AAF Air-Ground Forces (1942-45)
AAF Air-Ground Forces (1942-45)
AAF Air-Ground Forces (1942-45)
Ln
1948
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ARMY GROUND FORCES AND THE AIR-GROUND BATTLE TEAM INCLUDING ORGANIC LIGHT AVIATION Study No. 35
By
Kent Roberts Creenfield, Col. Inf. Res
i948
17 May 1948
TO:
1. The history of the Army Ground Forces as a command was prepared during the course of the war and completed immediately thereafter. The studies prepared in Headquarters Army Ground Forces, wero written by professional historians, three of whom served as commissioned officers, and one as a civilian. The histories of the subordinate commands were prepared by historical officers, who except in Second Army, acted as such in addition to other duties. 2. From the first, the histor was designed -rimarily for the Army. Its object is to give an account of what was done from the point of view of the command preparing the history, including a candid, and factual account of difficulties, mistakes recognized as such, the means by which, in the opinion of those concerned, they might have been avoided, the measures used to overcome them, and the effectiveness of such measures. The history is not intended to be lsadatory. 3. The history of the Army Ground Forces is Lomposed of monographs on the subjects selected, and of two volumes in which an overall history is presented. A separate volume is devoted to the activities of each of the major subordinate commands. 4. In order that the studies may be made available to interested agencies at the earliest possible date, they are being reproduced and dietributed in manuscript form. As such they must be regarded as drafts subject to final editing and revision. Persons finding errors of fact, or important omissioi's are encouraged to commnicete with the-Office, C;ief, Army Field Forces, Attention: Historical Section, in order that corrections may be made prior to publication in printed form by the Department of the Army. FOR THE CHIEF, ARMY FIELD FORCES:
SIncl
Historical Study
PREFATORY NOTE
This study was prepared by Lt. Col. t3,nt Roberts Greenfield while he was Chief of the Historical Section, Amy Ground Forces. The first draft of this_ ~udy was written in 1944-4I-5,p.t This draft is being reproduced with-erl$minor revision, It has some unfinished portions, and certain important aspects of air-ground cooperation, such as airborne and antiaircraft artillery training and air supply -ha-e ret been inclua=4 in the , I e t' The record of the performance of the air-ground battle team in theaters of operations was likewise incomplete when this draft was compiled. It is the intention of Dr. Greenfield, now Chief Historian of the Department of the Army, to revise and extend this study before in S its eventual inclusion in the A, Ground Forces ubseries in The U World War II, in process of publioation.-.....
the re-
sponsibilities and outlook of Army Ground Forces with reference to i air power and air-ground cooperation during World War II., It is presented for use by Army planning agencies and for reference material in Army Sil-vie Schools. Specifically, its aim is to stake out those areas of fact and controversy relative to the difficulties encountered and the achievements realized in making the air-ground battle team work. By examining this r)cord, it is hoped that similar pitfalls may be avoided in the future, and the concepts which produced good results can be exploited.
JOSEPH ROCKIS
Lt. Col., Inf. Chief, Historical Section
22 March 1948
AcceVion For
DTIC
0,
__COP,
~'.-
TANE O
IS
Page
Prefatory Note ii
INRDUCT~ION
-American Doctrint, RegariIng the anpioyment of Air Power _..... 9asing Autonomy of U. S. Air Forces before March 191'2 -Repnsibiities and Outlook of General NoNair, 1
5
7
II
9
9 3. 13 17 20
23" 29 30 32 33
35 36 9
The AG? Program for Air-Gsorud Training in 19113 The Air Support Board, Deember 1942 The AGF Air-Ground Tests
Aviation Requested by Army Ground Forces for Training Iitervention of the 1,yr Departent Extensions of the Joit Training Program Progress and Shortcings of Air-Ground Training In 193
45
47 50 51 57 58 59 62 65
Propose. Extension of Organic Ground Force Aviation Organic Divisional Flights Proposed and Rejected The Problem of a Suitable Field Artillery Airplane Renewed Effort of the Army Air Forces to Recapture Artillery Aviation, 194
69
69 71 76 76 83
iii
Page
VIII DEVELOPMMEWS IF T ME" -. A3N AND PACIIC TMEA , l91-1
9 45
Air-Grouad Cooperation in IT0 Air .econnaissanoe, Photographic and Visual Developments in the Pacific and Far Zat, 1913-5
87 92
93
98
100
Artillery Missions
for",s of Ary Ground Forces to Improve Field Artillery Air Observation Efforta to Obtain a More Suitable Airplane
Efforts to Extend the Role of Organic Gromd Aviatlon Reorganization of Aviation Organic in Ground forces X AIR-GROUII DOG 'PINE MID QBUiIWION
104 108 11
115
120 120 121 .125
Air-Grouad Cooperation in thae Zone of Interior The Problew of Adequate Aviation for Joint TrsantIg Joint Exeroises vith Navy Aviation The Training Program 19"11-45 Improvements in Joint Training Organization -d Training for the Use of Aerial PhotograTy Air-Ground Tra~.ning in AGF Service Sohools Obstacles and Shortoan Adoption of a Standard Air-Ground Liaison Bystem
126 127
129 130 131
iv
Chapter I
INTMUC~TION
In World War I the initial and basic role of aviation in the U.S. Army bad been to 9)rve as the eyes of the gromd forces an& to shoot out the eyes of the enemy. During the war aviation developed rapidly as a means of extending the f.ire power of the combined arms by strafing and bombing. Before the end. of the war extensions of the range and
power of military aircraft had brought within the realm of application the concept of
its use as a means of attacking directly the bases of the enemy's power far behind his lines, and the British in April 1918 established an "Independent Air Force" to apply this concept. In the period between the two world wars the military potentialities of air power became, as is well known, the subject of agitated discusion that produced bitter controversies. These turned on the capacity of long-range or "strategic" bombing to effect a military decision in war. kxtrme theorists, led by Douhet, I held the view that combat aviation used in mass could. break the enemy's will to resist, with only minor ,cooperationfrom forces on the ground. Douhet believed that the cocmbat effort of air power should be wholly concentrated on gaining superiority in the air and striking at targets remote from the scene c ground operations, that is, on strategic bombing. Air
cooperation between them which might be required would be that involved. in isolating the battle area by attacks on lines of commication and on trocps and supplies in the rear area of the enemy's forces. Teamwork between air and ground would, be restricted to the headquarters of higher commanders. In the U.S. Army after World War I the most ardent and co icuous advocate of the unique and decisive potentialities of the air arm was Prig. Gen. William D. Mitchell. The stormy controversy that centered on him ara came to a lim when he was tried by court-martial left an aftermath of bitterness which made it aore difficult to azrive at agreements and decisions regarding the role of air power in the tem of combined arms. With some airmen belief in the efficacy of air war bad been rendered passionate by controversy, and a strong group within the Air Corps became convinced that an adequate test of their doctrine would be possible only if the air forces were made independent. The exeasle of Great Britain, which had maintained the Royal Air Force independent of the rest of the Army, strengthened the determination and aggressiveness of American advocates of air war. PMIRCAN DOCTP3M IA.GIM THE 24P0 NT OF AIR POWER
. AThe
influence of progressive thought about the use of air power was reflected in American military -potrine when war came. The broad statements of air doctrine were included in Field Manual 100-15, "Larger Units," issued on 29 June 1942. -M 100-15 laid "wn as basic the principle that "successful modern military operations demand air supc.iority."2 It prescribed that "the initial objective a campaig must include tie attainmnt of air superiority." It made clear that vhat was meant was not merelv local superiority, but air superiority within the theater of operatione of an offensive campaign on whatever scale planned. It also stated that, in achieving air auperiority, air forces had a broader mission than to create a condition
Lf
1. GL'ilio Douhet, The Command of the Air (Eng trans, New fork, 1942). 2. FM 100-15, ":Larger Units," 29 JunU_, Foreword.
3. Thid, par 34
essential to the success of ground forces. Air forces were to "deny the establisment of and destroy existing hostile bases from which an enem can conduct operations on land, sea, or in the air"; more generally, they were "to wage offensive air warfare against the sources of strength, military and econcuoc, of the enemies of the United States in the furtherance of approved wvar policies."4 The strategic mission of the air forces was recognized. They must be prepared to "operate . . . as a . . . striking force beyond the range of surface forces," and "striking force aviation must be designed primarily for the application of air power in initial lone-range strategic air combat operAtion. "5 On the other hand FM 100-15 made clear that extreme views of air power had not been approved. As one of the "basic tasks of the air forces," it listed "close cooperation with the other arms of the mobile army in the conduct of land operations." 6 &pport of ground forces "from the time these forces enter battle" was given the same weight of inportance as strategic air. cperations, and "ability to fulfill both requirements" was declared to be "ital. "7 The ability to support ground forces was to be achieved in two ways: (i) "All cumbat aviation will be trained within its means to provide effective air support to ground forces"; and (2) "certaig classes will be specifically trained to furnish close support to ground forces." For the air forces "priority" as between the two missions, strategic and oQqmtive, was put on a basis of timing and not of relative importance. "The initiation of strategic air operations normally will precede tA contact of surface forces."9 ht, "even though close support may normally occur last in chronoloical order, it is essential that designated agencies give this type of opetion consideration and that all agencies be prepared for such operations at any time."l u With regard to "close support," no weighting was given to the relative imortance of "attacks on the iinediate front or flanks of the supported ground forces" as coared with "attacks against troops, installations, or other objectives more distant frc the s 2 supported units." I Though emloyed in an earlier expression of doctrine, the phrase "Isolating the battle area," which was to be a subject of disagreement between air and 4. Ibid, par 208 a and d. An earlier manelm, IN 100-5, "Operations," 22 may 41, repeatedly ephasized the fact that air seriority was prerequisite to the success of ground operations, but might have been interpreted as referring to local superiority. See pars 460 (armed operations), 777 (operations against a fortified locality), and 1001 (landing operations)i par 1033 (general) stated that "air superiority in the area involved is prerequisite to continued, succensfu military operations." 5. IF 100-15, pars 213 and 214.
6.
par 208.
In par 233, it was stated that: "all classes of aviation may be used to support ground forces. Light bombardment aviation is practically trained and equipped to operate in close support of ground forces." In par 210 b, it was made clear that "support forces include observation aviation needed to provide air observation for ground troops." 9. Ibid, par 213. 10. Ibid. In par 234, these were described as cuprising "all types of operations . . . which have the primary mission of intervening against hostile ground forces in contact with the supported friendly ground forces or capable of interfering with their mission." 11. Ibid, par 234. 12. Air Corps Field Manual 1-10, 20 Nov 40, pars 4 c and 205 c. -2-
ground forces during the war, was not used. While pertinent standing doctrine, as stated in FM 100-5, "Operations," 22 May 41, provided that "the hostile rear area" might "frequently be the most favorable zone of action for ccvbat aviation," it left the question of whether air power should be used in "the hostile rear area" or "in direct support" to be determined by "the higher cammander" according to his estimate of each situation. 1 3 The attention of commanders was directed in FM 100-15 to certain "fundamental considerations" in deciding how aviation was to be used in support of ground forces. These turned on the primary mission, mobility and limitations of air forces. Ground comanders were to bear in mind that the primary mission of the air forces was to gain air superiority. Again, because of their greater vulnerability and the greater cost of replacement, air "should normally be employed on targets that could not be engaged. effectively or overccme prcptly by the use of artillery alone." In general, "great care must be exercised to see that the efforts of cambat aviation are not devoted to targets which could be more econcumlcally overcane by ground forces alone." The fact that full effect could be achieved only by mass employment was ephasized: "Sufficient aviation will seldan be available for allocation to subordinate elements of the supported unit." Warning was given that air support could not always be guaranteed. It might be "interrupted by bad weather, enemy interceptions, hostile attacks on airdrcmes, or strong antiaircraft fire. 1 4 On the issue of control in cambined air-ground operations, FM 100-15 contained only broad declarations of principle. It stated: "All caubat aviation in a theater of operations or similar ccmand ordinarily is organized as an air force under the theater or similar cc ner."15 All cambat aviation was thus placed in a single pool. On the other hand it was prescribed t~at "observation aviation must be attached to the ground unit specifically supported." 1 6 Meanwhile the principle had been established, in FM 31-35, "Aviation in Suppurt of Ground Forces," 9 April 1942, that Army aviation must remain under control of its own comnders in all but the most exceptional circumstances. FM 31-35 was an initial attempt to reconcile this rule with -he i mperative need for prcqt results in the area of battle. Since this manual remained the only authoritative guide to tactical cooperation between air and ground until the publication of Training Circular No. 17 on 20 April 1945, it will have to be reviewed in same detail. 1 7 The situation envisaged as normal in FM 31-35, as in FM 100-15, was the assignment of an air "force," ccaposed of all elements, to each theater. One ccmonent of nd," would "habitually" be made available to suport this force, an "air support c an army.1 8 Such a ccand might be expected to contain fighter, bomber, and observation elements. Only the observation element was to be organic in the air support ccm and. The others were to be assigned or attached to it at the discretion of
13.
J.4.
15.
16. Ibid, par 210 b. 17. For the circumstances under which this manual was prepared, see "Origins of the Army Ground Forces: General Headquarters, United States Army, 1940-42," In United States Army in World War II: The Army Ground Forces, The Organization of Ground Troops for Combat (Washington, 1947), pp 113-14. 18. FM 31-35, par 2 a.
Vo-3
U
safeguard.
"Control" of the air suppart commanl was centralized in an air cammander in whom the cmanding general f an army would normally find his opposite number. With his "collaboration," the c-_y commander would decide on the air support required and plan its allocation. To speed u cooperation at lower levels, the control of the air commander could be decentralized to "air support controls" located in immediate proximity to the command posts of units to whose support air units were "specifically allocated. "20 It was indicated that normally such air support controls would be found opposite ground headquarters only at the corps level. Bat they might be located as far forward as divisions, 2 1 and would be so located normally in the case of armored divisions. With any ground unit likely to need air support would be an air liaison element, known as an "air support party."22 A request for support from any ground unit engging the enemy was to be passed back through channels to the first command post at which there was an "air support t that level was to be advised by this "party" regarding party." The ground ocumander -. the practicability of the mission. Thence the request, if he approved, was to go by radio to the first command post that was provided with an "air support control," possibly at the division level, more normally at corps heMquarters. The air control officer, if the request was in accord with the grounA-air plan, would then send it directly to the airdroe of the supporting air unit in the fqrm of an attack arder. 2 3 Once the planes were in flight on a mission, they couid receive instruction di eotly from "air support controls" acting on occasion through "air support parties."24 Such, in broad outlines, was the system of coordination for cobat support.
.'
Fi 31-35 was far less explicit regarding the control of observation than of ocubat aviation. It was only remarked that since vory close liaison gas called for the commander of the observation unit was to be designated as the air adviser to the cammander of the supported unit. Observation aviation was generally to be decentralized to permit each corps and division to count on its own supporting aviation for missionsP5
Under the terms of FM 31-35, control of support aviation was thus kept in the hand 'of air qcmnanders. Orders to air units could be issued only by them. Air support was to be massed, and control of supporting aviation centralized, as high Zp as seemed practicable. But "the ground force c nder Znormally the a=7 cammnder, in collaboration with the air support ccauanaer," was to determine "the air support required," and 2 the ground commander was to decide whether or not an air mission was to be ordered. priority of targets the decision of the ground cmwner was made "final." 27 Given the object of the procedure sketched in
\"'
>
.~On
FM 31-35 was to
19.
20.
21. Ibi, Fig 1, p 4. 22. Defined as "a highly mobile group conuosed of one or more air support officers and necessary personnel and equipment to transmit air support requests to air support control, and to operate communications with aircraft-in-flight net." 1i 31-3 , par 4 h.
23. I4-d par 37. 24. Ib, Fig 1, p 4. 25. hid, pars 51 and 58.
26. 27.
get the quickest possible results in a matter in which prcapt action was vital, and might be decisive. Cosunication by telephone to effect coordination was to be limited to ccmman& pur'poses. Responsibility for the necessary wire nets was divided between Signal Corps troops and air force troops. Ccmmnication within the air party system was to be exclusively over a radio net which was to be a responsibility of the air force. Air support controlp and, at times, air support parties might ccoamnicate by radio with planes in the air.28 Doctrine regarding ccomunication between ground troops and planes in movement was, of necessity, general and tentative in 1942. FM 100-5 had mentioned "visual signals and dr-op and pick-up messages. "29 It had stated that "signal ccmminication for target designation and mutual recognition normally is by panel frcm the ground, pyrotechnic signals, colored tracer ammunition, aircraft maneuvers an& radio. "30 In FM 31-35 an effort
7.
was made to be more specific, and the use of maps, map substitutes, and marked air photographs for target designation was eMhasized.31 But standardized procedure in these matters, as in making the "air party" system work effectively, could be established firmly only on the basis of experience yet to be acquired. The system of ccmuication to achieve teamwork was exceedingly complicated and could be expected to work effectively only by assiduous planning and intensive cooperation. The weakness of existing procedures was reflected in warnings: (1) "The identification of targets may be difficult."32 (2) "Methods to identify friendly troope to friendly air units must constantly be sought and tested. "33 (3)"Close supporting operations . . . may require such intimate coordinatla , and the time element in signal cceminication and staff action may be so short that th%, air unit must be attached to the ground unit for definite limited periods3. flCRKASIm AUTONC y OF U.S. AIR FORCES WORK MARCH 1942 The approach to World War II was marked by a drive on the part of the air element in the U.S. Army for autoncmy of the air forces within the Army. This was justified by Maj. Gen. Henry H. Arnold, Chief of the Army Air Forces,35 on the ground that the unique mobility of that form of military power had
,
....
has been concerned with the enloment of a single decisive arm, which was supported by auxiliary arms and services. All these arms and services were welded into a single cohesive battle team, whose principal effort found all forces cooperating in time and space at a decisive point. Today the military ccemander has two decisive striking arms. These two arms are capable of operating together at a single time and place, on the battle field. But they are also capable of operating singly at places remote frcu one another.
mid, pars 102, 108 and 109. FM 100-5, 2a May 41, par 186. Ibid, par 1040. FM 31-35, Par 34 a and b. FM 100-15, par 236 h. N 31-35, par 46.
34. FM 300-5, par 1041. 35. Memo, CofAAF for CofS USA, Nov 41, sub: Reorganization of the WD. AGO Records, WPD 4614(S). -5 -
General Arnold waged that the "priceless attributes of air power"--summed up in its mobility, permitting an endless variety in the choice of an objective and the massing of its whole strength on that objective--would be valid "only if the Air Farce is organized and controlled as a single entity. "36 In spite of vigorous opposition, advocates of air power in the U.S. Army had advanced far on the road to autonomzy before the war came. The neel for intensive development of the air arm had been recognized in the constitution of the Air Corps in July 1926. As an arm, it had no direct control over the training of tactical air units. These units in July 1940 came under the authority of General Headquarters, U.S. Army, but the vigor, activity, and influence of the Air Corps had become so great by that date that Maj. Gen. Lesley J. McNair, as Chief of Staff of GHQ, decided to assume a passive role with regard to this aspect of the training responsibilities of GHQ.37 On 20 June 1941, the Air Carps was incorporated in a separate force, and General Arnold, Chief of the Air Corps, became Chief of the Army Air Forces. As a separate force, it was empowered to train and "operate" its own tactical units, as well as make the plans for their organization and employment. A large measure of autonmy was thus achieved, and, with General Arnold also Deputy Chief of Staff for Air, the new force gained a powerful position within the War Department. Its leaders viewed with alarm the war powers foreshadowed for GHQ after July 1941, fought against their extension, and threw their weight into the effort to obtain a reorganization of the War Department an the Army hiS4 cam ani, which would put the air forces on an equal footing with tN ground forces.5o The objective of equality was achieved in the reorganization effected on 9 March 1942, which created three major ccmnands, the Army Air Forces, the Army Ground Forces, and the Services of Supply (later Army Servico Forces). Secretary of War Stimson stated this to have been one of the two principal objectives of the reorganization, it having been recognized "that this war is largely an air war. "39 The view of the Air Chief had been adopted that "the proper organization for the air forces is to bring them up from their previous status . . . to exactly the same status as the ground
forces ."40 To accomplish this end, the Army Air Forces was not only made a separate command, but the Air Corps was also to be given a representation of 39 officers out of the 98 on the streamlined General Staff: one-third of those in the War Plans Division, one-half of those in each of the other divisions. The last-name prbvision was not actually carried out when the General Staff expanded under the stress of war. The strategic situation of the United States favured such measures, ceiling as it did for concentration of energy on the expansion and effective use of American power in the air. In the desperate fight for time, during 1940-41, rapid expansion of air power was clearly a necessity if the aid of the United States to the powers still holding the Axis at bay was to be given in time to be effective. It was also clear that, once the United States was engaged, and with Allied control of the high seas in doubt, the best chance for the first American body blow at Nazi power was by means of an air offensive. In a period of enormous and rapid expansion of the armed forces, the situation indicated a high priority for the preparation of strategic air forces, and concentration on the far-ranging, high-performance airplanes which such forces required. The situation therefore favored also the views of the 36. 37.
40.
*.
Ibid.
Organization of Ground Cambat Troops, 7P 99-100. Statement of Maj. Gen. Joseph T. ticNarney, in testimony before Senate
-6-
element within the Army Air Forces who were convinced of the yet untested capacity of strategic air forces tc bring the enemy to terms, and. it tended to increase their influence. On the other hand, as indicated abov, after the reorganization of 9 March 1942 the doctrine of the Army gave the same weight of importance to the direct cooperation of air with ground forces as to strategic air operations; and the preparation of a mobile, hard-hitting ground army on a large scale reflected the belief of the War Department that such a force would have to be used in World War II, as in World War I, to obtain a decision. The anxiety of the more thoughtful ground commanders, as they watched the development and increasing indbpendence of the Army Air Forces, was based on the concentration of that development on its startegi, mission. Their fear was that the airplanes and the trained air units necessary to the effectiveness of ground action in modern war would not be available when needed. Their anxiety had been heightened when equipment and trained units had not been made available for the execution of the great prewar training program of the combined arms which culminated in the Louisiana and Carolina maneuvers of 1941. When war came, the new team of ground arms had been developed and tested on a large scale; but organization, equipment, and training of American dir power for direct cooperation with ground forces in the battle area had as yet been only sketched.
McNAIR
After the War Department reorganization of March 1942, General McNair, as Commanding General, Army Ground Forces, was made directly responsible for the organization, training, and equipment of the ground forces for combat. He was made jointly responsible with General Arnold, the Ccmmanding General, Army Air Forces, for "the development . . . of ground-air support, tactical training, and doctrine in conformity 4 with policies prescribed by the Chief of Staff." 1
General McNair, as Chief of Staff of GHQ, had already manifested in his conduct of training and in his counselp regarding the organization of the Army and its high command, the principles which were to guide him in meeting his new responsibilities. He had demonstrated his grasp of the fact that sweeping changes in the Army were necessary to take advantage of the mobility and fire power which scientific and mechanical progress had put w thin its reach. In the development of new specialties of ground combat and their integration into the battle team, he had shown himself--conspicuously in his program for meeting the tank menace--a firm advocate of the principles of flexibility a"t. massing of force which the Army Air Forces had inscribed on its banners. On the other hand, he had firmly opposed, within the ground forces, the tendency to excessive specialism, both in organization and training, which acccpanied the emergence of new and highly mechanized arms. The Army was becoming a new kind of team, but to be effective it must be really a team. General McNair had demonstrated his conviction that two conditions must be met to make it such. One was experience in the field. He had bent all his energies on extending the actual cooperation of the combined arms, including the air arm, until, in the fall maneuvers of 1941, two army-size teams of the combined ground arms, with supporting aviation, were successively pitted against each other in free maneuvers. The other basic requirement was singleness and responsibility of command. In the organization of the Defense C umands within the United States in 1941 he had contended for this in insisting that the interceptor commanders of the air forces be given direct command of the antiaircraft elements necessary to the execution of their orders, and he had manifested his deep distaste for the term "operational control" which the Army Air Forces had borrowed fru Brittsh usage. Again, singleness of coand within the field of operations had been the issue in his conflict with the Air Forces over the powe- anLI responsibilities of GHQ after July 1941. It must be added that in all decisions reservatioa of his confidence for what was practical was combined 41. WD Cir 59, 2 Mar 42. 7-
with firm and comprehensive grasp of theory in the make-up of General McNair. It was the trait behind his ironical reference to himself as a "pick-and-shovel" man. He pressed forward into experiments with new combinations: as an artillery officer in World War I. in his development of the artillery fire direction center and the infantry-artillery team; as the test officer, who in 1937-38 established the basis of the new triangular division; and as director of GHQ, an agency in xhioh General Miarshall sought opemindedness with reference to innovations."42 Bat, while ready to experiment, General Mcair consistently manifested distrust of theory beyond the point where it had bQeen demonstrated to be practical. The traits and principles mentioned were reflected in the few public statements General McNair had made regarding air power as he watched its rapid expansion and increasing independence in the U.S. Army. Addressing the young airmen of the graduating class at Kelly Field in June 1938, he recalled a test of bombing he had been charged with conducting in Hawaii in 1923, when the young bombers, eager to demonstrate their skill and power, had been shocked to find that, in spite of their highly skilled efforts, they had not come closer to their target. "I beg of you," he said to his audience of young air officers, "to know yourself and your weapons, and to be frank among yourselves and with the rest of the Army. The Army will believe what the Air Corps says it can do, and rely on it. If its prowess Ls exaggerated, through whatever cause, disillusionment surely will come with war."43 In February 1940, he r ferred with satisfaction to an extensive test of bombing at Maxell Field, remarkingthat "the Air Corps is on its way--and this time the right vaj--because in many ways it is seeking and finding the facts. "44 He was ready to follow the lead of Ameridan experience. But in the faL. of 1941, after observing the great Louisiana maneuvers, he declared his conviction that aviation could not win the war alone. '!A new and more serious problem," he said, "has come along--cooperation between air and ground forces. Without this vital teamwork, the vast power of aviation is futile; with it, the infantry, is shielded and pulled forward against all obstacles. kvents in Europe have proved conclusively that aviation itself is indecisive." In the dame address he took an open stand against an independent air force. He termed it "an organization which would increase the difficulty of air-ground cooperation immeasurably. . . . . Our reason has ruled against this false proposition for twenty years, and the war abroad has now produced such a mountain of evidence against it that it should be interred once and for all." 4 5 Of the March reorganization he said at West Point, in May 1942, "the change placed the air forces in the big picture more appropriately than had been the case previously. . . . The picture today calls for a minim= of accent on the arms, and the greatest possible attention to developing balanced fighting units. Both the Germans and the Japanese have shown the way. We dare do no less, and we shall be smart to do more, in perfecting the task-furce idea, including not ground forces alone, but the air forces as well. "46
42. Organization of Ground Combat Troops, p 12. 43. Address to graut-ngclass, Kelly Field, Tex, 16 Jun 38. Mc1air papers, Army War College Records. 44. Address to graduating class, Ft leavenworth, Xan, 1 Feb 40. IkLd. 45. Address, "Benefits Derived fram Second and Third Army Maneuvers Recently Cacpleted," before Ccamanders' and Adjutants' Conference of the American Legion,
3 Nov 41,.
Ibid.
-8-
46. Address to the graduating class, West Point, 5 May 42. Ibid.
The program for air-ground training in 1942 reflected the experience of ground and air elements in the large-scale Louisiana and Carolina maneuvers of 1941. To meet the urgent need for matual understanding between ground and air which the 1941 uaneuvers had revealed, the Air Force Combat Command prepared an elaborate training directive on air support, dated 4 December 1941, and recmmended that GHQ prescribe a similar program for ground commanders. 1 In response to this request, the Aviation Section of GHQ drafted a directive and submitted it to General McNair for approval. Although General McNair, as early as August 1941, had advised the War Department that the fall maneuvers should probably be followed by "training in air-ground cooperation on a large scale throughout the service," 2 he now felt that the proposed elaboration of the air-support program should be postponed in favor of more pressing needs. It would require more troop schools, and these would interfere with the return to basic training which he had decided that the ground forces must make in the post-maneuver period.. By informal agreement the proposed directives on air-ground cooperation were withheld, but they served as a basis for the instractions on air-ground training issued after the March 1942 reorganization. THE AGF PROGRAM OF JOINT TRAINING With the newly issued Field Manual 31-35, "Aviation in Support of 'round Forces," 9 April 1942, to serve as a doctrinal guide, the Army Ground Forces published its 1942 &rogram for Joint air-ground training in its master training direotive of 23 April 1942. This program called for nine weeks of training in air-ground cooperation. It began with six weeks of preliminary training, the first four of which were to be devoted to schools for officers. In the unit-training phase of the over-all training program, two weeks were to be allotted to training in cooperation with air support. Finally, three of the eight weeks to be spent in corps-directed maneuvers were to be given to "air-ground maneuvers." The maneuver periods, based on a staggera schedule extending through the year, were arranged to provide maneuver training both for newly activated units and for those which had completed the "post-maneuver training" directed by GHQ on 30 October 1941. .ll AGF units were thus included. They were to be trained in all forms of the "technique and tactics of air support," including obgervation, bombing and strafing, identification, communications, control, exploitadion, and defense. The program contemplated the training of air forceras well as ground forces. It was nothing if not comprehensive. 1. (1) AFCC ltr ACC 353 Tng Dir 4 Dec 41, sub: Supplementary AFCC Tng Directive 1941-42 for Air Support Aviation. (2) AFOC ltr ACC 322.082 Observation to CofS (ZQ, 12 Dec 41, sub: Air-Ground Operations. Both in GHQ Records, 353/21 (Air-Gnd). 2. GHQ 2d ind to TAG, i Aug 41, on IV Army Corps ltr, 19 Jul 41, sub: Texts to Develop Doctrine and Methods for Aviation Support of Ground Troops. GHQ Records,
1*
353/37/38 (C).
3. Pencilled note, LJM to DofS, on draft directive submitted to Gen Clark 28 Dec 41. GHQ Records, 353/21 (Air-Gnd). 4. AGF ltr to CGe, 23 Apr 42, sub: Oct 42. 353/1043.
Training Directive for the Period 1 Jun-31
9 -
The success of the program would turn on extensive cooperation from the Army Air Forces in furnishing both personnel and planes. On 9 April the Army Ground Forces outlined the program to the Army Air Forces and requested the cooperation regarded as necessary.5 Army Ground Forces was aware that its request involved "a considerable amount of aviation, "6 and subsequently modified the total originally requested. During the initial phase of the program--the first two weeks of the preliminary training period--experienced air officers were needed to assist with the officer schools. Por the two weeks of unit training, aviation, chiefly of the observation type, was required for 27 infantry dlvisions, 8 armored divisions, 1 cavalry division, and the units at training centers. 7 Army Ground Forces proposed that in unit training, noncombat aviation should, besides serving its normal purposes, be used to simulate combat aviation. For the three weeks of air-ground maneuvers, in which combat as well as observation aircraft would be needed, Army Ground Forces in April asked for the allc.ment of a complete air support command to each corps-controlled group of units; each corps group was to be trained in the maneuvers as "an independent task force." Army Ground Forces asked that each air support commnLd include at least one group of combat aviation, a communications squadron to provide air "parties" and "controls," a light observation squadron for each infantry or cavalry division, a medium observation squadron for each armored division, two additional medium observation squadrons, two photographio d.uyadrons, one mapping squadron, and, finally, one signal battalion. The tentative schfule compiled in April called for seven corps maneuvers in toe period 1 July-31 October 1942, with nree to be conducted concurrently In October.0 As subsequently modified, only five corps maneuvers were held, with no more than two being held concurrently. Thus a maximum of two air-support commands was eventually required.9
'V
The Army Air Forces' promi.e of cooperation--"to the full extent of availability
of equipment, personnel, and air support units"--fell considerably short of the requests of the Army Ground Forces. Army Ground Forces had especially emphasized the importance of having adequate observation aviation during the unit training period, stating that "without such aviation . . . the preliminary air-ground unit training would be of little value. "10 The Air Forces promised that such aviation would "'be made available as requested regardless of status of training or equipment." It acceded to the request for air officers to assist with the preliminary schools. In response to the AGF request for the allocation of "a complete air support command" to each corps during its air-ground maneuvers, the Army Air Forces promised only the headquarters and certain elements of such a command. It would provide for each air-support commnd
5.
353/39 (Air-Gnd).
353/1043. (2)Memo of Gen McNair for CG AAF, 30 Dec 42, sub: Ground Forces. 354/4 (Air-Gnd)(C). 10. See ltr cited in n. 5 above. 10
Aviation in Support of
a group of light bombardment aviation, a communications squadron, a squadron of observation aviation for each infantry and cavalry divisio, and a signal battalion. The AGF requests for a medium observation squadron for each armored division and for two squadrons of this type to each corps were not met. The request for two photographic squadrons (18 planes) to each air-support conmand was met by the statement that one photographic flight (3 planes) "should be available to each corps . . . dependent on the progress of operational training." No mapping squadron would be available. The experiences of 1941 had inspired two particular anxieties in Army Groud Forces with regard to Joint training--shortage of airplanes, and the greenness of air personnel provided. The promises of the Army Air Forces were not reassuring on either point. They contained the warning that "the statas of training and of equipment of the air force units to be employed . . . will vary, and of necessity, some newly activated aviation units will be employed. 11 Two days after receiving the rearnse of the Army Air Forces, Army Ground Forces issued its training directive for 19 2. I40NSTRATION AT FORT BENNING, JU! 1942
The 1942 air-ground training program began with a large-scale, three-day demonstration at Fort Benning, Ga., designed to acquaint ground comanders and their staffs with the procedures to be followed in the unit and maneuver phases of the program outlined in the AGF directive of 23 April. It was to culminate in a series of "Joint air-ground maneuvers." In addition to its headquarters delegation, Army Ground Forces summoned more than 180 of its officers from the field ao be present, including the commanding generals and staff officers of 2 armies, 10 corps, and 35 divisions.12 The demonstration at Fort Benning was staged on 11-13 June 1942. The first phase, run off on 11-12 June, was to demonstrate methold of Joint training for the benefit of ground commanders and their staffs. In the se~ond phase, an 13 June, aviation supported an infantry division reinforced by armored elements n an attack, with supporting artillery and aviation using live ammnition. A special demonstration of the attack was run off for Gen. George C. Marshall on 8 June. Representative of the War Department, the Army Air Forces, the Navy, and the British Amy were invited to witness the demonstration on 13 June.13 The demonstration was conducted by the Comanding General of the II Army Corps, Maj. Gen. Lloyd R. Fredendall. The ground team comprised the lst Division, a combat team of the 2d Armored Division, and two GHQ tank battalions. The Army A*Ir Forces was asked to provide an air support commund, comprising three observation squadrons, one squadron of dive bombers, one group of light bombardment planues, and a photographic
11.
Hq AAF lst ind, 20 Apr 42, on AGF ltr, 9 Apr 42, sub:
353/39 (Air.-nd).
12. (1) The initial plans for the Ft Benning demonstration were made in oonversations betweenGen Marshall, DCofS Gen McNarney, and Gan Clark, the CofS, AGF. The plans were outlined in a memo of Gen Clark for Gen McNarney, 2 May 42, sub: Demonstration of Air-Gnd Tng and Opns. This and most of the sources used in this section are in a separate birder, 353 (Air-Gnd Demonstration, Ft Benning Ga). (2) Report of the Third Demonstration Air Task Force (Prov.), sub: Air-Gnd Demonstration, Ft Benning, Ga, June 11, 12, 13, 42, hereinafter referred to as Repor. 353/93 (Air-Gnd)(sep binder). 13. AGF ltr to CG II Army Corps, 16 May 42, sub: Demonstration of Air-Gnd Tng and Opne. 353/10 (Air-Gnd Dem, Ft Benning, Ga). Lists of those invited will be found in the correspondence contained in this fil.
-
11
squadron. An Army squadron of dive bombers was not anvailable, and one was borrowed from the Navy.14 The air units assigned, which were organized to form the Third Demonstration Air Task Force, Provisional, commanded by Col. Clinton W. Howard, had only 30 percent of the normal strength of an air-support command. The organizatior of this force and the joint rehearsals were impeded, according to the report of its commanding officer, by "numerous changes in units assigned, the withdrawal of many units, the poor status of training and low experience level of certain participating personnel, and the lack and inadequacy of vital equipment.' Units arrived late, and at various intervals, during the period scheduled for rehearsals. Many of the airplanes were in an unsatisfactory condition. The air commander remarked that "the or6anization of this provisional task force is an example of the difficulties which may be encountered in assembling stray airplanes from all corners of the United States, pilots from units that have departed for overseas, borrowing of personnel from the Navy and then expecting to operate with what should be relatively trained personnel. "15 General McNair issued a critique after coordinating it with the AirtStaff. The demonstrations, he declared, had clearly indicated the need of further air-ground training. In general, he passed on to his commanders the criticisms which the participating air officers had made. These were chiefly directed toward bringing into line with the doctrines expressed in FM 31-35 misleading impressions which observers might have received. It was pointed out, for example, that in contrast with the situation presented atFort Benning, an air support command would normally work with an army, not a corps, and that ground commanders should not expect "fixed numbers and types of combat groups" to be habitually allocated to corps and divisivns. The air commanders regretted the fact that, because of the restricted demonstration area, targets bombed had been within artillery range, and Colonel Howard) the air task force commander, wished to emphasize the "axion that 'unless the situation is critical, targets will usually not be selected within the effective range of the weapons of ground forces'" General McNair restricted himself to saying: "LJsually, missions by light and dive bombardment aircraft will be in forward areas outside the zone of artillery fire. They may be used on missions farther to the rear." He added: "At times it may be essential to employ support aviation on missions close to our front lines and within range of artillery." In the reliminary discussion the air officers had sought to have a declaration made that support aviation would not be assigned to, Attached to, or otherwise placed under the control of ground commanders. General McNair repeated the language of FM 31-35: "An air support command is habitually attached to or supports an arm in a 'primary air (1) He emphasized three points in his critique: theater of operations." support consists of observation aviation," and this should be used "habitually," avon missions are most important"; in the absence of bombardment aviation; (2) "p..ctoga ap "there has been a tendency on the part of ground commanders in the past to disregard this type of mission"; (3) "the reicognition and identification of air targets continues to be the most difficult ed undeveLoped part of air support."16
14. (1) Memo of GenKuter, Air DCofS, for DCofS, WD38, 4 May 42, sub: Demonstra(2) Tell, tion of Air-Gnd Tag and Oprtne. 353/6 (Air-Gnd Dom, Ft Benning, Ga). Cominch to CG AGF, 29 May 42. 353/1 fAir-Gnd)(C). 15. Report, pars 3, 9 a, and 9 b.
j.6. (1) AGF itr to ry(s, 19 Jul 42, sub: Critique of Air-Gnd Demonstration at Ft Benning, Ga. 353/55 (Air-and Dam, Tt Benning, Ga). (2) Gen McNair's critique was based on the reports of the Third. Demzn.tratlon Air iasK Force, the CG II Army Corps, and Col Howard, a memorandm of OG- WIGS, and a personel 2tr of Gln Lynd to Gen McNair. AGF M/S, G-3 to DCof4 7 Jul 42, item (3). bId.. (3) Forsrnal ltr of Gen Lynd to Ge, McNair, 19 JU 42. Ibid. (4) le2ort, pare 49 f 52.
-
BAMING
air-support commiands with a coined T/O strength of 753 airplanes--an average of 150
planes for each air-support command, of the modified type agreed to by the Air Forces on 20 April 1942.17 The number actually allocated was 400. Of these, an estimated 263 were in a condition to operate--an average of 53 for each ai gsupport command.
The Army Air Forces Initially scheduled for the joint ccps maneuver program five
17.
18. Incl No 2 to memo of Gen McNair for CO AAF, 30 Dec 42, sub: Support of Ground Forces. 353/4 (Air-Gnd)(C). 19. Forcee. Memo of 353/282 Gn Arnold for CofS USA, 20 Jul 42, sub: Armored (Air-Gnd). 20. (1) Pers itr of Col Wood to Gen McNair, 8 Aug 42.
Col Wood wrote to the same effect in his Report, forwarded to Hq AGF by 6th ind,
354.2/271 (Obs-42).
VIII Corps Air-Ground Maneuvers.
AGF ltr to CG Third Army, 27 Aug 42, sub: WD Gen Council Min (5), 7 Sep 42.
-
13
TABU I
AVIATION IN SUPPORT OF AR4Y GROUND FORCES CORS MANEUVERS, 12 JULY - 5 NOVER 1942 Airplanes
Corps
VI Required Assigned
Actual
P-A*
60 26
13
o-L** 45
26
13
B*_
54 63
38
Total
159 115
64
VIII
Required, Assigned
Actual
60 2
1
45
48
42
54
7
6
159
57
49
VT.'
Required
Assigned
Actual
48
8
7
36
35
22
54
18
12
138
61
41
Required
Assigned
60
12
45
48
54
27
159
87
Actual
28
18
53
IV
Required Assigned
Actual
48
---
36
53 40
54
27 16
138
80
56
*
'6**
--
U.:kw-14
-
S..
k,,..
seriously short of planes, tranportation, and communication equipment, and "this condition was not corrected as the maneuvers progressed. " 2 3 The shortage of planes to support the air-ground training program was not confined to corps maneuvers. In July 1942, in order to ration the planes available, thb Air Forces requested Army Ground Forces to assign priorities to ground units and special training centers that requi--ed air support, exclusive of the corps maneuver program.24 Army Ground Forces complie&,2 5 but continued to receive reports of shortages. On 14 August the Amphibious Trating Command, then about to train the 36th Division, reported that it could get no recornaissanoe missions and only such photographs as patrol planes could take when off duty.26 In November the Coaning General of the Tank Destroyer Center, pressing urgently on Headquarters, Army Ground Forces, the need in his training for "continuous air support," pointed out that the II Air Support Command had been charged by Headquarters, Army Air Forces, with furnishing support aviation for the Third Army, the III Arvred Corps, two separate armored divisions, the Mountain Training Center, and the Ta r Destroyer Center--in all, 20 divisions and 2 training centers. The II Air Support Coraand had available for these purposes 11 observation squadrons, "recently reduced to 10% of their T/O strength," and not a "single pursuit or light bombardment plane." rts principal equipment consisted of approximately 30 obsolete or obsolescent observation planes, "some of which were manufactured in 1235." The only other equipment it had available consisted of liaison-type aircraft.2 7 Repeatedly during the training period Army Air Forces officers expressed regret that they were unable to provide the cooperation desired. Brig. Geu. Laurence S. Kuter reported to the War Department that the Army Air Foroew felt very bad about its inability to furnish enough observation planes. "4e planes nceded," said General Kuter, "have been sent all over the world," the observation planes, particularly needed in air-ground training, "have been used as light or mdijm bombers," end no combat type observation planes would be available until April 1943.20 In explaining shortages to
sub:
23. (1) Second Army let Ind, 19 Nov 42, on AGF ltr to CG Second Army, 28 Oct 42, Air Support Tactical Doctrine. (2) Third Army ltr to OG AGF, 29 Nov 42, sub: Ground-Air Support Tng a2.
353/3
353/111. (S).
353/114 (Amphib).
27. TDC ltr to CG AGF, 30 Nov 4?, sub: Support Avn for Tng Purposes, quoting, in par 2, 1st Ind of II Air Support Cmmuand, 19 Nov 42, on ltr of request from TIC. 353/6 (TD Air Oben). Gen Bruce (OG T11) enclosed a copy of this letter in personal letter to Gen Parks, Hq AGF, begging him for a sympathetic view of his plight. It is to be noted that at just this tine (Nov 42) the Army Air Forces was making an attempt to obtain control of the artillery observation planes which the Army Ground Forces had developed to meet its urgent needs. See below Chap III, "Organic Aviation in Field Artillery, 1942."
"-
15 -
Headquarters, Army Ground Forces, in October, Col. D. M. Schlatter advanced such reasons as "priority commitments," "demands for aircraft in active theaters," "special diversions," and "restricted flow of aircraft to the Army Air Forces." Colonel Schlatter acknowledged -hat the situation was "far from satisfactory for training purposes," but added that it was "dictated by approved policy. "29 Behind such statements were the decisions and exigencies of high policy. In April 1942 all the resources of the War Department were subjected to the demands of a plan to mount an invasion of the north coast of France in April 1943, or a smaller invasion of the same coast late in 1942 if necessary to support the Soviet Union. This plan was set aside in July in favor of the invasion of North Africa in November. All forces were subjected by these plans to uncalculated demands. The Army Ground Forces knev all too well how activation and training schedules were torn to pieces by the demands of changing war plans. 3 0 For example, General McNair stated on 23 November 1942 that one reason why the 1942 maneuvers lacked realism was that, for want of equipment, no antiaircraft units could be used. 3 1 The principle was not questioned that the first step in modern warfare must be to gain air superiority. Furthermore, if the United States was to take the offensive at the earliest practicable moment, the air arm, as that least impeded by the shortage of shipping, was clearly indicated as the one to be readied for aqtion first,-and its power to strike had to be built up simultaneously at home, in Eng.and, in Africa, and in the Pacific. Seeking necessary equipment, the Army Air Forces had to adjust its pace to the commitments made by the United States to supply aviation to Great Britain and the Soviet Union, and particularly it had to adjust its pace to the requfrats of the Soviet Protocol, to which General McNarney pointed in September as the root of the trouble in getting enough obse,-Yation planes, since that agreement "called for alU of the production of this particular type of plane." 3 2 Such demands and difficulties, on top of a rapid and enormous program of expansion, gave the Army Air Forces a staggering task in 1942. General McNair, recognizing the difficulties with which the Army Air Forces was contending, repeatedly counseled patience. "They are extended far beyond their capacity," he wrote in August, "and we simply must be patient while they get straight4 33 On 30 December he wrote General Arnold:3 ened out and catch up with the procession." As I have said many times to you and other air officers, the Ground Forces appreciate the tremendous load which the Army Air Forces are carrying, the difficulties they face in expanding so rapidly and so enormously, and the fact that they are fighting heavily in many theaters. Under these
29.
Antiaircraft Measures.
