Blair and Robertson Historia de Filipinas

4fi/
e/j&he<?r7?^/
THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS

1493-1898
The PHILIPPINE
ISLANDS
1493-1898
and Records of
Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the

Islands and their Peoples, their History
the Catholic Missions, as related in contemporaneous
Books and Manuscripts, showing the Political, Economic, Commercial and Religious Conditions of those Islands from their earliest relations with European
Nations to the close of the Nineteenth
Century
TRANSLATED FROM THE

Edited and annotated by
ORIGINALS
Blair and
historical intro-
Emma Helen
James Alexander Robertson, with

duction and additional notes by
Edward Gaylord
illustrations
Bourne. With maps, portraits and other
Volume
VII 1588-1591
The Arthur H. Clark Company

Cleveland,
Ohio
MCMIII
COPYRIGHT I9O3 THE ARTHUR H. CLARK COMPANY

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
CONTENTS OF VOLUME
Preface
VII
9
Documents
of 1588
Relation of the Philipinas Islands.
Do29
mingo de
1586-88.
Salazar, and others; Manila,
Letter to Felipe II.

others; Manila,
Santiago de Vera, and
June
27.
26.
52
Salazar;
Domingo de
Manila, June
....
64
Documents
of 1589
letter
Excerpt from a
India.
from the viceroy of

79
Santiago de Vera;
Manuel de Sousa Coutinho; Goa,
April 3
Manila, June 13 -83 Conspiracy against the Spaniards. Santiago de Vera, and others; Manila, MayJuly
95
[Gaspar] de Ayala;
112
Manila, July 15 Decree regarding commerce. San Lorenzo, August 9.

Instructions to
Felipe II;
137
Gomez Perez
Dasmarinas.
9.
.
Felipe II; San Lorenzo, August
141
165236
J
6
[Vol. 7
Documents of 1589 Customs of the Tagalogs (two relations). Juan de Plasencia, O.S.F.; Manila, October
21.
173
[Lis-
Documents
of 1590
Letter from Portugal to Felipe II.
boa?]
199
Decree ordering a grant to Salazar. Felipe II; Madrid, April 12 205 Letter from members of the suppressed Audiencia to Felipe II.
Santiago de Vera,
. .
and others; Manila, June 20. 208 The Chinese and the Parian at Manila. Domingo de Salazar; Manila, June 24. 212
Two
letters to
Felipe II.
Domingo de
Sa-
June 24. Decree regulating commerce. San Lorenzo, July 23.
lazar; Manila,
239
...
Ma-
Felipe II;
262
The
collection of tributes in the Filipinas Is-
lands.
nila,
Domingo de
Salazar, and others;
1591 Bibliographical Data
265
319
ILLUSTRATIONS
Autograph signature of Doctor Santiago de Vera; photographic facsimile from MS. in .61 Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla. Autograph signature of Juan de Plasencia, O.S.F. photographic facsimile from MS. in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla, .187
.
PREFACE
Important events and changes occur during the
four years included in the scope of this volume.
The
Audiencia is suppressed, and in its place is sent a royal governor the instructions given to him embody many of the reforms demanded by the people through their envoy Sanchez. Extensive and dan;
gerous conspiracies
among
the natives against the
Spaniards are discovered,
and severely punished.
Trade between Nueva Espafla and China is beginning, and seems to menace the welfare of the Philippine colony.
A large immigration
and
is
of Chinese to the
islands has set in,
already seriously affecting
economic
interests there.
fire,
is
The
city of
Manila,
this
re-
cently destroyed by
being rebuilt,
time
mainly with brick and stone. As usual, there is much friction between the ecclesiastical and secular authorities, largely concerning the collection of tributes from the Indians the most prominent figure in these contentions is the aged but fiery bishop, Salazar. Shortly after the Jesuit Sanchez had gone to Spain as envoy of the Philippine colonists, a document was prepared (December 31, 1586), by order of the Manila cabildo, to be sent to him for use at the Spanish court. As this was lost on the " Santa Ana," and as Bishop Salazar regards the supply of missionaries
;
IO
[Vol. 7
in the islands as very inadequate, he applies (June 3, 1588) to the cabildo for another copy of such part
of this
document
as relates to the religious
needs of
This he sends (June 25) to the royal Council of the Indias, with considerable additions regarding certain islands not mentioned in the cabildo's memorial. This document gives much interesting information, not only on religious matters, but on the social and economic conditions of both Spaniards and natives in the islands. In each island or province are enumerated the population, both native and Spanish; the number of Spanish troops, also of encomiendas and tributarios the number of convents and their inmates the religious and ecclesiastics, not only those resident, but those needed among the natives; the officials employed by the government; the Chinese immigrants and their occupations; the articles for sale in the public market; and the imports and exports at Manila. The writer relates many things of interest regarding the natural resources and products of the country, the mode of life of both
the natives.
;
;
Spaniards and natives, the means of defense possessed by the colony, the Indians who are not as yet under All this affords a valuable and Spanish rule. curiously interesting picture of the colony and its life; but Salazar, in presenting it, is mainly concerned with the great need of more religious instruction for the natives, and earnestly entreats the king to send more friars and ecclesiastics for the purpose. letter from Santiago de Vera to the king (dated
June
26, 1588) gives his report for the past year. He recounts the exploits of the English adventurer Can-
dish against Spanish commerce. Hereafter the ships which carry goods from the Philippines will be
588-1591]
PREFACE
II
armed with cannon and other means of defense. Vera asks for more artillery with which to defend the islands, which are menaced by great dangers in their present weak condition. He has built some galleys, but would prefer some light ships for navigation among the islands. The new fort at Manila is described
lery
;
it
will,
for the city.
when completed, be sufficient defense The governor also enumerates the artilhas,
which he
and asks that more be provided by
the
home government.
He
has punished the royal
officials for
engaging in trade.
Vera
advises that the
sale of certain public offices
be deferred for some
years, until the colony shall be
more prosperous.
On
king.
the next day (June 27) Salazar writes to the
He
defends himself against the royal repri-
mand
for his dissensions with the Audiencia.

is
Fur-
ther information
given regarding the capture of
Spanish ships by Candish.

serious
is
The
resulting losses of
citizens in the islands are very great,
and
still
more
pelago.
the loss of Spanish prestige in the archiIn Mindanao, Moslem missionaries are conducting an extensive propaganda. The bishop com-
plains that in his diocese the churches, as well as
wretched and inadequate and are " not fit to be entered by horses." This arises from the penuriousness or the poverty of the encomenderos nothing can be expected from the natives, who are "so harassed and afflicted with public and private
their furniture, are often so
that they are a disgrace to religion,
undertakings that they are not able to take breath." The bishop regards the calamities that have befallen the Spaniards as punishments inflicted on them by God for their evil treatment of the Indians. He
recommends
that
many
religious be sent to the
is-
12
lands,
[Vol. 7
who
will be protectors of the natives; also
that a governor be sent
family
interests.
who is not ruled by selfish or Salazar complains of the harshness

Domin-
and severity shown by the viceroy of Nueva Espaiia,

especially as the latter will not allow certain
ican friars to go to the Philippines; and as he has
injured the
commerce
of the islands
by
his restrictive
measures - especially by selling the vessel " Saint Martin " to a Mexican merchant to be used in the Chinese trade. The wreck of that ship at sea he regards as a punishment from heaven. He urges that
Mexico to China be stopped, and that the viceroy of Nueva Espana be ordered to send aid to the Philippines, especially of troops and military supplies, and not to meddle with the decisions of the
trade from
Audiencia there regarding customs

lazar objects to the presence of so
the islands.
duties, etc.
Sain
many Chinamen
An
extract
from
3,
a letter of the viceroy of India to
1589) complains that some of his officers have violated the prohibition of intercourse
the king (April
with China and the Philippines.

cials to
He
has sent
offi-
Macao
to quell disturbances there,

all
and order
has been given that
Castilians there shall be sent
away.
He
is
greatly opposed to the trade
which has
it.
begun between Mexico and China, and thinks that

rigorous measures should be taken against
Vera writes (July 13) to the king imploring reenforcements and supplies for the islands. Three Spaniards, among them a Franciscan friar, have This been treacherously slain by the Borneans. proves to be the outcome of a general conspiracy among the Filipinos, Borneans, and other peoples to attack and drive out the Spaniards. The plotters are
1588-1591]
PREFACE
13
detected and severely punished.
Certain public ofis
fices have been sold, account for which by the governor. He is endeavoring
rendered
secure a
to
small
fleet of
trading ships, but
is
obliged to ask aid
from the royal treasury. Not only ships, but sailors and carpenters are needed, who should be paid in the same way. More artillery is needed, also The Chinese trade is to be furnished by royal aid. continually increasing. The city of Manila is being fast rebuilt, and in stone. But the land is unhealthful and the soldiers die fast, so that the islands have few men for their defense; and again the king is earnestly entreated to order that men and supplies be sent at once from Nueva Espana. The new fort has been injured by earthquakes, but Vera is building it more strongly. He complains that the friars have
for this
neglected his
commands
to learn the
Chinese lan-
guage and instruct the Chinese who live on the islands. The Dominicans alone have entered this field they have achieved great results, and have now
among
the Chinese " a village of Christians."

if it
Many
bish-
more would be converted,
were not for the
op's order that the long hair of the converts should
be cut off; accordingly the king orders that a conference of religious and learned persons be held, who shall take suitable action in regard to this and other matters concerning the conversion of the Chinese. Vera complains of the arrogance, obstinacy, and high temper of the bishop, and asks that the king restrain
him. There is no physician in Manila, and one is urgently needed in the royal hospital. This document is followed by the notarial record of proceedings in the trial of various Indians for conspiracy, which is mentioned in Vera's letter. The punish-
14

:
[Vol. 7
ments inflicted upon them are specified in each case, appeal was made to the Audiencia, which in some cases modified the penalty, but otherwise affirmed the former decision. Gaspar de Ayala, royal fiscal in the islands, makes He advises that his report to the king (July 15). ships for the royal service be built in the islands; also that the gold used as currency there be exchanged in Nueva Espafia for Spanish coin -both of which measures will be of profit to the royal treasury. He renders account of the recent sale of offices in the islands, and gives advice regarding this method of Certain encomiendas aiding the royal exchequer.
becoming vacant, Ayala, as fiscal, undertakes to secure them for the crown; in this he has difficulties
with the governor, who also is trying to make trouble for Ayala with the soldiers. The latter asks to be relieved from his post in the Philippines, and sent to some other. The Chinese trade is meager this year, owing to war and pestilence in China and there are rumors that it is being diverted to Peru or Nueva Espafia. If this be true, the Philippine colony will second plot against the Spaniards has be ruined. been revealed, this time in Cebii; but the leaders have been captured. The Indians of Cagayan have also revolted, and troops have been sent against them.
;
Ayala adds, " I am ready to certify that there are few places in these islands where the natives are not
disaffected."
ger,
The Spanish
colony
is
in great dan-
and imperatively needs reenf or cements to save it from destruction. The galleys at Manila, now useA less, should be replaced by light sailing-vessels.
further levy of tribute has been
for the
made on
this
is
the Indians
new
fortress at
Manila:
an oppressive
1588-1591]
PREFACE
15
sions
burden for them. Ayala relates at length the dissenbetween the bishop and the secular authorities the king is implored to settle the question at issue.
bishop has also offended the Augustinians,
by,
The
sending Dominican friars into their field among the Chinese residents. The king is asked to send more
friars, to instruct the natives.
The Manila
:
hospital
for Indians has no income save of alms Ayala recom-
mends
sell
that the Franciscans in charge be allowed to
a certain
amount
of
pepper
in
Nueva Espana.
The members
of the Audiencia, and the magistrates
and officials appointed during the current year are enumerated by name. A fierce tempest has occurred at Manila, causing great damage, and destroying all the vessels in the harbor except one small one. The expedition sent to Cagayan has returned without accomplishing anything except the destruction of the
crops belonging to the hostile Indians, which will
only irritate them and incite them to revenge.
A royal decree (dated August 9, 1589) orders the newly appointed governor of the Philippines, Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, to repeal the import duties levied at Manila on provisions and military supplies, also to suppress the retail trade conducted there by the
Chinese.
As
and
a result of Sanchez's
embassy
to Spain, the
his counselors decide to institute
many
king reforms
send thither a royal governor in place of the Audiencia. For this dignity is
in the Philippines,
to
and
selected
Gomez Perez
Dasmarinas, and the king's
him (dated August 9, 1589) embody made in the government and life of the colony. The cathedral at Manila is to be built, for which purpose the king appropriates the sum of
instructions to
the changes to be

thousand ducados.
Similar
at
[Vol. 7
twelve
aid
is
to
be
granted to the two hospitals

ute
Manila.
More
reli-
gious are to be sent to the islands.
The
rate of trib-
from eight reals to ten this increase shall be used for tithes and the support of troops in the islands and the encomenderos must support religious instruction among the natives, and pay tithes. A grant of money for six years is made to the city of Manila; but the king declines to abolish the customs duties - setting aside their proceeds, however, for the payment of the soU diers stationed in the islands - except those on food and military supplies. Appointments and encomiendas must be given to old citizens, or to soldiers who have done actual service; and a list of persons who are to be rewarded for their services is furnished to
shall be increased
;
from the Indians
the
new
is
governor.
Workmen
are to be paid at
Ma-
nila, not, as heretofore, at
Mexico.
Trade with Mex-
ico
restricted to the inhabitants of the Philippines.
The
question whether the Chinese and other foreign

to
merchants are
the ports
is
be allowed
to sell
goods
at retail at
left to
the discretion of Dasmariiias.

