Aronowitz, Alexis A., Human Trafficking, Human Misery
Aronowitz, Alexis A., Human Trafficking, Human Misery
Aronowitz, Alexis A., Human Trafficking, Human Misery
Recent Title in
Global Crime and Justice
Outsmarting the Terrorists
Ronald V. Clarke and Graeme R. Newman
HUMAN TRAFFICKING,
HUMAN MISERY
The Global Trade in
Human Beings
ALEXIS A. ARONOWITZ
Global Crime and Justice
Graeme R. Newman, Series Editor
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Aronowitz, Alexis A., 1956
Human trafcking, human misery : the global trade in human
beings / Alexis A. Aronowitz.
p. cm. (Global crime and justice, ISSN 1931-7239)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-275-99481-5 (alk. paper)
1. Human trafcking. 2. Human smuggling. 3. Human trafcking
Prevention. 4. Human smugglingPrevention. I. Title.
HQ281.A76 2009
364.1
0
37dc22 2008045310
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data is available.
Copyright ' 2009 by Alexis A. Aronowitz
All rights reserved. No portion of this book may be
reproduced, by any process or technique, without the
express written consent of the publisher.
Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 2008045310
ISBN: 978-0-275-99481-5
ISSN: 1931-7239
First published in 2009
Praeger Publishers, 88 Post Road West, Westport, CT 06881
An imprint of Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc.
www.praeger.com
Printed in the United States of America
The paper used in this book complies with the
Permanent Paper Standard issued by the National
Information Standards Organization (Z39.48-1984).
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
This book is dedicated to the victims of human trafcking and
all those who are working to make a difference in their lives.
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Contents
Series Foreword ix
Preface xi
Acknowledgments xiii
Acronyms and Abbreviations xv
1. What Is Human Trafcking? 1
2. Human Trafcking: How Serious Is the Problem? 15
3. Contrasting Perspectives on Human Trafcking 23
4. Victims of Trafcking 31
5. The Trafckers: Their Methods of Operation and Organization
Structure 51
6. Regional Trafcking Patterns 77
7. Hidden Forms of Human Trafcking 103
8. New Opportunities for Trafcking 129
9. Ending Human Trafcking 145
Appendix 1. Risk Factors of Child Trafcking 163
Appendix 2. Trafcking Patterns by Region, Subregion, and Country 165
Appendix 3. Human Trafcking Indicators 215
Notes 221
References 249
Index 275
viii CONTENTS
Series Foreword
HOW FITTING THAT one of the rst books in this new Praeger series Global
Crime and Justice should be on human trafcking, the global crime of the
twenty-rst century. Though how disappointing that human trafcking is not
recognized as a crime in every part of the world, and that its global nature
dees nations that outlaw it and challenges international governmental and
nongovernmental efforts to police it. And how shocking it is that slaverya
global enterprise for centuriesstill exists, ying in the face of its heralded
abolition in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Human trafcking is a
very, very old practice, feeding very, very old vices.
In this thoroughly researched book, Alexis Aronowitz exposes the human
misery of trafcking, examining every nook and cranny of its practice. She
shows how innocent families and their children, looking for a better life, are
tricked and exploited into the nether world of modern slaverya world
in which they live hidden, yet in plain sight of those who benet from the
services they providethe indentured sex, domestic, farm, garment, and
factory workers.
One cannot doubt the authenticity of this book, the best documented
exposition on human trafcking available, presented by an author whose years
of experience in interviewing stakeholders and victims as she researched
human trafcking in many parts of the world shines through. The message is
clear enough, repeated on just about every page (and it needs to be): Readers,
wake up. Nations and international organizations, do more. Governments and
authorities, acknowledge the victim status of trafcked persons, regardless of
whether they are legal or illegal immigrants, and even if they are the latter,
know that they are victims rst, offenders last.
All those who read this book will be forced to ask themselves: how civil
are we? If the question elicits an honest answer, it may be painful ; but even
then, the pain of honesty is better than the consequences of hypocrisy.
Graeme R. Newman
Philadelphia, August 2008
x SERIES FOREWORD
Preface
FOR A PERIOD of over ve years, I worked in various capacities for the United
Nations Interregional Crime and Justice Research Institute and the United
Nations Ofce on Drugs and Crime as a researcher and consultant on human
trafcking projects in the Philippines, the Czech Republic, Benin, Nigeria,
and Togo. My work for the United Nations brought me to these countries on
numerous occasions. I returned to Nigeria while working as a consultant for
Winrock International and visited Albania while carrying out an assessment
on trafcking for Management Systems International in that country in 2003.
All of these missions involved meetings with stakeholders in the country
from high-ranking government ofcials, to police ofcers and immigration of-
cials, representatives of local nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and inter-
national and intergovernmental organizations, and trafcked victims. We heard
moving stories from those who were working with the young victims in an NGO
in Beninof how children had died of starvation and hunger while in transit to
Gabon and how children on the boat were told to dispose of the corpses. We
spoke to two child victims of trafcking and their parents at an NGO in Togo.
The parents, poor and uneducated, explained to us how they only wanted to pro-
vide their young sons with an education and thought they were doing the right
thing when they gave the children to the care of a man who promised to educate
them. In Nigeria I spoke with a nine-year-old child who didnt know which vil-
lage or country she had come from. At the age of six, her older sister had left her
with a family in Nigeria to become a domestic slave. In Albania, while visiting a
shelter run by the International Organization for Migration for repatriated traf-
cked victims, I sat in the living room and spoke to the young women in English,
German, Dutch, and Italian. I could speak those languages because I had lived,
studied, or worked in those countries. They spoke those languages because they,
too, had worked in those countriesas prostitutes. After I left, it suddenly
dawned on me that perhaps they thought I, too, had been trafcked and thats
why I lived in so many countries to which they had traveled and spoke some of
the same languages. How different our lives were.
To look into the eyes of a trafcked victim or survivor and to hear their
stories is an unforgettable experienceone that should be passed on so that
others can become aware of their plight and the plight of millions of others
like them around the world. They are terrible, moving stories, yet many peo-
ple, perhaps most, have difculty in accepting the clear fact that slavery and
bondage still exist in the twenty-rst century, as U.N. Secretary General Ko
Anan noted in 2006. Ambassador John R. Miller, Ambassador-at-Large on
International Slavery in a speech presenting the U.S. State Departments 2006
Trafcking in Persons Report, further noted: Here we are in the twenty-rst
century and were talking about slavery. Wouldnt this be a shock to our abo-
litionist ancestors who thought they nished the job back in the 19th cen-
tury.
1
The U.S. State Department estimates that up to 800,000 people,
primarily women and children, are trafcked across national borders while
millions more are victims of trafcking within their own countries each year.
2
This is a crime of violence, and an inconceivable violation of human rights
and dignity. We talk of trafcking in terms of the sheer number of persons
exploited or the amount of money generated by the trafcking practice. But
behind every number and every dollar, pound, euro, ruble, rupee, or yen is a
story of human misery.
This book combines scientic, academic, and government reports; studies
generated by nongovernmental, international, and intergovernmental organiza-
tions; popular literature and media; and the authors experience coordinating
research and conducting trafcking assessments in various countries to pro-
vide the reader with a deeper understanding of human trafcking. The reader
will come to understand why victims are lured into dangerous situations, who
is behind the trafcking networks, and why it is so difcult to determine the
extent of the crime. Victims and their stories provide an understanding of how
and why this crime occurred and the impact it had on their lives. More
unusual forms of trafckingin child soldiers, mail-order brides, and trafck-
ing in human beings for their organs and illegal adoptionswill be exposed.
The book examines new markets and opportunities for trafcking as a result
of the growth of the Internet, international travel, military operations, sport-
ing events, and natural disasters. The last chapter presents good practices
and the role played by various stakeholders in the prevention, enforcement, and
victim assistance projects in an unceasing battle to stem the tide of human trafcking.
xii PREFACE
Acknowledgments
I WOULD LIKE to thank the United Nations Interregional Crime and Justice
Research Institute and the United Nations Ofce on Drugs and Crime for the
opportunity to work on a number of U.N. trafcking projects and for the invi-
tation to attend the UN.GIFT (Global Initiative to Fight Human Trafcking)
Vienna Forum to Fight Human Trafcking. Special gratitude goes to all those
with whom I spoke during my years of work on trafcking in various coun-
tries. Their knowledge, experiences, and opinions have shaped my understand-
ing of human trafcking and have left a deep impression on menot only for
the horror of victims stories, but also for the dedication and commitment
shown by those working to help them. My appreciation goes to University
College Utrecht, which gave me research time to work on the book.
I am grateful to Graeme Newman, my mentor, for suggestions on
improvements to earlier versions of the manuscript, and to my niece Shavon,
for her assistance with the Index.
Most importantly, thanks to Gert-Jan, Marilyn, Julius, Jay and Andree
(and their children, Jenna, Jeboa, Shavon, Tony and Jason)my sources of
love, support and friendship, past, present and future.
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Acronyms and Abbreviations
APLE Action Pour Les Enfants
ASEAN Association of Southeast Asian Nations
BKA Bundeskriminalamt (German Federal Criminal Police)
BNRM Bureau National Rapporteur Mensenhandel (Bureau of the Dutch
National Rapporteur on Trafcking in Human Beings)
CETS Child Exploitation Tracking System
CIS Commonwealth of Independent States
CRC Child Rights Committee (Pakistan)
CTM Counter-Trafcking Module [database]
DPKO Department of Peace Keeping Operations
ECPAT End Child Prostitution, Child Pornography and the Trafcking of
Children
ELN National Liberation Army (Colombia)
EU European Union
EUROPOL European Law Enforcement Organisation
EXIT End Exploitation and Trafcking
FARC Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia
FBI Federal Bureau of Investigation
FUC United Front for Change (Chad)
ICE Immigration and Customs Enforcement
ICMEC International Centre for Missing and Exploited Children
ICMPD International Centre for Migration Policy Development
ICT information and communication technology
IJM International Justice Mission
ILO International Labour Organization
IMBRA International Marriage Broker Regulation Act
INTERPOL International Police Organization
IOM International Organization for Migration
IPTF International Police Task Force
LAC Latin America and the Caribbean
LRA Lords Resistance Army (Uganda)
LTTE Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (Sri Lanka)
MOHAN Multi Organ Harvesting Aid Network Foundation
MP3 Digital Audio Player
MTV Music Television
NAPTIP National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafc in Persons and Other
Related Matters (Nigeria)
NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization
NGO nongovernmental organization
OAS Organization of American States
OHCHR Ofce of the High Commissioner for Human Rights
OSCE Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
PSO Peace Support Operation
SEE South-Eastern Europe
SFOR Stabilization Force
SIUT Sind Institute for Urology and Transplantation
SPLA Sudan Peoples Liberation Army (Sudan)
TVPA Trafcking Victims Protection Act
UNDP United Nations Development Program
UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientic and Cultural Organization
UN.GIFT United Nations Global Initiative to Fight Human Trafcking
UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
UNICEF United Nations Childrens Fund
UNICRI United Nations Interregional Crime and Justice Research Institute
UNIFEM United Nations Development Fund for Women
UNMIBH United Nations Mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina
UNMIK United Nations Mission in Kosovo
UNODC United Nations Ofce on Drugs and Crime
UNOHCHR United Nations Ofce for the High Commission on Human Rights
xvi ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS
1
What Is Human Trafcking?
THIS CHAPTER BEGINS by dening human trafcking and smuggling, discussing
the similarities and differences between the two, and examines trafcking as a
process rather than a single crime. While trafcking and smuggling are both
forms of irregular migration and share some similarities, there are stark differ-
ences, particularly for the persons upon arrival at their destination. A distinc-
tion will also be made between internal and transborder trafcking, followed
by a discussion of push and pull factors. This is particularly pertinent
because the push and pull factors that affect illegal migration and smuggling
also affect human trafcking.
TRAFFICKING DEFINED
Since the ratication of the United Nations Trafcking Protocol,
1
there is
almost universal agreement on the denition of human trafcking. The United
Nations denes human trafcking as follows:
[T]he recruitment, transportation, transfer, harboring or receipt of persons, by
means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of
fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of
the giving or receiving of payments or benets to achieve the consent of a person
having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation. Exploitation
shall include, at a minimum, the exploitation of the prostitution of others or other
forms of sexual exploitation, forced labor or services, slavery or practices similar
to slavery, servitude or the removal of organs.
Trafcking must comprise
1. an action (recruitment, transportation, transfer, harboring, or reception of
persons) ;
2. through means of (threat or use of force, coercion, abduction, fraud, decep-
tion, abuse of power or vulnerability, or giving payments or benets to a
person in control of the victim); and
3. goals (for exploitation or the purpose of exploitation, which includes exploit-
ing the prostitution of others, other forms of sexual exploitation, forced labor
or services, slavery or similar practices, and the removal of organs).
One element from each of the above must be present for trafcking to occur.
Special protection is extended to children under the age of 18. The
recruitment, transportation, transfer, harboring, or receipt of a child for the
purpose of exploitation is considered trafcking in persons, even if it does not
involve any of the means set forth above.
2
Coercion and Deception
The U.N. Trafcking Protocol is clear concerning its view toward children.
Questions, however, arise with respect to how one interprets the terms coer-
cion and deception when adults are involved. It is a misconception that all
trafcked victims have been recruited under false pretenses and that they had
no idea what they would be facing upon arrival in the destination country.
Just as the source countries and the areas of exploitation differ, so too do the
amount and kind of information that victims are given concerning their work
and living conditions upon arrival in the destination country. Various promises
are made to victims of trafcking to obtain their consent, and the knowledge
of what awaits them in the destination country varies from one victim to the
other. The nature of victimization can best be understood when it is viewed
on a continuum ranging from complete coercion to lesser forms of deception.
Complete coercion exists when victims have been abducted. However, coer-
cion occurs rarely with adults trafcked for labor and sexual exploitation, and
seldom in most instances involving child labor. There are exceptions, though,
involving cases of kidnapping of children. According to human rights activists,
Romanian children are drugged into submission so that they can be forced to
beg in metro stations and underground pedestrian walkways of major European
cities.
3
Other cases involve the kidnapping of both young boys and girls for use
as child soldiers and sex slaves to service the outlawed militias and renegade
military units. Children trafcked for labor in other parts of the world, however,
are often sold by their parents or freely given to trafckers in the false belief that
the children will receive an education or job training.
Deception occurs when individuals have been promised jobs in the legiti-
mate economy as nannies or domestic servants, hotel chamber maids, or
unskilled workers only to nd themselves forced into sexual slavery. Decep-
tion through half-truths occurs when individuals are told they will be working
in the entertainment industry as dancers or strippers. These women may
suspect there will be some sexual contact with customers but are unaware of
the fact that they will be forced into prostitution.
A lesser form of deception involves women who are aware before depar-
ture that they will be working as prostitutes but are unaware of the extent to
which they will be exploited, controlled, intimidated, and indebted.
4
Studies
have found that, even in prostitution, some women are willing collaborators.
5
Women are willingly brought to another country to knowingly work in prosti-
tution because they are told their wages will be much higher in the destination
2 HUMAN TRAFFICKING, HUMAN MISERY: THE GLOBAL TRADE IN HUMAN BEINGS
country than in the country of origin. This fact was supported by a representa-
tive of a Saint Petersburg (the Russian Federation)
*
human rights organization
who reports that, as a rule, victims are informed now about where they are
going and what they will be doing. She conrms that the proportion of girls
and women who have consented to working in the sex industry is growing,
but few realize that when they arrive and begin working, they will be locked
behind bars.
6
Even though a woman may willingly agree to working in prosti-
tution, when she is forced to turn over most or all of her wages to her trafck-
ers, or buy back her passport at an exorbitant fee, or when she is not free
to leave the premises, determine her working conditions, or quit her job, then
she, too, is exploited and is a victim of trafcking.
Coercion is a complex issue. Not all victims of trafcking are physically
restrained and constantly controlled. For many, the coercion is more psychologi-
cal than physical. The threat of violence or of being reported to immigration
ofcials as an illegal migrant keeps many trafcked victims in line and prevents
them for seeking assistance from the authorities. According to Anti-Slavery
International, coercion exists in any situation in which the person involved has
no real and acceptable alternative but to submit to the abuse involved.
7
Condi-
tions in sweatshops or in the agricultural sector may resemble slavery-like prac-
tices, but workers may endure these conditions on a voluntary basis, earning
more in a wealthy destination country than at home in their countries of origin.
The International Labour Organization (ILO) reports that this
appears to be the case of clandestine Chinese workers in France, who work long
hours in heavily indebted circumstances for a number of years, in order to repay
the advances they have received in their places of origin. Despite the appalling
conditions, the exploited Chinese workers may see the light at the end of the tun-
nel. They may know that this is a nite period of suffering, a sacrice that parents
are willing to make for their children.