353/8 (Air-Gnd)(R).
30. For the impact of changing war plans on AGF see "Mobilization of the Ground Army," in Organization of Ground Combat Ttroops, pp 201-4. 31. Par 5, AGF 1st ind, 23 Nov 42, on AAF ltr to OG AGF, 27 Oct 42, sub: Antiaircraft Measures. 353/8 (Air-Gnd)(R). 32. 33. WD Gen Council Min (S),
7 Sep 42.
353/128 (Air-akid).
34. Memo of Oen McNair for CG AAF, 30 Dec 42, sub: Forces. 353/4 (Air-Gnd)(C). - 16 -
conditions the Ground Forces must be patient in the demands for air units in connection with training in air-ground cooperation, vitally important as such training is. EXECUTION AND FAILURE OF JOINT MfINING PROGRAM
The program of joint training was carried out as scheduled. Supervision of air participation was delegated to a Directorate of Air Support, headed by Col. D. M. Schlatter, an agency set up in the Air Staff for the purpose. Air units needed by AGF commanders were requested by direct correspondence with the First, Second, Third, and Fourth Air Forces. At Army Ground Forces headquarters supervision was vested in the Training Division of the G-3 Section, and on 6 July Lt. Col. David M. Dunne was designated to handle questions regarding the joint program which required special aldtention. In August General McNair rejected a recommendation that an air-ground section or division be created in his headquarters. 35 He habitually kept staff specialization to a minimum, and with regard to matters of capital Importance desired that responsibility be felt by his whole staff. When a proposal was made in October 1942 to create an Air Section in the Special Staff, he rejected it as he had the earlier recommendation. He did not object to having an air officer attached to G-3, but noted that "if there is an air officer present constantly at this headquarters, he will probably have the effect automatically of severing our direct connection with Headquarters, Army Air Forces, sincQall requests involving that headquarters will be taken up by him rather than by us." 3 0 The implication that he wished his whole headquarters to face up to air-ground problems seems clear. All issues between the Army Ground Forces and the Army Air Forces in 1942 and later went to General McNair himself for deoision, and he either wrote, or annotated in his own hand, the correspondence deemed necessary. The results of air-ground training under the 1942 program produced a great disappointment in the Army Ground Forces. Reports from the field during the mn ver exercises and after their conclusion were unanimous in regard to the failure." The units which performed them remained unprepared. General MoNair said in a public address on 12 September: "It is regrettable to report that the pressing matter of airground cooperation still is essentially in the future. . . . Experimental work has been done, but we still have far to go along the road which air and ground must and will travel together before we can face the enemy decisively. "38 On 30 December,
Si
35.
36. (1)Memo of Plans Sec AGF for OG AAF, 22 Oct 42, sub: Orgn of Hq AGF. AGF MIS, CG to COfS, 26 Oct 42. Both in Plans Sec file, 320.2 Org Hq AGF (S). 37.
(2)
(1)Eq AGF requested the com'ands responsible for the 1942 maneuvers to report the number of types of air force units which had participated, their state of
training, strength and equipment, including deficiencies, and "other factors . . . which
have interfered with the maximum accomplishment of air-ground training results." Identical AGF ltrs to CGs DTC, Second Army, Third Army, and VI Corps, 28 Oct 42, sub: AirGnd Opns in Summer Maneuvers 1942. 354.2/9 (Maneuvers)(C). (2)The reports are bulked in a G-3 Staff Study submitted to the CofS AGF on 7 Dec 42. 353/4 (Air-Gnd)(C) Incl
1 (sep bndr).
38. Address to graduating class, Command and General Staff School, Ft Leavenworth, 12 Sep 42. McNair Papers, AWC Records.
W17
-
after considering all the returns, he reported to General Marshall: "We have made little progress in air-ground cooperation, in spite of our efforts, if we view frankly the conditions that must obtain in order to secure effective results in combat ... The trouble is that the air side of the setup has been too sketchy to permit effective training. I say this," he added, "without criticism of the air forces."39 The program was doomed to failure in the absence of the airplanes, equipment, and trained air personnel which it had required. Ground commanders did not escape criticism for failure to utilize the aviation that was provided. For example, Col Sterling observing the initial phase of the first air-ground maneuvers in July, directed by VI Corps, reported that an 29 July when 46 light bombardment planes were available, only 6 were used. The II Armored Corps had ordered one light bombardment mission at daylight, and one request had come from a division during the day--that was 41. The pilots flew about over the area during the afternoon to get in training time. 40 The Commanding General of the VI Corps, in his report, recommended that "tactical commanders make greater use of requests for air support." "1 On 27 October, the Army Air Forces, while acknowledging with regret that the aviation supplied had been inadequate for training purposes, intimated that ground commanders had not been resourceful enough in employing expedients and makeshifts. 4 2 General McNair called attention to this deficiency in the gitique of the 1942 maneuvers which he directed to his comanders on 7 January 1943. j There can be no doubt that ground commanders had yet to obtain a firm grip on thbw use and limitations of air suppurt. Taey were also groping, and making errors, at home and abroad during this same period, in learning the use of newly developed forms of ground combat. At the end of the year General McNair was still firmly convinced that to teach them how to work with aviation nothing could "replace an insistent and persistent training effort," 44 with an adequate number of "ships in the air" over the troops in training and available to ground commanders for Joint operations. General McNair had hoped that the 1942 program would yield, besides training, enough joint experience to permit a revision of the doctrines formulated in FM 31-35. He persisted in this hope in spite of initial disappointments. "After five scheduled maneuvers," he wrote on 20 August 1943, "we should be in a much better position to codify our experience, amend or replace our literature, and go on to the next stage of this progressive development. . . . Probably by the end of the summer the Air Forces will be in better shape and much more able to grasp the problem than has been indicated thus far. If this is not the case, we certainly shall be in a rather bad way. His 39. Memo of Gen McNair for CofS USA, 30 Dec 42, sub: General Robinett's ltr of
4Wood,
41. VI Corps 1st ind, 24 Nov 42, on AGF ltr to (s, 28 Oct 42, sub: Tactical Doctrine. 461/5 (FM 31-35). 42. 43. AAF ltr to CG AGF, 27 Oct 42, sub: AGF ltr to CGe, 7 Jan 43, sub:
44. Memo of Gen McNair for CofS USA, 30 Dec 42, sub: Gen Robinett's ltr of Dec 8 regarding Air Support of Ground Troops. 353/4 (Air-Gnd)(C). 45. Pere ltr of Gen McNair to Col Wood, 20 Aug 42.
- 18 -
353/128 (Air-Gd).
hopes were disappointed. His commanders reported unanimously that the tests of toctrine afforded by the maneuvers were too inconclusive to warrant changes in FM 31-35. t As evidence of the failure of the 1942 air-ground program piled up during November and December, General McNair refrained from making formal representations to the War Department, though he mentioned the situation "from time to time" in the Secretary of Warts Council Meetings. 4 7 The divisions that had gone to Africa had had only incidental training with air. It was now becoming evident that those scheduled for shipment in the first six months of 1943 would be similarly unprepared. General McNair's anxiety was deepened by a personal letter addressed to General Marshall 8 December by Brig. Gen. Paul McD. Robinett, Commanding General, Combat Command B of the lst Armored Division, and formerly G-2 of GHQ and Headquarters, Army Ground Forces.4 8 The campaign in Africa, wrote General Robinett, was showing that the Germans knew how to use air support with decisive effect, and that the Americans did not. He concluded: My regiment has fought well, has had rather severe losses, but can go on. I have talked with all ranks possible and am sure that men cannot stand the mental and physical strain of constant aerial bombings without feeling that all possible is being done to beat back the enemy air effort. News of bombed cities or ships or ports is not the answer they expect. They know what they see and at present there is little of our air to be seen. General Arnold, given this letter, sent it to his Director of Air Support, with a sharp memorandum directing him to take "personally . . . the necessary steps to impress upon all concerned not only the necessity for absolute teamwork between tne A r"mort and Ground elements, but also the very thorough step by step training necessary in all of the Air Support elements in order to develop the technique and procedure so essential to bring such teamwork about. . . . This is something that I have been pounding on now for over a year--apparently with little success." 4 9
46. On 25 Nov 4 the OGe of Second and Third Armies, VI Corps, and R&SC were requested to make recommendations regarding necessary revision of air support tactical doctrine. The reply of the CG R&SC is in 353/182 (Air-Gad), those of the other addressees in 461/5 (FM 31-35). A digest of proposed changes is in File No 11, Binder 1, "Doctrine," Air Branch, G-3, AGF. 47. (1) AGF MIS, CG to G-3, 2 Nov 42. 353/4 (Air-Gnd)(C). (2) On 23 October, Gen Arnold reported to Secritary of War Stimson that the aviation of all types then available for joint training totaled 818 planes. This seemed an impressive total; but subtract from it 211 planes for specialized airborne training and 28 dive bombers not made available until mid-October, and the total actually available for unit and corps maneuver training in 1942 was 579 planes (35 bombers, 83 high performance observation planes (P's and Are), and 461 observation and liaison planes. Most if the latter were employed at special training centers and in the preliminary 2-week unit training program. For the corps meeuver program, the maximum number of planes available and in a condition to operate was 109--approximately one-third of the 297 planes "required" to equip the air-support conands at planned T/O strength. See correspondence and data
in 353/4 (Air-and)(C).
48. sub, Copy In 353/4 (Air-Ond)(C). 33/4(Air-Gnd)(C).
49. Memo of Gem Arnold for Director of Air Support (Col Schlatter), 28 Dec 42,
Teamwork between Air and Ground Units.
-19-
On 28 December General Arnold sent General McNair the Robinett letter, a copy of this memorandum, and a personal note stating that the correspondence "indicates the steps which apparently we in the Air Arm must take. . . ."50 General McNair at once (30 December) made the report to General Marshall mentioned above, and directed a reply to General Arnold, which, after recognizing the burden the Air Forces were carrying, concluded:) 1 If we are frank, we must admit that our progress in air-ground cooperation thus far has been distressingly limited, in spite of our appreciation of the importance of the matter and the efforts made.
Ji
You may be sure that the Ground Forces will do everything in their power to meet your needs in this connection, and to make the maximum use of whatever aviation you may find it practicable to furnish. I hope devoutly that future reports from overseas may be more and more different from that by General Robinett.
S.
,. .~
50.
353/4 (Air-Gnd)(C).
51. Memo of Gen McNair for CG AAF, 30 Dec 42, sub: Ground Forces. 'bid, 52. (Air-Ond Dem, Ft Benning).
Aviation in Support of
From pars 9 and 10, ltr of Gen Lynd to Gen McNair, 19 Jun 42.
353/55
-20-
The opinion ex,.. ased by General Lynd was strengthened in the Army Ground Forces, not only by the events of the summer and fall, but also by the statements of air staff officers in their frequent conferences at the Pentagon with representatives of the ground staff. Brig. Gen. John M. Lentz, G-3 of Army Ground Forces, got the impression that the doctrine of "isolating the battlefield," in lieu of close-in-support, "finds favor with Air Corps officers of almost every rank."53 Various other indications con'
-Arnold
firmed a feeling that the training need for the "absolute teamwork" of which General spoke was not taken too seriously in his staff. For example, his headquarters recommeaded in October that ground comanders, in the absence of actual aviation, employ expedients more resourcefully.54 But when the Commanding General of the 1st Cavalry Division made an arrangement with the air comunder of a neighboring base to have heavy bombers fly over ground troops in training, with the express understanding that the bombers would not be diverted from their own training mission, and sought approval of their arrangement through Army Ground Forces, Army Air Forces withheld it on the ground that the "Heavy Bombardment OTU program is too intensive to permit any interferences. "55 Headquarters, Army Air Forces, seems to have been oblivious of the anxiety,and mistrust that was being built up at the headquarters of Army Ground Forces. Otherwise, it would hardly have seen fit to trasmlt to General McNair for comment, on 5 November 1942, the memorandum of an air theorist in which the onus of cooperation and training was put on the ground forces, and in which it was maintained that strategic bombing--defined as "all operations at a distance greater than approximately 100 miles in front of friendly ground forces"--takes precedence in time over ground operations, and must be expected to continue after H-bour.56 Into the unfortunate mistrust of the views and aims of the Air Staff built up by the failure of the 1942 Joint training program ot 2er factors undoubtedly entered. One was resentment over the aggressiveness of the Army Air Forces in pressing the advantages given it by preferential policies, particularly in the recruiting of high quality personnel--policies which imposed grave difficulties on the Army Ground Forces in meeting its responsibility for training units fit for combat.57 Another factor was the attitude of the Army Air Forces'toward the inclusion of organic observation aviation in field artillery units, ordered by the War Department in June 1942.50 To sum up, the impression was given that, whatever the views of General Arnold might be, the Army Air Forces was moving toward the establishment of a concept of air war, centered on strategic bombing, which called for cooperation with the ground arms only at the highest levels of command. General McNair's position was that such a concept, not having been tested or approved by the War Department, could not safely be followed in planning, organizing, or training the Army in the midst of war until shown by experience to be sound, and that, meanwhile, training for the cooperation required by approved doctrine must be thorough and effective.
*'
53.
54.
Per. ltr of Gen Lentz to Col Louis J. Compton, 18 Jan 43. 353/6 (Air-Gnd)(C).
"t~i
AAF itr to OG AGF, 27 Oct 42, sub: Antiaircraft MeasuroS. 353/8 (Air-Gnd)(R). 55. AAF 31 ind, 5 Dec 42, on ltr of 1st Cavalry Division, 6 Nov 42, sub: Air-Gd Training. 353/9 (Air-Gnd)(R). 56. AAF ltr to CG AGF, 5 Nov 42, sub: Comments on Air Support, with incl. memo of Maj Orin H. Moore for 'Col Schlatter, 23 Oct 42. 351/6 (Air-Gnd)(R). 57. The effects of the preferential policy regarding personnel are described in United States Army in World War II: The Army Ground Forces, the volume entitled The Procurement and Training of Ground Combat Troops, pp 1-163.
58.
See below, Chap III, "Organic Aviation in Field Artillery, 1942" -21-
Chapter III ORGANIC AVIATION IN FIELD ARTILLERY, 1942 Army Ground Forces had an air program of its own to initiate and carry out as a result of a War Department decision in June 1942 to make observation aviation organic in field artillery units. The development of this program, and proposals for its extension to other types of ground force organizations, produced problems in air-ground cooperation that persisted throughout the war. Proposals to include light observation planes organically in field artil]iry units were first edvanced in 19l1, partly in consequence of experience in the Louisiana maneuvers S~ptember. At that time, observation units of the Army Air Forces were under the control of the air support commands created on 25 July 1941.1 In the Louisiana maneuvers the observation aviation provided by the air support commands proved to be inadequate. Commenting on reports of the maneuvers on 8 October, Maj. Gen. Robert M. Danford, Chief of Field Artillery, stated that the "only uniformly satisfactory report of air observation during the recent maneuvers comes from those artillery units where . . . light commercial planes (Piper Cubs) operated by civilian pilots, were used." He therefore renewed a recommendation that he had previously made to the War Department that light liaison-type planes, operated by fiel artillery officer-pilots, be made organic in the artillery component of each division and in each corps artillery brigade. Division and corps commanders who had participated in the recent maneuvers, General Danford reported, were unanimously in favor of this ohange.2 G-3, WDGS, recommended that the proposal be turned down, as at variance with the principle of economy of force. GHQ concurred in G-3's recommendation, which was not surprising, since General McNair had declared himself to be in favor of a fair trial for the new system of air-support commands, and favored generally the massing of support elements. 3 Early in December the Office of the Chief of Staff reopened the question, by ordering a test of the Chief of Field Artillery's proposal with one infantry division and one corps artillery brigade. Because of Pearl Harbor the test was postponed, but the War Department renewed its order on 25 February 1942, designating the 2d Division and the 13th Field Artillery Brigade as the units in which the test was to be conducted. 4 The boards appointed to observe the test and the commanders concerned reported strongly in favor of organic observat :)n for field artillery units .5 Headquarters, Army Ground Forces, which in March 1942 became the directing headquarters, concurred in their
I.
1. WD ltr AG 320.2 (7-17-41) MR-M-AAF to CofAAF, 25 Jul See especially par 3. GHQ Records, 320.2/102 (AAF).
2. Memo of GofFA for CofS USA, 8 Oct 41, sub: Air Oban.
(Air Corps)(C). 3. (1) Memo G-3/42989 for CofS SA, 28 Oct 41, sub: Air Obsn. (2) Gen McNair indicated his concu- agce, 4 Nov 41, on memo of ACufS, G-3 GHQ, for Gen McNair, sub: Air Obsn. Both in GHQ Records, 322.082/5 (Air Corps)(C). 4. (1)Memo of Sec GS CofFA, 19 Dec 41, sub: Air AG 320.2 (2-5-42) MiC to CG Oban for FA. 353/1 (FA Air for G-3 WD, 3 Dec 41, and WD ltr AG 320.2 (12-8-41) N]C to Oben. GHQ Records, 322.082/5 (Air Corps)(C). (2)WD ltr Field Forces, 25 Feb 42, sub: Service Test of Organic Air Obsn)(R).
-23
recommendations, declaring the tests "convincing," except in regard to the vulnerability of cub planes--although on the latter score AGF headquarters was impressed by the evidence that even under unfavorable conditions some missions could be performed. Army Ground Forces recommended that "the program be expanded without delay to include all field artillery units ."6 On 6 June 1942 the War Department approved this recommendation, at the same time making it cle that the new program was to supplement the existing system of air support, not to supersede it; AAF observation units were still to be responsible for the adjustment of artillery fire from high-performance aircraft.7 .General McNair himself was not firmly convinced at the time of the wisdom of the change. On 7 Ma6hhe wrote the Assistant Secretary of War, Mr. McCloy, that he "favored in the main air observation by air forces." But, he added, ,these cub planes are something new and well worth considering in a different light than-tbh6-b-d~r-d-cbmbat alrplue of the air forces ." When informed of the results of the tests and of the action of Army Ground Forces, which, to meet a deadline, had been taken in his absence, he was still doubtful. His view was that the report on the tests "proved 8 But he soon became convinced of the little" and that the conclusions were "opinions.,, value of the program and subsequently supported it with all of his powers. In the War Department order of 6 June 1942, two airplanes-- "commercial low performance aircraft of the 'Piper Cub' type"--two pilots, and one mechanic were made organic in each field artillery battalion, two in each divisional field artillery headqarters, and two in the headquarters of each field artillery brigade and group.9 Each infantry division, since it contained four field artillery battalions, was therefore given ten planes. Armored divisions had only six, since the armored division contained only three artillery battalions and had no artillery headquarters until September 1943, when the number of planes was increased to eight with the incorporation of such a headquarters in the armored division. The number of planes in a field artillery brigade or group varied with the number of battalions it contained. Since aviation as an arm and technical service was in the Army Air Forces, and Field Artillery, the using arm, was in the Army Ground Forces, responsibilities for equipment, maintenance, and training had to be divided between the two major ocomands. The Army Air Forces was to procure and issue the planes, spare parts, repair materials, and necessary auxiliary flying equipment. The Army Ground Forces was to be responsible for first and second echelon maintenarce. Third echelon maintenance was to be performed by the Army Air Forces. As for training, Army Air Forces was made responsible for the basic flight training of student pilots and their rating "according to standards established for liaison pilots." The "tactical" training of pilots and mechanics to operate
6. AGF let ind, 30 Apr 42, on WD ltr cited in n. 4 (2) above. Obsn)(R).
7. W) memos WDGCT 320.2 (2-5-42) for OGs AGF and AAF, 6 Jun 42, sub: Oban for FA. 353/1 (FA Air Obsn)(R).
8. (1)Memo of Gen McNair for AS/W, 7 Mar 42, sub: Organic Short Range Obsn for FA. 352/2 (FA Air Obsn)(R). (2)Penciled note, 13 May 42, on file copy of AGF let ind 1 May 42, on WD ltr of 25 Feb 42, sub: Service Test of Organic Air Obsn for FA. 553/1 (FA Air Obsn)(R). FA. 9. WD memo WDGCT 320.2 (2-5-42) for CG AGF, 6 Jun 42, sub: 353/1 (FA Air Obsn)(R). -24 Organic Air Oban for
the planes as "air OP's" was to be given by the Army Ground Forces.lO The necessary courses for this tactical training were organized in a Department of Air Training set up in the Field Artillery School at Fort Sill, Okla. The first pilots trained at Fort Sill (18 in number) graduated on 18 September 19 42.11 During the initial period, serious friction arose between the Army Ground Forces and the Army Air Forces over the recruiting of pilots and their qualifications. Army Ground Forces was to send to Fort Sill as many volunteers under its control as col d qualify as liaison pilots. It was originally contempiated that field artillery pilots might be noncommissioned officers with the rating of staff sergeants, as all AAF liaison pilots were. The majority of those recruited from the Army Ground Forces were commissioned officers. Beginning in September 1942 the Army Air Forces was to send to Fort Sill qualified liaison pilots at the rate of 100 a month. These were to be enlisted men. This plan worked badly. The Army Ground Forces had difficulty in finding enough volunteers who were qual ified to fly, its personnel having already been combed by the Army Air Forces.1 3 The Army Air Forces, which was exclusively authorized to rate AGF student-pilots for flying status and flying pay, challenged the qualifications of those admittad to the courses at the Field Artillery School, with the result that the ground officers immediately concerned beloved that the whole program was likely to be hamstrung. 1 4 On the other hand, when the student pilots supplied by the Army Air Forces began to arrive at Fort Sill in mid-Septemberi many were found to be unable to measure up to the flying requirements of the School. 5 All of the first installment were rejected aviation cadets, who, with a few exceptions, had still to receive basio military training.
Tug of Pilots, Obs, and Mechanics for FA. 353/5 (FA Air Obsn)(R).
10. (1) Ibid. (2) AGF ltr to Comdt FAS, 17 Jun 42, sub: Pilots and Mechanics for Organic FA Air Obsn. 353/4 (FA Air Obsn). (3) AGF memo for CG AAF, 20 Jun 42, sub: Ln Planes for the FA. 353/2 (FA Air Obsn). (4) AGF ltr to CG R&SC, 24 Jun 42, sub:
U. AGF 1st ind to ACofS, G-3 WDGS, 17 Mar 43, on WD memo for CGe AGF and AAF, 12 Feb 43, sub: Ln Pilots for FA. 353/262 (FA Air Oben). 12. (1)AGF ltr to CG P&SC, 17 Jun 42, sub: Pilots and Mechanics for Organic FA Obsn. 353/4 (FA Air Obsn). (2)AGF ltr to COG RSC, 24 Jun 42, sub: Tng of Pilots, Observers, and Mechanics for FA. 353/5 (FA Air Obsn)(R). (3) Ltr of Comdt FAS to CG AGF, 23 Jul 42, sub: Detail of Student Pilots and Observers. 353/4 (FA Air Obsn). 13. (1)AGF memo for CofS USA, 14 Jul 42, sub: Organic Air Obsn for FA. 353/4 (FA Air Oben). (2)Ltr of Comdt FAS, 23 Jul 42, cited in n. 12 (3) above. (3)AGF ltr to CG R&SC, 17 Nov 42, sub: FA Officers for Pilot Tng. 353/171 (FA Air Oban). 14. (1)WD memo WDGCT 320.2 (8-28-42) for CG AGF, 28 Aug 42, sub: Organic Air Obsn for FA. 353/103 (S). (2)P&SC ltr to CG AGF, 10 Sep 42, sub as in (1). 353/79 (FA Air Obsn). (3) Ltr of Comdt FAS to CG R&SC, 28 Sep 42, sub as in (1). G-3 WDGS Records, 320.2 Gen, Vol IV. (4) At the outset AGF had requestod authority to confer the necessary ratings. AGF memo for CofS USA, 27 Jun 42, sub: Pilot and Mechanic Ratings, Authorization to Fly, and Flying Pay for FA Air Obsn. 353/8 (FA Air Obsn). 15. The AAF rating board at Fort Sill was willing to rate only 41 of the 104 in the first installment to arrive. The Department of Air Training, testing 11 (a cross section) of those qualified by the board, found only 5 that were passable, 2 of these by a narrow margin. On the basis of the same test only 15.3 percent of the candidates from AGF sources had been rejected. Incl 1 to ltr of Comdt FAS to CG R&SC, 28 Sep 42, sub: Organic Air Oban for FA. G-3 WDGS Records, 320.2 Gen, Vol IV.
-25-
Behind these difficulties was an issue which did not coue fully into the open until later. The Field Artillery believed that its pilots should be observers trained to adjust artillery fires, preferably branch-trained artillery officers. The Army Air Forces, in whose system a liaison pilot needed only to know how to operate a light plane, "always contended that adjustment of artillery fire from multi-seater aircraft can be performed better b1.an observer than by the pilot of the aircraft. ,,16 Ca ;ed September the Commandant of the Field Artillery School reported that the conditions under which he was required to operate were "chaotic" and proposed measures which would make the procurement and rating, as well as the operational training, of field artillery pilots exclusively the responsibility of the Army Ground Forces. General McNair indorsed the report to 0-3, War Department, as a "searching analysis," and presented the measures proposed as an "acceptable solution" for a "confused and impracticable set-up."17 The Assistant Secretary of War, Mr. MoCloy, himself an artilleryman in World War I, had from the first taken a strong and active interest in giving the Field Artillery its own planes .18 On 13 November 1942 he called a meeting of the interested parties to get the situation clarified. It was agreed that, while the Army Air Forces should continue to sead liaison pilots to Fort Sill for special training, at the rate of 40 a week, the Army Ground Forces should at once begin sending, each week to the Army Air Forces for basic flight training, 25 ground officers, who would eventually be included
sub:
16. Par 6, memo of Gen Arnold (AAG 452.1 Observation) for CofS USA, 29 Jan 44, 353/102 (FA Air Obsn)(S). Ln Aircraft in the AGF.
17. (1) Ltr of Comdt FAS to CG ISC, 28 Sep 42, cited in n. 15, with ind of CG (2) Memo of Gen G-3 WIGS Records, 320.2 Gen, Vol IV. R&SC to CO AGF, 6 Oct 42. 353/46 (FA Air Obsn). MoNair for CofS USA) 20 Oct 42, sub: Organic Air Obsn for FA. 18. (1) Ltr of Mr. MoCloy to Gen McNair, 3 Mar 42, 353/2 (FA Air Obsn)(R).
(2)Memo of Gen McNair for AS/W, 31 Mar 42, sub: Air Obsn of Arty Fire. 353/69 (FA Air Obsn). (3)AGF M/S, COG to G-3, 11 Aug 42. Gnd). Memo Gea McNair for CofS LEA, 13 Nov 42, sub: 19. 353/146 (FA Air of Obsn).
353/40 (Air-
-26-
4'1
The Air Forces had assured him in return that they would take no steps to interfere with the program-- "at least not for the present. "20 G-3 of the War Department stated that he regarded organic observation for Field Artillery as "a closed issue. "21 Army Ground Forces was nevertheless disturbed when on 28 August General McNair was reprimanded by G-3 of the War Department for permitting, at Fort Sill, a departure from This probbasic instructions regarding the flying qualifications of student pilots.22 the continuing but G-3;23 lem was straightened out in conference with the War Department difficulties in obtaining properly qualified personnel for training as pilots and mechanics for the field artillery program, as well as the failure of Air Forces to provide adequate liaison aviation for other ground units in training led to proposals for fundamental reorganization of the Ground liaison aviation program. On 16 November 1942, at the suggestion of Mr. MoCloy. General MoNair proposed to the War Department the extension of the organic aviation program to ground units other than Field Artillery.2 4 Three days later the Army Air Forces countered with an open effort to regain control of the aviation that had been made org9nic in field artillery units .25 Neither of these proposals was to be acted upon favorably by the War Department,2 6 but they reflect the viewpoints of the respective commands toward organic ground force aviation and their increasing tension over the general problem of airground cooperation. Army Air Forces, in its proposal of 19 November, was willing that all liaison aviation should be "organic": this, it stated had been established by "maneuver experience." What it proposed was that all observation and liaison aviation should be provided by flights of AAF liaison planes. These flights would be "assigned," on the basis of "one per army, one per type corps, and one per type division." It was dedlared that the plan would place "under control of the division commander" means for meeting the requirements of division headquarters for various types of liaison and also the demands of other arms and services than Field Artillery. It observed that the liaison flights, in addition to present functions, would be "capable of photographic work for terrain studies, testing camouflage, etc." The new flights would supplant the field artillery liaison planes, and also Flight "C" of the AAF observation squadron, the air unit designed to work with ground headquarters. It was argued that this "would reduce overhead, centralize control, increase flexibility, and simplify maintenance and supply." 20. (1) AGF M/S, CG to G-3, 11 Aug 42, sub: Organic planes for the FA. (2) Memo of Gen McNair for AS/W, 17 Aug 42, sub: Organic Airplanes of FA. Both in 353/69 (FA Air Obsn). 21. Par 5, memo of Tng Br, G-3 AGF, fur CofS AGF, 2 Sep 42, sub: ference with WD G-3 on FA Air Obsn. 353/8 (FA Air Obsn). 22. 23. 24. WD memo WDGC(T (28 Aug 42) for CG AGF, 28 Aug 42, sub: See memo cited in n. 21 above. Memo of Gen McNair for CofS USA, 16 Nov 42, sub: Organic Air Oben for Ground Report of Con-
Units.
25. AAF memo for CofS USA, 19 Nov 42, sub: Units. 353/150 (FA Air Oben). 26.
See beloV, Chap VI, "Organic Ground Force Aviation, January 1943-Ju13 1944."
-2
The Army Air Forces admitted that, "owing to the high priority demand for high performance aircraft," Flight "C" was not now being provided for divisions and it expressed doubt whether the Army Air Forces could ever live up to the obligation. But with all liaison planes pooled, plenty of planes and personnel would be available for the liaison flights proposed. The tactical training of the new flights would be the responsibility of the Army Ground Forces, and they would be assigned to Ground commands. But they would be organized, equipped, and trained to fly by the Army Air Forces, and they would, of course, be commanded by Air nfficers .27 General ?cNair, commenting on the Air Forces proposal, agreed that all liaison aviation should be organic in ground units. The question, he wrote,2 8 was whether the organization should be an AAF unit assigned to each large unit, as proposed by the Army Air Forces, or that Ewhich7 is now in use by the field artillery. The latter is favored. It is recommended either that the field artillery system of org~aic aviation be extended at once to include all interested elements of the Ground Forces, or that there be no change until experience has either confirmed or denied that system. It wili be recalled that at about this time, in mid-November 1942, the failure of airground maneuvers for lack of planes had been fully disclosed. From the viewpoint of Army Ground Forces, the situation was hardly favorable to the thought of acoepting still greater dependence on the Army Air Forces for what was becoming an indispensable instrument of ground warfare.
27.
28. AGF memo for CofS USA, 9 Dec 42, sub: Units. 353/150 (FA Air Obsn).
S28
Chapter IV
1.
Combat Troops. 2. .29 See below, Chap V, "Revision of AAF Doctrine and Organization, 1943."
rm
American strategy in 1943 had two consequences which bore directly on air-ground cooperation. It gave priority to the demands of the Army Air Forces for personnel and equipment regarded as necessary to meet its responsibility, over the requirements of the Army Ground Forces. It also stimulated and encouraged the elements in the Army Air Forces who hoped to demonstrate that strategic bombing could be the decisive weapon in modern war. A corresponding discouragement of interest, within Army Air Forces, in developing teamwork with the Ground Forces was to be expected. It is not surprising that in this situation the Army Air Forces sought aggressively the means and the freedom to concentrate on long-range bombing, or that in these efforts the Air Forces seemed to many ground commanders, including General McNair, to be pulling away from the rest of the Army. To some the Prm Air Forces seemed to be seeking independence as well as liberty of action. The Army Ground Forces, on the other hand., faced the possibility, which to many officers of the ground arms naturally seemed a probability, that the ultimate burden for defeating the enemy would have to be borne largely by the ground forces. Given this conviction, two facts confronting the Ground Forces seemed of grave importance. One was that the mobility of the ground units necessary for a successful offensive could not be achieved without the use of aviation to extend the range of their reconnaissanve and to strike at targets in the path of their advance. The other was that without extensive joint training in 1943 the bulk of both ground units and air units in the Army would be shipped to theaters without having acquired the experience necessary for joint employment. The Army Ground Forces made its plans and requests for 1943 with the possibility mentioned and with these assumptions in view. The fundamental issue was the relative importance, in the total effort of the Army, that should be assigned to the direct cooperation of dir and ground forces within the battle area, and, therefore, to the importance of such cooperation in training. Since approved doctrine for the employment of air power) even after its restatement in July
1943, required such gooperation, the practical question narrowed down to the importance of direct, close-in support. The Army Air Forces minimized the value of such support. General McNair believed it to be essential to the success of ground action. In February 1943 ke expressed the position for which he contended until his death in July 1944, namely, that close-in support should be emphasized in joint training because it was the form of cooperation that was hardest to learn. He stated that close-in targets of opportunity '!my not have the same importance or general application as planned targets designed to 'isolate the battlefield,' but they are the most difficult to coordinate and attack. If close-in targets of opportunity can be attacked with air-ground coordination, planned distant missions offer no particular problem. "3 THE AGF PROGRAM FOR AIR-GROUND TRAINING IN 1943 Headquarters, AnMz Ground Forces, made its basic decisions regarding air-ground training in 1943 when the comprehensive AGF Training Directive, effective November 1, 1942, was framed. 1y that time (October 1942) the failure of the air-ground program for 1942 was manifest. In the new program air-ground training was not the subject of a separate program, as in 1942. It was to be "progressive, continuous and concurrent with other training." It was included in all of the four stages of training through which the personnel in all AGF units were to pass. In the individual training period 3. AGF memo for CofS USA, 10 Feb 43, sub: Report of the Air Support Board. 353/190 (Air-Gnd). 4. A(W ltr to CGs, 19 Oct 42, sub: Tng Dir effective November 1, 1942. 353.01/52 (Tng Dir).
-
30
instrtucticn in recognition of aircraft and defense against them was prescribed. 5 For the unit and combined training period air-ground training was listed as a required sub6 Durject, along with attack of fortified areas, combat in cities, and infiltration. ing the combined training period and maneuvers . . . more intensive air-ground training using support aviation" was to be given. 7 In the combined training period, two of the six "D" exercises were air-ground exercises, in which combat teams of a division were pitted against each other.8 Supplements to the master directive issued on 4 February and 7 June 1943 emphasized training with aviation.9 Schools for indoctrination of ground officers in air-ground cooperation were provided by both the Air Forces and the Ground Forces. The Air Forces set up a course for senior ground officers in its new School of Applied Tactics at Orlando, Fla. General McNair concurred in the proposal that his officers attend but, on guard as always against purely theoretical instruction and distraction from training with troops, stipulated that the course include a field exorcise, that its duration be fixed at about four days instead of a month, as proposed by the Air Forces, and that the number of AGF
finally fixed at six days, and instruction began in September 1943.10 All armies and the commanders and staffs of corps were represented in the classes taking the course during the fall and winter of 1943-4. Seventeen general officers attended. The schools set up by Headquarters, Army Ground Forces, were in the field. Its I November directive called for schools for the preliminary or refresher training of officers and units. This training, as in 1942, was based on FM 31-35, FM 1-35, "Aerial Photography" and on the "Air-Ground Series" of Training Bulletins (Nos. 132-140, inclusive) prepared by the Infantry School.1 I In January the Army Ground Forces decided to set up airground schools in maneuver areas, under the direction of the Army concerned. Running for not less than sixteen hours prior to each maneuver, these were designed to prepare 12 both air and ground units for proper performance of their combined role.
5. MTP 7-1, 1 Jul 42, which allotted 12 hours (in 13 weeks) to "defense against parachute, airborne and mechanized attach, individual; individual protective measures; recognition of aircraft and mechanized vehicles; counterintelligence." 6. Par 3 a (3), itr cited in n. 4 above. 7. AaF M/S, G-3 to CofS, 5 Nov 42. 353/7 (Air-and) (R). 8. Incl 3 to ltr cited in n. 4 above. 9. (1) Par 2 d, AF ltr to CGs, 4 Feb 43, sub: Special Battle Course, required that troops be mentally conditioned to air strafing and dive bombing. 353.01/61 (Tng Dir). (2) Par 2 a, AGF itr to CGs, 7 Jun 43, sub: Supplemant to Training Directive effective November 1, 1942, emphasized training in close air support as justified by the experience of ground troops in battle. 353.01/52 (Tng Dir). 10. (1) AGF 3d ind, 16 Jan 43, on AAF ltr, 27 Nov 43. 353/121 (AAF Sch). (2)For views of Gen McNair, see AGF M/S, CofS to G-3, 31 Dec 42. 353/8 (Air-Grid)(C). (3)AGE ltr to CGs, 19 Aug 43, sub: Air Support Senior Officers Course. 352/156 (AAF Sch). 11. 12. Support. first of Incl 5, Notes A, B, and D, to itr cited in n. 4 above. (1)AGEF ltr to CGs, 17 Jan 43, sub: Special Instruction in Employment of Air (2)Second Army itrto CG AGF, 14 Apr 43 sub as in (1), contains schedule of the these schools. Both in 353/217 (Air-Gnd). -31-
AN
CEMW 1942
Notwithstanding the reports of all the responsible AGF comaz ders that the tests of doctrine afforded by the air-ground maneuvers of 1942 were inconclusive, the Arm7 Air Forces requested and the War Department ordered a joint board to reconsider current doctrine in the light of experience. Known as the Air Support Board, it was instructed to assume that a shortage of planes and trained personnel was the main reason for unsatisfactory joint training in 1942.13 Its meetings began on 7 December 1942, and it I produced recommendations with regard both to training and doctrine. The Board proposed a revision of FM 31-35, "Aviation in Support of Ground Forces." This would have extended the air control system to include observation aviation as well as combat support. It would have removed the distinction between "controls" and "parties," giving the parties, normally located with divisions and exceptionally with lower ground units, authority to act as controls. At the same time, it was to be made clear that the supported ground commander was to make the final decisions on air support. The chapters on signal communications and airborne operations were to be trought into line with "current practice and experience." To improve training the Board recommended the following: (1) a revision of the air-ground umpire manuals; (2) tests to determine the proficiency of air and ground units; and (3) a specially constituted unit to test out air support techniques and to train air and ground staff officers in preparation for the 1943 maneuvers. General McNair chose not to challenge the revisions of FM 31-35 proposed by the Board,15 though he feared that the effect of the changes in the air control organization recommended would be "to sever the Air Forces from the Ground Forces as completely as possible. ,16 He recommended that the changes proposed be tested before being published, reiterating his conclusion that existing doctrine had yet to be "field tested adequately, due to personnel and equipment deficiencies in air units participating in the maneuvers of 1942.1"17 In general, the stand taken by the Army Ground Forces on the findings of the Board was that one way to get effective air-ground cooperation vas by experience--more particularly and immediately, by executing the joint training program for 1943 with adequate air support. The Board's proposal of a special testing and training unit was rejected. It meant overhead and distraction. The proposed improvements in umpiring could be tried without republishing the manuals. Tests for determining air-ground proficiency of both ground and air units were approved in principle. The Army Ground Forces had been preparing air-ground tests as a feature of its 1943 training program, 13. (1) AAF memo for ACofS, G-3, WD, 23 Nov 42, sub: Air Support Doctrine. (2) AGF memo for CofS USA, 30 Nov 42, sub: Air Support Doctrine. Both in 353/190 (Air-Gnd). 14. Summaries of the action of the Board, with the comments of 0-3 AaF, are in the following: (1) AGF M/S, G-3 to CofS, 22 Dec 42. Air Br, G-3 AGF, file 11/8 Doctrine. (2) AGF M/S, G-3 to CG, 9 Jan 43, sub: Report of Air Support Board. 353/190 (Air-Gnd). 15. Par 3, memo of CG AGF for CofS USA, 10 Feb 43, sub: Report of the Air Support Board. 353/190 (Air-and). 16. 17. Item (2), A(7 M/S, CG to G-3, 15 Jan 43. Par 6, ACW memo cited in n. 15 above.
-
353/190 (Air-and).
2-
and proposed that it be authorized to substitute these for the tests recommended by the Board. THE AG AIR-GMOUND TESTS
The feature of the air-ground training program in 1943 to which Headquarters, Army Ground Forces, attached greatest importance was a comprehensive examination of proficiency in air-ground cooperation. The four air-ground teste prescribed on 20 April 1943 occupied an important place among the "standardized tests covering essentials of training" which units of the ground arms had to pass to be certified for combat readiness. 18 The Air Support Board had recommended tests for both ground and air units.1 9 Dissatisfied with those which the Board had proposed, G-3 of the Army Ground Forces had drafted a substitute. General McNair himself took a hand and made the tests at once more comprehensive and more specific. As finally issued they were designed not only to test the training of troops in self-defense against air attack, in recognition of aircraft, and in identification to the air of themselves and of ground targets, but also to test the training units, both ground and air, in the methods and procedures of close-in combat support. General HoNair directed that, for the last of the four tests prescribed, "a field maneuver--division, less a combat team, against a combat team" would be employed, "in order to afford realism." At his suggestion the test included the use of a "lead-in" reconnaissance plane to assist bombers in locating targets in the path of advance--the "Horsefly" device eventually standardized by the Fifth Army in Italy. He himself wrote the preamble: "Air Support of ground troops is so vitally essential that positive steps must be taken to insure proficiency of units by standardized tests."20 General McNair believed that the tests would "themselves shape training automatically." He also hoped that with War Department approval they would "constitute a binding directive" to both the Army Air Forces and the Army Ground Forces and stimulate the interest and activity of the Air Forces in cooperating with the Ground Forces.2 1 Tests III and IV, with this object in view, provided for the grading of air as well as ground units engaged. Submitting a draft of the tests on 23 March, General MoNair
18. AGF ltr to CGs, 20 Apr 43, sub: Air-Ground Training Tests. 353/268 (AirGnd). The four tests prescribed (Inol 1), with subjects were as follows: (1) Identification of friendly aircraft by ground troops. (II) Action of ground troops against hostile aircraft. (III) Identification of friendly troops by aircraft. (TV) Air attack of targets designated by friendly ground troops.
19. Par 3, Item 1, AMP M/S, G-3 to CG, 9 Jan 43, sub: Report of the Air Support Board. (2)AGF memo for CofS USA, 10 Feb 43, sub as in (1). Both in 353/190 (Air-Gnd). 20. (1)Item 1, AGF M/S, G-3 to CG, 8 Feb 43, submitting revision, with comment: "Your remarks on the train reference air-ground tests stimulated more thought on my part." 353/268 (Air-Gnd). (2)The gist of these remarks appears in a page and a half of proposed amendments by General McNair. Item 4, AF M/S, CG to G-3, 8 Feb 43.
353/190 (Air-Gnd). See also Item 21, CG to G-3 AGE, 9 Feb 43. 353/268 (Air-Gnd).
(3)When G-3 submitted a revised draft, General McNair suggested five typed pages of amendments. Item 4, M/S CG to G-3, 15 Mar 43. 353/268 (Air-Gnd). (4)For the "Horsefly" device, see below Chap VII, "Practical Steps Toward Air-Ground Cooperation."
21.
353/268 (Air-Gnd).
-33-
recommended that the War Department direct the testing of units of both forces, and on the same date appealed to General Arnold to consider adopting the tests, and offered to cooperate in perfecting them. "I feel strongly," he wrote, "that, if standardized tests of this nature could be developed and conducted systematically as a prerequisite of overseas service, air-ground cooperation would be placed on a satisfactory basis-one which would meet the needs of combat operations. "22 General McNair's effort to get the Army Air Forcr.s to go along with him met with disappointment. Receiving no response for a month, he promulgated the tests on 20 April, making it clear that as they had not been approved by General Arnold, they would apply, for the present, only to ground units? 3 The response of the Army Air Forces, when it came four days later, was a qualified concurrence. Army Ground Forces had sought to avoid the stumbling block of doctrine by stating that "direct, close-in support against targets of opportunity is stressed in Test 1Y, not because it is believed that the major part of air support will take this form, but because it is the most difficult type to execute promptly and effectively." But the Army Air Forces objected to the emphasis on close support and the inclusion of missions of the call type, "such as General Robinett describes." The exchange of memoranda brought out a characteristic difference of outlook between the two major commands concerned. General Arnold wished to have the doctrinal issue settled first, "by mutual agreement," and then proceed to doctrines tests and training. General McNair wanted to get on with training and let 4 of employment grow out of experienoe acquired at home as well as abroad.2 The ArzW Air Forces informed the Army Ground Forces that the ACIF tests were being dissemina e to all AAF units concerned, with a directive that they be acomplished, "pending revision of currently approved doctrine." 2 5 But they were not applied to AAF units. TheArmy Ground Forces continued to recommend their application to both air and ground units, an, on 15 June General McNair made a personal appeal to General Arnold regarding them.,= In October, G-3 of the War Department General Staff finally took the position that, while the tests had "unquestionably contributed to the success of the air-ground training program," air units could not be "tested simultaneously with Ground 22. (1) Par 1, Se II, memo of Gen McNair for CofS USA, 23 Mar 43, sub: Combined (Air-Gnd)(S). (2) Mem of Gen Mohair for COG AAF, 23 Ner 43, sub: Air-Gnd Tag. 353/ Air-Gnd Tng and Cooperation. 353/5 (Air-Gnd)(S).
325/268
i 24. Memo of Gen Arnold for CG AGF, 24 Apr 43, sub: Air-Gnd Tng & Cooperation, with Indl, "Cnts [f the Air Staff 7 on the Proposed Air-Gnd Tests." 353/5 (i-d)(S). 25. (1)AAF memo for CG AF fno date; received bT G-3, AGF, before I Jun 43J, sub: Air-Gad Tag & Cooperation. 353/5 (Air-Gad) (S). (2)For a moment Hq AW belired that AAF had prescribed the tests for its units. See par 6 o, AG ltr to CG Second Army, 31 Myj 3, sub: Inspection of Second Army Exercises, 17-20 May 43. 354.2/59
(Term '43).
