's
conquest of the Tangut regions in 1227, the Mongols did not establish formal control over the
Tibetan cultural areas of Amdo, Central Tibet, and Kham until 1264 - 1265 CE. This occurred
when Pagpa returned to Central Tibet with Mongol cavalry. Before this time, Tibet was an
independent land. Although not under a unified rule, Tibet was nevertheless not under foreign
rule either.
The Establishment of the Pagmodru Hegemony
25
The independent Southern Song Dynasty of China, on the other hand, succumbed to the
Mongols with the founding of the Mongol Yuan Dynasty in 1271. With the final conquest of
the Southern Song territory in 1279, all traces of an independent China were ended. The
Mongol incorporation into their empire, partially in 1214 and completed in 1234, of the
northern Chinese territories ruled by the Jurchen was not a loss of independent Chinese rule of
Chinese territory.]
Central Tibet's independence from the Mongols came in 1358 with Jangchub-gyaltsen's final
overthrow of Sakya hegemony. China's independence, on the other hand, occurred in 1368,
while Amdo remained under Mongol control until 1370. Kham, with its very sparse
population, was never strongly administered even during the Yuan period. Therefore, it would
be historically inaccurate to conclude that the Ming Dynasty (1368 - 1644) in China inherited
a claim on Tibet from the Mongols. [This is because not only had the Mongols lacked any
vestiges of rule in Central Tibet or Kham when the Ming Dynasty was founded, but also the
Mongol emperors had not even recognized the Pagmodru hegemony while they still held the
Chinese throne.
The History of the Ming Dynasty (Chin. Ming-shi) records the establishment of a District
Military Command Office (Chin. Du zhihui shisi) with jurisdiction over Western and Central
Tibet and Kham, as well as a Pacification Office. Nevertheless, Western scholars, such as
Elliot Sperling ("Did the Early Ming Emperors Attempt to Implement a 'Divide and Rule'
Policy in Tibet?" in Proceedings of the Csoma de Krs Memorial Symposium) and Melvyn
Goldstein (The Snow Lion and the Dragon: China, Tibet and the Dalai Lama), discount that
their officers had any actual authority or were ever even present in Tibet. The Ming history,
after all, was compiled in 1739 by scholars of the subsequent Manchu Qing Dynasty (1644 1912) and, as was the case with most Chinese dynastic histories, written in such a way as to
legitimize the continuity and rule of a new dynasty. Relations between Tibet and China during
the Ming period were primarily limited to the trade of Tibetan horses for Chinese tea, carried
out on the Chinese borders of Kham and Amdo. Ming troops were never present in Tibet.]
Comparison with Ming China's Relations with the Mongols,

Monguors, and the Uriyangkhai, and the Jurchen
The Mongols
[After the fall of the Yuan Dynasty, although many Mongols retreated to Mongolia, many also
remained in China, especially those that had been stationed in China and had assimilated
Chinese ways. A significant number of defeated Mongol troops were incorporated into the
Ming army, some into the Ming bureaucracy. The same was the case with many Uighurs who
had served in the Yuan administration of China. The Ming policy was to further Sinify, as
much as possible, the Mongols and Uighurs who remained in China, including those that had
settled in the border regions between Kham and Sichuan. The Ming Sinification policy did not
encompass the Tibetans, however, since Tibetans had neither served in the Yuan military nor
in the Yuan administration of China, nor had they migrated to parts of Yuan China.
The Ming forces made several attempts to conquer Mongolia. They fought with the Northern
Yuan army on several occasions, and although sometimes the victor, they never gained
sovereignty over Mongolia. The last Ming military expedition to Mongolia was in 1422.
Mongolia remained fragmented into the so-called "forty and four tribes" - forty tribes of
Eastern Mongols and four of Western Mongols.
The Ming Dynasty's Claim of Being the Heir of the Mongol Rule ofTibet
26
In the early fifteenth century, several Eastern Mongol tribes migrated to the south of the Gobi
Desert, in what is present-day Inner Mongolia, and drove out the Chinese immigrants who had
settled there. In contrast, not only did the Ming forces never invade Tibet, they were never
even able to penetrate into Tibetan territory. Moreover, the Tibetans did not drive the Chinese
from their border regions.]