in the islands.
Only Christian Chinese may remain

Agricultural colonists shall
Spain, for
be sent thither from
whom various provisions are made; and it expected that from them the Indians will learn the Spanish methods of farming. Cattle and horses are to be sent to the islands; and the farmers sent out shall be ordered to tame and breed the wild buffaloes
is
Agriculture shall be encouraged in all convent for girls should be established, and ways. and Indian its inmates provided with husbands;
found
there.
women
should be enabled to marry poor Spaniards. Encomiendas must be granted with great care, and
1588-1591]
PREFACE
17
must be provided with adequate religious instruction. Dasmarifias is advised to settle lawsuits amicably out
of court,
when possible. In disaffected encomiendas, only part of the tributes should be collected. Suitable instruction for the natives must be provided, and
those
who
are dispersed should be gathered into set-
tlements where they can be taught the Christian faith.
The king
appoints Bishop Salazar the official pro-
tector of the Indians;
to cultivate friendly relations
and the governor with him.
is
instructed
force of
four hundred paid soldiers shall be maintained in the
and various provisions are made for their discipline and welfare. The minimum age for military service is fixed at fifteen years, and the enlistment of
islands,
mestizos is discouraged. The city of Manila shall be fortified and garrisoned; and the governor is instructed to be on his guard against various enemies,
" chiefly of the
Lutheran English pirates
who
infest
those coasts," and to build forts and galleys for the
defense of the islands.

in
He
is
expected to continue
the conquests begun there by the Spaniards, but only
accordance with instructions furnished him.

all in his
He
must do
power
to pacify the
Indians in the
disaffected provinces.
In attempting any military
expedition, the governor must consult with the most
learned and experienced
men
of the
community; he
may
contract with captains or encomenderos for the
exploration or pacification of hitherto unsubdued regions.
Provision
is
made
for the instruction of the
natives;
and extortion and oppression of the natives in collecting the tributes must be checked. All Indians enslaved by the Spaniards shall be immediately
All lawsuits concerning the Indians shall be promptly and simply as possible. Religious
set free.
settled as
[Vol. 7
persons sent to the islands must remain there, except by permission of the authorities.
Of
especial value
are two
relations
(1589)
by
the Franciscan missionary
Juan de Plasencia, on the
customs of the Tagalogs.

organization,
rights of property,
He
describes their social

;
which was originally patriarchal and which are partly individual and partly communistic. There are three classes among the people - nobles, commoners and slaves. The status and rights of each are carefully defined, and the causes and kinds of slavery. A somewhat elaborate system of regulations concerning inheritances
is
described, also the status of children

is
by adoption,
which usage
widely prevalent among the Tagalogs. Marriage, dowries, and divorce are fully In the second of these relations Plasencia treated. describes their modes of burial and worship, and the religious beliefs and superstitions current among that people. They have no buildings set aside as temples, although they sometimes celebrate, in a temporary edifice, a sort of worship. Their chief idol is Badhala, but they also worship the sun and the moon, and various minor divinities. They believe in omens, and practice divination. detailed account is given
of the various classes of priests, sorcerers, witches,

etc.,
in
which the
natives believed
also of the burial
rites
of both Tagalogs and Negritos.

letter to the
king from Portugal (written early in 1590) gives him information which he had requested from Portuguese officials in India, regarding the character and results of the trade between the Spanish colonies and those established by the Portuguese in India and the Eastern archipelago, and China. The continuance of this trade would, they
1588-1591]
PREFACE
19
think, ruin the prosperity of the settlements in In-
and greatly injure the commerce of Spain, and deplete that country and her colonies of their coin. At Salazar's petition, he receives from the king (April 12, 1590) a grant of money toward the payment of debts incurred by him in procuring the rebuilding of Manila in stone. On June 20 of the same year, the members of the Audiencia, suppressed by order of the king and replaced by Dasmariiias, notify the king that they have surrendered their posts, and ask him for various favors. Bishop Salazar writes to the king (June 24) a special communication regarding the Chinese (or Sangleys) at Manila. He apologizes for having formerly given, under a mistake as to their character, a wrong impression of that people and relates various
dia,
;
instances of their
their land.
humane treatment
of foreigners in
He
blames the Portuguese for having

this
spread in China false reports about the Spaniards,
and thinks that by
means the
devil
is
trying to
hinder the entrance of the gospel into that land. The bishop urges that no hostile demonstration be made against the Chinese; for they are most favorably inclined to the Christian religion, and
sions
letter
many
conver-
may
is
be made among them. Most of Salazar's devoted to the Chinese residents of Manila,
and
their quarters there,
which
is
called the Parian.
He
narrates the gradual increase of the Chinese imto
migration
the islands, their relations with the
Spaniards, the establishment of the Parian, and his

efforts for their conversion.
tual until the
coming
of the
These last are ineffecDominican friars in
nese,
1587; they assume the charge of converting the Chiand build their convent next the Parian, which
20
[Vol. 7
brings the friars into constant and friendly relation^
with the Chinese. An interesting description of the Parian and its inhabitants is given; all trades are represented therein, and the people carry on the manufactures to which they were accustomed in China, but with a better finish, which they have learned to
use
from the Spaniards.
astic
Salazar makes the enthusistatement that " the Parian has so adorned the
[Manila] that I do not hesitate to affirm to your Majesty that no other known city in Espana, or in these regions, possesses anything so well worth seeing as this; for in it can be found the whole trade of China, with all kinds of goods and curious things which come from that country." Especially interesting are the economic effects of their residence there; " the handicrafts pursued by Spaniards have all died out, because people all buy their clothes and shoes from the Sangleys, who are very good craftsmen in Spanish fashion, and make everything at very low cost." Salazar admires their cleverness and dexterity in all kinds of handiwork - especially as they have learned, in less than ten years, both painting and
city
sculpture; " I think that nothing
more perfect could
be produced than some of their marble statues of the Child Jesus which I have seen." The churches are book-binder thus being furnished with images. Manila, his trade has and come to Mexico had from been quickly taken from him by his Chinese appren-
tice,
who
has set up his
own
bindery, and excels his
master.
ity,
Many
other instances of the cleverness, abil;
and industry of the Chinese are related

is
and the
city
supplies.
almost entirely dependent on them for its food Not the least of the benefits received from
the city
is
them by
their
work
as
stone-masons, and
"
1588-1591]
PREFACE
21
makers of bricks and lime; they are so industrious, and work so cheaply, that Manila is rapidly being rebuilt with substantial and elegant houses, churches, and convents, of stone and brick. The day's wage of a Chinaman is one real (equal to five cents of American money). So many Chinese are coming to Manila that another Parian
being built to accommodate them. Nearly seven thousand of them reside there, and in the vicinity of Manila, and four DominSalazar reports the ican friars labor among them.
is
condition and progress of the missions conducted by

that order in the islands.
Those who minister
to the
Chinese are securing some converts, but many who are otherwise inclined to the Christian faith are unwilling thus to exile themselves from their own land. After due deliberation, the Dominicans conclude to open a mission in China, and in that case to relax the rule compelling converts to cut off their hair and forsake their native land. This purpose they are enabled to accomplish, after encountering many difficulties, through the aid of some Chinese Christians in Manila; and two friars are sent to China, Miguel de Benavides and Juan Castro. The Dominicans have also built a hospital for the Chinese it is supported by alms, partly contributed by " Sangley infidels and its physician is a converted Chinese who devotes himself to its service. This institution has won much renown and commendation in China. Salazar asks that the king grant it some aid, and that he confirm a reward given by the governor to the two Christian Chinese who aided the mission to China. Another letter from Salazar bearing the same date (June 24) recounts many things concerning affairs
;
;
in the islands.
He
protests against the royal orders
22
[Vol. 7
to increase the rate of tribute
paid by the Indians,
saying that the king has been misinformed regarding

their ability to pay.
eral royal decrees
He makes comments on the sevwhich have come in this year's

that the conquerors
inflicted
mail.
One commands
make
res-
by them upon the natives; but they or their heirs are tardy in paying the amounts levied for this purpose, and meanwhile The the Indians live in great poverty and want. are harassed not only bishop's heart and conscience by this, but by the inability of the Spaniards to pay the full amount which is due the Indians as restitution; he therefore asks the king to settle this matter by remitting part of the amounts thus required. Salazar defends himself for having encouraged the Indian slaves (who had been freed by royal decree) to leave their Spanish masters; and for obliging the
titution for the
damages
Chinese converts to cut off their hair. He also exbeing greatly exaggerated, the accusations brought against his clergy of engaging in traffic; and promises to do all in his power to check them. One of the decrees settles the question of precedence between him and the Audiencia; but, as that tribunal has been suppressed, it is now useless. Salazar takes this opportunity to defend himself against the aspersions cast upon him in this matter, and in regard to certain legal proceedings wherein the Audiencia had claimed that he defied its authority. He declares that he always complied with its decisions or commands except in a few cases, which he explains in detail; and complains that the Audiencia has at various times usurped his jurisdiction, of which he relates inplains, as
stances.
In
still
another letter (of the same date) the bishop
1588-1591]
PREFACE
23
thanks his sovereign for recent kindness shown him,
and for decrees favorable to the Philippine colony. The money which the king ordered to be given for building the cathedral at Manila has not yet been
paid, as the royal treasury there
is
so poor.
Salazar
comments on
certain recent decrees
by
the king: that
the friars should not leave the islands without per-
mission from the authorities; that tithes be remitted

for twenty years to
new
settlers in the islands;
and
that the processes of justice be simplified,
and pecunwith which

natives,
iary fines abrogated.
The
bishop reiterates his com-
plaint against the cruelty
and
injustice
the Spaniards collect the tributes
from the
and the dearth of religious instruction for the latter; he feels responsible for this instruction, yet cannot
provide
priests
it
for lack of religious teachers.

sent,
If
more
can be
great results can be achieved.
The
spiritual destitution of that region is so great that " of the ten divisions of this bishopric, eight have no
and some provinces have been paying tribute to your Majesty for more than twenty years, but without receiving on account of that any greater advantage than to be tormented by the tribute, and afterward to go to hell." If religious teachers are supplied, it will be comparatively easy to complete
instruction;
the pacification of the Indians
who
are
now
hostile
then the royal treasury will receive, from the increase

in the tributes, far
more than
it
would now expend
in
sending out the missionaries.

as
he
the
The bishop asks that, now appointed by the king the protector of Indians, he may have also funds for the expenses
is
and assistants necessary for this office; also that the same protection may be extended toward the ChiA nese, who need it even more than the Indians.
24
[Vol. 7
royal decree (July 23, 1590) orders that the trade
with China shall be confined for

habitants of the islands.
six years to the in-
Next
follows a long document, a collection of

1
papers (bearing various dates in

a
591)
relating to
the collection of tributes in the islands.
The
first is
memorandum
hospital at
and needs of the Manila; the former are so small, and the
of the resources
is
latter so great, that the institution
badly crippled. short letter by Bishop Salazar (dated January 12) classifies the encomiendas according to the amount of religious instruction given therein, and lays down the conditions which ought to govern the collection of He declares that the encomendero has not tributes. fulfilled his obligations to the Indians under him by merely reserving a fourth of the tributes for building churches; and advises that the small encomiendas be combined to form larger ones. This letter is followed by twenty- five " conclusions " (dated January
18) relating to this subject,
which express
the opin-
ions of bishop and clergy on the collection of trib-
from the Indians. These define the purposes for which this tax should be collected, the restrictions under which collections shall be permitted, and the
utes
respective duties in this matter of the encomenderos,
ministers of religion, and governors.

that restitution should be
justly collected
They
declare
made
for all tribute un-
from the natives - which includes all that is taken from pagans who have not been instructed, or from any Indian by force. Another letter by the bishop (dated January 25) accompanies
document. He states that he does not desire to forbid the encomenderos from personally collecting the tributes. He advises that the amount of such colthis
1588-1591]
PREFACE
25
and that the Spaniards should not be too heavily mulcted for the restitutions which should be made to the Indians. The governor
lections should be reduced, replies
to
these communications, expressing
much
interest in the Indians
and desire
to lighten their
burdens.
The collections should be uniform in rate everywhere, and of moderate amount. Certain requirements should be made from the encomenderos,
;
especially in regard to the administration of justice
ings.
but they must be enabled to retain their holdThe governor wishes to adopt some temporary
regulations which shall be in force until the king can provide suitable measures. On February 15 the city
and the encomenderos present a petition to They complain of the pressure exerted upon them by the clergy and the friars to prevent the collection of the tributes; and entreat the governor to interpose his authority, and to secure a
officials
the governor.
royal mandate, in order that they

tributes
may
collect the
without ecclesiastical interference, or else to permit them to return to Spain. Salazar answers (February 8) the previous letter of Dasmarinas; this reply, and the opinions furnished by the religious
being somewhat too verbose for the edification of our readers. Salazar answers the objections made to his earlier stateorders,
we
synopsize in our
text, as
ments, and assures the governor that the encomenderos can live on one-third of the tributes, that there
is
no danger of their abandoning their holdings, and
that the chief obstacle to the conversion of the pa-
gans is the cruelty of the Spaniards. He urges the governor to reform the abuses practiced by them, and to do justice to the poor Indians; and says that the clergy will cooperate with him in this. The
26
[Vol. 7
heads of the religious orders (except the Dominicans) send written opinions on this subject to the governor; and the Jesuits discuss certain measures
proposed by the bishop, with some of which they disagree. The remainder of the document on tributes will be presented in VOL. VIII. The Editors September, 1903.
DOCUMENTS OF
Salazar, and others; 1586-88.
1588
Relation of the Philipinas Islands.