8
SMUGGLING DEFINED
Smuggling of migrants has been dened by the United Nations as the pro-
curement, in order to obtain, directly or indirectly, a nancial or other mate-
rial benet, of the illegal entry of a person into a State Party of which the
person is not a national or a permanent resident.
9
Inherent in the denition
of smuggling is the crossing of international borders. If an individual pays
transportation costs prior to departure and, upon entering the destination coun-
try, terminates his or her relationship with the transporter, the individual has
been smuggled. The individual then enters the destination country and applies
for asylum or, as an illegal migrant, seeks work in the shadow economy.
*The Russian Federation and Russia will be used interchangeably throughout the text.
WHAT IS HUMAN TRAFFICKING? 3
Both illegal migrants and trafcked victims may have been recruited or
may have approached someone to assist them in entering another country.
Smuggled persons generally pay the entire amount owed prior to departure.
Trafcked persons may pay a percentage of the trip prior to departure and
incur a debt for the remainder. It is this debt that puts them at the mercy of
their trafckers. The difference between smuggled individuals and trafcked
persons may be apparent only when the journey has ended. If the person is
not able to exercise self-determination and nds him- or herself in a situation
of exploitation, what may have begun as a smuggling operation has then
turned into a situation of trafcking.
Smuggling is not without its perils. Boatloads of African migrants depart-
ing from Libya and Tunisia have attempted to reach the Italian island of Lamp-
edusa or the Spanish Canary Islands. According to data from the Italian Interior
Ministry, migrant landings in southern Italy almost doubled between 2004 and
2005, from 13,000 to 23,000of which at least 10,000 landed in Lampedusa in
2005. Figures had already reached 11,000 in the rst seven months of 2006.
10
The Canary Islands witnessed a ood of 30,000 migrants in 2006. Not all sur-
vive the dangerous trip, and newspaper accounts and reports by international
organizations regularly document their deaths in trying to reach Europe. The
Mauritanian Red Crescent estimates that 1,200 migrants died at sea in a ve-
month period between November 2005 and March 2006.
11
The International
Organization for Migration (IOM) estimates that up to 3,000 persons, including
women and children, have died attempting to cross by boat to Europe.
12
The
United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) reported that knife-
wielding smugglers forced 450 Somalis and Ethiopian refugees overboard into
stormy seas off the coast of the Republic of Yemen. Twenty-nine people died
and another 71 were reported missing.
13
The United States faces a similar prob-
lem with illegal migrants attempting to cross the Arizona desert. Between Octo-
ber 1, 2005, and September 15, 2006, 426 people died while illegally crossing
the border; the death toll since 1994 is reported at about 3,700.
14
The story of one young Nigerian woman (case 1.1) hoping to nd a good job
in Italy exemplies the perils to which smuggled and trafcked persons are
exposed in their attempt to illegally enter the European Union in search of work.
What began with the promise of a plane trip and a good job, resulted in a two-
year-long harrowing trip to Italy lled with violence and death only to be exposed
to exploitation upon arrival. This victims story exemplies the dangers to which
many African victims are exposed on their way to the promised land.
15
(IL)LEGAL MIGRATION
Trafcking and smuggling, while different, are in fact intricately intertwined.
Migrants may depart their own country legally or illegally and enter the desti-
nation country as legal or illegal migrants. The legal status of departure and
4 HUMAN TRAFFICKING, HUMAN MISERY: THE GLOBAL TRADE IN HUMAN BEINGS
entry into the destination country may determine whether an individual travels
independently or uses the services of a smuggler/trafcker. An individual may
depart his or her country with a passport and necessary visa to enter the desti-
nation country to visit family members, work, or study. When the visa expires
and the individual chooses to remain in the destination country, he then
Case 1.1. The Story of a Nigerian Woman
A 25-year-old female victim of human trafcking was attracted by the offer to travel
abroad because she was from a polygamous family where there was much poverty and
suffering. The trip began in 2000. After having been informed that she and the others
in her group would travel by air to Italy, she joined ve others to leave Nigeria
through Kano in the north. From Kano, the group entered the Niger Republic and trav-
eled to Zinde and Tamaraset where they spent 10 days in the Sahara desert ; for three
of those days, there was no food or water to eat or drink. The group spent a month
and half at Tamaraset. From there they proceeded to Regan, Gadaya, and Oran, and
eventually arrived in Algeria where they were joined by more Nigerian girls who had
arrived there earlier. Together they spent another month waiting. During the trip,
which was undertaken by land through North Africa, many in their entourage died in
the desert. The group trekked for seven days to get to Morocco from Algeria.
The victim was exposed to violence and death throughout her trip. She reported
nearly being shot dead. While in Algeria, a security operative shot at the group and the
bullet grazed her body. It hit a pregnant woman who was severely injured and had to be
rushed to an Algerian hospital for treatment. While trying to avoid being arrested by the
Moroccan police, one of the boys in the group was crushed to death while attempting
to jump onto a moving train, while another member of the group lost a leg while trying to
jump from a moving train. At a certain stage during the journey, the group had to travel
by water and another Nigerian boy drowned.
16
When the group reached a place called
Regan, another companion died, and a female member of the group who became pregnant
attempted to abort her pregnancy and died in the process. During this part of the journey,
35 people were packed like sardines inside a jeep. One of the girls was stabbed with scis-
sors over a small disagreement, and she also died. Furthermore, a quarrel between the
heads of the Yoruba and Ibo trafcking gangs resulted in the latter being stabbed to death.
According to the victim, although only six of the young women left Nigeria
together, the group swelled to 106 when they got to Morocco. Out of 106 of the group
who set out for the journey from Algeria, only about 100 made it to Spain.
The victim spent two months in Madrid and later proceeded to Italy in 2002. When
eventually she arrived in Italy with the expectation that she would get a decent job, she
was handed over to a woman, forced into prostitution, and told by the madam that
she had to refund the sum of $35,000 which was purportedly spent to get her into Italy.
Eight months after having arrived in Italy, she was arrested by a security patrol
team while she was on her way to buy something from a nearby shop. By then she
had already reimbursed $25,000 of the debt imposed on her before she was arrested
and deported to Nigeria on September 19, 2002.
WHAT IS HUMAN TRAFFICKING? 5
becomes an illegal alien. A person may depart his or her country with the
necessary legal documents, destroy these while on board an airline, and seek
asylum in the destination country (legal departure, illegal entry). A person
departing his or her country of origin illegally (without papers or with forged
or illegal documents) often uses the service of a smuggler or trafcker to (ille-
gally) enter the destination country. The illegal status can change if the person
applies for and is granted asylum. Any time the status of a person in the desti-
nation country is that of an illegal, the person is in danger of being
exploited. Table 1.1 shows the status of persons upon departing their country
of origin and entering into or remaining in the destination country.
Migrants may enter a country legally or illegally and may have control over
their own lives. Table 1.1 shows that once people reside illegally in a country,
they are at risk of exploitation. The smuggled person or illegal migrant, however,
exercises enough autonomy to leave and seek out a less exploitive situation. The
trafcked victim remains exploited until their debt has been paid off (in some
cases, this never occurs), or until he or she escapes, is rescued, or dies.
THE MIGRATION-SMUGGLING-TRAFFICKING NEXUS
Both smuggling and trafcking are forms of irregular migration. Although
they differ, they do share some common elements. Both smuggled and
Table 1.1 Status of Departure from Source and Residence in Destination Country
Entry into Destination Country
Legal Illegal
Departure
from Country
of Origin
Legal All papers are legitimate; if
legal status expires, immigra-
tion violation; if seeking
work in shadow economy
there is risk of exploitation
Legal papers destroyed prior
to entry; may seek asylum;
exit legal but may attempt to
enter country illegally; if
seeking work in the shadow
economy there is risk of
exploitation
Illegal Departure from source coun-
try without papers; forged
papers obtained in transit
country; is granted legal
entry to country (albeit with
illegal papers); legal status
in destination country (until
forgery uncovered); may
obtain legal employment
Risk of trafcking or exploi-
tation; may be granted asy-
lum or special permission to
reside legally in destination
country
Source: Aronowitz (2003a).
6 HUMAN TRAFFICKING, HUMAN MISERY: THE GLOBAL TRADE IN HUMAN BEINGS
trafcked individuals often leave a country of origin willingly. Additionally,
because their status in the country of destination is that of an illegal alien,
both smuggled and trafcked persons are at risk of being exploited. When
migrants voluntarily use the services of smugglers only to nd themselves in
coercive situations, they have then become trafcked victims. Where initial
consent is invalidated through the use of deception or coercion, a voluntary
trip on the part of the migrant, who may in fact have sought out the services
of the smuggler, is easily transformed into a situation of trafcking.
17
Even if the entire sum of money is paid in full prior to departure, this
does not guarantee that a person will not be trafcked and exploited. In a
study conducted under the supervision of the United Nations Interregional
Crime and Justice Research Institute (UNICRI) in the Philippines, two men
paid the entire sum of their journey prior to departure, having been promised
work in a factory making paper bags. Upon arrival in Malaysia, they were
sold to a plantation owner, imprisoned on the premises, and their salary was
withheld.
18
The most important difference between trafcked victims and
smuggled persons is that smuggled persons, even if they are living and work-
ing under exploitive conditions, are free to leave and look for better opportu-
nities. Trafcked victims are not so fortunate. They are at the mercy of those
to whom they must repay a debt or to those who have seized their documenta-
tion or are threatening to harm their families back home.
Other differences between trafcked victims and smuggled persons are their
legal status in the country of destination once they have come to the attention
of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) or enforcement agencies. Trafcked
persons are (or should be considered) victims and entitled in many countries to
special protection. Illegal migrants, unless they are granted asylum, are consid-
ered violators of immigration law and subject to arrest and deportation. Table
1.2 claries the differences between trafcked and smuggled persons.
Internal and Transborder Trafcking
Internal trafcking occurs as well, and possibly to an even greater extent in
many countries, than transnational trafcking. It is the subsequent exploitation,
and not the crossing of international borders, that denes trafcking of human
beings. When trafcking is international, only cooperation between source,
transit, and destination countries will ensure success in eradicating the problem.
Some studies have attempted to generate estimates on the degree to which
trafcking is a domestic rather than an international problem. In a study by
Free the Slaves on child trafcking in Northern India, the organization reports
that [t]he U.S. State Department estimates that 200,000 people are trafcked
into, within or through India annually. Within this gure, it is believed that
only 10% of human trafcking in India is international, while almost 90% is
inter-state.
19
The problem of internal trafcking is also recognized in India
and many West African countries in which children and young women are
WHAT IS HUMAN TRAFFICKING? 7
trafcked for forced labor and prostitution. Internal trafcking of children is
documented in a United Nations Childrens Fund (UNICEF) report on child
trafcking. The Innocenti Research Centre reports that [k]nowledge of cross-
border trafcking in Africa is signicantly higher than that concerning move-
ments within countries.
20
Research in the Netherlands has identied a pattern of internal trafcking
whereby young Dutch girls, usually teenagers, are courted by older men.
The young woman is showered with gifts and after having fallen in love,
her boyfriend then announces to her that he needs money. The loverboy
convinces the young woman to have sex with other men to help him nan-
cially. After having won her over, the loverboy will use psychological and
emotional inuence, threats, intimidation, blackmail, and violence to manipu-
late and control his victim. While this loverboy technique is used to recruit
Dutch teenagers into prostitution in the Netherlands,
21
it is a technique also
used by men to lure girls and young women from their homes into prostitution
in other countries. The IOM in Tirana, Albania, explained that one of the
most successful recruitment patterns was for men to date young women in
Table 1.2 Differences between Human Trafficking and Smuggling
Trafcking Smuggling
Force is used or consent is obtained
through fraud, deception, or coercion
(actual, perceived, or implied), unless
under 18 years of age; the person being
trafcked may or may not cooperate
The person being smuggled generally
cooperates and consents to the smuggling
Forced labor and/or exploitation There is generally no actual or implied
coercion*
Persons trafcked are victims Persons smuggled are violating the law;
by law they are not victims
Enslaved, subjected to limited move-
ment or isolation, documents may have
been conscated
Persons are free to leave, change jobs, etc.
Need not involve the actual or physical
movement of the victim
Facilitates the illegal entry of person(s)
from one country into another
No requirement to cross an international
border; trafcking can occur within a
country
Smuggling always crosses an international
border
Persons are exploited in labor/services
or commercial sex acts, i.e., must be
working
Person must be attempting illegal entry or
only be in country illegally
Note: *Smuggled persons may be subject to coercion or force during the transportation phase but
not upon entry into the destination country and not by the persons who facilitated their journey.
Source: Adapted from U.S. Department of State (2006b).
8 HUMAN TRAFFICKING, HUMAN MISERY: THE GLOBAL TRADE IN HUMAN BEINGS
small villages, offer to marry them and bring them to a beautiful home in
Italy as a new young bride. Instead, the women were subjected to extreme
violence and forced into prostitution upon their arrival in Italy.
22
TRAFFICKING AS A PROCESS
The trafcking of human beings can be viewed as a process rather than a single
offense. The rst stage involves the abduction or recruitment of a person fol-
lowed by the transportation and entry of the individual into another country (in
the case of transborder trafcking). The third phase is the exploitation phase
during which the victim is forced into sexual or labor servitude. An additional
phase may occur, one which involves the offender and is common to any large-
scale criminal organization: the laundering of criminal proceeds. In studying
trafcking from a law enforcement perspective, there may be further links to
other criminal offenses, such as the smuggling of weapons or drugs.
23
During the trafcking process, a number of crimes can be committed.
According to Europol (the European Law Enforcement Organization), some of
these are instrumental criminal activities that are perpetrated in direct further-
ance of the trafcking activity.
24
Examples of these crimes are corruption of
government ofcials, forced prostitution, and violence associated with main-
taining control over victims. Other crimes, such as money laundering and tax
evasion, are secondary, and occur as a result of the trafcking activity.
As the trafcking process moves along through each of its phases, differ-
ent crimes are linked to that particular phase. To further rene our understand-
ing of trafcking, it is necessary to understand the victim against whom the
crime is being perpetratedthat is, the individual victim or the State. The
organization of the trafcking operation and sophistication of the criminal
groups involved therein will determine the number and types of offenses per-
petrated. The operations can be as simple as the smuggling and subsequent
trafcking of a single victim by an individual over a border without proper
documentation by vehicle or foot, to highly sophisticated operations moving
large numbers of persons, using forged documents, corrupting government
ofcials, and generating huge prots that subsequently must be laundered.
Crimes perpetrated against individual victims during the trafcking proc-
ess include threats, extortion, theft of documents or property, false imprison-
ment, aggravated or sexual assault, pimping, rape, and even death. Offenses
against the State include abuse of immigration laws, document forgery, cor-
ruption of government ofcials, money laundering, and tax evasion.
25
It can
be questioned whether or not the State can be viewed as a victim. The unre-
strained inux of persons entering a country illegally may result in an increase
in vice or criminal activities. Corruption of its government ofcials leads to
the moral and legal deterioration of a government, possibly leading to addi-
tional criminal activities on the part of corrupt ofcials.
WHAT IS HUMAN TRAFFICKING? 9
Figure 1.1 illustrates the trafcking process and the various offenses per-
petrated during different phases, while indicating whether the victim is the
individual who has been trafcked or the state itself, or both.
The trafcking phases remain the same for all victims. Barring a kidnap-
ping, violence is seldom perpetrated against the victim during the recruitment
phase. Victims are generally recruited through promises of an education, a
good job, or marriage. During the transportation phase, victims of domestic
trafcking will be held in the same city or village or will be moved within
their country. Victims of international trafcking will be transported across
borders, increasing the possibility that forged documents or corruption of gov-
ernment ofcials is necessary to facilitate the activity. Violence may be used
during the transportation phase to maintain control over the victims. It is gen-
erally not until the arrival at the destination (the exploitation phase) that the
trafcker begins the reign of terror against the victim.
Studies carried out by UNICRI in Nigeria and the Philippines show
two completely different trafcking practices. The majority of victims traf-
cked from the Philippines traveled by air and arrived at their destination
within a few hours. During the transport phase, victims were sometimes
housed in (luxury) hotels. Their exploitation began only after arrival in the
destination country.
26
The picture that emerges from Nigeria is completely
different. In a study of Nigerian women and young girls trafcked to Italy,
the author reports that
The sexual exploitation of victims starts from Nigeria, especially in Lagos where
trafckers keep victims for up to two weeks. Some of the victims are raped by
trafckers and groomed or taught how to service male clients before they com-
mence their journey abroad. Along the routes, especially when victims travel by
land, victims are also sexually exploited, some of the victims end up becoming
Figure 1.1 Trafficking in Human Beings as a Process and Other Related Crimes
Recruitment
Transportation
and Entry Exploitation Criminal Proceeds
* Fraudulent promises * Assault * Unlawful coercion Money laundering
* Kidnapping * False imprisonment * Threat Tax evasion
Document forgery * Rape * Extortion Corruption of government
officials *Forced prostitution *Forced prostitution
Corruption of government * False imprisonment
officials * Theft of documents
Document forgery * Sexual assault
Abuse of immigration laws * Aggravated assault
* Rape
* Manslaughter or murder
Corruption of government
officials
Note: *Italics indicate offences perpetrated against the individual victims.