26. (1)Par 14, A memo for CofS USA, 17 May 43, sub: Gen Montgomery's liotes on High Conmnd in War. 353/16 (Air-Gnd)(S). (2)Pezsonal itr of Gen MoNair to Gen Arnold, 15 Jun 43. 353/19 (Air-Gnd)(S). (3)General MoNair again asked for their application to both air and ground units in a memo for CofS USA, 28 Sep 43, sub: Air-Ground Training & Operations, 353/20 (Air-Gnd)(C). (4)See also memo CG AG for ASof(, 6 Oct 43, sub: Air support for the Ground Forces. 353/33 (Air-Gnd) (S).
-34
!I-
Force units. "27 Lack of airplanes made it difficult to give the tests even to ground units. G-3, Army Ground Forces, wrote a friend on 21 June that actually "we expected no great help from the air in our air-ground tests. That is why we drew them up so that they can be conducted with our own little ships. It isn't that they are not willing in many cases, but they just don't have the equipment here."28 AVIATION REKQDTED BY AIM GROUMD FOIHCS FOR TRAINIG
4ences
The AG' Training Directive effective 1 November 1942 contained only guarded referto the actual presence of aviation. For example, it noted that representative of the air support commander "should be present for the division schools," gatc. in reference to "identification of friendly troops and materiel by our airplanes," the directive stated that "consideration will be given to this subject and training conduoted in it regrdless of whether or not planes are present. "29 Nevertheless, the Army Ground Forces launched a determined effort to obtain the aviation required by the program, still convinced that, without actual cooperation in the field with planes overhead, no substantial progress woul. be made. In December 1942 Headquarters, Army Ground Forces, presented a consolidated statement of the aviation required to support air-ground training of taotioal units and at special training commands in the first half of 1943. The number of observation squadrons requested varied between 29 (a total, at minimum T/O strength, of 261 planes) and 33 squadrons (297 planes). The number of combat squadrons ranged from 19 (171 planes) in January and February to 25 (225 planes) in My and June, with a peak of 30 (270 planes) in April. The Army Ground Forces requested for "the entire period of each of the five maneuvers scheduled" that support be planned to provide the following elements of an air support connand: an air support oomiAniation squadron; a signal battalion (air support); 1 bombardment group (light or dive); 1 obseration group, to include at least I observation squadron for each partioipating corps or division; and 1 flight of a photographic squadron (reconnaissance). The Army Ground Forces also requested for each maneuver the allotment of 18 planes, suitably manned and equipped,for the use of umpires. 30 The prospect of getting the aviation requested was not bright. A report of the Third Air Force on 22 December 1942 showed that that counarI had4 t its disposal only 25 "modern tactical planes" to meet As? requirements for 300 planes of this type, and only 16 obsolete observation planes. 3 1
43.
30. (1) Chart in 353/4 (Air-Gnd)(S), sumrizing requirements. (2) AM ltr to CG AAF, 22 Dec 42, sub: Air Support for 1943 Maneuvers. 3534.2/3 (Maneuvers 43)(R).
(3) Aa? ltr to CG AAFP 22 Dec 42, sub: Personnel & Equipment Desired for Air-Ground Umpire Purposes during Combined Maneuvers in 1943. 354.2/1 (Moneuvers '43).
31. Third Air Force Itr 3 AF 373 (2P Dec 12) SOGu to CG AAF, 22 Dec 42, sub: Aviation in Support of Gnd Forces, with As? 2d ind to CG AAF, 3 Feb 43. 353/1 (Air-Gnd) (s).
-35-
the Third Aix- Porce, almost all of the aviation available for combined training,32 and the War lepartment intervened to regulate the relations between the Army Ground Forces and the Army Air Forces. 33
*2.
43, sub:
gated to the CGs of its armies, separate corps, and separate training centers and commands the establishment of priorities for the units concerned and authorized direct comunication with the CG, Third Air Force, except in the following cases: (1) the Desert Training Center, to which the IV Air Support Command was assigned; (2) units requiring troop carrier support, which were to be supplied by the I Troop Carrier Command; and (3) the Cavalry and Infantry Schools, to which the 6th ann 7th Observation 8quadrons were assigned. AGF headquartera was to cake the initial arrangements for ail, support units for maneuvers. AGF ltr to CGe, 7 Feb 43, sub: Air Suppt Responsibility. 35?/16 (Air-Gnd) (R). (3) The decision regarding the DTIC was annouLced in WD memo WDGCT
'32..
Genl (2 Jan 43) for CGs AGF, SOS, and AAF, 9 Jan 43, sub:
*320.2/28
(Desert). 33. (1) Par 2, WD memo WI)CT 320.2 Gen C (2Mar 43) for CG AGF, 2 Mar 43, sub: (2)WD memo WDGCT 353 "5Dec 42) Aviatiop in Suppt of Gnd Units. 353/1 (Air-Gnd) (S). for CG AGF, 5 Dec 43, sub: Combined Air-Gnd Tg. 353/4 (Air-Gnd) (S).
34. Meno signed by Col J.B. Lindsey and Maj Roy r. Flanncgan for G-3 AUF' 2 Mar 43, sub: War Department Conference on Air Support. 353/4 (Air-Gnd) (S).
"*.
-36-
be made available for airborne training, instead of the four requested. The number of bombardment planes to be expected until June was about 30 percent of that which the Army Ground Forces believed to be necessary. This percentage was cut still further on 15 March, at the request of the Army Air Forces. No fighter planes were provided. 35 The Army Ground Forces believed that it could make the observation aviation promised suffice. But the meager troop carrier an bomber support proposed seemed to threaten the realism of the whole training effort. "The light bombardment program--and this is the very guts of air support," the AGF G-3 observed on 18 March, "has been cut to two groups of light squadrons. With this we are expected to give realistic air support training to 66 divisions, not to mention task forces preparing to go overseas, schools and training centers. Eight (8) squadrons /of ombardment aviation, light and medium 7 are promised us when we required at least 4U. "36 On 6 March General McNair informed the War Department that the observation squadrons proposed could be made to do, if at full strength; but that an increase in troop carrier units was "imperative"; that, in the opinion of the Army Ground Forges, the bombardment aviation proposed was insufficient for "effective and realistic combined air-ground training"; and that "the lack of fighter units will impair realism of training of ground troops."3 7 Compromises were effected with regard t., observation and troop carrier aviation which General McNair accepted on 14 April. But he declared that with the bombardment squadrons proposed it would be possible "only to a limited extent" to meet the responsibility for air-ground training imposed on the Army Ground Forces and the Army Air Forces by the War Department. "As an example," he wrote, "one bombardment group only will be available for the period April to August, inclusive, and in September and November none will be available. Approximately fifty (50) divisions will require combat aviation for combined training, for prescribed demonstrations and for maneuvers during these months." He stated that the number of groups needed monthly to meet minimum requirements satisfactorily was eight. Accepting the decision that "operational requirements" prevented the Army Air Forces from furnishing this number, he recowended that eight groups be provided "when available. "38 Meanwhilo, AGF commanders were instructed to seize every opportunity "to play air support with all means available," including, if necessary, organic field artillery liaison-type planes. On 26 February the VIII Corps was reprimanded for approving the cancellation of a "D" exercise because bombers were not on hand, and on 5 Ykarch the letter was circulated to all commanding generals to stimulate resort to "improvisation and training expedients. " 3 9
35.
36. * 14/19.
See correspondence and summary graph in 353/4 (Air-Gnd) (S). 'Draft of AGF M/S, G-3 to CofS, 18 Mar 43. In Air Support Br, G-3 AGF, file
37. ACF memo for CofS USA, 6 Mar 43, sub: (Air-Gnd) (S). 38. AGF memo for CofS USA, 14 Apr 43, sub: :-Gnd) (S).
353/4
3 . (1) AF ltr to CG Third Army, 26 Feb 43, sub: Air Suppt in Division Combined Tng Exercisas. 353/257 (Air-Gnd). (2) AGF ltr to CGs, 5 Mar 43, sub as in (1). 353/19 (Air-Gnd) (R). (3) Substitution of liaison planes became necessary in giving air-ground tests, but was recognized as unsatisfactory, and commanders were directed to emoloy them only "when every effort to obtain high performance aircraft for these tests is uxhFusted." Par 5, AU Weekly Directive No. 38, 21'Sep 43.
37-
At the end of 1942 General McNair had declared and General Arnold had acknowledged that the training resulting from their joint efforts had been unsatisfactory. The War Department now intervened to regulate the training program. Its effort to get firm commitments regarding aviation available for training was only one feature of this attempt to exert a more positive influence. One purpose of appointing an Air Support Board in December 1942 had been to obtain the basis for a better joint training program.40 The reaction of the Army Ground Forces to the recommendations of the Board showed that General McNair would strongly oppose a revision of doctrine without more experience. It was also clear that the Army Ground Forces and the Army Air Forces had pulled far apart in their views regarding the use of aviation for close-in support of ground forces. Given this situation, the War Department attempted to formulate a JW vivend regarding the application of doctrine in training, issuing a statement which it declared to be deducible from theater experience. This put a heavy emphasis on careful advance planning and pre-planned missions; and it indicated as the most profitable targets conspicuous ones such as reserves, wharves, lar- dumps, traffic jams, etc., the bombing of which would tend to isolate the battlefield. In general, the statement was calculated to shield the Air Forces from expectations and demands on the part of ground commanders regarded by the Air Staff as excessive. Two guarded concessions to the desires of the Ground Forces were made. "Callinitiated" missions were recognized as legitimate. But a warning was included that "frequent performance" of them on maneuvers "might lead to erroneous conclusions" unless explained as "necessary in order to develop the required team play." It was also stated that while "the best air support objectives are normally found beyond the range of available friendly artillery," "critical situations" might call for the concentration of "all available fire power upon a single objective," "therefore, support aviation should be capable of attacking targets within range of artillery." The support foreshadowed might well seem to ground commnders distant and chilly.4 1 On 2 March 1943, in two directives, the War Department summed up the results of its intervention to date. In one, addressed to the Commanding General. Army Ground Forces, it stated what aviation would be made available for AGE training, pointing out the improvements effected by its intervention. The most important of these was having had the observation program "placed in equal priority with other programs which ccmpete with it for assignment of aircraft, personnel and equip-ent."42 In another directive, addressed to the commanding generals of the three major commands, the War Department outlined a minimum program for combined air-grcund training, itemized the arrangements made to carry it out, and particularized the responsibilities of the three commanders. The first phase of ground training was to include "practice in the call-initiated type of misaion to reduce the time required for accomplishment." The Commanding General,
40. The principal duty of the Board was to recommend changes in doctrine as stated in FM 31-35. Its "secondary mission" was "to determine the method of combined airground training which will enable us to readily place those doctrines into effect and tests to measure our success." Copy of "Instructions Given the Air Support Board at the First Meeting," in 353/16 (Air-Gnd) (S). 41. WD memo WDGCT 580 (6Feb 43) for CGs AGF, AAF, and SO$,10 Feb 43,sub: Combined Air-Gnd Tng during 1943 Army Maneuvers. 353/267 (Air-Gnd). 42. WD memo WDGC. 320.2 Genl (2 Mar d Units. 353/1 (Air-Gnd) (S).
of
4 Army Air Forces, was of the directed Army Ground Forces. 3 to prepare a three-phse training program similar to that
EXTENSIONS OF TE JOINT TRAINING PROGRAM One extension of the Joint training program directed by the War Department on 2 March was a fire-power demonstration, to be given "by at least three modern tactical planes using live ammunition and bombs." It was to be witnessed by large ground force 4 units.* Never enthusiastic about demonstrations, General McNair saw that this order would insure the presence of at least three modern airplanes with his larger units and directed his conmanding generals to work the demonstrations into the air-ground tests which the Army Ground Forces was to give. On 26 August !943 the War Department directed the extension of these demonstrations to the Infantry, Field Artillery, Cavalry, Tank 4 Destroyer, and Armored Schools, and to the United States Military Aademy. 5 Another type of demonstration flight was worked into the training program--one designed to train ground troops to recognize planes in the air. An air support attack demonstration staged at Camp Gordon, Ga., on 31 December 1942 had been found valuable for training in recognition. When General Lear expressed the hope that a similar demonstration might be arranged for each of the divisions in the Second Army, General McNair scribbled on his letter, "Yes, but this does not teach tactical air support. It's largely eyewash. "46 Nevertheless, in June, replying to a letter in which General Arnold called his attention to the air losses in Africa inflicted by the fire of friendly troops, General McNair proposed that the Army Air Forces organize a demonstration flight to visit the training stations of the Army Ground Forces, and expressed the opinion that such demonstrations "would pay large dividends." A flight consisting of seven different airplanes was organized. This "flying circus," as it came to be called, made the rounds of AG! training camps during the second half of 1943, and was received with enthusiam. 47 One barrier to maximum cooperation between ground and air units undergoing training in the United States was removed on the initiative of the Army Air Forces when, in August 1943, ground and air units down to battalions and squadrons were authorized to arrange for unscheduled combined training by direct correspondence, provided it did not interfere with the scheduled training of either unit. A reversal of the chilly reception
43.
WD memo WDGCT 580 (2Mar 43) for CGs AGF, AAF, and SOS, 2 Mar 43, 353/267 (Air-Gnd).
sub:
Com-
bined Air-Gnd Tng during 1943 Army Maneuvers. 44. 2 Ibid, par 8 d.
45. (1) AGF itr to CGs, 29 May 43, sub: Air-Gnd Demonstrations. 353/273 (AirGnd). For Gen McNair's comments, see M/S, 20 May 43, same file. (2) AGF memo for CofS USA, 17 Jul 43, sub: Combined Air-Gnd Tng. 353/273 (Air-Gnd). (3) WD memo WDGCT 353 (17 Jul 43) for CGs AGF, ASF, and AAF, 26 Aug 43, sub: Combined Air-Gd Tng. 353/298 (Air-nd).
46. (1) VII Corps ltr 353.66 to CG Second Army, 9 Jan 43, sub: Air Support Demonstration, Camp Gordon, 31 Dec 42. (2) Ltr of Gen Lear to Gen McNair, 18 Jan 43. Both in 353/256 (Air-Gnd). 47. (1) Ltr of Gen McNair to Gen Arnold, 15 Jun 43. 353/19 (Air-Gnd) (S). (2) AGF ltr to CG Second Army, 2 Aug 43, sub: Demonstration Flight. 353/294 (Air-Gnd). (3) Correspondence with CGs Third Army antd XIII Corps regarding the flight, showing the number of units that witnessed the demonstration, is in 370.7/260.
39
wbich the Army Air Forces hail given to such a proposal in 1942, it was welcomed by the Ar Ground Forces as a step forward.4 8
54. AGE memo for CofS USA, 28 Sep 43, sub: Air-Gnd Tng an& Opns. 353/10 (Air-Gnd)(C).
55. (1) AGE M/S, G-3 Misc to G-3, I Oct 43. Air Support Br. G-3 AGE file 11/28. (2) Pars 12 and 40 of memo of Lt Col Roy C. Flannagan, Air Support Off, G-3, for CG AQE, Aug 44, sub: 0-3 Summary of Air-Gnd Tng Ltrs and Memoranda, Ajr 42-Aug 44, with Ccnmments. Air Support Br, G-3 file 14/30. (3) Memo of Air Support Br, Misc Div G-3, for G-3 AGE, 27 Apr 43, sub: Report of Obans of Air-'nd School, Second Army, Tenn Maneuver Area, 2324 Apr 43. 353/275 (Air-Gnd).
-4o-
General McNair believed that the most effective means of increasing interest and enforcing training had been the air-ground tests.56 Progress in effective training was uneven. Notable results were achieved by the Second Army, whose maneuvers were staged in the fairly open terrain of the Tennessee Maneuver Area, and which received "excellent and sympathetic support" from the Tennessee Air Support Command (later I Tactical Air Division).5 7 On 10 November G-3, AGE, reported that the combined training of air and ground units in the California-Arizona Maneuver Area was by far the most satisfactory training being received by A(W units in the United States. Units maneuvering in that area enjoyed continuous support from the IV Air Support Command (later the III Tactical Air Division), which in January 1943 had been placed under the control of the Army Ground Forces and assigned to the Commanding General of the Area for combined training.5 8 It was felt that some progress had been made in other maneuver areas in teaching the fundamentals of close combat support.59 The most serious practical handicap in the training effort was still the lack of sufficient planes and of trained air personnel, particularly for maneuvers.60 During only one month of the year (November) was the number of planes regarded as adequate. 61 But the planes made available were used with more economy, thanks to the plans described above, and, as the year advanced, more combat-type planes were supplied. 6 2 A marked improvement took place in the cooperation of ground and air officers in the field. The enthusiastic local cooperation of air officers was frequently praised by
56.
353/289 (Air-Gnd).
(2) Aar
memo for CofS USA, 28 Sep 43, sub: Air-Gnd Tug and Opns. 353/20 (Air-Gnd)(C). (3) Memo of Gen McNair for the ASW, 6 Oct 43, sub: Air Support fo7v Gnd Forces. 353/33 (Air-Gnd)(S). (4)AGF memo for CofS USA, 17 Nov 43, sub: Air-Gnd Tng and Opns. 353/35 (Air-Gnd)(S). (5) M/S, G-3 to CG AG, 24 Dec 43. 353/35 (Air-Gnd) (S).
57. (1) Ltr of Gen McNair to Gen Arnold, 12 Aug 43. 353/289 (Air-Ond). (2) Par 40 of memo of Col Flannagan, cited in n. 55 (2)above. (3)AG memo for CofS USA, 28 Sep 43, sub: Air-Gnd Tng and Opns. 353/10 (Air-Gnd)(C). (4)Air-Ground training conducted by the Second Army is described in History of the Second Army (Historical Section, Army Ground Forces, 1946), pp 156-60. 58. (1)MIS, G-3 to CofS AaF, 10 Nov 43, sub: G-3 WD Conference on Joint Training Facilities. 353/27 (Air-Gnd)(C). (2)WD memo WDGCT 320.2 Genl (1-2-43) for CGs AG,
Pai 1 c, memo of Gen McNair for the A/SW, 6 Oct 43, sub: 353/33 (Air-Gnd)(S). Par 2 d, A(F M/S, G-3 Misc to G-3, 1 Oct 43.
11/28.
61. Par 45, memo of Col Flannagan for CG AGF, Aug 44, sub: G-3 Summary of Air-Gnd Tng Ltrs and Memoranda, Apr 42-Aug 44, with comments, comuenting on WD memo WDGCT 452.1 (28 Aug 43) for CGs AAF and AQF, 16 Oct 43. Air Support Br, 0-3 AGF, file 14/30. 62. (1)AGE MIS, G-3 Misc to G-3, 1 Oct 43. Air Support Br, G-3 AGF, file 11/28. (2)M/S, G-3 to CQfS AG, 24 Dec 43, where credit for progess is attributed, in part, to the fact that more high performance aviation had become available during The year. 353/45 (Air-Gnd)(R).
-41-
ground commanders.63 Writing to General Arnold in August, General McNair attributed the improvements on combined training primarily to "the determined effort on the part of both air and ground commanders and staffs to cooperate and solve their mutual problems
in a simple practical manner."64 The practice of exchanging ground and air liaison
officers grew up; division and higher ground staffs were detailing, for contact with air units, a specially trained "air" officer; and AAF and AGF staff officers were working together in observing combined training exercises. 6 5 While air and ground officers in the field were taking more interest in mutual problems, and cooperating more effectively, the Air Staff in the Pentagon was bending its efforts on making a success of strategic bombing in 1943, and sought to limit its obligations for close cooperation with ground forces. Air Staff officers, in their conferences with staff officers of Headquarters, Arn Ground Forces, "openly scoffed at the ACM training plan." They stated that the air forces got "no training value whatever" out of flying for ground troops in lemonstrations, tests, and maneuvers. They took the position that close-in battle cooperation between ground and air forces (or "third phase missions," to use the term employed after the publication of FM 100-20 in July 1943) would ordinarily be unnecessary, if air superiority and isolation of the battlefield-the first and second priorities or "phases" of air action--were achieved. They "9so contended that "third phase missions normally are uneconomical and ineffective. 00 In conferences with the G-3 Division, War Department, the Chief of the Air Section of that Division vigorously defended the view that, while the necessity for close-in support might occur, it would occur rarely. 6 7 The Army Ground Forces, on the other hand, consistently contended that, even though the need should occur rarely--a question that would h've to be referred to experience for final decision--it might well be critical in determining the outcome of large operations in the war. General McNair stuck to his position that training for it must be thorough, since "this form of air support offers the most difficulties," and "if training for these difficult missions is effective, training for other missions will be comparatively simple." This was the "theme song" on which his G-3 continued to '"hmmaraway," and General McNair's comment was "fine! "68 The results were so discouraging that General McNair remarked at the end of the year. It must be admitted that to date air-ground cooperation has beep pretty much a paper battle and going through the motions. I say this without recrimination, for doubtless we are making progress, even though slowly."6 9 When he wrote this, 33 divisions were
63.
*Flannagan,
(2)Interview of Col
64. Ltr of Gen McNair tQ Gen Arnold, 12 Aug 43. 65. AGF M/S, 1 Oct 43, uited in n. 62 (1) above.
353/289 (Air-Gnd).
66. Par 18, memo of Col Flannagan for CG AGF, Aug 44, sub: G-3 Sumary of Air-Gnd Tng Ltrs and Memoranda, Apr 42-Aug 44, with Comments. Air Support Br G-3 AGF, file
*6
14/30.
67. (1) Memo for G-3 AGF, I Mar 43, sub: WD Conference on Air Support. 353/4 (AirGnd)(S). (2)Par 18 of memo of Col Flannagan cited in n. 66. 68. (1)ibid. (2)Pars 5 and 7, AaF memo for CofS USA, 17 Nov 43, sub: Air-Gnd Trg and Opns. 353/35 (Air-Gnd)(S). (3)AGF M/S, CG to G-3, 8 Nov 43. 353/35
(Air-Gnd) (S). 69. AGF MIS, CG to G-3. 2 Dec 43. 353/30 (Air-Gnd)(S).
-
42
still in need of aviation for joint training and initial air-ground tests; 21 had not witnessed a recognition demonstration; and 48 had had no opportunity to participate in 7 0 the comparative air-ground fire-power demonstrations prescribed by the War Department. The invasion of Normandy was only six months away.
40
70.
AGF memo for CofS USA, 14 Dec 43, sub., Combined Air-Gnd Tng. 353/29
(Air-Qnd) (C).
-
43
It became increasingly evident during 1943 that American air and ground forces not only were failing to work in close cooperation but also were actually injuring each other on the battlefield. Experience in the Tunisian campaign made a change for the better seem imperative. In the early phase of combat in North Africa, friendly aviation was not present in enough force to keep Nazi planes from attacking American troops.l As the Tunisian campaign progressed the Allied air forces gained an increasing superiority over the Luftwaffe; but along the front on which United States troops were engaged American aviation concentrated on fighting an air war and did not effectively provide the ground forces with observation or with supporting assault aviation in combat. The air forces failed to supply ground commanders with sufficient photographic intelligence or with photomaps which they could use; such as were supplied-were not received in time for use. In some cases, as at Faid Pass, the absence of observation aund of close support may have spelled the difference between disaster and success. So little closl-in support was given that it did not offer an adequate test of existing procedures. On the basis of all the reports from North Africa available at the close of the Tunisian campaign, General McNair in July 1943 concluded that "in general, our divisions and smaller units fought in North Africa with no air observation. Comparatively speaking, they attacked into the unknown although the need of air observation on close-in areas was ever-present. Conditions in this respect during the first world war were far bitter than during the Tunisian campaign." 3 In September, in a letter to a friend, General McNair reiterated this opinion: "It is absolutely true that the air helped the ground in Tunisia far less than in the World War--this in spite of the fact that the German air had been driven from the skies"; and he had just been informed by Lt. Gen. Omar N. Bradley that in Sicily there 4 had been no improvement. When close combat support was given in the Tunisian campaign, aviators had diffioulty in distinguishing targets on the ground, and they bombed or strafed, friendly troops to such an extent that higher ocmanders habitually set bomb lines far in advance of their positions. On the other hand, the reaction of American as well as Axis ground troops to attacks by enemy air in the early stages of combat in Africa showed that the fire of infantry weapons, as well m antiaircraft firep against the dive bombing and strafing planes of the enemy was surprisingly effective. But
1. (1) Statements of Col William B. Kern, C0 1st Ba, 6th Armed Inf, let Armd Div, 29 Apr 4. 353/14 (Air.0nd)(C). (2) Sec D, par 2, AGF Bd, TO, Report No. C-31, sub: Obs on an Inf Regt in Combat, by Col George A. Taylor, CO 16th Inf, lot Inf Div. 314.7 (AGF list). 2. Pars 3 and 44, Report of Col libnry V. Dexter 11 Jun 43, sub:
AirGrou d
Support in North Africa. 319.1/21 (For observers) (Ci. Col Dexter was sent to North Africa by Iq ADF to make a special study of air-gound relationships In Tunisia. Be was on the Tunisian front during the period 18 Febrixy (Xeserine Pass period) to 18 April 1943 (reorganization following Mareth-31 Guettar).
3. AGF lst Ind to CO AA, 30 Jul 43, on AAF ltv toC AGY, 8 Jul 43), sub: OrganIzation of AA Reconnaissance and Photographio Squadron. 353/23 (Air-Gnd.)(S).
4i.Ltr of Gen McNair to Brig Gen Henry J. Reilly, 21 Sep 43.
AWC Records.
McNair Papers,
4-
--.
PE IUSPG
American ground weapons were also being used effectively against United States planes, 5 which ground troops failed to recognize in time to withhold their fire. In the light of American combat experience in the North African campaign, the Two courses of need for an improvement in air-ground relationships was obvious. action were possible: either air and ground forces could be pulled farther apart by concentrating air action on strategic objectives and on targets in the rear of hostile ground troops with the object of "isolating the battlefield," or attention could be centered on developing means by which the two forces could know, recognize, and understand each other, and communicate and cooperate in action. The year 1943 was marked by developments in both directions. The Army Air Forces sought and obtained broad statements of doctrine and effected an internal reorganization both of which minimized the importance of aviation in close support of ground forces or. the battlefield. The Army Ground Forces, as far as possible avoiding doctrinal controversy, took the stand that since the employment of aviation in close support roles was sanctioned, even though given a low priority, preparation for it must be pursued intensively both by the Air Forces and Ground Forces because of the numerous difficulties inherent in teaming mile-an-hour ground troops with 300-mile-an-hour aviation. Behind this stand remained the conviction that before the war was over such use of air power would be found critically important. Meanwhile, practical steps were taken both by the Air Forces and by the Ground Forces to improve communication and cooperation between the owo in battle. To this improvement combat experience in the Italian campaign, beginning in September 1943, made important contributions. In the long run the development of doctrine regarding the employment of air power which came to a head in 1943 may prove to have been less important than the practical measures just mentioned. But it will be reviewed before these are described 6 because it reflects a clash of organizational interests--some temporary, some of larger bearing; and it conditioned, and therefore helps to explain, the course of action taken by the Army Ground Forces in more practical matters.
5. The most comprehensive report on air-ground relationships in the North Others used are as folAfrican campaign Is that of Col Dexter, cited in n. 2 above. lows: (1) Extracts from Obsn Rpts, NATO, for the period 3 Oct 42-21 Apr 43, with 353/16 (Air-Gnd)(S). (2) Sec I, Extracts from Obin reference to aerial photography. Rpts, sub: Lack of Timely Close Combat Support in Critical Phases, based on statements by Lt Gen Onar N. Bradley, Maj Gen John P. Lucas, Maj Gen Terry Allen, Maj Gen Charles W. Ryder, the OG VI Corps, officers of the 26th Infantry, the 45th Division, (3) Sea and the G-3 Sec AFHQ, interviewed by the AGF Bd, NATO. 353/35 (Air-Gnd)(S). Copy in III, a (2), Report of Maj Gen Lloyd R. Fredendall, CG II Corps, 10 Mar 43. Incl 4, 353/16 (Air-Gnd) (S). (4) Tab 2, Statement of Maj Gen Lunsford E. Oliver, OG 5th Arm Div, 23 Apr 43, at Air-Gnd School Conf, Term Maneuver Area. 353/275 (Alr-Gnd). (5) Statements of Col William B. Kern, CO lst Bn, 6th Armd Inf, 1st Armd 353/14 (Air-ond)(C). (6) Memo of the AS/W for Gen Div, in interview on 29 Apr 43. 353/283 (Air-Gnd). (7) Pars 2 and 14, Report of Maj Gen Walton H. Lear, 15 May 43. Walker 12 Jun 43. 314.7 (AGF Hist). (8) Par 5a and 6, Report of AGF Observer Team No. 6, 3 Aug 43. Ibid. (9) Pars 4, 5, 6, and 23, Report of AGF Observer Team No. 3, (10) Sec D, pa' 2, "Air Support," cited in n. 1 (2) above. (11) 22 Aug 22. Ibid. Statement of Maj Gen Troy Middleton, COG 45th Inf Div, to AGF Bd, AFHQ-NATO, 1 Dec 43, in Report of A&F Bd, AFHQ- NATO, No. 86. 319.1/80 (NATO) (S). 6. See below, Chap VII, "Practical Steps Toward Air-Ground Cooperaticn."
FM 100-20 AND ITS IMPACT On 21 July 1943 Field Manual 100-20, "Command and Employment of Air Power," was published. Departing from the matter-of-fact tone normal in Army Field Service Regulations, its introductory paragraphs declared in upper-case type: (I) t12at "LAND CPOWER AND AIR POWER ARE CO-EQUAL AND TRDEPENDENT FORCES: NEITHER IS AN AUXILIARY OF THE OTHER':; (2) that "THE GAINING OF AIR SUPERIORITY IS THE FIRST REQUIR]D-M FOR THE SUCCESS OF ANY MAJOR LAND OPERATION"; and (3) that to exploit its "INHERENT FLEXIBILITY," control of air power "MUST BE CENTRALIZED AND COMMAND MUST ME EXERCISED THROUGH THE AIR FORCE COMMANDER," subject only to the authority of the theater com-
mander.
The superior comnmander was forbidden to "ATTACH ARMY AIR FORCES TO UNITS OF
ARMY GROUND FORCES . . . EXCEPT WHEN SUCH GROUND FORCE UNITS ARE OPERATING INDEPENDEITLY OR ARE ISOLATED BY DIS9 ".CE OR LACK OF COMMUNICATION." It was stated that normally the air force in a theater of operations would include a "tactical air force." as well as a "strategic air force." The tactical air priority, the force would be used on the basis of the following priorities: first gaining of "the necessary degree of air superiority"; second priority, "isolation of the battlefield"; third priority, attacks on ground targets "in the zons of contact." Third priority missions were carefully limited by statements of their relative cost and ineffectiveness, leading to the conclusion that "only at critical times are contact zone missions profitable." The War Department published FM 100-20 without the concurrence of General McNair. This manual was known at the Pentagon--and viewed with dismay by the Ground Forces--as the Army Air Forces' "Declaration of Independence." It was also regarded by Headquarters, Army Ground Forces, as having rendered FM 31-35 obsolete, although it contained a reference to that manual.7 But it lacked the completeness and detail necessary to provide a substitute. The drive to obtain this high declaration of doctrine received its decisive impulse from General Montgomery's "Notes on High Command in War," to which General Marshall's attention was invited, on 18 April 1943, by the Assistant Secretary of War for Air, Mr. Lovett, as furnishng material for a new statement of "written doctrine." Immediately afterwards the Operations Division initiated action to have G-3 restate American air doctrine on the basis of t e declarations which were later When the Air Support Board, to be introduced into FM 100-20 in capital letters. which met in December 1942, had recomended changes in FM 31-35, General McNair had made the counterproposal that revision be suspended until further knowledge had been
*
* .
7. (1) Par 32, memo of Col Flannagan for CG AGF, Aug 44, sub: G-3 Summary of Air-Gnd Tng Ltra and Memoranda, Apr 42-Aug 44, with Comments. Air Support Br, G-3 AGF, file 14/30. (2) FM 100-20, 21 Jul 43, par 5 f. 8. (1) Memo of AS1W for Air for CofS USA, 18 Apr 43, sub: Gen Montgomery's
"Notes on High Command in War." (2) G-3 WD Memo WDGCT 384 (2-24-43) for ACofS OPD, 24 Apr 43, sub as in (1), requesting that G-3 be charged with revision of FM 31-35. (3) OPD memo 384 (29 Apr 43) for CofS USA, 29 Apr 43, sub as in (1), recommending that G-3 be given a mandate to deal with the larger question of the command and employment of all units in theaters. (4) WD D/F to OG AGF, 6 May 43, sub as in (1), enclosing copies of these memos for comment. All in 353/16 (Air-Gnd)(S).
47
obtained from field tests in training as well as from experience in combat. In reply, MaJ. Gen. Idwal H. Edwards, then G-3, WIGS, had laid down the principle that "combat operations provide the best test of air support doctrines."9 General Montgomery's experience with the British Eighth Army in the desert represented the first successful employment by the Allies of air power in support of ground forces of the offensive. Portions of his "Notes" were seized on as a conclusive expression of the principles underlying the success of air-ground cooperation in battle. FM 100-20 faithfully mirrored General Montgomery's statement of principles. It did not, as was at once pointed out and later confirmed, faithfully reflect the application of those principles to the actual organization and use of tactical air power embodied in the plans and operations of the British Eighth Army at El Alamein In both instances a definite allotment of air power with which to plan and El Hamma. and execute a major operation had been placed at General Montgomery's disposal as the commander of an army.1 0 A different and stricter application of the doctrines stated in FM 100-20 was embodied in the tactical air organization on the northern front in 1 The Tunisia, which produced results disappointing to American ground commanders. model presented by the Eighth Army--a tactical air force working in close cooperation with an army and allotting air to assist smaller units at critical points in accordant.e with the army plan--was that on which air-ground cooperation was in time worked out successfully, by the Fiflh Army in Italy and by the Twelfth and Sixth Arry Groups during the invasion of France in 1944. Army Ground Forces took no exception to "certain generalized statements" in General Montgomery's "Notes." What it feared was that, converted into dogma, they would sanction "an inflexible system of centralized control of air forced in a theater." The nub of the AGF argument was that such rigid doctrines, designed to guarantee the freedom of air to exploit its flexibility and mass its power, would impair the capacity of the U.S. Army as a whole to mass its striking force, both ground and air, 1 2 when and where needed, against an enemy who knew how to exploit ;hat potentiality. Behind this was the fear of ground commanders that, if air support was not subject to their control, air commanders bent on waging "air war" would never find that they had aviation available to support ground action--a fear that seemed to be Justified by the (1) AGF memo for CofS USA, 10 Feb 43, sub: Report of Air Support Board. 9. 353/190 (Ai-r-Gnd). (2) Par 3, WD memo WDGCT 581 (10 Feb 43) for GG AGF, 7 Apr 43, sub: Air Support Board. In Air Support Br. G-3 AGF file 11, "Doutrine." 10. (1) Pars 2 and 6, AGF memo for CofS USA, 17 May 43, sub: Gen Montgomery's Notes on High Command in War. 353/16 (Air-Gnd)(S). (2) Pars 10, 13, and 67, Report of Col Dexter on Air-Ground Support in North Africa, cited in n. 2 above. 11. (1) Pars 14, 16, 17, 63-66, Report of Col Dexter, cited in n. 2 above. (2) This organization was the model regarding which Brig Gen Laurence S. Mater, Deputy Comdr of the Northwest Africa Tactical Air Force, made a glowing report to AAF and AGF officers at the Pentagon on 25 May 43. Observer Reports in files of Air Support Br, G-3 AGF. 12. Pars 4 and 10 d, AGF memo for CofS USA, 17 May 43, sub: Gen. Montgomery's This memorandium was signed by 35V16 (Air-Gnl)(.3). Notes or High Cor=and in War. Gen Lear, Pctirig Cu AGF, during Gen McNair's v!oIt to Africa, but the draft was initialed by Gon McNair with an "O.K. by me."
initial combat experiences in Tunisia. American airmen, on the other band, feared that ground coumanders, given control of air units, would "dissipate air resources into small packets. "13 They believed that "if groumd commanders bad Air allocated to them and under their camand they would soon get all their Air destroyed and have little to show for it; that the Air oamanders can do better for the ground troops than the ground commander can do for himself." Alarmed by the demand that arose frum ground ocmanders in Africa for the decentralization of air and the attachment of air units to ground units, they sought and obtained a prohibition of it. Two valid considerations might well have counselled patience. One was that American ground comnanders, engaging in large-scale combat operations for the first time, showed a tendency to misuse not only air but all the new forms of mechanized support, including tank destroyers and tanks. This was a tendenoy which experience might reasonably be expected to correct. The other was the failure of the Air Forces to provide support, whether in the form of reconnaissance or combat missions, promptly. The practical way out of the deadlock of mutual distrust was to perfect cooperation and speed it up. The practical reason why ground camand as were asking for decentralization of control as a solution for their problems was that they could not get in time, if at all, air support to which they were entitled by existing statements of doctrne.14 FM 100-20 having been published without AOF concurrence, General McNair's line of action was to accept it as an order. There can be little doubt that the publication of FM 100-20 strengthened his belief that the root of the 15ouble was the indifference of the Air Staff to cooperation of air with ground forces. A confirmation of this view reached Army Ground Forces on 15 May 1943, two days before its camientary on General Montgomery's "Notes" was sent to the War Department. This was a memorandum of the Assistant Secretary of War, Mr. MoCloy, on his observations in Africa. Referring to the absence of support of ground forces by air, Mr. MoCloy wrote:1 6 13. (1) Phrase quoted from par 7 of Gen Montgomery's "Notes." Military Reports on the United Nations No 9, MIS, WD, 15 Aug 43. (2) The point of view of air canmanders in North Africa is fairly and ably set forth in par 107 of Col Dexter's Re-
port, cited in n. 2 above. 14. "Ground caaders are not desirous of having ccumand of the Air. But their inability on the Tunisian Front to get air support by the request method bhs convinced them that there is no other recourse than to have specifir air units allocated to them, and to have full canumend authority over such units." Par 154 d, Report of Col Dexter cited in n. 2 above. 15. "It is the opinion of this headquarters that call-type missions have not been successful in oombat primarily because we have not bad a properly trained air-ground team. Unless there is a desire to provide close air sMport ana training and doctrine are directed along such limes, it is obvious that ineffective results will be obtained." Sec II, par 4 b, Comments on Suggestions in Inol No 1 to AAF mm-o 24 Apr 43, Tab B of AGF ltr to 0G AAF, 10 May 43, sub: Air-Ground Training and Cooperation. 353/5 (Air-
Gnd)(S). 16. Memo of Mr. MoCloy for Gen Lear, 15 May 43. 353/283 (Air-Gnd).
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It is my firm belief that the Air Forces are not interested in this type of work, think it is unsound, and are very much concerned lest it result in control of Air units by ground forces. Their interest, enthusiasm and energy is directed to different fields. . He then proceeded to state a view the reasonableness of which was verified when actual cooperation of air with ground forces was tried in the invasion of France in 1944 and its fruits became manifest:17 I cannot see is why we do not develop this auxiliary to the Infantry attack even if it is of lesser importance [than strategic bombinj. . . . It may be the wrong use of planes if you have to choose between the two but to say that air power is so impractical that it cannot be used for immediate help of the Infantry is nonsense and displays a failure to realize the Air's full possibilities. It is just as bad as was the tendency of the Ground Fcrces, same tire ago, to confine air operations to such work.
*..what
REORGANIZAT1ON OF AVIATION FOR GROUND COMBAT SUPPORT During the course of 1943 the Army Air Forces, concurrently with its successful effort to obtain a restatement of air doctrine, effected a reorganization of air forces in the field which was justified at each step as being required by the new statement of doctrine. The step in reorganization that was fundmental, from the point of view of Army Ground Forces, was to put all aviation designed to cooperate with ground forces, in each theater, into a tactical air force and a troop carrier ccmmand. These two organizations, together with a strategic air force, an air defense command, an air service camnand and, possibly, a ccmnd controlling strategic reconnaissance, were to be normal components of the air force in each theater. Each tactical air force was designed to be "co-equal to the headquarters of a Group of Armies." FM 100-20 emphasized the point that it was not to serve the ground forces only: "It is to serve the theater." It was to have assigned to it certain stable components, but in general it was to be a frame into which reconnaissance and combat aviation could be fitted as needed or available. The tactical air force was to opera') through "tactical air divisions." These were now to take the place of the old air support commands, whose very name carried connotations abhorrent to the air high command. The tactical air division was designed to cooperate, through an adjacent forward echelon of its headquarters, with an army, to which it was declared "co-equal." Like the tactical air force, a tactical air division was to contain certain fixed components, notably an administrative organization, a signal battalion, and a tactical control group, to control all of its planes while in flight. But in general, like the tactical air force, It was designed as a frame for the administration and operation of aviation assigned to it by the tactical air force for a particular purpose. 1 8 No T/O&E for tactical air divisions was published. The corresponding orgaiizations which emerged in theaters of operations were designated as tactical air ccmmids.
17.
Ibid.
18. AAF ltr 20-1 to CGs and COs AAF, 15 Nov 43, sub: Orgn and Employment of the Elements of the Tactical Air Force, with incl, Rpt of Proceedings by the AAF Ed. 353/111 (Air-Gnd)(S).
-J0
In general this reorganization of American air forces, like that of the ground forces effected at the same time, was designed to increase flexibility of employment 19 One striking difference was by a liberal application of the principle of pooling. that in a theater air force no set team of combined arms comparable to the ground division was provided. Various types of aviation fighters, light, medium, and heavy bombers, reconnaissance planes, photo-reconnaissance planes, liaison planes, and troop carriers--could be shuffled in and out of the frames provided by the various forces and commands within the theater air force, as required by the plans of the theater commuader and the air force commander, and in accordance with the availability of the types of aviation required. With this fluidity went a high concentration of authority at the top and a heavy and extensive machinery of o*rhead. The internal reorganization effected by the Army Air Forces just summarized was going on in the theaters and in the Zone of Interior throughout 1943 and in the early months of 1944 and, announced as it was applied piecemeal, was confusing to such cooperating agencies as the Army Ground Forces, to which no definite picture of the outcome to be expected was presented. A "tactical air force" had first taken concrete form as one element of the Northwest Africa Air Force (NAAF), framed to control the air power used in the Tunisian campaign and camanded oy Lt. Gen. Carl Spaatz. This tactical air force (NATAF) was represented by the air high caiuand as expressing the joint experience of the Royal Air Force and the United States Army Air Forces in the Western Desert between El Alamein and the Mareth Line, and therefore as implementing the doctrine to be derived pram combat experience regarding the proper use of air power in modern war. 2 0 The first ifficial reference to a tactical air force appeared in paragraph 6 of FM 100-20 on 21 July 1943. On 28 August the War Dopartment directed that the three a1 support commands in the United States be redesignated tactical air divisions. The general plan of reorganrfzation was outlined by Headquarters, Army Air Forces, for its own subordinate comando in a letter dated 15 November, a copy of which was obtained informally by Headquarters, Army Grbund Forces.22 In the theaters air support commands continaed to be called by that name until, in pursuance of Change No. 2 to T/O 500-1, WD, dated 28 April 1944, the name was changed, not to tactical air division, but to tactical air comand. Despite this official action, the Army Air Forces continued to call the Zone of Interior organizations tactical air divisions. Only in the late spring of 1944 can the reorganization of the Army Air Forces be said to have become effective. REORGANIZATION OF AVIATION FOR GROUND INTELLIGENCE The ground forces were most directly and materially affected by the reorganization of the aviation designed to provide them with intelligence. The value of aerial
19. See "Organization and Training of New Ground Combat Elements," in Organization of Ground Combat Troops (Washington, 1947), pp 383 ff. 20. (1) The organization and its operation are described in pars 9-27, Report of Col Dexter on Air-Ground Support in North Africa, cited in n. 2 above. (2) Brig Gen L. S. Kuter, "Air-Ground Cooperation in North Africa," Air Force, July 1943, pp 4,
5, and 33.
21. WD itr AG 322 (27 Aug 43) OB-I-AFRFG-M to CGs Third Air Force and DTC, 28 Aug 43, sub: Redesignation of I, II, and IV Air Spt Comds. 320.2/29 (AAF)(R). 22. AAF ltr 20-1 to CGs and COs AAF, 15 Nov 43, sub: Orgn and Employment of
observation in extending the range of reconnaissance for ground forces had been established in World War I; it had then been the most important form of air support. Aerial observation as developed by !942 had four missions: to adjust artillery fires and to provide photomaps, visual reconnaissance, and photographic reconnaissance. Under the program authorized in June 1942 the artillery obtained its own little "cubs" to observe and adjust its fires. But it remained dependent on armed high-performance airplanes that could live beyond the enemy's lines to observe and adjust the fires of the long-range batteries of corps and army artillery, and it still needed target intelligence obtainable from air photographs taken over the enemy's position. The information needed which only the air forces could provide was obtained by the eyes of airborne observers and the lenses of airborne cameras. It broke down into three forms: visual observation, photomapping, and terrain photography. Air photographs for large area maps were taken by vertical cameras at high altitudes. Other photographs were needed to make map substitutes of terrain in the path of advancing ground forces, to pinpoint targets for attack, and to supplement visual intelligence regarding the strength and dispositions of the enemy. Photographs for these purposes were normally taken at low altitudes by vertical or oblique cameras. Verticals were needed to make mosaic strips, and obliques to pinpoint targets. Visual and photographic air reconnaissance was vital to all ground combat units. Air photographs of enemy artillery positions ("counterbattery photos") were particularly important for the artillery. It could be said with sobriety that "our position without air photos against the Germans who have them will be similar to a blind man fighting a man with keen eyes..i23 The aviation which the Army Air Forces had originally designed to provide reconnaissance had been organized in "observation groups." These groups operated observation squadrons which were composite in type. Each squadron normally contained eighteen planes of suitable high-performance (fighters and bombers) and liaison types depending upon its particular mission. By FM 31-35 observation aviation, unlike other forms, was made organic in each air-support caiand, designed for cooperation with an arM. One observation group consisting of four composite squadrpns was, theoretically, allotted for each corps, one group of three squadrons for each theater headquarters. Under this or8SWfization each corps headquarters and each division could expect to hayw teamed with it one composite observation squadron. The organization was designed for decentralization "to permit each corps and division to plan4 the use of ani. call direct upon its iupporting observation squadron for missions."2 In February 1943 General Spaatz, commanding the Northwest Africa Air Force, telegraphed that the observation group sent to him the 68th, had been unable to live at 25 The the front, that he had broken it up, and that the concept =st be changed. fightur planes of the group were assigned to the 154th Observation Squadron, which was the only American reconnaissance unit thenceforth available in North Africa for use with United States ground forces. Between 18 February and 18 April 1943 this
"
S23.
