The Making of A Global World
The Making of A Global World
The Making of A Global World
The Making of a Global World
Silk Route
Changes in Nineteenth Century
Migration
World War I
The Great Depression
World War II
Post WWII Economy
Decolonisation
Making of Global Companies
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The Premodern World
Meaning of a Global World
In today’s world every aspect of our lives is having influence of many parts of this
world. Start thinking about anything and you will find a bit of many nations in it. In
our day to day life we may be eating burger from US, pizza from Italy or noodles
from China. Most of the household items we are using are being manufactured by
some multinational companies. The coke and pepsi are from the US, the Hyundai is
from Korea, Suzuki is from Japan selling cars under Maruti’s banner. The calculator
you are using may have been manufactured in Taiwan, the English you are using is
mix of US, British and Indianised version of the original language.
The whole economy, society and culture has been shaped by influences from the
outer nations. These influences have developed over hundreds of years. They have
developed because of flow of goods, flow of people. Along with them the flow of
ideas also took place, which gave us new words and new terminologies to
communicate with.
Silk Routes Link the World
The name ‘silk routes’ points to the importance of Westbound Chinese silk cargoes
along this route. Historians have identified several silk routes, over land and by sea,
knitting together vast regions of Asia, and linking Asia with Europe and northern
Africa. They are known to have existed since before the Christian Era and thrived
almost till the fifteenth century. But Chinese pottery also travelled the same route, as
did textiles and spices from India and Southeast Asia. In return, precious metals –
gold and silver – flowed from Europe to Asia.
Trade and cultural exchange always went hand in hand. Early Christian missionaries
almost certainly travelled this route to Asia, as did early Muslim preachers a few
centuries later. Much before all this, Buddhism emerged from eastern India and
spread in several directions through intersecting points on the silk routes.
Travel of Food
Traders and travellers introduced new crops to the lands they travelled. Even ‘ready’
foodstuff in distant parts of the world might share common origins. Take spaghetti
and noodles. It is believed that noodles travelled west from China to become
spaghetti. Or, perhaps Arab traders took pasta to fifthcentury Sicily, an island now in
Italy. Similar foods were also known in India and Japan, so the truth about their
origins may never be known. Yet such guesswork suggests the possibilities of long
distance cultural contact even in the premodern world.
Many of our common foods such as potatoes, soya, groundnuts, maize, tomatoes,
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chillies, sweet potatoes, and so on were not known to our ancestors until about five
centuries ago. These foods were only introduced in Europe and Asia after Christopher
Columbus accidentally discovered the vast continent that would later become known
as the Americas(Includes Modern day North and South America and Caribbean
Islands)
Conquest, Disease and Trade
In the sixteenth century European sailors found a sea route to Asia and also
successfully crossed the western ocean to America. For centuries before that, the
Indian Ocean had known a bustling trade, with goods, people, knowledge, customs,
etc. crisscrossing its waters. The Indian subcontinent was central to these flows and
a crucial point in their networks. The entry of the Europeans helped expand or
redirect some of these flows towards Europe.
Before its ‘discovery’, America had been cut off from regular contact with the rest of
the world for millions of years. But from the sixteenth century, its vast lands and
abundant crops and minerals began to transform trade and lives everywhere.
Precious metals, particularly silver, from mines located in presentday Peru and
Mexico also enhanced Europe’s wealth and financed its trade with Asia. Legends
spread in seventeenthcentury Europe about South America’s fabled wealth. Many
expeditions set off in search of El Dorado, the fabled city of gold.
The Portuguese and Spanish conquest and colonisation of America was decisively
under way by the midsixteenth century. European conquest was not just a result of
superior firepower. In fact, the most powerful weapon of the Spanish conquerors was
not a conventional military weapon at all. It was the germs such as those of smallpox
that they carried on their person. Because of their long isolation, America’s original
inhabitants had no immunity against these diseases that came from Europe.
Smallpox in particular proved a deadly killer. Once introduced, it spread deep into the
continent, ahead even of any Europeans reaching there. It killed and decimated
whole communities, paving the way for conquest.
Until the nineteenth century, poverty and hunger were common in Europe. Cities
were crowded and deadly diseases were widespread. Religious conflicts were
common, and religious dissenters were persecuted. Thousands therefore fled Europe
for America. Here, by the eighteenth century, plantations worked by slaves captured
in Africa were growing cotton and sugar for European markets.