Source: Adapted from Aronowitz (2003a, 29).
10 HUMAN TRAFFICKING, HUMAN MISERY: THE GLOBAL TRADE IN HUMAN BEINGS
pregnant (one of the victims interviewed was two months pregnant by the time
she arrived in Italy). Many victims have to engage in prostitution during the jour-
ney to survive. The survey team was told the story of a Nigerian victim who
delivered twins along the route, after spending nearly a year on the road. She
lost her life when their boat capsized as they were trying to cross from Morocco
to Spain.
27
A classic case of trafcking involves people working together from the rst
phase of recruitment to the last phase of exploitation. A woman approaches a
person whom she hopes will smuggle her abroad, or is approached by someone
who promises her a well-paying job in a restaurant. The trafcker either smug-
gles the young woman and forces her into prostitution or hands her over to
someone else who facilitates her illegal entry into the destination country. At
that point, the young woman is sold to a brothel owner who forces her into pros-
titution and, after having made a prot, may sell her to another brothel owner.
The concept of trafcking recognizes the process to which the victim has been
subjected as more than the sum of its parts (deception, abduction, false impris-
onment, assault, rape, slavery-like employment practices, etc.), it allows us to
identify the man who befriended and betrayed the girl, and all those who
colluded with him along the way, as fully implicated in her abuse.
28
PUSH AND PULL FACTORS
Migration, whether legal or illegal, is driven by push and pull factors.
The reasons why people leave their country of origin (push factors) either
through legitimate or illicit channels are the same. Countries of origin are tra-
ditionally developing nations or those in a state of transition. Migration takes
place from rural to municipal areas, from poorer to wealthier, more stable
countries.
Push factors include the following:
29
Inadequate employment opportunities, combined with poor living condi-
tions, a lack of basic education and poor health services;
Political and economic insecurity, which may be caused by mismanage-
ment, nepotism or political corruption, conict, environmental disaster, or
structural adjustment policies resulting in the rising cost of living, in
higher unemployment. and a lack of public services;
Discrimination (ethnic, gender, or caste) excluding certain persons from
the employment sector; and
Dissolution of the family (possibly as the result of sickness, HIV/AIDS,
the death of one or both parents) which may compel the remaining family
member(s) to migrate or send children away to work and help support
the family.
WHAT IS HUMAN TRAFFICKING? 11
The pull of promises of a better future is powerful. The following have
been identied as pull factors:
30
Increased ease of travel (cheaper and faster travel opportunities, easier
access to passports);
Higher salaries and standard of living in larger cities and countries abroad
(greater possibilities for acquiring new skills and education, increased job
opportunity, and mobility);
Established migration routes and ethnic, national communities in destina-
tion countries;
Active demand for migrant workers in destination countries combined with
the existence of recruitment agencies and persons willing to facilitate jobs
and travel ; and
High expectations of opportunities in other countries boosted by global
media and Internet access, and stories of returning migrants or those
whose families have proted from the remittances.
The root causes of migrationboth licit and illicitlay in the unstable
political, social, and economic conditions in countries or origin. Other causes
include rapid growth of the population, high unemployment, abject poverty,
internal conicts resulting in civil disorder and widespread violence, unstable
or oppressive political regimes, and grave violations of human rights.
31
Economic crises have fueled migration from Russia, Central and Eastern
Europe, and Asia. Regional conicts were the cause of migration from areas
such as Kosovo, the former Yugoslavia, the Congo, Darfur, and Sudan. Politi-
cal and religious persecution is the push factor from nations such as China
*
and Russia.
32
Since the beginning of the war in 2003 and the resulting politi-
cal instability and insecurity in Iraq, the United Nations estimates that 2 mil-
lion people have ed the country. Over 20,000 Iraqis have entered Sweden,
many on forged European passports purchased in Istanbul.
33
Technological and communications advances, as well as open borders that
facilitate the ow of goods also facilitate the ow of people. Closed borders
may exacerbate illegal migration, which in turn may facilitate trafcking.
In an exploratory test of a theory of global trafcking, an expert on slavery
and human trafcking compiled a number of factors to empirically test which
variables are signicant predictors of trafcking from (the push factors) and to
(the pull factors) a country. The research identied the following push predic-
tors, rank ordered, from a country: (1) government corruption, (2) high infant
mortality, (3) a very young population, (4) low food production (an indication of
poverty), and (5) conict and social unrest.
34
The pull factors predicting trafcking to a country were less conclu-
sive. The permeability of the countrys border is a strong indicator of a pull
*China and the Peoples Republic of China will be used interchangeably throughout the text.
12 HUMAN TRAFFICKING, HUMAN MISERY: THE GLOBAL TRADE IN HUMAN BEINGS
factor, and this may be related to government corruption, particularly within
border control or immigration agencies. Other factors, rank ordered, predicting
the pull of a country were as follows: (1) the male population over the age
of 60, (2) (low) governmental corruption, (3) food production, (4) energy
consumption, and (5) (low) infant mortality, all of which are indicators of
economic well-being of the destination country.
35
LINK BETWEEN SENDING AND RECEIVING COUNTRY
A link can sometimes be found between sending and receiving countries.
These links are inuenced by a number of factors, such as the trafckers use
of the local knowledge, key locations, and weaknesses in border or migration
control
36
or the ease in crossing borders.
37
This link is apparent in child traf-
cking in many West African nations. Tribal ties are much stronger than
national allegiance. A common language and tribal history (the Yoruba tribe
can be found on both sides of the Nigeria-Benin border); the long, unguarded
border; and the rural setting of these nations facilitate the trafcking of Beni-
nese children into Nigerian rock quarries. Other determining factors are the
presence and tolerance of an extensive sex industry, historical and colonial links
between countries,
38
and the existence of a large immigrant population. With
respect to Nigeria, destination countries appear to be linked to the recruiting
and sending state within Nigeria and are divided up by Nigerian ethnic groups.
According to an Interpol ofcer interviewed in a United Nations study, [w]hile
Edo State citizens monopolize the Schengen states, especially Italy, Spain and
the Netherlands, the Yorubas and the Ibos dominate the United Kingdom and
the U.S.A. Northern women dominate the Saudi Arabia route.
39
CONCLUDING REMARKS
This chapter has dened trafcking and has examined a number of issues cen-
tral to the problemthat of consent, violence, and fraud, as well as push and
pull factors. The misconception that trafcking involves the crossing of
international borders was discussed, as well as the use that trafckers make
of local migrant communities in various countries in which they trafc
their victims.
There is often confusion between smuggled persons and trafcked vic-
tims. Trafcking and smuggling, while clearly different crimes, are closely
related. A person who thinks he or she is paying for safe passage and illegal
entry into a country may be tricked into paying off a huge debt and forced
into exploitive labor conditions. Alternatively, a person who is being traf-
cked rst may be smuggled into a country before being forced to work under
WHAT IS HUMAN TRAFFICKING? 13
exploitive conditions. With the growth of regional alliances (the European
Union, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations) and relaxed visa require-
ments, it is becoming easier for persons to legally enter a destination country.
These individuals still may be trafcked and exploited after having entered a
country through legitimate means.
The next chapter will examine what we know about the prevalence of
trafcking and the number of persons subjected to this modern-day slavery.
14 HUMAN TRAFFICKING, HUMAN MISERY: THE GLOBAL TRADE IN HUMAN BEINGS
2
Human Trafcking: How Serious
Is the Problem?
IT IS UNDISPUTED that trafcking of persons is a serious problem, but just how
serious is it ? This section examines what we know, and why what we know
may not portray the true numbers. Drawing on research and data obtained
from organizations ranging from ofcial government bodies to nongovernmen-
tal and international organizations, the following review presents what is
known about the magnitude of human trafcking. Numbers of human trafck-
ing victims are notoriously inaccurate and estimates may range to a high
10 times that of the minimum.
DIFFICULTY IN MEASURING THE PROBLEM
1
Because of its clandestine nature and the hidden economies in which traf-
cked victims are forced to work, accurate statistics on the magnitude of the
problem are elusive and available statistics are notoriously unreliable. A num-
ber of reports have documented the difculty in obtaining accurate statistics
on the number of trafcked victims. In a report on sex trafcking in Central
America and the Caribbean carried out by the International Human Rights
Law Institute, the report states that,
In view of the clandestine and criminal nature of the phenomenon, the inadequate
monitoring by law enforcement agencies, and public confusion about the nature
of the problem, accurate quantitative data on the trafcking for sexual exploitation
was impossible to obtain. In fact, available quantitative data was purely specula-
tive and based on extrapolations.
2
The absence of trafcking legislation, or legislation dening human trafcking
only in terms of sexual exploitation, or the failure to include internal trafcking of
their own citizens under human trafcking violations, further adds to the confu-
sion in trying to compile accurate trafcking statistics.
3
Where good legislation is
in place, the lack of political will, inexperience in conducting investigations and
prosecutions, and corrupt practices contribute to minimal successes in the identi-
cation of victims and the arrest and prosecution of trafckers.
4
Compounding the problem in obtaining reliable statistics is the fact that
victims rarely report their victimization and often are unwilling to cooperate
with law enforcement ofcials if identied and rescued. This is due to a num-
ber of reasons. Fear of reprisal from trafckers, lack of trust in the authorities,
the belief that the authorities cannot or will not help, rejection by their fami-
lies, and lack of opportunities in their home countries cause many women to
refuse to cooperate with authorities in destination countries. Victims may not
see themselves as being exploited, particularly if they are in love with their
trafcker/pimp or, in spite of exploitation, if they are earning more than they
could in their own country.
5
Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), international agencies, and gov-
ernments provide different kind of data, which often are not comparable.
6
This means that the police may record presumed trafcked victims based
on the number of rescues of those found working in bars, brothels, massage
parlors, farms, factories, or as domestic servants. Immigration ofcials may
register cases of trafcking based on interceptionsthe number of persons
caught trying to leave or enter a country illegally (either without proper docu-
mentation or with fraudulent papers). NGOs, international organizations, and
embassies often count trafcked persons based on the number of persons to
whom they have provided assistance or who have been repatriated.
7
MAGNITUDE OF THE PROBLEM
Trafcking statistics provided by organizations on the number of trafcked
victims are either estimates of trafcking in the country or region, or are made
up of statistics based on what is known by governments, NGOs, and interna-
tional organizations. Estimates vary widely and the methodology used to
arrive at these gures is not always explained. The following sections provide
estimates on human trafcking and illustrate the difference between estimates
and actual numbers.
Estimates of Trafcking
The U.S. Department of State estimates that between around 800,000 children,
women, and men are trafcked across international borders each year
8
(some
NGOs and international organizations place the number far higher). Other esti-
mates range from 4 to 27 million, and [e]stimates that include global intra-
country trafcking in persons range from two to four million.
9
Within the United States, gures are much smaller. The U.S. State Depart-
ment calculated that between 14,500 and 17,500 trafcked victims enter the
United States each year.
10
This gure is down from the estimate of 45,000 to
50,000, which included women and children alone, in the year 2000. This reduc-
tion in the number of estimated victims in the United States has been attributed
to the U.S. governments improvement in the methodology used to calculate the
16 HUMAN TRAFFICKING, HUMAN MISERY: THE GLOBAL TRADE IN HUMAN BEINGS
ow of trafcking victimsnot to a reduction in the actual number of victims.
The methodology used to calculate the gures is not explained.
11
In a study on labor exploitation in the United States, 131 incidents of traf-
cking for forced labor between January 1998 and December 2003 were iden-
tied. The number of victims involved was reported in 105 of the cases. A
total of 19,254 victims were identied. The study goes on to report that
experts interviewed revealed that individuals kept in forced labor are held on
average for a period of two to ve years, suggesting that 10,000 or more indi-
viduals are held in forced labor in the United States at any given time.
12
The International Labour Organization (ILO) estimates that the mini-
mum number of persons in forced labor at a given time as a result of trafck-
ing is 2.45 million.
13
This gure represents only 20 percent of the estimated
total number of persons in forced labor worldwide.
14
There are large geo-
graphic differences between regions, with Asia and the Pacic accounting for
more than half of the total gure (1.36 million trafcked persons in forced
labor). Additionally, in Asia, Latin America, and Sub-Saharan Africa the pro-
portion of trafcked victims is below 20 percent of total forced labor, while
in industrial and transition countries, as well as in North Africa and the Mid-
dle East, trafcking accounts for 75 percent of the forced labor. In other areas,
namely, in the United States, Canada, and Western Europe, trafcking is the
main avenue into forced labor. Table 2.1 presents the regional distribution of
trafcked forced laborers.
The United Nations Educational, Scientic and Cultural Organization
(UNESCO) maintains a Trafcking Statistics Project, which attempts to ascer-
tain the methodology used by other sources to calculate their trafcking statis-
tics with the aim of evaluating their validity.
15
UNESCO provides a data
comparison sheet on worldwide trafcking estimates by organizations.
16
The
gures vary by year and organization and, in some cases, estimate the total
number of persons or disaggregate the data into specic groups (children,
Table 2.1 Number of People in Forced Labor as a Result of Trafficking
Region People Trafcked
Asia and the Pacic 1,360,000
Industrial Countries 270,000
Latin America and the Caribbean 250,000
Middle East and North Africa 230,000
Transition Countries 200,000
Sub-Saharan Africa 130,000
World 2,450,000
Source: ILO (2005, table 1.2, 14).
HUMAN TRAFFICKING: HOW SERIOUS IS THE PROBLEM? 17
women, or women and children). Estimates for persons trafcked appear to
range from a low of around 2 million to a high of 4 million.
Estimates versus Actual Numbers
Huge discrepancies exist between the number of actual victims identied and
estimates projected by government agencies. This was made clear in a paper
presented at a United Nations workshop on trafcking in human beings.
17
Estimates placed the number of trafcked women and children in the United
States at 45,00050,000, while the number of documented cases was 38
involving 5,500 women for the year 19992000. Both the Netherlands and
Belgium estimated between 1,000 and 3,000 victims, while the number of
documented cases was 287 in the Netherlands in 1999, and 270 in Belgium in
the year 2000.
18
Germany estimated the annual number of victims at 2,000 to
20,000; in the year 2000, 926 victims were registered.
19
According to the
Joint Committee on Human Rights in its report to the British Parliament, the
U.K. Home Ofce estimates 4,000 victims of trafcking for prostitution annu-
ally. At the same time, the Committee states,
Referrals from the Poppy Project in some ways provide the most reliable gures
on the numbers of identied victims of trafcking for prostitution in the UK,
since they relate to the actual women who have been encountered. Between
March 2003 and May 2006, 489 referrals were made to the scheme.
20
The Dutch National Rapporteur on Trafcking in Human Beings estimates
that only 5 percent of victims report their victimization or come to the attention
of government authorities.
21
In a study of the magnitude of trafcking in the
United Kingdom, the researchers, based on 71 known cases, extrapolate the
actual gure at between 142 and 1,420 cases annually.
22
In a report for the Inter-
national Organization for Migration (IOM) on the trafcking of women and chil-
dren from the Russian Federation, the author states, [t]he number of women
and children who have become victims is unknown, but it is estimated to be in
the tens-of-thousands and possibly the hundreds-of-thousands.
23
In general, the
proportion of the number of identied victims out of the estimated totals varies
considerably between countries, but is somewhere between 5 and 10 percent.
24
There are a number of criticisms of trafcking estimates. First, the meth-
odology for computing the estimates is rarely given. Reports also often fail to
indicate whether estimates are annual gures or cover a period of several
years.
25
Furthermore, the ranges are often wide with a high of 10 times that
of the low estimate.
There is a danger is using estimates, particularly when it is unclear how
an organization arrived at the gure. According to UNESCO,
Numbers take on a life of their own, gaining acceptance through repetition, often
with little inquiry into their derivations. Journalists, bowing to the pressures of
18 HUMAN TRAFFICKING, HUMAN MISERY: THE GLOBAL TRADE IN HUMAN BEINGS
editors, demand numbers, any number. Organizations feel compelled to supply
them, lending false precisions and spurious authority to many reports.
26
To support this argument, UNESCO reported that the widely cited gure
of 5,0007,000 Nepalese girls trafcked each year to India rst appeared in
1986, and that this was the gure most often quoted until one organization felt
it grossly underestimated the problem. One NGO changed the gure to 5000
to 7000 Nepalese girls are trafcked to India every day.
27
Overstating the Problem
It is not uncommon for countries to combine statistics on illegal migration,
smuggling, migrant sex workers, and trafcking. Statistics collected by police
and immigration ofcials often are not segregated by age or gender.