24,
ot r of Col John H. Hinds on Eighth Army Survey Demonstration at Cairo, 553/23 (Air-GO d)(S).
2 5. Mmo of CofS AGF o cG AGF, 28 Feb 4 in Air iuppoit 3r G-7 file WO. 11.
FE7
squadron lost 10 planes, of which 2 were shot down by hostile aircraft, 3 by hostile ground fire, and 5 by the ground fire of American troops. While the Luftwaffe was still strong in the air over Tunisia it was deemed necessary to execute reconnaissance missions by "sweeps" under the protection of a dozen Spitfires.2 6 The Aru-, Air Forces, reacting at once to General Spaatz's report sought its way to a solution of the pr-blem through a series of changes which became a part of the reorganization of its forces dt;r=lbed in the foregoing pages. Though of vital concern to the Army Ground Forces they were made wi-uuut i+q concurrence. Photomapping was to be done as before by a Photo Reconnaissance Unit (PRU), which was uc=ally to be a theater organization, or which might appear in an air force working with an army group. Air "observation" was henceforth to be called "tactical reconnaissance," to stinulate and signify greater aggressiveness in ranging for information. The organization of visual and close-in photo reconnaissance for ground units was changed radically. The old composite observation squadrons were replaced by tactical reconnaissance squadrons consisting only of high-speed fighters, eighteen in each squadron. A group of these squadrons was normally to be an element of each tactical air comamd. The old plan provided, basically, one composite squadron for each division, plus one for each corps; the new, one tactical reconnaissance squadron for each army, one for each corps, and one for each armored division. Forming an element of the tactical air command, the squadrons so provided performed the reconnaissance required by that command to meet its responsibilities for maintaining air supremacy, isolating the battlefield, and defending its area, as well as for close-in cooperation with the associated ground force, normally an army. To the headquarters of the tactical reconnaissance group were assigned a photographic laboratory capable of making a limited number of reproductions, and a team of air interpreters.27 Finally, equipment was changed. The bombers of the old observation squadrons were, theoretically, equipped with cameras capable of taking .vertical photographs, the type most effective for ground use. The new squadrons were to consist only of high-powered, single-seater, fighter-type airplanes--sme P-38's, the majority P-51's (Mustangs) when these became available. They were equipped at first only with oblique cameras. These planes were sent out on reconnaissance missions in pairs, one to observe and take pictures, the other to fly cover.
26. (1)Pars 18, 35, 36, Report of Col Dexter cites in n. 2 above. (2)Extract from Report of Maj Gen John P. Lucas, NATO, 31 Mar-28 Apr 43. 353/16 (Air-Gnd)(S). (3)Par 4, WD memo WDGCT 320.2 Genl (4-21-43) for OG AGF, 16 June 43, sub: Redesignation, Reorganization, Reassignment Constitution and Activation cf Certain AAF Units. 353/23 (Air-Gnd)(S). 27. (1)WD 1r AG 320.2 (4-1-43) OB-I-AFDPU-M, to CG AGF, 2 Apr 43, sub: Redesignation, Reorganization, Reassignment, Constitution, and Activation of Certain AAF sUnits. 320.2/33 (AAMF)(R). (2)MR of Lt Col Simonson, Air Supt Br, G-3 AGF, 30 Apr 43, sub: Conference on 29 Apr 43. Air Support Br, G-3 AGF file No II. (3)WfD memo 16 June 43, cited in n. 26 (3)above. (4)AAF ltr to OG AGF, 8 Jul 43, sub: Organization of AAF Reconnaissance and Photographic Aviation. 355/23 (Air-Gnd)(S). (5)AGF ltr to CG AAF, 30 Jul 43, sub as in (4). 353/23 (Air-Gnd)(S). (6)AAF requested permission to put its program into effect without waiting for concurrences and formal approval. AAF memo for CofS USA, 28 Jul 43, sub: Reconnaissance Program (including photographic). When this request was referred to the OG, AGF, he referred to his reply to the AAF ltr of 8 July (cited in (5)above) reaffirming his statements therein made. 353/23 (Air-Gnd)(S).
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The AAF Board recommended that reconnaissance aviation be put on high priority for equipment and personnel. But no decentralization to ground units was to be countenanced, which meant no restraint on air commnders to deter them from using reconnaissance primarily for their own needs.2 8 These cha~ges were viewed and Judged at Headquarters, Army Ground Forces, in such light as was provided by FM 100-20, by such imperfect information regarding specific approved plans as could be obtained, and by the experience of the ground forces in training and combat. As the changes in its organization which the Army Air Forces was making emerged, they seemed to mean that air intelligence designed to meet the needs of ground forces was to be replaced by air intelligence for the ground forces which would be a by-product of that required for prosecution of war in the air. It was seen that in the new organization, where everything was designedly flexible, and the only reconnaissance unit earmarked to provide the ground with intelligence was composed of high-speed fighter-type planes, the intelligence requirements of ground forces were placed in competition with the intelligence requirements of the air forces, and, if the need arose, would be in competition with their combat requirements as well, since the reconnaibsance planes were fighters. The difference of interest, as far as reconnaissance was concerned, did not assert itself in connection with large-scale photomapping. But it became acute as visual and photographic reconnaissance approached the zone of contact between the opposing ground forces. With this approach the interest of the air forces decreased, while the interest of ground ccmmanders sharply increased and became focused on kinds of information which could be gained only by highly trained pilot-observers willing to fight for it over the enemy's positions, It was logical to give precedence to air requirements as long as the air forces were absorbed in missions given first and second priority in FM 100-20. The persisting difficulty was that American air forces were organized, equipped, and trained primarily for these first two missions, The priority of air requirements was built into the equipment of the new reconnaissance squadron. The conditions clearly called for high speed planes. But the P-38's and P-51's of the new squadrons were single-seaters of the standard fighter type, so constructed that the pilot had no view of a considerable area directly under the plane. Maximum effectiveness required full attention for observing and, in a plane traveling between 300 and 400 miles an hour, the close-in tactical observation needed by ground units could be effected satisfactorily only by a highly trained pilot-observer. 2 9 Visual observation of the type needed by ground commanders therefore called for planes carrying an observer as well as a pilot, and modified to permit more downward vision. Again, whereas the old composite observation squadrons had included bombers equipped to take vertical photographs, P-51's initially were capable of taking only obliques, satisfactory for air war, but not for war on the ground which in addition required vertical photographs to pinpoint targets and produce overlapping low altitude reconnaissance strips. No specific units or equipment were provided to take the photographs for ground maps. Here again competition with air priorities was to be expected and was verified in combat, where the available mapping and photographic aviation was used largely for strategic photography. In the Tunisian campaign, up to 28. (1) AAF ltr to CG AGF, 8 Jul 43, sub: Organization of AAF Reconnaissance and Photo Aviation, transmitting Report of AAF Board. (2) AGF M/S, G-3 to CofS, 13 Both in 353/23 (Air Gnd)(S). Jul 43, sub as in (1). 29. (1) Pars 40, 48, and 65, report of Col Dexter, cited in 48 Col Dexter describo the successful modification of a P-38 for by Lt Col Dyas, CO of the 154th Obsn Sq, effected by removing all installing windows and an observer's seat in the nose. (2) Par 2 H. Walker, 12 jun 471. 314.,7 (AGF Hist). n. 2 above. In par observation purposes but two guns and b, Rpt of MaJ Gen W.
54-
28 April 1943, when no photomaps and very few photographs had been provided for ground operations, "hundreds of photographs of bombing actions" were found in the files of air headquarters, and "many excellent photographs" of successful bomb strikes were 30 posted on their walls. As the outlines of the new picture transpired, General McNair, though gravely concerned, adhered strictly to the principle of ccamwnd responsibility. His official reaction was expressed in two statements, dated 30 July and 6 October 1943. When presented in July with the proposals of the AAF Boar& regarding reconnaissance and photographic aviation, he expressed gratification that the Army Air Forces was making plans which might be construed as showing its awareness of the problem.31 With regard to specific proposals, after remarking that the needs of the ground forces for reconnaissance must be well known to the Army Air Forces, he ocfined himself to noting those which the new plan seemed unlikely to satisfy, and concluded that, while organization should certainly provide for concentration and flexibility, "invariably centralized control by the tactical air force or by the air-force commander in the absence of a tactical air force may not always be the best set-up. Channels of operation may be so extensive and difficlt as to impair the essential teamwork between ground forces and supporting air forces. The principles set forth in /the proposed general reorganization7 create the impression of concern for the unity of the air forces, and the precedence of their interests, rather than a determination to participate in and promote the success of the decisive ground action, particularly that of the Infantry."32 On 6 October, with the reports from the Sicilian campaign before him, General McNair again stated in a memorandum written and presented by himself to the Assistant Secretary of War that the ground forces had to date received little mapping or intelligence photographic support from the air either in combat or on maneuvers. He now definitely took issue with the doctrine which the air force seemed to be following in the matter of reconnaissance. "The assignment of third priority to combat support of ground forces," he wrote, "is sound." But he pointed out that, although FM 100-20 prescribed no priorities for intelligence support, "experience in the theaters, and the fighting type of equipment assigned intelligence and photographic units, indicate that priority for intelligence support, as for combat support, is third." "It is submitted," he continued, "that ground forces should invariably receive intelligence support when in contact and that, unlike the doctrine expressed in paragraph 9 f, 14 100-20, corps and even divisions should work directly with supporting intelligence aviation. Our II Corps in Sicily received no satisfactory support until this was done." Beyond this General McNair confined himself to repeating the characteristics
30.
31. General McNair chose to assume that the action proposed was a response to the recommendation of AGF made on 23 March that the "organization, equipment and doctrine of observation aviation be reviewed, with particular emphasis on intelligence
photographs." AGF memo for the CofS USA, 23 Mar 43, sub: Training. 353/5 (Air-Gnd)(S).
Combined Air-Ground
32. AGF let ind, 30 Jul 43, to CG AAF, on AAF ltr to OG AGP, 8 Jul 43, sub: Organization of AAF Reconnaissance and Photographic Aviation. 353/23 (Air-Gnd)(S).
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L-
of air intelligence not present in the provisions made or planned by the Army Air Forces, namely, reconnaissance aviation equipped to take suitable close-in intelligence photography, air organization and equipment capable of providing close and continuous intelligence support of ground forces when in presence of or in contact with the enemy, and mapping squadrons more suitably equipped to produce the photomaps needed for ground operations. Specifically, he suggested that planes with lower performance characteristics than "those required for more distant missions" could provide the photography which the ground forces required, and stated definitely that the requirements of the ground forces called for vertical as well as oblique photographs.33
33. Memo of Gen McNair for AS/W, 6 Oct 43, sub: Air Spt for Ground Forces. 353/35 (Air-Gnd)(S). Eventually the fighters used for ground reconnaissance were
equipped w~th vertical cameras.
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The development of the Army Ground Forces' own aviation--the liaison planes organic in field artillery units--during the period extending through 1943 to D Day, was marked by a renewed effort of Arm Ground Forces to expand such aviation to other arms than Field Artillery, and by another, and more formidable, attempt of the Army Air Forces to absorb it. To understand the issues that arose during this period, the fact must be borne in mind that, although the program of organic aviation was initiated on 6 June 1942, it "came into production" only in 1943. The first jilot-obaerovrs trained at Fort Sill (eighteen in number) did not graduate u=RL-t-8September 19i2.1 A mjority-of the graduates from the early classes and all of the available planes except those needed at Fort Sill went overseas to initiate the equipping of units that took part in the invasion of North Africa. 2 The equipping of AGF units in training began in December 1942 and was not completed until November 1943, At that time theaters of operation, authorized a 10 percent overtrength in field artillery liaison pilots, still had 100 less than their allotment.3 tn short, qnly toward the end of 1943 was field artillery aviation built up to the strength necessary for a full.teit in combat.
Early in 1943, on the basis of an agreement reached in Assistant Secretary of War MoCloy's office, the War Department ironed out the difficulties over personnel and training that had arisen between the ArvV Ground Forces and the Army Air Forces, and approved certain modifications in the organic aviation program which the Army Ground Voroes had requested. The most important of these was that the pilots were to be officers trained to adjust firea. The pilot-observer would be accompanied by a radiomechanic who was to watch for hostile planes and tranomit fire directions to the ground. In practice, the passenger was often another trained observer who assisted in adjusting
1. AGF lot ind toG-3 WMS1 17Mar 43, onWDmemo to Os AGFand AAF, 12eb 43,
sub: Ln Pilots for PA. 353/262 (FA Air Obsn). 2. (1) AGF shipped 22 pilots and 10 mechanics to the United Kingdom. Ten of the pilots from the first class of 18 graduating from Fort Sill were ordered to a Port of Embarlation on 28 September 1942, and, on 17 October, 12 more pilots were ordered sent. AGF M/S. G-1 FA Br to G-3 AGF, 31 Dec 42, commenting on ETO Itr to CO AGF, 20 Nov 42, sub: Organic FA Air Oben. 353/1 (FA Air Obsn)(S). (2) To complete the equipment and units in North Africa, Hq Fifth Army requested authority to set up a school for 200 pilots and 100 mechanios. Ltr Hq Fifth Army to C in C Allied Force, 12 Jan 43, referred
AGF M/S, G-1 FA Br to G-3, 6 Nov 43P, sub: FA Ln Pilots. 353/262 (FA Air Oben).
4. (1) WD memo WBGCT 211.99 for OGs AGF and AAF, 12 Feb 43, sub: Ln Pilots for PA. 353/262 (FA Air Obsn). (2) T/O&Es reflecting the decisions reached, in particular the inclusion of two officer pilots in each FA battalion, were not published until 15 July 1943. (See T/0E 6-26 as changed on that date for the organization of FA battalions in the '.nfantr division.) As enough officers would not be available as pilots until i March 1944, the enlisted pilots already trained were either commissioned, if qualified, or carried as excess in grade until replaced. See AGF 2d ind to TAG, 23 Aug 43, on 30th Inf Itr to CG AGF, 16 Aug 43, sub: Sarplus Staff Sgt Pilots in FA. 353/360 (FA Air Obsn). 57
fires. 5 The new system was opposed by the Air Forces and approved with reluctance by the War Department. One effect of it was to clinch the control of Army Ground Forces on the supply of pilots, which now was made its responsibility. Under the new arrangement the Army Air Forces trained AGF volunteers as liaison pilots at the AAF flying school, in a manner presently acknowledged by Army Ground Forces to be very satisfactory.0 As far as practicable they were officers already branch-trained in Field Artillery. In any case, the Field Artillery School no longer had to prolong its courses to give its student-pilots basic military training. The Army Ground Forces was denied its request for authority to confer pilot ratings.7 PROPOSED E)T'E SION OF ORGANIC GROUND FCRCE AVIATION As previously noted, Army Ground Forces had, in November 1942 at the suggestion of Mr. MCloy, proposed the extension of the observation aviation program to ground units other than those of the Field Artillery. This reoommendation was referred to G-3 of the War Department who, after some delay, requested that Army Ground Forces submit specifin plans for implementing the proposed extension o Army Ground Forces responded on 20 February 1943 thatit desired "to include organic liaison aviation in tank destroyer units and mechanized cavalry units, and to provide divisions with airplanes, in addition to artillery airplanes, for the use of the division commander and his staff, and to work with the division reconnaissance elements." About half of the planes and personmel requested were to be assigned organically to divisions, and the remainder to tank destroyer and mechanized cavalry forces. 9 In March the War Department estImated that, to implement the proposed extension of organic aviation in ground force units, approximately 1,500 liaison-type planes would be required in addition to the 2,500 necessary for the existing field artillery progrwm. Since AAF units required 1,500 such planes, and since the total number of liaison-type aircraft to be available by the end of 1943 would be only 4,000, it was difficult to see how the AGF proposal could be carried out. lv ArmW Ground Forces nevertheless pressed for a decision on its proposal, which was finally turned down by the War
5. (1) AGF memo for CofS USA, 8 Jan 43, sub: Oben Pilots for FA. (2) WD memo WDGCT 353 (1-8-43) for CG AGF, 11 Jan 43, sub as in (1). (3) AGF memo for CofS UaA, 16 Jan 43, sub as in (1). All in 353/216 (FA Air Oben).
Oben).
7. However, AR. 95-15, 95-90, and g)-120 were revised to clarify authority and responsibility with regard to rp ting, flying status, and other matters connected with the training and control '-f organic field artillery observation. See WD memo WIDCT 320.2 Gen (10-17-42) for CG AGF, 13 Feb 43, sub: Organic Air Oben for FA. 353/264 (FA Air Oben). 8. (1) Memo of Gen McNair for CofS TEA, 16 Nov 42, sub: Organic Air Oben for Ground Units. 353/150 (FA Air Obmn). (2) WD memo WDGCT 320.2 Gen-(ll-16-42) for CG AGF, 6 Feb 43, sub as in (). 353/150 (FA Air Oben). 9. AGF memo for CofS USA, 20 Feb 43, sub: Units. 353/9 (FA Air Obsn)(S). 10. Organic Ln Aviation for Jround Force 452.1/540 (Airplanes).
Department on 28 June after a prolonged delay.1 1 General McNair, commenting on the War Department's decision, remarksd in a note to Mr. McOloy: "Of course, as you know, the Air Forces have opposed organic aviation in the Ground Forces, and it now appears that the logical development.of such a system is stopped."1 2 By its decision, the War Department had stablized the organic ground force aviation program on a basis that was to remain virtually unchanged until the suimer of 1945. ORGANIC DIVISIONAL FLIGBTS PROPOSED AND BRECTED During the summer of 1943 the stability of the organic aviation program was again threatened by a War Department proposal to change by centralizing the control of field artillery airplanes in division headquarters. The agitation for centralized control was supported by testimony from officers in combat that artillery planes were being used only incidentally to adjust artillery fire and chiefly to perform reconnaissance
missions and to run errands for ground headquarters,13 and also by the argument that centralization would provide a supervision of flying personnel and equipment that was greatly needed. Much was made of the failure to provide for adequate medical supervision of fliers and adequate enforcement of safety regulations, and emphasis was given, as it had been in the AAF proposal of 19 November 1942 to regain control of all "liaison" aviation to the advantages of economy of maintenance and tactical flexibility which woul be gained by concentrating the planes on a single field near division headquarters .1I The crux of the argument was thb need of ground comanders for more liaison planes.15 The Army Air Forces had admintted its failure to supply the liaison planes
11. (1) AGF memo for CofS USA, 4 May 43, sub: Organic Air Oben for Ground Force Units. 353/9 (FA Air Obsn)(S). (2) WD memo WDGCT 320.2 Gen (i1-16-42) for CG AGF, 28 Jun 43, sub: Organic Ln Aviati6n for Ground Force Units. (353/17 (FA Air Obsn)(S). 12. Memo of Gen McNair for AS/W, 5 Jul 43 sub: Present Status of Organic Ln Aviation of Ground Forces. 353/17 (FA Air Obsn)(S). 13. The WD's memo of 28 June 1943 (cited in n. II (2)above) stated that "in one theater, the artillery spotting required less than 3 percent of the aircraft in Organic Air Observation for Field Artillery." It presently transpired that this statement was based on a report of Brig Gen Laurence S. Kuter of the Air Corps. The WD G-3, to back it,later cited Maj Gen John P. Lucas' report on the North African theater, an stating: "The Grasshopper plane has proven its value for command and liaison purposes but has been usad very seldom for the adjustment of fires." Par 2 a, WD memo WDGCT 452.1 (10 Jun 43) for Mr. MeCloy, 2 Jul sub: "3, Ln Aviation. 353/342 (FA Air Obsn).
14. For the need of better supervision see the following: (1) AGF memo for CofS
USA, 17 Nov 43 sub: Air Officers for FA Hq. 320.3/171 (FA). (2) WD memo WIGCT 452.1 (27 Nov 13) for CG AGF, 3 Dec 43, sub: FA Ln Arty. 353/35 (FA Air Obsn)(S). 15. (1)WD memo for Mr. McCloy, 2 Jul 43, cited in n. 13 above. (2) Memo of McNair for Mr. McCloy, 10 Jul 43, no sub. 353/342 (FA Air 0bsn). (3) II Corps Itr to C in C NATOUSA, 10 May 43, sub: Organic Arty Obsn for Corps Hq. Sent to CG AGF by WD, 8 Jul 43. 353/18 (FA Air Obsn)(S).
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Ki
provided for in Flight "C" of the old AAF observation squadron.1 6 Aware that this squadron, having proved unworkable in combat, was likely to be disestablished, Army Ground Forces in February had asked that, in addition to artillery planes, division headquarters be provided with organic liaison planes, for the use of division commandera and to work with division reconnaissance elements--a request that was denied in June.17 Meanwhile, in May 1943, the ArnW Air Forces proposed and the War Department authorized the organization of AAF liaison flights to work with ground forces, but as late as February 1944 no action by the Army Air Forces had been reported to the War Department. It is not surprising that during 1943 higher ground headquarters in the North African theater, left without liaison planes, borrowed those of the artillery, diverting them from their primary mission, in which their value was only beginning to become apparent.l1 In the course of the argument over the, question of centralizing the artillery planes of each division, the points made by General Moair in his resolute stand for having them remain organic in artillery units were as follows: (1) "The planes are right where they are needed, not back at some centralized field."1 9 (2) "The present organization, unlike any other, insures satisfactory unit oomications." (3) "BY dally desociation, complete understanding between the pilots and other battalion off;cers is obtained. 20 Although he admitted that decentralization "renders control difficult," repeated efforts did not move him from his position that "the aircraft are where they are needed and the problem of oom nioation becomes simple," and he insisted that "the Fie*d Artillerv organization ban proven to be thoroughly sound and of the utmost benefit in combat. " 1 As the year advanced he was able to clinch his points with testimony that the artillery cubs in combat were becoming inoreasingly important in their primary role. On 28 December, fortified by fresh evidence from the front, he wrote: "Air observation for the Field Artillery has reached a high degree of perfection in combat. Success in combat has been phenomenal, far exceeding expectations. Flying in 16. AAF memo for CofS USA, 19 Nov 42, sub: Organic Ln Aviation for Ground Units.
20. (1) The second and third quotations are taken from par 3, AGF 2d ind to CG RB8C, 5 Nov 43. 353/29 (FA Air Obsn)(S). (2) The points regarding the importance of habitual association between the pilot and the unit served as well an that regarding immediate communication, were made as early as February 1943 in an AGF memo for CofB USA, 20 Feb 43, sub: Organic Avn for Ground Force Units, 353/9 (FA Air Oben)(8). (3) An even stronger statement of the importance of habitual association made by AGF in January 1943, in disapproving the tendency to concentrate the planes of a division on a single field: "... it is felt imperative that the battalion pilots eat, sleep and work in such close proximity to the root of the battalion that the plane becomes as nmuch a part of the battalion ad one of its trucks." AGF let Ind to Comdt FAB, 29 Jan
43, on FAB ltr to CG AGF, 19 Jan 43, 353/19 (FA Air Oben) (R).
21. Pars 4 and 7, AGF memo for CofS USA, 6 Oct 43, sub: Force Use. 353/29 (FA Air Oban)(S). Aviation for Ground
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action has been superb. A single fatality has been reported." In the special efforts of the Germans to liock out "cub" planes he found an indication of their deadly efficacy. These successes General McNair attributed to their "use with the Field Artillery battalion organically. "22 Throughout the fall of 1943, G-3 of the War Department General Staff urged centralization of the Field Artillery planes in divisional flights. Within the Army Ground Forces, the Director of the Department of Air Training of the Field Artillery School favored the idea. In combat some division commanders had pooled all their organic planes under the control of division or of divisional artillery headquarters. Even Mr. McClcy, staunch friend of the Field Artillery, felt that there was "some Justification of having them assigned organically to the division rather than to Field Artillery battalions." 23 In mid-November Headquarters, Army Ground Forces, was informed that it might soon expect a direct order to reorganize its planes in flights, without further chance to comment. It resisted the proposal strenuously. Its resistance was influenced by the fear, in spite of an assurance from G-3 to the contrary, that the adoption of the flight organization would open the way for the ArmV Air Forces to renew its drive to obtain control of the artillery planes.2 4 This fear was colored by the fact that the Army Air Forces, in its recent reorganization, had provided for liaison squadrons whose flights could readily be substituted for flights organic in the division on the basis of one for each army. The AAF drive to accomplish this came into the open in January 1944.25
Headquarters, Army Ground Forces, in response to the pressure for reorganization of liaison planes into divisional flights, proposed to meet the need of higher ground headquarters for more liaison planes by incorporating additional AGF planes in corps, army, and theater headquarters. It proposed to meet the need for better supervision by
22. Memo of Gen McNair for CofS USA, 28 Dec (FA Air Obsn)(S).
23. (1) FAS Itr to CG AGF, 9 Oct 43, sub: Suggested Peorgn of Ln Aviation for Gnd Force Units. 353/29 (YA Air Obsn)(S). (2) Capt James Edmons, "Notes on Artillery
uary 1943 Hq AGF had disapproved a Training Circular, prepared at Fort Sill, which countenanced the concentration of the planes of a division on one field to facilitate maintenance and "certain types of training." AGF lst ind to Comdt FAS, 29 Jan 43. 353/19 (FA Air Obsn)(R). (4) Memo of Mr. McCloy for Gen MoNair, 4 Jul 43. 353/342 (FA Air Oben). 24. (1) M/S, G-3 to CofS AGF, 20 Dec 43. 353/35 (FA Air Obsn)(S). (2) The WD proposed organization by flights in memo WDGCT 452.1 (27 Nov 43) for the CG AGF, 3 Sec 43, sub: FA Liaison Avn. 353/35 (FA Air Obsn)(S). (3)For AGF action see the following: AGF memo for CofS USA, 6 Oct 43, sub: Aviation for Ground Force Use. 353/29 (FA Air Obsn)(S). AGF memo for Col Beckley, AGF representatives on WD Comunications Coordination Committee, 8 Nov 43, sub: Messenger Aircraft. 353/29 (FA Air Obsn)(S). AGF memo for CofS USA, 30 Nov 43, sub: L-4 and L-5 Aircraft (Supplied to NATO). 353/20 (FA Air Obsn)(S). AGF memo for CofS USA, 28 Dec 43, sub: FA Ln Aviation. 353/35 (FA Air Obsn)(S). 25. (1) AAF Itr 20-1 to CGs and COs AAF, 15 Nov 43, sub: Orgn and Employment of the Elements of the Tactical Air Force, with attached charts. 353/111 (Air-Gnd)(S). (2) AAF memo for CofS IA, 29 Jan 44, sub: Ln Aircraft in the AGF. 353/102 (FA Air Obsn)(S).
"
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including one pilot, in the grade of major, in the field artillery headquarters of all 6 types of divisions, of corps, and of field artillery brigades and groups.2 On 4 January 1944 the War Department reached a decision. Declaring that although it still favored the organization of a single field artillery flight within each division, it deferred to General McNair's views. To obtain better supervision, it approved his proposal to add a field artillery liaison pilot, in the grade of major, to each headquarters and headquarters battery of division and corps artillery, and each field artillery group and brigade. It further recommended the addition of one to army headquarters, in a grade not higher than lieutenant colonel, who, besides exercising "supervisory functions within the army," vould act as liaison officer with AAF agencies "in connection with organic air observation for Field Artillery." This addition was made. The War Department approved a training circular (No. 132, published 14 December 1943) which was prepared by Army Ground Forces to improve flying discipline, enforcement of safety regulations, and the use and maintenance of planes. Further to improve maintenance, the War Department directed the organization of an Air Depot, Army, to perform third echelon maintenance on liaison-type planes, and to act as the medium for providing air technical supplies. These depots were organized and equipped by the Army Air Forces and the arrangement worked well. Finally, to improve medical care of artillery pilots, the War Department placed them under the supervision of the flight surgeon at the nearest AAF station. With reference to the main problem, the need of ground headquarters for additional liaison planes, the War Department directed that they were to be supplied, not by an increase of those organic in ground forces, but by AAF liaison squadrons, which, it stated the Army Air Forces were prepared to ship to theaters on the basis of one to each army.27
26. (l)Par 3, AGF memo for CofS USA, 6 Oct 43, sub: Ln Aviation for Ground Force Use. 353/29 (FA Air Obsn)(S). (2)AGF memo for CofS USA, 17 Nov 43, sub: Air Officers for FA Eq. 320.3/171 (FA). (3)As early as May 1943 officers from the Department of Air Training, FAS, vere detailed to AF units in training to assist unit commanders with indootrination and inspections. Uq AGF ltr to CGs, 25 May 43, sub: FA Air Officers. 353/309 (FA Air Obsn). 27. (1)WD memo WDGCT 360 (5 Sep 43) for Cis AAF and AGF 31 Dec 43, sub: Ln Aviation for AGF Use. 353/45 (FA Air Obsn)(C). (2)WD memo WDGCT 452.1 (4 Jan 44) for CG AGF, 4 Jan 44, sub: Organic Air Oban for FA. 353/403 (FA Air Oban). In this file will be found the recommendations of AG' for the improvement of medical supervision of FA pilots, and the final action of the WD, which was to make it a responeibility of the Flight Surgeon of the nearest AAF unit.
-6-
be spared. The Army Ground Forces estimated in January that it would require, to the end of 1943, a total of 2,508 light planes. 8 From the beginning the Army Ground Forces felt a decided preference for the L-4, and only a few of any other type were ever shipped to ground units overseas. 2 9 Strongly urged by the Field Artillery School, Headquarters, Army Ground Forces, recommended on 7 May 1945 that the L-4 be substituted for the L-2 as the standard type for Field Artillery, and that no more L-2's or L-3's be supplied after the current production scheduled was completed. The War Department did not approve, merely informing the Army Air Forces of the preference of Army iround Forces.3 0 Meanwhile, the L-2 had been producing calamitous results at Fort Sill. Up to 17 July 1943 six fliers were killed because the L-2 tended to "spin in" when maneuvered at the low altitudes at which field artillery observers had to fly, and ih'e Commandant grounded all L-2's at the Field Artillery School. Notwithstanding thi, record, General McNair did not renew his request for L-4's, but laid the facts before -hie 'War Department General Staff and Mr. McCloy, recommendg that the allotment of L-4's to AGF units be increased as rapidly as possible .w Except for the shortage of L-4'u, no difficulty arose regarding the equipment of the Field Artillery with planes, until the desire for a different type of plane began to be pressed by ground force commanders. As early as November 1942 the Commandant of the Field Artilleiy bchool invited a' I.ention to indications that the L-5, the liaison plane used by the Air Forces, might bu preferable to the L-4. The Field Artillery School asked for, and obtained, sowe of these planes for testing, particularly with reference to the need of airborne divisions for an organic plane fast enough to keep up
28. "The Joint Aircraft Committee originally desired all puddle-jumper production to be cut out, but when the requirements were stated, they appeared so great that it was decided to continue thb scheduled production." It was estimated in January 1943 that there would be a maximum of 5,000 light planes to distribute during 1945. Other demands for light planes came from the British, the Office of Strategic Services, the State Department, the Office of the Coordinator of Inter-Amerioan Affairs, and from the Army Air Forces, which used light planes other than the L-5 for liaison and trip purposes in the United States. The requirements of AAF entered the picture at another angle because the bottleneck of production was the scarcity of materials used on constructin all types of planes, and the production of L-5's was given a higher priority tnan t4ut of L-2's, L-3's, and L-4's. Minutes of the A-4 Meeting on Proposed Distribution of 1943 Production of Liaison Airplanes, 4 Jan 43. 452.1/45 (Airplanes)(C).
2).
(1) ibij.
ACF,
(2)
Support t3, ,-
50. "1 ',( 1' CofS USA, 'yvaty 43, sub: Types of Airplanes for FA Use. 355/300 (FA ,.ir )Dom). (2) FAS Itr to CO AGF, 29 Nov 42, sub: Exchange of Aircraft. 353/257 (FA Air Obsn). (3) FAS ltr to CC A]F, 8 Apr 43, sub: Types of Airplanes for
vs
(4)
5 Jun 43.
.'. (1) AUF >i!/, co CofS, 15 Jul 43. c355/300 (FA AIr Obsn). (2) Urgent 'Ctelegram, Fi, o " &i , . ul . 55/2 (FA Air Cbsn[ (2.). (31 Priority telegram, CC A(Z. uo CL, .% C, ') JuL 4, order!rn the resumption of training with L-2's, except "low and slow fly"n." 353/345 (FA Air Cbsn). (4) AGF memos for G-3 and G-4 WT)1i, CU AkIF, ani ?r, MC; :oy,20 Jul 43, sub: Types o4 Airrlanes for FA Use, 353/300 (FA Ali, --tsn). 63-
'T.
with airborne movements. In the North African Theater of Operations, ground units in action began to ask for L-5'b, having found that the L-4 did not have a high enough ceiling for use in mountainous terrain.3 2 Undoubtedly the L-5 was more suivable for messenger and liaison service. But a shift to more powerful planes would threaten the stability, not only of the procurement program, but also of the training program at Fort Sill, since it was necessary to train pilots on the type of plane with which they would find units in the field equipped, and therefore it was des.rable to have a single type used in the interest of shortening the course of instruction. Anxious about the opposition of the Army Air Forces to its program and the influence,3 of the Air Forces wich the War Department, Headquarters, Army Ground Forces, saw another issue involved in the question. As has been indicated, Army Ground Forces, in the si r and fall of 1943, was defending organic liaison aviation against criticism which was believed to be inspired by the Army Air Forces. It was felt at Headquarters, Army Ground Forces, that to recommend the adoption of the L-5, the plane with which the Army Air Forces was equipping its liaison squadrons, would play into the hands of the Army Air Forces by strengthening the argument for the consolidation of all liaison aviation under AAF control.33 Another fact to be considered in this connection was that from the beginnmg the inexpensiveness of the equipment required had beeb emphasized in arguments for organic lia son planes. Expensive equipment would render the program more vulnerable attack.3
to
Army Ground Forces stood by its request for L-4's, and this was the plane which the War Department presently approved an standard for organic Field Artillery observation.j 5 Theater requests for the L-5 were disapproved by Headquarters, Army Ground Forces, on the ground that it required more room for takp-off and was less maneuverable in achieving evasion. To meet the requests for L-5's from ground units in the North African Theater of Operations, it was pointed out that the L-5 had been used only in 32. (1) Par 7, FAS Itr to CG RWBC, 29 Nov 43 sub: Exchange of Aircraft. 353/257 (FA Air Obsn). (2) Algiers to War, 2 Aug 43 (Radio file, AGF, CM-IN-1130; same to same, 16 Sep 43 (ibid, CM-IN-12612): paraphrased 3able W2633, 16 Oat 43 (ibid, CM-IN-9746).
33.
353/20
34. (1) Par b (2), Conclusions of CG 13th FA Brigade, on Report of Service Tests of Organic Air Observation, let ind of CG II Army Corps, 25 Apr 42, on GHZ Itr, 322.082/5(C)-H(28 Feb 42). Incl I, 353/1 (FA Air Obein)(R). (2) Par 3 0,WD memo WDGCT 452.1 (29 Jan 44) for CofS USA, 7 Feb 44, sub: Aircraft in the Arv Ground Forces. Economy is represented as one of the desirable features of the program. 353/102 (FA Air Obsn)(S). 35. (1) Par 6, AGF memo for CofS ISA, 6 Oct 43, sub: Avn for Ground Forces Use. 353/29 (FA Air Obsn)(S). (2) On 14 Jul 43 AAF informed AGF that the Munitions Assignment Board had allocated all L-4 production for the rest of 1943 to AGF for FA units. AAF ltr to CG AGF, 14 Jul 43, sub: Asgmt of L-4 Type Airplanes from Production. 453.1/569 (Airplanes). (3) As the result of action initiated by G-3 WD, the Joint Aircraft Committee in 1943 (Case No. 200) allocated the entire production of L-4's to the ground forces. Par 3 b, WD memo WEICT 452.1 (2 Nov 43) for ACofS, G-4 WD, 8 Nov 43, sub: L-4 and L-5 Aircraft (supplied to NATO). 353/20 (FA Air Obsn)(S). (4) In January 1944 the War Department was still unwilling to order the substitution of L-4's for L-2's and L-3's in the Army Ground Forces. Minutes of Conference in the WD 25 Jan 44, sub: FA Ln Type Planes. 353/101 (FA Air Obon)(C). (5)By 31 October 1944 all but 67 of the 672 airplanes in AGF units were L-4's. AGF Itr to CG AAF, 19 Nov 44, sub: Status of Ln Aircraft in AGF. 452.1/121(R).
-
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exceptionally rugged country, where normally a high-powered plane was to be preferred. It was re ommended that forty L-5's be sent to NATO to meet the urgent requests of that theater. 3% In 1943 another question of equipment arose from the desire to install additional instruments in the cub plane. The failure of the Army Air Forces to provide photographic reconnaissance for ground units fighting in the North African theater in 1943 led to the mounting of cameras in artillery cubs to make terrain photographs. The Ist Division found them "invaluable," and recommended that the T/BA of divisional artillery headquarters be amended to include cameras and developing facilities. Headquarters, NATOUSA, approved but, following the recommendation of the Seventh Army, proposed to the War Department that the equipment be given the division signal company. The Field Artillery Board had made a test of photographic equipment in its cub airplanes, and the Army Ground Forces, on receiving the theater request, recommended on 23 November 1943 that the equipment which the Board had found satisfactory be incorporated in the T/O&E's of field artillery headquarters and headquarters batteries. 3 7 The Army Air Forces nonconcurred, stating that photo-reconnaissance units were trained and equipped to meet the requirements of the infantry division as to time, quantity, and quality.3 8 The War Department on 10 February 1944 accepted this view, adding that the new Army Air Forces liaison squadrons contained facilities of the kind requested and could be used to meet the need. The Army Ground Forces proposal was disapproved as representing a "trend toward the abandonment of the original concept of Artillery 'Air OP's' by expa~ning liaison aviation, complicating its equipment.39 RENEWED EFFORT OF THE ARM AIR FORCES TO RECAPE ARTILLERY AVIATION, 1944 From July 1943 to January 1944 the Army Ground Forces had defended the organization of its artillery aviation against a strong effort to change it and was upheld by the action of the War Department on 4 January 1944. The belief at AGF headquarters that the active opposition of the Army Air Forces was behind that effort was confirmed on 29 January 1944 when General Arnold, in a personally signed memorandum for the Chief of Staff, made an all-out attack on organic field artillery air observation. He attacked it as over-extended, wasteful of resources, and unsound in principle. He renewed and elaborated the arguments previously advanced for the control of all liaison aviation by the Army Air Forces.4O
36. Par 2, AGF memo for CofS USA, 30 Nov 44, sub: L-4 and L-5 Aircraft. The War Department, nevertheless, refused the request of NATO, which renewed the request as very urgent," by radio, Algiers to WAR, 24 Dec 43. Both in 353/20 (FA Air Obsn)(S).
37. AGF itr to CG AAF, thru COG AGF, 23 Nov 43, sub: 320.3/160 (FA). Photographic Equipment for
Airplanes in FA.
38. The review of the correspondence is based on file copy of PAF Itr to CSigO, thru COG AGF, 12 Dec 43, sub: Amendment of T/BA (TO&E) for FA Liaison Airplanes.
413.53/50o.
39. WD memo WI CT 319.1 (24 Mar 43) for CG AGF, 10 Feb 44, sub: Oblique Photography. 353/102 (FA Air Obsn)(S). Report of Test of
40.
sub:
SOb-n)(S).
p-.-
41
1. The present system of field artillery air observation was adopted by the War Department over the. opposition of the Army Air Forces. The matter has been in controversy intermittently since then ... 2. The basic memorandum contains a number of debatable statements. However, the main issue really is satisfactory air observation for field artillery. The present system is outstandingly successful--one of the remarkable developments in connection with the effective artillery support which is being given the Infantry in all theaters. On the other hand, field artillery air observation by the air forces has been unsatisfactory since the advent of military aviation. There is abundant reason to doubt that the results would be otherwise if this task were returned to the air forces now. Especially would it be hazardous to make so radical a change at this particular time. The cost of liaison aviation, regardless of who mans it, is microscopically small as compared with the cost of the air forces as a whole, and is hardly a material factor in the discussion. 3. It is recomended that there be no change in the present system of field artillery air observation.
General Arnold's memorandum of 29 January 1944 precipitated a final showdown on the organization, control, and equipment of liaison aviation, which was based on a review and recommendations made by G-3, War Department, on 7 February 1944. G-3 recommended that the policy of continuing the existing system of "Air OP'" for field artillery be reaffirmed, accepting as conclusive the contention of ArPW Ground Forces that organic assignment to field artillery =rits resulted in "an efficient team with a common purpose," the reports that it had produced "excellent results in battle," and the fact that it was desired, not only by General McNair but also, with one exception (South Pacific), by the theater oonmanders. G-3 feared that if artillery liaison was made a responsibility of the Army Air Forces, "it would be placed in low priority like reconnaissance." On the other hand, G-3 firmly opposed expansion of ground organic aviation. It opposed, as tending to expansion of the program, not only the mounting of cameras and other accessories in cub planes, but proposals to change the type of plane, which were attributed, in part at least, to the attempt in NATO to use the L-4 "to supply troops by air and otherwise overload it." G-3 recognized the fact that the needs of ground forces in combat for reconnaissance and photographic service had not been covered effectively. It also noted that the Air Forces had proposed, and had bsen authorized in May 1943, to organize one or more liaison flights. The Air Forces had also been directed to test such flights in maneuvers as a mans of providing liaison service to AGF units, but had made no report of such a test. G-3 recommnded, nevertheless, that the AraW Air Forces remain responsible for providing "general liaison messenger and bourier service" by means of liaison squadrons, which "are now being shipped overseas for this purpose." It hoped that when they arrived they would relieye 2 the pressure that was diverting the cubs of the artillery from their primary mission."
41. Memo of Gen McNair for CofS USA, 16 Feb 44, sub: 353/102 (FA Air Obsn)(S).
42. WD memo WDGCT 452.1 (29 Jan 44, for CofS USA, 7 Feb 44, sub: in the AGF. 353/102 (FA Air Obsn)(S). -66-
Ln Aircraft
On 28 March General Arnold was informed of the rejection of his proposal. But he was notified that he might resubmit it if "an expanded program" should be adopted in the future. His responsibilities regarding the supply and maintenance of airplanes and equipment wore "re-established," on the basis of War Department Circular No. 59, 2 March 1942 and the instructions regarding the orgapic aviation program contained in the initial War Department directive of 6 June 1942. The ground forces, accordingly, entered on their major effort, beginning with 6 June 1944, equipped for artillery observation and incidental liaison service with the L-4's in their artiLlery units as organized in 1943 and administratively strengthened in the spring of 1944, and dependent for liaison service on the squadrons of L-5's allocated by the Army Air Forces on the basis of one squadron (32 planes) for each field army.
43. WD memo WDGCT 452.1 (28 Mar 44) for CG AAF, 28 mar 44, sub: Ln Aircraft In the AGF . 353/102 (FA Air Obsn)(S). Par 4, regarding responsibilities for aviation equipment of ground units, was necessary because on I Mar 43 some of these had been transferred to the CG AGF. This action was directed in WD memo W700-5-43, 18 Jan 43, sub: Supply of Air Corps Equipt to AGF Units Within the Continental Limits of the U.S. and implemented by WD memo S700-4-43, 31 Jan 43, same sub. 475/46 (Air Corps). 67
In the critical period of approach to the great air-ground effort of the Army which was launched with the invasion of Normandy on 6 June 194, the Army Air Forces and the Army Ground Forces had pulled apart. The gap between them had been widened by various developments, notably the failure of the air-ground training effort of the Army Ground Forces in 1942, the reaction of ground commanders to the deficiencies of air recomnaissance and direct support in Africa and Sicily, the declaration of FM 100-20, the reorganization of the Army Air Forces, the concentration of the Air Forces on high performance equipment, and its attempts to recapture organic field artillery a ' observation. On the other hand, substantial progress in methods of cooperation and mutual understanding was being made. It was growing out of the efforts of airmen and ground troops and their commanders working together in the field, at home and abroad. This was notably true in Italy, where effective air-ground cooperation developed through a practical approach to common problems. This was the approach on which General McNair had consistently insisted and it was beginning to pay dividends. The practical problems of air-ground cooperation turned on relative speed of movement. The Army Air Forces, intent on distant objectives, concentrated on desioging and procuring speedier, more powerful planes. The speed of airplanes made it extremely difi. fioult for fliers to recognize either friendly ground troops or targets on the ground. Their speed made it iffioult for trops on the ground to distinguish hostile from friendly planes in time to protect themselveR by firing on the former and to avoid firing on the latter. Again, the speed of the plane, whioh gave aviation its unique strategic and tactical flexibility, made coordination with the movement of ground troops difficult and made communication between air and gromd vitally important, not only as a means of avoiding errors but also of speeding up generally coordination of air and ground movements and increasing the mobility of ground foroep.