Until well into the eighteenth century, China and India were among the world’s
richest countries. They were also preeminent in Asian trade. However, from the
fifteenth century, China is said to have restricted overseas contacts and retreated
into isolation. China’s reduced role and the rising importance of the Americas
gradually moved the centre of world trade westwards. Europe now emerged as the
centre of world trade.
Dramatic Changes in Nineteenth Century
Economic, political, social, cultural and technological factors interacted in complex
ways to transform societies and reshape external relations. Economists identify three
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types of movement or ‘flows’ within international economic exchanges. The first is
the flow of trade which in the nineteenth century referred largely to trade in goods.
The second is the flow of labour – the migration of people in search of employment.
The third is the movement of capital for shortterm or longterm investments over
long distances. All three flows were closely interwoven and affected peoples’ lives
more deeply now than ever before.
Need of Food as Change Agent
Traditionally, countries liked to be selfsufficient in food. But in nineteenthcentury
Britain, selfsufficiency in food meant lower living standards and social conflict.
Population growth from the late eighteenth century had increased the demand for
food grains in Britain. As urban centres expanded and industry grew, the demand for
agricultural products went up, pushing up food grain prices. Under pressure from
landed groups, the government also restricted the import of corn. The laws allowing
the government to do this were commonly known as the ‘Corn Laws’. Unhappy with
high food prices, industrialists and urban dwellers forced the abolition of the Corn
Laws.
After the Corn Laws were scrapped, food could be imported into Britain more cheaply
than it could be produced within the country. British agriculture was unable to
compete with imports. Vast areas of land were now left uncultivated, and thousands
of men and women were thrown out of work. They flocked to the cities or migrated
overseas.
The Nineteenth Century (18151914)
As food prices fell, consumption in Britain rose. From the mid nineteenth century,
faster industrial growth in Britain also led to higher incomes, and therefore more
food imports. Around the world – in Eastern Europe, Russia, America and Australia –
lands were cleared and food production expanded to meet the British demand. It was
not enough merely to clear lands for agriculture. Railways were needed to link the
agricultural regions to the ports. New harbours had to be built and old ones
expanded to ship the new cargoes. People had to settle on the lands to bring them
under cultivation. This meant building homes and settlements. All these activities in
turn required capital and labour. Capital flowed from financial centres such as
London. The demand for labour in places where labour was in short supply – as in
America and Australia – led to more migration.
Nearly 50 million people emigrated from Europe to America and Australia in the
nineteenth century. All over the world some 150 million are estimated to have left
their homes, crossed oceans and vast distances over land in search of a better future
accompanied by complex changes in labour movement patterns, capital flows,
ecologies and technology. Food no longer came from a nearby village or town, but
from thousands of miles away. It was not grown by a peasant tilling his own land,
but by an agricultural worker, perhaps recently arrived, who was now working on a
large farm that only a generation ago had most likely been a forest. It was
transported by railway, built for that very purpose, and by ships which were
increasingly manned in these decades by lowpaid workers from southern Europe,
Asia, Africa and the Caribbean.
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Role of Technology
The railways, steamships, the telegraph were important inventions without which we
cannot imagine the transformed nineteenthcentury world. Take the example of
mobile phone and internet in modern world and try to imagine a world without these
two important tools of communication. Refrigeration provided an effective and
cheaper way to ensure availability of meat products to Europe.
Late nineteenthcentury Colonialism
Rinderpest, or the Cattle Plague
In Africa, in the 1890s, a fastspreading disease of cattle plague or rinderpest had a
terrifying impact on people’s livelihoods and the local economy. Historically, Africa
had abundant land and a relatively small population. For centuries, land and livestock
sustained African livelihoods and people rarely worked for a wage. In the late
nineteenth century, Europeans were attracted to Africa due to its vast resources of
land and minerals. Europeans came to Africa hoping to establish plantations and
mines to produce crops and minerals for export to Europe. But there was an
unexpected problem – a shortage of labour willing to work for wages. Employers
used many methods to recruit and retain labour. Heavy taxes were imposed which
could be paid only by working for wages on plantations and mines. Inheritance laws
were changed so that peasants were displaced from land: only one member of a
family was allowed to inherit land, as a result of which the others were pushed into
the labour market. Mineworkers were also confined in compounds and not allowed to
move about freely.