The Monguors
[The situation in the Kokonor and Gansu regions of Amdo vis-a-vis the Ming Chinese differed
from that in Central Tibet and Kham. Under Mongol administration, Central Tibet had been
divided into thirteen myriarchies, while Kham had been sparsely populated and did not require
an elaborate administrative apparatus. Amdo, on the other hand, had a long history of a mixed
population. From before the Mongol period there were Tuyuhun, Uighurs, Tanguts, and the
Tibetans of Tsongka. They fought incessantly with each other.
The Tibetan kingdom of Tsongka had been conquered and incorporated into the Jurchen
Empire in 1182, although the Jurchen never conquered the Tanguts. Several decades later, the
Mongol forces took both the Tsongka and Tangut lands. A significant portion of the
inhabitants in Tsongka, around the Kokonor, Xining, and southwestern Gansu regions of
Amdo, became known as the Monguors. Many scholars assert that the Monguors were
descendents of the Tuyuhun, as evidenced by their Tibetan name "Tu" and their Chinese name
"Turen." Andras Rona-Tas (Tibeto-Mongolica: The Tibetan Loanwords of Monguor and the
Development of the Archaic Tibetan Dialects), however, has argued more convincingly, on
linguistic grounds, that the Monguors were the Mongol descendents of the troops of Kolgen,
Chinggis Khan's sixth son. Many among the Mongol troops, however, undoubtedly
intermarried with local Tsongka Tibetans and Tuyuhun. The Monguors came to play an
important role in the development of Tibetan Buddhism in Amdo.
The Ming forces did not conquer southern Gansu until 1370, two years after the fall of the
Yuan Dynasty. The Monguors there did not retreat to Mongolia as many other Mongols
elsewhere in China had, but rather they surrendered to the invading forces. Monguors were
already quite different from the other Mongol groups at this time, since they had adopted
agriculture. They had even taught farming to the local Amdo Tibetans. Thus they had a vested
interest in remaining in the area and not returning to nomadic life.
Rona-Tas reports that although some Tibetans around Xining also surrendered to the Ming
forces together with the Monguors, the Tibetans around the Kokonor region to the west
fiercely resisted the Chinese forces. The Monguors, however, assisted the Chinese in subduing
a Tibetan uprising there in 1375. Thus, the Monguors continued to dominate the Amdo region
even after the fall of Yuan administration.
Henry Serruys ("The Mongols of Kansu during the Ming," Melanges, vol. 10) reports that
throughout the Ming Dynasty, the Monguor areas of Gansu remained an autonomous region.
The people there did not pay taxes to the central Ming government, just local taxes. The area
had many small villages inhabited by Han Chinese, while the Monguors often lived in
enclaves surrounded by them. Thus, the Monguors could easily be surveilled by Chinese
informants and be reached by Ming forces if necessary. Although Rona-Tas explains that the
Monguors served the Ming government as border guards against the Mongols, Serruys
questions this conclusion. He points out that the Ming army with Mongols in it defended the
borders in Gansu, while the Monguors were responsible for peace in their own territories. The
Monguors also were active in the horse for-tea-trade between China and Tibet, often acting as
The Mongols
27
intermediaries for goods traveling to and from Central Tibet and China.
The situation in Amdo, then, differed considerably from that in Central Tibet and Kham. The
latter two areas did not have Chinese settlers or Mongol descendents living in them, and thus
they lacked any non-Tibetan groups that could cooperate in one way or another with Ming
China.]
The Uriyangkhai
[In 1389, three Eastern Mongol tribes, known collectively as the Uriyangkhai, submitted
themselves to Ming China. Tired of the civil wars that had broken out among all the numerous
Mongol tribes after the fall of the Yuan, they turned to China to help establish stability. Their
soldiers became units of the Ming military system garrisoned in their own territory, which lay
in the region spanning the northeastern corner of present-day Mongolia and northwestern
Manchuria.
Henry Serruys (Sino-Mongol Relations during the Ming, vol. 2: The Tribute System and
Diplomatic Missions, 1400 - 1600) describes that the Ming government treated the
Uriyangkhai as a protectorate serving as a buffer zone outside of China proper. They did not
interfere in internal matters, but rather maintained trade missions with them. Because the
Chinese always feared an alliance of the Uriyangkhai with the other Mongols, they maintained
a friendly policy. As their areas lacked Han Chinese settlers, the Uriyangkhai enjoyed more
independence under the Ming umbrella than did the Monguors.]