RECOGNIZATION AND
TIFICATION
If air and ground units were to operate in the same area, mutual recognition and identification were obviously necessary to avoid mutual infliction of damage. If they were to work together on the offensive, means had to be perfected for the rapid ocmmunication of messages between them by signals or by radio. Mutual identification, as distinguished from visual recognition, required the use of signals, so that success in identification and cooperation both depended on the development of special techniques and equipment and on mastery of their employment by both air and ground persmnel. When the U.S. Army went into combat, both air and ground forces showed an alarming incapacity to recognize and identify each other. Reports of observers and participants throughout 1943 left no doubt that on the battlefields of Tunisia, Sicily, and Italy, American airmen and ground troops were repeatedly attacking each other blindly. There were two ways to restrict the damage: by improvement of training and of the means of mutual identification or by limiting contact. Both means were tried. The secand had the grave disadvantage of still further contracting the range of familiarization and common experience. General McNair called the attention of the War Department and General Arnold to the fact that U.S. airplanes were bombing American troops. But it was equally clear, as General McNair freely admitted, that U.S. ground troops were damaging American airplanes. 1
1. (1)Par 12 d, memo of Gen McNair for CofS USA, 23 Mar 43, sub: Combined AirGnd Training. 353/5 (Air-Gnd)(S). (2)Personal ltr of Gen McNair to Gen Arnold, 15 Jun h3. 353/19 (Air-Gnd)(S) 69 -
In the early stages of the North African campaign, the ground troops were frequently exposed to attack by German planes. Not unnaturally they developed "itchy fingers," and when an airplane suddenly flew over them or came at them out of the sun they fired. Experience In Africa showed that potshooting at planes with grouni arms was surprisingly effective 2 It heightened the self-confidence of ground troops--a most desirable consmnatimn. But combined with inability to distinguish friend from foe, it put friendly planes in heightened danger. General Arnold was so exercised about the matter that on 2 June 1943 he made it the subject of a personal letter to General McNair. American troops, he wrote, were not learning recognition, and he expressed the wish that they should not only be trained in recognition and fire control, but should have instilled in them "the belief that the unknown plane is always one of ours." General McNair, acknowledging the facts as substantiated by the reports of ground observers, replied that adoption of General Arnold's proposal would be extremely hazardous unless overwhelming air superiority had been achieved, as it had not been in the earlier phases of the Tunisian campaign. He proposed as an alternative that "a rule be adopted and applied in training to the effect that troops will not fire on any aircraft unless it either attacks with bombs or gunfire or threatens such an attack, or is clearly recognized as hostile by silhouette or markings." He suggested on the other hand that U.S. planes be confingd to flight on canalized routes and directed to avoid flying over frien.ly troops.3 Both of these restrictive measures were directed by the War DepartIn addition the Army Air Forces put more easily recognized markings on its ment. planes, as General McNair had suggested in his letter of 15 June. Armj Ground Forces attacked the problem of recognition and identification along two lines. It enforced training by applying to its own umits tests which werp devoted largely to these matters. It also sought, in the experience of its units ii training and those in combat, a basis for improving means and techniques of mutual identification, with a view to the problems of effective cooperation as well as those of recognition. If cooperation, and not merely mutual avoidance, was to be aohieved, means had to be developed by which air and ground forces could not o.ly identify each other but also more promptly oommunicate to each other positions, desires, intentions, and findings. By means of the dual camunication nets set up as standard by I 31-35, ground and air comeands could communicate plans, requests, and orders, and through the airdrome the air couaander could talk by radio with planes In the air. Still !aoking were reliable and adequate means of cmunication between planes in the air and ground
units in the front line. The development of such means was rudimentary in 1943.
Under the AJF Training Directive effective 1 November 1942 all ground troops were taught what the principal types of U.S. and enemy planes looked like by means of photographs, silhouettes, film strips, models, and the desoriptin and illustrations in the Trainin Bulletins of the Air-Ground Series prepared by the Infantry School. Such instruction was enforced by the AGF Air-Ground Tests, effective after 1 May 1943, two of which (I and III) were mainly concerned with recognition and identification. With the
Notes onReQent
3. (1) Pere ltrs of Gen Arnold to Gen McNair, 2 Jun 43, and of Gen McNair to Gen Arnold, 15 Jun 43. 353/19 (Air-Gnd)(S). (2) In May AGF requested AAF to adopt the last named measure. See AOF-ltr to OG AAF, 25 May 43, sub: * Manner of Flying Friendly Air-
WD memo Wmm 452.1 (28 Aug 43) for CGs AGF, AAF, and ASF, 10 Sep 43, sub:
-70
tests were issued full instructions regarding existing means of Identlfication and signalling and their employment, and a detailed model of Signal Operating Instructions. To judge by the high scores ground units made on the tests it would seem that ground troops and ccmnanders learned what they were taught. But this was little more than a preparation for learning faster when they saw planes in the sky. Descriptions, silhouettes, and plct oes could not teach them how a plane "sits" in the air or otherwise behaves in flight. Pointing this out to General Arnold in June, General McNair suggested demonstration flights; and the Army Air Forces consequently organized and operated the "air circus" prejously described, which stimulated interest and was believed 0 to have improved training. To give the troops more experience in seeing U.S. planes, it was further arranged that AAF planes on their own errands should be routed, as far as practicable, over troops in training. 7 MUW.MING MEANS OF COhe4UICATION The vibual signals whose use was prescribed in the AGF Air-Ground Tests, both for mutual identification and for combined air-ground action, were panels, lights, pyrotechnics., smoke, preconcerted arrangements of vehicles, and prearrange. motions of planes in flight. It was believed that by the use of these, singly or in ocmbination, on the basis of carefully prepared Signal Operating Instructions, front lines could be marked, air targets marked or indicated by ground units, and simple conventicnal melsage. exchanged. Examples would be such messages 'as "I am friendly," conveyed by pyrotechnics, lights, plane maneuvers, or smoke; or "enemy morts 300 y s In this direction," conveyed by panels arranged to indicate direction and distance. Smoke, besides being used for signalling, was to be laid to mark front lines, and fired from grenade launchers, mortars, or artillery, to mark a,panel display or indicate the direction of targets. White panels having been found to have limited visibility at high altitudes, fluorescent panels in white, cerise, and ye.llow were issued. Smoke was issued in five colors to pgovide a variety of signals and to contrast with battle smoke and terrain
coloration.0 In 1943 radar had begun to prcuise practical results in enabling pilots to plot locations on the ground, and on 15 April 1943 Army Ground Forces requested that units of existing equipment be made available to the Infantry Board and Armored Force Board for testing with that end in view.y By 1943 two-way talk between front-line units and planes in the air by radio was practicable, but ocmmunication by this means had not been established.
5. This point was emphasized by Col H. V. Dexter, AGF special observer, in par
94 of his Report of/Visit to the North African Theater of Operations, distributed at
71 -
Army Ground Forces hoped for enough combined air-ground action in training not only to train both ground troops and pilots in the use of existing means, but also to provide tests of these means with a view to Improvement and the development of rules and procedures which the War Department could standardize for use in combat. With the same object it scrutinized the reports of its observers overseas and of ground commanders in Africa, Sicily and Italy. All visual signals from groiud to air, and particularly panels and markings on vehicles, were subject to the difficulty of being seen or read accurately from planes flying at high speeds. The Army Air Forces met the effort of the Army Ground Forces to develop such signals with apparent indifference. Army Ground Forces reported to the War Department that in the course on air support at the AAF School of Applied Tactics "ground signals were covered somewhat as follows: 'The Ground Forces use inoke, pyrotechnics, and panels. So far none of them work very well. "'10 The reports of AGF units taking the air-ground tests made available a body of experience which was far from complete or conclusive because of the lack of adequate air support and delay in the issue of the latest signal equipment. But is was the most extensive and instructive that had been obtained. The experience of units in the Second Army and those under the Desert Training Center, where special tests in signalling were conducted in March 1943, were especially valuable.11 At least this experience showed that, wLen the cooperation of sympathetic fliers was available, fluorescent panels and colored smoke had been used effectively, while available pyrotechnic signals were relatively ineffective; and the view of Headquarters, Army Ground Forces, wa confirmed that if given a fair trial by both parties the methods in use could be developed with good results. Reports from overseas, except as they stressed the urgent and critical need for development, were less instructive because there was so little close-in cooperation between air a ground units in Tunisia, Sicily, and the first phases of the campaign in Italy,' By the fall of 1943 Army Ground Forces was convinced that pyrotechnics and the ma-
neuvering of planes were unsatisfactory as methods of signalling, but that panels and
10. Par 15, AG? memo for CofS USA, 17 May 43, sub: High Comand in War. 353/16 (Air-Gnd)(S).
11. (1)For Second Army, see ltr of Maneuver Director, Second Army to OG AGF, 2 Jul 43, sub: Report of Air Support for Maneuvers. This was forwarded to the AAF with AGF ltr to OG AAF, 13 Jul 43, sub: Report of Air Support for Maneuvers of Second Army. 54.2/31 (Tenn '43)(R). (2)For DTC, see AAF ltr to OG IV Air Support Comand, 10 Feb S3,with 6 inds, sub: Air-Ground Communications. 353/13 (Air-Gnd)(S). 12. (1) The most thorough and systematic report on the subject is that of Col H. V. Dexter, distributed at H AGF on 11 Jun 43 on operations in NATO, 18 Feb-26 Apr 43, Sec VI, pars 94-118. 319.1/21 (For Obsvrs)(CS. (2)See also: Par a, Air, in Gen Fredendall's Notes on Recent Operations on the Tunisian Front, 10 Mar 43, in 314.7 (AGF Rist); notes on lecture of Gen Eater, Dep Ccmdr, NATAF, 25 May 43, in Air Suplort Br, G-3 AGF, files; statements of Col Hamilton, 45th Inf Div, 22 Jul 43, in extra a from Obsvrs Rpts, in 319.1/90 (For Obsvrs)(S); statements of Gen Patton, Incl 1 to AGF ltr to OG AAF, 17 Aug 43, in 353/10 (Air-Gnd)(C); Hq Seventh Army's Notes on the Sicilian Campaign, 8 Oct 43, in 353/36 (Air-Gnd)(S); Radio, Caribbean Defense Command to CofS USA, 26 Oct 43, in 319.1/80 (For Obsvrs)(S); Radio, Algiers to WAL, 4 Nov 43, in CM-332097; statement of Maj Gen Troy Middleton, CG 45th Inf Div, to AGF Bd, in Rpt No 86 of AGF Sd, NATO, 1 Dec 43, in 319.1 (NATO)(S); Report of Sig 0, 25th Inf Div, on Guadalcanal (extract), Foreign Obsvrs Rpts, 10 Nov 43, in 353/36 (Air-Gnd)(S).
-
72 -
colored smoke could be used effectively, and thac the development of smokes or rluorescent dust for airplane signals should be pressed.I3 On the basis of the data available by mid-October the War Department concluded the: experimentation with signals in the field should continue with emphasis on "the uae of bomb safety lines, phase lines and the employment of smoke and artillery f,.re "; it stated that panels might be used "under certain conditions," but that "the transmission of long messages by this means would be most difficult in view of the high speed of modern aircraft." It agreed with the Army Ground Forces that "development, production and distribution of more highly visible and more persistent air to ground (and ground to air) visual signals should be expedited. "14 The test and development of visual signals from aircraft had been referred to the AAF Board at Orlando. In December, at the suggestion of the Army Air Forces, an AGF officer was sent to Orlando to assist in coordinating the whole matter of air-ground visual communication for which the AAF Board had been made responsible.1 5 By V-3 Day no results had been achieved by the efforts of the Board. The best means of direct communication between ground units and planes in the air was two-way talk by radio. Here the obstacles to cooperation were partly technical, partly organizational. The technical difficulty was to develop radio sets for air and ground units which would satisfy the primary requirements of each and which could at the same time intercommunicate. The organizational difficulty was the aversion of the Army Air Forces to having directions of any kind given to pilots except by air commanders. This meant, in practice, that all messages had to go through the communIcation and command nets which had been prescribed in FM 31-35 to preserve the principle of equality between air and ground.16 One result was loss of time and flexibility in fast-moving and critical situations. The sluggish operation of the existing system in combat led to pressure from ground commanders zor the assignment of air to their command. This in turn intensified the insistence of air on its autonomy. One condition obviously necessary and precedent to getting quick reactions was to have forward ground elements equipped with radio sets through which they could communicate directly with supporting planes. Armored commanders, particularly sensitive to the demands of fast changing situations on the battlefield, were especially interested.
13. (1) Pars 3 c and 4 d, AGF memo for CofS USA, 28 Sep 43, sub: Air-Gnd Training and Operations. 353/20 (Air-Gnd)(C). (2) Par 2, AGF Weekly Directive No 31, 3 Aug 43.
14.
(1)Pars 3 b and c, WD memo WICT 452.1 (28 Aug 43) for C6-s AGF and AAF, 16
Oct 43, sub: Air-Ground Training and Operations. 353/10 (Air-Gnd)(C). (2) Concentrated effort on the whole matter by the two commands was directed by WD memo WDGCT ,52.1 (18 Nov 43) for 0Gs AGF and AAF, 18 Nov 43, sub: Air-Ground Training and Operations. 353/342 (Air-Gnd).
15.
(1) AAF 2nd ind to OG AGF, 10 Dec 43, on ltr cited i- n. 14 (2) above. 353/37
(2) For AAF directive to AAF Bd, 21 Dec 43, see 353/100 (Air-Gnd)(S). Memo of Communications Coordination Committee for OG AGF, attn Col D. F. 353/419 (Air-Gnd).
(Air-Gnd)(S). 16.
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The technical problem was greatly complicated by the fact that in 1943, withuut previously notifying the Army Ground Forces,1 7 the Army Air Forces equipped its planes with Very High Frequency (VHF) sets (SCR-542, etc.), which could not communicate directly with any of the sets that were standard for ground commands. Communication except through the air support commander and the airdrome was effectually blocked. The impetus to finding a way through this barrier was given by a radiogram from Allied Force Headquarters, North African theater, on 31 January 1943, forwarding for 8 action a suggestion of Maj. Gen. Ernest N. Harmon, coandingthe 2d Armored Division.1 General Harmon asked for an immediate solution of the problem of communication between support planes and forward armored elements. He urged that such units be provided with SCR-522 sets. American experience in North Africa had shown that when air support was available it was taking front-line units, using existing channels, approximately two hours to get it. There was reason to believe that if they were provided with VEF sets the time-lag could be cut "to a few minutes." 1 9 Army Ground Forces immediately had the Armored Force test the practicability of installing SCR-522 sets in medium tanks, with the object of using tanks thus equipped "in armored spearheads so that . . . personnel can call for prompt air support." 2 0 When the test showed that the SCR-522, primarily designed for aircraft, was, because of its fragility, far from ideal for the purpose but that installation of radio sets of the general type in tanks presented no problems, Operations Division, on the recommendation of Army Ground Forces, flew eighteen sets by plane tb North Africa. Army Ground Forces suggested that to overcome the defect of SCR-522, namely, its "line-of-sight" characteristic, for the purpose in view, a plane could be put on air alert above threatened units to relay calls to supporting aviation. 2 1 The air-ground communications authorized in FM 31-35 provided no radio sets farther forward than the air parties with divisions, or, in exceptional cases, with armored regiments. The actions just described precipitated the question of providing all forward ground elements with at least the physical means of ccmmunioating directly with cooperating planes. Army Air Forces, acting promptly, instructed the IV Air Support Command, operating in support of the Desert Training Center, to conduct tests of direct comunication by radio, as well as by visual signals. Army Ground Forces fully ocncurred. 2 2 On 14 April G-4 of the War Department General Staff, acting on a report of the Army Communications Board, recommended that the SCR-522 be mounted in vehicles vhich would operate with all forward ground units and that Army Ground Forces provide
17.
18. 0007.
19. Memo of Col V.B.W. Wales for Chief of Reqts Sec, AGF, 12 Feb 43, no sub.
353/9 (Air-Gnd)(C).
20.
43, M2.
353/7 (Air-Gnd)(C).
21. Armored Force ltr to 0 AGF, 27 Feb 43, and AGF let and 2nd inda, 6 and 9 Mar sub: Installation of Radio Set SCR-522 in Medium Tanks M3 and M4 and Half-Track 353/7 (Air-Gnd)(C).
22. AAF ltr to CG IV Air Support Command, through channels, 10 Feb 43, and AGF 53/13 (Air-Gnd)(S). let ind, 19 Feb 43, sub: Air-Ground Ccmmuinications.
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23 Army Air Forces was in T/O&E'e the vehicles and crews necessary to employ them. willing to have the tests in the Desert Training Center extended to determine the desirability of having VHF radios provided for "commanders of all tactical armored units down to and including battalions, _nd commanders of all other tactical ground units down to and including regiments.org
All this initiative seemed surprising--and was most welcome, from the point of 2 view of Headquarters, Army Ground Forces. 5 But General McNair hewed strictly to the principle that air-ground communication was the responsibility of the Army Air Forces, refusing to go along with the suggestion that the means be made organic in ground organization and equipment. The upshot of the matter was an AGF directive to the Commanding General of the Desert Training Center on 12 July to "conduct tests to determine the desirability of providing vehicular VEF and HF radios for commanders of all tactical armored units down to and including battalions, and for commanders of all other tactical ground units down to and Including regiments, for air-ground cOnzuuicatioas." It was made clear that the equipment and operating personnel were to be additional to the system provided in FM 3135. It was recommended that the tests be made during regularly scheduled maneuvers.26 The tests in the Desert Training Center were not run off until November because of delays in providing the necessary equipment, and because they could not be fitted sooner They were made with the 9th Armored Division into ITC training and maneuver, schedule. and the 7Cth and 81st Infantry Divisions. Tests had also beea.rui. tbeammaa1. by the Cavalry Board, which reported: "All testing agencies reported SCR-542(VEF) technically satisfactory but too fragile in its present form," but pointed out that "vehicular VHF radio recently was developed for AAF." The several testing agencies disagreed an to the changes in organization required for employment of VEF radios on the ground. The conclusion at Headquarters, Army Ground Forces, was that ground-air radio equipment was "NOT to be included in T/O&E's for ground units." The action was based not only on the principle that air-ground comiunication was the responsibility of the Army Air Foroes, but also on the fact that only airmen on the ground were in most oases qualified to talk intelligently to airmen in flight and vice versa. The teohnical findings obtained
WD memo WDGDS 3124 for OG AGF, 14 Apr 43, sub: Installation of Radio Set BCRTanks M3 and M4 and Half Track M2. 35343 (Air-Gnd)(8). Medium 522 in 24. Par 2, AAF 5th ind, 27 Apr 43, on AAF ltr to COG IV Air Support Co znd, 10 23.
Feb 43, sub: Air-Ground CcmunicationB. 353/13 (Air-Gnd)(S). 'This is all confusing, on one letter they AAE7 do not desire to operate 25. with ground force units and in another they seem to consider it important." AGF M/S, Support G-3 to CofS, 11 May 43, proposing favorable indorsement of AAF ltr to OG IV Air 353/14 (Air-Gnd)(S). Command, 5 May 43. 26. AGF ltr to CG DTC, 12 Jul 43, sub: Test of VHF and HF Radios for Air-Ground
Communications.
353/7 (Air-Gnd)(C).
(1) DTC TWX to CO AF. 19 Aug 43, sub: Test of VhF and HF Radios for Air27. 6 (2) AGF itr to OG DTC, 27 Aug 43, sub as in (1). Ground Communication. AGF-IN-195 . in 413.44/1541. correspondence also See (3) 353/7 (Air-Gnd)(C).
-
75
in the tests were passed on to the Combined Communications Board for action by2 he Army
--
~Air Forces,
eAm
SUMMARY OF PROGRESS IN THE ZONE OF INTERIOR To sum up, the experience gained in combined training, supplemented by the tests mentioned, had sifted out colored smoke and fluorescent panels as the most effective visual means of air-ground communication and had been of definite value in showing how they could be used most effectively. Experience with air-ground communication in the theaters active in 1943 was so meager and inconclusive that without the body of information gained at home the War Department would have been still farther than it was actually from a solution of the practical problems involved in getting effective airground cooperation in battle. To this extent the AGF policy of pushing ahead with only reluctant support from the Army Air Forces had been Justified. The teats at Fort Knox and Fort Riley and in the Desert Training Center had shown that it was practicable, with available radio sets, for airplanes and ground units to talk to each other at digtances up to 130 miles. No firm conclusions regarding air-ground communications had been reached, and at the year's end the War Department declared that it had established no policy with reference either to air-ground recognition and identification or to air-ground comunication. 29 But valuable knowledge had been won and passed on to the responsible agency, the Army Air Forces, whose Board at Orlando, with the cooperation of a repr.sentative of the Army Ground Forces, had been directed to test and develop further the means available. The main problem left, on the practicable level, was to get an organization of air-ground cooperation in the zone of contact which would work quickly. COOPERATION OF THE FIFTH AM4Y AND XII AIR SUPPORT CCHMAND IN ITALY There was but little close teamwork between American air and ground units in the Mediterranean area during 1942 and during most of 1943. In what little there was, the organization set up under FM 31-35, with its parallel channels and complex machinery, worked so slowly as to render air support generally ineffective. Ground commanders in the Tunisian campaign were impressed by the fact that the Germans were getting support promptly while they were not. The reports from Sicily expressed the same strong
~found.)
28. Item (1), AGF M/S, G-3 to Reqts and CofS, 5 Dec 43, sub: Tests of VV2F and HF Radios for Air-Groun; Communications. (Tabs I and N covered by this M/S were not
353/118 (Air-Gd)(S).
29. WD memo for CG AGF (attn Col D. F. McBride), 19 Dec 43, sub: 1 6licies. 353/419 (Air-Gnd). . -76 -
Air-Ground
dissatisfaction with the complication and delayed reactions of the existing system.3 0 The first favorable report came after the Fifth Army went into Italy at Salerno in September 1943, when General Clark told Mr. McCloy that "he was getting a great deal of Air help on his immediate front in the way of close bombardment, but," he added, "the machinery for close support in critical situations has not yet been effectively or com31 pletely worked out." Ground commanders in combat, with the effectiveness of the Infantry-artillery team in mind, generally desired to see the air support needed in a critical operation placed under control of the division commander.3 2 That solution was barred by approved doctrine, and the bar was made more rigid by the principles stated in FM 100-20, as built into the highly centralized reorganization of the Air Forces that was being initiated 1 in the latter half of 1943. 30. The following comments represent the views of the ground commanders in Tunisia, Sicily, and Italy: (1) "I believe that we will have to come to some simple system of requesting air support. The present system of going back through so many channels is wrong. We haven't time for it." (Col. William B. Kern, commanding an infantry battalion of the 1st Armored Division, 13 May 1943). (2) We can't get the stuff when it's needed and we're catching hell for it. By the time our request for air support goes through channels the target's gone or the Stukas have come instead." (Maj. Gen. Omar N. Bradley, Eq Fifth Army, i March 1943). (3) "I noticed that, in action, when my tanks started rolling, or my artillery opened on some target of real importance to the Germans, the Stukas would be over in twenty minutes. . . . By contrast, our calls for airplane missions to meet a sudden combat development, if granted at all, got no real results for hours. . . . The system of calling through two or three different headquarters for air support simply will not give the support desired at the time desired. Adequate air support can only be obtained by direct call from the division to air. Any other system is too slow and will result in loss of opportunities. The greatest single aid to more effective use of armored formations would be the development of close air support, both by reconnaissance and by bombing. Failure of this air support presents the weakest link in our tactical team today." (Maj. Gen. Charles W. Pyder, commanding the 34th Infantry Division, Conversation 18-19 June 1943). (4) "The delay between requesting a mission and receiving only the approval or disapproval of the request was excessive. When the time required to fly the LZssion was added to the original delay, the result was ineffective support." (Report from AFHQ, 2 July 1943). (5) "Air missions took too long to accomplish even after the planes had been moved to Sicily. Authority to fly this mission could be obtained in about three hours whereas the mission itself took only 20 to 30 minutes." (Maj. Gen. John P. Lucas, commanding the VI Corps, 21 July 1943). (6) "The air support has not worked satisfactorily. . . . At times it has been fairly prompt; at other times the time has been excessive. There is a great deal that must be worked out before we get what we want when we want it. The matter of who has the control, the matter of communication, and such things are still to be solved." (Air Support Liaison Officer, 3d Infantry Division, Sicily, 12 August 1943). The second item is in 353/33 (Air-Gnd)(S); the fifth item, in 353/36 (Air-Gnd)(S); the others, in 319.1/80 (For Obsvra)(S). 31. Memo of AS1 /W McCloy for Gen McNair, 23 Dec b3, sub: Air-Gnd Tng and Opns.
353/45 (Air-Gnd)(R).
32. Gnd)(S). (1) See excerpts from repo.'s in319.1/80 (For Obsvrs)(S), and in 353/36 (Air(2) See also Report of Col ZL.-ter, 11 June 43, in 319.1/21 (For Obsvrs)(C).
Such progress as was achieved a uring 1943 in combined training and methods of cooperation resulted largely from the efforts of interested air and ground commanders working together in the Zone of Interior, particularly in the Second Army and the IV Air Support Command. The next important step in bringing air and ground into a more effective relationship was likewise the outcome of a practical approach to common problems. It was initiated by the Fifth Army and the XII Air Support Command in Italy. The system of coordination worked out by the Fifth Army and the XII Air Support Command during the months following the landing at Salerno was less a system than certhin practical arrangements which gave expression to a mutual understanding and close working relationship between the two comnmands. The essential features of it were these: (1) the two commands placed their forward command posts within a few hundred yards of each other; (2) the Fifth Army assumed responsibility for collecting, evaluating, and coordinating the requests of its units for air support, for interpreting them to the air command and its agencies, and for informing its own units of the action taken by the air command and the results obtained. With the army evaluating all air support requests from its own units, the tendency of divisions or corps to dissipate air effort was disciplined by a ground camaner, the commanding general of an army, and the air support command was asked to execute only missions which would further the main effort on the ground as planned by the ary. The air support ommand, relieved of all responsibility for liaison or contact below army headquarters, could concentrate on rapid execution of the missions ordered. Brig. Gen. Gordon P. Saville, comanding the II Air Support Ccmard, gave his full support to the arrangement; indeed he seems to have It was reported on 30 November 1943 that missions were never refused suggested it. except on technical grounds; no mission had been refused cp the ground that the objective to be attacked was not a good target--a far cry from the situation in TnIsia and Sicily. After being tried for seven months as an expedient, the system worked so well that it was heartily approved by the comander of the Twelfth Air Force and by the Deputy Theater Commander, Lt. Gen. Jacob L. Devers, as well as by the two commanders who had worked it out, and it was submitted by General Devers to the War Department on 3 May 1944 for authorization of the necessary changes of organization. Meanwhile the First Army Group, in the United Kindgom, preparir for the invasion of France, had studied it and adopted a somewhat similar plan. The working model from which the Fifth Army system was derived was that which General Montgomery and the RAF had developed in their drive across North Africa and which the Eighth Army was using in Italy. The statements of air doctrine which General Montgomery enunciated in his "Notes on High Cccnand in War," the immediate inspiration
33. The foregoing statements and the description that follows are based on the following: (1) AGF Obsvrs Bd, NATO, Report No A-87-2, 30 Nov 43, sub: Or and Functioning (2) Reof Air Spt Control System Now Employed by Fifth Army. 353/lil (Air-Gnd)(8). port of Col Sheffield Edwards, ACofS, G-3 Air, to G-3 First U.S. Army Group, 18 Jan 44, sub: Rpt on Air-Gnd Cooperation in Italy. 353/111 (Air-Gnd)(S). (3) Fifth Army ltr to TAG, 10 Mar 44, sub: Org for Air Spt in Fifth Army, and inds as follows: lst indp O XII Air Spt Comd, 10 Mar 44; 2d ind, OG Twelfth Air Force, 4 Apr 44; 3d ind, Hq AAF/4TO, 15 Apr 44; 4th ind, 0G NATOUBA, 3 May 44. 353/132 (Air-Gnd)(S). (4) Fifth Army Memo No 7, 9 Mar 44. 353/13 (Air-Gnd)(S). (5)In the text the confusing terminology initially %pplied to the agencies of the Fifth Army system is standardized for for clearness of exDosition. - 78-
of FM 100-20, purported to be a reflection of that same experience.34 The statement of doctrine, therefore, which drove the United States air and g&ound forces further apart in 1943, and the practical devices which operated in 19144 to bring them into more effectual cooperation, were derived from the same source--in general, from British experience. The Fifth Army plan was implemented by certain agencies not contemplated in FM 3135. The most important of theue were an air section in army headquarters under a G-3 Air, and ground liaison officers specially trained in air-ground cooperation who were sent from this section in two directions, forward to ground units on the line to assist in processing requests for air, and back to the airdromes of the supporting air units. The liaison agents of the army air section with forward ground elements took over the duties assigned to air parties in FM 31-35, and the army air section working with its opposite number in the air support command superseded the controls established in that manual. Under this arrangement continuous attachment of air parties and controls to headquarters below army level became unnecessary. It was understood, however, that the facilities and personnel of the air headquarters were "available to corps and divisions, in an advisory capacity, on request through army headquarters. "35 Actually as closer relations became habitual, in critical actions representatives of the air cncmander went to the front with 3round co nders to make spot decisions and exercise direct control of the air, and pilots visited the front on foot to prepare themselves for support missios. Another deviation from FM 31-35 was the control of the radio co~mnication net within the army. This was taken over from the air comnand; it was headed up into the army air section and was controlled and operated by the army--an arrangement which raised a troublesome issue in Washington. The army also provided radio communications with its liaison officers on the airdromes of the cooperating air units. The vital feature of the system was the adJacent location of the interested sections of army and air headquarters and thq constant exchange of information between them. Hardly less important were the ground liaison officers sent to supporting air units. They were misbionaries of the physical association and close understanding established between the two headquarters in contact, representing--to use the words of the Fifth Army Training Memorandum dated 9 March 1944--the ideal of a "constant interchange of personnel between ground and air units in order that each could see how the other functioned." These ground liaison officers were kept informed of the army plan and the daily ground situation as well as of requests for support coming back from ground unlt3; they kept a growrd operations map and the bomb safety line posted in the air headquarters, assisted in briefing the pilots about to fly support missions, interrogated them when they came in, and saw to it that the information obtained and all other information of interest to units of the army which became available at air headquarterA, including the results of air reconnaissance, got to the air section of the 34. In the Royal Air Quarterly, Mar 44, General Montgomery stated that, since land and air forces must act as a unit, the two should be together in one headquarters, the army commander directing the military effort and the air commander with him applying air effort "in acco lance with the combined plan."
35. (1) Par 3 a, Fifth Army ltr to TAG, 10 Mar 44, sub: Orgn for Air Spt in Fifth Army, with inds. (2) Par 3, Sec II, Fifth Army Tng Memo No 7, 9 Mar 44. Both in 353/132 (Ar-Gnd)(S). (3)Par 9 b, Rpt of Col E. L. Johnson on Air-Gnd Cooperation, 1 May 1944. 31.4-7 (AF Hist). N9
army and the units concerned. Experienced ground officers, living with the airmen continuously, had an opportunity to interest young airmen in the methods and needs of ground warfare. As a ground officer who had performed in the role with the British Eighth Army put it, one of his primary duties was to act as the "newspaper" of the ground forces at air headquarters. Every evening at 1900 representatives of the army and air headquarters met in the G-3 army tent to agree on missions to be flown for the army the next day or in the near future. At a fixed hour before this meeting (1500) each division submitted to corps G-3 its request for scheduled missions; each corps in turn, weighing the various division requests against its own plans, prepared a corps program which was submitted to the army air section by 1600. Army G-3 then drew up, in conference with Air G-3, the army program of targets which the XII Air Support Command would be requested to attack. Normally present at the air-ground conference were 0-3, G-2, th 9 Field Artillery Officer, and G-3 Air of the Fifth Army, and A-3 and A-2 of the Air Support Cenand. G-3 Presented the ground situation and the operational plans of the army, 0-2 the enemy ground situation, and A-3 the situation and plans of the air support oma nd. 0-3 Air then presented the army's requests as scheduled and an agreement was reached, A-3 deciding which missions it would be practicable to fly. On the basis of the resulting schedule the air comander issued the necessary orders. It was found that these scheduled m.aaions were about 90 percent of th3 total actually flown. The remaindar were flown on the request of ground units cor-fronting unanticipated needs for support in the course of the next day.3 6 At the conference the air comander stated how much aviation would be available for such call-type missions. H 'might hold two or four squadrons on standby to meet such requests, or he could arrange to divert aviation already in flight on other missions to attack promising ground targets which suddenly developed in the course of the operation. Call-type requests went back from front-line units to the army air sotion. They were monitored by the corps air section; if oorps was silent, its consent was assumed. The request was reported at once by army to the ground liaison officers at airdromes, who began to dig out the information that would bb needed to brief the pilots. If disapproved by army G-3, the requesting unit was notified inediately. If approved by 0-3 and the air support officer, the order was issued, the pilots briefed by the air operations and ground liaison officers, and the ground unit notified through the army air section that the mission was on its way. About 50 percent of the call-type requests were being refusad. Some 75 percent of those refused were disapproved by 0-3 as not fitting in with army plans, the rest by the air support headquarters on technical grounds. Another procedure to improve close-in air-ground tecmwork adopted by the Fifth Army and the XII Air Support Conand was the use of a forward controller, or '"Rover Control"-better known as '16ver Joe"--a device which broke Lirough the prohibition of talk between forward ground units and pilots in the al: that had been imposed by the air oommand in Africa. At Troina in Sicily, the air commander had himself gone to the line of battle to talk his planes on to their targets. Under the Fifth Army system it was recognized practice for the air ccmandar or his representative to do this whenever the
36. (1) G-3 Air, Fiftn Army, on 30 Nov 43 sta- ed that 80 percent of the missions flown were -scheduled. See n. 33 (1) above. (2) Col Edwards, on 18 Jan 44, gave the percentage of 90 used in the text. See n. 33 (2) above.
-80 -
situation seemed to require it.37 The Fifth Army and the XII Air Support Command, in the rapid advance beyond Rume In June 1944, experimented with a further development of "Rover Joe." This was to associate with the air officer on the ground controllers in liaison planes to lead fighters to targets in the path of advancing troops, either by radio or, this failing, by visual control. An experiment was made on 28 June with the 1st Armored Division and a group of fighter planes. The controllers, who were also air officers, flew in four L-5's fitted with SCR-522, painted four different colors for identification, and designated "Horsefly Yellow," '"orseflyBlue," etc. The experiment, though not entirely successful, was regarded as having demonstrated the practicability of the method. A plan Vas made to test it immediately on a corps front, but their test had to be cancelled.3s The Operations Division of the War Department published the results for the information oe all concerned, announcing that the Army Air Forces was trying to overcome the difficulty of installing VE radio sets in L-5's, and observing that the "Horsefly" could, if necessary, be used to indicate the bomb safety line by flying parallel to the front over the most advanced elements. 3 9 Certain important steps were taken in the Fifth Army system toward a solution of the problem of air reconnaissance. Only two tactical reconnaissance squadrons, one American and the other British (to which a third, which was French, was added in May 1944) were put at the disposal of the Fifth Army, and the utmost had to be made of 4 them. o Requests for air reconnaissance originating in forward units went up through G-2 oomnand channels, and if approved by corps 0-2 might then go directly by wire laid from corps to tactical reconnaissance headquarters, whose coander would either refuse, or fly the mission, or, if in doubt, refer it to the XII Air Support Comand for decision. A complete tie-in of reconnaissance with the army air section was reoc nended by the
37.
(1) Report of Col H.V. Dexter on Operations in NATO, 18 Feb-26 Apr, distrib-
Ground Cooperation of the Battlefields," Militar Review, March 1944, pp 30-33. (3) For an example, in an attack by the 3d Division in hich a hill on the left of the advance was neutralized by close-in air bombing), directed by a "Rover Control," see par 7 f, report cited in n. 33 (2) above. (4) The use of "Rover Joe" as finally systematized is described in Report No A-Misc-83, AGF Bd, MT0, submitted by Ccl Paul N. Starlings, 29 Oct 44, sub: Air-Ground Recognition. 314.7 (AGF Rist). (5) Operations Division In"Rover Joe" Control formation Bulletin (OPDIB), Vol IV, No 1, Sec I1, 29 Jan 43, sub: of Fighter Bombers. (6) AGF Bd, MTO, Report No A-315 (8), submitted by Col Starlings, 26 Feb 45, sub: Current Questions re Inf Opns. 314.7 (AGF Rist). 38. A full description of the plans and the test can be found in the Roport of Col Eugene L. Harrison to CG IV Corps, 15 Aug 44, sub: Close Air Support of the lt Armored Division, 26 June to 5 July 1944, transmitted as AGF Bd, W0, Report No A-183,
19 Oct 44.
T. Martin, Jr, G-3 34th Inf Div, in Chap I, par J, Air-Ground Liaison AGF Bd, MO, Report No A-Misc-89, 34th Inf Div, sub: Lessons learned in combat 7-6 Nov 42-Sep 44. Both in 314.7 (AGF Hist). 39. omB, Vol III, No 6, 16 Nov 44.
40. Maj James H. Quello, G-2 Seventh Army, '"TacticalReconnaissance in Italy," Review, December 1944, pp 18 ff. Milit&
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Twelfth Air Force and by General Devers, in order to economize effort by placing at the disposal of corps G-2's information from other availab e air sources, such as fighterbomber missions. This integration was later effected. 4 i The Fifth Army took its own measures to solve another basic problem in getting that of extracting from air photographs the kinds satisfactory air intelligence, naly, of intelligence which ground commanders needed. Interpreting aerial photographs for ground use was a problem in itself, made more difficult by the fact that the photographs which air reconnaissance took were designed primarily to serve air force needs. The need for special training was recognized in 1942 when the Army od0nA Forces began to train officers in the interpretation of aerial photographs. The difficulties attending their training will be noticed later. They were assigned to G-2 sections. There they awaited receipt of such photographs as the air force supplied, after initial interpretation had been given the phdtographs by air photo interpreters at air reconnaissance headquarters. The Fifth Army in this as in other air matters took positive action to get from air what ground units needed. An army photographic center was set up, of which the essentials were a team of aray photo interpreters, facilities for reproducing photographs (includin an engineer seoticn), ani a delivery service. The team of interpreters was located on the reconnaissance airfield, watched for the photographs that ground units could use, and gave these a hasty interpretation. Further interpretation, annotations, and breakdowns were made by the photo interpreters in the G-2 sections of corps and divisiona. 4 2 The introduction of ground liaison officers gave the, arn ocenander representatives at tactical reconnaissance headquarters to present and explain the needs of xm units for intelligence and to see to it that all pertinent information vent to the units needThe artillery had its own representatives at tactioal reconnaissanoe heading it. quarters. To improve dissemination all information obtained by tactical rectnnaisance wa" broadcast from the tactical reconnaissance headquarters at half-hour interval. The army air section listened in and if a target worth while appeared, initiated a request at once on G-3 for an attack as an army mission. In critical situations a shortout might be available when the reconnaissance pilot could talk to a forward controller over a two-way VHF ra4io. T'he most serious problem was the time lg in distributing In a moving situation the terrain reconnoitered was often overrun beair photographs. of it were diutributed.43 photographs air fore the One object of the system worked out by the Fifth Army and the XII Air Spport cC and was to speed up the reaction to requests for air support, and increased the interest of the air in cooperation. Given the doctrines of rigid separation stated in
41. (1) Ibid. (2)Fifth Army ltr to TAG, 10 Mar l44, sub. Organization of Air Support in Fifth Army. With indorsements and inclosed Tng Memo No 9, 9 Mar 4. 353/122 (Air-Gnd)(S). 42. Par 14, Report of Col Sheffield Edwards to the ACofS, G-3 FUSAG, 18 Jan 44,
sub:
353/lU (Air-Gnd)(S).
43. (1)G-2, 34th Div, stated that "ifwe get requests for pinpoint photos in the Army one -iorning, they are usually received about 1500-1600 next afternoon." Interview quoted in AGF Bd, NATO, Repoft No A-87-2, 30 Nov 43. 353/111 (Air-Gnd)(S). (2)For later reports, indicating 24-hour service as normal, see statements of G-2, 34th Div, and G-3, 88th Div, in AGF Bd, MO, Report No A-315, 26 Feb 43. 314.7 (AGF Hist).
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FM 100-20 and the centralization of the army air forces, it was a compromise which presented the needs of the ground forces for air support at a level at which, and in a form in which, air commaders in at least one theater were willing to accept requests systematically and promptly. The bombing of friendly troops was not eliminated. At the end of November 1943 it was reported that so far in Italy, American troops had been bombed by U.S. air in only three instances. But this was before the bombings of friendly forces on the Cassino front, which caused much bitterness among ground troops and their leaders. Again, l hours to deliver a call mission, while perhaps an improvement, was slow for an agency whose chief potentiality in supporting action was speed. Ground commanders chafed at having to put all their requests through army. Finally,the cooperation maintained by the elaborate system described remained a side issue even with the XII Air Support Ccmnand. Of its missions 85 percent were executed on the
orderp of higher air commiders, and only 15 percent to forward the plans of the Fifth Army.4 Nevertheless, in March 1944 recognition of the system was urged on the War Department by General Devers as an "operational necessity." What seems chiefly to have been gained was that under the system adopted air and ground were attacking common problems with good will and interest instead of insisting on theories that tended to limit their cooperation. AuTHORIZATION OF GROUND-TO-AIR LIAISON OFICERS In September 1943, Headquarters, Army Ground Forces, took measures looking toward the special training and employment of ground-to-air liaison officers. As early as March 1943 the Army Air Forces had expressed an interest in the unofficial use which had been made of such officers in combat to cut the time lag in air response to calls for support, and in July the AAF Board had recomennded, G-3 concurring in pri.nciplc, that they be regularly provided at the headquarters of reconnaissance units. S The War Department had encouraged and then, in FM l00-20,4gl Jul 1943, directed the exchange The use of ground liaison officers of liaiso officers between gound and air forces. maneuvers of 1943 with such Tennessee in the Army Second the by tried was units with air "gratifying" results that General Fredendall made a special report on them.47 On 13 September 1943 Headquarters, Army Grmd Forces, and Headquarters, Army Air Forces, reached J staff agreement on tentative plans for the training of such officers in an AAF school.
44. Par 7 a, AAFTC ltr to CO AGF, 13 Mar 44, sub: Report on Relationships and Procedures in Joint Air-Ground Operations in Italy. 353/125 (Air-Gnd)(S). 45. (1)Memo of Lt Col Flannagan for the ACofS, G-3 AGF, 1 Mar 43, sub: WD Conference on Air Spt. 353/4 (Air-Gnd)(S). (2)AGF M/S G-3 to CofS AGF, 13 Jul 43, sub: Org of AAF Recon and Photc Aviation. 353/23 (Air-Gnd)(S). 46. (1)Par 7, WD memo WfDCT 580(3-2-43) for Ols AGF, AAF, and SOS, 2 Mar 43, sub: Combined Air-Gnd Tng. 353/267 (Air-Gnd). (2)FM 100-20, par 14 d. 47. Second Army ltr to CO AGF, 28 Dec 43, sub: Air-Gnd Liaison. Inclosed were reports made by the ground liaison officers auring the meneuvers. 353/102 (Air-Gnd)(R).
48.
Schl).
(1)Par 1, AAF ltr to CO PCF: 13 Nov 43, sub: Air Ln Officers. 353/177 (AAF (2)The papers reflecting further action on the project are in 353/30 (Air-Gnd)
(S).
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General McNair did not give his approval until 2 December 1943, and then with re"I am wholly unwilling," he wrote, "to launch forth on an ambitious program luctance. of specialized air liaison officers when there is no tangible indication of anything much to liaison with." His opposition, in principle, to specialized training in schools entered into his reluctance. "I for one," he stated, "feel that the best school for them is to perform the dutiea actually." Less explicitly stated, but a factor continually present in his thought, was opposition to the further elaboration of overhead and the diversion from combat duty of high-grade officers, an asset in which the Army Air Forces was relatively much richer than the Army Ground Forces. He wished to see the proposed number of liaison officers cut down. 'The (proposed) set up at air reconnaisIf and when the air begins to sance group headquarters looks like a young army .... snow us under with photographs and reconnaissance, it will be time to add personnel to meet the deluge. . . . Building up overhead is the best little thing we do." In gengral, he was unwilling to have ground-to-air liaison officers made organic in higher ground headquarters, preferring to see the experiment put initially on an experimental basis. 4 9 Headquarters, Army Air Forces, was pressing by telephone and letter to get the training of ground liaison officers under way. On 28 December 1943 the Army Ground Forces proposed that ground liaison officers be sent to air units on the following
basis:
From Army: 1 to tactical air division headquarters 1 to each tactical reconnaissance group headuarters 1 to each tactical reconnaissance squadron 1 to each group of combat aviation From Corps: 1 to tactical reconnaissance group headquarters 1 to each tactical reconnaissance squadron supporting the corps 1 to each group of combat aviation Army Ground Forces made clear its unwillingness to see altered "in any way" the existing of signal communication, which was, as noted above, and AAF responsibility. It reo nded that a training circular on "Cooperation between Air and Ground Units," which concentrated on air reconnaissance and which General McNair had himself revised. be published. 50 On 8 January 1944 the War Department approved as a minimm the allotment of ground liaison officers to air units proposed by Army Ground Forces, stated their duties, and sanctioned the arrangements made for their training by the Army Air Forces, with provision for meeting requests for them already submitted by theater ccznanders. The first class was to enter a school at Key Field, Miss., on 31 January. 51
*system
49.
353/30 (Air-Gnd)(S). 50. (1) AGF memo for CofS USA, 28 Dec 43, sub: Cooperation between Air and Ground
Units. 353/30 (Air-Gnd)(S). (2)A copy of the proposed circular and also the M/S contaming Gen McNair's reviaions are in the same file. 51. (1)WD memo WDGCT 21) (8 Jan 44) for 0)s AGF and AAF, 8 Jan ", sub: Ground Ln Officers. 353/102 (Air-Gnd)(R). (2)AAF ltr to 0) AGF, 12 Jan 44, sub: Ground Ln
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In the action taken on 8 January no provision was made to train air officers for liaison service with ground units. On 18 January the Armxy Ground Forces proposed and on 18 February the War Department directed that the Army Air Forces send officers to Fort Benning to take a course designed for that purpose. This course was discontinued upon the graduation of the first class. 5 2 krom the foregoing it will be evident that the action taken in Washington did not sanction the Fifth Army-XII Air Support Comnand organization except to approve liaison from ground to air and provide the necessary training. A party of experienced British Air Liaison Officers (the designation at first also used by the United States Army) was bioought to the United States to assist in setting up the American experiment. In a conference at Headquarters, Army Ground Forces, on 3 January 1944, one of them remarked that the "ALO" had "an anbassador's Job."53 The conference brought into sharp relief a difference in basic assumptions between the British and American Armies which was pointed up by this remark. The British assumed that there was an "airman's world" and a "ground soldier's world," so different In outlook and so independent of each other that an exchange of diplomatic representatives was necessary. In formalizing the exchange of liaison officers the U.S. Army was for the first time recognizing development in its own airground relationships.
