What Is International Humanitarian Law (IHL)
What Is International Humanitarian Law (IHL)
What Is International Humanitarian Law (IHL)
That branch of Public International Law which governs armed conflicts to the end that the use of
violence is limited and that human suffering is mitigated or reduced by limiting the means of
military operations and by protecting persons who do not or no longer participate in the
hostilities.
This used to be referred to as "The Laws of War". The cornerstone of IHL is the Principle of
Distinction. Under this principle, persons engaged in armed conflicts must, at all times,
distinguish between civilians and combatants and between civilian objects and military
objectives.
The 6 principal legal instruments of IHL are: The Four Geneva Conventions of 1949, and the
Two Additional Protocols of 1977.
Following the Principle of Distinction, "Combatants" are those directly engaged in the armed
conflicts like members of the regular armed forces, members of the irregular forces (guerillas
and militias), the levee en masse, officers and crew of merchant marine vessels who forcibly
resist attack.
Combatants when captured, should be treated as Prisoners of War (POWs), who have rights
under IHL.
However, there are combatants who are non-privileged, like spies, saboteurs, mercenaries
(soldiers for a fee). They are non-privileged, because when captured they should not be entitled
to be treated as Prisoners of War although they have that minimum right to a hearing.
other items of their respective appropriations. (Sec. 5[5], Art. VI, 1987 Constitution)
Cross-border transfer of funds is not allowed. Example: Savings from any of the executive
offices (like the Office of the President) may not be transferred to augment appropriations for
any of the Constitutional Commissions, like the Commission on Audit (COA) or the Civil Service
Commission (CSC). This is known as the cross-border transfer of funds which is prohibited.
This is one reason why the Disbursement Acceleration Program (DAP) was declared
unconstitutional by the SC. There was an unauthorized cross-border transfer of funds.
regulation, may not be achieved by means that unnecessarily sweep its subject broadly, thereby
invading the area of protected freedoms.
Should the provision of the Cybercrime Prevention Act of 2012 (R.A. 10175) penalizing Data
Interference (the intentional or reckless alteration, damaging, deletion or deterioration of
computer data, electronic document, or electronic data message, without right, including the
introduction or transmission of viruses) be declared unconstitutional applying the overbreadth
doctrine, as it intrudes into the area of protected speech and expression, creating a chilling and
deterrent effect on these guaranteed freedoms?
No. The provision does not encroach on these freedoms at all. It simply punishes what
essentially is a form of vandalism, the act of willfully destroying without right the things that
belong to others, in this case their computer data, electronic document, or electronic data
message. Such act has no connection to guaranteed freedoms. There is no freedom to destroy
other peoples computer systems and private documents.
All penal laws, like the cybercrime law, have an inherent chilling effect, an in terrorem effect or
the fear of possible prosecution that hangs on the heads of citizens who are minded to step
beyond the boundaries of what is proper. But to prevent the State from legislating criminal laws
because they instill such kind of fear is to render the State powerless in addressing and
penalizing socially harmful conduct. Here, the chilling effect that results in paralysis is an illusion
since the provision clearly describes the evil that it seeks to punish and creates no tendency to
intimidate the free exercise of ones constitutional rights.
Besides, the overbreadth doctrine places on petitioners the heavy burden of proving that under
no set of circumstances will the provision will be valid. (Disini, Jr., et al. v. The Secretary of
Justice, G.R. No. 203335, Feb. 11, 2014, En Banc [Abad])
necessary to achieve a compelling state interest and that it is the least restrictive means to
protect such interest. Later, the strict scrutiny standard was used to assess the validity of laws
dealing with the regulation of speech, gender, or race as well as others fundamental rights, as
expansion from its earlier applications to equal protection. (Disini, Jr., et al. v. The Secretary of
Justice, G.R. No. 203335, Feb. 11, 2014, En Banc [Abad])
From the above, it is clear that the strict scrutiny standard is employed by the Court to test the
validity of laws that are alleged to have violated the equal protection clause guaranteed by the
Bill of Right although later its application was expanded to apply as well to assess the validity
of laws dealing with the regulation of speech, gender, or race as well as other fundamental
rights.
In the Disini case cited above (involving the challenge to the provision of the Cybercrime
Prevention Act of 2012 [R.A 10175] penalizing illegal access to computer systems), the Court
did not apply this standard since no fundamental freedom like speech is involved in punishing
what is essentially a condemnable act accessing the computer system of another without
right.
In that same case, the Court has an occasion to clarify also that the Cybercrime law will not
jeopardize the work of ethical hackers (those who employ tools and techniques used by criminal
hackers but would neither damage the target systems nor steal; information).
----What is a get out of jail free card?
It is a stipulation in an agreement between a client and an ethical hacker defining the extent of
the search, the methods to be used, and the system to be tested by the latter. (Disini, Jr., et al. v.
The Secretary of Justice, G.R. No. 203335, Feb. 11, 2014, En Banc [Abad])
The Rule-Making Power of the Supreme Court (Sec. 5[5], Art. VIII, 1987 Constitution)
Among the powers of the Supreme Court is the power to promulgate rules concerning the
protection and enforcement of constitutional rights, pleading, practice, and procedure in all
courts, admission to the practice of law, the integrated bar, and legal assistance to the
underprivileged.