28
Even
when they are separated, it may be difcult to determine whether individuals
stopped at a border are being smuggled (in or out of the country) or are being
trafcked.
29
Statistics on repatriationsthose deported from a country and
sent back to their country of originoften include illegal migrants (and possi-
ble trafckers) as well as trafcked victims. The Nigeria Immigration Service
for the years 20022004 reported 31,277 repatriations (data disaggregated by
gender and adults/children).
30
Many of those repatriated were returned from
countries known as destination countries for trafcked Nigerian women and
children, but it is still impossible, barring the children, to determine the status
of those returning to Nigeria. This confusion between illegal migrants and
trafcked victims and their inclusion into a single group can increase the
number of potential victims.
This problem was documented by the European Commission in a study
conducted in 2001 to determine the scale of the problem of child trafcking
into the European Union. The United Nations Childrens Fund (UNICEF)
reported that during the period 1999 to 2000, a total of 33,402 unaccompanied
minors came to the attention of authorities. This group included child asylum
seekers, minors who had entered the country illegally, as well as a number
who were within the protection system of one of the member states. A per-
centage of these children could have been trafcked, but it is impossible to
determine what percentage of those children would have ended up as
exploited trafcked victims.
31
In the Netherlands, 716 unaccompanied minors who had applied for asy-
lum disappeared from reception centers in 2004, almost double the number of
children who disappeared from centers in 2003. The independent National
Rapporteur on Trafcking in Human Beings believes that some of these chil-
dren are trafcked through or into the Netherlands and are being exploited in
prostitution, as domestic servants, in restaurants, or as drug couriers or thieves
forced to work for criminal organizations.
32
It is unclear how many of these
children are victims of trafcking.
HUMAN TRAFFICKING: HOW SERIOUS IS THE PROBLEM? 19
Understating the Problem
The IOM maintains impeccable statistics on the number of trafcked victims
it assists in returning home. While these statistics provide an accurate picture
of the number of victims assisted by the organization, statistics measuring the
number of victims rescued or repatriated reect only the tip of the iceberg.
IOM statistics and those generated by NGOs often report only those who seek
help and thus underrepresent the true nature of the problem.
A study of trafcking in Southeastern Europe sponsored by UNICEF, the
United Nations Ofce for the High Commission on Human Rights
(UNOHCHR), and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe
(OSCE), highlights the disparity between the number of possible trafcked
victims identied during police raids on bars and nightclubs, and those who
agree to accept repatriation assistance from the IOM. The number of girls and
women referred to the IOM by the International Police Task Force (IPTF)
reects a small percentage of suspected victims found during police raids.
For example, according to weekly security situation reports from the United Nations
Mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina (UNMIBH) for November 2001, the local police
and IPTF raided 10 bars and nightclubs, where they found 39 foreign women, of
whom only eight requested assistance from IPTF. Moreover, in one week 18-24 Feb-
ruary 2002, four bars were raided and 48 women found, out of whom only two
requested assistance.
33
It is impossible to determine whether any of those women identied in
the raids but who refused assistance were trafcked victims too frightened to
seek help, and if so, how many. Clearly, however, counting victims who
accept assistance and who are repatriated does not accurately identify the
number of trafcked victims.
Registrations of Trafcked Victims
If we turn our attention away from estimates to the actual number of known
cases or victims, these gures are surprisingly and disturbing small. It is pos-
sible to examine the number of victims actually identied by organizations
providing services to trafcked victims (IOM, ILO, UNICEF, Save the Chil-
dren, Terre des Hommes, or the myriad of local NGOs involved in victim
assistance), to (potential) victims identied by law enforcement agencies or to
governments providing legal residency status to trafcked victims.
In the period between 2001 and 2007, the U.S. Ofce of Refugee Reset-
tlement certied only 1,379 (131 minor and 1248 adult) trafcked victims,
providing even fewer with a T-visa.
34
The German Federal Criminal Police
identied 689 victims in 2007.
35
This is a sharp decrease from a high of
1,235 in 2003.
36
The United Kingdom identied and referred for services only
489 women between March 2003 and May 2006.
20 HUMAN TRAFFICKING, HUMAN MISERY: THE GLOBAL TRADE IN HUMAN BEINGS
The Dutch National Rapporteur On Trafcking in Human Beings, in its
fourth report, identies two sources of data on trafcked victims in the Neth-
erlands. The Dutch police victim tracking system (slachtoffervolgsysteem)
IKP-S identied 153 possible victims in 2003 (371 in 2002). At the same
time, the NGO Foundation against Trafcking in Women (Stichting Tegen
Vrouwenhandel) registered 257 (potential) trafcked victims (2003), a decline
from 343 in 2002.
37
CONCLUDING REMARKS
An accurate picture of the trafcking problem continues to elude us. Numbers
range from estimates of trafcked victims to actual numbers of those identi-
ed who have sought help from the police and organizations providing assis-
tance. Governmental and international organizations such as the U.S.
Department of State and the United Nations continue to publish and revise
estimates of the number of trafcked victims without providing information
on how these estimates are reached. The ILO is attempting to provide esti-
mates of worldwide labor exploitation and trafcking while providing infor-
mation on the methodology used to reach those estimates.
There is a huge disparity between estimates and the actual number of traf-
cked victims who are identied as such. In spite of the fact that the numbers
of victims registered by police and NGOs are smallparticularly in compari-
son to estimateseach number represents a victim with a personal tragic
story. Some of these stories will be told in the following chapters when atten-
tion is focused on trafcked victims and patterns of trafcking.
The next chapter places human trafcking within a number of contrasting
perspectives to better understand how the problem of trafcking should be
viewed and solved. This is important because it provides the basis for govern-
ment and civil society best practices in response to the problema topic
addressed in the closing chapter.
HUMAN TRAFFICKING: HOW SERIOUS IS THE PROBLEM? 21
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3
Contrasting Perspectives on Human Trafcking
TRAFFICKING CAN BE examined and understood from a number of different
perspectives. It may be studied within the framework of the globalization,
migration, and labor literature. Trafcking also can be studied from a law
enforcement and criminal justice perspective focusing on the role of govern-
ments in preventing and punishing the trade, or from a human rights perspec-
tive, in which the victim takes the center stage. This chapter will briey
outline the different perspectives to provide a more comprehensive under-
standing of the phenomenon, particularly the implications of viewing trafck-
ing as a unique form of slavery.
TRAFFICKING AS A MIGRATION ISSUE
Human trafcking often occurs within the context of migrationwhether it is
internal migration from rural to metropolitan areas within a country, or exter-
nal migration from developing and countries in transition to more industrial
nations. As discussed in chapter 1, both documented and undocumented immi-
grants are at risk of becoming victims of trafcking and being exploited.
Irregular migrants are most at risk of being subjected to forced labor and
exploitation, but regular migrants are also routinely denied both their human
and labor rights.
1
The dimensions of the crime cannot be accurately measured, but it is a
fact that in the United States, and based on U.S. government statistics, traf-
cking is a crime most often perpetrated against undocumented migrants.
Women and children account for a great proportion of undocumented immi-
grants to the United States and thus are particularly vulnerable to trafcking.
High U.S. labor demand, limited country quotas, and the prioritization of fam-
ily reunication over employment-based immigration make many migrants
from less developed countries ineligible for legal entry into the United States.
Immigrants trying to enter Fortress Europe from Africa meet similar
obstacles. Faced with increased border patrols and heightened security at U.S.
and European ports of entry, illegal migrants increasingly rely on smugglers
to enter the United States and Europe. It is these same smugglers who are
uniquely positioned to engage in both labor and sexual exploitation.
2
TRAFFICKING AS A DEVELOPMENT ISSUE
Those who fall prey to human trafcking tend to be the most vulnerable
usually the socially deprived characterized by low income, poor education,
and lack of employment. These are typically circumstances of the pooreven
though available data shows that it is not necessarily the poorest people in a
country who are trafcked. Research, however, shows that many of the vic-
tims assisted by international organizations and NGOs invariably come from
some of the most poverty-stricken countries (for example, Bangladesh, Mali,
Moldova, and Nepal).
3
Extensive research has been undertaken and victim support provided in
Southeast Europe. There it is shown that trafcked victims come from the
poorer countries of the regionAlbania, Bulgaria, Moldova, and Romania.
Albania and Moldova are the poorest in the region and are also primary
source countries for trafcked persons.
4
In South Asia, Bangladesh and Nepal
(two of the regions most poverty-stricken countries) are the major source
countries.
5
Poverty is seen as the key factor in human trafcking in West and
Central Africa and for rural trafcking in China.
6
SMUGGLING AND TRAFFICKING AS AN ILLEGAL MARKET
Trafcking is a form of economic activity. Migration, smuggling, and trafck-
ing can be seen as forms of business in which participating institutions aim to
make a prot. Trafcking could be viewed as a by-product of migration, from
which organizations prot from peoples mobility. Researchers have argued
that trafcking should be studied as a business that acts as the middleman
in the global movement between origin and destination countries. Thus, traf-
cking networks can be viewed as business organizations.
7
Smuggling and trafcking in migrants could not have grown to such pro-
portions if it were not supported by powerful market forces. The increased
demand for migrant labor coupled with stricter entry controls or requirements
and diminishing legal channels to enter destination countries creates opportu-
nities for unscrupulous offenders to make money while at the same time gen-
erates other illicit business opportunities involving the provision of fraudulent
documents, safe-houses, guided border crossings, and job brokering.
8
The crime industry involves the illicit exploitation of business opportuni-
ties and is dominated by supply organizations. Criminal organizations provide
illicit goods and services to markets where the prots are high.
9
Transnational
criminal organizations have become global players in industries such as drug
trafcking yielding prots higher than the gross national products of some
developing nations. What they share in common is their involvement in theft
or smuggling of both licit (for example, cigarettes or persons) and illicit
(drugs) products.
10
While lawful enterprises operate within legal parameters,
24 HUMAN TRAFFICKING, HUMAN MISERY: THE GLOBAL TRADE IN HUMAN BEINGS
transnational criminal organizations circumvent these legal requirements
through deceit, threats, force, corruption, and other evasive tactics.
11
Smuggling usually involves short-term prot whereas trafcking usually
involves long-term exploitation for added economic gain.
12
The prot in
smuggling is generated possibly before departure and during the transportation
phase. In trafcking, the prot can be made before and during the transporta-
tion phase but is made, in particular, through the exploitation, sexual or other-
wise, of the trafcked victims upon their arrival in the destination country.
Smuggling and trafcking can be viewed as an illicit marketas the inter-
action between supply and demand. In countries of origin there are always those
who dream of a better life and the ability to support themselves and family
members back home. In the receiving countries, there is a demand for cheap sex
and labor. There is never a shortage of those who are willing to take risks to
satisfy their needs and full their dreams. A complex process links the supply
and demand sides of the market.
13
SUPPLY AND DEMAND
Trafcking, whether for sexual or labor exploitation, cannot be fully under-
stood without looking at the question of supply and demand. If we concentrate
on the demand side of the equation, demand has always existed for prostitu-
tion and workers in the commercial sex market. As wages increase in highly
developed nations, there is a growing demand for cheap labor; as societies
progress, there is the demand for cheap, unskilled laborthe agricultural sec-
tor, food processing, domestic service, home health care, and construction.
14
In a multicountry study of the demand side of human trafcking for com-
mercial sexual services and domestic labor, the authors found that demand for
such services was a socially, culturally and historically determined matter
intimately related to questions concerning supply and vulnerability supply
generates demand rather than the other way around.
15
The availability of a
service, they argue, generates demandwhether it is for live-in domestic
workers or lap-dance clubs. It has been argued that it is the market in traf-
cked women that creates the demandnot the customers. This is the ration-
ale that underlies the Swedish legislation outlawing the purchase of sexual
services holding that [i]t is the market that is the driving force. Demand is
dened by the services produced, not vice versa, which contradicts certain
popular traditional market theories.
16
Women are particularly vulnerable. They are in greater demand in many
countries, in various legitimate and illicit sectors. In demand countries, there
is a booming billion dollar commercial sex and entertainment industry. Wom-
ens exploitation in these industries is driven by the unequal power relations
that exist in patriarchal societies, power relations that sexualize women and
objectify them for consumption.
17
Prostitution and the sex market aside,
CONTRASTING PERSPECTIVES ON HUMAN TRAFFICKING 25
women are in high demand, in particular, in the domestic, household and
care-providing (nursing) sectors. Other sectors for which there is a high
demand for female employees include the fast food, service, and low-wage
manufacturing sectors. Migration is often both easier and cheaper for women
than for men. Education and skill requirements are lower for women than for
men migrating to the Middle East from Indonesia or Bangladesh. Women pay
lower fees to migrate than do men, and they are in greater demand in the
Middle East as domestic servants.
18
GLOBALIZATION AND TRAFFICKING
Globalization, market liberalization, and privatization have created an increas-
ing need for cash incomes to purchase the most basic needs, including those
once provided by the state. Often this demand cannot be satised in the local
labor markets, obliging families to send family members out into the global
workplace. An increasingly global world, easily accessible through television
and the Internet, provides ready access to information about actual or potential
opportunities in large cities, neighboring countries or other destinations, such
as Australia, Canada, Europe, or the United States
19
Globalization has resulted in an unprecedented mobilization of unskilled
and low-skilled labor to ll labor-decit markets for domestic work, agricul-
ture, construction, and manufacturing. At an ever-increasing rate, migrant
workers from less developed countries in South and East Asia often ll short-
term labor contracts in more developed Asian, European, and Near Eastern
countries. The International Labour Organization (ILO) estimates the popula-
tion of migrant laborers to be 120 million. Countries receiving large numbers
of migrant workers include Saudi Arabia (7.5 million), the United Arab Emi-
rates (2.3 million), Malaysia (2.3 million), and Kuwait (1.3 million). Supply-
ing countries include the Philippines (7 million), Indonesia (3 million),
Bangladesh (3 million), and Sri Lanka (1.5 million). Migrant labor supports
the economies in both the sending and receiving countries, and is, in itself,
benecial. It can, however, easily lead to situations of abuse, trafcking, and
conditions paramount to slavery.
Globalization goes hand in hand with free trade and the ideology of
free markets accompanied by a decline in state intervention and regulation.
Those who advocate globalization argue that reducing international regula-
tions and trade barriers will increase investment, trade, and development. The
very conditions that promote a global environment, however, aid in the
expansion of crime. Crime groups have exploited the enormous decline in
regulations, the lessened border controls, and the resultant greater freedom, to
expand their activities across borders and to new regions of the world. These
contacts have become more frequent, and the speed at which they occur has
accelerated.
20
26 HUMAN TRAFFICKING, HUMAN MISERY: THE GLOBAL TRADE IN HUMAN BEINGS
TRAFFICKING AS A CRIMINAL JUSTICE ISSUE
From the perspective of the receiving or destination countries, trafcking has
traditionally been seen as an illegal migration and security issue
21
often oper-
ated by criminal networks or organized criminal groups. From a criminal jus-
tice perspective, the focus on human trafcking is upon intelligence gathering,
dismantling criminal groups, and arresting and prosecuting trafckers.
Human trafcking seldom occurs in a vacuum. Criminal groups that traf-
c persons rely to a great extent on existing smuggling routes, border vulner-
abilities, and corrupt ofcials.
22
They may make use of the same persons to
supply forged documents and safe-houses. In complex trafcking operations
moving large numbers of persons through numerous cities and countries, [a]
major service industry has also developed to serve all forms of transnational
criminals. This includes providers of false documents, money launderers, and
even high-level professionals who provide legal, nancial, and accounting
services to groups.
23
The networks that trafc human beings as well as the victims themselves
have been linked to other criminal activities. Trafckers have not only forced
their victims into prostitution, a criminal offence in most countries, but also
have been known to coerce trafcked victims into taking, transporting, or sell-
ing drugs; into organized begging and pick pocketing; and to move rearms
and stolen vehicles.
24
Criminal enterprises make use of the skills, existing contacts, corrupt net-
works, and routes developed in specic markets in certain countries and
expand into other illicit markets. Trafckers exploit immigrant smuggling
operations to nd new victims.
25
According to intelligence sources at Interpol,
human trafcking supplements more traditional criminal activities such as
vehicle theft, trafcking in arms, and drug trafcking.
26
Albanian groups have
been linked to the smuggling of both drugs and aliens across the Adriatic,
while Asian crime groups use the same routes to smuggle aliens across
the U.S.-Canadian border that were formerly used to smuggle cigarettes. Traf-
ckers have been linked to the use of physical violence, extortion for protec-
tion money or loan sharking to victims who must repay their debts, and
money laundering.
27
TRAFFICKING AS A VIOLATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS
Trafcking can be viewed within the framework of historical human rights
issues. The exploitation and abuses of victims of trafcking have been
addressed by various United Nations and ILO conventions long before the
U.N. Trafcking Protocol entered into force.