Then came rinderpest, a devastating cattle disease. Rinderpest arrived in Africa in
the late 1880s. It was carried by infected cattle imported from British Asia to feed
the Italian soldiers invading Eritrea in East Africa. Entering Africa in the east,
rinderpest moved west ‘like forest fire’, reaching Africa’s Atlantic coast in 1892. It
reached the Cape (Africa’s southernmost tip) five years later. Along the way
rinderpest killed 90 per cent of the cattle.
The loss of cattle destroyed African livelihoods. Planters, mine owners and colonial
governments now successfully monopolised what scarce cattle resources remained,
to strengthen their power and to force Africans into the labour market. Control over
the scarce resource of cattle enabled European colonisers to conquer and subdue
Africa.
Indentured Labour Migration from India
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In the nineteenth century, hundreds of thousands of Indian and Chinese labourers
went to work on plantations, in mines, and in road and railway construction projects
around the world. In India, indentured labourers were hired under contracts which
promised return travel to India after they had worked five years on their employer’s
plantation. Most Indian indentured workers came from the presentday regions of
eastern Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, central India and the dry districts of Tamil Nadu. In the
midnineteenth century these regions experienced many changes – cottage
industries declined, land rents rose, lands were cleared for mines and plantations. All
this affected the lives of the poor: they failed to pay their rents, became deeply
indebted and were forced to migrate in search of work.
The main destinations of Indian indentured migrants were the Caribbean islands
(mainly Trinidad, Guyana and Surinam), Mauritius and Fiji. Closer home, Tamil
migrants went to Ceylon and Malaya. Indentured workers were also recruited for tea
plantations in Assam.
Recruitment was done by agents engaged by employers and paid a small
commission. Many migrants agreed to take up work hoping to escape poverty or
oppression in their home villages. Agents also tempted the prospective migrants by
providing false information about final destinations, modes of travel, the nature of
the work, and living and working conditions. Often migrants were not even told that
they were to embark on a long sea voyage. Sometimes agents even forcibly
abducted less willing migrants.
Nineteenthcentury indenture has been described as a ‘new system of slavery’. On
arrival at the plantations, labourers found conditions to be different from what they
had imagined. Living and working conditions were harsh, and there were few legal
rights. But workers discovered their own ways of surviving. Many of them escaped
into the wilds, though if caught they faced severe punishment. Others developed
new forms of individual and collective selfexpression, blending different cultural
forms, old and new. In Trinidad the annual Muharram procession was transformed
into a riotous carnival called ‘Hosay’ (for Imam Hussain) in which workers of all races
and religions joined. Similarly, the protest religion of Rastafarianism (made famous
by the Jamaican reggae star Bob Marley) is also said to reflect social and cultural
links with Indian migrants to the Caribbean. ‘Chutney music’, popular in Trinidad and
Guyana, is another creative contemporary expression of the postindenture
experience.
These forms of cultural fusion are part of the making of the global world, where
things from different places get mixed, lose their original characteristics and become
something entirely new.
From the 1900s India’s nationalist leaders began opposing the system of indentured
labour migration as abusive and cruel. It was abolished in 1921. Yet for a number of
decades afterwards, descendants of Indian indentured workers, often thought of as
‘coolies’, remained an uneasy minority in the Caribbean islands.
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Indian Entrepreneurs Abroad
Shikaripuri shroffs and Nattukottai were amongst the many groups of bankers and
traders who financed export agriculture in Central and Southeast Asia, using either
their own funds or those borrowed from European banks. They had a sophisticated
system to transfer money over large distances, and even developed indigenous
forms of corporate organisation.
Indian traders and moneylenders also followed European colonizers into Africa.
Hyderabadi Sindhi traders, however, ventured beyond European colonies. From the
1860s they established flourishing emporia at busy ports worldwide, selling local and
imported curios to tourists whose numbers were beginning to swell, thanks to the
development of safe and comfortable passenger vessels.
Indian Trade, Colonialism and the Global System
Historically, fine cottons produced in India were exported to Europe. With
industrialisation, British cotton manufacture began to expand, and industrialists
pressurised the government to restrict cotton imports and protect local industries.
Tariffs were imposed on cloth imports into Britain. Consequently, the inflow of fine
Indian cotton began to decline.
From the early nineteenth century, British manufacturers also began to seek
overseas markets for their cloth. Excluded from the British market by tariff barriers,
Indian textiles now faced stiff competition in other international markets.