52.
Ground Ln Officers.
353/104 (Air-
Gnd)(S). (2) Papers regarding plsis for the course are in 352/908 (Inf Sch). (3) WD memo for Ms AGF and AAF, 18 Feb 44, sub: Air Ln Officers. 352/120 (R). (4) WD memo WMGCT 210 (8 Jan 44) for Ms AAF and AGF, 18 May 44, sub: Air Ln Officers 352/120
53.
85
'-'7%
_0
Opns, 20 Oct 43-1 Aug 44 (C), pp 119-20, and Annexes (C), Vol II, pp 68-71. 3. (1)Rpt of Interview (S)with Lt Col P. J. Long, A7 OPD Observer as ALO at Hq VII Corps, 6 Jun-22 Jul 44. 314.7 (AGF Hist). (2)Obsr's Report (S)by Col Charles F. Howard, G-4 Section, Hq AGF. (3) Rpt (S)of Lt Col 3. S. Hartshorn, 1 Aug 44, sub: Operations of the VII Corps in Normandy, 6 Jun-22 Jul 44. (4) AGF Bd, ITO Rpt No 6 C-157 (S), sabmitted by Col Charles H. Coates, 5 Aug 44, sub: Notes on Interviews with Various Infantry Comds in Normandy, France, 6 Jun-8 Jul 44. (5) Statement (S) of Lt Col W. W. Johnson, Hq AGF, observer with G-3, XIX Corps, at conference, Hq AGF, 7 Aug 44. (6) Hq Twelfth Army Group, Immediate Report No 65 (Combat Observations) (S), Report from CG, 2d Inif Div to CG, VIII Corps, 26 Sep 44, sub: Close Air Support of Gnd Forces around Brest. (7)AGF Bd, ETC, Report No 195 (R), sub: Lessons from Present Campaign, 4th Inf Div and 9th Inf Div. All in 314.7 (AGF Hist).
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IS BLANK
on 25 July 194h when part of the stupendous bombardment intended to blast a gap in the German front at Saint-L fell on the forward battalions of the 30th, 4th, and 9th Infantry Divisions behind the Saint-LR-Periers road, although these elements had been pulled back 1200 yards from that road, a shtrply defined terrain feature, additionally marked with colored smoke as the bomb line. * One of the assault battalions of the 9th Division was so hard hit that it had to be withdrawn and the division attack was delayed for over ma hour. General McNair was killed in a forward position on the front of the 30th Division. But the spearheading infantry umits went forward in spite of their losses and in spite of surprising resistance from the bomb-shaken Germans.5 Armor rolled through the gap which they opened, and the rush of the ground forces through Brittany and across the face of France got under way. During that great forward rush and continuing to the end of the Rhineland campaign, the tactical air commands, backed by the Ninth Air Force, put energ, ingenuity, and resources now amply provided, into the effort to make their cooperation with General Bradley's armies a success. With air presert in sufficient abundance and variety, and with will to cooperate, U.S. airmen and ground troops learned hov to work together, in the hard way, but with increasing skill and appreciation of each other's capabilities and limitations. They were together in force at last. Existing methods of ground-to-air sipnalling now received the full test which had not been possible in combined air-ground training, and certain additional devicis were tried with success, both to prevent the bombing and strafing of U.S. troops by friendly planes and to mark targets for pilots. 6 It was found that the fluorescent panels which 4. (1) First U.S. Army, Report of Operations (C), pp 120-21. Johnson, G-3 Air, First Army, Air Support Report (s), 6 Aug 44. (2) Col I. L.
5. (1) Figures compiled by G-1 VII Corps, showed 114 killed and total casualties running over 600 from aerial bombs falling short during the first three days of the attack. Hq VII Corps, Operations Rpt. Operation "COBRA" (S), 24-31: Jul 44. Classified Records, Opr~s Br, AGO 307-11.4 (7484). (2) The 30th Division reported "64 killed, 374 wounded, 60 missing, and 164 cases of battle exhaustion as the result of bombing by friendly planes," on 25 July. G-3 30th Inf Div After Action Rpt (8). Classified Rec-
ords Opns Br, TAGO, 330-33.4 (5109)(S). (3)For the disruption of the 3d Bn, 47th Inf, 9th Div, and also for the strong resistance encountered notwithstanding the great bombing effort, see.Hq 9th Inf Div Rpt of Opne (S), 1 Aug 44 (Classified Records, Opns Br., AG0 509-33.4 (5425)) and Hq VII Opna Report, Operation "COVFA" (S), cited above. 6. Here listed are the documents to which reference is made (by reference symbol) in the notes that follow (all in 314.7 AGF Hist file): A. Incl #1 to Exhibit "A"--Coments from Comdg Officers, 8th Inf, 12th Inf, and 3d Bn 22d Inf on "Lessons from the Present Campaign," (S)1 Jul 44, in AGF Bd, ETO, Report
No C-195 (S).
B. Memo of Col,Eduin L. Johnson, G-3 Air (S), First U.S. Army, 16 Jul 144, sub: Info Air-Gna Joint Opns in AGF Bd. ETO, Rpt No C-Miac-19(S). C. First U.S. Army, Rpt (C)of Opns (20 Oct 43-1 Aug 44). D. Col E. L. Johnson, 0-3 Atr, First U.S. Army, Air Suppt Rpt (S), 6 Aug 44. E. AGF Bd, STO, Rpt No C-191 (S), 20 Aug 44, sub: Notes on Interviewswith Various Comdrs in Dormandy. F. Hq Twelfth Army Grp, Immediate Report No 44(Combat Obsnc)(S), 31 Aug 44, sub: Air-Gnd Operations in Attack on Brest. G. Hq Twelfth Army Grp, Irmediate Rpt No 65 (Combat Obsns)(S), 26 Sep 44, Rpt from CG, 2d Inf Div, Close Air Support of Gnd Forces around Brest.
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the Army Ground Forces had developed and championed in spite of the objections of Headquarters, Army Air Forces, were visible and effective as a means of marking front lines and vehicles, provided ground troops were disciplined not to display them except in forward positions. 7 They were more effective than smoke from hand grenades. Colored grenade smoke brought down enemy fire on American positions; it was easily confused with incidental battle smoke, or it drifted on the wind, as at Saint-Lo, where the drift of the red smoke placed by U. S. artillery on the Saint-IZ-Periers road contributed to the mistaken bombing of the area north of that road. But colored smoke, laid on by artilleBy, was found to be the most effective means of marking close-in targets for air attack. On 16 November 1944, when the heavy bombers of the Eighth Air Force were again brought into play, to smash opposition in the path of a concerted attack by the First and Ninth Armies, a line of barrage balloons (very low altitude) and, above these, bursts of red smoke from 90-mm AA gux., were employed to mark the bomb line, in addition to grouped fluorescent panels, and hui0.e white panel markers pointing towards the target area, serving as navigational aids. he ground markers were obscured by a broken overcast, but the line of red bursts appcr~red above it and only a few bombs were dropped on American troops. 9 Such precautions were of negative value and were reserved for rare occasions which required elaborate planning. The most important achievements were those attained in day-by-day cooperation. Remarkable results in tying together air and ground assault S.4 elements in rapid advances and critical attacks were obtained by extending the employment of air support officers as forward controllers, who talked pi.ots on to the target by VHF radio. During and after the breakthrough of U. S. armor at Saint-Le, such controllers, located in a well-marked tank near the head of each armored column, achieved
H. AGF Bd, ETO Rpt No c-416 (S), 25 Nov 44, sub: Air Support (Brest) (1) Report of AGF Observer. (25 Rpt of 2d Inf Div. I. Memo of Lt Col Roy C. Flannagan, Chief of Air Br, G-3, AGF for the ACofS, G-3. AGF (S), 19 Jan 45 sub: Rpt of Obsns in ETO, 10 Dec 44-10 Jan 45. J. G-3 Air, 4th Inf Div to G-3 Air VII Corps (S), 1 Jul 44, sub: Air in Close Support of Inf, AGF Bd Rpt No C-195 (S). K. AGF Bd, 1TO, Rpt No C-157 (S), 5 Aug 44, sub: Notes on Interviews with Infantry Comdrs, 6 Jun-8 Jul 44. L. Ober's Rpt, ETO, 13 Aug-11 Oct 44 (S), dated 21 Oct 44, submitted by Lt Col M. 0. Edwards, attached to 30th Inf Div. M. Hq XVI Corps, Operations Memo No 4 (C), 15 Feb 45, sub: Air Cooperation. 7. (1) "Panels were considered most effective." Par 5 b, 12th Inf, ref "A." above. (2) Par 2 b, ref "B," above. "The practicability of the use of fluorescent panels by gnd trps to mark forwd positions was firmly established." Sec V, A7, Vol I, p 119, ref "C," above. (4) Par 3, Sec I, ref "D," above. (5) Par la (5) MaJ Gen Charles H. Gerhardt Comdg, 29th Inf Div Par 1 n Lt Col D. B. Goodwin, G-3, 4th Inf Div, ref IT," above.1 (61 Par 1 f, ref "F," above. (7) Par 8 b, ref "G," above. (8) "Panel marking has not been satisfactory in all cases." G-3 Air, 2d Inf Div par 3, ref "H," (). (9) Par 3 g, ref "I." "
*-* *
(1) Par 2 f,
(2) Par 2 b ref "A." (3) Par 2 b, ref "B." (4) Sec V, A7, Vol I, pp 119-21 (5) Par 1 ee, ref "K." (6) Par 2 a, ref "D." (7) Par 1 n (G-3, 4th Inf Div), (8) Par 2 e, ref "F." (9) Par 3 (ASPO, 2d Inf Div), ref "H" (1); par 1 g (3),
9. (1) Par 5 Hq ETO, AAA Notes No 7 (S), 5 Dec 44, sub: Heavy Bombers. (21 Sec V (P), OPDIB, Vol IV, No 8,23 Jun 45.
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results that exceeded all expectations. During t,-e breakthrough this system, supplemented by the resourcefulness of pilots picking up targets on their own initiative, "was responsible for the destruction of approximately 2,000 motor vehicles, 80 field artillery pieces, and upwards of 100 tanks in one week." After the sweep across France had been completed the commanding general of an armored division said: "The best tank destroyer we have is a P-47. " 10 The method became standing operating procedure in the advance of armored forces, and air officers, commonly pilots off duty, were provided for each combat command of an armored division. Controllers might assist a pilot to find a target for which he had been briefed, or they might direct him to targets of opportunity selected by the tank commander, since planes were now provided on air alert, four fighters, later more, flying cover in relays over each advancing column. If the controller had no targets, the pilots went ahead on "armed reconnaissance," searching out targets and reporting their strikes and finds back to the controller. This practIce amounted to the attachment of air units to ground commands, except that the principle of independent command was preserved and air commanders could centralize their fighter aviation quickly to meet an 11 enemy air threat if it developed. The old barriers were crumbling. Mutual confidence had built up to such a point that, in the sweep of the Third Army across France, General Patton turned over entirely to the XIX Tactical Air Command the task of watching and protecting the flank of his arm along the Loire. "This," to quote War Department, was what "the the letter covering the report of the operation to the 12 air-ground team theorists have been talking about." Not only in the advance of armored colvns but also whenever a grouAd umit was given a critical assault mission it was ncrmal for the air commander to allot the aviation regarded as necessary, directing it to check in with the forward controller. The controller gave it targets selected by the commander of the unit concerned. He would ask the artillery to mark the target with smoke if within range, as it often was, since experience had shown that, contrary to the doctrine previously insisted on by the Army Air Forces, air strikes could not uncommonly be used with profit on targets within the range of artillery. The artillery commander would also be requested to "black out" known antiaircraft positions in the vicinity of the target. The controller then talked the pilots on to the target and received and transmitted their immediate estimate of damage with oth-r information they picked up if they proceeded to hunt targets of opportunity after completing their mission. Cases occurred in which the ground com13 mander was himself able to talk to the pilots and was allowed to do so. 10. (1) Par 9, Sec V, A, ref "C," pp 120-21. (2) Par 2 c, Sec I, ref 'D." (3) General Hickey quoted in AGF Bd, ETO, Report No C-487 (8), 30 Dec 44, sub: Armored Notes. 11. (1) Dr D. I. Briggs, Commnts on Air Ground Cooperation (8); a vivid and circumstantLal report based on interviews. (2) Hq Twelfth Army Op, Immediate Report No 46 (S)3 Sep 44 (personal interview with an ASPO). (3) Sec IV, sub: "Air Support of Armored Columns," OPDIB, Vol III, No 4, p 7. (4) Hq Twelfth Army Gp, Immediate Rpt No 38 (Combat Obsns) (S), Interview with Senior ASPO, IX TAO on Air Support of Ground Force Opns, Armored Units. (5) OPDIB, Vol III, No 8, Sec I (S), sub; Gnd-Air Teamwork in France, summarizing the report of the XII TAG. V. 12. (f), See item (5) in previous note.
13. (1) Par 5 b and d, item "B." (2) Par 2 a, and Notes to Accompany Figupre I ,()g), (k) and (1) (3) Item "1." (3) Par 2 d, e, g and h, Item F. (4) Par 4 i(l),
item (55 Item "" (1 and (2), particularly par I g, item "H" (2). with G-3 Air, V Corps, 25 Dec 44, in appendix, Item "I." -90-
(6) Interview
As the result of better understanding, more precisely formulated requests, the use of controllers in direct communication with pilots, and on-the-Job training, the old problem of time lag between request and air strike began to yield. At first l to 2 ip Italy. Later, in favorable situahours between request and strike was normal, as 1 minutes. to reduced was time reaction the tions, The Seventh Army, invading southern France in August and coming up against the lower end of the Siegfried Line, brought with it the Fifth Army system, including "Horsefly," that is to say, airborne controllers, who were used more freely in the Sixth out, the essential features of the Army Group than in the Twelfth. But, as was pointed 15 differed. devices though same, the were two systems The primary organizational features were the close tie-in between army group and tactical air force, and between armieo and tactical air commands, based on adjacent headquarters and liaison all down the line. The central tie-in was fundamental. However effective decentralization of aviation might be in critical situations, the great majority of air missions performed in close cooperation with ground units continued to be those planned jointly in the combined operations centers at army-tactical air force level. By this organization the flexibility of air so Jealously watched by the Army Air Forces in statements of doctrine was safeguarded. What had been gained, along with mutual understanding, was the flexibility of combined action in critical situations which had been persistently sought by the Army Ground Forces. It would be misleading to overemphasize the organization and techniques described in the foregoing pages in seeking to understand the improvement in the relations of U.S. air and ground forces which took place during the campaigns of France and the Rhineland. The basic fact is that the air commanders concerned were willing to support ground action; they had the necessary quantity of aviation, and devoted themselves to making cooperation work effectively. "Coordination between air and ground forces is best concluded the Icotndachieved by a mutual understanding of problems and capabilities," 1 Both parties learned Ing General of the Ninth Army, reporting lessons learned. rapidly when they could learn by actual experience rather than by groping their way through theories and preconceptions. Evidence soon aame in that pilots., as well as air commanders, were becoming keenly interested in working with troops on the ground. Air17 On ground teamwork in combat on the battlefields of STO at last became a reality.
(1) Par 10, d (3), Observer's Rpt on Operations of the VII Corps in Normandy 14. 6 Jun-22 Jul 44 (S), 1 Aug 44. (2) Par 2, General Notes on Air Support by Combat Aviation and Interviews, p 5, appendix to item "I." 15. (1) G-3 Air, Twelfth Army Group. (2) G-3 Air, Sixth Army Group, pp 1 and 6 Interviews on Combat Aviation in appendix to item "I." (3) AGF Bd, ETO, Report No C-476 (S), 28 Dec 44, sub: Close Air-Gnd Support by Fighter Aircraft (VI Corps system). 16. Support. Office of the CG, Ninth Army, 23 Jan 45, sub: (S). Operations "Q"--a Study in Air
17. Quoted from par 1, General Notes on Combat Aviation in Appendix to item "I." For references to the interest of pilots, see (1) Par 4 f, Report of Lt Col Z. S. Hartshorn (S), 1 Aug 44, sub: Employment of Field Artillery during the Invasion of (2) Normandy; "The enthusiasm of the pilots for adjusting artillery is increasing." the (1): "They 'H" 3, item in par quoted Inf Div, 8th ASPO with C. Landers, Maj F.
(4) G-3, Air, 27 Dec 44, reported in Appendix, item "I": "The piloto really fight." "Pilots are now visiting Twelfth Army Group, interview 11 Jan 45, reported (ibid):
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his return to the United States in 1945 Maj. Gen. Elwood R. Quesada, conmander of the Ninth Tactical Air Force, who was conspicuous for the energy and interest he put into making U.S. air and ground forces one team, was reported to have said of General Bradley that the one fault he could find with him was that he always thanked him for the help the 8 U.S. air forces gave to his armies. That was our business, the air general said.1 Tim and growing mutual confidence were fortunately already blotting out, when this was said, impressions given only a year in the past when those responsible for training General Bradley's soldiers to fight were met with statements by their opposite nunbers ia the Army Air Forces in Washington that they did not wish the term "air-ground team" to be used, and that it was enough for ground troops to learn to recognize airplanes and mark their own positions clearly, so rarely would close-in cooperation, relegated to third priority by IM 100-20, come into play. The distanoe traversed can be measured by General Quesada's statement on 24 December 1944, when he said: "Close-in air-ground cooperation on the battlefield is the difficult thing, the vit"l thing, in training for combined operations--the other stuff is easy.."19 No better statement could be found of the position for which the Army Ground Forces had consistently contended throughout
reconnaissance aviatLon was provided more generously, and the need of the ground forces for close-in vertical photographs was met .22 A high value was attributed to the Par 3, Supplement No 3 (R), 30 Mar 45, to AGF ltr (R), 11 ground units extensively." (5) Jun I4, sub: Air-Gnd Battle Rpts: 'Recently we have begun the practice of sending 30 or 40 medium bomber officers and enlisted crew members to various corps and divisions weekly." 18. Note to be supplied. 19. Interview of Lt Col Roy C. Flannagan with Maj Gen Quesada, reported in Appendix, item "I." 20. Item "I." 21. (1) Interviews with G-2's, Fifth Army and VI Corps, and with G-2 and CofS, 34th Inf Div, in AGF Bd, NATO. Rpt No 4-82-2 (S), 30 Nov 43. (2)Per 11, Report (S) of Col 1. L. Johnson on Air-Gnd Cooperation, 15 May 44. (3) Par 5, Rpt (S)of Lt Col 1. S.
Hartshorn, I Aug 44, sub: Operations of VII Corps in Normandy, 6 Jun-22 Jul
44.
22. Interview with offiters of G-2 Air Branch, Twelfth Army Gp, 18 Dec 44, Appendix to Memor~ndum (S)of Lt Col Roy C. Flannagan for the ACofS G-3, AGF,19 Jan 45, sub: Report of Observations. -92 -
photographs obtained. A system of photo interpretation by ground interpreters similar, to that of the Fifth Army was installed, and the improved training of these interpreters enabled them to get excellent results. The problem that persisted was getting air photographs to ground units in sufficient quantity and in time to be used. 2 3 It may be that ground commanders were less easily satisfied because they had acquired a better appreciation of the value of reconnaissance photography for exploring the terrain immediately ahead, as well as for supplementing their intellig6nce regarding the enemy. In any case their dissatisfaction was widespread and strongly expressed. Somp observers laid the blame on the "cumbersome" machinery set up for processing requests. 2 4 The conclusion reached by the AGF air officer after his tour of the ETO front in December 1944 was that the delays producing the dissatisfaction were located in the air photographic laboratories, where "Air Force air photographs (for example, those used to assess bomb damage to distant targets) in every case have priority cier air photos taken for ground units." 2 5 It is noteworthy that while ground commanders ceased to agitate for control of combat aviation, they continued to urge that tactical reconnaissance squadrons be regularly attached or assigned to corps. 2 0 The problems of physical separation and divergence of interest had still to be solved. In the field of tactical reconnaissance an effective air-ground team had not yet come into existence. DEVELOPMENTS IN THE PACIFIC AND FAR EAST, 1943-4527 While these developments were taking place in Europe, collaboration between Allied air and ground forces, widely extended over the Pacific and the Far East, was producing
23. (1) Par 19 a, Observer's Report (S) by Lt Col E. J. Leary, with 9th Inf Div, 12 Aug-10 Oct 44. (2) Par 4 c, AGF Bd, ETO, Rpt No C 598, (S) transmitting statement by the CG, 95th Inf Div, sub: Air-Gnd Coordination. (3) Interviews on Air Recolgnaissance for Ground Units, in Appendix to memo (S) of Lt Col Roy C. Flannagan for the ACofS, G-5 AGF, 19 Jan 45, sub: Report of Observations. 24. (1) Par 7, Report (S) of Col Alan L. Campbell, AGF Observer, 4 Aug 44, sub: The Invasion of Normandy. (2) "Failures now result from requests and instructions having to pass thru too many offices. Serious mistakes are made which could be avoided by closer contact between the pilot taking photographs and the unit requesting them." Pars 14 c and 51 b, memo (S) for the ACofS G-2, AGF, 18 Aug 44, sub: Report of Observatlons. (3) For- description of system used in XIX Corps, AGF Bd, ETO, Rpt No C-158 (S), 8 Aug 44, sub: Statement of Lt Col S. J. Towne, AC, regarding Planning for Intelligence Missions. 25. P 2aand par 5, incl 1 (S) Notes on Air Rcn for Gnd Units, memo (S) of Lt Col Roy C. Flannagan for G-5, AGF sub: Report of Observations. See also interviews appended thereto. 26. Note to be supplied.
27. This suction is based in part on the following documents: (1) A comprehensive Report on Air 0,upport in SWPA during the period 1 Nov 43 to I Feb 44, submitted to the CG AGF by Col H. V. Dexter, 10 Apr 44. 319.1/102 (Foreign Obsvr)(S). (2) Air cooperation in the landing at Arawe is described in AGF Bd, SWPA, Report No B-7 (C), sub: Air Support of Ground Troops Opns during and after the landing at Arawe, 11 Feb 44. (3) Special Report, sub: Developments of Close Support Technique in North Burma (R), 5 Sep 44. (File source to be found.) (4) Sixth Army ltr to CG AGF (AG 370.2-C), 20 March 45, sub: Air-Ground Cooperation. Further documentation will be supplied when the study is revised and extended for publication in the Army Ground forces subseries of The U.S. Army in World War II.
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93
lit
1.0 IIIIia
'U
mL6
EMj
LL
1.2
111
i- 4
another body of experience by which theories could be tested. It aid not produce, during 1943-44, changes in the system of air-ground cooperation such as were taking shape in Europe, although the closest possible integration of ground, air, and naval elements including naval air, was required in the movements from island to island with comparatively slender forces. In the Southwest Pacific area the Allied forces under General MacArthur were hopping Along the northern coast of New Guinea toward the Philippines, after rolling the Japanese back to the eastern tip of New Britain. Reports from this theater indicated happy and effective relationships between Lt. Gen. George C. Kenney, the air commander, and Gen. Douglas A. MacArthur. Ground commanders found air support generous. Air commanders accepted targets normally regarded as unprofitable objects of air attack, as, for example, when as many as five squadrons were employed to attack the probable location of a Japanese platoon, well dispersed and dug in. On occasion a reconnaissance plane was used to lead bombers on to a target close to the front of ground troops and obstructing their advance. In the combined operations at Arawe, Cape Gloucester, and Saidor Army planes on air alert were directed to targets of opportunity by a forward controller at the elbow of the ground commander--a form of decentralization normally regarded with disfavor by the Army Air Forces. No part of the theater air force was specifically allotted to support of ground forces, but the use made by General Kenney of his resources gave the ring of true coin to his statement that "all the Air in the theater was available and ready for direct support of ground operations, if, when, and in such proportions as needed." But the results of this air-ground relationship, so desirable and immediately effective, could not as yet be generalized. The conditions were too exceptional and transitory with reference to what was to come. As was noted by the special observer of the Army Ground Forces visiting the theater in the spring of 1944, one important factor in the happy relationship of ground and air was that in the Southwest Pacific theater there were no tempting targets for strategic bombing. Air superiority was readily achieved and maintained because Japanese air defense and air power were weak. Furthermore, ground targets were generally targets in which the air found its own Interest and profit, namely, the obtaining and securing of more advanced air bases. On the other hand, ground movement was so slow that the problems of cooperation based on quick timing did not arise. For example, the communication of re4uests for air support required, on an average, from four to six hours. But this dela" seldom hampered operations. The effectiveness of the British ground-to-air liaison in the Australian component of the theater air force was advertising the merits of that system, and its extension was recommended by the AGF observer. In general, neither the effectiveness of standard procefdures nor the willingness of the air forces to cooperate were undergoing a serious test in the Southwest Pacific area. The most substantial gain was mutual good feeling and the latitude this gave for experimentation as the need arose. In the China-Burma-India theater the conditions were similarly exceptional. But In Burma the course of the Allied advance down the Hukawng and Mogaung Valleys, and durii, the reduction of Myitkyina in 1944, demonstrated how effective close-in cooperation bet een ground forces and U.S. Army air could be made, even under most difficult conditions. With a will to cooperate and a practical opirit present on both sides, American air was completely integrated into the offensive, accurately striking through the natural camouflage of the jungle at targets such as artillery positions, dug-in machine guns, slit trenches, road blocks, and "anything else standing immediately in front of the advancing troops and blocking their way." Wheii the Galahad Force (Merrill's Marauders) came in, this kind of support was given effectively to troops that were advancing in quick thrusts and encircling movements. Often spearing through the Japanese lines, they were supplied by air drop while waiting for the Chinese to move up in support, and protected by air strikes from Japanese attacking from all sides.
94
When the Myitkyina airfield was seized, while the town at a distance measurable in yards was still strongly held by the enemy, cooperation became even closer. The risk was taken of basing a dozen planes at once on the airdrome, while others were called in for support as needed. The pilots of the local planes were sometimes given targets within twenty-five yards of friendly troops and "never inflicted a single casualty on them." A company commander could request a mission and see it executed within 30 minutes (one bombing mission was completed in 10). To attain such hand-in-glove cooperation, air and ground headquarters had felt their way forward together to find a basis for accurate briefing and effective communication. This had been found in an advance distribution to air and ground units of uniform sets of air photos, on a scale of 1 : 10,000, with a common reference grid system, covering probable fronts. These were supplemented with verticals taken from lower levels, and with obliques, when a reconnaissance squadron became available. With such aids a troop headquarters could refer to a minute point on any photo, "even down to a single tree." With t-e Galahad Force and at Myitkyina, air officers with forward units talked pilots on to their targets by VEF radio. During the advance down the valleys the planning and coordination of air missions was accomplished through air liaison officers on duty with G-2 and G-3 of the ground command. At Myitkyina A-2 and A-3 set up offices next to the ground headquarters on the airfield. Commanders on the line of contact telephoned their requests for support to G-3, who screened the requests and assigned priorities. In conference with A-2 and A-3 the suitability of targets was determined, the time-over-target of accepted missions set, and the ground commanders notified. It was the Fifth Army-XII Air Support Command system in miniature. Cooperation was producing similar expedients at opposite poles of the earth without benefit of standardized doctrine. In the Pacific war amphibious operations developed the cooperation of army ground units with naval air. One outcome was the joint assault signal company, organized to provide and coordinate the communications u.ed in getting ground forces ashore under naval air cover. Reports from the Pacific indicated great satisfaction with the close support provided by Navy and Marine aviation ashore. But the development of close-in cooperation between ground forces and Army air remained relatively immature through the period culminating in the surrender of Japan. A tactical air force was constituted, but no tactical air commands. The army which had had most experience in working with arm air units was the Sixth. In March 1945 it had just received the T/O&'s for air-ground liaison sections published in January. Only fifteen officers with adequate training for duty as ground liaison officers had been available, and this number had been found insufficient to meet the demands of satisfactory air-ground cooperation during the Luzon campaign, but twelve more subsequently reported. When ground liaison officers were used on Leyte and Luzon, air and ground commanders h-d "enthusiastically comended" their services. In March 1945 the air parties prescribed by 3M 31-35 were still being employed, down to divisions, and normally acted as air officers on the ground commander's staff. In the absence of a tactical air conm ind they passed requests for air missions, "monitored" en route by higher ground echelons, directly to the air force unit charged with the execution of the requested mission. The communications system, which included the air force radio net prescribed by FM 31-35, had been found insufficient and slow, as
elsewhere, and the lack of adequate commnunications for rapid action was "keenly felt."
To speed up and direct more effectively the air reaction to requests, the practice of sending representatives of the air party in forward observation posts to coordinate air strikes was introduced by the Sixth Army on Luzon with good results. Panels, white phosphorous smoke, and colored smoke grenades to designate targets and mark friendly positions were being used in much the same ways as in Europe. The adjustment of artillery by high-performance airplanes had failed completely on Leyte because suitable planes were not provided, and nunerous efforts to improve it had achieved no concrete results on-Leyte or Luzon. The provision of air photos to ground units on request kad been
-
95 -
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Chapter IX ORGANIC GROUND AVIATION IN COMBAT The progress of the war In 1944 left no shadow of doubt that the Field Artillery had come to regard its little grasshopper planes as indispensable. 1 The Germans acquired such a healthy respect for their ability to spot fires that the very presence of cubs in the air had a counterbattery effect, not only on their artillery, but on their antiaircraft fires. An observer in France with the 2d and 3d Armored Divisions reported that it was standing operating procedure to keep at least one artillery observer in tae air during all daylight hours, 2 since the sight of a cub was considered by the enemy as "a preamble to certain death.", The pilots were daring and resourceful. They were not supposed to fly over the enemy lines. As U.S. air forces gained supremacy, it became less dangerous to do so. But even when the enemy was in the air, they bored for information and went "where 4ecessary to see what they have to see." 3 They could evade nemy fighters by maneuver at tree-top level and they became skilled in dodging flak. Their casualties from enemy action approximated those of field artillery observers on the ground. When the Pozit fuse was introduced, the peril of their flights amid the
i,
1. For example, see the following: (1) Ltr (S) of Gen Hodge, CG Amerioal Div to Gen McNair, 3 MLr 44. 353.1/100 (FA)(S). (2) Rpt (S) of Col E. L. Johnson on Air-Gnd Cooperation in ITO and MTO, 15 May 44. (3) Par 5 (1), memo (S) of Col Edwin L. Johnson
to AGF Bd, ITOUSA, 16 Jun 44, sub: Info regarding Air-Gnd Joint Opns. (4) "Their value to the FA is beyond estimate," par 4d, Rpt (8)of Lt Col E. S. Hartshorn to HQ AGF, 1 Aug 44, sub: Emplrlment of FA during Invasion of Normandy. G-2 DD file. (5) "It has now become evident to the entire Army that the artillery-developed method of observation is so effective that it is virtually a necessity." Memo of Hq 36th In! Div Arty for CG, 36th Inf Div, sub: "'Transmittal of Hist Records and Hit of Orga in Rpt (8)of AGF Bd, MTOUSA, No A-217-3, 10 Sep 44. (6) '"anyhigh-ranking officers state the. it is the greatest development of the war." Statement of Col B. Conn Anderson, FA, sub: Cub Plans, Rpt (S) of WD Observers Bd, ETO, 5 Oct 44. (7) "Almost 75 percent of o'Ar shooting is done by liaison planes." Statements of FA officer, AG? Observer's Rpt (8) on 80th Inf Div in France, 12 Aug-3 Oct 44. G-3 DD file. (8) "The cub airplane is indlspensable for field artillery." Rpt of Col W. D. Brown, G-4 (C), to G-2 AGF, 10 Mar 45, sub: Rpt of Ovevseas Obens. 319.1/14 (O'Seas Obsns)(C). (9) "Present employment and organization (of liaison type air in FA) has been eminently successful." Par 2a, Ept (S) ol' V -, '-h C.. Bennett and Lt Col R. R. Williams to CC AAF, 1 Apr 44, sub: Employment of Ln Typo Aircraft. 353/144 (FA Air Obsn) (S). 2. (1)Par 5 k (1), Rpt of Col E. L. Johnson, cited in n 1 (3)above. (2)Extract, S-3 Journal, 34th n!f Div in Lessons Learned in Combat 7-8 Nov 4 2-Sep 44. Rpt (C) of AGF Bd, MTO, No A-Misc-89. (3) AGF Obsvr's Rpt (S)cited in n 1 (7)above. (4) Par 4 g, Rpt of Lt Col L. C. Buchler covering the period 12 Aug-9 Oct 44, dated 22 Oct 44. Hist file. 3. (1) Par 4 d, Rpt (S) of Lt Col E. S. Hartshorn to CG AGF, 1 Aug 44, sub: Employment of FA during Invasion of Normandy. G-2, D file, (2)Brig Gen Pierre Mallett, CG 85th Div Arty, Rpt (C)of AGF Bd, MTO, No A-291, 27 Feb 45, sub: FA. Ibid. (3) Par 2. Rpt (S) of Col B. Con Anderson, FA, Rpt of WD Observers BD, ETo 4 Oct-T4, sub: Cub Planes. (4)Rpt of Col Buchler cited in n 1 (4)above. 4. The Air Branch, G-3 AGF, estimated that the rate of loss from all causes was about 4 percent each month. Statement of Lt Col Roy C. Flannagan to AGF Hist Off, 12
Feb 45.
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minimize it.3 Though hard worked and without Forces pilots, they developed a high spirit.6 their daily identification with the life and an immense popularity with the soldiers.
The uses to which the Field Artillery put its little planes were extended with experience. It was found that they could be employed effectively to control naval gunfire in landing operations. 7 The artillery commader of the Americal Division, by rigging an L-4 with a camera, develped a method of aerial survey which the division found invaluable in jungle terrain.0 The method was authorized by the War Department in July 1944, under restrictive conditions and with equipment borrowed from the Air Forces.9 Early in 1945 a method was developed for instantaneous location of targets on the maps of the artillery fire direction center by means of radar fixes on a liaison plane.l 0 Reports of observers shoved that, once it was found that the sight of artillery oubs in the air tended to silence enemy artillery and made spotting by daylight more difficult, it became cmmon practice to send them up before dawn, in thb dusk after sundown, and by moonlight, to spot fires. It was evident that their effectiveness would be still further increased if the pilots were trained and the grasshoppers equipped to fly by
night. USE OF CUB AIRPLANES FOR OTHE THAN FIELD ART1L1RY MS IONS
The qualities that made ground liaison planes indispensable to the field artillery created a deraend for them in the other ground arms. In the early days, in Tunisia, befor their utilization by the artillery had fully developed, they had been used freely by conanders as flying "Jeeps," i.e., as courier and licison planes. When the artillery learned to exploit them fully, this demand persisted, even after an Arz Air Forces sqpmLdron of 32 L-5's had been put at the disposal of each army to meet it. Meanwhile, in the void left by the concentration of the thought and energ of the Army Air Forces on the destruction of enemy air power, strategic bombing, and the development of highperformance airplanes, an increasing variety of uses were found for the little airplanes which the ground forces had within reach. Every major type of ground combat unit, except antiaircraft, found a use for them an-d borrowed them when it could from the artillery
5. 6.
These precautions are described in Sec I (S), OPDIB, IV, No 2, 25 Feb See, for example, Margaret Bourke-White, They Called It
45.
7. (1) First Army, Operations memo No 17 (S), 3 May 44, dub: Use of AOP's in Amphibious Opns. 353/111 (FA Air Obmn) (S). (2) AGF ltr (C) to Sec, J Committee on New Weapons and Equipment, 18 Apr 45, sub: Brodie Suspension Landing Apparatus. 452.11/100
(C).
8. (1) Ltr (C) Hq Div Artillery, Americal I:, 26 Mar 44, sub: Controlled Mosaics by the Arty Ln Planes. 061/105 (C). (2) Personal ltr (C) of G,9n Hodge, CG, Amxerical Div to Gen McNair, 31 Mar 44, sub: Effective Arty Fire in Jungle Warfare, 353.1/100
(FA)(S).
9. WD ltr (R) AG o62.3 (27 Jul 44) OB-S-C, 31 Jul ", sub: Air Surve7 Methods.
061/124 (R).
10. OPDIB, IV, No 6, Sec III, 24 May 45, sub: on Liaison Planes. 314.7 (AGF Hist). - 98 Target Location by Radar Fires
to meet some vital need in battle. These uses suggested others to which, with modifications, they might advantageously be put. As finally developed by need and employment in battle, the uses to whirh FA liaison planes were effectively put included courier and liaison service; reconnaissance both visual and photographic, not only by ground reconnaissance units (mechanized cavalry) but also by infantry, armor, tank destroyers and engineers; column control by swiftly advancing armor; emergency resupply, for which the cubs were admirably fitted by ability to land almost an~wherv speedy evacuation of the wounded from the front lines; and even close-in bombing. They were further in demand for releying communications between front-line ground troops and supporting fighters or bombers ("Horsefly") and for indicating targets to these. By 1945 it had been found that cubs could
to 24 of Ln
11. The best summary will be foand in the rpts to AAF of the two observers It sent ETO and MTO, dated 1 Apr 45, and transmitted to the CG, AGF by AAF ltrs, 14 Apr and Apr, sub: Employment of Ln Type Airplane. 353/144 (FA Air Obsn)(S). A similar list uses in Burma is given in USAF-I-B to VD, CM-fN-17298, 16 Mar 45, sub: Request that Aircraft be Subject to Control Within the Ground Forces rather than the Division.
452.1/142 (R). For Leyte: OPDIB IV, No 6, 24 May 45, Sec II,sub: Special Uses of Ln
Planes on Leyte. For references to other rpts and requests see Annex to this chapter. (Title of Annex: Reports and requests referring to use of in planes by other Ground arms). (1)Ltr, CG, Div Arty, to CG, Americal Div 26 Mar 44, sub: Controlled Mosaics by the Arty Li Planes (photo air survey, reconnaissance supply, evacuation). 061/105 (0). (2) CG, 92d Inf Div to CG, Fourth Army, 31 Mar "4, sub: Air Photography by Arty Ln Planes (photo reon for engr.). 354.2/278 (La 144). (3)AGF Bd NATO Rpt (B)No 4-.165, 5 Jul 45, sub: Armored Coad Matters (reon). G-2 DD file. (4) Ltr (S)Hq II
Corps, 400.345 (C/S) to CG, AGF, 11 Jul 44, sub: Change in T/0&E of Ron Sq (ron genl).
353/130. (FA Air Oban) (S). (5) Rpt (B)of Capt R. E. Van Zant, ist Armd Div to CG Armd Center, 9 Au' 44, sub: Use of Light Plane (cub) in Conjunction with Tk Units (ron "Horsefly"). 393/130 (FA Air Obsn) (S. (6) Hq 36th Div Arty to CG to CG, 36 Inf Div, sub: Transmittal of Hist Records and Hist of Orga, in AGF Bd, MTOUBA, Rpt (S) No A-217-3, 10 Sep 44 (non-arty, genl). G-2 DD file. (7) Ltr (S)Eq Armd Bch 334G2RUG, 16 Sep 44, sub: Combat Rqts for Cub Planes inArmd Dive (ron, armd, TD, engro; photo ron; camouflage check; column control. 353/130. (FA Air Obsn)tS). (8) Rpt of Col B Conn Anderson, WD Observers Bd, Rpt (S)No C-262, 5 Oct 44, sub: Cub Planes (ron). G-2 DD file. (9) AGF Bd, MTO, Rpt (8)No A-Misc-93, 8 Oct 44, sub: Combat Lessons, lst Armd Div (rcn & adjustment of tk firee). G-2 DD file. (10) Rpt (S)of Lt Cal Michael Popowki, Jr. AGF observer with 81st Cav Ron Sq, 13 Oct 44 (ron). G-2 DD file. (11) Rpt (S)of Maj J. M. Kircheimer, AGF observer with 4th and 6th Armd Divs, 13 Oct 44 (ron). G-2 DD file. (12) Rpt (S)of Lt Col E. J. Leary, AGF observer with 9th Inf Div (reocn). G-2 DD file. (13) ETO Observers Rpt (S)No C-Misc-28, sub: Interviews, Obsns, etc., Asst. CG, 83d Inf Div (rcn) G-2 DD file. (14) Rpt (S)of Lt Cal L. C. Buchler, AGF observer with 2d and 3d Armd Divs (ron). G-2 DD file. (15) AGF Bd MTO Rpt (S)No A-196, Inc] 4, sub: FA (AOP) (evac, photo ron). (16) Extracts from observers rpts, Tab B, AGF memo (S)for CofS, USA, 28 Oct 44, sub: Orgenic Assignment of Aircraft Other Than to the Air Forces, (photo ron; genl purpose vehicles). 353/126 (FA Air Obsn) (S). (17) AGF Bd ETO, Rpt (S)No C-483, sub: Notes on 4th Cav Sp (ron). G-2 DD file. (18) 2d Ind, Prest FA Bd, 9 Feb 45, to AGF ltr (C), 30 Dec 44, sub: Photo Equipment for FA (air survey; photo ron). 319.1/112 (EUTO) (C). (19) Notes (S)of Col Dowd, Staff Air Off with Yok" Force and Chinese Expeditionary Force, Burma, for ACofAS, Plans, 25 Jan 45, sub: Ln Aircraft Opn in China (courier, liaison, resupply, evac, ron visual and photo, bombing). 353/140 (FA Air Obsn) (S). (20) AGF Bd YTOUSA, Rpt (S)No c-620, 7 Feb 45, sub: Combat and Staff Lessons, Seventh Army (t7cn, engrs). G-2 DD file. (21) Rpt (S)of Lt Col Edson Schull, AGF observer with 1st Armel Div,
-99NI.
12 be used for firing rockets, and they were being eqL.pped and tested for this use. These extensions of employment were accompanied by numerous requests from the field that liaison planes be made organic in other arms than artillery and also that the Piper cub be adapted to these uses or a more versatile liaison airplane be developed.
EFFORTS OF ARMY GROUND FORCES TO MROVE FELD ARTJLLERY AIR OBSERVATION In its desire to meet these needs, Army Ground Forces was faced by two great difficulties. One was the position taken by G-3, War Department, that if the program of field artillery aviation was expanded beyond its state,- missions, the Commanding General, Army Air Forces, would be at liberty to renew his demand that this aviation be transferred to his control. 1 3 The other difficulty was that the Army Air Forces, as a technical service, controlled the procurement, development, and issue of all air equipment-its own and that used 4 the ground forced. On 19 April 1944 this control was tightened Even after the Army Air Forces withdrew its objections to by the War Deiartment. aviation organic in ground forces, it was only natural that as a using arm it should give the right of way to projects connected in its primary mission and interest. The general policy of the Army Air Forces of giving a low priority to the needs of ground troops previous to the invasion of Normandy and its repeated efforts to regin control of organic ground aviation had convinced Army Ground Forci. thAt if any excuse were proided, the Air Forces would take advantage of the G-3 directive and renew these efforts. ' Likewise the key officer on air-ground policy in G-3, Colonel Burwell, "stated repeatedly and emphatically" that if Army Ground Forces "attempted to expand the organic aviation program" the War Department would reopen the question of turning
G-2 DD file. (22) AGF M/S (S) G-4 to C/S, based on rpts 19 Feb 45 (rcn; staff vehicle). (Leyte) 19 Feb 45, sub: Air Supply iund Evacuation by A/B Div llth and Inf Div of 95th
Ln Airplanes.
(24) AGF Bd MTOUSA Rpt (S) No A-276, (25) Memo (S) of Gen Stilwell for Gen
Marshall, 5 Mar 45, sub: Close-in Night Sombing byLn Aircraft. 353/13A (FA Air Obsn) (26) Memo (C) G-4, AGF to G-2 AGF, 10 Mar 45, sub: Rpt of O'Seas Obsns by Col W. D. (S).
Brown (photo rcn). 319.1/14 (O'Seas Obens) (C). (27) 0G, USAFFE, Manila to War, CM-IN16939 (16 Mar.45) (rcn, traffic control, emergency resupply). 451.1/142 (R). (28) AF Bd, o, Rpt (S), No C-767, 27 Mar 45, sub: Armd Notes (ccm~d obsn). (29) AF d ET0 Rpt (S) No C-775, 28 Mar 45, sub: Mczd Cay Notes (rcn) G-2 M file. (30) Rpt (S)on Luzon Opn by Col. I. W. Oseth, AGF Observer, 1 Apr 45 (in recn and In). G-2 DD file.
12. (1)AGF M/S G-3 cc CofS, 9 Apr 45, sub: Rocket Firing Ln Planes. 353/139 (FA Air Obsn)(S). (2; AG memo (S)for CofS, USA, (attn: NDD), 7 Jun 45, sub: Development of Rocket Firing At.n for Close Support of Gnd Combat Troops. 471.94/185 (S). (3) AGF M/S G-3 to RQks, 10 Jul 45, sub: Ft Sill Ln Project--Ln Avn (Rpt of Tests).
353/134 (FA Air Obsn) I.). 13. Note to be supplied. Ln Aircraft
14. WD memo (S)WDGDS 11712A for CG's AGF and AAF, 19 Apr 44, sub: in the AGF. 353/109 (FA Air Obsn)(S).
15. (1)Opinion of Gen Lucas, 14 Apr 44, reported in AGF M/S, G-3 to CG, 18 Apr 44, where the issue was merely equipping L-4's with cameras for artillery air survey. 061/124 (P). (2) AGF M/S, G-3 for C/S 23 Oct 44 and Tab A, "Summary of WD Policy," reviewing "past bitter experiences." 353/126 (FA Air Obsn)(S).