28
The League of Nations and
the ILO worked on the issue of human trafcking in the 1920s and 1930s.
The rst documented international conference on the trafcking of women
CONTRASTING PERSPECTIVES ON HUMAN TRAFFICKING 27
dates back to the previous century and was held in 1895 in Paris. When ana-
lyzing the phenomenon of human trafcking, the human rights paradigm has
the longest history. The emphasis of these international conventions is human
rights: Human rights are not a separate consideration or an additional
perspective. They are the common thread.
29
Trafckers in source countries take advantage of the unequal status of
women and girls, which include the misguided and dangerous stereotypes of
women as (sexual) objects, property, and servants of men.
30
Gender discrimi-
nation, a risk and push factor associated with trafcking, is recognized as a
fundamental denial of human rights. Among other rights violated are the
rights to health care, life, and liberty, and the right to be free from all forms
of slavery. Children have the right to grow up safe and free from abuse and
exploitation. Violations of human rights have been labeled both a cause and
a consequence of trafcking in persons.
31
The trafcking debate continues with attempts by governments to balance
their right to manage illegal migration against those of individualsthat is,
the right of people to leave their country of origin, to be free from political,
religious, or gender oppression, to be able to educate their children and pay
for medical treatment for their families, or to seek asylum in a safer place. To
protect smuggled and trafcked persons from abuses at the hands of those
who prot from their hardships while at the same time enforcing immigration
laws is the greatest challenge facing governments today.
TRAFFICKING AS SLAVERY
Article 4 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights reads, No one shall
be held in slavery or servitude. Slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited
in all their forms.
32
And in spite of its abolition in the contemporary world,
it still exists in various forms in both developing and industrial nations. Debt
bondage occurs on a massive scale in South Asia, while descent slavery
33
can
still be found in countries such as Mauritania and Mali.
34
Child labor is preva-
lent in Central and West Africa and the trafcking of men for labor exploita-
tion and of women and children for sexual exploitation is a form of slavery
affecting almost every country on the globe.
Kevin Bales, a leading expert on slavery and trafcking, denes slavery as
a state marked by the loss of free will. An enslaved person, forced through vio-
lence or the threat of violence, is incapable of freely selling his or her own
labor. Slavery has three key dimensions: the appropriation of labor, control by
another person, and the use or threat of violence.
35
Trafcking is dened by its
end result of the victim arriving in a situation of enslavement. Trafcking in
persons is one of the means by which people or organizations bring people into,
and maintain them in, slavery and forced labor. Human trafcking is not a con-
dition or result of a process, but the process of enslavement itself.
36
28 HUMAN TRAFFICKING, HUMAN MISERY: THE GLOBAL TRADE IN HUMAN BEINGS
The traditional slave trade of the sixteenth through the nineteenth centu-
ries depended upon raids, wars, and forced abduction to obtain slaves,
whereas trafcking relies to a great extent on false promises and deception.
Returning to the denition set forth in the U.N. Trafcking Protocol, victims
of trafcking are recruited through means of threat or use of force, coercion,
abduction, fraud, and deception; through abuse of power or vulnerability; and
through payments or benets to a person in control of the victim. Studies
often show that both children and adults are recruited through means of false
promises rather than force. Once they are brought to their interim or nal des-
tinations, though, it is force, threat of force, or harm that keeps them prisoners
and enslaved. It is at this point within the trafcking process that victims dif-
fer little from the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century African slaves who
were kidnapped, bought, and sold into slavery and servitude. Unlike tradi-
tional slaves of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, trafcking victims
are often hidden in plain sight. They, too, however, are openly bought
and soldsome in cattle markets, like the Karamojong women and children
in Uganda, or like foreign women sold in auctions to sex trafckers in
Taiwan
37
others are bought and sold through hidden means, such as through
the Internet, as models, escorts, and brides.
Trafcking violates political and civil rights that include the right to be
free from degrading and cruel treatment as well as the right to be free from
slavery-like practices.
38
Slavery had a signicant role in the economies of many societies. As
Bales observes, it was one of the rst forms of trade to become truly interna-
tional.
39
In the past, slavery found justication in racial and ethnic differen-
ces, but today the common denominator is poverty, not color or religion. It is
a special economic institution, able to overcome revolutions, changes in politi-
cal structures, adapt to a changing world and thrive. It continues to do so
today. In this sense, trafcking and modern-day slavery have rapidly adapted
to the new global economy.
CONCLUDING REMARKS
While trafcking can be examined from a number of different perspectives, it
is virtually impossible to separate any one of these from the other. Just as
trafcking must be viewed as a process rather than as a single offense, it must
also be understood and examined in relationship to issues of globalization,
supply and demand, migration, law enforcement, and human rights. These per-
spectives must be taken into account when designing effective measures to
combat trafcking. Failure to understand the mechanisms that fuel trafcking
in source and destination countries means that countries will be ineffective in
protecting potential victims before departure and providing safety and services
to exploited victims in the destination countries or in their countries of origin
CONTRASTING PERSPECTIVES ON HUMAN TRAFFICKING 29
after they have been repatriated. Failure to arrest offenders and dismantle
criminal networks that operate to exploit people only provides tacit support
for trafckers to continue their operations. Failure to acknowledge the human
rights abuses in trafcking means that the suffering of victims is not recog-
nized, which then places them in the arena of illegal migrants. Trafcking is
one of the most egregious forms of modern-day slavery and as such demands
protection of the victims and punishment of those who would exploit and
harm them.
30 HUMAN TRAFFICKING, HUMAN MISERY: THE GLOBAL TRADE IN HUMAN BEINGS
4
Victims of Trafcking
HENRIETTE WAS 15 when she was taken by a friend of the family from Togo to
work and attend school in Paris. She ended up working as a domestic servant
from early morning until late at night and was forced to eat table scraps and
sleep on the oor. At the age of 12, Malik was taken from Niger to Mali
under the pretense that he would attend a religious school. Instead he was
forced to beg on the streets for long hours. Forty-two-year-old Robert was
forced to work eight months long for sometimes 18 hours a day with limited
food and no pay in the construction industry in Armenia. Maria, age 16, was
tricked by a friend into traveling from her home town in Romania to Bucha-
rest where she was sold into prostitution and kept in line through the threat of
beatings. Two 16-year-old Thai boys, Top and Wirat, were drugged, kid-
napped, and forced to work under inhumane conditions on a shing boat off
the coast of Thailand for nine months with little food and no pay. Thirty-nine-
year-old Lucy was showered with compliments and gifts in her native Kenya.
When she traveled to Germany to be with her German boyfriend, he forced
her into prostitution. These are the stories of real people.
1
They come from
different parts of the world. They differ in age and gender. The jobs they are
forced to do vary. But they share one thing in common. They were
exploitedvictims of human trafcking.
The victims of trafcking can be found in any sector in which there is a
demand for cheap labor and in which police, aid, human rights, and antitraf-
cking organizations look to nd them. But the victims of trafcking will not
always be recognized as such. Their status as trafcked victims to a large
extent will depend on whether there is adequate legislation and awareness of
the plight of trafcked victims. Countries lacking legislation dening labor
exploitation as trafcking will treat persons found in such situations as illegal
migrantsthat is, as criminals, not victims.
This chapter describes how the different global markets into which per-
sons are trafcked will have a diverse impact on their condition as victims.
The chapter provides a more in-depth analysis of child and adult victims of
trafcking through the prism of victims individual stories, and their physical
and mental suffering.
MARKETS IN WHICH VICTIMS ARE TRAFFICKED
Trafcking for Forced Labor versus Sexual Exploitation
There exists the belief that trafcking is perpetrated predominantly for the
sexual exploitation of the trafcked victim. This is only one form of exploita-
tion and forced labor to which trafcked victims are exposed. The market in
which victims are forced to work inuences a number of other factors, such
as the social stigma attached to the trade, the visibility of the individual,
contact with external sources, and how long the operation can last before
being dismantled by the authorities.
2
Both types of exploitation involve serious human rights abuses. It could
be argued, though, that forced sexual exploitation is morally more reprehensi-
ble. Because of the social stigma attached to this activity, and the fact that it
is illegal in many of the source and destination countries,
3
it is more difcult
to gain the cooperation of victims of sexual exploitation and to later reinte-
grate them back in their original communities.
4
Additionally, these victims
require more emotional and psychological support.
Prostitutes, because of their interaction with clients, have contact with
those other than their exploiters. This increases the likelihood that they will
seek help, escape, or, during police controls or raids, come to the attention of
the authorities. Victims trapped in situations of forced labor, particularly in
remote areas are more secluded. Victims forced into domestic labor or to
work in the agricultural industry are often isolated and lack contact with cli-
ents. For these reasons, forced labor operations appear to be able to survive
for longer periods of time. According to the U.S. Department of Justice, oper-
ations involving trafcking for labor exploitation tend to go unnoticed or are
able to operate longer than trafcking for sexual exploitation before being
uncovered. On average, trafcking operations for sexual exploitation can
last from approximately one to two and a half years, while forced labor opera-
tions generally lasted from four and a half to six and a half years before
being discovered.
5
Markets Proting from Smuggled and Trafcked Persons
Three basic legal and illicit markets prot from smuggled and trafcked
persons: (1) the conventional or legitimate market economies (factories, farms,
hotels, restaurants, etc.), (2) the legitimate domestic service economy (house-
holds that employ maids), and (3) the criminal economies of the sex industry
(foremost, prostitution).
6
Forced labor on farms or plantations often involves deplorable living,
working, and sanitary conditions. Haitian workers in the Dominican Republic
and Brazilian workers on plantations in Para State in Amazonia (Brazil) were
subjected to conditions resembling slavery, kept in virtual debt-bondage, and
subjected to the control of armed guards and soldiers who, on the estates in
32 HUMAN TRAFFICKING, HUMAN MISERY: THE GLOBAL TRADE IN HUMAN BEINGS
Para, would beat or shoot workers who tried to escape.
7
In July 2006, Italian
police freed 119 Polish workers from forced labor camps in the south of the
country. Many of the victims had reportedly been beaten with metal rods,
raped, and attacked by dogs. Several committed suicide in the camps in
Puglia, southeast Italy.
8
In the United States in 2004, the Ramos brothers were
convicted of human trafcking. They employed 700 workers to pick fruit in
Lake Placid, Florida. The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) reports that
[T]heir workers werent workers in the traditional sense. They were more like
slaves. They forced these individuals to pick fruit for ten hours a day, six days
a week, with no time off. They threatened them at gunpoint, promising torture
and death if they tried to escape. And they made them live in lthy, substandard,
and overcrowded apartments.
9
Across Europe, the building trade and textile industries have beneted
from smuggled and trafcked persons. In Milan, police uncovered an opera-
tion involving a Chinese organized crime group that forced dozens of
immigrants, under inhumane conditions, to manufacture handbags, belts,
and clothes, which were purchased by major companies operating in the
renowned Italian fashion world.
10
The organizations that smuggle and exploit
these victims generate a prot. However, the legitimate economy, which
subcontracts with these smaller operations, also benets nancially from the
use of exploited labor. Thus, a symbiotic relationship exists between the legal
and illicit economies in this type of labor market. In 2000, it was estimated
that the underground economy accounted for 28 percent of Italys gross
domestic product.
11
Domestic servants are often the least visible of all trafcked victims.
From India to Kuwait to the United States, female domestic workers are sub-
jected to exploitive conditions. Their wages are withheld, they are underpaid,
and they are emotionally, psychologically, and physically abused and isolated.
Female domestic workers report being beaten and sexually assaulted by male
members of the family. Their belongings are searched and their contact with
those outside of the family as well as their personal freedom is often limited.
They may be denied access to medical or legal services.
12
A Michigan couple,
both doctors, imprisoned a woman they had brought from the Philippines as a
domestic servant for 19 years. The woman was threatened with deportation,
isolated, and psychologically manipulated through fear. She was paid $100 a
month for her services.
13
The practice of keeping children as domestic servants is widespread in
Western and Central African countries. The author interviewed a nine-year-old
girl in Lagos, Nigeria. Her family had brought her to Lagos when she was six
years old to work as a maid in the household from which she escaped three years
later. She was forbidden contact with the children in the family and had been
made to sleep on the oor and eat leftover table scraps. During a trip to purchase
VICTIMS OF TRAFFICKING 33
groceries, the police found her wandering the streets. She knew her name but
did not know the village or the country from which she came.
14
The boundaries between these three markets of legitimate labor, domestic
service, and the sex industry are not always strictly drawn, and it is not
uncommon for those working in the legitimate economy or in domestic serv-
ice to escape unbearable conditions and nd themselves in the illicit sex
industry. Research conducted in Germany shows that many domestic servants
escape their employee-owner and drift into prostitution.
15
With respect to the illicit sex industry, Italian researchers have identied
three different levels of illicit prostitution. The rst level includes those indi-
vidual entrepreneurs who are involved in small-scale activities, such as run-
ning a brothel in a particular area. The second or mid-level prostitution
schemes involve women who are controlled by the clandestine operations that
imported them. The third and most sophisticated level includes large-scale
and international criminal organizations that are linked with domestic criminal
organizations. This third group seizes the womens documentation and main-
tains tight control over the women they have trafcked.
16
Particularly at this
last level, prots are high. They are generated for the trafckers as well as for
the brothel owners who buy and sell their victims. Money laundering allows
the huge prots generated by this industry to be reinvested in the legitimate
economy, and thus once again a prot nexus exists between the illicit and
legitimate business worlds.
DISTRIBUTION OF TRAFFICKED VICTIMS ACROSS MARKETS
The U.S. Department of State estimated that, worldwide, 80 percent of victims
of human trafcking are women and girls, with 70 percent of these the vic-
tims of commercial sexual exploitation.
17
These gures vary depending
entirely on the region of the world in which trafcking occurs, how national
legislation denes trafcking, the awareness of other forms of trafcking for
labor exploitation, as well as proactive investigation and enforcement.
With respect to the 14,50017,500 people estimated trafcked into the
United States annually, the U.S. government provides estimates on the age,
sex, and type of exploitation to which the victims are exposed. According to
these estimates, the largest percentage of victims are adult women (33 per-
cent) followed by girls under the age of 18 (23 percent) who are forced into
the commercial sex trade. This is followed by adult women and girls forced
into other forms of exploitation. On a smaller scale are boys forced into com-
mercial sex (10 percent) and other forms of exploitation (6 percent) followed
by men (4 percent for both forms of exploitation). This information is pro-
vided in table 4.1 below.
Research in the United States indicates that these estimates might not
reect reality. In reviewing trafcking cases between 1998 and 2003, 46
34 HUMAN TRAFFICKING, HUMAN MISERY: THE GLOBAL TRADE IN HUMAN BEINGS
percent of 131 reported cases involved forced sexual exploitation, which
remained the largest single category, while the remaining 54 percent involved
exploitation for forced labor in the domestic service sector (27 percent), agri-
culture (10 percent), sweatshop/factory (5 percent), service/food care (4 per-
cent), entertainment (3 percent), and mail-order bride (1 percent).
18
Table 4.2
provides information on the number and percentage of cases and the sectors
Table 4.1 The Distribution of Victims in Exploitative Conditions by Gender
and Age
Victim by Gender and Age Exploitation Percent
Adult women Forced or coerced commercial sex 33
Girls (under the age of 18) Forced or coerced commercial sex 23
Adult women Other forms of exploitation 14
Girls (under the age of 18) Other forms of exploitation 11
Boys (under the age of 18) Forced or coerced commercial sex 10
Boys (under the age of 18) Other forms of exploitation 6
Adult men Other forms of exploitation 3
Adult men Forced or coerced commercial sex 1
Source: U.S. Mission to the European Union (2005b).
Table 4.2 Economic Sectors into Which Victims Were Trafficked in the United
States Based on Cases Uncovered between 1998 and 2003
Economic Sectors
Frequency of
cases (not
individuals) Percent of cases
Prostitution 58 46.4
Domestic Service 34 27.2
Agriculture 13 10.4
Sweatshop/Factory 6 4.8
Service/Food care 5 3.8
Sexual exploitation of children 4 3.1
Entertainment 4 3.1
Mail-order bride 1 0.8
Total 125 100
No economic sector reported 6
Total (all cases) 131
Source: Free the Slaves (2004, 14). Courtesy of Dr. Kevin Bales, President, Free the Slaves.
VICTIMS OF TRAFFICKING 35
in which victims were discovered. This information says nothing about the
number of victims that were identied and rescued in these cases.
Data available on the victims and markets of exploitation may portray a
skewed picture of worldwide trafcking patterns. If it even exists, trafcking
legislation in many countries only addresses exploitation in the sex market,
virtually excluding men as victims of this crime. This has been referred to as
the one-dimensional focus of the research.