Letter to Felipe II. Letter to Felipe II.
Domingo de
Santiago de Vera; June 26. Domingo de Salazar; June 27.
Sources:
The
first
of
these
documents
is
obtained
from
Cartas de Indias, pp. 637-652 ; the others, from the original in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla.
MSS.
Translations: The
first
Robertson ; the others, by Jose
document is translated by James A. M. and Clara M. Asensio.
RELATION OF THE PHILIPINAS

ISLANDS
Most
I,
potent Sir:
1
the bishop of the Philipinas, declare that to your

it
is
Highness
greater
evident and well-known that the

of the natives in these islands are yet
number
and that many of those who are converted are without instruction, because they have no one to give it and because, even in the districts where there are ministers, they are so few, and the natives so numerous, that they cannot give the latter sufficient instruction. I have, moreover, been informed that in a letter which the cabildo of this city of Manilla wrote to your Highness last year there was a section in which they gave your Highness information of the districts and localities in these islands where instruction is provided, and of those where it is not, and of
to be converted,
;
the
1
number
of ministers
is
who
are necessary to furnish
published in Cartas de Indias (pp. 637" Letter of petition from the bishop of Manila to the president of the Council of the Indias, giving information of the religious condition and needs of the Filipinas Islands; December, 1585." This date is incorrect, as shown by the internal evidence of the document itself, and probably arises from some error in the transcription from the original; the cabildo's letter was dated Dec. 31, 1586, and the bishop's on June 25, 1588 (incorrectly printed 1585 in Cartas de Indias). The allusions in this letter indicate that it was addressed to the king, rather than to the president of the council.
This document
652), under the
title,
30

This
letter,
[Vol. 7
instruction to the natives therein.

all
with
which went Ana," was lost. For the relief of your royal conscience and my own, and for the welfare of the
the others
in the said year on the ship
" Sancta
said natives,
it
is
best that an order be given that
those natives
who
are converted shall be supplied
with ministers
to instruct
it is
and maintain them in the
Christian faith; for

idolatries
well
known
that, as
soon
as
ministers fail them, they return to their rites and
in
some
districts,
because
they
have
in
lacked ministers for
many
years; and, in others quite
near here, because those religious
who had them
charge have abandoned them. This is well known to your Highness, through the information that has been given your Highness many times from this Audiencia. I am ready to furnish you sufficient information in this regard, if your Highness be so inclined. It is necessary also that ministers be furnished to the natives yet unconverted, that they
of these Indians are
may
all
teach them and look after their conversion, since
under the dominion of your Highness, and pay tribute, as if they were Christians Unless ministers come and received instruction. hither from Espafia, it is impossible to make good
these deficiencies, or to supply the great lack of instruction.
In order that this matter may be manifest Highness, and that you may be pleased to to your command that a remedy be provided, according to
ask, and, in
the great necessity for instruction in these islands, I
order that the said need
may
be more
that
certainly evident to your Highness,
it is fitting,
the [above-mentioned] section of the said letter be

sent to
your royal hands. I beg and supplicate your Highness that you order the notary of the cabildo of
1588-1591]
RELATION BY SALAZAR
this said city to
one, two, or
draw up from the book of the cabildo more copies of the said section, publicly
and duly authenticated, in order to approach therewith your royal person - for which, etc. The Bishop of the Philippinas
(In Manilla, on the third day of the month of June
in the year eight.
one thousand
five
hundred and eighty-
The honorable
president and auditors of the
royal Audiencia of these Philipinas Islands being in
public session, this petition was read; and after ex-
amination by the said members of the Audiencia, they declared that the request of the bishop should be
granted.
Juan de la Paraya)
(In fulfilment of the above order,
this distinguished
I,
Simon Lopez,
notary of the king, our lord, and of the cabildo of
and ever loyal city of Manilla, 2 have caused to be made, from the books and papers of the cabildo which are in my possession, a copy of the relation which is mentioned in the present memoir.
It
is
as follows:)
Relation of the natives now inhabiting these Western Islands those who are pacified, and from whom
tribute
is
collected, both those
who
are under control
of his Majesty
also of the
and those allotted to encomenderos; religious, and the instruction given by

the natives; of the
them,
among
inhabitants, both in this city of settlements outside of it; and of the ministers of religion who are needed here.
number of Spanish Manila and in the
2 Span., ynsigne e siempre leal ciudad de Manilla ; see the royal decree conferring this title, in vol. hi, pp. 250, 251.
32

Manilla
[Vol. 7
This city of Manilla was founded in the island of Luzon, which is very fertile and populous. Outside
of
it,
within the circuit of five leagues, are settled

to his
seven thousand five hundred Indians; four thou-
sand of these belong
Majesty, and the
rest,
three thousand five hundred, are allotted to four en-
comenderos.
ciscans,
There are eight Augustinian friars, in four residences, and in another house are two Franone of
whom
is
a lay brother, all of the rest

sufficient instruction
being
priests.
In order that
be
the
furnished the Indians, five more religious are needed.
This
tical
city
has eighty citizens.
It
contains
cathedral and the bishop's house, and the ecclesiasdignitaries
- the
a
latter consisting of
an arch-
deacon, a schoolmaster, two canons, thirteen clerics
who are priests, and The monastery of
few candidates for holy orders. St. Augustine, which usually has seven or eight religious, four priests, and three brothers and candidates for holy orders. The monastery of St. Francis, which usually has four priests, and eleven or twelve other professed members and novices.
Of
the Society of Jesus, the father superior, with
two other fathers and two brothers.
royal hospital for Spaniards, and another (in
the Franciscan monastery) for the Indians.
two hundred soldiers in this city, quartered among the citizens and in the houses of the Indians near them. These soldiers are very poor, and are sustained by alms, as are likewise the inmates of the monasteries and hospitals - although four hundred pesos are given every year from the treasury, besides two hundred fanegas of rice, for
There
are, ordinarily,
588-1591]
RELATION BY SALAZAR
33
the support of four Augustinian religious; and the

royal hospital possesses an encomienda worth six or
seven hundred pesos.

Fifty Spaniards in the city have married Spanish
women; and some

men.
of the others, native Indian
wo-
There are
fifteen
Spanish widows; also eight
or ten girls
who
are marriageable, and
some others
who are very young. The president and

cia,
three auditors, one fiscal, one alguagil-mayor, two secretaries - one for the Audien-
and the other for the government - one bailiff, one keeper of the antechamber, two reporters, one proctor of the exchequer, four attorneys and as many
interpreters,
8
four
commissioners
court,
of
examination,
two alguagils of the

officials of the royal
one prison warden, the
Audiencia, an officer to serve exof the city, with
ecutions for the same, and one notary.
The governing body

iffs,
two alcaldes-
in-ordinary, an alguagil-mayor, twelve regidors, bailsix notaries public,
two attorneys, a depositary-
general, a chancellor, and registrar, a superintendent
of his Majesty's works, two city

for vagabonds.
watchmen, and one
There are
thirty captains, only four of
whom
have
companies in this city. All the above is confined

of this city,
pitals,
to the said eighty citizens
leaving out of account the churches, hos-
and monasteries. Inside this city is the silkmarket of the Sangley merchants, 4 with shops to the
3
Span., naguatatQSj originally a
Mexican word.
The alcaiceria (silk-market) for the Chinese, where their trade was exclusively carried on, was at first located on the Pasig River, opposite Manila, and was established by Penalosa (1581?). In 1583 it was brought within the city (vol. v, p. 237) by his temporary successor, Diego Ronquillo, and was generally styled
34

of one
[Vol. 7
number
hundred and fifty, in which there are usually about six hundred Sangleys- besides a hundred others
who
live
posite this city; these are married,
on the other side of the river opand many of them
are Christians. In addition to these there are more than three hundred others - fishermen, gardeners,
hunters, weavers, brickmakers, lime-burners, carpen-
and iron-workers -who live outside the silk market, and without the city, upon the shores of the sea and river. Within the silk market are many taiters,
lors, cobblers,
bakers, carpenters, candle-makers, con-
fectioners,
apothecaries, painters, silversmiths,
and
those engaged in other occupations.
Every day there
is
held a public market of articles
of food, such as fowls, swine, ducks, game-birds,
visions,
wild hogs, buffaloes, fish, bread, and other proand garden-produce, and firewood; there are also many commodities from China which are sold through the streets. Twenty merchantmen generally sail hither each year from China, each one carrying at least a hundred men, who trade from November until Mayin those vessels
coming
hither, living here,
and de-
during these seven months. They bring hither two hundred thousand pesos' worth of merchandise, only ten thousand pesos being in food supplies - such as flour, sugar, biscuits,
parting to their
country,
butter, oranges, walnuts, chestnuts, pineapples, figs,
own
An interesting description of it is given by Salazar document, dated 1590, which appears in the present volume, The Parian was long the property of the city; it was depost. stroyed under Governor Basco y Vargas (1778-87), to make room for other edifices, but was rebuilt by him in another locaSee Buzeta and Bravo's tion; it was finally destroyed in i860. Diccionario, ii, p. 229; and Los Chinos en Filipinos (Manila, 1886).
" the Parian."
in a
1588-1591]
RELATION BY SALAZAR
fruits,
35
salt
plums, pomegranates, pears, and other

pork, and
abundance that the city and its environs are supported thereby during the whole year, and the fleets and trading-vessels are provisioned therefrom they bring also many horses and cows, with which their land is well supplied. For two years, merchantmen have come hither laden with goods from Japon, Macaon, ian [Siam], and
in such
;
hams - and
other places, in order to trade in this city. The people of those countries are consequently becoming
many of the inhabitants of those nations are being converted.