The Jurchens
[During the Yuan Dynasty, the Mongols had maintained some military garrisons in
Manchuria, but mostly had let the native Jurchens rule themselves. Unlike the case of Tibet,
however, the Mongols promoted agriculture and mining in Manchuria, in order to profit from
them. After defeating the Mongols, the Ming armies never invaded Manchuria and thus never
held hegemony over it or collected taxes. Rather they maintained trade relations with
Manchuria, especially in order to procure horses, furs, and ginseng.
After 1400, the Ming government made a military arrangement with the Jurchen similar to
that which they had forged with the Uriyangkhai. They regarded the Jurchen and Uriyangkhai
as forming together a territorial unit totally separate from Mongolia or China.
Many Jurchen had adopted forms of Korean Buddhism. Morris Rossabi (The Jurchens in the
Yan and Ming) reports that in order to win more influence over the Jurchen, the Ming court
established a Prefectural Buddhist Registry for Manchuria in 1417, with a Jurchen monk as its
head. As was the case with the bureaucratic apparatus that the Ming created for Tibet, it
performed no actual function.]
The Hongwu Emperor and Founding of the Ming Dynasty

In 1368, the Ming Dynasty replaced the Mongol Yuan Dynasty in China. [The Ming founder,
the Hongwu Emperor, Ming Taizu (r. 1368 - 1399) had been a Buddhist monk for some years
earlier in his life. In 1369, he sent a mission to Central Tibet, but it was turned back. The
second mission, however, led by the envoy Xu Yunde, arrived and informed the Tibetans with
titles and positions granted by the Yuan rulers that the Ming Dynasty reconfirmed them. The
Emperor's envoy invited various great lamas from different schools to the imperial court in
The Monguors
28
Nanjing. Among them was the Fourth Karmapa, who turned down the invitation.]
The Tibetan lamas who were later invited to the Ming court did not have the political status
that those who had earlier attended the Mongol court had held. [Titles, such as "Tai-situ," that
during the Sakya hegemony had carried with them political authority in Tibet were now
merely honorary and had no political significance. The most obvious example was the Fifth
Karmapa's disciple Chokyi-gyeltsen (Chos-kyi rgyal-mtshan) (1377 - 1448), who received the
title " Tai-situ" from the third Ming emperor and became known as the First Tai Situ
Rinpoche.
In fact, the Hongwu Emperor placed restrictions on Buddhist monks in China to limit their
political power. Nevertheless, the Ming founder showed sincere interest in Buddhism. He sent
the Han Chinese monk Zongluo to Tibet between 1378 and 1382 to bring back certain
Buddhist texts. When the Empress died in 1382, he sent Buddhist monks to the courts of the
various princes, to recite sutras on her behalf. These included the Han Chinese monk Daoyan,
whom he sent to the Prince of Yan, in the area of Daidu (Beijing), which was governed by the
prince who eventually became the Yongle Emperor (Yung-lo; Wade-Giles: Yung-lo), Ming
Chengzu (r. 1403-1424).]
The Yongle Emperor and the Fifth Karmapa

[Henry Serruys ("A Manuscript Version of the Legend of the Mongol Ancestry of the Yung-lo
Emperor" in Analytica Mongolica) relates the legend that the Yongle Emperor was actually
born a Mongol, not a Han Chinese. When the Ming founder captured the Yuan capital Daidu,
he had taken as his wife the pregnant queen of the last Yuan emperor. Her son became the
Yongle Emperor. He came to the imperial throne by overthrowing the Hongwu Emperor's
young grandson and successor, the Jianwen Emperor, Ming Huizu (r. 1399 - 1403).
The Yongle Emperor was a great patron of both Chinese scholarship and Buddhism. Soon
after assuming the throne in 1403, he commissioned the compilation of The Great Yongle
Encyclopedia (Chin. Yongle Dadien). It was completed in 1408. In over 11,000 volumes, it
encompassed all fields of learning. Less than 400 volumes have survived to the present.]
Also in 1403, the Yongle Emperor invited to Nanjing the Pagmodru spiritual head,
Dragpa-gyeltsen (1385 - 1432), who later became the Fifth Pagmodru Prime Minister (r. 1409
- 1434). Dragpa-gyeltsen turned down the invitation and so the Emperor invited instead the
Fifth Karmapa (Kar-ma De-bzhin gshegs-pa) (1384-1415). When the young Karmapa arrived
in 1407, he was received with the highest honors.