19
More research exists on trafck-
ing into forced prostitution than into other types of situations, and so it is easy
to gather information about this type of trafcking. One trafcking expert
argues that trafcking into domestic work may be a more serious problem
than trafcking into prostitution, but little attention has been paid to this type
of trafcking.
This is the case in the United States and in other parts of the world as well,
in particular, in West Africa, where children are often trafcked into domestic
service and manual labor. Male victims in the United States are trafcked into
forced labor in construction work, agriculture, and street vending. When this
same situation occurs in other countries, it is often labeled slavery rather than
trafckingfor example, this has been seen in situations involving men traf-
cked from the Brazilian cities into the interior of the country, from Mali to
C^ote dIvoire, or from Cambodia into Thailands elds and sheries.
20
The question then arises whether or not trafcking in women for sexual
exploitation occurs more frequently or simply whether it has received more
attention and thus greater registration. The United Nations reports that traf-
cking in persons for forced labor has not been viewed as a serious problem
in many countries.
21
Clearly, it can be argued that trafcking for sexual
exploitation is more demeaning, robs victims of a basic human right to deter-
mine how to use and with whom to share their bodies, and exposes victims to
increased danger of infection from sexually transmitted diseases. This fact,
and given the limitations of legislation that only denes trafcking in relation
to sexual exploitation, may explain why so much attention has been focused
on this type of trafcking.
THE VICTIMS: TRAFFICKING IN WOMEN, CHILDREN, AND MEN
The United Nations Ofce on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) database was
established to track global trends in human trafcking. While there are limita-
tions in the data,
22
the database does represent the rst attempt, based on
research, to provide a global picture of trafcking trends. In an analysis of
113 source institutions providing information on trafcked victims (for traf-
cking cases involving both sexual exploitation and forced labor) where gen-
der is known, the largest group of persons reported trafcked are minors
(consisting of the combined categories girls, boys, and children). Adult women
account for the second largest group, but the single largest group of victims.
36 HUMAN TRAFFICKING, HUMAN MISERY: THE GLOBAL TRADE IN HUMAN BEINGS
Adult males are reported in only a few sources. This pattern uctuates from one
region to the other. Children are most often mentioned as victims of trafcking in
Africa and Asia, whereas women are most frequently reported as trafcked victims
in Europe (Western, Central, and Southeastern), the Commonwealth of Independ-
ent States, Latin America and the Caribbean, and Oceania.
23
The International Organization for Migration (IOM) maintains a database
on trafcked victims covering more than 80 nationalities and 90 countries of
destination. The global database contains 12,750 cases of victims assisted by
the IOM through June 1, 2008.
24
In the IOM database, victims are, in general,
young, single females: less than 19 percent of the surveyed victims are males,
the majority are between 18 and 25 (56.9 percent), and more than 74 percent
at or under the age of 25 years. More than half (55 percent) are single, sepa-
rated, divorced, or widowed; only 8 percent were married.
25
Trafcking for Sexual and Labor Exploitation
With respect to the nature of the exploitation, the United Nations has divided
exploitation into sexual and labor exploitation. While some degree of detail
has been lost due to the fact that labor exploitation was not further catego-
rized, this division does provide a picture of the nature of the exploitation and
its relation to gender. Where information on the type of exploitation was
available, the analysis indicated that 80 percent of the sources cited sexual
exploitation, while 19 percent of the sources referred to exploitation for forced
labor. Women and children are most often the victims of sexual exploitation,
followed by sexual exploitation and forced labor combined. Men, on the other
hand, are more frequently the victims of sexual exploitation and forced labor
combined, followed by forced labor and then sexual exploitation.
26
This pattern may be misleading and may cause investigators and research-
ers, particularly with respect to women and children, to overlook exploitation
in the labor sector. The director of the U.S. Ofce to Monitor and Combat
Trafcking in Persons told of a meeting in a shelter in Thailand with a young
Burmese woman (see case 4.1).
27
CHILD VICTIMS
28
Trafcking cuts across age and gender. The (il)legal displacement and exploi-
tation of persons (within and across borders) affects the most vulnerableand
these are often women and children. Children and women are targeted for the
trade because of their powerlessness, innocence, and inability to protect them-
selves. They are easier to manipulate and less able to claim their rights. Chil-
dren can be made to work longer hours with less food, poor accommodation,
and no benets allowing employers to keep costs down.
29
Children are taken
VICTIMS OF TRAFFICKING 37
away from their families and social networks resulting in isolation, which
increases their vulnerability to exploitation.
Risk Factors
In some countries, traditional practices contribute to the trafcking of women
and girls. There are particular push factors that place girls and young women
at a higher risk than boys or young men. Girls in many societies are less val-
ued than boys.
The custom of early and arranged marriage of young girls, particularly to
an older man, may be viewed as a manner to relieve the poverty of her fam-
ily. In other countries, female children are viewed as an economic liability
when the family must produce a dowry to the groom upon marriage. Further-
more, there is a demand for young girls, virgins, in many African and South
Asian countries, fueled by the false belief that sex with a virgin can cure sex-
ually transmitted diseases or HIV/AIDS.
30
The sale of young girls for early marriage effects 40 percent and 49
percent of young girls in Central and Western Africa, respectively.
31
Pressure
for girls to migrate is particularly strong in West Africa, where families are
poor and the girls require money for marriage preparations.
32
The same pat-
tern is found in India where the majority of victimsover 60 percentof
both in-country and transborder trafcking are adolescent girls in the 1216-
year age-group. The majority of young girls are trafcked for commercial sex
work. The United Nations Development Program (UNDP) reports that in
Mumbai and other Indian cities, girl children as young as eight or nine are
sold at auctions.
33
Case 4.1. The Story of a Young Burmese Woman
Aye Aye Win was mislead by a recruiter who painted a beautiful picture of work in
a neighboring country. After having incurred a substantial debt to cover the costs
required by the recruiter for the job placement, Aye Aye was taken together with some
800 Burmese migrants, many children, to a shrimp farming and processing factory.
She was forced to work in a prison camp. The isolated 10-acre factory was surrounded
by 15-foot-tall steel walls, with barbed wire fencing, located in the middle of a coco-
nut plantation far from roads. Workers were forbidden phone contact with anyone on
the outside and were not allowed to leave the compound. They lived in run-down
wooden huts, with hardly enough to eat.
Aye Aye tried to escape with three other women. Guards at the factory caught
them and dragged them back to the camp where they were punished as an example to
others, tied to poles in the middle of the courtyard, and refused food or water. As
another form of punishment, to stigmatize her, Aye Ayes hair was shaved off. She
was beaten for trying to ee.
38 HUMAN TRAFFICKING, HUMAN MISERY: THE GLOBAL TRADE IN HUMAN BEINGS
A study of trafcking among Nigerian girls and women in Edo State,
conducted by the Nigerian nongovernmental organization (NGO), Girls Power
Initiative, attributes the reason why girls are more susceptible to trafcking
abroad than boys and young men to a number of factors. First and foremost,
there is a demand for their sexual services that makes them marketable com-
modities. Girls are expected to sacrice their education and assume domestic
responsibilities taking care of their parents and siblings. Because they will
leave the family upon marriage, they are regarded as a poor investment and
this makes it easier for the parent(s) to send them out to work. Additionally,
domestic work is regarded as a preparation for marriage.
34
Because girls are
more willing to make a sacrice to support their families, parents prefer to
send their daughters abroad. Low rates of education among young girlsdue
to the fact that their parents were unwilling to educate themresult in high
rates of unemployment. This cultural pattern repeats itself in other countries
as well. According to Antonio Maria Costa, director of UNODC, When fam-
ilies (in Asian villages) sell their daughter, its not out of poverty necessarily,
it may be cultural.
35
All of these factors combined provided a pool of girls
to be trafcked abroad.
36
The trafcking of young boys into sexual exploitation is a newer pattern
that has been identied in countries from Afghanistan to Great Britain, from
Pakistan to the Dominican Republic, and beyond. The sexual exploitation is
often linked to child sex tourism in countries such as the Dominican Republic,
Mexico, Sri Lanka, or Thailand. In Costa Rica, where homosexuality is stig-
matized, men prefer to have sexual encounters with male children they have
found on the street. In Pakistan, India, and Afghanistan, where boys partake
in the cultural practice of bachabazi or launda dancing (where boys
dressed as girls dance at private parties and weddings for men), boys are
sometimes forced into prostitution. The U.S. Department of State reports that
young boys in prostitution is a growing problem in Ghana and The Gambia,
while in the Czech Republic and Great Britain, young rent boys are traf-
cked into prostitution for tourists in cities.
37
Trafcking of children takes various forms and resembles patterns of
recruitment used with adults. In the case of adolescent boys trafcked to Italy
from Gabon and Senegal, it appears that Maa-type organizations are
involved. These organizations recruit the boys in their countries of origin
through threats or deceit, trafcking them illegally by boat or with false travel
documents by plane to Italy. Once in Italy, the young boys are forced into
illegal drug dealing on the streets or transporting drugs such as crack, cocaine,
and heroin. They are under constant control of the trafckers and are subject
to threats of violence. The trafckers have been known to disgure the vic-
tims ngers with abrasive substances to evade police and immigration inves-
tigations based on ngerprint recognition.
38
A major difference in the recruitment of children in some countries lies
in the trafckers negotiation with the parents of the child to remove the child
VICTIMS OF TRAFFICKING 39
from the family. While conducting research for the United Nations on trafck-
ing patterns in the West African nations of Benin, Nigeria, and Togo, the
author spoke to government ofcials, representatives from NGOs, and traf-
cked victims. In one case, the parents had willingly given their two sons to a
man who promised to offer them an education and job training skills. Instead,
he forced the young boys to work in a factory where they were physically
abused, underfed, and denied medical treatment when they became ill. After
three years, the boys were reunited with their family, having received no pay
for their work. While some children are given away or sold by their parents,
others are forcibly abducted or tricked. Other children, eager to travel, gain new
experiences, and support their families, willingly leave with their recruiters after
being promised some small token such as a radio. Our delegation was told that
it is not uncommon for a recruiter to come into the village and promise the
children if they work for three years they will be given a bicycle. After three
years of hard, physical labor, the children are released and given the promised
bicycle. Unaware of the fact that they have been exploited, they return to their
villages and, in turn, recruit other unsuspecting victims.
Abject poverty is not the only factor contributing to the trafcking of
children in West Africa. The trafcking of children is promoted by historical
and cultural patterns of child fosterage, or placing children outside the home.
The placement of children outside of the home is based on cultural values and
is done to foster extended family solidarity and to further the education and
vocational training of the child. This historical practice of child apprentice-
ship, known as child fosterage or vidomegon (putting a child in a home),
contributes to the internal displacement and trafcking of children that is met
with, if not acceptance, then less outrage than the trafcking of children
abroad.
39
Children are introduced to work at very young ages and as a result
of this are taught social values. It is a common belief that the life and educa-
tion of a child is the responsibility of the extended family, thus it is not
uncommon for children to grow up in the family of relatives, or third persons,
particularly if these persons are living in better circumstances and are able to
provide the child with better education and work opportunities.
40
The majority
of trafcked children in West and Central Africa come from large, poorly
educated polygamous families where the children have limited (if any) oppor-
tunities for education and training. The voluntary placement of children
(which often leads to their trafcking) is the result of poverty and the desire
to provide a better life for their children.
The ILO identies a number of factors that place children at risk of trafck-
ing. These include individual factors (marginalized ethnic minority, orphan or
runaway, low self-esteem, naivety); family risk factors (poor, single parent fam-
ilies, large family in poverty, domestic violence or sexual abuse, illness such as
HIV/AIDS, alcoholism or drug abuse); external and institutional risk factors
(war or armed conict, natural disaster, weak legal framework of enforcement,
corruption, gender discrimination and weak education) ; community risk factors
40 HUMAN TRAFFICKING, HUMAN MISERY: THE GLOBAL TRADE IN HUMAN BEINGS
(history of migration, youth unemployment, quality of village and community
networks, lack of policing and trained railway staff and border guards); and
workplace risk factors (unsupervised hiring of workers, unregulated informal
economy of dangerous, dirty and demanding jobs with poor working condi-
tions). These many factors explain why some children from a village or neigh-
borhood are more susceptible to trafcking than others. For a full list of the
ILOs risk factors for child trafcking, see Appendix 1.
42
Poverty drives much of the child sex trafcking in the triple frontier area
where Argentina, Paraguay, and Brazil meet. Many of the children most at
risk either live on the street or come from impoverished families. In cases of
extreme destitution, children are even contracted out by their parents. A blind
beggar in Puerto Igazu, reportedly walks the streets hand-in-hand with a
seven-year-old girlhis neighbors daughter. He makes his living by renting
her out for sex.
43
The ILOs International Program on the Elimination of Child Labour
(ILO-IPEC) estimates that 1,200,000 children are trafcked globally. Child
trafcking patterns vary by region, although commercial sexual exploitation
of children has been identied in all regions of the world. In East Asia and
the Pacic, the majority of children trafcked often end up in prostitution,
although some are exploited in agricultural and industrial work, sweatshops,
begging, and domestic labor. In Africa, children are trafcked into prostitu-
tion, domestic labor, mining, and armed conict.
44
In West Africa, young
children are forced to work as car washers, beggars, domestic servants, petty
traders, hawkers, and bus conductors, or on farms or in rock quarries.
45
In
Europe, children are trafcked for sexual and labor exploitation in agriculture
and also into crime.
46
Girls as young as 13, mainly from Eastern Europe and
Asia, are trafcked as mail-order brides and are forced to become involved in
pornography or prostitution.
47
Children in Southeastern Europe have been traf-
cked into begging and delinquency.
48
In Central and South America, child
victims are trafcked into sexual exploitation, crime, and plantation work. In
North America, the pattern is similar, with children also trafcked into agri-
cultural work, crime, and sexual exploitation.
49
The U.S. Department of
Case 4.2. The Story of a Young Woman from Togo
Henriette Akofa was 15 years old and living in Sokode, Togo, when a friend of her
family offered to take her to Paris. In exchange for light housework, Henriette could
attend school. Upon arrival in Paris, Henriette was forced to clean the house, shop, cook,
and babysit. She was not allowed to eat with the family, was forced to wear rags, and
sleep on the kitchen oor. She was taken by a second family as payment for a debt
owed the rst family. She was not allowed to speak to others and was allowed only lim-
ited contact with her family. It took Henriette four years to escape her slavery.
41
VICTIMS OF TRAFFICKING 41
Justice has prosecuted cases against trafckers who have exploited children as
domestic slaves. Children in the Middle East are exploited in domestic labor
and commercial sex.
51
In China, children are often abducted and forced to work in rock quar-
ries.
52
This pattern differs in the Americas and the Caribbean, where child
trafcking is driven by child sex tourism. In South Asia, children are sold into
bondage to settle debts.
53
In the Gulf States, children under the age of ve
from South Asia and Africa have been forced to become camel jockeys while
in other parts of the world,
54
young boys are kidnapped or sold by parents to
serve as child soldiers.
Those children trafcked into labor exploitation are not necessarily safe
from sexual assaults or sexual exploitation. Children hired to work as domes-
tic servants in families have reported being sexually abused by their owners.
55
Children trafcked into one form of labor may be sold into another form of
labor. For example, girls from rural Nepal were recruited to work in carpet
factories or hotels in the city but are then trafcked into the sex industry over
the border in India. The United Nations Childrens Fund (UNICEF) reports
that in almost all countries, the sex trade is the predominant form of exploita-
tion of trafcked children. This practice results in systematic, long-term physi-
cal and emotional abuse.
56
Debt Bondage: Born into Slavery
Debt bondage is a form of slavery and practiced widely in South Asia. This
modern-day slavery results in the exploitation of young children from birth.
These unfortunate victims inherit the debts of their family members.
Millions of low-caste laborers are believed to be trapped in debt bondage
in South Asia. Bonded labor occurs when victims take loans from
Case 4.3. Two Boys from Thailand
Two 16-year-old boys from Buriram, Thailand, were kidnapped by a trafcking gang
on the rst day they arrived in Bangkok. They were drugged, and while unconscious,
were transported to a shing port and imprisoned on a shing boat with two other kid-
napped victims for eight months. At times they were forced to work all day and all
night, only being allowed to sleep when they could no longer stand up. They ate two
meals a day, but never got paid. They were told stories of individuals on such shing
boats being killed and thrown overboard.
On February 23, 2007, the two boys were eventually released, after begging the
captain to be allowed to visit their home. The captain dropped them off at the railway
station in Nakornsritamrat and gave them 3,000 baht (less than US$100) each, inform-
ing them that the broker (i.e., the kidnapper) had already received all his fees from
the captain.