desirous of our friendship and trade, and
They
carry to their
own
countries,
from
this land,
gold, wax, cotton, dye-woods, and small shells,

latter pass for
which
sides for
esteem.
money in their country, being used bemany things, whereby they are held in much They bring hither silks -figured satins,
black and colored damasks, brocades and other fabrics -which are now very commonly seen, a great quantity of white and black cotton cloth, and the above-mentioned articles of food.
Outside of
this city
and the above-mentioned

it,
vil-
lages lying within five leagues of
there are seven
well-populated provinces in this same island of Luzon - namely, Panpanga, Pangasinan, Ylocos, Cagayan, Camarines, La Laguna, and Bonbon y Balayan.
These include three Spanish settlements - namely, Camarines, Ylocos, and Cagayan, and have the following number of tributarios [1.*., Indians paying tribute] and encomiendas.
The province
of
Panpanga
The
province of Panpanga has twenty-two thou-
36
[Vol. 7
seven thousand belong to thousand are apportioned among eleven encomiendas. There are eight houses of the religious of St. Augustine, and one house of St. Francis, in which are sixteen Augustinian priests and one Franciscan. In another house is a Dominican, who is a coadjutor of the bishop. All together, there are eighteen priests. In order that sufficient instruc-
sand tributaries, of
his Majesty,
whom
and
fifteen
tion be given in this province, twenty-six
more
priests
are needed; because, at the very least, a thousand

tributarios
means four thousand people, who require two religious - and in this ratio throughout the isit is
lands, where,
believed, there will be a great in-
crease of people and of their instruction.
This prov-
ince has an alcalde-mayor, and needs two corregidors.
This province is fifteen leagues in circuit, and is situated, at the very most, a like distance from this Between this province and that of Pangasinan, city. which is adjacent to it, there are three thousand Indians apportioned between two encomiendas; they are Qanbales, and many of them are pacified. Living at a distance of twenty-five or thirty leagues from
this city are more than three thousand others of this same race - brave mountaineers - still to be pacified and we have not the wherewithal to send twenty sol-
diers for that purpose.
This entire population
is
without instruction.
It needs six ministers.
The province
of Pangassinan
The
province of Pangassinan has five thousand
tributarios, pacified, but
without instruction.
this city,
It
is
forty leagues' distance
from
by either land
hun-
or
sea.
His Majesty
possesses one thousand five
1588-1591]
RELATION BY SALAZAR
37
dred of its tributarios, and the rest are held by five encomenderos. It has one alcalde-mayor. Ten religious are necessary.
The province
of Ylocos
Five leagues beyond Pangasinan, by either land or sea, begins the province of Ylocos, which is inhabited for forty leagues inland.
It has twenty-seven
thousand tributarios. Of these the king has six thousand, and twenty-one thousand are in fourteen encomiendas. There are three Augustinian religious in two houses or districts, and two ecclesiastics in two
others.
Fifty others are needed.
There
is
a consid-
erable population of mountaineers

master.
who
recognize no
This province has an alcalde-mayor, and
the [Spanish] population of a small town.
The province
of
Cagayan
rivers
The province
bayous.
city of
of
Cagayan has many
and
the
sit-
On
its
principal river, by
name Taxo,
Nueva Segovia
has been founded, being
uated two leagues inland.

zens
This
It
city has forty citi-
who
are encomenderos.
has one Augustin-
ian^ monastery, containing two priests; one alcaldemayor, two alcaldes-in-ordinary, one alguagil-mayor, and six regidors, who constitute the cabildo; and a royal hospital, which has for its income the tribute-
money
There is a fort with seven large pieces of artillery, and an equal number of small pieces - such as small culverins and falcons - a number of muskets and arquebuses, pikes, and coats-of-mail, which constitute the weapons and armor used in this land. For its maintenance this fort
collected here for his Majesty.
38

it
[Vol. 7
has assigned to
the tribute
from one
village,
It has
which
amounts
to
about one hundred pesos.
its
own
governor.
The
forty citizens of this city maintain in
addition forty soldiers,
who
help to pacify, conquer,
and
collect the tribute of the encomiendas.
Ten
of
these citizens are married, the remainder single. Twenty-six thousand Indians, of whom seven thousand are pacified and pay tribute, are apportioned to
thirty-three of these citizens
- some along the prin-
cipal river Taxo, and the remainder in the districts
and in its neighborhood his Majesty has one thousand seven hundred tributarios, of whom a thousand are pacified and pay their tribute. This river Taxo is very broad and deep, and large vessels can ascend it even to the city.
near the same.
this river
Along
It has
an excellent bay.
It rises fifty leagues inland,
and is inhabited along its entire course by the abovementioned people. Its water is excellent, and the whole land is quite fertile and healthful, and abounds in rice, swine, fowls, and palm-wine; and there is much hunting of buffaloes, deer, wild hogs, and birds. A great amount of wax, cotton, and gold is collected in this district, in which articles the natives pay their
tribute.
Two
One
leagues opposite the bar of the river
Taxo
lands.
is
the dense population of the Babuyanes Isisland

is
an encomienda under the conis said to contain one thousand men. The tribute has not been collected, because the inhabitants, it is said, are not pacified. The
trol of his
Majesty, and
eight other islands are distributed

[other] citizens [of
Nueva
Segovia].
among the seven They num-
ber three thousand men, more rather than less, from all of whom their masters collect three hundred
tributes.
All of these islands are distant three or four
1588-1591]
RELATION BY SALAZAR
Sixty priests
39
leagues from one another.
would be
needed for the care of these thirty thousand Indians, counting two priests to each thousand tributarios. At the present time, sixteen priests are needed for those who are pacified, as we have said. These priests are very important for the pacification and permanent settlement of the natives, and for [the spiritual needs of] the soldiers. This province of Cagayan lies seventy leagues from the mainland of China and the coast cities of that country. Seventy ministers are necessary, who, with the help and protection of the soldiers, will gather the inhabitants to-
gether and pacify them

the people
all,
and seek out the
rest of
- who,
as
we
are informed, exist in great
number
as far as
Cagayan.
The province
of
La Laguna
[" the
The
mences
province of
at the lake
La Laguna
Lake
"],
com-
- which is the body of water above Manilla where the river of this city rises, as well as others in the mountain hard by -six 5 leagues from this city. It is about twenty leagues in circuit, and in this territory, inhabited by eleven thousand Indian tributarios, there are twelve religious houses - ten of Franciscans, with fifteen priests and nine brothers; one of Augustinians, with three priests and, in the other house, one ecclesiastic. Two thousand seven hundred of the inhabitants are his 6 Majesty's, and two thousand four hundred are disthis city of
;
Lake Bombon, or Taal (vol.
hi, p. 82).
here follow the text as given in Cartas de Indias (dos mill) ; but this number, if all the Indians in this province were allotted, and the number of those in the royal encomienda is correctly given, should be seven thousand four hundred.
We
40
tributed

among
It
[Vol. 7
eight encomenderos.
Of
all
the
provinces in these islands, this one has the most instruction.
needs three more
priests.
It has
one
alcalde-mayor, and should have besides one corregidor.
ince of
Near the coast of the bay Bonbon y Balayan.
of this city
is
the prov-
The province
of
Bonbon y Balayan
The
Lake,
to the
province of Bonbon contains the people of the
who amount
Mariscal.
7
to four
It
thousand men, belonging comprises the villages of Ba-
Galbandayun, Calilaya, and the lowlands of Balayan, which amount in all to nine thousand tributaries. His Majesty has one thousand two hundred of them, and five encomenderos seven thousand eight hundred. There are four religious houses - two of Augustinians, in Bonbon and Batangas; and the other two of Franciscans, in Balayan and Dayun. These houses contain four Augustinian priests, and three Franciscan priests and two brothers. Ten more mintangas,
isters are necessary.
Province of Camarines
The
province of Camarines
lies fifty
leagues from
this city.
In
it is
located the city of Cageres, with
thirty citizens,
7
who have
generally thirty soldiers
In 1579 Gabriel de Ribera, who had been one of Legazpi's was sent to conquer Mindanao - an undertaking, howLater, he explored the coasts of ever, which was unsuccessful. Borneo and Patan, and was afterward sent by Penalosa to Spain, to render an account of the conquests thus far made in the Indian archipelago. As a reward for Ribera's services, Felipe II conferred upon him the title of Mariscal de Bonbon; it is he who is referred to in our text.
officers,
1588-1591]
RELATION BY SALAZAR
41
quartered
among them. Twenty
of these citizens are
married, six of them to native women.

its
The
city has
own
cabildo and governing body; also a church
with one vicar, one Franciscan monastery with two priests and two brothers besides, and one alcaldemayor. It could have three more corregidorships. This province has twenty thousand tributarios, of whom two thousand five hundred are his Majesty's, and seventeen thousand five hundred are distributed among twenty encomiendas. There are ten Franciscan houses in this province, besides the convent of the city, with eleven priests and eight brothers in all. There are two more ecclesiastics in two districts, not counting the curate of
Twenty more priests are necessary. The had an excellent opening in this province of Camarines, and the preaching of the gospel has shed its rays far and wide therein. The natives are
the city.
faith has
especially inclined to the sacrament of Penitence;
and
it is
a thing to
marvel
at,
to see the
churches con-
tinually filled, especially during Lent, with people
asking confession.
The people
disposed.
of this province are simple and well
Their country is delightful in its location, being healthful and very beautiful. The chase yields many wild hogs, deer, and buffaloes and there
;
are
many
birds, such as hens,
ducks of
others.
many varieties,
is
the smaller birds, and
many
There
a river
where
fish,
fish abound in great plenty, especially swordand many black shellfish, the latter being gath-
ered at the river.

province, and
it
There
contains
is much fine scenery in this many springs and rivers of
fresh, clear water, on account of which there is always abundance of excellent water in this province.
42

the boundaries of the province are
[Vol. 7
Near
fire,
two volca-
noes of great size and remarkable beauty
-one
of
and the other of water. 8 According to the report of the natives who have climbed up to the volcano of
water, there are
kinds.
many
royal eagles there, besides

fruits of various
much white honey and wax, and

The
entire population of this province
is
in en-
comiendas, separated two or three leagues, or even a from one another and all these encomiendas are contained within thirty leagues.
less distance,
;
Besides this island of Luzon, there are
many
other
inhabited islands, situated close to

of one
it,
within a circuit
There are two more Spanish colonies -one the city of Nonbre de Jesus, in Qebu and the' other the town of Arevalo, 9 in Oton.
leagues.
;
hundred
Concerning Qubu
The
city of
Qubu
has thirty citizens,
among whom
are quartered twenty soldiers.
These
citizens are all
encomenderos, and all married to either Spanish or Indian women. Their encomiendas are located
among
the neighboring islands, there being thirty-
two encomiendas with eighteen thousand tributarios. Here his Majesty possesses some few little hamlets, in which but little tribute is collected, and the natives of the city -who by special privilege pay no
8
According to U*
S. Philippine Gazetteer
(pp. 9,
10,
286),
there are
now
in the province of
Ambos Camarines no
active vol-
its mountains form a volcanic chain. The peak>s of Labo, Colasi, Isarog, and Iriga are extinct volcanoes, their height ranging from 4,000 to 6,450 feet.
canoes, although
This town was founded by Penalosa (vol. for his native town, Arevalo in Castilla. located a few miles west of Iloilo.
v, p.
26), and
is
named
The former
1588-1591]
RELATION BY SALAZAR
43
because from the very first they received the Spaniards in a friendly manner, furnishing the camp with provisions, and showing themselves loyal on
tribute,
This city has a church, with one vicar; and one Augustinian monastery, containing three or four religious. In all those encomiendas there is no other instruction. Three more priests are
occasions.
many
necessary.
This city has a municipal council and alcaldes and has a fortress provided with three or four large pieces of artillery, and some small ones, such as falcons and small culverins and having its own governor. This fort is located opposite Burney, the Malucos and Mindanaos, and other infidel islands and kingdoms. This city has one alcalde-mayor.
; ;
The town
of Arevalo
The town of Arevalo is situated on the island of Oton [or Panay], and has twenty citizens; they are
encomenderos, and have thirty soldiers quartered among them. The town has a municipal council, alcaldes-in-ordinary,
and one alcalde-mayor.
In the
islands near this settlement there are twenty-two thou-
sand tributarios; three thousand of these are his Majesty's, and nineteen thousand are distributed among eighteen encomiendas. There is one church and one vicar, and one monastery with two Augustinians. Outside of the town, in certain of the encomiendas, are four more houses of the same order. The five houses contain ten priests. Three or four more are needed. All of these islands, as well as those of the settle-
ment of Qubu, abound
in flesh of
wild hogs and birds
44
[Vol. 7
and in all the above-mentioned places many fowls and swine are raised. Tribute is paid in gold, cloth, wax, cotton thread, rice, and fowls, at a valuation based on the peso of Tipuzque. In addition to these islands and settlements, there are other islands, namely, Marinduque, Luban, Mindoro, Elen, Calamianes, with two thousand five hundred tributarios, besides a much greater number still unpacified. None of them has any instruction, except Mindoro, where his Majesty has five hundred
Indians
who
are instructed.
One
ecclesiastic in the
islands of
name
of his Majesty,
Calamianes collects the tribute, in the from two hundred more. We

are
still
hear of
many more who
unpacified.
The
rest are in
two encomiendas.
Six ecclesiastics are
necessary.
SUMMARY OF THE ABOVE RELATION

According
is
to
what
is
set forth in this relation,
it
hundred and hundred pacified tributarios in this island of Luzon and the other islands of this government. Of this number his Majesty has twentytherefore evident that there are one
forty-six thousand, seven
eight thousand seven hundred.
The
religious
num-
ber fifty-four Augustinian
priests,
and thirty-eight
descalced Franciscan friars -all these for this city
and the instruction of the natives - with an additional number of some ten ecclesiastics, in curacies and vicariates outside of this city, as has been related. One hundred and ninety more priests are necessary for the instruction of the said natives, which number will
furnish sufficient instruction, counting for each thousand tributarios two religious - priests, friars, or ec-
588-1591]
RELATION BY SALAZAR
These thousand tributarios amount
less
45
to
clesiastics.
somewhat
than four thousand people.
It
is
quite
is
certain that with adequate instruction, such as
in-
dicated in the foregoing,

fied, will
many
people, not yet paci-
become so, and the number of tributarios in the above-named provinces would be increased to two hundred thousand. For we have heard that in the province of Cagayan there are many more people
besides those apportioned in encomiendas, as also in
the islands of [Cajlamianes,