[According to tradition, upon his attainment of enlightenment, the First Karmapa was
presented with an ethereal black hat crown (dbus-zhva nag-po) by dakinis (mkha'-' gro),
celestial maidens, somewhat akin to "spiritual angels." It was said to have been woven from
the hair of a hundred thousand of their ranks. The Second Karmapa, Karma Pakshi, at the age
of three declared that he had the black hat crown above his head. Thus began the first line of
Reincarnate Lamas (sprul-sku, "tulku") in Tibet.
The Third and Fourth Karmapas also had identified themselves by declaring that they too had
an ethereal black hat crown above their heads. As a symbol of their close bond, the Third
Karmapa had presented a red hat crown (dbus-zhva dmar-po) to one of his main disciples,
Dragpa-senggey, who later became known as the First Zhamar Rinpoche (Zhva-dmar
rTogs-ldan Grags-pa seng-ge) (1284 - 1349).
The Hongwu Emperor and Founding of the Ming Dynasty
29
The Yongle Emperor perceived the ethereal black hat crown above the Fifth Karmapa's head
and presented him with a physical replica of it. The Fifth Karmapa then developed a " Black
Hat Ceremony," in which he put on the hat while totally absorbed on being the human
embodiment of Avalokiteshvara (sPyan-ras-gzigs), the Buddha-figure embodying
compassion.
The Emperor asked the Fifth Karmapa to perform Buddhist ceremonies in honor of his late
parents. According to Elliot Sperling ("The 5th Karma-pa and Some Aspects of the
Relationship between Tibet and the Early Ming" in Tibetan Studies in Honour of Hugh
Richardson), the Yongle Emperor wished to form an alliance with the Karma Kagyu leader
similar to the lama-patron relationship between the Yuan Mongol emperors and the Sakyapas.
The Fifth Karmapa, however, turned him down and left the next year.]
Analysis of the Ming Emperors' Invitations of Tibetan Lamas

The requests by the Ming emperors for Tibetan lamas to visit China and the freedom the
lamas exercised in responding to these requests, characterize the Sino Tibetan relationship at
this time as one of mutual independence.
[The Ming policy that evolved was to grant titles and lavish gifts to any leading lamas who
would accept an invitation to China, regardless of their school affiliation. According to Turrell
Wylie ("Lama Tribute in the Ming Dynasty" in Tibetan Studies in Honour of Hugh
Richardson), this policy was intended to fragment the Tibetan lamas by rewarding all of them
and discouraging any special lama-patron relationship. The aim was to woo the Tibetans away
from forming any further alliance with the Mongols.
Eliot Sperling, however ("Did the Early Ming Emperors Attempt to Implement a ' Divide and
Rule' Policy in Tibet?"), disputes Wylie's analysis. According to Sperling, the Tibetan
religious establishment was already fragmented before the founding of the Ming Dynasty. One
cannot say that Ming influence in Tibet was so great that it helped to maintain that disunity.
For the most part, Ming China was powerless in Tibet.
For example, two years after the Fifth Karmapa's departure, a Tibetan language school was
established in Beijing for training diplomats. The Yongle Emperor had by this time moved the
Ming capital from Nanjing to Beijing. The Chinese envoys that were sent to Tibet, however,
the so-called "Golden Document Holders" (gser-yig-pa), were murdered there. The Fifth
Karmapa negotiated and, in the end, no Chinese troops were sent in. In fact, Ming China was
never able to dispatch any military expeditions beyond the Sino-Tibetan border.]
The Yongle Emperor and Tsongkhapa

The Yongle Emperor twice invited the founder of the Gelug (dGe-lugs) School, Tsongkhapa
(rJe Tsong-kha-pa Blo-bzang grags-pa) (1357-1419), to visit China. Tsongkhapa had arrived
in Central Tibet from his native Amdo in 1372 and, by the reign of the Yongle Emperor, had
gained great prominence. [The Emperor sent as his envoy Houxian, the same official he had
previously sent to invite the Fifth Karmapa.]
[See: A Short Biography of Tsongkhapa {19}.]