Considering that the GSIS, under its Charter (Sec. 39 of RA 8291), is exempt from all taxes,
assessments, fees, charges or duties of all kinds, is it also exempt from the payment of legal
fees?
No. The provision in its Charter exempting the GSIS from all taxes, assessments, fees, charges
or duties of all kinds cannot operate to exempt it from the payment of legal fees. This was
because, unlike the 1935 and 1973 Constitutions, which empowered Congress to repeal, alter or
supplement the rules of the Supreme Court concerning pleading, practice and procedure, the
1987 Constitution removed this power from Congress. Hence, the Supreme Court now has the
sole authority to promulgate rules concerning pleading, practice and procedure in all courts. Any
exemption from the payment of legal fees granted by the Congress to government-owned or
controlled corporations (GOCCs) and local government units (LGUs) will necessarily reduce the
Judiciary Development Fund (JDF) and the SAJF. Undoubtedly, such situation is constitutionally
infirm for it impairs the Courts guaranteed fiscal autonomy and erodes its independence. (GSIS
v. Heirs of Fernando P. Caballero, 632 SCRA 5 [2010])
Filipinos in recognition of their tremendous contributions to the national economy. It is but fair
that their voices should be heard on who should be our leaders.
The local authority may not validly refuse to issue the permit, or change the venue of the rally,
without informing the applicant of the reason for the refusal to issue the permit or change the
venue of the rally. To do so without informing the applicant, would constitute grave abuse of
discretion on his part. (IBP v Mayor Atienza)
BP 880 is merely a content-neutral regulation. It does not prohibit the holding of rallies or public
assemblies; it merely regulates. (Bayan v Exec. Sec. Ermita)
The Calibrated Pre-emptive Response (CPR) policy adopted by the Arroyo administration in
dealing with rallies or public assemblies which, according to Exec. Sec. Ermita simply means
the strict implementation of the "no permit, no rally rule," is a superfluity if it means no more than
"maximum tolerance" defined by BP 880, as it will only confuse people. However, if it means
more than "maximum tolerance" as defined by BP 880, then it is unconstitutional, as it violates
freedom of expression. (Bayan v Exec. Sec. Ermita)
"Maximum tolerance" means the highest degree of restraint that the police, the law enforcement
officers and the military must observe in dealing with rallies or public assemblies, or in the
dispersals thereof, so that under this rule, for as long as the demonstrators are unarmed or they
do not exhibit overt acts of violence, although they tend to be unruly, or their speeches show to
be incendiary, provocative, inflammatory, that is not enough justification for the dispersal of the
rally or for the arrest of the demonstrators. Obviously the Public Assembly Act (BP 880) adheres
to the clear and present danger rule.
Limitation on the term of office of Elective Local Officials (Section 8, Article X, 1987
Constitution).
The term of office of local elective officials, except barangay officials which shall be determined
by law, shall be 3 years and no such official shall serve for more than 3 consecutive terms.
Renunciation of office for any length of time shall not be considered an interruption in the
continuity of the service for the full term for which he was elected.
For this provision to apply, 2 conditions must concur: first, that the local official concerned must
have been elected for 3 consecutive terms to the same office, and second, that he was able to
fully serve 3 consecutive terms. Absent 1 or both of these conditions, the disqualification may
not yet apply. (Borja jr. v Comelec)
There are 2 policies embodied in this Constitutional provision: first, to prevent the establishment
of political dynasties and, second, to enhance the freedom of choice of the people. (Borja jr. v
Comelec)
Service of the recall term, since it is less than 3 years, is not to be considered as one full term
for the purpose of applying the disqualification under Section 8, Article X of the 1987
Constitution. (Mendoza v Comelec, December 17, 2002)
To constitute an interruption in the continuity of service it must involve loss of title to the office;
mere inability to perform the functions appurtenant to the office however short, is not an
interruption. When one is placed under preventive suspension, he still remains to be mayor
although in the meantime he may not be able to perform the functions appurtenant to the office
because of a legal prohibition, thus, he still remains to be mayor; hence the vice mayor will
assume office not as mayor but merely as acting mayor. There is no interruption of his term as
mayor. (Aldovino jr. v Comelec)
When during his 2nd term as kagawad, sangguniang bayan, he assumed office as vice mayor
due to the retirement of the vice mayor, that is not equivalent to voluntary renunciation of office
and therefore constitutes an interruption in the continuity of service as kagawad, sangguniang
bayan, that made him qualified to run again as kagawad, sangguniang bayan, for the fourth
time. (Montebon v Comelec)
Recent issue: The President is requesting for emergency powers to address the acute
power shortage that the country may experience in the coming years.
Constitutional provision to consider (Section 23 (2), Article VI, 1987 Constitution)
Comment on the provision: The President may not validly exercise emergency powers motu
proprio. There must be a law enacted by Congress authorizing the President to exercise
emergency powers.
Requisites for Congress to validly delegate emergency powers to the President:
1. There must be war or other national emergency;
2. The delegation must be for a limited period only;
3. It is always subject to such restrictions as Congress may prescribe; and
4. It must be pursuant to a declared national policy.
If Congress will delegate emergency power to the President, a law is required for the purpose.
However, if Congress would like to withdraw or revoke the delegated emergency power to the
President, another law is no longer required; a mere resolution from Congress will suffice.