Elin, as well as in
Mindoro, Luban, and
many
other islands included in
the colonies of
Oton and Qebu. In all of these the Christian instruction and conversion would be ex-
tended through the territories and provinces adjoining them, and the inhabitants would be rendered
obedient to his Majesty without the necessity of arms
and war; whereby God, our Lord, would be much

pleased and these kingdoms greatly extended.
The
fathers of the Society, comprising but three priests
and two brothers, reside in this city, where by means of their teaching they produce the greatest results. They are studying and learning the language of the natives and of the Chinese, in order to work among them when more of their Society come hither - a
pressing necessity, for
which your Majesty should
provide.
(This relation, in its present sum and substance, was made by the cabildo of this city, in order that it might be sent to Father Alonso Sanchez, general agent for this city and these islands at his Majesty's court. Made on the last of December, one thousand five hundred and eighty-six. This copy was made and transcribed, corrected,
46

in
[Vol. 7
and collated with another copy
my
possession,
among
five
the papers of the cabildo in Manila, on the
day of the month of June, one thousand hundred and eighty-eight, Francisco de Zarate and Alonso Maldonado being witnesses. Therefore, in testimony of the above, I, Simon Lopez, notary of the king, our master, and of the cabildo of this distinguished and ever loyal city of Manila, do affix
twenty-first
hereunto
my seal.
Simon Lopez,
notary of the cabildo)
In testimony of the truth
[The following matter is added by Salazar:] In addition to the towns named in this relation, I feel in duty bound to give your Majesty some general information concerning certain islands which are named in it without making particular mention of them; and concerning others which are not mentioned at all, which are very important, and have a
large population.
The town
above,
of Arevalo, of
which mention
is
made
is
was founded
in the island of Panay,
which
one of the best islands of

land
is
This isthis archipelago. one hundred leagues in circuit, and is well populated. The Augustinian friars had charge of it
the relation
when
about six
sufficient
was written but they abandoned it months ago, on account of having an in;
number
of friars for their houses.
Next
to this island, at a league's distance, is the
island of Ymaras,
which
is
apportioned
among
en-
It is about twenty leagues in circumand has six hundred tributarios. Instruction has never been furnished it, although some Augustinian friars have visited it at times.
comenderos.
ference,
1588-1591]
RELATION BY SALAZAR
Ymaras,
is
47
Next
Negros.
this island of
at three leagues' dis-
tance toward the south,

It
is
situated the island called
much
larger than Panay, but not so
had two Augustinian monasteries, but they were abandoned more than five years ago, and the baptized Christians were left without
densely populated.
It
instruction.
without instruction now, and the baptized Christians have returned to their
island
is
The
idolatries.
The
lated.
island of Bantayan
It has
is
small and densely poputributarios,
more than eight hundred
most of them Christians. The Augustinians who had them in charge have abandoned them also, and they are now without instruction. This island is twenty leagues from Zubu.
The
island of Leyte
is
The
It
island of Leyte
thirty leagues south of
Qubu.
is one of the most excellent islands of this bishopric, and produces much food. It has sixteen or eighteen encomenderos, and fifteen or sixteen thousand tributarios. It has never had, and has not now, any in-
struction.
Island of Bohol
The
island of Bohol, situated near

It
and populated.
has about six

is
Qubu, is small hundred tributarios.
The
ulated.
island of
Mindanao
it is
it is
larger than that of
Luzon, although
believed to be not so well pop-
Much
of
apportioned
tribute.
among
Spaniards,
and some of the natives pay

the preachers of
Mahoma
For three years, have come into the re-
48
[Vol. 7
coming from Burney to Terrenate. We have heard that there are some Moros from Meca among them. The law of Mahoma is preached publicly at the very river of Mindanao, and mosques
gions hereabout,
have been built and are being
built.
it
And
it is
to the
shame
of Christianity there that
does not hasten to
drive these preachers from that region, since the inhabitants are vassals of your Majesty, and have ren-
dered your Majesty obedience for a long time. The galleons sailing from India to Maluco know that island,
and obtain water and provisions
there.
lies
Fifty
leagues from this island of

of Jolo,
these
Mindanao
the island
which has been given over to encomenderos years. It is an island where many pearls are found, and where elephants are reared. The in-
many
habitants have a king of their own,

of the
who
is
a relative
this
is-
monarch
of Terrenate.
is
Neither in
there
land nor in that of Mindanao

are pacified.
much
Chris-
tian teaching; nor can there ever be, unless the people
The
of
island of Ybabao, situated between this island

that of
Luzon and
Qubu,
is
quite large, but does

It has a
few encomenderos, is not yet entirely pacified, and has never had any instruction. The island of Catanduanes is excellent and well populated; it lies next to Camarines. There are four encomiendas on it; it contains about three thousand tributarios, who up to the present time have never had any Christian teaching. The island of Marinduque, lying about three leagues from this
not contain
inhabitants.
island,
is
many
divided into encomiendas.
It has
about
who have never been instructed in the faith. From this island to the strait called Espiritu Sancto, many small islands are scateight hundred tributarios,
1588-1591]
RELATION BY SALAZAR
49
tered - namely,
Masbate, Capul, Burias, Banton, Conblon, Simara, Sibuyan, the island of Tablas, and many others - of which, because of their small size and scanty population, no mention is made, although all are apportioned into encomiendas, and tribute is collected in them every year. They have no Christian teaching, nor
hope of any.
Eighteen or twenty leagues west of the island of Panay, is located an exceeding fine and well-populated island, called Cuyo; it is very low and small. Together with seven small islands near by, it contains
one thousand two hundred tributarios.
itants are rich,
Its
inhab-
and the principal men
live
very well.
The
of
people of Burney have intercourse with this island, and we suspect that they preach here the law
Mahoma, although
not so publicly as in
Minda-
nao.
Many goats,
pheasants, and fowls of larger size
than those of this region, are reared in this island.
encomendero goes thither each year in the months of February and March for the purpose of collectIts
ing his tributes, and, this done, returns to his

in the island of Panay.
home
is
No
It has
other communication
held with
this island.
no instruction now, and
has never had any.
Lying between the
islands of
Mindoro and Bur-
ney are a number of islands called the Calamianes. They are scantily populated, and are under his MajGreat quantities of wax are collected esty's control. Their inhabitants pay tribute also to the therein. people of Burney, because the Spaniards do not trouble themselves about them further than to collect the tribute, leaving
them
to
whomsoever may
come from Burney to rob them. They have never had any Christian teaching, nor is there hope of any
$0

few
in
[Vol. 7
speedily, because they are

scattered.
number and widely

situated
The
island
of
Mindoro
is
twenty-five
the nearest
leagues southwest of this

coast of this island
is
city.
From
about six leagues.
[Luzon] the distance to Mindoro This island of Mindoro is sixty
It contains more than five thousand families, of whom two thousand pay tribute and are pacified. The remainder, for lack of men to subdue them, neglect to pay their tribute. Augustinian and Franciscan friars have been in this disThere is at present trict, but all have abandoned it. one ecclesiastic there, who has the care of about one thousand Christianized tributarios. All of the remainder of the inhabitants are infidels, and without
leagues in circumference.
instruction.
Next
five
to the island of
of this city, lies
Mindoro, and in the direction the small island of Luban, with about
hundred tributarios. Its inhabitants are well disposed, and have asked me many times for Chris-
tian teaching; but, for lack of ministers to send to
them, they cannot have it. This is the most trustworthy relation that your
Majesty can have, in order that your Majesty may see clearly the great need for ministers who shall labor for the conversion of these infidels, and for the preservation of those who have already received the faith, but are falling back into their idolatrous practices, because they have been abandoned by those
who
baptized them.
Many
of the islands
named
in
have visited personally, and concerning the others I have been informed by those familiar with them; and, although it is not possible to know the exact truth, I have tried to ascertain it as nearly
this relation I
1588-1591]
as I could.
RELATION BY SALAZAR
All of these islands are included in your

all
pay tribute, and in sufficient quantities to entitle them to receive instruction. Since your Majesty has in your dominions so many and so excellent religious and ecclesiastics, who, if your Majesty give the order, will prepare to come hither, may your Majesty feel so strongly the ills of this land and its lack of religious workers, that you will order to come hither as many as are needed for
the salvation of the great
Majesty's kingdom;
number
of souls
who
are
perishing here for want of religious teaching.
Your
Majesty should understand that, when we speak of such an island or town having so many tributarios, we mean married men, or two single men who make one whole tribute so that when there are one thousand tributarios, it follows that there must be two thousand persons. And it will happen most fre;
quently that the

thousand,
number will reach three or four counting one or two children to each
household.
From
the foregoing your Majesty will
realize clearly the countless
number
of souls under
your Majesty's charge, and who are waiting for your Majesty to provide them with ministers of religion,
in order that they
may
be drawn out of their present
darkness, and placed on the
pathway of
salvation.
At Manila, June
1588].
twenty-fifth, 1585 [sic; should be
LETTER FROM VERA TO FELIPE

Sire:
II
account of the condition of

route,
is
In the past year of 87, I sent your Majesty an this land, by the usual
and
also
one by
way
of India.
As
the voyage
and dangerous, another duplicate is and I beg your Majesty to have it examined, as it is important for your service. On the twenty-seventh of February of this year, I had news from the Pintados Islands that, on the seventh of the said month, at one of the islands about eighty leagues south of Lugon, an English ship had been seen. With their small boat they had seized a Spanish sailor who was coasting along carelessly in a small bark. He did not flee from the enemy, as he took them to be Spaniards and friends; for it is unusual for ships from England to come here. Next day the English learned that a galleon of your Majesty was being built in the shipyard of Caigoan on the island of Panay. An attempt was made to land troops for the purpose, as is supposed, of burning it; but it was defended by some carpenters and calkers who were working thereon. By this it may be inso uncertain
sent herewith;
ferred that the
enemy
carried but a small force.
After
this resistance, the
enemy went
to
Mindanao,
leaving on an
islet in their
course the mariner
whom
1588-1591]
VERA TO FELIPE
10
II
53
I ascertained
they had taken prisoner.
From him
the fresh destruction planned for this country.

says that several Spaniards,
He
who were
his fellow-
prisoners on the English ship, told him that your Majesty's galleon " Santa Ana " had been captured
near California, a country on the mainland which is continuous with Nueva Espaiia. The galleon left
this
port in June of the past year, 87; and as no other
ships but ours have ever been sighted on this voyage,
which
through so remote regions, they have always sailed with little or no artillery, and with as little fear from corsairs as if they were on the river of Thus the English easily captured the galSevilla. leon, plundered and burned it, and hanged a canon of our church. The other persons were sent in a small
is
boat to land, where
it is
believed that some of them
have died of starvation and hardships. From this galleon there was plundered a thousand marcos of registered gold, and there must have been as large a sum unregistered; twenty-two and one-half arrobas of musk, an abundance of civet, and many pearls, and the richest of silks and brocades. At this capture, the enemy took with them [from the " Santa Ana "] several skilful mariners and a pilot, to guide them to these islands. The captive mariner knew these men, and in conversation with them he learned what I have related. This ship left England with two others, and plundered sixteen ships off the coast of Piru. One of the three was lost; the remaining two captured the said galleon " Santa Ana," and came to these islands. They were separated in a storm, and only this one arrived. It brought about fifty men, most
See Candish's own account of this affair in Hakluyt's Voyages (Goldsmid ed.), xvi, pp. 43-45.
10
54
of

them
pilots.
[Vol. 7
This mariner noticed that
this vessel
carried twenty-five pieces of bronze, and cast-iron

artillery,
and
much ammunition.
fitted.
The
fifty
ship
is
small,
of
about one hundred and
toneladas,
no doubt that they have plundered more than a million [pesos'] worth of gold, pearls, musk, civet, and rich merchandise, which all belonged in Nueva Espana. The Spaniards there would have been diligent in pursuing
is
staunch and well
There
this corsair; but, as I received
information so
late,
and the enemy only reconnoitered here, without remaining at any place, to inform them would have done no good. I sent word to Maluco, whither it
seems the enemy directed his course,
general and to the sea-captains
to the captain-
who might
be there
with their galleons; also to the petty kings friendly to your Majesty, and to the fort at Ambueno - where, it is understood, this corsair is going to spend the
winter and repair his ship.
Captain Francisco
is
at
an island of that archipelago called Jula, near either Macasar or Japara. I advised the sending of a message to him, and the exercise of diligence, as they have greater facility for obtaining news there on
which are usually near at hand.. And I advised them to follow the Englishman and ascertain where he was going to winter; for it was impossible to return immediately to his own
account of the
ships
many
country, because the weather began to be contrary.
would be necessary to pass out through Sunda and other straits, of which the Portuguese are warned; and there it would be easy to await him and cut off his passage, as they hold him so closely. This account was given by a sailor - a native of this land - who was seized in the galleon, and carried away by the
It
588-1591]
VERA TO FELIPE
II
55
Englishman.
me.
He
escaped at the mouth of the chan-
nel of these islands, and I have kept
him here with