Tsongkhapa declined the first invitation in 1409, as he was involved with establishing the first
Monlam (sMon-lam) Prayer Festival in Lhasa with the support of the Pagmodru Prime
The Yongle Emperor and the Fifth Karmapa
30
Minister Dragpa-gyeltsen. In that same year, he also founded what became the first Gelug
monastery, Ganden Monastery (dGa'-ldan dgon-pa).
[See: A Brief History of Ganden Monastery {20}.]
Tsongkhapa therefore sent in his stead his disciple Jamchen Chojey (Byams-chen chos-rje
Sha-kya ye-shes) (1354 - 1435).
[Dieter Schuh ("Wie ist die Einladung des fnften Karma-pa an den Kaiserhof als Fortfhrung
der Tibet-Politik der Mongolen Khane zu verstehen?" in Altaica Collecta) points out that this
invitation followed one year after the Fifth Karmapa's rejection of the Yongle Emperor's
overtures for establishing a lama-patron alliance with one of the religious factions within
Tibet. He suggests that the Emperor sought a similar arrangement now with the rising faction
in Lhasa that would soon become the Gelug School. Jamchen Chojey returned to Lhasa
without entering into any such arrangement.
Perhaps partially to win over the scholarly Tsongkhapa, the Yongle Emperor sent for a
handwritten manuscript of the Kangyur. He then sponsored a block print edition of it in 1410,
in Beijing, and this became known as the " Yongle Kangyur."]
When the Yongle Emperor invited Tsongkhapa to China a second time in 1414 and was again
refused, Jamchen Chojey went once more to the Ming court. Jamchen Chojey became the
Emperor's personal teacher, and was granted many gifts and a highly reverential title. He also
founded the Huangsi (Yellow Temple) monastery in Beijing. [Despite this lama-patron
relationship between Jamchen Chojey and the Yongle Emperor, no political arrangement was
ever concluded between Ming China and the Gelugpas.]
After returning from China, Jamchen founded Sera Monastery (Se-ra dgon-pa) in 1419.
Another of Tsongkhapa's disciples, Jamyang Chojey ('Jam-dbyangs chos-rje bKra-shis
dpal-ldan) (1379 - 1449), had founded Drepung Monastery (' Bras-spungs dgon-pa) three
years earlier, in 1416. Together with Ganden Monastery, they constituted the three major
Gelug monasteries. They were all located around Lhasa, in U Province.
[See: A Brief History of Drepung Monastery {21}.]
[The Yongle Emperor died in 1425, and was succeeded by the Gungyan Emperor, Ming
Renzong, who ruled for less than a year. He was followed by the Zhengtong Emperor, Ming
Yingzong, who held the Ming imperial throne twice, 1436 - 1450 and 1457 - 1465. During his
first reign many changes occurred in Tibet.]
The Rise of the Rinpung Family

Dragpa-gyeltsen died in 1432, and the ensuing conflict between his nephews for control of
Sakya signaled, in 1434, the beginning of the collapse of the Pagmodru hegemony. This year
marked the end of the peaceful period in Central Tibet that had started during the reign of
Jangchub-gyeltsen. It was followed by a century-long power struggle between the Pagmodru
faction, backed by the Gelugpas, in U Province and the Rinpung faction, backed by the Karma
Kagyupas, in Tsang Province.
Under the Pagmodru Prime Minister Dragpa-gyeltsen, Namka-gyeltsen (Nam-mkha'
rgyal-mtshan) had administered the Rinpung and Sakya districts in the Tsang Province of
The Yongle Emperor and Tsongkhapa
31
Central Tibet. As was customary, he took the family name Rinpung (Rin-spungs). In 1435, the
Rinpung family conquered Shigatse (gZhis-ka-rtse), also in Tsang Province, under the
leadership of Dondrub-dorjey (Don-grub rdo-rje). Eventually, much of Tsang allied with the
Rinpung family.
The Oirat Mongol Empire and Its Trade with Ming China
[In this same year, 1435, the Mongols became briefly reunited after their fragmentation
following the fall of the Yuan Dynasty. Power had shifted from the Eastern Mongols,
descending from the line of Chinggis Khan, to the Western Mongols, known collectively as
the Oirat, who had never been under the rule of the Mongol Yuan Empire.