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all field artillery aviation back to Army Air Fo3es.16 Army Ground Forces therefore proceeded with caution and embarrassment in its moves to satisfy the needs of the ground forces in combat for more and better organic aviation. Army Ground Forces' first line of action was to seek improvements in the L-4 and extensions of its use within its field artillery role. It sought to obtain the installation of two-way radios in all L-4's.1 7 In April 1944, the procurement of controllable pitch propellers for L-4's was sought aad in the same month was directed. 1 8 In the landings at Salerno and Anzio, cubs had been launched from the decks of IST's and those that survived were effective in adjusting naval gunfire. To improve their employment in the early stages of ship-to-shore operations, Army Ground Forces, in April 1944, directed the Field Artillery School to test L-4's fitted with seaplane floats.1 9 Meanwhile, Lt. James H. Brodie, of the Transportation Corps, had devised a 20 shipboard tackle for launching and recovering light planes in amphibious operations. Installed by the Navy on an LST, at Army request, the rig was service-tested in the amphibious training of the 97th Infantry Division at San Diego, Calif., in August 1944.21 One was used, with an effectiveness that produced great enthusiasm, in the assault of the 77th Infantry Division on Ie Shima in April 1945 in the Okinawa cam22 paiga. As soon as the rig had come to its attention, more than a year before this (February 1944), Army Ground Forces saw that it might be developed for use on land as well as on ships and that artillery planes could be thereby liberated from dependence even on improvised landing strips--an advantage of particular importance in rough, 23 The Army Air Forces threw cold water on the proposal.24 wooded, or jungle terrain.
16.
17.
452.1/113 (R).
18. AAF Itr to CG, ASF, 27 Apr 44, sub: Propellers for L-4 Aircraft. 452.11/108.
S19.
sub:
452.11/105.
20. A description of the Brodie devils was published in OPDIB II, Sec V (C), No 3, i0 Jun 44. 21. (1) AGF memo (C) for CofS, USA (attn: OPD), 15 Sep 44, sub: Brodie Landing Device on Navy IST. 452.11/102 (C). (2) For details of arrangements, correspondence in 353/112 (FA Air Oben) (S). 22. Ltr (S) of Maj John C. Kriegsman, Air Officer, 77th Inf Div to Col Wolf, sub: Brodie Landing Device Instructional Teams. 353/142 (FA Air Obsn) (S). 23.
Light Planes.
452.1/105 (S).
sub:
24. 2d ind, Hq AAF, 11 Feb 44, on ltr just cited. AAF recommended that the Brodie device be given no further consideration because of the difficulties of transportation, maintenance, and servicing in isolated localities.
101
But the 0SS, with the backing of the New Developm-:uts Division of the War Department, took up the development and procurement of Brodie devices and the Materiel Command, Army Air Forces, cooperated. Army Ground Forces after repeated requests was finally able through an arrangement with OSS in October 1944 to get two sets for training purposes and for tests at Ft. Sill. 2 5 Requests for the device began to come in from theaters as soon as they were notified of its capabilities, and introductory teams were trained and sent out with the sets shipped out.2 6 These efforts did not raise the issue of "expansion," though they inevitably tended to render cub planes capable of wider usefulness. On the other hand, when Army Ground Forces faced the need for modifications in the L-4 to permit its use in aerial survey and for fire-spotting at night, it feared that that issue would be raised, and organic control would again be challenged. Even though the changes were needed to improve the cubs for their field artillery mission, they would turn them into heavier and more versatile planes, and bring them into rivalry with the L-5's of the Army Air Forces liaison squadrons. For example, aerial survey required the installation of equipment for flying by instrument. L-5's were either already equipped or could readily be equipped with cameras and to fly by instruments. It would almost certainly be argued that the L-5, already preferred by the Field Artillery in the Mediterranean Theater, should replace the L-4. It would be only a step from this to a renewal of pressure to substitute AAF squadrons of L-5's for organic aviation. When the Americal Division recmmened its method of aerial survey, using photographs taken from field artillery liaison planes, Army Ground Forces, believing that the method had been adequately field tested by the division, favored its application in the Pacific areas.27 But two touchy issues were involved--the installation of cameras in cub planes, and the performance of aerial photography by a ground organization. Army Ground Forces had recently been rebuked by the War Department for its proposal to put
cameras in L-4 'sas tending to overload them and divert them from their proper missions.2 8 General McNair was anxious lest a new request for photographic equipment might provide War Department G-3 with a ground on which to invoke "the threat they used in returning to us the request of the Army Air Forces to take over artillery observation." Nevertheless, when his G-3 insisted, he went ahead with the request. 2 9
25. (1)3d ind, Hq AGF, 14 Fab 44, to same. (2)AGF ltr (R)to FAG, 31 Oct 44, sub: Brodie Device. 452.11/105 (R). The request was made by AGF itr (R) to CG ASF, 24 Jun 44, sub: Suspended Launching and Landing Apparatus (Brodie Design). 452.11/100 (R). 26. (1)AAF itr (S)to AGF, 2 Sep 44, sub: Brodie Device for CBI Theater. 353/112 (FA Air Obsn) (S). (2) AGF ltr (R) to FAG, 31 Oct 44, sub! Brodie Device. 452.11/105
()
27. AGF memo (R) for CofS, USA, 1 J~n 44, sub:
28. WD memo (R) WDGCT 319.1 (24 Mar 3) for COG AGF, 10 Feb 44, sub: of Oblique Photography. 353/102 (FA Air Obsn) (S).
29. AGF M/8, CG to G-3, initiated 11 Apr, sub: Air Survey Method. The words quoted are those of the CofS AGF, who was informed that WD G-3 would not invoke the threat. Gen McNair was still wary. See item dated 17 May.
-102 -
He recommended (I June 1944) that each division artillery headquarters in the Pacific area receive an augmentation of photographic equipment and technicians so that it could employ the method of aerial survey in jungle terrain.30 The War Department met this proposal by reiterating the sole responsibility of the Army Air Forces for aerial photography. It would admit the need of ground units for the equipment reocmended only "in isolated localities, such as the small islands of the Pacific," where it was impracticable for the Army Air Forces in the theater to meet it. In these oases, only by direction of the theater comander to his air commander and only on a temporary basis was the necessary photog' "zhic equipment and personnel to be loaned to accomplish the photography with orgnioe leld artillery liaison aircraft. At the same time all oaasanders were warned not to install cameras, except temporarily, in the existing L-4's.31 The measures approved by Army Ground Forces in order to train field artillery liaison pilots in night flying at Fort Sill threatened to raise the same issue. Trying to avoid radical changes in the L-4, Headquarters, Army Ground Forces, on the recommendation of the Field Artillery School, requested Army Service Forces (28 April 1944) to equip cubs used in training with running lights, L-4's so equipped having been used successfully at night at Fort Sill 32 On 22 May War Department, 0-3 vetoed the request. It ruled that liaison pilots could train for such flying only in planes equipped for flying on instruments, and that "the experience of the Army Air Forces in night flying
3 3 The proposed must be utilized to the utmost."' operational course in night flying at the Field Artillery S-hool, although agreed on at a conferenRZ in March which had included a representative of the Army Air Forces, was bloked. Owing to a variety of adverse grcumstances, such a course was not given at the Field Artillery School during the war. O Meanwhile field artillery liaison pilots, both candidates and graduates, received training in lying on instruments as part of the pilot training given them by the Army Air Forces.3
31. The further development of the air survey method can be followed in 061 (R)(C) and (S). 32. (1)AGF itr to CG AG?, 28 Apr 44, sub: Night Flying Equip for FA Ln Airplanes. 452.11/106. (2)Telg FAG to AGF, 26 May 44, sub: Use of L-4B . . . w/ Lights for Night
Flying.
452.1/649.
33. WD memo (r) WDGCT 452.1 (24 Apr 44), 22 May 44, for CG AGF, sub: Night Flying Equipment. 452.11/101.
34. The conference, held on 17 March, and the conclusions reached FAG ltr GNRFT 352.11 to CG AGF, 23 Mar 44, sub: Revision of Courses of FA Ln Pilot Trainees. 353/i04 (FA Air Obsn)(7.). The AGF itr approving dated 19 Apr 44; the AGF telg to FAG ordering suspension of the course, are reported in Instruction for the course is 22 May 44. Ibid.
35. (1)A night flying course at Ft Sill was authorized to begin I Jan 45 with borrowed L-5's. WD memo (S)WDGCT 211 (26 Jul 44) for CG AGF, 14 Dec 44, sub: La Pilots for FA. 353/127 (FA Air Obsn)(S). (2)It was suspended by AGF memo (S)for CofS USA, 29 Dec 44, sub: Ln Pilots for FA. Ibid.
36. The tng was given at Goodfellow Field and instituted 4 Sep 44. (1)WD memo (R)for CGAAF, 6 Jul 44, sub: Night Flying Tng for FA Ln Pilots. 452.11/101 (R). (2) WD memo (R)452.1 (24 Apr 44) for CG AGF, 3 Aug 44, sub as above. 353/112 (FA Air Oben)(R). - 103
-
The effect at the front of all such training was restricted by th, order prohibiting the flying of L-4's at night, since at the end of the war a great majority of field artille,y observation planes were still L-4's. EFFORTS TO OBTAIN A MORE SUITABLE AIRPLANE By May 1944 evidence was piling up that the unimproved L-4 was not suitable for the purposes to which it was being put, or could be put, in combat by the Field Artillery, not to mention other ground arms. On 22 May, Wer Department G-3, in the directive by which it suspended night flying training at Fort Sill, instructed the Army Ground Forces to institute promptly an effort to obtain planes better suited for its purposes than the L-4. The choice of a model was limited to available types that could be manufactured readily, and was to Incluke the L-5, the L-4F, which was one of the variants of the L-4 in use, and the J-5D, which was an improved model of the L-4 type constructed by the Piper Corporation (designated by the Army as the L-4X).37 This was authority for the Army Ground Forces to propose a more versatile plane. But in presenting the military characteristics of such a plane--the initial step, to which Army Ground Forces proceeded at once--it still seemed advisable to steer clear of anything that might be construed as "expansion." The covering memorandum (26 June 1944) referred only to the field artillery mission of the plane desired, specifically to its capacity for night flying.38 Nevertheless, the characteristics included space for a littex and this meant also capacity to carry a light cargo.3 9 The specifications submitted to "neral McNair by his G-3 on 31 May called for a plane 90 percent heavier than the L-4. Geaeral McNair expressed concern. "Pilots of course want something bigger, and faster than the L-4," he wrote, but "we have consistantly Opposed the L-5, "Is not feeling that in the general case so powerful a plane is unnecessary." he asked. He equal?" being things other weight, to proportionate maintenance rather wanted to keep the light plane light and maneuverable and ready to take off and land with a strict minimum of ground preparation. To meet his wishes, the characteristics It was pointed out to General finally proposed were trirme& to fit the L-4X (J-5D). enough cockpit room and provide to if only needed was plane a larger McNair that weight-carrying capacity to permit the pilot and observer to wear winter clothing and carry parachutes. The L-4X would meet these requirements and at the same time provide better performance with added safety.4 l In the characteristics proposed the maximum weight (empty) Vas set at 1,200 pounds (L-4, 740 pounds; L-5, 1,472 pounds); the maximum speed, at 100 MPH (L-4, 87 MPH; L-5, 129 MPH); landing distance over a 50-foot obstacle, 700 feet (L-4, 465 feet; L-5, 951 feet).42
37. WD memo (R) WDGCT 452.1 (24 Apr 44), 22 May 44, sub: for FA Ln Airplanes. 452.11/101 (R), 353/451 (FA Air Obsn).
38. AGF memo (R) for the CofS, USA, 26 Jun 44, sub as above. 452.11/101 (). See instructions of C/S, AGF to G-3 AGF, 1 Jun 44, on AGF M/S, G-3 to C/S, 31 May 44, sub as above, initiating the action. 452.11/101 ().
39.
Aircraft.
Par 3, WD memo (R)452.1 (24 Apr 44) for the CG AAF, 6 Jul 44, sub:
452.11/101 (R).
FA Ln
452.11/101 (R).
41.
AGF M/S, G-3 to CofS, 23 Jun 44, sub and location as above. Night Flying Equip-
42. Incl I to AGF memo (R)for the CofS, USA, 26 Jun 44, sub: ment for VA Ln Airplanes. 452.11/101 (R).
-o4
The Army Air Forces, after puttina "available models" throv A engineering and airworthiness tests on 17-18 August 1944J reported that + ' 9 L-5B vultee), 9-X (a Taylor.. three types mobt likely craft model), and the L-4X, in that order of priority, to meet AGF characteristics.4 3 One of each type wab then sent to the Field Artillery, School for tactical tests, which were not given until October, and which included an L-5X, an improved model of the standard Army Air Forces liaison plane, the L-5B. The Test Board concluded that the ambulance feature (which also permitted carrying a light cargo) impaired all the planes tested for field artillery use; that the L-5B was better for that use than the L-4X as tested; and that the L-4X, to be acceptable, would have to be redesigned. It recommended that the L-5X, with an L-5A frame, be adopted as standard for field artilley air observation "for the present" but recommended that a Maj. Gen. Orlando Ward, Commandant of the Field Artillery new airplane be designed." School, expressed the opinion that while the L-5X would definitely "outperform the Cub as an artillery observation plane" and might be preferableat high altitude and mountainous terrain because of its superior performance, it had not been "designed primarily as a Field Artillery observation airplane." He therefore recomended that steps should be taken at once to develop such a plane.45 Notwithstanding these recommendations, Headquarters, Army Ground Forces, on 18 November 1944, recommended that the L-4X, modified, be adopted ai the standard field artillery liaison airplane.4 6 General Ward and the President of the Test Board, after the issues had been threshed out in conference at Headquarters, Army Ground Forces (27-28 October), concurrbd.4 7 This decision can be understood only in the light of a declaration of long-term policy made by the Army Air Forces on 10 October 1944,48 a pronouncement of major importance which influenced the whole further course of development of organic aviation for ground forces. Briefly, the Army Air Forces, reversing itself, now gve its adherence to the principle of orgenic aviation. Far from staking a renewed claim for control of such aviation, it envisaged "a future . . . in which it might be as absurd to demand that all aircraft be organic only to an air force as that all boats, including crash boats and the like, be organic only in the Navy." It pointed out, with justification, that the AGF characteristics of a liaison plane for ground use, approved by G-3 War Department on 6 July 1944, would produce an airplane which, when devloped, "will
43.
Aircraft.
44.
WD memo (R) WDGCT 452.1 (24 Aug 44) for CG, AG?, 2, AUg 4, 452.1/115 (R).
Report of Proceedings of Board of Officers Ft Sil, 452.1 (24 Aug 44), 25 Aug 44,
sub:
FA Ln
FAG 3d ino, 20 Qbt 44, onWD memo (R) Aircraft. 452.1/122 (P).
45.
FAS 3d ind, 20 Oct 44 and WD memo (R) 452.1 (24 Aug 44) 25 Aug 44, sub:
46. 47.
note.
AGF memo (R) for CofS, USA, 18 Nov 44, sub: FA Ln Aircraft.
452.1/122 (R).
Their concurrence is reported in par 2 of the memo cited in the foregoing Other information from draft of same not used. Ibid.
48. AAF study submitted to WD G-3 & CofS, USA, signed by Lt Gen Barney Giles, Deputy Comdr, AAF, 10 Oct 44, sub: Orgnic Asgmt of Aircraft other than to the Air Forces, forwarded to CG AGF by WD G-3D/F 11 Oct 44. 353/126 (FA Air Oban)(8).
-
105
probably possess capabilities of employment exceeding those demanded only of an Air OP." It proposed that Army Ground Forces be "encouraged to make maximum use of the capabilities of the airplane assigned." The recommendation of the Field Artillery Test Board anI School had been based o.1 the aptitude of the airplanes tested for a strictly field artillery role. The anxiety of Army Ground Forces regarding the attitude of Army ir Forces towards "expansion" havizig been relieved by the declaration of 10 October 1944, that headquarters aecided to standardize on a plane which could also perform the other missions for which liaison planes were needed, and were being employed, by the ground forces in combat .49 Before taking up the efforts which the Army Ground Forces now made to extend the authorized employment of organic aviation, the course of further efforts to get a more suitable plane will be followed through to the end of the war That course was far from clear and simple. The Army Air 'Forces in its declaration of policy on 10 October 1944, had stated its view that "assignment -othe ground forcej7 of a type airplane whose performance approximates, but does not appreciably exceed, that of the L-5 would be Justified." The Army Air Forces testing board had given top priority to the L-5B as the type of available plane most likely to meet AGF requirements, and the Field Artillery Board bad found the L-5X (the L-SB somewhat modified) superior to the other types except for strictly field artillery use. From the point of view of Army Air Forces as the procurement agency, the L-5, its standard! liaison plane, had the great advantage of being in production. The opinion of Army Air Forces as expressed in its statement of policy and quoted above was a broad hint of its preference for the L-5. Nevertheless Army Ground Forces decided in favor of standardization of the L-4X, modified to meet the deficiencies found in the tests at Fort Sill. It was preferred as having 300 pounds more payload capacity than the L-5, more cabin space for cargo and special equipment, slower landing speed (35 MPH as compared with 55 MPL), and as being lighter and cheaper.50
Pending procurement and issue of the L-4X (hereafter referred to as the L-14, its standard designation), Army Ground For'es recommended that replacements of L-4's be made from available L-5 types.51 Before making its decision on the L-14 Army Ground Forces had received (29 October 1944) the ruling of War Department G-3 on the AAF declaration of policy 5 2 and may have been influenced by it. G-3 stated that the policy proposed by the Army Air Forces was t at which War Department G-3 had always followed. With reference to "maximum employment," It ruled only that "ot'gnic liaison as now authorized for field artillery units should not be restricted to the performance of a single type of mission, such as spotting artillery fire," but should include also "those liaison missions considered most important at any given time, by the division or corps cosnnder." This was hardly 49. See par 3 of draft memo cited in n. 46, above, for the considerations canvassed in reaching a decision. 50. AGF M/S G-3 to G-4, 10 Nov 44, sub:
452.1/122 (R) .
FA Ln Aircraft.
452.1/122 (R).
51. -Par 3, AGF memo (R)for CofS, USA, 18 Nov 44, sub:
FA Ln Aircraft.
52. WD memo (S)WDGCT 4521. (10 Oct 44) for CG'a AGF and AAF, 29 Oct 44, sub:
Organic Asgmt of Aircraft Other than the Air Forces. - 106 -
G-3, War Department, not satisfied with this proposal, promptly stated its opinion (in a memorandum to G-4) that an airplane of "the basic L-5 type" should be selected and modified. 5 3 G-4 decided to keep the L-4 in the picture, directing the Army Air Forces to conduct tests of this plane, with the modifications recommended by the Army Ground Forces, and also of the L-5X, which had performed so well in the Field Artillery Board tests, and come up wiih a recommendation. G-4 indicated that its favor had veered from preference for an L-5 type toward adopting the view of the Army Ground Forces that 4 After a three-day conference which included the modified L-4X was the best solution.5 representatives of the G-4, the Army Ground Forces, and the Army Air Forces, on 28
*January
1945, the view was expressed that the situation regarding supply of Field Artillery liaison airplanes had become "both confused and critical," and an interim program was proposed. This embodied the recommendation that the L-4X be put into production as rapidly as practicable, and eventually replace all other models as the standard Field Artillery liaison airplane. In the interim, the Army Ground Forces was to be supplied with a number of L-4's and L-5's in a scheduled ratio. This program was approved with the proviso that the Army Air Forces was to improve the rear-seat visibility of L-5 type planes supplied to the Army Ground Forces.55 Meanwhile, on 8 January 1945, the Army Air Forces signified its approval of a list of "principal characteristics" for "ground force liaison airplanes," which did not differ materially from those proposed by Army Ground Forces on 6 July 1944.56 Dissatisfaction of the Field Artillery with the type of airplane being furnished to approximate these requirements now boiled up.- Sharp objections came from the European theater.57 They were at first concentrated on the "litter modification" as interfering with visibility. In April the theater sent a representative, Maj. D. L. Bristol, to Washington with a request that models of the L-14, on which the War Department had standardized, be sent to ETO for service test.5 8 In conference with Major Bristol, Headquarters, Army Ground Forces, decided that for field artillery observation neither the L-14 nor any of the other planes approximated the military characteristics previously established as satisfactory. After a sharp discussion, Army Ground Forces struck out on a new line of policy by establishing a set of characteristics which would yield a light single-purpose airplane, designed exclusively for field artillery use, with detachable light armor, full panel flight instruments, two-place tandem seating, and maximum
53.
Aircraft.
WD memo (S)WDGCT 452.1 (24 Aug 44), for ACofS G-4, 22 Nov 44, sub:
452.1/142 (S).
FA Ln
54. WD Dk (S) WDGDS 5568 from G-4 to CG AAF, 28 Nov 44, sub: Ibid. 452.1/142 (S).
FA Ln Aircraft.
(1)AAF D/F (C) to WD G-4, 29 Jan 45, FA Ln Aircraft. (2) WD D/F (S) WDGDS 55. 8358 to CGs, AAF and AGF, 2 Feb 45, sub: FA Ln Aircraft. Both in 452.1/142 (S).
452.1/129 (C).
57.
56.
CM-IN-20571 (S) CO ETO to WD, 20 Jan 45, sub: (R) to CG AAF, 11 Apr 45,
10l7-
all-round visibility. 5 9 This meant a break with the previous AGF policy of seeking one type of plane for all ground force purposes. It also involved an immediate risk as long as the number of planes available for ground use was limited, since the employment of organic planes was worldwide and the Pacific theaters, to which in April 1945 the main scene of action was about to shift, had not been consulted and might prefer a single versatilo plane instead of two types. Although the risk was recognized, it was taken because the need for prompt action was regarded as too urgent to allow for the slow process of consulting theater commanders. The risk was covered to the extent of summoning to Washington the liaison plane expert of the Pacific Ocean area and including him in the conferences with representatives of the War Department, the Army Air Forces, and Major Bristol representing the ETO, 6 0 and of drafting a lette- to theaters not consulted, explaining the decisions reached. It was understood that if a new Field Artillery observation plane was developed success ully, the L-14 would still be kept in use as a general-purpose plane for ground forces.61 All this remained in the future. At the ed of the war in August the program of supply adopted in January was still in effect. Of the new liaison planes being supplied to ground forces, the great majority were still cubs (model L-4J); 25 a month were L-5's. It had been anticipated that L-14's would begin coming from the production lines in July, that 25 could be supplied in August, and an increasing number thereafter, p to the maximum of 175 additional planes required each month for ground force use.93 But it was found that as the end of the war approached, the Piper Corporation was dragging its feet in the production of L-14'9 and AGF requested that production be stopped.0 3 EFFORTS TO FXTnD THE ROLE OF ORGANIC GROUND AVIATION The troubled course of the efforts, just reviewed, of the Army Ground Forces to get a better light plane for ground use can be understood fully only if related to attendant efforts of Headquarters, Army Ground Forces, to obtain approval for a more extended use of ground aviation in response to demands from the front. In both courses of effort Army Ground Forces was pinned down by the restriction which the War Department G-3 had imposed as a condition of its support of General MoNair against General Arnold's attempt to take over field artillery liaison aviation in January 1944. The close relation of the two objects has already become evident in connection with the action establishing military characteristics for an improved plane in the spring and summer of 1944. While emphasizing only the Field Artillery mission of such a plane, Army Ground Forces standardized on a plane, the L-14, which was found far from satisfactory by the Field Artillery, but it did so in order to provide one that was better suited than the L-4 for the various uses to which the L-4 was actually being put by the ground forces in combat. 59. AGF ltr (C) to CG AAF, 18 May 45, sub: (C) and attached AGF M/S. 60. Improved FA Obsn Aircraft. 452.1/129
AGF M/S, G-3 to Rqts, 19 Apr 45, cited in preceding note. See also memo (S) of Maj Delbert L. Bristol for OPD, 31 May 45, sub: Report Concerning Development of Air-
452.1/129 (C).
63. (1) Statement of Col B. Evans, Dev Sec, Hq AGF, to AGF Hist Off, Feb 45. (2) Par 4, AGF ltr (C) to CG AAF, 16 Aug 45, sub: Aircraft Rqts. 452.1/138 (C).
-108-
Even after the Army Air Forces declared in favor of encouraging the ground forces to "make maximum use of the capabilities of the type airplane assigned" (10 October 1944), Army Ground Forces proceeded with great caution. In its concurrence, on 28 October, 6 4 in the Army Air Forces declaration of policy, it stated as a fact that L-type aircraft had been used frequently, "in emergencies," "in all combat areas," "for air photo missions nd as aerial general purpose vehicles." But, mindful of "past bitter experi'5 ence, ' 1 it again stressed the Field Artillery requirement, referring to this a& 'the dominant consideration." G-3, War Department, replied immediately and sharply that the policy of the War Department was unchanged. 6 6 Not until 5 January 1945 did Army Ground Forces put forward a proposal for an increase in ground liaison aviation, and then it was a very modest one. This proposal was the result of a study that was initiated shortly after the Army Air Forces' declaration of policy had been received on 11 October. The uses to which the field artillery liaison planes were being put on all fronts and the requests for more light planes to meet these needs were restudied in a general headquarters discussion.67 Information from theaters indicated that of all the ne ds, that of more light planes for reconnaissance was the most important. A "preponderance of experienced officers" in the headquartors were convinced that other needs were legitimate and even vital. But in consideration of the policy stated by the War Department and of the limited number of liaison-type planes prospectively available, it was reluctantly decided that the only practicable solution for the present was to go no further than to ask for the assignment of liaison planes to cavalry reconnaissance squadrons. Besides improving reconnaissance, this would have the effect of giving two additional planes to the armored division, which had only eight liaison planes, and which, because of its mobility, especially needed them. In accordance with the policy of asking for no changes in organization or equipmeit not supported by a firm request from a theater commander, the theaters were interrogated.o What was believed by Army Ground Forces to be desirable was finally trimmed down to the requirements stated by both the Commancing General, ETO, and the Commanding General, MTO. The request made on 5 January was simply that an air reconnaissance section similar to the Field Artillery air observation, viz., 2 planes, 2 pilots, 2 enlisted men, 2 trucks, and 3 radio sets, be added to each cavalry reconnaissance squadron, mechanized (T/O&E 2-26). It was pointed out that this change would add to the Troop Basis only 98 officers, 98 enlisted men, 98 planes, and 147 radio sets, and that, beginning in April 1945, the Army Air Forces would have available 10 L-5's a month, in addition to those required for Field Artillery, to meet the requirement. 6 9 A more moderate request could hardly have been made.
S.
64. AGF memo (S) for CofS, USA, 28 Oct 44, sub: Organic Asget of Aircraft Other than to the Air Forces. 353/1e6 (FA Air Obsn)(S). This was sent, for information, to the Asst Sec of War for Air, with whom the AAF memo of 10 Oct 44 had been coordinated.
65.
66. 67.
binder. 68.
The papers reflecting this discussion are in 353/130 (FA Air Obsn)(S) separate AGF memo (S) for CofS, USA, 20 Sep 44, sub:
452.1/123 (S).
69. AGF memo (S) for CofS, USA, 5 Jan 45, sub: (FA Air Obsn) (S).
-l09-
War Department G-3 promptly rejected it, on the ground that not enough study had been given to the employment of the high-performance tactical reconnaissance aircraft of the Army Air Forces in ground reconnaissance missions, that the supply of L-5 's was limited, and that maximum use was not being made of artillery planes and Army Air Forces squadrons for command and control purposes. 7 0 The issue was thus made one of fact and of the good faith of the ground forces ii, executing War Department policies. In the use of AAF liaison squadrons to meet ground force needs, on which War Department G-3 insisted, another issue was actually involved, which had not yet been brought fully into the open. The Army Air Forces had allotted one of these squadrons--each composed of 32 L-5 's-to each Army, and they had been attached, so that they could be--as they actually were-sub-allotted to corps as required.7 1 Planes in each of these squadrons were equipped,
in 1944, with K-20 cameras, so that they could supplement the photographic work of the high performance tactical reconnaissance squadrons. L-5 s from these AAF squadrons could be borrowed--and were in emergencies--to meet the need of ground units for planes capable of a better performance than L-4's. The question for the Army Ground Forces was whether these AAF liaison squadrons actually met ground requirements. Experience in combat showed that they did not, for reasons stated below. The issue was not merely one of good will on tie part of the Army Air Forces or procuring, in sufficient quantity, a type of plane which the doctrine of the Army Air Forces and the pressure of rival demands relegted to a low priority. The basic issues were two: having the planes where needed when the need arose, and having them flown by pilots who understood the needs of the ground units with which they worked. These were the considerations that had won the day for organic assignment of cubs to the Fieli Artillery. The principal theat.r commanders emphasized them in their radiogrms asking for organic reconnaissance plans.7 2 The AAF liaison squadrons met neither requirement. Although the L-5's of these squadrons were light planes, the squadrons were based on the nearest AAF field which might be far from the scene of ground action. Their pilots, however cooperative, were enlisted men trained only to fly. The testimony of experience and cabat authority were conclusive to the effect that the understanding of combat needs required for effeotive cooperation came only from training in the ground arms concerned and living with ground units in the field. The two observers whom the Army Air Forces sent to EM and MTO in the early months of 1945 recognized this as a fact, reoomending not only that that ground ground liaison aviation be expanded and orgnically assigned but also73 liaison pilots be trained in the ground arm which they were to serve. 70. WD memo (S)452.1 (5 Jan 45) for CG AGF, 15 Jan 45, sub: Ln Type Aircraft.
72. (1) ETO, cM-IN-918 (s)(lo Oct 44); AFHQ, Caserta, CM-3N-13756(S)(i4 Oct 44). 353/130 (A Air Obsn)(S).
73.
AAF itre (S) to CG AGF, 14 and 24 Apr, sub:
REORGANIZATION OF AVIATION ORGANIC IN GROUND FORCES Army Ground Forces, upon the rejection on 15 January 1945 by G-3, War Depertment of its recommendation that organic liaison avintion be extended to ground reconnaissance units, followed two lines of action. It proceeded, on the one hand, to build up a case for the extension of organic ground aviation based on evidence from sources in the theaters and on firm requests from theater commanders. On the other hari, it tested and developed further uses to which light planes had been put at the front, or to which they could be put. To test and explore further uses to which light planes could be put to provide close support, the Army Ground Forces, on (3 March 1945) initiated an extensive experimental project at Fort Sill.74 The AAF Liaison Officer at Headquarters, Army Ground Forces, Lt. Col. Hubbell F. Vincent, believing that the liaison type plane could be used as a bomber, to meet the need of ground units for close-in bombing at night, had made tests at Fort Sill in January 1945, and the conclusion was reached that the L-5 could bomb effectively with a bomb load of 500 pounds and more. 7 5 General Stilwell personally brought this possibility to General Marshall's attention on 5 March 1945 as "something whi-h if pushed energetically, would be a material contribution to shortening the war."6 The AGF headquarters observers visiting ETO in the fall of 1944 and emphasized the fact that close-in reconnaissance at night was one of the critical needs of ground units which the Army Air Forces was not meeting, in spite of the great improvement in air-ground cooperation. If a liaiscn plane could find bombing targets at night, it could also search the roads behind the enemy lines at night for evidence of traffic. Furthermore, field artillery officers working with Navy smoke markers for use in amphibious exercises, had discovered the practicability of using the liaison plane as a moving platform from which to launch rockets.77 This indicated that it might also be used as a flying mount for the new recoilless guns. With all these possibilities in view, the Fort Sill project was given a broad scope, with special emphasis on the use of liaison planes at night. Headquarters, Army Ground Forces, pressed and supported these experiments vigorously. In March, on the strength of a report of successful use of liaison planes by the 95th Infantry Division in Europe and the llth Airborne Division Leyte to drop supplies and evacuate wounded men in the Philippines, the Army Air Forces was requested to provide modification kits for installing racks fo*,- supplies, and the Field Artillery School was directed to conduct further tests to improve the technique of dropping supplies from light planes.78 Meanwhile, Colonel Vincent went to ETO to work with the Ninth Air Force on tests of bombing from light planes at Chantilly, France.7 9 74. AGF ltr (S) to CG, R&SC, 3 Mar 45, sub: Ft Sill Experimen al Project--Liaison Aviation and accompanying papers, fn which the course of the project can be followed. 353/134 (FA Air Obsn)(S). 75. Par 1, AGF M/S, C-3 (15) to G-2, G-4, Rqts. C/S, 27 Feb 45. 353/134 (FA Air Obsn)(S). A report of his tests was attached to the document cited above. 76. Memo (S) of General Stilwell for General Marshall, 5 Mar 45, sub: Night Bombing by Liaison Aircraft. 353/134 (FA Air Obsn)(S). Close-in
Von
g.
77. Planes.
Par 2, AGF M/S (S), G-3 (15) to C/S, 9 Apr 45, 353/139 (FA Air Obsn)(S).
sub:
78. AGF itr (S) to Comdt FAS through CG, R&SC, 9 Mar 45, sub: Emergency Air Supply by FA Airplanes, and discussion in AGF M/S, G-4 to C/S 19 Feb 45, sub as above. 353/136 (FA Air Obsn)(S). 79. Par 3, AGF M/S cited in n. 77, above.
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111
In April, the Navy conducted rocket-firing tests with L-5 's at Quantico. 8 0 The AAF Board, in the same month, instituted its own tests of night bombing and night visual navigation with light planes and also of the employment of television sets in such planes as an aid to air observation.8 1 By June tests of rocket firing ad been. so successful that Army Ground Forces urged the War Department to develop without delay the equipment, tactics, and technique of rocket-firing, close-support aviation. 8 2 The Field Artillery School reported the results of its night navigation and night gunnery tests in June. Action was instituted to implement and coordinate the results of all these efforts,8 3 but too late for effect at the front before the termination of hostilities. In the preparaticn of a case for expanding and extending organic ground aviation, the Army Ground Forcer, nov found invaluable alliec within the Army Air Forces. Early ir 1945 the Army Air Forces sent two observers to ETO and MTO to make a thorough survey f all aspects of liaison aviation. They made reports forwarded to the Army Ground Forces on the 15 and 24 April which met the ground point of view in every particular. Zeadquarters, Army Air Forces, in spite of these reports, declared its adherence to the view that 1i liaison missions, except for field artillery, should be performed by AAF Army Ground Forces, nevertheless, decided, on the strength of the findings squadrons. ane recommendations of the AAF observers, to present a new request for the expansion of organic liaison aviation. On 24 May 1945 the acting Commanding General, Army Ground Forces, proposed that five light planes be added to the equipment of each infantry, airborne, armored, cavalry, and mountain division and renewed the recommendation that two The recombe assigned to each separate cavalry reconnaissance squadron (mechanized). mendation was supported by firm requests from the theater corminders, plus a mass of astimony from the front regarding employment and need. In view of the expanding capabilities of the light plane which had been demonstrated by tests and battle utilization, it was recommended that additional AAF liaison squadrons be assigned to higher ground headquarters. It was pointed out that redeployment schedules would provide the planes and trained personne. necefisary to implement the plan for war in the Pacific, and that, in any case, production facilities were available to meet any forseeable requirement. 85
80. Memo (S) of Lt Col Roy C. Flannagan for the ACofS, G-3 AGF, 16 Apr 45, sub: Tests of Rocket Firing, Television, and Ground Flares at Quantico, Va, 16 Apr 45.
FAS Rpts
AGF memo (S)for CofS USA, 24 May 45, sub.' Liaison Type Aircraft, and ac(FA Air Oban)(S). companying papers. 353/140
85.
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Two weeks passed without a response.66 It was then found that the recommendation was having a stormy course in the higher levels of the Air Staff, where a special board of three general officers was finally appointed to make a policy study. This board made 8 an unfavorable recommendation, which War Department G-3 might be expected to follow. 7 On 27 June the Army Air Forces recommended to the War Department that organic aviation be "designed for and confined to the performance of the Air OP function for the Field 88 Artillery," and that Army Air Forces perform all "liaison" missions. General Jacob L. Devers, who had assumed command of the Army Ground Forces on 23 July 45, now decided to take the case for organic ground aviation directly to the high command of the Army Air Forces. He emerged from a conversation with General Ira Baker, Deputy Commnder of the Army Air Forces, on 25 July with an agreement to give the ground 8 forces all that the Army Ground Forces had asked and much more. 9 The terms of the agreement were %pproved by War Department, G-3, on 9 August 1945 and sent to the Commanding General, Army Ground Forces, for implementation. 9 0 They provided for the organic assignment of six, insead of five, additional light planes, to each infantry, airborne, and mountain division, nine to each armored division, seven to each caval.7 division, two to each cavalry squadron, separate tank battalion, and tank destroyer battalion, one to each separate engineer battalion, two to each cavalry
group and tank destroyer group. 9 1 The airplanes were to be L-4's and L-5's, since more suitable types had not yet been produced. 9 2 The Army Air Forces also concurred in the request of the Army Ground Forces for more AAF liaison squadrons to meet the needs of theater or task force and army group headquarters. 9 3 On 14 August 1945 while the procram was being set up the war came to an end. 86. On 7 and 10 Jun 45 in memos (S) for CofS USA, thru CG AGF, sub-Liaison Type Aircraft, AGF reqaested information be furnished the CG ISAFFE in reply to radiograms
87. (1) AGF M/S (8) Misc Div to G-3, 9 Jun 45, sub: Type Aircraft. (2) AG? M/8 (s) 452.1 (S)(2Jul 45) SNGCT-l- G-3 to C/S, 4 Jul 45, sub: Liaison Type Aircraft.
WDGCT 452.1 (5Jan 45) AFCAS to G-3, 27 Jun 45, sub: Liaison Type 88. WD D/F (S) Aircraft. 353/140 (FA Air Obsn)(S). 89. A Obmn)(S). (1) Memo (S)of Gen Jacob L. Devers 400 (28 Jul 45) SNGCT-15, 28 Jul 45, sub: (2) The formal AAF concurrence is on WDD/F (S) WDGCT 452.1 (5June 45),
Comment No 2, 8 Aug 45. 353/140 (FA A Obsn)(S). Reference our conversation on Liaison Type Aircraft Wednesday, 25 Jul 45, 353/140 (FA sub: Liaison Type Aircraft.
90. Comment 3, WD G-3 to G-4, to note, and CG AGF, for action, 9 Aug 45 on D/
cited in n. 3 (2). 91. This was the allotment as finally ironed out. See WD memo (s)452.1 (5Jun 45) for OGs AGF and AAF, 27 Sep 45, sub: Liaison Type Aircraft. 353/140 (FA Air Oben ICS). 92. AGF memo (S)for CofS, (attn: G-4 Div), 29 Aug 45, sub: Aircraft Requirements. 452.1/14o (c).
93. In its memo of 24 May AGF had requested also an AAF Liaison squadron for each field corps. AAF asked that this request be reconsidered in the light of the decision to assign liaison airplanes organically to divisionn. Par 1 b, D/F cited in note (S)p (41) above. AGF withdrew the request. Par b a, AGF M/S (S), Sec to CofS, 4 Sep 45,
sub: Summary of Action on Organic Asgmt. of Liaison Planes.
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it
As indicated above, 1944 was a period of flux and rapid development in the organization and proceduy-es of air-ground cooperation. The command structure of the Army Air Forces was being reshap,d. While the broad statements of FM 100-20 provided a frame within which methods of cooperatikn between ground forces and the new air commanCs could be devised, no guidance for the implementation of its principles existed except in FM 31-35, and the new methods being forged in combat were either not covered by that manual or departed from its prescriptions. For example, the employment of ground lialson officers was not covered in FM 31-35, and the system of cooperation worked out by the Fifth Army and the XII Air Support Command in Italy dropped the air parties prescribed by the manual, transferring from the air command to the army responsibility for communicating and oordinating requests for air support. At the same time, in the air forces as reorganiLed, the air support "controls" with corps and army prescribed by FM 31-35 disappearad and were absorbed into the tactical control group of the new tactical air divijions (later called commands). 1 When ETO set up the system to be used in the invasion cf France, this differed, as noted above, from the NATO-Fifth Irmy system. 2 In the Southwest Pacific a third system was in effect. One result of this uncoordinated development was that when the Seventh Army and the Sixth Army Groiip went into France, bringing with them from the Mediterranean the Fifth Army system, armies fighting the Germans side by side on the Rhine in cooperation with the Ninth Tactical Air Force were following different methods.3 In short, the United States Army went into its great final combined effort against the power of Germany without the guidance of an authoritative doctrine of air-ground cooperation. Because it was training units for all teaters, the Army Ground Forces needed a The Commanding General, Army Ground standardized doctrine ror training purposes. Forces, in addition was jointly responsible with the Commanding General, Army Air Forces, for the development of air-ground doctrine. When ground liaison officers were introduced to implement the principle of liaison, Headquarters, Army Ground Forces, prepared a training circular on air-ground liaison, coordinating it with Headquarters, Army Air Forces.5 This circular was not approved by G-3, War Department, which took
hI
_. For the form into which this finally developed, see Part III, WD Cir 30, 19 Jun 45, sub: 2. Tactical Control Group.
3. The CG AGF pointed out this danger as early as 23 Feb 44 in a memo for the CofS USA, sub: Organization and functioning of Air Support Control System now Employed by Fifth Army. 353/111 (Air-Gnd)(S). 4. In a review of air-grourd training in 1943, G-3 AGF stated that the obstacles to training were the lack of suit, ble visual air-to-ground signals, the rotation of air crews in maneuvers, the lack of up-to-date training literature due to "confused status of air doctrine and organization." AGF M/S, G-3 to C/S, 24 Dec 43. 353/45 (Air-Gnd)(R).
5. (1) A copy of the proposed TC, sub: Cooperation between Air and Ground Units, is in 353/50 (Air-Gnd)(S). (2) The statement that it was written in Hq AGF and concurred in by Hq AAF is based on par 2 of a draft memo (not used) of CG AGF for CofS USA Oct (?) 44, sub: Air-Gnd Tng and Opne. 553/144 (Air-Gnd)(S).
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into its own hands the preparation of a fresh statement of doctrine, to be made within the terms of FM 100-20. The early months of 1944 passed, the date for the invasion of France approached, and no proposals regarding a circular or manual came from the War Department. Informed of the system which the Fifth Army was working out in collaboration with the XII Air Support Command, the Army Ground Forces inquIred in February if the changes in doctrine required by that system were contemplated.0 The question was important to the Army Ground Forces for a practical as well as a theoretical reason, since the new system required new tables of organization and equipment for corps and armies and therefore a change in the Troop Basis. In April 1944 War Department G-3 replied that it was engaged in preparing an over-all statement of doctrine which would
be based on battle experience.7 On 19 April G-3, War Department, forwarded to Army Ground Forces for comment or concurrence a draft training circular entitled "Air-Ground Cooperation."8 This consisted largely of a restatement of the generalitiesof FM 100-20, its applicatory sections failing to get down the questions, "what," "when," and "how," and being inadequate for guidance in operating the existing and developing agencies of air-ground cooperation.9 Prepared under the direction of the air officer in the Training Branch and coordinated under the direction of G-3 War Department, it was believed at Headquarters, Army Ground Forces, to have been written by the Army Air Forces. 1 0 Like IM 100-20 it seemed to be aimed at limiting the obligations and exalting the prerogatives of the air forces with respect to the ground forces rather than at facilitating and implementing cooperation in battle. If illustration of this point is desired, it will be found in a comparison of the proposed circular with the broad but matter-of-fact Training Memorandi, No. 7, issued by the Fifth Ary on 9 March 1944, a document accepted by the Army Air Forces as entirely in harmony with IN 100-20.11 Oro was theoretical work, marked by a preoccupation with questions of authority and Jurisdiction, the other the work of air men and groimd men cooperating to defeat the enemy in the field.
6. AGF memo for CofS USA, 25 Feb 44, sub: Organization and Functioning of Air Support Control System now Employed in Fifth Army. 3553/111 (Air-Gnd)(S). 7. WD memo WDGCT 452.1 (23 Feb 44) for CG AGF, 7 Apr 44, sub: Orgn and Functioning of Air Support Control System now Employed In Fifth Army. 353/125 (Air-Gnd)(S). 8. WDGS D/F 500.5 Cir (19 Apr 44) to CG AGF, 19 Apr 44. Ibid. There is no copy of the draft in this file, but one may be found in 353/132 (Air-Gnd)(S). 9. (3)For detailed AGF staff comment, see memo of Lt Col Boy C. Flannagan for Col James G. Burwell, air officer in Tng Branch, G-3 WD, 18 May 44, sub: TC upon AirGround Coop. Air Br, G-3 AGF, File No 11, "Doctrine." Organization 353/125 (Air-Gnd)(S). (2)Par 1, item (1), AGF MIS, G-3 to CofS, 5 Jul 44, sub: Joint AirGnd Operations of Fifth Army and XII Tactical Air Division. 355/132 (Air-Gnd)(S). (3)Par 7 b, item (1), AGF M/S, G-3 to CofS, 17 Jul 44, sub and file as above.
10.
(1)Par 5,WD memo (S)452.1 for CofS USA (23 Feb 44), sub:
and Functioning of Air Support Control System now employed by Fifth Army.
11.