Over the nineteenth century, British manufactures flooded the Indian market. Food
grain and raw material exports from India to Britain and the rest of the world
increased. But the value of British exports to India was much higher than the value
of British imports from India. Thus Britain had a ‘trade surplus’ with India. Britain
used this surplus to balance its trade deficits with other countries – that is, with
countries from which Britain was importing more than it was selling to.
This is how a multilateral settlement system works – it allows one country’s deficit
with another country to be settled by its surplus with a third country. By helping
Britain balance its deficits, India played a crucial role in the latenineteenthcentury
world economy. Britain’s trade surplus in India also helped pay the socalled ‘home
charges’ that included private remittances home by British officials and traders,
interest payments on India’s external debt, and pensions of British officials in India.
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The Interwar Economy
The First World War (191418) was mainly fought in Europe. But its impact was felt
around the world. Notably for our concerns in this chapter, it plunged the first half of
the twentieth century into a crisis that took over three decades to overcome. During
this period the world experienced widespread economic and political instability, and
another catastrophic war.
Wartime Transformations
The First World War was a war like no other before. The fighting involved the world’s
leading industrial nations which now harnessed the vast powers of modern industry
to inflict the greatest possible destruction on their enemies. This war was thus the
first modern industrial war. It saw the use of machine guns, tanks, aircraft, chemical
weapons, etc. on a massive scale. These were all increasingly products of modern
largescale industry. To fight the war, millions of soldiers had to be recruited from
around the world and moved to the frontlines on large ships and trains.
The scale of death and destruction – 9 million dead and 20 million injured – was
unthinkable before the industrial age, without the use of industrial arms. Most of the
killed and maimed were men of working age. These deaths and injuries reduced the
ablebodied workforce in Europe. With fewer numbers within the family, household
incomes declined after the war.
During the war, industries were restructured to produce warrelated goods. Entire
societies were also reorganised for war – as men went to battle, women stepped in
to undertake jobs that earlier only men were expected to do.
Postwar Recovery
Postwar economic recovery proved difficult. Britain, which was the world’s leading
economy in the prewar period, in particular faced a prolonged crisis. While Britain
was preoccupied with war, industries had developed in India and Japan. After the war
Britain found it difficult to recapture its earlier position of dominance in the Indian
market, and to compete with Japan internationally. Moreover, to finance war
expenditures Britain had borrowed liberally from the US. This meant that at the end
of the war Britain was burdened with huge external debts.
The war had led to an economic boom, that is, to a large increase in demand,
production and employment. When the war boom ended, production contracted and
unemployment increased. At the same time the government reduced bloated war
expenditures to bring them into line with peacetime revenues. These developments
led to huge job losses – in 1921 one in every five British workers was out of work.
Indeed, anxiety and uncertainty about work became an enduring part of the post
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war scenario.
Many agricultural economies were also in crisis. Before the war, eastern Europe was
a major supplier of wheat in the world market. When this supply was disrupted
during the war, wheat production in Canada, America and Australia expanded
dramatically. But once the war was over, production in eastern Europe revived and
created a glut in wheat output. Grain prices fell, rural incomes declined, and farmers
fell deeper into debt.
Rise of Mass Production and Consumption
One important feature of the US economy of the 1920s was mass production. The
move towards mass production had begun in the late nineteenth century, but in the
1920s it became a characteristic feature of industrial production in the US. A well
known pioneer of mass production was the car manufacturer Henry Ford. He adapted
the assembly line of a Chicago slaughterhouse (in which slaughtered animals were
picked apart by butchers as they came down a conveyor belt) to his new car plant in
Detroit. He realised that the ‘assembly line’ method would allow a faster and cheaper
way of producing vehicles. The assembly line forced workers to repeat a single task
mechanically and continuously – such as fitting a particular part to the car – at a
pace dictated by the conveyor belt. This was a way of increasing the output per
worker by speeding up the pace of work. Standing in front of a conveyor belt no
worker could afford to delay the motions, take a break, or even have a friendly word
with a workmate. As a result, Henry Ford’s cars came off the assembly line at three
minute intervals, a speed much faster than that achieved by previous methods. The
T Model Ford was the world’s first massproduced car.
Even today Business Schools teach reams of pages on Fordism, the management
philosophy of Henry Ford.