The Oirat consisted of a confederacy of four tribes, several of which were to play an important
role in future Tibetan history. These were the Torgut (later known as the Kalmyks), the
Choros (later known as the Dzungars), the Dorbot, and the Khoshut (Qoshot). Their greatest
leader was Esen Tayisi (r. 1439 - 1454) of the Dorbot tribe. Under him, the Oirat Empire
stretched from East Turkistan to Manchuria and from Siberia to the Great Wall.
The Oirat conducted nearly annual missions to China, trading horses and camels for tea and
silk. The Chinese called these missions "tribute missions," while the Oirat saw them in
economic terms. Buddhist monks headed some of these missions, indicating that Buddhism
still held an important position among the Oirat, although not as strong as during the Yuan
period.
The Oirat missions became so large and the resulting support demanded by them while in
China became so great, that the Ming rulers tried to limit their size in 1442. The Oirat did not
comply and tension increased between the Oirat and the Chinese.]
The Minyag Kingdom in Kham and Its Trade with Ming China
[During this period of rising tensions between the Oirat Mongols and the Ming Chinese, the
populations near in the northwest fault line between the two civilizations felt threatened. This
area spanned northeastern Amdo and southern Gansu, which during the Ming Dynasty
included Ningxia and northern Shaanxi to the east. This was the main focal area of the
horse-for-tea trade between the Tibetan regions and China. Consequently, large migrations out
of this region took place at this time. From the Amdo side, many Tanguts, including their
hereditary king, migrated to Kham, while many Chinese moved to the areas of Sichuan and
Yunnan adjacent to the east of Kham.
Moreover, many Tibetans from Central Tibet also migrated to the Kham area, as trade
dwindled between Tibet and its southern neighbors: Nepal and Muslim-ruled India. Among
them was Lodro-tobden (Blo-gros stobs-ldan) of the powerful Gar family, who settled in
Derge (sDe-dge), northern Kham. The royal line of Derge descends from him.
The Monguors, however, remained in the Amdo area, and supplied information about the
Oirat activities to the Ming government. Serruys ("The Mongols of Kansu during the Ming")
reports that many Mongols moved into these northeastern areas of Amdo during this time.
Presumably, they were Oirat.
The Tangut immigrants established their own Tibetanized kingdom in Kham, known to the
Tibetans as "Minyag" (Mi-nyag). Trading posts developed on the Sino-Minyag border in
The Rise of the Rinpung Family
32
Kham and this area soon supplanted Amdo as the center of the horse-for-tea trade between the
Tibetan regions and China. During the Zhengtong Emperor's first reign, eight missions were
sent from this border region to the Chinese imperial court in Beijing. These were also taxing
on the Chinese economy.
The Karmapa line had been extremely popular among the Tanguts since the times of the First
Karmapa and many successive Karmapas were born in Kham. During his first reign, the
Zhentong Emperor invited the Sixth Karmapa (Kar-ma-pa mThong-ba don-ldan) (1416 1453) to his court, but had been turned down. The Ming Emperor was perhaps still seeking a
Tibetan political ally.]
The Oirat Defeat of Ming China and Its Effect on Chinese

Relations with Tibet
[In 1450, the Oirat, led by Esen Tayisi, attacked China over disputes concerning what the
Oirat viewed as unfair trade policies. The Zhentong Emperor went off to fight the Oirat,
leaving his younger brother temporarily on the imperial throne as the Xuande Emperor, Ming
Xuanzong (1450 - 1457). The Ming forces suffered a massive defeat and the Zhentong
Emperor was taken hostage. Esen Tayisi assumed the title of "Esen Khan." With the Ming
economy extremely battered, the Tibetan missions to China were limited in 1453 by imperial
decree. When no ransom was forthcoming from China, Esen Khan released Zhentong, who
was subsequently imprisoned by his brother.
Esen Khan soon lost his power and was assassinated in 1454. Subsequently, the Oirat
confederacy broke apart, while the Zhentong Emperor staged a coup and retook the Ming
imperial throne. During his second reign, the Zhentong Emperor turned against Buddhism.