Cpy in 3535/132
(Air-Gnd)(S). -116 -
Having received this draft, Army Ground Forces was in a dilemma.1 2 The invasion of France was imminent. The war was entering "Phase 3," as defined by FM 100-20, when close-in cooperation would become of primary importance; ground and air forces at home and overseas needed adequate and authoritative guidance, the more so since the combined training of the units to be committed had been so meager. But the circular proposed by the War Department on 19 April indicated that doctrine issued by the War Department was likely to embody a restrictive interpretation of the improvements in cooperation which were growing out of combat experience. With the progress of the campaigns of Normandy and France, these improvements multiplied, as has been noted, with increasingly interested and effective cooperation between air and ground. The course of action which the Army Ground Forces took was to ask the War Department for a decision on the changes in ground tables of organization and equipment and therefore in the Troop Basis required by the Fifth Army system which the proposed circular embodied. When this was withheld, it asked for delay in commenting on the proposed statements of doctrine until fuller information had been received from Frqnce.13 Meanwhile it sought to expedite the reports of Col. Edwin L. Johnson whom Army Ground Forces had sent to the Mediterranean and European Theaters of Operation with a party of air officers in March as a special observer, and who had been retained in the European Theater of Operations as G-3 Air of the First Army.14 This action seems to have given War Departmert G-3 the impression that Army Ground Forces was stalling, and in several sharp memoranda that division intimated that Army Ground Forces was insincere in its declaration of compliance with War Department doctrine as stated in FM 100-20.15 Army Ground Forces and G-3, War Department, entered an unhappy period of strained relations, as far as air-ground matters were concerned, Just when the cooperation in those matters was entering a phase of unprecedented cordiality in the field. On 7 April 1944 G-3, War Department, forwarded to the Condig General of the Army Ground Forces for comment and recommendations the formal request of the Commanding General of the Mediterranean theater for approval of the Fifth Army system, together with the favorable comments of the Army Aig Forces. Shortly afterward (19 April) it forwarded the proposed training circular. 16 It was known at Headquarters, Army Ground Forces, that the Fifth Army system had been working successfully and it was
12.
(Air-Gnd)(S). 13. (1) AGF memo for CofS USA, 26 May 44, sub: Proposed Tng Cir on Air-Gnd Opns. 353/125 (Air-Gnd)(S). (2)AGF memo for CofS USA, 8 Jul 44, sub: Joint Air-Gnd Opns of Fifth Army and TAD. 353/132 (Air-Gnd)(S). N !4. (1)AGF cable to CG USAF, ETO, 4 Jul 44. 3553/132 (Air-Gnd)(S). to CG AGF, 14 Mar 44, sub: Air-Gnd Coop. 353/106 (Air-Gnd)(C;. (2)AAF ltr
15. (1) WD memo WDGCT 452.1 (12 Jul 44) to CG AGF, 12 Jul 44, sub: Proper Use of Air Power. 353/114 (Air-Grd)(C). (2)WD memo WDGCT 452.1 (18 Nov 43) for CofS AGF 16 Oct 44, sub: Air-Gnd Tng and Opns. 353/144 (Air-Gnd)(S).
16. (1)WD memo WDGCT 452.1 (23 Feb 44) for CG AGF, 7 Apr 44, sub: Orgn and Functioning of Air Support Control System now employed by the Fifth krmy. 353/125 (Air-Gnd)(S). (2) WD D/F WDGCT 300.5 Cir (19 Apr 44), sub: Proposed TC on Air Gd. )53/125 (Air-Gnd) (S).
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regarded as better than the 1942 system, which had broken down "in contact with the enemy." 1 7 But, anxious lest the Army Ground Forces be required to provide from its existing resources the technical personnel and communications equipment needed, which were readily available to the Army Air Forces but not to the Army Ground Forces, it asked the War Department whether the means to effect the change-over would be made available to the Army Ground Forces. 18 G-3, War Department, made a noncommital reply to the question of new ground T/0&E's and a compensating adjustment in the Troop Basis. 19 When, on 8 July, the Army Ground Forces asked to be allowed to defer further comment on the changes proposed until Colonel Johnson's report from ET0 could be received, G-3, War Department, peremptorily directed the Commanding General, Army Ground submit his comments on the Fifth Army system and the proposed training Forces, to 20 circular. These comments were submitted on 20 July, a week after General McNair's departure made without benefit of the latest reports of for ETO, with the demur that they were 2 experience in Normandy and France. 1 Colonel Johnson's reports dated 16 July and 6 August 1944 and other reports from ETO were forwarded by Army Ground Forces to G-3, War Department. 2 2 In September the War Department authorized the preparation of T/0's for air-ground liaison sections in divisions, corps, and armies. 23 But in September 1944, no further proposals regarding doctrines having come from War Department, rmy Ground Forces reiterated the need of G-3, War Department, replied in a the ground forces for a training circular.2
17.
353/125 (Air-Gnd)(S). 18. AGF memo for CofS USA, 26 May 44, uub: Proposed TC on Air-Gnd Opns.
sub:
353/125
(Air-Gnd)(S). 19. WD memo (s) WDGcT 425.1 (23 Feb 44) for CG AGF, 7 Jun 44, 353/132 (Air-Gnd)(S). Opns of the Fifth Army and XII TAD. 20. WD memo WDGCT 452.1 (23 Feb 44) for CG AGF, 10 Jul 44, 353/132 (Air-Gnd)(S). Opns of Fifth Army and XII TAD. 21. AGF memo for CofS USA, 20 Jul 44, sub as tn n. 20. Joint Air-Gnd
sub:
Joint Air-Gnd
353/132 (Air-Gnd)(S).
(1) Colonel Johnson made a preliminary report, dated 15 May 1944, on Air22. Ground Cooperation as observed on his tour of MTO and mTO with three officers of the Army Air Staff. His other reports mentioned in the text were as follows: Memo of Col E. L. Johnson for AGF Board, Hq IPOUSA, 16 Jul 44, sub: Information regarding AirGround Joint Operations; Air Support Report, G-3 Air Section, Hq First U.S. Army, 6 Aug 44. 314.7 (AGF Hist)(S). (2) M/S, G-3 to CofS, 25 Oct 44. 353/144 (Air-Gnd)(S). 23. Action was at first limited to authorizing tables of organization, on the ground that equipment was available in the TAC Communication Squadrons (T/O&E Air, 1-547) already In the theaters. (1) WD memo (S) WDGCT 320.3 (31 Aug 44) for CG AGF, (2) OPD to ETO, Con Zone, 30 Sep 44, sub: Air-Gnd Liaison System. 320.3/431 (S). Radre CM-OUT-47125, 14 Oct 44. 353/116 (Air-Gnd)(C). AGF memo (R) 24. (Air-Gnd)(R). for CofS, USA, 18 Sep 44, 118 sub: Air-Gnd Tng and Opns. 353/115
memorandum which amounted to a lecture to Army Ground Forces on insubordination. 2 5 Justifying at length its own course of action, G-3 declared that it had made publication of the circular, to be followed by the preparation of a more complete manual, a first priority project; it asked Army Ground Forces for reports from Normandy (reports which had already been communicated both officially and unofficially); and it informed Army Ground Forces that officers were being brought from ETO for a conference on the proposed revision of doctrine. These officers were air officers.2 6 In January 1945, with the benefit of their comments and of informal comments of officers of the AGF staff, G-3, War Department, sent the long-awaited circular to Army Ground Forces. 27 The subject given the new draft was "Air-Ground Liaison" and the practical character of that part of the text which was specifically applicable to this subject made it seem an improvement over previous efforts. But more than half of the draft was another elaboration of FM 100-20. The Army Ground Forces objected to this as making the circular unwieldy for use as a training guide. It also asked for the removal of the statement (in par 34) that "Combat experience in all theaters of operations has tested and proven the doctrine governing the command and employment of air power enunciated in FM 100-20." For the first time openly challenging that doctrine, it cited the recent Battle of the Bulge as indicating that some of the doctrine enunciated in FM 100-20 is open to questionp for example: (1) Paragraph 2, IM 100-20, states "The gaining of air superiority is the first requirement for the success of any major land operation." This doctrine is questionable since the German army, in recent major land operations, successfully demonstrated that a major land operation can be conducted without air superiority. In fact, it demonstrated that major land operations may be conducted successfully with greatly inferior air strength. It is admitted that air superiority is highly desirable. (2) Paragraph 16b (i), IM 100-20, states "Without this air supremacy the initiative passes to the enemy." This statement is open to serious question since the German Army with greatly inferior air power undoubtly seized the initiative in the recent Ardennes battle which began 16 December 1944. There are other fundamental points in the doctrine as enunciated in IN 100-20, that are as questionable as the above. Therefore it is suggested that the first sentence of paragraph 34 be eliminated. 2 6
25. WD memo (C) vwT 452.1 (18 Nov 43) for CG AGF, 16 Oct 44, sub: Tng and Opns. 353/144 (Air-Gnd)(S).
Air-Gnd
26. (1)Item (4), AGF M/S, G-3 to C/S, 8 Nov 44, sub: Air Gnd Tng and Opns. 353/144 (Air Gnd)(S). (2)Item (1)AGF M/S, G-3 to C/S, 25 Jan 45, sub: Air Gnd Tng. 353/119 (Air Gnd)(R). 27. (1)WD memo WDGCT 353 (17 Jan 45) for CGs AGF and AAF, 17 Jan 45, sub: Ground Tng and Opns. 353/119 (Air-Gnd)(R). (2)Draft of the proposed training circular. AGF G-3, Air Branch, file. Air-
28. Par 2, AGF memo (R)for CofS, USA, 30 Jan 45, sub: Air-Gnd Tng and Opns. 3553/119 (Air-Gnd)(R). The paragraphs quoted were written by the CofS AGF. AGF M/S, C/S to G-3, 27 Jan 45, sub: Air-Gnd Ln. 353/119 (Air-Gnd)(R). -119-
In 1944 the Army Air Forces was reshuffling its units in the United States to bring them more nearly into accord with the command structure adopted in 1943. The changes in the field affecting the Army Ground Forces took place within the Third Air Force which was still charged with providing the aviation required for joint training. As early as Augubt 1943 the three air support commands in the United States were redesignated "tactical air divisions," 29 but not until a year later did they assume anything like the intended form (that of the tactical air "commands" in ETo). After 10 April 1944 the three tactical air divisions in the United States were headed up into a tactical air command--an organization for which no opposite number existed in the blueprints of reorganization or in the theaters. It was to serve as the AAF's "laboratory group for tactical research and experimentation" with reference to developing the "tactical air force concept."30 Under this command was put all the aviation in the United States suitable for cooperation with the ground forces, and in October 1944 the Army Ground Forces was notified that it Yas to make requests for aviation to this command instead of the Third Air Force.3 No tactical air force emerged, eicept in name, in the Zone of Interior. In December 1943 the Army Air Forces announced the creation of a Tactical Air Force and Joint Training Branch in the Office of the Assistant Chief of Staff Air Training, which "will serve your headquarters on all matters pertaining to tactical air divisions and joint air-ground training."3 2 THE PROBLEM OF ADEQUATE AVIATION FOR JOINT TRAINING In spite of all the efforts made in 1943 to get enough aviation provided for realistic joint training, the reports of the mAneuver directors at the end of the year showed that the bld shortages persisted. In the last two phases of the fifth period of maneuvers in Louisiana (29 November 1943-24 January 1944), the only air units prbsent were two tactical reconnaissance squadrons and one partially equipped photomapping squadron. In the corresponding period of the maneuvers in Tennessee (22 November 1943-17 January 1944), medium bombers were available and participated for exactly two days only."S3 In November the War Department notified the Army Ground Forces that an even greater shortage was to be expected as the Army Air Forces app'' ached its authorized strength in units.3 4 The Army Air Forces, on the plea of having to pool 29. WD ltr AG 322 (27 Aug 43) OB-1-AFRPG-M to CGs Third Air Force and DTC, 28 Aug 45, sub: Redesignation of I, I, and IV Air Supt Comds. 30. Gen Council Min (S), 10 Apr 44. (2)For an effort to clarify the confusing evolution of the TAD's In the US, see History of the I Tactical Air Division 1 April 1944-1 January 1945, pp 7 ff. AAF Hist Sec files. (3)AAF ltr to CG, Third Air Force, 13 Jun 44, sub: Tactical Air Force. AAF Hist Sec files. 31. Par 3, Wkly directive, Hqs AGF, 10 Oct 44, sub: Air-Gnd Tng. 32. AAF itr to CG AGF, 18 Dec 43, sub: Joint Tng Branch. 320.2/756 (AAF). Responsibility for Joint
35. (1)Ltr Hq Fourth Army to CG AGF, 31 Jan 44, sub: Report of Air Support, Third Army Maneuvers. 354.2/217 (La 44). (2)Par 5, let ind, 19 Mar 44, to AGF ltr, 9 Mar 44, sub: Report of Air Support for Maneuvers. 354.2/112. 34. WD memo WDGCT 3553 IDTC (1 Oct 43) for CG AGF, 19 Nov 43, sub: Combined Air Gnd Tng. 553/323 (Air Gnd). - 120-
its resourcb , obtained the release of the III Tactical Air Division from the control of C-AMA and the Army Ground Forces. 35 Then, joining the Army Service Forces in an attack on AGF control of the California-Arizona "theater of operations," it put forward proposals looking toward both a reduction and a more rational organization of the aviation to be provided for training with ground units. Declaring that it could provide enough aviation and overhead to operate in not more than two maneuver areas concurrently, the Army Air Forces proposed setting u. two tactical air6 divisions for the purpose and recommended that all but two maneuver areas be closed.3 The War Department adopted the plan proposed by the Army Air Forces, with a few modifications. It went further in cutting out maneuver areas, ordering that all but the Louisiana area be closed by 30 June.37 On the other hand it made an effort to insure that enough aviation of the right sort would be provided for joint training in that area, directing the Army Air Forces to set up two tactical air divisions for the purpose,and a third for other types of joint training. It even specified their initial composition by numbered units, requiring the Army Air Forces to justify any substitutions made later, and further directing that since the units prescribed were "the absolute minimum" required for "essential" training they must be kept at full strength at all times in aircraft, personnel, and equipment.38 Since aviation for training was still rationed, the War Department established Priorities for its assignment, putting maneuvers first.39 This was the kind of vigorous intervention to carry out the approved program of air-ground training which the Army Ground Forces had long sought to obtain from the War Department. But as the situation developed in the course of 1944, very little air cooperation of the contemplated type resulted from it. The measures taken came too late. The new tactical air divisions were not organized before the closing of the Tennessee and California-Arizona Maneuver Aream, and in the March and April maneuvers in Tennessee and Louisiana the old shortcomings in air support persisted. 4 0 By 1 April the theaters were taking divisions and service units so fast that the Army
55. WD itr AG 332 (26 Nov 43) OB-S-Gngct-M, 28 Nov 43, sub: C-AMA 320.2/63 (NAF)(R). 36.
AAF D/F 27 Dec 43, sub: Combined Air-Gnd Tng.
353/100 (Air-Gnd)(C).
37. WD memo WDGCT 354 (15 Jan 44) to CG AGF, 22 Jan 44, sub: Reduction of Manuevor Areas. 354.2/105. The closing dates: Tennessee not later than 31 March; C-AMA, 15 April; West Virginia not later than 30 June, except for mountain training of one division. 33. WD memo for the CG AGF, 13 Feb 44, sub: Combines Air Grd Tng, confirmed by WD memo for CGs AGF and AAF, 2 Mar 44, sub as above. 353/103 (Air Gnd)(C). 39. WD memo for CGs AGF and AAF, 12 Feb 44, sub: Combined Air-Gnd Tng. (Air-Gnd)(C). Other priorities: (2) POM divisions; (3) Other divisions; 353/103
(4) Schools.
40. AG memo for the AC/S, G-3 AGF, 6 Mar 44, sub: Combined WD-AAF-AGF Staff Trip for Oban of Air-Gnd Tg. 353/413 (Air-Gnd). (2) WD memo WDGCT 319.1 (13 Apr) for CGs AGF and AAF, 13 Apr 44. Rep6rt of Inspection Trip to Observe Air-Gnd Tng. 353/121
LAir-Gnd)(S).
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41 ArrangeGround Forces postponed maneuvers indefinitely even in the Louisiana area. ments were made to resume them in the fall. But another postponement was necessary and in September the area was closed. 4 2 The thirteen divisions remaining in the United States were now directed to go through maneuvers at their home stations, and these were to include one week of air-ground exercises in which each division would have the cooperation of a tactical air division, comprising approximately a hundred fighter and bombardment aircraft. 4 3 The resistance which the Germans built up on the Siegfried Line wrecked this plan. In October all further maneuvers for infantry di7isions were cancelled. 4 4 Only a 9mall percentage of divisions got the benefit of air-ground exercises with the new tactical air divisions. 9
Meanwhile, in June, having been successful in getting its proposals regarding maneuver areas adopted, the Army Air Forces came forward with a plan ti have all maneuvers conducted around air fields in Louisiana, on the basis of plans drawn up by a maneuver staff section in G-3, War Department, composed of an equal number of air and ground officers. This scheme was represented as in accord with the sacred text Asked to comment, General McNair did so in a memorandum which he of FM 100-20. 4 wrote two weeks before he was killed in Normandy. 7 "The proposal," he wrote, "is viewed unfavorably for the following reasons:
a. It involves complications, ritual, personnel, and effort which would not be justified by the practical results obtained. b. The provisions of FM 100-20 are well understood and in general are concurred in. Their successful operation in overseas theaters is recognized. However, it is to be noted that the overseas force headquarters are established and
2<.
*
..
41. AGFltr to CG EDC 1 kpr 44, sub: Fourth Army Louisiana Maneuver No. 7. Indefinitely Postponed. 354.2/259 (La 44). 42. (1) AGF ltr to CGs 30 Jun 44, sub: Maneuvers-1944. 354.2/8 (R). (2) M/S,
354.2/8 (s).
354.2/12 (R).
43. (1) AGF ltr to CGs, 21 Sep 44, sub: Maneuvers for Diva at Home Stations. 554.2/105 (C) 121 Telephone conversation, Lt Col Roy C. Flannagan with G-4 AGF, S TAD's for Maneuvers. 353/459 (Air-Gnd)(S) AGF ltr to CGs, 27 Sep 44, sub: Air Participation in Maneuvers for Diva at Home Stations--1944. 554.2/107(C). (5) For the success of air-ground cooperation in the maneuver of the 13th Armored Division, supported by the II TAD, see reports attached to Fifteenth Army ltr to CG Fourth Army, 7 Oct 44, sub: Recommendations for conduct of Air-Gnd Maneuvers for Divisions at Home Stations. 353/468 (Air-Gnd.)
44. Par 5, hGF memo for the CofS, USA, 17 Oct 44, sub: 354.2/106 (C). Maneuvers for Dive at Home Stations. Intelligence Specialist Teams for Maneuversi 45.
354.2/105.
46. AAF memo for the CofS, USA, 30 Jun 44, subf Joint Trig. 353/113 (Air-Gnd) Joint Tng. 553/113
(C).
47. Memo (C) of Gen McNair for the CofS USA, 12 Jul 44, sub: (Air-Gnd)(C).
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operating in practically all important cases. (This statement is made, apparently, with reference to the implication that the new setup was necessary for the training of higher headquarters.) The training activities in this country are confined to comparatively small units which later will fight as elements of forces which already are operating overseas. In other words, complete fighting forces are not being developed and trained in this country--far from it. c. Beginning with the 1941 large maneuvers, every effort has been made by this headquarters to introduce air operations in the most realistic possible fashion. It is believed that the air forces also have endeavored to utilize maneuvers both as a means of training their own forces and in order to assist the ground forces. The limiting factor through the years had been invariably the lack of air units with sufficient preliminary training to make air support feasible, realistic and of substantial training value. It is my understanding that the availability of air units is diminishing daily. d. It would be intolerable to build maneuver plans around air fields which were located with no consideration whatever of tactical aspects. In order that such maneuvers may be effective in the training of divisions and smaller units, they must be free from all artificiality as to movement. It is this feature which has been the most valuable in maneuver training. e. In the absence of unforeseen developments, to be held is comparatively limited. the number of maneuvers still
f. Experience in past maneuvers has shown that prior planning by representatives of the ground and air commanders Las resulted in satisfactory cooperation within the limitations of the resources available. It cannot be seen wherein the proposed War Department agency would improve matters, and certainly it would complicate them. The only apparent result of the proposal was that the War Department, on 29 July, directed each of the three commands to designate a general officer who was to participate with the maneuver director in planning the fall maneuvers in Louisiana.4 8 By the end of 1944, the condition of supply and demand as between air and ground had been reversed. With tactical aviation built up in the tactical air divisions, with experienced pilots returning from overseas, and with the last ground divisions being hurriedly prepared for deployment, the I[I Tactical Air Command had more aviation at its disposal than the AGF could utilize. 49 It was now the Army Ground Forces had to announce that operational commitments made it impracticable to provide more units for Joint training. The best that could be done by the Army Ground Forces was to direct its commander that where liaison-type aircraft were being used in conducting tests, the high performance aircraft now available be requested and employed.5 0
48. WD memo WDGCT 353 (20 Jun 44) for CGs AGF, AAF, and ASF, 29 Jul 44, sub: Joint Tng. 354.2/112 (la-44)(R).
Gnd).
49.
123
JOINT EXERCISES WITH NAVY AVIATION IL the second half of 1944 AGF divisions engaged in training exercises with Navy aviation. In August the Commanding General of the llth Armored Division, stationed at Camp Cooke, Calif., ran off the attack of a combat command on a fortified position with the support of aviation obtained from the Training Command of the Amphibious Forces, Pacific Fleet. He was enthusiastic about the prompt and willing cooperation received. He noted "the simplicity and efficacy" of the Navy system, by which "planes were maintained on station in the area," and the similarity of the signal procedures of ground and Navy.5 1 Later the Navy approached the Army Ground Forces with regard to further cooperation,5 2 and in December, Navy aviation took part in exercises with the 13th Airborne Division at Fort Bragg, the 71st Infantry Division at Fort Benning, and the 20th Armored Division at Camp Campbell. The amount of aviation provided was disappointing. The Navy originally indicated that as many as 2,000 planes might be available. Not more than 30 could be provided (for two of the exercises, only 24) and because of the distance from airfields, not more than 8 planes could be kept on station in the target area at one time. 5 3 The Navy was known to be in favor of "liberalizing" policy on close-in cooperation for joint operations in the Pacific,54 and the Army Air Forces watched the development of this accord between the Navy and the Army Ground Forces with a concern. The Army Air Forces was directed by the War Department to send observers to sit in on the planning and to observe the exercises, with particular regard to compliance with FM 100-20.25 They found the Navy system of liaison and control inferior to theirs, felt that the AAF units should have participated, and recommended that all future exercises should be arranged by the War Department, include Army Air units, and be planned to develop an SOP for transition from Navy to Army air support in landing operations. The Army Ground Forces concurred in this last recommendation, recommending that procedures be tested as soon as units as large aq divisions were available to the Army Ground Forces, and there the matter rested.56
51. AGF memo for the CofS, USA, ercises Held at Cp Cooke. 9 Aug 44. 52.
44, sub:
(1) Gen Council Mins (S), 13 Nov 44. (2) AGF memo for the CofS, USA, 29 Dec Participation of Navy, Air in Gnd Force Exercises. 353.02/5. (AGF)(R).
53. (1) Memo of Lt Col Flannagan for the AC/S, G-3, AGF, P5 Nov 44, sub: AirGnd Tng with Naval Avtn. 353/475 (Air-Gnd). (2) Gen Council Mins (S), 13 Nov 44. (3) AGF ltr to CG, Second Army, 27 Dec 44, sub: Visit of Inspection to 13th AB Div,
20th Armd Div, and 71st Inf Div. 54. Gnd.)
353.02/5.
(AGF)(R).
55. WD memo WDGCT 353920 (Nov 44) for the CG AAF, 30 Nov 44, sub: Avtn AGF Tng. 353/150 (Air-Gnd)(S).
56. (1) AAF memo for WD G-3, 25 Dec 44, sub: as above. (2) AGF memo for the CofS, USA 28 Jan 45, sub: as above. Both in 353/150 (Air-Gnd)(S).
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57. AGF ltrs to Maneuver Directors, Second and Third Armies 2 Jan 44, sub: Rpt of Air Suppt of Maneuvers. 353/100 (Air-Gnd)(R) and 353/400 (Air-Gnd); same to CG CAMA, 2 Jan 44, sub: Air-Gnd Joint Tng. 353/4o. (Air-Gnd).
58.
Tng. *bined
(1) AGF memo (19 Nov 44) for CofS, USA, 14 Dec 44, sub: Combined Air-Gnd 353/29 (Air-Gnd)(C). (2) Par 5, AGF memo for the CofS, USA, 5 Feb 44, sub: ComAir-Gnd Tng. 353/103 (Air-Gnd)(R).
59. (1) Ltr of 63d Inf Div, 17 Jan 44, sub: Demonstration Flight, with 4 inds. 353/423 (Air-Gnd). Directive (2) AAF ltr to CG Third Air Force, 3 Feb 44. Instructional Flights and Demonstrations Resumption in March. 353/105 (Air-Gnd)(S). (3) AGF ltr to CGs Second and Fourth Armies 19 Feb 44, sub: Demonstration Flight. CG R&SC, 7 Mar 44, sub as above. 353/423 (Air-Gnd). 60. R&SC itr to CG AGF, 29 May 44, sub: 370.27/324.
(4)AGF ltr to
61. AAF memo for the CofS, USA, 15 Jan 44, sub: Combined Air-Gnd Training, and AGF reply 5 Feb 44, requesting continuation until 31 Aug 44. 353/103 (Air-Gnd)(R).
-
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asked and was permitted to cancel the air-power demonstration as a separate exercise in its program. 6 2 The chances that a young ground officer would see the demonstration while in a school or later with his division in 1944-45 were slim. IMPROVMENrTS IN JOINT TRAINING In the air-ground training that could be given certain improvements were made. The assignment of ground liaison officers to divisions in training, while intended primarily to give the officer urther training, had something of the effect obtained overseas in improving liaison.93 Much thought and effort were given to exploiting air intelligence and the.use of photomaps. On 11 June a revised directive on air-ground training, was issued incorporating reference to FM 100-20, the latest available train64 ing literature, reports from theaters, and references to all pertinent AGF directives. The framing of this directive, and the whole effort to improve training, was hampered by the lack of settled doctrine and a training literature derived therefrom, which resulted from the rapid evolution of close-in cooperation overseas and the refusal of the Army Ground Forces to accept the extreme interpretation which the Army Air Forces sought to place on the generalities of FM 100-20. The measure which the Army Ground Forces adopted to fill the gap was to publish to the field from time to time extracts from battle reports reflectin , for guidance, the methods of cooperation that were being found effectual in combat.69 They were made a primary reference in the revised training directive and a required reference in all air-ground training directives of subordinate commands. 66 The equipment of the new tactical air divisions permitted a test of these methods. By the end of the year such exercises as could be held conformed closely to the system of practices that had grown up in ETO. 6 7 But it was necessary to warn commanders that when they arrived in +hat theater they would not
62.
370.7/323.
63. The first increment of graduates from the GLO Scha at Key Field were 12 ordered to report to the Maneuver Director, Fourth Army for TD on or about 4 Mar. AGF ltr to Maneuver Director, Fourth Army, 5 Mar 44, sub: Maneuver Tng of GL0's. 352.2/234 (La 44). GLO's were already being used in the Tennessee and Louisiana Maneuver Areas. See AGF memo for the A/CofS, G-3, sub: Combined WD AAF-AGF Staff Trip for Observation of Air-Ground Training. 353/413 (Air-Gnd). Also ltr Eq Second Army to CG AGF, 14 Apr 44, sub: Report of Air Support for Maneuvers. 354.2/272 (Tenn 44); Report of Air Support 6th Maneuver Period. 34.2/265 (La 44). Ltr III TAD to CG Third Air Force, 21 Feb 45, sub: Report of Visit with GLO's of 86th and 97th Inf Dive. 353/489 (AirGnd). incl: 64. AGF ltr to CGe, 11 Jun 44, sub: Tng Directive Effective 1 Nov 44, with 1 Air-Gnd Tng Program, w/ 2 incls. 353/52 (Tng Dir).
65. AGF itr to CGs, 11 Jun 44, sub: Air-Ground Battle Resorts. 319.1/122 (For Obsvrs)(R). Supplements were published 29 Sep 44, 21 Nov 44, and 30 March 1945. 66. AGF Wkly Dir No 30, 25 Jul 44. 67. Fifteenth Army ltr.to CG, Fourth Army, 7 Oct 44j sub: Air Ground Ma.ieuver Report, 13th Armd Div, Cp Bowie, Tex, 30 Sep to 5 Oct 44, with Incl 1, GLO Maneuver Report, 6 Oct 44. -126-
find uniformity in the systems being followed in the Twelfth and the Sixth Army Groups. 6 8 ORGANIZATION AND TRAINING FOR THE USE OF AERIAL PHOTOGRAPHY In its air-ground training program for 1944 the Army Ground Forces made a special effort to get better results from aerial photography. In 1942 the Army Ground Forces had adhered strictly to its principle of on-theJob training to give G-2 officers the skill required to interpret aerial photographs. This plan broke down for lack of air photographs to interpret. In November 1942 the necessity of special training was recognized and in February 1943 an initial group of twenty ground officers was sent to the Military Intelligence Training Center at Camp Ritchie to take a short course (of three weeks) in the subject. 6 9 The Army Ground Forces still counted on the subsequent field experience of these officers with their units to complete their training. But, as noted, this experience was hardly less meager in 1943 than it had been in 1942. Since air photographs taken on the spot were not supplied in air units, the Army Ground Forces furnished its units with contact prints obtained from theaters of operations. Another measure it took was to request the Military Intelligence Training Center to prepare instructional kits containing air photographs, which were lent to grou.n units as training aids.70 Nevertheless G-2 officers arriving in theaters during 1943 were not competent to perform the necessary interpretation. The Fifth Army, when it began to go after its own interpretations at air reconnaissance headquarters in the fall of 1943, had to borrow Britian officers for the purpose.7 l In August 1943 EO also reported a deficiency of competent interpreters. 7 2 Its requirement for more photo interpreters was added to that of the Fifth Army when the First Army Group, making ready for the invasion of France, included in its plans a setup for photo interpreters in each of its armies similar to that of the Fifth Army. The systems which the armies in Europe were developing for the extraction of ground intelligence from air photographs required specialists, and more of them. G-2, Army Ground Forces, recommended that the need for specialization be recognized to the extent of including air photo interpreters in the T/O's of divisions and corps. General McNair, always reluctant to see overhead proliferate, did not adopt this proposal.7 3
68. AGF ltr to CG Second Army, 27 Dec 44, sub: Visit of Inspection to 13th A/B Div 20th Armd Div and 71st Inf Div. 353.02/51 (AGF)(R). 69. (1) AGF ltr to TAG, 28 Nov 42, sub: Course at MITC, Cp Ritchie, Md. 352/18 (MIS). (2) AGF 2d Ind to foregoing, 26 Dec 42. Ibid. (3) AGF ltr to TAG, 3 Mar 43, sub: Course at MITC, Cp Ritchie, Md. 352/26 (Mis).
.-. '
70. AGF memo& (S) for the CofS, USA, 16 Sep 43, sub: Equip. 352/64 (Army Staff Colleges and Serv Schs)(S).
71. Rpt (S) of Col Sheffield Edwards to the A/CofS FUSAG, 18 Jan 44, sub: of Air-Ground Collaboration in Italy. 353/111 (Air-Gnd)(S).
Rpt
72. AGF M/S (S), G-2 to G-3, 2 Sep 43, sub: Interpretation of Aerial Photographs. 353/64 (Army Staff Colleges and Serv Schs)(S).
73.
Ibid.
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Instead, on 16 September 1943, the Army Ground Forces sponsored the creation of a pool of officers trained as iaterpreters at Camp Ritchie, who, after a course of three or four months in the MITC would complete their training in theaters, where they coul work under realistic conditions, then becoming available for theater assignments.74 This plan for meeting the immediate emergency was authorized on 20 October 1943. The situation at the beginning of 1944 required more interpreters and more thorough training. During 1943 the number of ground officers taking the three weeks' course at Camp Ritchie had been increased from twenty to fifty; during 1944 it was increased by successive increments to eighty. 7 5 In Aarch 1944 the MITC was requested to introduce a three weeks' course for enlisted men, to man the photo interpreter teams which had been set up by the armies overseas.7 6 The number taking this course was substantially increased during 1944. In May the 3ourse's for both officers and enlisted men were lengthened from three weeks to five in order to include exercises in the use 77 of recent battlefield photography. During 1944 the Army Ground Forces made a vigorous effort to improve the training of its remaining units in the exploitation of air photography. It pressed for the provision by the Army Air Forces of adequatg photo mapping and photo recornaissance, and this was ordered by the War Department.7o It pressed on its commanders the necessity for thorough pre-planning, in concert with the air commander, and was supported in this by a War Department letter, published 8 July 1944, in which service command staff
74.
Equip.
(1) AGF memo (S) for the CofS USA, 16 Sep 43, sub: Photo-Interpretation and 352/64 (Army Staff Colleges and Serv Schs)(S). (2) TAG let Ind on preceding,
353/64.
75. The number was increased from 20 to 50 per class on 24 June 1943. AGF ltr to CGs, 24 Jun 43, sub: Short Course in the Technique of Interpretation of Aerial Photographs. 352/35 (MIS). It was increased to 70 on 3 Feb 44, and finally to 80 per class on 16 Jun 44. AGF ltr to CGs, 7 Jul 44, sub: Offs Short Course in the Technique of Interpretation of Aerial Photographs. 352/126 (MIS). 76. AGF ltr (R) to CGs, 16 Mar 44, sub: Specie Course of Instruction at Mil Int Tng Center, Cp Ritchie, Md. 352/122 (Army Serv and Techn Sch, Staff Colleges)(R). 77. (1) Officers course: AGF Itr to CGs, 16 Apr 44, sub: Short Course in the Technique of Interpretation of Air Photographs. 352/112 (MIS). (2) Enlisted Men's Course: AGF ltr to CGs, 30 May 44, sub: Enlisted Men's Short Course in the Technique of Interpretation of Air Photographs. 353/116 (MIS). (3) Originally the enlisted men's course was for personnel from division and corps G-2 sections. In May it was oxtended to include men from field artillery headquarters of divisions and corps and from the headquarters of field artillery brigades; in June, from the G-3 sections of .ivision and corps headquarters. For details see AGF ltr to Comdt, FAS. 24 May 44, sub: Qualifications of Enl FA Interpreters of Air Photographs. 352/115 (MIS); AGF ltr to CGe, 24 Jun 44, sub: Enl Men's Short Course in Technique of Interpretation of Air Photographs. 352/122 (MIS); and AGF M/S, G-2 to GNHIS, 14 Aug 45, sub: PI Trig under AGF, 514.7. (AGF Hist.) 78. WD memo (C) WDGCT 353 (14 Jan 44) for CGs AGF and AAF, 2 Mar 44, sub: bined Air Ground Tng. 353/103 (Air-Gnd)(C). Com-
128 -
responsibilities in connection with aerial mapping and photography were clearly defined.79 Army Ground Forces had a larger number of instructional kits prepared and arranged to have them .ssued to its units for retention if desired, and it insisted on their use. 8 0 It had the Military Intelligence Training Center prepare for issue to AGF units special lessons in the interpretation of bIttlefleld photographs. In accordance with its wishes the courses in air photo interpretation at Camp Ritchie were made as practical and realistic as possible by the use of such photographs.6 1 The necessity for teams of experts was recognized by providing for team training at Camp Ritchie, and by attaching photo interpreter teams to each of the divisions thiat maneuvered with air at their home stations in the last months of 1944.82 The object of all these measures was to overcome one of the most serious and persistent defects of air ground cooperation in combat. They reflected a growing consciousness that if ground units were to obtain satisfactory air intelligenc3, visual or photographic, they must be prepared to go after it, providing their own interpreters of the data procured by air reconnaissance, as well as ground liaison officers at air reconnaissance headquarters.
79. (1) AGF ltrs (R) to Third and Fourth Armies and CG CAMA, 2 Jan 44, sub: Rpt of Air Support. 353/400 and 353/401 (Air-Gnd) and 353/100 (Air-Gnd)(R). (2) WD ltr (R) to CGs of Major Comds and Theaters, 8 Jul 44, sub: Comd Responsibilities for Maps and Photographs, implemented by AGF ltr to CGs, 22 Jul 44, sub: Map and Photographic Tng during Maneuvers. 354.2/9 (Manvrs 44)(R). 80. (1) Par 1 f, Item (2) AXF M/S, G-2 to GNHIS, 14 Aug 45, sub: PI Tng under AGF. 314.7 (AGF). (2) Par 2, AGF Wkly Dir 32, 8 Aug 44, sub: Air Photograph Heading Instructional Kits. 81. (1) AGF ltr (R) to CGs, 15 Jan 44, sub: Distribution of Battlefield Aerial Photographs. 062/101 (R). (2) AGF M/S, G-2 to AG, 13 Jan 44, sub: Distribution of Battlefield Aerial Photographs. Ibid. (3) Par 4, AGF Wkly Dir 11, 13 Mar 45, sub: Battlefield Air Photographs. (4) AGF 1st and 5th inds to MITC ltr of 4 Apr 45, sub: Suggested Lesson in Photo Interpretation, 9 Apr and 10 May 45. 062/129 (R). (5) WD memo MID 920 for the CG AGF, 22 Sep 44, sub: Course of nstruction for AGF Photo Interpreters. 352/141 (MIS). 82. (1) AGF ltr to CGs, 12 Dec 44, sub: Enl Men's Short Course in Technique of Interpretation of Air Photographs. 352/156 (MIS). (2) AGF ltr (C) to CGs, Fourth Army and XIII Corps, 29 Sep 44, sub: Int Specialist Teams for Maneuvers. 354.2/106 (C). 85. (1) AGF M/S, G-3 to AG Misc, 7 Feb 45, s1: 353/118 (Air-Gnd)(C). (2) AGF ltr to ACG R&SC, 7 Feb 45, sub: as above Air-Ground Tng of Officers in AGF Schools. 353/118 (Air-Gnd)(R). (2) TCS Itr to CG R&SC, 10 Mat 45, sub: Revision of Off Courses, TCS, to Include Air-Gnd Training, 353.11/60 (Cay Sch).
129 -
for demonstrations brighten the prospect of making the instruction in both the schools 84 and the replacement training centers realistic and effective. In June the Army Ground Forces submitted a revision of its air-ground training test designed to bring it into alignment with new developments. The Army Air Forces concurred in the revision proposed, but the War Department delayed approval pending The old receipt of further battle experience, "especially that of the Fifth Army."8 test, which by September had been applied to over 1,600 units, 8 6 continued in force. OBSTACIS AND SHORTCOMINGS The evidence indicates that the Army AirForces continuing to regard the air-ground training program with disfavor as out of harmony with FM 100-20, sought to strengthen the control of the War Department and restrict the influence of the Army Ground Forces over it. In July 1944 the Army Ground Forces was sharply notified by G-3, War Department, that "reports from theaters indicate that the majority of our senior officers do not have a concept of the proper use of air power," and that "the training objective . . has not been attained by means of current training programs and tests," and was directed to report the changes necessary to remedy the situation.8 7 This reprimand came as a surprise in view of the commendation which the combined training program had received from the same source in October 1943. It seemed less formidable when the fact was established that the reports from overseas theaters of a majority of senior 9 fficers were reducible, in the concrete, to an oral report by a single staff officer to an air officer in the Training Branch of the War Department G-3 Division. 88 The rebuke came at the same time with the attempt of the Army Air Forces to take the control of maneuvers out of the hands of the Commanding General of the Army Ground Forces. The Army Ground Forces was itself far from satisfied with the effect of joint training on its officers. The AGF staff observers of the joint Navy-AGF division exercises found that ground officers were indeed not familiar with AAF procedures and methods of control and communication in combined operations.8 9 But it was hard to see how they could be familiar with them without having seen the Army Air Forces in action. The Army Ground Forces after reviewing the approved program replied to the War
84. R&SC ltr to CGs RTCs, 26 Mar 45, sub: 491 (Air-Gnd).
353/
85. (1) AGF memo for CofS USA, 9 June 44, sub: Proposed changes in Air-Ground Training Tests. 353/110 (Air-Gnd)(C). (2) WD memo WDGCT 452.1 (28 Apr 45) for CG AGF, 27 Jun 44, sub: Air-Gnd Tng Tests. 353/430 (Air-Gnd). (3) Par 66 Incl to AGF M/S G-3 to C/S, 16 Sep 44, sub: Review of Air-Gnd Tng. 314.7 (AGD Hist). 86. To be supplied. Proper Use
87. WD memo WDGCT 452.1 (12'Jul 44) for the CG AGF, 12 Jul 44, sub: of Air Power. 353/1141 (Air-Gnd)(C). 88. AGF M/S, G-3 to CofS, 10 Jul 44, sub-, Proper Uso of Air Power. (Air-Gnd)(C). 89. AGF ltr to CG Second Army, 27 Dec 44, sub: (AGF)(R). Visit of Inspection.
353/114
353.02/51
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Department memorandum cited above as follows:9 0 Lack of sufficient cooperating aviation to assure realistic play of air power in maneuvers, and lack of adequate up-to-date field manuals upon air-ground cooperation have been serious handicaps to training. In September, recounting the efforts of the Army Ground Forces to develop means of communication and air-ground doctrine since November 1943, the Army Ground Forces reached the following conclusions regarding air-ground training: 9 1 Training in close-in battlefield teamwork thus far unsatisfactory in the United States can be improved by the publication of approved doctrine, by active coordination of ground and air training effort, by provision of adequate aviation for Joint training, and by provision whereby appropriate air units as well as ground units are tested for proficiency in air-ground training. ADOPTION OF A STANDARD AIR-GROUND LIAISON SYSTEM On 20 April 1945, three weeks before the surrender of Germany, the long-pending statement of the War Department on air-ground relations in the field was published as Training Circular No 17. Parts II and III of the draft, containing the lengthy elaborations of FM 100-20, were omitted. Also omitted was the assertion regarding the finality of that manual as a statement of doctrine. Training Circular No 17 recognized the diversity of practices that had grown up in the theaters by describing a "standard" system. Ito adoption was declared to be "desirable," if it was to be the basis of training in the Zone of Interior; but it was to be introduced into active theaters "only to the extent permitted by combat operations and special conditions existing therein.92 The standard system was virtually the Fifth Armv system, except that the G-3's Air and G-2's Air of that system disappeared. The agency replacing them was to be an air-ground liaison section (AGIS) in the headquarters of each theater, army group, army corps and division. At theater, army group, and army headquarters, these sections were to include ground-liaison-officer teams. At army group and army headquarters they were to operate Air-Ground Information Centers (AGIC). As in all the systems that had developed in Europe, the close tie-up of army and TAC headquarter was the heart of the organization. As in the Fifth Army system, the radio net to provide for rapid communication between air-ground liaison sections, air-ground information centers, and the ground liaison officers at airdromes, was made a ground force responsibility. To operate this net, portions of the existing tactical air communications squadrons were to be borrowed from air; "at a date to be announced by the War Department," signal companies, air-ground liaison, army, would be provided. The air support parties prescribed F!4 31-35, which had been kept alive in the First Army system in ETO, were not made a part of the standard system. Their mission of transmitting requests from forrd grcund units was transferred to the air-ground liaison sections.
90. AGF memo for the CofS, USA, 26 Jul 44, sub: 114 (Air-Gnd)(C). 91. 4 AGF memo for the CofS USA, 18 Sep 44, sub:
353/
553/115
(Air-Gnd)(R).
131
Their advisory function was to be performed by rated pilots whom the tactical air command would send to corps and divisions as liaison officers if requested by the army commander. The "air support controls" of FM 31-35 were absorbed into the centralized "tactical control group" of the tactical air command, which might send a representative of this group ("forward controller") to work with any forward ground element. A final paragraph authorized the most effective means of cutting the time lag between request and execution which had developed in combat, namely, the placing of air units under immediate radio voice control of a forward controller, who might be "aboard a orsefli7, in a tank, or near a command post or headcontrol vessel, in the air quarters." This was to authorize air alert, for which the AGF had contended. But the device was to be used only in "critical situations." These wera strictly defined and the terms of the definition failed to raflect the generosity with which air had come to the support of ground action on the battlefields of Europe. The paragraph seemed to be inspired by a still persisting tendency in the high air staff to restrict to a minimum the basis for close teamwork between ground and air forces. Nevertheless, and however grudgingly, the new circular gave War Department sanction to the genuine air-ground teams which had developed and become effective in the field. Air-ground doctrine and procedure received further clarification and consolidation three months later in the long-awaited publication of a training circular on the organization and employment of the tactical air command.9 3 In this training circular (No. 30), emphasis was on flexibility. The tactical air command was described as a flexible organization within a flexible air force (the tactical air force), both designed to permit the massing or distribution of the theater air force within the terms of a carefully elaborated and coordinated over-all plan. Since everything was to be kept as flexible as possible, it was necessary to emphasize repeatedly the importance of advance planning all down the line. On the other hand, the circtvlar got down to detail in standardizing the organization, relationships, and procedures which had been found most effective in combat. It was made clear that tactical air commands would normally consist chiefly of fighter units, of enough tactical and photo reconnaissance to meet air and ground needs, and of a centralized tactical control group, responsible for air defence as well as for directing M~r attacks. Light and medium bombardment aviation was not normally to be assigned, but was to be allocated to the tactical air command from the tactical air force as required by approved plans. In special situations, the heavy and medium bombardment aviation of the strategic air force might be employed in the tactical air command. The means of implementing and speeding up air-ground cooperation which had been developed in combat were fully described: the adjacent location of the forward echelon of the tactical air command headquarters and army headquarters, and the daily conference--in short, the close meshing of army and TAC headquarters, "armed reconnaissance," air albrt, the forward controller, and the delegation to him of immediate voice control of air units in forward areas, when a critical situation required quick action. In the section on reconnaissance aviation, procedures for requesting reconnaissance, and air and ground force responsibilities for the production and dissemination of air photos were carefully defined, and methods of expediting interpretation and dissemination described. In regard to the adjustment of artillery fire, it was stated that this function "may be accomplished by tactical reconnaissance aviation," and that the liaison aircraft reconnaissance squadrons might perfom "limited aerial survey for ground force artillery units." In general, the circular performed the valuable service of defining that "what, when, and how" of cooperation between U.S. air and ground forces that had been found practicable on the battlefield, within the limitations
95.
132 -
and capabilities of their existing organization, equipment, and training. Clear and authoritative guidance for unit training in air-ground cooperation had dt last been provided by Circulars 17 and 30. It would have been valuable in the redeployment training of the units to be used in the Japanese war. Bat this training was cut short by accelerated redeployment and the surrender of Japan.