Sancta
His declarations accompany

first
this letter.
The
sailed
time
when
this galleon "
Ana "
from
here, I sent
by her some
artillery
removed
from your Majesty's

security.
out,
if
forts, in
order to provide greater
In
Nueva
Espafia the artillery was taken
and the ship returned without it. I thought that more on the ships, and it were taken out over there, the forts here would be in need, while the ships would gain nothing. Understanding that there was no danger from corsairs on the voyage, I sent the ships, as usual, without artillery. Now that I have seen the need for artillery, and the risk that they run, if it is not carried, I am sending two ships this year, each with four heavy pieces of artillery, two falcon guns, and arquebuses and other arms carried by the sailors and passengers. I am collecting what metal I can find and making thereof some pieces of ordnance with which to fill the place of those sent from the said forts. The merchants are paying your Majesty the value of the artillery, arms, and ammunition carried by one of the ships, and I have loaned the price of those of the other. They will pay this also in the coming year, and the ships will sail armed at the account and cost of the merchants. I beseech your Majesty to command the viceroy of Nueva Espafia to have the artillery and arms returned by the same ships; and that the pieces carried by the
I sent
" Sancta
Ana
" be returned to these forts,
which
greatly need them.
In another letter I have written about the general fire in this city.
to
your Majesty
The powder and
military supplies were burned and the artillery de-
56
stroyed.
[Vol. 7
Although I have had the pieces recast, using which was left, there are only twenty-five heavy pieces and several lighter ones. This is but little artillery for the needs of this land, for defense and the expeditions that are made. Some copper mines have been discovered but although at first they seemed to be very rich, on commencing to work them, it was found that the labor was expensive and there was but little metal. Everything necessary could be brought from Macan, if your Majesty were pleased to have money sent from your royal treasury of Mexthe metal
ico for this purpose.
I
have already written
to
your Majesty of the
necessity that, for the preservation of this land, the
viceroy of
Nueva
Espafia send annual reinforcements
of troops, arms,
and ammunition.
As
this
has not
been done for three years, the majority of the troops have died, and there are now so few here, that if reinforcements are not supplied according to the
requests of the governor
and
officers of the royal ex-
chequer, great risk will be run, and what your Maj-
and preserved at cost of such labors and expenses will be irretrievably lost. I especially beg your Majesty to order such provision to be made that so propitious a beginning be not lost, and the door closed which has been opened by your Majesty for the conversion of so large and powerful kingdoms with untold riches and innumerable inhabitants. According to your Majesty's commands I had some galleys made in these islands, and I have three at this port They are of little use, because of the lack of men skilled in managing and sailing with lateen sails, and the scarcity of rowers. I have tried to keep up its crew by hiring men; but the natives are so desesty has gained
1588-1591]
VERA TO FELIPE
II
57
use for this
picable a people that they are of
little
purpose, nor do they have

ing.
sufficient strength for
row-
hearing the report of an arquebus they throw themselves on the ground, and do not rise even
On
have selected three hundred Chinese, who are stronger, and who, if allowed liberty to quit the work, and exemption from tribute, will bind But although themselves to serve on the galleys. earnest endeavors have been made to teach them, they row very badly, and have as little energy as the
at the lash.
I
natives of these islands have.
They row
in their
lios lios.
country with a sort of oar which they call
own By
means
moves very slowly, and therefore they may be of some benefit among these islands. Better results would be obtained, however, if instead of these galleys there were small ships of from sixty to a hundred toneladas with which it is easier to navigate here. I inform your Majesty
of these the galley
thereof in order that provision
may
I
be
made
accord-
ing to the royal pleasure.

gencies,
As
have advised your
Majesty, I have, in anticipation of future contin-
good stone fort in this city, which will be entirely completed within a year. I have levied taxes therefor upon the citizens and encomenderos the Indian tributarios have each paid one real, while one per cent has been collected for two years on the coin brought from Nueva Espana. I am sending to your Majesty the sketch and model of this fort; it is the strongest which has been built in the Yndias, although it is not of modern style. It was
a
;
commenced
necessary to build
it
according
to the condition of the
country;
it is
round
in shape, high,
and covered over

climate
is
so as to be
more capacious.
The
so hot,
if
the sun so fierce, and the rains so heavy, that
the
58
soldiers
[Vol. 7
were not under cover they would perish from the heat, as would
the place
who must defend

who
likewise those
should undertake to erect the

is
fort.
The
stone for the most of the rampart
so suitable
wherever a ball strikes, the wall remains unhurt, nor is any other injury inflicted. There is no fear that an attack by a battery can do as much damage as if the stone were hard and resisting. The
in quality that, balls cannot be fired so as to strike,
difficulty, as the fort
is
without great
perfectly level.
in
on the shore and the country is Within there is fresh running water
in addition to that,
is
abundance
and
wherever one
It
is
digs, excellent
sible to
drinking water
fort,
found.
impos-
undermine the
it,
around
at a distance of
because there is water one or two varas, or even
less in some places. The city is surrounded by water -the sea on one side; on another the moat, which extends to the river; and, on still another side, the river itself. Thus the city is on an island; and, with the other bulwarks and the wooden fort, which I
have had repaired, this city is well defended, provided we had sufficient troops and ammunition. I received your Majesty's letter on the twentysecond of
the
first
May of
this year; and,
by a royal decree of
of
December
of the year 86, your Majesty
orders
ment,
to act in accordance with my best judgyour Majesty had understood that the auditors of this Audiencia according to the present
me
as
regulations, cannot visit the country out of their turn. I
will
fulfil
your Majesty's commands and will

all transactions.
render an account of
By
another royal
decree
of
the
nineteenth
of
August of
said year, your Majesty orders that,

to
if it
should appear necessary
me, certain
offices
of
1588-1591]
VERA TO FELIPE
II
59
notaries and magistrates in these islands should be

sold,
under the condition that the persons who should
be the highest bidders should obtain confirmation of

their title within three years.
very
little profit,
and of none
little
the land has been settled so
These offices are of some places, as recently, and there are

at all in
business therein. As it is more populous and well established, it would be more advantageous to postpone the sale of these offices for some years, until they shall
few inhabitants and
continually becoming
be worth more.
tions, as
make the necessary investigayour Majesty commands me, and will advise
I will
your Majesty of the prices offered. If I find that for any of them I can obtain its value in the future I will have it auctioned. In the meantime I will make endeavors to have them sold for a price that can be profitable to your Majesty's royal exchequer. By another decree of the twenty-seventh of August of said year, your Majesty orders me to give my opinion of the arms that are in the fort of the city of Manila, and those that are needed. In three forts which your Majesty has here, there are twenty-four heavy pieces, two small ones, and some culverins, as
will be seen below.
In the stone fort there are three swivel-guns,

located in the three casemates, of about twenty quintals'
weight.
On
the
first
floor over the rampart, there
are seven heavy pieces, extra thick and strong at the
breech.
Two
are of about forty quintals' weight,
three varas in length and carry a ball of cast iron
weighing sixteen
libras.
Two
others are of
wrought
iron, of sixty quintals' weight, three
and two-thirds
varas in length, and carry a ball of cast iron weighing

fifteen libras.
One cannon
is
of fifty-five quintals'
60
weight,
[Vol. 7
four and one-third varas in length,

five
and
weighing fourteen libras; and one-half varas in length, weighs one hundred and one quintals one arroba, and carries a cast iron ball weighing seventeen libras; another
carries a ball of cast iron
one culverin,
piece of thirty-five quintals' weight, three varas in
weighing twelve libras. cannon weighing twenty- five quintals; three small cannon [sacres], weighing twenty-two; and a half-sacre weighing thirteen - the last, with its apparatus, being four
length, carries a cast iron ball
The
fort at the point has one
varas in length.
The cavalier of the beach has a piece, extra thick and strong at the breech, of forty quintals' weight which carries a ball weighing fifteen libras and one
;
half-sacre, of thirteen quintals' weight.
with crossbars, weighing thirty quintals one cannon weighing twenty-six quintals, one sacre weighing twenty-two quintals, four half-sacres weighing thirteen or fourteen quintals, and two esmeriles [a small piece of
the river there
is
At
a large swivel-gun
;
ordnance] weighing four or
five quintals.
For
to
the stone fort to be provided with artillery

to its
according
plan and embrasures,
it is
necessary
have twenty-five pieces, three of them heavy, and twelve sacres and half-sacres. The cavalier of the beach needs five pieces, two of them heavy, and three sacres. That at the point of the sea and the river needs six pieces - some sacres, and two swivel-guns. For the service of the ships and galleys there are needed four cannon, six swivel-guns, six sacres, six Thus sixty half-sacres, and some small culverins.
pieces in all are necessary to provide the city well
m&m^ismm
1111 wummmms
mmmmmmmw
Hmmmmmmmmm;
sisiifiiiiii
mm:mmm
mmsimm
liilli Jlllll
rmimtHmmimuih
Signature of Doctor Santiago de Vera

\From MS.
in
Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla]
1588-1591]
VERA TO FELIPE
II
63
with
artillery for defense, as well as for the galleys

fleet,
and for the succor and pacification of all these islands. There are only twentyIn the four needed, for there are now thirty-six.
and ships of the
shipyard there are

quintals' weight,
now
of
four sacres of twenty-two
two
which have been

This
cast,
and
the other two are about to be cast.
class of
the best and most important for this land, and the swivel-guns. This artillery could be provided, and much more be made, for other of your Majesty's strongholds in these islands and the Yndias, should your Majesty be pleased to have six or eight thousand pesos sent annually from Mexico so that the metal could be bought at Macao in China, as it is very plentiful and cheap there. According to the commission of your Majesty, I have proceeded against the royal officials in regard to their traffic and trade in merchandise. By the convictions of guilt which have resulted from the investigations and process of law, I have condemned the guilty to pay fines to the exchequer. There seems to have been no traffic with funds in the royal exchequer; or, if there were any, no damage or in-
arms
is
these
jury to
it
has resulted.
am
sending the testimony

their
of the sentences and proceedings to your Majesty's
royal Council,
where your Majesty will order

such
is
your pleasure. May God guard the Catholic person of your Majesty. Manila,
examination,
if
June twenty-sixth, of the year 1588. The licentiate SANTIAGO DE VERA

[Endorsed:
"
Examined, with the other
letter."]
LETTER FROM DOMINGO DE SALAZAR TO FELIPE II

Sire:
which your Majesty had written to me from Madrid, on the eleventh of January of the year 87, I see the reprimand which your Majesty gives me, on account of information that you had received that, on certain occasions which had arisen, I had had controversies with the royal Audiencia here; also that this has finally resulted in scandal and comment in the town, and that there was fault on both I receive this reprimand as from my king and sides. lord, but, although it comes from him, it is very
In a
letter
and is sufficient to cause much pain; nevertheless, I have not allowed myself to feel hurt, since your Majesty judges according to the information that you have received. He who so informed your Majesty that I was made to appear guilty will give account to God for his good or bad intention, since for my own
serious
satisfaction the testimony of
sufficient.
my
conscience
is
all-
well-known in the city, and outside of it, that if I had not entered as mediator neither the president and auditors, nor the auditors alone, would have had peace. It would not have been possible for me to establish peace if there had not been friendly Since they were relations between them and me.
It
is
588-1591]
SALAZAR TO FELIPE
II
65
pacified through
until
my
intercession, peace has lasted

this
now and
;
in
order that
peace be lasting, and

it,
that there be no occasion for violating
humbly
beseech your Majesty to be pleased to

affairs
is
president and auditors not to interfere with

a very
command the me in
which concern my privileges - since my life open one, a fact known to all. They have no
cause for complaint because I sat
down
in
my own
being the
church on the gospel side;

the souls of the auditors,
for, besides
my
father and pastor of this state, and having in charge

it is
very usual thing for
bishops and archbishops to seat themselves in that
very place in the presence of viceroys and presidents,
without that act exciting any surprise.