The next Ming Emperor, the Chenghua Emperor, Ming Xianzong (r. 1465 - 1487) resumed
exchanging presents with Tibetan lamas. Albert Chan (The Glory and Fall of the Ming
Dynasty) reports that the Emperor invited many monks from Tibet and Mongolia. During his
reign there were thousands of Tibetan monks in the Ming capital. They recited prayers at court
and were treated lavishly, carried everywhere in sedan chairs. Even government officials had
to make way for them. They were also given large grants of land and money to build temples
and monasteries. According to Chan, the extravagant expenditures by the imperial court on
Buddhist monks and rituals and, later, on Daoist rites were one of the main causes for the
eventual downfall of the Ming Dynasty.
The Chenghua Emperor also exchanged presents with the Seventh Karmapa (Kar-ma
Chos-grags rgya-mtsho) (1454 - 1506). Nevertheless, he never invited the Seventh Karmapa
to his court. The Seventh Karmapa, however, was invited to the Minyag court in Kham, where
he stayed from 1467 - 1471 and was highly honored.]
The Fourth Zhamarpa and the Rinpung Incursion into U

The Fourth Zhamar Rinpoche (Zhva-dmar Chos-kyi grags-pa ye-she) (1453 - 1526) was a
contemporary of the Seventh Karmapa. He served as the Chief Counselor to the Rinpung
princes. In 1479, with the sponsorship of Donyo-dorjey (Don-yod rdo-rje) (1462 - 1512) of
the Rinpung family, the Zhamarpa founded Yangpachen Monastery (Yangs-pa-can dgon-pa).
It was situated north of the Karmapas' seat at Tsurpu Monastery outside of Lhasa and became
the seat of the Zhamar line.
The Minyag Kingdom in Kham and Its Trade with Ming China
33
[Lhasa and likewise Tsurpu lay in U Province, where Pagmodru was also located. Although
the Fourth Zhamar Rinpoche was born in and allied with the Rinpung faction in Tsang, he
wished to gain a foothold in U. The Gelugpas had already gained a foothold in Tsang when
Tsongkhapa's disciple, Gyelwa Gendun-drub (rGyal-ba Ge-'dun grub) (1391-1474),
posthumously named the First Dalai Lama, had founded Tashilhunpo Monastery (bKra-shis
lhun-po dgon-pa) there in 1447. Tashilhunpo had been built on the outskirts of Shigatse,
which had been under Rinpung jurisdiction since 1435.]
Donyo-dorjey and the Fourth Zhamarpa then wanted also to sponsor a new monastery for the
Karmapa in Lhasa. This was in accord with the wishes of the Seventh Karmapa. Their
application, however, was refused by the Gelug Magistrate of Lhasa. Instead, the monastery
was begun outside of Lhasa, but it was destroyed by Gelug monks from Sera and Drepung
Monasteries.
[Since the establishment of the annual Monlam Prayer Festival in Lhasa, the Gelugpas had
maintained jurisdiction in Lhasa. It seems that the Karma Kagyu faction, especially with the
political backing of the Fourth Zhamarpa, wanted to challenge the Gelugpas' hold over Lhasa
and their influence in U by building even more monasteries in and around the city.]
In 1480, Donyo-dorjey led a retaliatory attack against U, prevailing in several small districts
before continuing to Nedong. His attack on Lhasa in 1481 did not succeed. But, as the
Rinpung family now controlled both U and Tsang, the Pagmodru family still ensconced as
figureheads in Nedong had no real power. The Pagmodru, however, continued to support the
Gelugpas.
In 1485, the Rinpung army attacked the district of Gyantse (rGyang-rtse) in Tsang, to
complete their hold on Tsang Province, but was defeated. They tried again in 1488 and, this
time, they were successful. In 1492, Donyo-dorjey invaded U again, capturing three districts,
and in 1498 he captured Lhasa, remaining in power there until 1517. During this period, from
1498 to 1517, due to Donyo-dorjey's support and under the lead of the Fourth Zhamarpa,
monks at Drepung and Sera were barred from celebrating the Monlam Prayer Festival in
Lhasa.
In 1517, the Rinpung faction withdrew from Lhasa, as the Pagmodru faction temporarily
received support from the Drigung Kagyupas. This allowed the Gelug monks to resume
celebration of the Monlam Prayer Festival.