50
42 HUMAN TRAFFICKING, HUMAN MISERY: THE GLOBAL TRADE IN HUMAN BEINGS
unscrupulous moneylenders and are coerced into repaying these debts by
working in the factories owned by their lenders. Exorbitant interest fees and
housing costs are added on to the loan so that it becomes almost impossible
to repay the debt. The debt is passed down from one generation to the next
and often results in the enslavement of entire families forced to work in rice
mills, brick kilns, or other factories owned by the moneylenders. Families
may be forced to work 14 to 16 hours a day. Children generally are prohibited
from attending school and bonded slave laborers are often subjected to physi-
cal abuse (female bonded laborers may be subjected to sexual assaults).
58
According to UNODC, the cultural norms of some countries have not deemed
some forms of slavery to be a crime.
WOMEN AS VICTIMS OF TRAFFICKING
The social and economic decline in Southeastern Europe has resulted in ina-
tion, unemployment, poverty, and income differentials. This has had a dra-
matic impact on women, weakening their position in the labor market and
resulting in increased unemployment among women and the feminization of
poverty. This has encouraged increased migration, particularly among younger
women.
59
Women in many societies face discrimination in the job market,
lack of skills training, and the added responsibility of being the sole provider
for the family.
60
The feminization of migration has been provided as an expla-
nation for the large number of women exploited in conditions of trafcking.
61
Women from poor countries with little or no education have limited access to
the labor market. They are also the rst to lose their jobs in times of eco-
nomic crisis. This unfavorable position strengthens their temptation to seek
their fortunes abroad.
In their study of sex trafcking in the Americas, the International Human
Rights Law Institute identied individual and outside risk factors that
heighten the likelihood that women may enter the illegal migration market
and fall prey to trafckers. Among the individual factors are poverty, lack of
economic alternatives, illiteracy or minimal education, physical or sexual
Case 4.4. The Story of One Boys Debt Bondage
Raman was born at the same brick kiln site where his father and grandfather had
worked their entire lives to pay off a debt incurred by his grandfather. For 15 years,
Raman and his family earned 3 rupees (2 cents) per 80 kilogram bag of bricks to pay
off the US$450 advanced by the brick kiln manager. They were beaten with sticks and
hit by the owner if they were not working hard enough or producing enough bricks.
They could not leave, because the brick kiln owner threatened to hunt them down and
beat them or bribe the police into arresting them.
57
VICTIMS OF TRAFFICKING 43
abuse, family dissolution, and homelessness. Among the outside factors are
gender discrimination, objectication of children (this could apply to women
as well), and the demand for prostitution, stripping, and sex tourism.
62
Because, for years, many countries concentrated only on the sexual
exploitation of the victims, more is known about the women victims of the
sexual exploitation trafcking dimension. Chapter 1 placed trafcking victims
on a continuum from those who are totally unaware of their fate to those who
suspect or know that they will be working in the sex industry. It is unclear
how many adult women suspect or are aware of what awaits them in the des-
tination country. This understanding may depend on how and under what cir-
cumstances they are recruited in their country of origin. A study in the
Netherlands on trafcked women from Central and Eastern Europe who were
forced to work in prostitution shows that the majority of those interviewed
were working as prostitutes in their own countries or at least knew that they
would be working as prostitutes abroad.
63
Those working with trafcked vic-
tims in Benin City, Nigeria, also report that most victims are aware that they
will be working in prostitution upon arrival in Italy.
64
Others, like Lucy, are caught totally off-guard (see case 4.5).
Case 4.5. Lucys Story
Lucy Kabanya, 39, left Kenya for Germany in July 2006 for a three-month holiday to
join her German boyfriend in Frankfurt. Lucy, who was introduced to the man through
a friend, began communicating with him through e-mail early in 2005; in 2006, he
came to Kenya to meet her. When he came to Kenya, they stayed together in a hotel
for a month before he returned to Germany. He promised to send her an airline ticket
to go on holiday and visit him. Before she traveled to Germany, her boyfriend sent
her gifts and money. Before I left Kenya, my host had treated me so well ; he had
lavished me with gifts of all kinds, sent me money whenever I asked for cash. He
promised me a life I had never seen before.
Upon her arrival in Germany, instead of a vacation, Lucy had her travel docu-
ments conscated and she was denied food for several days before her boyfriend
informed her that she would be working as a prostitute. She was raped, viciously
beaten, and threatened with death.
Lucy was one of the lucky ones. Although she had been kept incommunicado,
denied a telephone, and refused permission to talk to strangers, she was able to con-
vince her captor to allow her to call relatives to inform them that she was all right.
Instead, she called a friend who gave her the number of the German police hotline.
She was immediately rescued and taken to a hospital, a safe-house, and then to Sol-
wodi, an NGO that provides victim assistance.
The manager of the Kenya branch of German-based Solwodi, said, We have
received more than 25 women who have been returned to Kenya from Europe after
falling prey to international crooks who took them there as their boyfriends before they
turned them into sex slaves.
65
44 HUMAN TRAFFICKING, HUMAN MISERY: THE GLOBAL TRADE IN HUMAN BEINGS
Lucys hell on earth in Germany lasted three weeks before she was
able to escape. The length of time that women are forced to work in prostitu-
tion as trafcked victims depends on a number of factors, perhaps most
important, the nationality of the woman and her trafcker, and whether or
not the woman has repaid her debt. Research into trafcking patterns in Italy
found that Nigerian women were exploited until they repaid the debt incurred.
The period usually lasts a couple of years and depends on how quickly the
victim can repay the trafcker based on the monthly agreed-on amount. Once
they have repaid their debt, they become free agents and may themselves
become involved in recruiting and exploiting victims. In contrast, Albanian
women are forced to work as prostitutes their entire lives: The rules imposed
upon them and the modes of their recruitment (deceit or abduction) imply
unconditional exploitation for an indeterminate period of time.
66
MALE VICTIMS
Much less is known about male victims of trafcking than about female and
child victims. In part this is due to the fact that emphasis has traditionally
been placed on trafcking for sexual exploitation.
67
Male victims of trafck-
ing, particularly male children, are represented in victim statistics for sexual
exploitation, but adult males tend to be exploited in commercial rms, speci-
cally in the agricultural, construction, and manufacturing sectors. This varies
across countries and geographic regions. Floridas citrus industry has been
linked to forced labor of predominantly Mexican and Guatemalan men, while
foreign men in other states are exploited in sweatshops.
68
In Western Europe,
male victims are trafcked into forced labor in restaurants and sweat shops. In
Italy, trafcked victims forced to work in the manufacturing industry have
been linked to international fashion houses that make use of underpaid
labor.
69
Internal trafcking is prevalent in Brazil, where Brazilian men are
exploited for forced agricultural labor, while foreign victims are trafcked to
Brazil for labor exploitation in factories.
70
In countries that rely heavily on
shing, this industry tends to exploit trafcked victims. Men in China have
been trafcked in forced labor, often into brick kilns.
71
The plight of male victims of trafcking is receiving more notice. Three
research projects on male victims of trafcking are being conducted: one
examining trafcking patterns from East Africa and the Horn to South Africa;
one examining the trafcking of men into maritime, construction, and agricul-
ture in the Philippines; and one examining the trafcking of men in Serbia.
72
In the United States, in 2007, 30 percent of the 303 individuals who received
certication letters recognizing them as trafcked victims were malea
signicant increase over the 6 percent of male victims certied the
previous year.
73
VICTIMS OF TRAFFICKING 45
OTHER VULNERABLE VICTIMS
Other vulnerable groups have been known to be trafcked. These include the
physically or mentally impaired, the homeless, or drug addictedindividuals
who are less capable of protecting or standing up for themselves. In the Com-
monwealth of Independent States, disabled people are induced into street beg-
ging for support and protection,
75
while disabled children are used for
begging in Thailand.
76
In New York, two defendants were convicted of smug-
gling disabled citizens from Romania into the United States to force them to
Case 4.6. A Thai Immigrant Seeks Work in the United States
Sathaporn Pornsrisirisak, a Thai immigrant, thought he was coming to America, the
fairy tale place, to work for a Napa rm as a welder on the San Francisco-Oakland
Bay Bridge for wages six times higher than he could earn in his native Thailand. For
the privilege of a coveted job in the United States, Pornsrisirisak was required to pay a
$12,500 recruitment fee from his $200 monthly wage. Desperate to provide for his
family, he borrowed the money from a bank and loan shark at exorbitant interest rates.
The Napa steel rm agreed to a subcontractor compensation package that amounted to
$18.80 per hour for each worker, and that the employment agency, Kota Manpower,
was supposed to pay the welders directly.
Instead of providing the 49 Thai nationals with high-paying jobs, the subcontractor/
trafcker took away their passports; housed them in a shabby apartment with no gas, elec-
tricity, heat, or furniture; and threatened to send the men back to Thailand to face crushing
debts if they complained. A Kota employee conscated workers passports, drove them to
and from the job site, and threatened them with deportation if they complained.
Pornsrisirisak and the others were trapped in near-slavery, working 13-hour days
at a Long Beach restaurant. They were kept in safe-houses where they slept on oors
and were given scraps of food. For three months of full-time work, Pornsrisirisak was
paid a total of $220.
After three months, Pornsrisirisak and the others plotted an escape with a Thai
patron of the restaurant who drove them to a Thai temple.
74
Case 4.7. Homeless Men Forced to Work on Farms
Ronald Evans recruited homeless men from shelters, forced them to work on his farm,
and kept them in debt by selling them beer and overpriced and highly addictive crack
cocaine on credit. The men would be lured from Miami with promises of a decent wage,
hot meals, and a place to stay. Instead, they were forced to work on one of Ronald
Evans work camps in northeast Florida or North Carolina. When police raided the East
Palatka, Florida, camp in June 2005, they found 148 individually wrapped crack cocaine
rocksone nights supply. Evans was sentenced to 30 years in federal prison.
77
46 HUMAN TRAFFICKING, HUMAN MISERY: THE GLOBAL TRADE IN HUMAN BEINGS
work as beggars.
78
Disabled men were trafcked from the Slovak Republic to
Slovenia for the purpose of forced begging in 2007.
79
In Florida, law enforce-
ment ofcials investigated a case involving U.S. citizens recruited from shel-
ters for the homeless, as well as men who might be suffering from forms of
mental illness or who are addicted to drugs and subsequently forced to work
in the agricultural sector (see case 4.7).
80
HARM TO THE VICTIMS
The trauma experienced by victims varies from one individual to the other
and may be inuenced by the age of the victim upon being trafcked, the na-
ture of the exploitation, the length of time the victim is exploited, and the
degree of violence and manipulation to which the victim is exposed. Victims
of both sexual exploitation and forced labor are often left with little or no
resources to rebuild their lives.
81
Victims of forced prostitution are often stig-
matized by their families and communities, making it virtually impossible to
return home and receive support. The Nigerian Immigration Service and work-
ers from NGOs in Nigeria reported that the women who were forced into
prostitution in Italy and subsequently arrested and deported from Italy are
crazed when they return home. They are angry and belligerent because of
the trauma inicted on them by the trafckers as well as by the police and
immigration ofcials who arrest and deport them with little more than the
clothes they were wearing at the time of arrest. After having spent weeks to
months working in prostitution, the women are not even allowed to take the
few possessions and clothes that they had been able to accumulate.
82
Aid workers report that victims suffer from depression and that suicidal
thoughts are common. Victims mental states include withdrawal, disassocia-
tion, and feelings of helplessness and self-blame. Trafcked persons experi-
ence depressive, psychiatric, and psychotic disorders.
83
Cristina Talens and
Joe Murat, workers at the French NGO Committee Against Modern Slavery
(Comite Contre lEsclavage Moderne), were involved in the rescue of Henri-
ette Akofa, the Togolese teenager forced into domestic slavery in Paris. Henri-
ette survived her ordeal well. Another trafcked woman from C^ote dIvoire
who they rescued was so traumatized by her ordeal that she was completely
withdrawn and incapable of communicating with her rescuers. She had to be
committed to a mental institution.
84
The IOM, which often comes into contact
with trafcking victims who need assistance in resettling in their home coun-
tries, reports that victims who do escape have been so brutalized that they
experience life-long psychological trauma, and, according to psychologists,
only 30 percent fully recover to live a normal life.
85
Trafcking of girls and women for commercial sex places many young
victims in situations in which they are not protected by the law, they experi-
ence greater social stigma, and they have even less access to health and social
VICTIMS OF TRAFFICKING 47
services.
87
Trafcking also increases the victims vulnerability to drug addic-
tion, unwanted pregnancies, and dangerous abortions.
The Link between Trafcking for Prostitution and HIV/AIDS
Forced prostitution and trafcking expose young women and children to sexu-
ally transmitted diseases, including HIV/AIDS, during the time that they are
exploited. Victims face the risk of unwanted pregnancy, early motherhood,
and reproductive illnesses that might affect future reproductive ability. The
sometimes-serious health problems experienced by women victims of trafck-
ing for sexual exploitation have been clearly documented.
88
UNICEF has illuminated a more sublime link between AIDS and child
trafcking. According to the organization, studies point to a clear link
between the vulnerability of children to trafcking and the spread of HIV/
AIDS. According to the latest estimates in Sub-Saharan Africa, the region
more heavily affected by HIV/AIDS than any other region in the world, more
than 12 million children have been orphaned by AIDS.
89
Children with families affected by the AIDS pandemic may be abandoned
to fend for themselves following the death of one or both parents. Even in
instances in which one or both parents is still living, a child may be forced to
care for or support a sick parent
90
or the other children or may be pressured
to leave a village because of the stigma associated with having a family mem-
ber with AIDS.
91
All of these factors put children at risk of being trafcked.
NOT ALL VICTIMS ARE THE SAME
A typical victim does not exist. Victims are not just young women, nor are
victims exploited only in the commercial sex industry. Another quality that
differentiates victims is the way in which they cope with their situation. While
some victims recognize their victimization and are willing to seek assistance
and cooperate with justice authorities in the prosecution of their trafcker,
others refuse to relate to the term of trafcking or identify with the victim
Case 4.8. A Wife Is Kidnapped
Coco was kidnapped in Mexico and taken to Canada after her husband double-crossed
the men he worked with as a drug money courier. At the beginning, they wanted all
the information about money, properties, bank accounts and everything that my hus-
band stole from them. The drug dealers soon altered their initial plans. Coco was
beaten, locked up, and forced to perform sex acts for money. Within three months of
working as a prostitute she got pregnant. Her captors took her to a doctor for an abor-
tion. Instead, the doctor helped her escape.
86
48 HUMAN TRAFFICKING, HUMAN MISERY: THE GLOBAL TRADE IN HUMAN BEINGS
role and thus refuse assistance. In a study of trafcked women exploited in
various sectors of the sex industry (from massage parlors to strip clubs) in
Canada, even women brought to Canada under false pretenses, subjected to
debt bondage, and forced to work in slavery-like conditions did not consider
themselves trafcked victims.
92
One woman, who police believed to be a vic-
tim of the Netherlands largest and most violent trafcking ring, responded to
accusations that she was forced into prostitution and subjected to exploitation
and violence with the following comment, This scenario appears to be more
like a Hollywood lm than reality.
93
Refusal to recognize that they are victims of trafcking can be caused by
a number of reasons, ranging from a failure to realize that they are victims of
trafcking or knowing that they can depend on the support of family in their
countries of origin, to a desire to protect their exploiter (with whom they may
have fallen in love). Some victims fear retaliation or violence against their
families, and others may still be in debt to their trafckers or feel they have
to continue working to repay the debt. Yet others fear they have failed in their
rst attempt to go abroad and are determined to go abroad again.
94
This is
often a euphemism for returning to prostitution, but the victims often believe
that, once they have learned the ropes, they can work as freelance sex
workers the second time around. Organizations working with children in West
Africa have reported that in spite of being exploited at hard labor under
deplorable conditions for years at time, children are given their promised
bicycle at the end of their term and are allowed to return home, proud of the
fact that they are the only ones with a bicycle in their village. Some of these
same children return to their village and recruit other children to work abroad.
In Chapter 5, we will examine the phenomenon of those who transform from
victim into perpetrator.
CONCLUDING REMARKS
Although women and children are most susceptible to human trafcking, even
men are not spared this egregious form of modern-day slavery. Trafcking
and exploitation will occur in any market in which there is a demand for
cheap labor. There is a never-ending supply of potential victims trying to
improve their lives and those of their families. Exploitation affects victims in
various ways. Whether they are able to psychologically and emotionally sur-
vive their situation will depend on their own internal strength, the nature of
their abuse, and perhaps the legal, medical, and psychological support and
protection they receive upon being rescued. Whether or not victims even
recognize that they have been victimized will determine how they process
their experience. These issues will be addressed in more depth in Chapter 9.
The next chapter will examine the trafckers, their organizations, and how
they operate.