again taken
For the sake
of peace, I have overlooked the matter, and have not
hoping that your Majesty would send commands concerning this and what ought to be done, since it is not right that I should leave to my successors the disputes and controversies with the Audiencia whereby results so much harm to the commonwealth. It is of no less importance that the prelates be as much respected by
seat in that place,
my
the people as are the audiencias.
The
latter
make
;
themselves feared by the power which they hold

if
but
the prelates are not favored by those
who
govern,
Since your Majesty sees how important this matter is, may it be your Majesty's pleasure not to leave us in controversies, but to order that each shall do his duty without
they are speedily despised by the people.
prejudice to the other.
The hardships and calamities sent by God to this land make me greatly fear that we who live here have seriously offended Him. For I have been here eight years, and not one year have I seen pass without the
66

;
[Vol. 7
happening of great calamities - loss of ships death of the animals which maintained us; hurricanes, called here baquios, which tear up the trees by the roots and overthrow the houses completely, or leave them so that they cannot be inhabited and the general fire of the year 83, of which your Majesty has been informed. Both before and since that time, this city has been burned three or four times; and now, as the last straw, the ship " Santa Ana," which left this city
;
last year, the richest ship to leave these islands, fell
into the
hands of the Lutherans.
With
that loss,
and
Juan which likewise was laden with goods from this country, some of the citizens of these islands are totally
ruined, and others have suffered so heavy losses that
it
also that of the ship " Sant
" the year before,
will be long ere, with
much
difficulty,
they regain
their
former
state.
It is
that the loss of that particular ship
very evident, and can be denied by no one, was ordained by

days before
the
it
God;
for, three
reached the coast [of

for
California], another ship
-from Macao, bound
Mexico - passed
of the
by the Lutherans.
same place and was not sighted When news was received in Piru
coming of this pirate, the viceroy sent in pursuit of them a good fleet, with many soldiers and ammunition sufficient to engage an equal or greater number. When they came to the port of Acapulco, supplies were needed; and they requested these from the purveyor who had them He was unwillin your Majesty's warehouses. ing to give them; and they even say that an order was given to detain some pack-teams which brought biscuits, so that the captain of the fleet from Peru could not take them. Thus they say that, as it
588-1591]
SALAZAR TO FELIPE
to
II
67
was not desired
supply them with provisions, and

10
because Doctor Palacios * became dictatorial in regard to several points, they returned to Piru; while
the Lutheran remained free to attack and capture, as
he did. So great was our misfortune that, at the time when the two captains were debating as to who should take command, the pirate was near Puerto de la Navidad, which is not very far from Acapulco, repairing his ships. Had they attacked him, it would have been impossible for him to escape; but God chose to blind our men, so that we might be punished by this pirate. The punishment of God did not stop here; for, having set fire to the ship " Santa Ana," they left it half burnt, set sail, and came to these islands.
With more than human
courage, they passed
through the midst of them with a ship of one hundred toneladas, where the natives venture with trembling in very light boats but this infidel dared not only to come into our midst, but to collect tributes from your A Spaniard was captured, and Majesty's vassals. after having told him what they wished him to say to us, they put him ashore. What they said was in boast that they had left the coasts of Peru and Nueva Espana utterly ruined and that they had robbed and burned the ship " Santa Ana," and hanged a canon who was on his way from this city to Mexico. In testimony of his prowess and our misfortune he displayed the silks, brocades, and cloths of gold which he had seized as plunder. Not content with this, he went away threatening us that he is to return soon to drive us all hence, and to destroy the nest that we
;
;
10*
of Mexico,
*YYie licentiate Palacios, alcalde of court in the Audiencia who in 1581 made official visits to the ports of Guatulco
ships inp.
and Acapulco, where he had charge of the construction of

tended for the Philippine archipelago." (Cartas de Indias,
820.)
68
[Vol. 7
have made here - meaning thereby the stone

built here.
this
fortress
The
grief that afflicts
me
is
not because
barbarian infidel has robbed us of the ship
Ana," and destroyed thereby the property of almost all the citizens but because an English youth of about twenty-two years, with a wretched little vessel of a hundred toneladas and forty or fifty com;
" Santa
panions, should dare to
come
to
my own
place of
resi-
damage that he had wrought. As your Majesty has here an army of capdence, defy us, and boast of the
who, as I understand, are certainly as many as the companions of the Lutheran, he went from our midst laughing, without anyone molesting or troubling him; neither has he felt that the Spaniards are in this land to any purpose. In this matter, I do not care to blame anyone, because I understand that the governor did his duty- although I was always of the opinion that the pirate should be pursued and that the result thereof would not be so bad as some say. The
tains,
belief here, however,
is
that
God
is
chastising us for
our
I
sins,
and
is
making
all
us the laughing-stock of other
nations,
who have
hitherto stood in such fear of us.
must explain
as I
bearing on
this subject,
what,
your Majesty two other points although it detains me someconsider that I do thereby a very great
to
first is
service.
The
the failure of the expedition to
all had been certain that with fewer equipment than there actually were, the king of Terrenate could be subdued; but, quite to the contrary, our men came back as if fleeing from an
Maluco.
We
men and
less
unknown
feared
foe.
us,
Terrenate,
The Indians of this archipelago, who now laugh; and, together with those of threaten us. The second point is that in
Mindanao, which
is
the island of
subject to your
1588-1591]
SALAZAR TO FELIPE
II
69
Majesty, and for

the law
of
many
years has paid you tribute,
Mahoma
has been publicly proclaimed,
somewhat more than three years, by preachers from Burney and Terrenate who have come there some of them even, it is believed, having come from Meca. They have erected and are now building
for
mosques, and the boys are being circumcised, and there is a school where they are taught the Alcoran.
was promptly informed of this, and urged the president to supply a remedy therefor at once, in order
I
that that pestilential fire should not spread in these

islands.
I
could not persuade them to go, and thus

is
the hatred of Christianity
there; and
if
we
are striv-
ing no more to remedy
this
than
the matter did not
Such are the calamities and miseries to us. which we have come, and the punishments which God inflicts upon us. The reason for it, He only knows but, as I infer and fear, it is because we have ill acquitted ourselves in this land, where it is so needful that we be upright and furnish good examples. I have written to your Majesty on this point at other times and I think that either my letters are not I assure your read, or what I say is not credited. Majesty that I have never written anything which is not true, and free from all outward influence, or selfconcern
; ;
interest,
human considerations; but done my duty. The temporal affairs of

or
have only
land are
this
in the condition esty;
which
is
have related to your
Maj-
and
consider that there will never be improveincreasing so immeasurably
ment, since cupidity
that neither the punishments of
God nor the
threats of
men
the manifold outrages cease to be
are effectual to produce any moderation, nor do *v felt.

spiritual state,
The
which
is
my
concern,
is
in the
70

is
[Vol. 7
no more respect for the things of God than if we were not Christians. I refer to the Indians and their instruction and because entering on this subject is like embarking on a bottomless sea, I have determined to send to your Majesty a relation of the islands and towns of this bishopric which are without instruction, in order that your Majesty's conscience may be relieved by commanding that the remedy be applied. Therefore I shall now proceed with the said relation. The cause of ruin in these islands - which is very menacing, although it is not declared in Espana - is that both the villages of your Majesty and those of encomenderos are places where the curacy is so illsupplied with chalices and ornaments that it is a
sorriest condition, because there
;
shame
I
to see
them.
Many
of the churches are so
when I visited them, from pure shame was obliged to command that they be torn down; they were not fit to be entered by horses. There are two principal causes for this: the first is that the encomenderos are penurious and allow little for the proper ornamentation of the church; and the second, that some or the majority of the encomiendas are so
indecent that small that they do not suffice to support their encomenderos, who thus cannot attend to matters of divine worship. Consequently, the natives come to regard the things of God as of little worth, and have little
esteem for our faith and the Christian religion, seeing that we who profess to be Christians pay so little Moreover, the natives of these attention to them. islands are so harassed and afflicted with public and private undertakings, that they are not able to take breath; nor do they have time to observe the instruction, and hold it of so little account that when they
588-1591]
SALAZAR TO FELIPE
it
II
lack for anything,
must be
I
in the instruction
and
not in temporal
this matter.
cannot picture to your Majesty, nor declare what I feel in my heart about
affairs.
Moreover, I am very sure that all the chastisements given us by God, the hardships, misfortunes, and calamities sent us, all are because of evil treatment of the Indians and the little heed taken for the principal reason for our coming -that is, their conversion and protection. The remedy therefor is not that your Majesty send decrees and orders charging good treatment of the Indians, as in the letters which have already been received here; but
that a
number
of the best religious be sent.
They can
deal with these natives, and defend
labors imposed by the Spaniards, and
them from the from the out-
Again, it is of your Majesty, as is rumored here, is to send hither a governor or president, he be a man free from all human interests, whose head could not be turned by the great gains in this country. He should not be married, nor should he bring with him relatives or followers for whom to provide. For under any one of the aforerages that they inflict
upon them.
that,
if
even more importance
said conditions
tion
it is
impossible to avoid the destruc-
of this country, beyond the power of your Majesty to remedy it I have written this to your Majesty several times before, and now I repeat it, since it is the most necessary thing for the betterment of this land, which would be surely destroyed by its
lack.
Of
the viceroy of
Nueva Espana,
so
many
things
are said in this country, that if but one-tenth of them were true, it is impossible for your Majesty to know them and fail to correct them. This is another of the
72
[Vol. 7
heavy afflictions that God has sent upon this land, for even the severity which has been shown by him to those who go from here is alone sufficient to make
this
land desolate.
No
consideration
is
given to the
and soldiers thereof serve your Majesty with the same hardships and loyalty with which other men have served their king. Nevertheless, there is no lack of persons to inform your Majesty thereof, since the loss of temporal things is always felt more than the spiritual. I leave it to be described by those who have felt the hurt, since it does not concern me in any way, except the regret that I feel for the damage done to my neighbors; for my enterprises and traffic are to remedy the needs of the poor, and to defend and help the natives of The these islands, who have much need thereof. complaint that I make of the viceroy of Nueva Espana is that he has not allowed more than fifteen Dominican friars to come here, although your MajThis is the esty sent to Mexico forty of them. greatest damage that the viceroy could do to this country, as there is exceeding need of ministers of If the fifteen were five religion, such as come now. hundred, the evils of the country would be corrected, and the conscience of your Majesty quite at ease. It is such men that your Majesty should order to come here, and you should refuse to permit those to come who will do more harm than good. Likewise your Majesty should order the generals of the orders of St. Francis and St. Augustine to send hither visitors, who are most necessary. Those of St. Augustine are to be preferred, however, as the friars of St. Francis are more retired from the world. I wrote to your Majesty, via Malaca, of what had
fact that the citizens
588-1591]
SALAZAR TO FELIPE
II
73
happened with the

of the Indians
religious in regard to the observ-
ance of the royal decrees treating of the instruction
by the
religious.
As
the licentiate
Ayala,
fiscal
of the royal Audiencia here, sent the

to
records concerning the subject, I shall but mention
and not refer
them
at length.
At other
to
times I have written to your Majesty

the bishopric
explaining the impossibility of a bishop being able
govern
all
this island of
even three
which I have now. For Lugon it is necessary to have two or bishops - that is to say, I humbly beseech
to
your Majesty
be pleased
to
provide for the Pin-
tados Islands a bishop with his seat in the city of
Qubu. By the relation which I am sending, your Majesty will see that two bishops are not sufficient. I declare to your Majesty that in that case the royal conscience would not be at ease nor would mine; and
I dare not leave
it
unsaid, for fear of
my
peace of
mind.
As I have said before, I had determined to write nothing whatever in detail concerning the damages
Nueva Espana had done to these kingdoms. It seems to me that your Majesty will have had advices thereof, and will have ordered a means of correction. Moreover, as many are interested and have grievances, there will be no lack of a person to advise your Majesty thereof. Nevertheless, I have since thought that I neglect my duty in failing to send a testimonial to your Majesty which was forwarded to this city from Lope de Palacios, captain of the ship " Sant Martin," which went to China. He sent to this city, asking that he be granted permission to leave Macao, because he feared that they were about to kill him in order to gain possession
that the viceroy of
74

I
[Vol. 7
of his property.
this
am
the only person
who can
send
your Majesty, as Lope de Palacios sent it to this city with much secrecy, and in the same manner was it given to me. I discussed the matter with the president, saying that we should send for the captain as if the idea were our own and he had not requested it - employing so great secrecy, so that the Portuguese who were here would not learn of it; for the same Lope de Palacios had declared that he would be certainly put to death if they knew that he was trying to come here. Nevertheless, the request to send for him was in vain, and I was moved to forward this testimonial to your Majesty. It states therein the great harm done by the viceroy in sending the ship " San Martin " to Macao. As the same
memorial
to
person
who went
to learn the
damage
gives testi-
mony
thereof,
no witness more worthy of credit can

I
be entered in the cause.