Dayan Khan and the Preoccupation of Ming China with the

Mongol Threat to the North
[Meanwhile in Mongolia, after the breakup of the Oirat confederacy in 1454, the Eastern
Mongols elected Markorgis, a descendent of Chinggis Khan, as their khan. His nephew,
Dayan Khan (1464 - 1524) succeeded in reuniting all six Eastern Mongol tribes after
becoming Khan in 1487. The six tribes, often referred to as the "Six Myriarchies of Dayan
Khan," were comprised of the three Right-Wing tribes (the Ordos, Yongshiyebu, and Tumed)
in the west and the three Left-Wing tribes (Chakhar, Khalkha, and Uriyangkhai) in the east.
The Uriyangkhai had previously formed independent units of the Ming military, stationed in
northwestern Manchuria.
At about the same time as Dayan Khan became Grand Khan of the Eastern Mongols,] the next
Ming Emperor, the Hengzhi Emperor, Ming Laozong (r. 1488-1506) ascended the throne. He
The Fourth Zhamarpa and the Rinpung Incursion into U
34
paid no attention to events in Tibet, as he was fully occupied with the Mongol threat that
Dayan Khan posed to the north of China. [Dayan Khan had sent an envoy to establish trade
relations with China, but the Ming Emperor had the envoy killed. This prompted Dayan Khan
to send military expeditions against China.]
The Zhengde Emperor's Overtures to the Eighth Karmapa

[The next Ming Emperor, the Zhengde Emperor, Ming Wuzong (r. 1506 - 1521), ascended the
imperial throne in the same year as the Eighth Karmapa (Kar-ma Mi-bskyod rdo-rje) (1506 1554) was born in Kham. The Emperor gave himself the Buddhist title of "Dharmaraja"
(Dharma King) and sent a mission to Tibet to invite a great lama to his court. The party was
attacked and robbed on route and never succeeded in reaching Tibet.
The Zhende Emperor considered himself in some way as a second incarnation of the Seventh
Karmapa, like one being a speech emanation and the other being a mind emanation. He took
the Tibetan name Rinchen-pelden (Rin-chen dpal-ldan) and sent a letter of invitation to the
ten-year-old Eighth Karmapa in 1516. In it, he explained that the two of them had a deep
karmic relation. The young Karmapa declined the invitation and withdrew from Kham to
Central Tibet.
Albert Chan relates that the Zhengde Emperor nevertheless had large numbers of Tibetan
monks at his court and often dressed as a Tibetan monk himself. He even studied Buddhist
texts in Tibetan. Like the Hengzhi Emperor, however, the Zhende Emperor did not become
involved with affairs in Central Tibet.
The next Ming emperor, the Jiaqing Emperor, Ming Shizong (r. 1522 - 1566) reacted against
the Buddhist excesses of his two predecessors and favored Daoism instead. He not only
degraded the Tibetan lamas, but also suppressed Buddhism. Tibetan lamas rarely went to
China after this, although they still maintained some connection with China.]
The Migration of Mongol Tribes to Amdo and the Establishment of

the Tsangpa Hegemony
[After Dayan Khan's death in 1524, the rift between the Right- and Left-Wing tribes began
once more. Two of these Western Mongol tribes, the Tumed and the Khalkha, would play
major roles in the events that subsequently unfolded in Tibet.] The Tumed Mongols ruled in
the Ordos region of what later became "Inner Mongolia." They gradually extended their
domain into northeastern Amdo, since the local Tibetan overlords were involved in squabbles
among themselves.
Meanwhile, in Central Tibet, the Rinpung rulers continued in power in Tsang. In 1548, the
Rinpung Prime Minister Ngawang-namgyel (sDe-srid Ngag-dbang rnam-rgyal) appointed
Zhingshag Tseten-dorjey (Zhing-shag Tshe-brtan rdo-rje) as Governor of Tsang at Shigatse.
Starting in 1557, Tseten-dorjey rebelled against the Rinpung authorities, overthrowing them
and declaring himself King of Tsang in 1565. Gradually, he took over most of Tsang and
eventually U as well. Thus began the Tsang hegemony. [Just as the Fourth Zhamarpa
supported the Rinpung rulers, now the Fifth Zhamarpa (Zhva-dmar dKon-mchog yan-lag)
(1525 - 1583) became the chief advisor of the King of Tsang.]
Dayan Khan and the Preoccupation of Ming China with theMongol Threat to the North
35
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buddhism_tibet / details_tibetan_history / history_early_period_buddhism_tibet / Part_1.html
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1 The Empire of the Early Kings of Tibet

The Early Yarlung Kings