Mass production lowered costs and prices of engineered goods. Thanks to higher
wages, more workers could now afford to purchase durable consumer goods such as
cars. Car production in the US rose from 2 million in 1919 to more than 5 million in
1929. Similarly, there was a spurt in the purchase of refrigerators, washing
machines, radios, gramophone players, all through a system of ‘hire purchase’ (i.e.,
on credit repaid in weekly or monthly instalments). The demand for refrigerators,
washing machines, etc. was also fuelled by a boom in house construction and home
ownership, financed once again by loans.
The housing and consumer boom of the 1920s created the basis of prosperity in the
US. Large investments in housing and household goods seemed to create a cycle of
higher employment and incomes, rising consumption demand, more investment, and
yet more employment and incomes.
In 1923, the US resumed exporting capital to the rest of the world and became the
largest overseas lender. US imports and capital exports also boosted European
recovery and world trade and income growth over the next six years.
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The Great Depression
The Great Depression began around 1929 and lasted till the mid 1930s. During this
period most parts of the world experienced catastrophic declines in production,
employment, incomes and trade. The exact timing and impact of the depression
varied across countries. But in general, agricultural regions and communities were
the worst affected. This was because the fall in agricultural prices was greater and
more prolonged than that in the prices of industrial goods.
Causes of the Great Depression
Agricultural Overproduction
This was made worse by falling agricultural prices. As prices slumped and agricultural
incomes declined, farmers tried to expand production and bring a larger volume of
produce to the market to maintain their overall income. This worsened the glut in the
market, pushing down prices even further. Farm produce rotted for a lack of buyers.
Second: in the mid1920s, many countries financed their investments
through loans from the US. While it was often extremely easy to
raise loans in the US when the going was good, US overseas lenders
panicked at the first sign of trouble. In the first half of 1928, US
Overseas Loans
Overseas loans amounted to over $ 1 billion. A year later it was one quarter of that
amount. Countries that depended crucially on US loans now faced an acute crisis.
The withdrawal of US loans affected much of the rest of the world, though in
different ways. In Europe it led to the failure of some major banks and the collapse
of currencies such as the British pound sterling. In Latin America and elsewhere it
intensified the slump in agricultural and raw material prices.
Hike In US Import Duty
By 1935, a modest economic recovery was under way in most industrial countries.
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But the Great Depression’s wider effects on society, politics and international
relations, and on peoples’ minds, proved more enduring.
India and the Great Depression
India’s exports and imports nearly halved between 1928 and 1934. As international
prices crashed, prices in India also plunged. Between 1928 and 1934, wheat prices in
India fell by 50 per cent.
Peasants and farmers suffered more than urban dwellers. Though agricultural prices
fell sharply, the colonial government refused to reduce revenue demands. Peasants
producing for the world market were the worst hit.
Across India, peasants’ indebtedness increased. They used up their savings,
mortgaged lands, and sold whatever jewellery and precious metals they had to meet
their expenses. In these depression years, India became an exporter of precious
metals, notably gold.
The depression proved less grim for urban India. Because of falling prices, those with
fixed incomes – say towndwelling landowners who received rents and middleclass
salaried employees – now found themselves better off. Everything cost less.
Industrial investment also grew as the government extended tariff protection to
industries, under the pressure of nationalist opinion.
Post World War II
Two crucial influences shaped postwar reconstruction. The first was the US’s
emergence as the dominant economic, political and military power in the Western
world. The second was the dominance of the Soviet Union. It had made huge
sacrifices to defeat Nazi Germany, and transformed itself from a backward
agricultural country into a world power during the very years when the capitalist
world was trapped in the Great Depression.
Postwar Settlement and the Bretton Woods Institutions
Economists and politicians drew two key lessons from interwar economic
experiences.
First, an industrial society based on mass production cannot be sustained without
mass consumption. But to ensure mass consumption, there was a need for high and
stable incomes. Incomes could not be stable if employment was unstable. Thus
stable incomes also required steady, full employment. But markets alone could not
guarantee full employment. Therefore governments would have to step in to
minimize fluctuations of price, output and employment. Economic stability could be
ensured only through the intervention of the government.
The second lesson related to a country’s economic links with the outside world. The
goal of full employment could only be achieved if governments had power to control
flows of goods, capital and labour.
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Thus the main aim of the postwar international economic system was to preserve
economic stability and full employment in the industrial world. Its framework was
agreed upon at the United Nations Monetary and Financial Conference held in July
1944 at Bretton Woods in New Hampshire, USA.