VICTIMS OF TRAFFICKING 49
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5
The Trafckers: Their Methods of Operation
and Organization Structure
CHAPTER 5 INTRODUCES the reader to the criminals involved in human trafcking
and then discusses the trafcking process and provides an analysis of trafcking
organizationsas networks, highly sophisticated criminal enterprises, organized
crime groups, and business models. To fully understand the trafcking process,
one must understand criminal organizations and the methods they use to recruit,
transport, control, and exploit their victims and how they manipulate the system
to protect their operations. Only within this context is it possible to formulate
enforcement and policy responses to react to the criminal organizations involved
in human trafcking and design prevention programs aimed at potential vic-
timstopics that will be covered in more depth in chapter 9.
WHO ARE THE TRAFFICKERS?
Who are the people who so ruthlessly recruit and exploit the victims? What is
their national or ethnic background in relationship to the victims? Is it only
men who recruit others for exploitation or are women also involved in this
insidious trade? The answer to these questions may depend on a number of
factors, such as the country of origin of the trafckers and their victims, how
the victim was recruited and whether we are examining the recruitment, trans-
portation, or exploitation phase.
Police and court (ofcial) statistics provide us with a good, but limited,
picture of people who have been arrested on (suspicion of) human trafcking
charges. This is only a limited picture, for it tells us nothing about those traf-
ckers who have not yet come to the attention of the authorities. Trafcked
victims and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are another source of
information on the background of offenders. This is what they tell us.
A number of countries provide annual statistics on trafckers arrested by
local or national law enforcement. Germanys Federal Criminal Police Ofce
(Bundeskriminalamt) provides the following data: in 2007, 714 suspects (644 in
2006 and 683 in 2005) were identied by the police. More than three-quarters
(78 percent) of those arrested for human trafcking were men. The largest ma-
jority, 344 or 48 percent were German (of which 71 [20.7 percent] were not born
in Germany). Europeans accounted for 87 percent of those arrested for trafck-
ing with the largest number of trafckers arrested coming from Turkey (49),
Bulgaria (42), Hungary (29), Romania (25), and Poland.
1
The Dutch National Rapporteur on Trafcking in Human Beings provides
detailed information on the number of trafckers against whom charges are
brought as well as their age, gender, and the country of birth. Between 2002
and 2006, 715 suspects faced charges. The average age of those arrested for
trafcking was 32 years old (in 70 percent of the registered cases, the suspects
were between the ages of 18 and 41). In 2006, 11 suspects were minors, which
represented an increase over the previous years. While the number of suspects
with relation to country of birth varied over a ve-year period, the countries
with the largest number of suspects include the Netherlands, Turkey, Bulgaria,
Rumania, and Morocco. The gender distribution is particularly interesting. Of
all suspects, males accounted for 81 percent in 2004, 87 percent in 2005, and
83 percent in 2006. This, however, differed among ethnic groups. Among the
Turkish trafckers arrested in 2006, there were no females involved in trafck-
ing, and among the Dutch trafckers, there were few females. Among the
Russian, Hungarian, Rumanian, and Bulgarian trafckers, the percentage of
women was high and varied between 30 percent and 39 percent.
2
Studies conducted by organizations working with victims may provide in-
formation unavailable to the police, because not all victims cooperate with
criminal justice authorities. Information gleaned from victims trafcked in
Southeastern Europe indicates that recruiters/trafckers from Albania and the
province of Kosovo are almost exclusively men, while a large percentage of
those trafcking women from Moldova, Macedonia, and Bosnia and Herzego-
vina are themselves women.
3
U.K. police provide information on trafckers obtained from cooperative
victims and from those arrested during Operation Pentameter (described in
more detail in chapter 9). Eastern European groupsincluding Lithuanians
and Czechspredominate among trafckers; however, Albanian males appear
to be the most heavily involved both as pimps and within trafcking. Informa-
tion was beginning to emerge concerning the involvement in Chinese net-
works involved in the illicit sex trade. Trafckers are mostly males in their
mid-20s. Many of the men are illegal migrants, asylum seekers or those who
have overstayed their visas.
4
WOMEN AS TRAFFICKERS
Women have often been portrayed as the victims of trafcking, although
this is not always the case. Women are not only becoming more involved
in the trade, but contrary to popular belief, the role of women as trafckers
52 HUMAN TRAFFICKING, HUMAN MISERY: THE GLOBAL TRADE IN HUMAN BEINGS
is signicant and increasing.
5
Some of these women have been the
victims of trafcking. This may explain the high number of women from the
Russian Federation, Bulgaria, and Rumania arrested in the Netherlands as
perpetratorswomen from these countries are overrepresented among victims
of trafcking.
If they play a role in the trafcking process, women are generally
involved in the recruitment phase. They may unknowingly be asked to recruit
friends to work abroad. They may be sent back to their countries of origins to
recruit friends under the watchful eye and threat of the organization that traf-
cked them. They may knowingly recruit women as a way to buy their free-
dom or may have become part of the trafcking organization.
6
The United
Nations has called this happy trafcking, although there is nothing happy
about it. It has been described as a sort of human pyramid scheme in which a
few of the trafcked victims are released, and sometimes provided nancial
incentives, to return to their home countries and recruit other victims. The
term happy refers to the illusion that the new recruiters create by pretend-
ing that they have had a wonderful experience in a legitimate job abroad. This
manipulative method reduces the risk to organizers by putting women in visi-
ble positions as recruiters and at the same time increases prots, turning vic-
tims into proxy recruiters and eventually trafckers.
7
Law enforcement is noticing an increased involvement of the number of
women organizing the business operation and controlling victims. In some
cases, the women act as compatriots to male partners, while in others, the
women are in control of most of the operation. During an expose of trafck-
ing in women between the Czech Republic and the United Kingdom, an
undercover reporter went to the Czech Republic to allegedly purchase prosti-
tutes for his U.K. brothels. He was shown one of the women who would rst
be sent to the United Kingdom to work as a prostitute, and at the same time,
would verify the legitimacy of the organization for her trafckers back home.
According to the reporter, she was being groomed to move up in the trafck-
ing organization.
8
In another case, a San Antonio woman and her two daugh-
ters were directly responsible for managing the entire operation trafcking
Mexican children to the United States for sexual exploitation. The women
allegedly traveled to Nuevo Laredo, Mexico, and recruited and then smuggled
girls as young as 15 to work as prostitutes in Texas.
9
This pattern has
been found in various countries. Police and justice statistics may provide an
indication of the number of women arrested as suspects; individual case
les provide more detailed information on the specic role played by the
female trafckers.
The role of women in the trafcking of Nigerian girls and women for
forced prostitution has been well documented. Young women between the
ages of 15 and 25 are recruited for commercial sexual exploitation by an older
woman, a Maman or Madam, who acts as facilitator for the women and girls
and the organization preparing their migration. When the young women arrive
THE TRAFFICKERS: THEIR METHODS OF OPERATION AND ORGANIZATION STRUCTURE 53
in the destination country, another Maman
11
supervises, controls, organizes
the groups (comprising 10 to 15 girls or women), coordinates their activities,
and collects their prots. Most Mamans were themselves prostitutes. Once
they repaid their debt to their Maman, they, in turn, use the same method to
make money.
12
A study of Nigerian women involved in trafcking of Nigerians to the
Netherlands revealed that the women were on average 45 years old, had legal
residence in the Netherlands, or were awaiting a residence permit based on a
relationship or marriage to a Dutch partner. All had worked in prostitution in
Nigeria and the Netherlands and had worked their way up to the role of
madam. The women play a key if not the main role in the trafcking organi-
zation, planning and controlling the entire process.
13
The Dutch National Rap-
porteur reports that among Nigerian trafcking suspects arrested between
2002 and 2006, the numbers are small, yet 78 percent are women.
14
Limited statistics are available on the number of females suspected of or
convicted for their involvement in human trafcking. The International Orga-
nization for Migrations (IOMs) Counter-Trafcking Module (CTM) database
(data obtained from 78 countries between 1999 and 2006) indicates that 42
percent of the 9,646 sex recruiters were women (an additional 6 percent of
the cases involved recruitment by both women and men).
15
Statistics from the
Dutch National Rapporteur on Human Trafcking indicates that 32 (17 per-
cent) of the suspects arrested in 2006 were females from Bulgaria, Romania,
and the former Soviet Union (ve suspects each), the Netherlands (four),
Morocco (three), and one each from Brazil ; Hong Kong, China; Hungary;
India; the Islamic Republic of Iran; the former Yugoslavia; Lithuania; Nige-
ria; Poland; and the former Czechoslovakia. Thirty-eight percent of
the Bulgarian and 36 percent of the Romanian suspects are women.
16
The
Case 5.1. Young Women Promised Legitimate Work Are
Forced into Prostitution
A sex trafcking ring run by nine illegal migrants smuggled girls and young women
from Guatemala into the United States with the promise of legitimate work as babysit-
ters or waitresses. Upon arrival, they were forced to work as street prostitutes to repay
an inated debt. Some of the girls were as young as 13. The children were told to lie
about their age if asked. Some of the victims were taken to reputed witch doctors,
who would allegedly place a curse on the victims or their families in Guatemala if the
victims tried to escape. All victims were told that if they did not repay their debt
or tried to escape, they, their children, or their families back home would be beaten
or killed.
The majority of those arrested for trafcking were women. The nine defendants
included a family of six, among them, ve women. Other trafckers were the son of a
trafcker and his live-in girlfriend, and two live-in boyfriends of the same women.
10
54 HUMAN TRAFFICKING, HUMAN MISERY: THE GLOBAL TRADE IN HUMAN BEINGS
German Federal Criminal Police reported that almost one-quarter (22 percent)
of the 714 suspects arrested in 2007 were women.
17
Other statistics provided by the United Nations Ofce on Drugs and
Crime indicate that, in Nigeria, 60 percent of those prosecuted (and 50 percent
of those convicted) for trafcking are women, while in the Slovak Republic, a
quarter of those prosecuted in trafcking cases are women. Furthermore, the
United Nations. reports that the percentage of women involved in trafcking
in Italy varies tremendously from one country to the next. Data collected
between 1996 and 2003 show the percentage of women trafckers: Albania
(7 percent), the former Yugoslavia Republic (11 percent), Italy (12 percent),
Romania (25 percent), and Ukraine (79 percent).
18
RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN TRAFFICKERS AND THEIR VICTIMS
Law enforcement agencies and studies reveal that (sex) trafckers, particularly
those operating in source countries, recruit victims of their own ethnic back-
ground or nationality.
19
The relationship may determine the method used to
recruit the individual victims. Victims may be recruited by strangers through
formal advertisements, Internet ads, word of mouth, or family members or
friends. In Albania, young women from rural areas are reported to be courted
with expensive gifts and recruited with false promises marriage. Almost one-
third of the women (738) repatriated to Albania were found to have been
recruited through fraudulent promises of marriage.
20
Kidnapping, while an
uncommon recruitment practice among trafckers in other countries, appears to
occur with some regularity in Albania. Within this same sample, 7 percent of
the repatriated women reported having been kidnapped. Children in West Africa
are often placed in the trust of trafckersoften family members or friends
who promise the parents to provide education or work opportunities. Organiza-
tions working with trafcked children report that they are at times sold outright
or traded for items. One NGO told of an Albanian child who was traded for a
second-hand television set.
21
THE TRAFFICKING PROCESS
Recruitment and Preparation for Travel
Recruitment very often involves promises of marriage (or of employment,
education opportunities, or a better life). The U.S. government identied this
same pattern in Taiwan, China, where the demand for young Vietnamese
women as brides and concubines has resulted in a record number of these
young women being brought into Taiwan. After being married and becoming
legal citizens, many are sold into prostitution.
22
Believing that they will be
happily married, all women willingly depart their native countries.
THE TRAFFICKERS: THEIR METHODS OF OPERATION AND ORGANIZATION STRUCTURE 55
This is also true for women who believe that they will be working
abroad. A study in the Philippines found that all victims left the Philippines
willingly. The majority of respondents in the study said they were sought out
by recruiters, while less than a quarter of the 85 victims interviewed sought
out the recruiters themselves. A large majority of the victims were contacted
through word of mouth by intermediaries that included family members,
friends, or acquaintances known to the respondent or the family.
23
Trafckers use various methods to bring trafcked persons into a destination
country. They may, under false pretenses, attempt to secure legal visas into a
desired country, or use this country as a point of entry into Western Europe.
Once in the European Union, they are subject to no or minimal border controls.
During a mission to Nigeria in 2000 to assess the problem of trafcking in
women, our U.N. delegation
24
was told by embassy personnel of EU Member
States, that Nigerian trafckers used to visa shop for the embassy, which
imposed the fewest restrictions on the issuance of visas. Consular ofcers told of
individuals who sought to obtain travel visas for womens study groups or tours.
One consular ofcial told of a Nigerian who sought visas for members of his
young womens badminton team. When embassy personnel invited the young
women in individually to interview them and test their knowledge of the sport,
the women had no idea what a badminton shuttlecock looked like. When embas-
sies began coordinating their efforts and made it more difcult to obtain visas
from EU countries, Nigerian trafckers began moving their victims to Benin to
attempt to secure visas from the embassies of EU Member States in that country.
When this failed, they began moving victims overland to Northern Africa.
Customs and immigration ofcials report other ruses as well. Picture sub-
stitution in passports or passport rental from young women to smuggle look-
alikes into a country have also been reported by law enforcement ofcials.
While more and more passports contain bio-information printed on chips, this
clearly is not the case in many developing nations where funds are scare and
the verication of a persons identity is difcultbirth records in rural vil-
lages are often nonexistent.
Transportation
The transportation phase varies per trip and client. Some victims are unaware
of what awaits them at their destination due, in part, to the fact that they are
treated so well during the transportation phase. The exploitation or victimiza-
tion of persons in transit may depend in part upon whether they are trans-
ported by plane or through other modes of transportation prolonging the
journey. In a U.N. study of Filipinos who were trafcked to Japan, the Repub-
lic of Korea
*
, and other destinations, many reported residing in four- to ve-
star hotels in transit.
25
Others are not so lucky.
*Republic of Korea and South Korea will be used interchangeably throughout the text.
56 HUMAN TRAFFICKING, HUMAN MISERY: THE GLOBAL TRADE IN HUMAN BEINGS
Stories of children trafcked from and within West African countries por-
tray a harsher reality. Togolese child victims reported varying degrees of hard-
ship and exposure to uncomfortable and dangerous situations during their
travels. Children reported being transported without documents across national
borders and being forced to walk long distances. Child victims interviewed
told of being subjected to physical and psychological violence once they were
on the journey. Children transported by boat reported that other child victims
had succumbed to thirst or drowned.
26
Likewise, Nigerian women reported
being raped while in transit overland to Northern Africa to groom and pre-
pare them for what awaits them in their destination country in Western
Europe or to force them to pay for their upkeep during the transport phase.
27
Exploitation
Creation of debt is one of the main mechanisms used by trafckers to main-
tain control over victims. Debt can be incurred as a result of the cost of the
trip of having been smuggled into the destination country. Trafcking, how-
ever, occurs also in situations in which no debt was incurredeither the vic-
tim paid all costs before departure, or there was never any discussion of
repayment for expenses, in cases, for example, when women are unsuspect-
ingly brought to a country as the girlfriend of the trafckers.
Even when the initial debt has been repaid, victims are not always free to
leave. Some victims continue to be nancially exploitedby having to pay
for food, rent, and other services, often at exorbitant prices. In the case of
Turkish trafckers in Amsterdam, women were forced to turn over C
1,000
28
per day to the trafckers and also had to pay for the rental of their rooms and
an additional C
100 to C
400,000 a
month.
66
Two university professors from Uzbekistan living in Texas victi-
mized two young Uzbek girls and in 18 months made $400,000 off the serv-
ices of their victims.
67
Europol reports that trafcked Lithuanian women are traded for between
C
2,200 and C
10,000 and C
380 and
C
950 million.
68
The International Labour Organization (ILO) attempted to calculate the
prots generated by criminal agents and organizations trafcking humans.
Based on an estimate of 1.1 million victims of human trafcking for forced
economic exploitation, the ILO found that total prots
69
amounted to US$3.8
billionmost of it generated in industrial countries. Prots in other regions
varied between US$40 million in Sub-Saharan Africa and US$776 million in
Latin America. When restricting the assessment to prots from forced com-
mercial sexual exploitation as a result of trafcking,
[T]he ILO found that the global prots made from trafcking into forced commer-
cial sexual exploitation amounted to US$27.8 billion. Almost half of all prots
US$13.3 billionare made with people trafcked into or within industrial coun-
tries. Second highest prots are in Asia (US$9.5 billion), followed by transition
economies (US$3.2 billion), Middle-East and North Africa (US$1.0 billion), Latin
America (US$0.6 billion) and Sub-Saharan Africa (US$0.1 billion).
70
The study estimated that each woman in forced sexual servitude generates
approximately US$100,000 per year.
The ILO study examined a number of cases to test their estimates. Prots
varied. In a case in Finland, police seized accounts showing that prostitutes
generated between C
75,000 and C