The Bretton Woods conference established the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to
deal with external surpluses and deficits of its member nations. The International
Bank for Reconstruction and Development (popularly known as the World Bank) was
set up to finance postwar reconstruction. The IMF and the World Bank are referred to
as the Bretton Woods institutions or sometimes the Bretton Woods twins. The post
war international economic system is also often described as the Bretton Woods
system.
The IMF and the World Bank commenced financial operations in 1947. Decision
making in these institutions is controlled by the Western industrial powers. The US
has an effective right of veto over key IMF and World Bank decisions. The
international monetary system is the system linking national currencies and
monetary system. The Bretton Woods system was based on fixed exchange rates. In
this system, national currencies, for example the Indian rupee, were pegged to the
dollar at a fixed exchange rate. The dollar itself was anchored to gold at a fixed price
of $35 per ounce of gold.
The Early Postwar Years
The Bretton Woods system inaugurated an era of unprecedented growth of trade and
incomes for the Western industrial nations and Japan. World trade grew annually at
over 8 per cent between 1950 and 1970 and incomes at nearly 5 per cent. The
growth was also mostly stable, without large fluctuations. For much of this period the
unemployment rate, for example, averaged less than 5 per cent in most industrial
countries.
These decades also saw the worldwide spread of technology and enterprise.
Developing countries were in a hurry to catch up with the advanced industrial
countries. Therefore, they invested vast amounts of capital, importing industrial plant
and equipment featuring modern technology.
Decolonisation and Independence
When the Second World War ended, large parts of the world were still under
European colonial rule. Over the next two decades most colonies in Asia and Africa
emerged as free, independent nations. They were, however, overburdened by
poverty and a lack of resources, and their economies and societies were handicapped
by long periods of colonial rule.
The IMF and the World Bank were designed to meet the financial needs of the
industrial countries. They were not equipped to cope with the challenge of poverty
and lack of development in the former colonies. But as Europe and Japan rapidly
rebuilt their economies, they grew less dependent on the IMF and the World Bank.
Thus from the late 1950s the Bretton Woods institutions began to shift their attention
more towards developing countries.
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As colonies, many of the less developed regions of the world had been part of
Western empires. Now, ironically, as newly independent countries facing urgent
pressures to lift their populations out of poverty, they came under the guidance of
international agencies dominated by the former colonial powers. Even after many
years of decolonisation, the former colonial powers still controlled vital resources
such as minerals and land in many of their former colonies.
At the same time, most developing countries did not benefit from the fast growth the
Western economies experienced in the 1950s and 1960s. Therefore they organised
themselves as a group – the Group of 77 (or G77) – to demand a new international
economic order (NIEO). By the NIEO they meant a system that would give them real
control over their natural resources, more development assistance, fairer prices for
raw materials, and better access for their manufactured goods in developed
countries’ markets.
Rise of Multinational Corporations or MNCs
Multinational corporations (MNCs) are large companies that operate in several
countries at the same time. The first MNCs were established in the 1920s. Many
more came up in the 1950s and 1960s as US businesses expanded worldwide and
Western Europe and Japan also recovered to become powerful industrial economies.
The worldwide spread of MNCs was a notable feature of the 1950s and 1960s. This
was partly because high import tariffs imposed by different governments forced
MNCs to locate their manufacturing operations and become ‘domestic producers’ in
as many countries as possible.
End of Bretton Woods and the Beginning of ‘Globalisation’
Despite years of stable and rapid growth, not all was well in this postwar world.
From the 1960s the rising costs of its overseas involvements weakened the US’s
finances and competitive strength. The US dollar now no longer commanded
confidence as the world’s principal currency. It could not maintain its value in relation
to gold. This eventually led to the collapse of the system of fixed exchange rates and
the introduction of a system of floating exchange rates.
From the mid1970s the international financial system also changed in important
ways. Earlier, developing countries could turn to international institutions for loans
and development assistance. But now they were forced to borrow from Western
commercial banks and private lending institutions. This led to periodic debt crises in
the developing world, and lower incomes and increased poverty, especially in Africa
and Latin America.
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markets.
The relocation of industry to lowwage countries stimulated world trade and capital
flows. In the last two decades the world’s economic geography has been transformed
as countries such as India, China and Brazil have undergone rapid economic
transformation.
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