viceroy of
am
also writing to the
Nueva
Espaiia in regard to the injuries
which he wrought on these kingdoms by despatching the ship " San Martin" to China - although God supplied the remedy, by the loss of the same ship. I tell him that if that ship had been sent to this city a more prosperous voyage would have been made than
the investors could have expected, for so
many
Chi-
nese merchants
came this year to this city, that the merchandise was worth nothing; and if the ship " San Martin " had come here a satisfactory and
cheap cargo could have been obtained, perhaps even
in greater quantity than at
Macao. Instead of damaging this city, those persons would have been enriched, who on account of greed were unable to see the damage done to all of us. Thus God has punished them all, by depriving them of that profit the
588-1591]
SALAZAR TO FELIPE
II
75
to
desire for
which had blinded them
their duty.
They
voyage
also say that the ship " Sant
Ana
"
was sold
for thirty thousand pesos and ordered to

to
make
Macao.
These proceedings
also
were put
to confusion by God, through means which have cost It can be us dearly, namely the loss of that vessel.
said that
if
it
had been
at
Macao somewhat
to these islands
less
damage would have been done

in the
than
wrote
burning of the ship by the Englishman. As I to your Majesty, via Malaca, for ships to go
from Mexico to Macao is to destroy both those kingdoms and these, since the Chinese raise the prices of
their merchandise to such an extent that Portuguese
your Majesty be pleased to order the viceroy to hold these lands in somewhat higher estimation, since your Majesty considers them (and justly so) worthy of constant attention. Ever since the viceroy came to Mexico, he has not sent to this country any troops (except exiles or criminals) or ammunition, or the customary supplies for this camp, as wine, flour, and other articles; he has so reduced everything that there is great privation here, and very little profit to your
and Castilians cannot
live.
May
Majesty.
Your
Majesty's governor and royal Audiencia in

this country.
these islands look well to the service of your Majesty
and the good of
Will your Majesty be
pleased to order the viceroy of

ent or future, not to disturb
Nueva Espana, presor change what may be
decided by them? not only in the customs duties, but in the price fixed for each tonelada, and in the mode of registration. According to our information, the viceroy has changed everything, greatly increasing
the taxes imposed here.
The
labors of the citizens
76
[Vol. 7
in the service of
be
sufficient
your Majesty in these islands should without still more severe requirements
from Nueva Espafta. During the past year there was great confusion, which still continues, about the goods which were brought to this city by your Majesty's ships. The
citizens claim that they ought to be preferred to the merchants; and the merchants complain that, on
account of the cargoes of the citizens, their merchandise
remained here.
serious
understand that on
this
point
still
offenses against
God have
been committed, and
more
their
damage may be done - some persons
being ruined,
as they have no space in the cargoes for property- unless it is checked by your Majesty commanding what order must be followed in this affair. It is of exceeding importance for the quiet and content of this city. There are so many Chinese that come to this land
that the islands are full of them.
Thereby follows
Chinese are a very whom no good
to
much damage
but
to the natives, as the
vicious people,
from intercourse with

can be gained.
I
much harm
have tried
have
I see
the governors
remedy the matter by commanding

it is
that all the Chinese be collected in this city.
no improvement, however; and

spiritual
of
much impor-
tance that this be corrected, for the temporal and
good of these
lands.
Will your Majesty be
pleased to order that this be remedied by severe
measures.
May our
years for the good of us
Lord guard your Majesty many who can do but little. At

Bishop of the Filipinas
Manila, June
27, 1588.
The
DOCUMENTS OF
1589
Excerpt from a letter from the viceroy of India. [Manuel de Sousa Coutinho] April 3. Letter to Felipe II. Santiago de Vera; July 13. Conspiracy against the Spaniards. Santiago de Vera, and others; May-July. Letter to Felipe II. [Gaspar] de Ayala; July 15. Decree regarding commerce. Felipe II; August 9. Instructions to Dasmarinas. Felipe II August 9. Customs of the Tagalogs (two relations). Juan de Plasencia, O.S.F. October 21.
; ; ;
Sources : All but the fifth and the last of these documents are obtained from MSS. in the Archivo general de Indias. The decree of August 9 is taken from the " Cedulario Indico " in the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid and Plasencia's accounts of the Tagalogs, from Santa Ines's Cronica, ii, pp. 592-603.
;
Translations: The first of these documents is translated by Arthur B. Myrick, of Harvard University; the second and fourth are by Jose M. and Clara M. Asensio; the third and fifth, by Alfonso de Salvio, of Harvard University; the sixth, by James A. Robertson; the seventh, by Frederic W. Morrison, of Harvard
University.
EXCERPT OF A LETTER FROM THE VICEROY OF INDIA

One of the things that have seemed most surprising in Don Juan de Gama is the following. When dewere published by order of the viceroy, Don 11 Duarte, in your Majesty's name, prohibiting navigation to China and Lugoens [Luzon], which he [Juan de Gama] as captain-general should have executed, he did the contrary. Jheronimo Pereira, captain of the expedition to Japon, had already done likewise; thus those in authority, who were under obligation to execute your Majesty's laws and commands, were the first to break them, to the great
crees
as soon as possible, I ordered a remedy for such disorders. For this purpose I appointed certain chief magistrates, who excused themselves, either through fear of Don Juan or dread of the sea. Things came to such a pass that,
all.
it
scandal of
Therefore,
was necessary
to
send by schooner, outside the monthis year,
soon season, the licentiate
from the kingdom

11
Ruy Machado who came and who had been ap-
The Portuguese admiral Don Duarte de Meneses - who had been present in the negotiations between Legazpi and Pereira in 1569 (vol. 11, pp. 295, 298, 310)- was viceroy of India from
November, 1584 until his death, May 15, 1588. He was succeeded in that office by Manuel de Sousa Coutinho, the writer of this letter. See Linschoten's Voyage (Hakluyt Society's trans., London, 1885), pp. 174, 200-203.
80

;
[Vol. 7
pointed to that auditorship
his adjutant
was Ynacio
Nunez de Mancelos, The latter had a few
the captain of the said vessel.

soldiers,
remain voyage as captain of the city, since an order for the will not have arrived from India. I think that these two vessels will suffice in every respect for this matter, both to extend the voyage for Don Juan, and to quiet various disturbances arising in the country, on account of the navigation from Nueva Espafia. I also hope that everything will turn out well, and that your Majesty will bestow upon him great favor and honor for this service alone. Among the despatches brought by the auditor is a decree ordering the embarcation for India and Lugoens of all Castilians, both religious and secular, so that only the original Portuguese citizens shall remain in Machao. That will do away with any further occasion for vessels to go there from Nueva Espafia. From this last has resulted great injury to your Majesty's vassals in these regions, to the royal exchequer, and religion itself. Peradventure the Castilians were the cause of again closing the door to the preaching of the gospel, being moved by indiscreet eagerness or too much solici-
and
is
also to
tude.
that,
They
are so unrestrained in this particular,

rn
China without your Majesty's permission, they are the first who broke your decrees, under pretense of religion itself. No easier remedy can be applied than preventing them from entering this trade, which your Majesty should have for the advantage of your own service. We might describe here the great inconveniences and hindrances to your Majesty from a longer continuance of this navigation. But since this letter will be despatched by land, and the viceroy Don Duarte
by trading
588-1591]
LETTER FROM INDIA
has described these matters so fully, I refrain from
doing so here.
I say
only that, even
if
there
to the
were no
English
other reason than not opening the
way
and other nations to resort to those regions (as they did last year and this) that alone would be sufficient reason to stop this intercourse entirely. The Englishman Don Thomas, who came to these regions lately, has caused us much anxiety here. For this
reason the people of India are very confident that
your Majesty will order assistance in this case and apply the fitting remedy, for the common good of these states and that of your service. Don Thomas, the Englishman, sailed from England with three ships in the year 87. Entering the straits of Magallanes, he sailed to the South Seas. Having made some prizes of large and small vessels, he loaded two of his own vessels and sent them to that kingdom [England] by the same route. Nearing the Philipinas, he took his course to Java, and entered the port of Balambuao in Java itself. At that time two Portuguese were at that port, who came immediately to the ship thinking it was from India. The Englishman received them well, and gave them some church ornaments and other valuable articles, together with a letter for the bishop of Malaca and another for the captain, the substance of which was, that he had
come
to
explore those regions.
From
the questions
it
asked these
men by
the auditor of Malaca,
was
as-
certained that the purpose of their coming was none other than trade, exploration, and prizes. He asked
Meca and Malaca, and their fortifications. It is thought that this Englishman came especially to explore the chanparticularly about Achen, the straits of
nels of Bale,
whence
these
men
said that he
would
82
sail in
[Vol. 7
March
of this year to the island of Sant Lohis course
renzo,
from which place he would lay
to the island of
Santa Helena, following the course
taken by the Portuguese vessels.

others
is
Pray God he come
not hither again, as an example for the daring of
- although
great,
the interest they have in doing so
so
that I fear this navigation cannot be
stopped without much trouble, and the prohibition of navigation by Castilians and Portuguese to Nueva
blockade will be established again, so that foreign nations will not undertake this navigation. On this account alone, it seems to me that this
Espafia.
navigation should always be rigorously prohibited.
LETTER FROM SANTIAGO DE VERA TO

FELIPE
Sire:
II
This past year of eighty-eight I gave an account As to your Majesty of the condition of this land. the voyage is so full of sea-perils and danger from corsairs, and it is difficult for the despatches to reach the hands of your Majesty, the duplicate of that letter accompanies this. Therein is declared the extreme need of the islands for reinforcements of troops and necessary supplies for the camp, and other things, of which I gave an account to your Majesty. They are most important to the royal service and the preservation of this land. I beseech your Majesty to have provision made with all possible expedition.
A
St.
small ship leaving this port for the city of
Ma-
laca carried two descalced religious of the order of

Francis.
As
the king of
Burney was
visited
at
peace with
is
us,
they stopped at the port of
Mohala which
two
leagues from Burney.
They
the king, to
whom
One
they gave my letters, and were well received by him. He commanded houses to be given them and everything necessary to assure their sustenance.
night
them,
many people among whom, it is
of that
kingdom attacked
were
a brother
said, there
and other kinsmen of the king.
They
killed three
84
[Vol. 7
Spaniards, among them one of the religious, and robbed them of all their possessions. From those who escaped I learned that the assaulting party were people well known in Burney, and that the spoils were sold publicly in that city. Some articles were seen in the possession of the king's kinsmen. I learned that some chiefs of these islands had intrigued with that people to secure their aid; and that they had plotted together to do this, and had agreed to bring Burney and the kings of Jolo and of Mindanao, and many other foreigners against this city, in order to rob and kill us. As there was a Japanese ship here, they conferred with the captain, and with people who came from that land, all Japanese, proposing that the latter should aid them with what they had, and with supplies and everything necessary, and thus deliver to them this land, in accordance with the plan and arrangements previously agreed upon. So well did they keep this secret, during fifteen months while
they were awaiting a favorable opportunity, that they
were not even suspected by myself, or the

or any other person.
religious,
accomplish their design, they despatched the chiefs of these islands to Burney,
To
and number.
to the other
kingdoms three
to
chiefs of their
They wrote
Japon, so
that, at the ap-
all would come; and all were given what they were to do. I made secret investigations, and found out that all the aforesaid was true and in a short time I had in my hands the guilty ones who were in these islands, and also those who had gone away after the death of the people, so that none remained uncaptured. Without any disturb-
pointed time,
orders as to
ance whatever, I beheaded seven of the authors of

the rebellion, sons, nephews, and grandsons of the
1588-1591]
VERA TO FELIPE
II
85
lords of this land.
Others not so culpable I punished
Nueva Espafia and by other penalties, so now seems that this disturbance is quelled. After that, in the province of Cubu and in that called
by
exile to
it
that
the Pintados, the chiefs held a conference, and plot-
ted to kill the Spaniards.
The
majority of those
I
who
took part in this have been imprisoned, and proceedings are being instituted against them.
this will cause us
think that
but little trouble. This boldness is caused by the natives noticing the fewness of Spansent
and the few reinforcements from Nueva Espafia. It is necessary that your Majesty should order that there be less negligence in
ish troops in the islands
this respect.
By
sell
a royal decree
your Majesty commands
me
to
the magistracies of this city and four offices of
notaries-public therein; also those of the provinces of
Oton, Cebu, Camarines, Ylocos, Cagayan, Panpanga, and Bonbon. As the land is so newly settled, and
the offices of so
that, in
little profit, I
it
wrote
to
your Majesty
was not time to dispose of them, and that they would bring but little if offered at auction; but that, if anyone would buy them at a reasonable price, I would sell them. This I did, and
opinion,
my
enhance their value at the sale, I announced that the offices could be renounced and sold by paying to your Majesty the third part of the price
in order to
they were worth.

sold, will
this condition
As
the offices of notary have been

to
your Majesty be pleased

be observed;
provide that
the price
or, if not, that
this
be returned to them and the offices be sold without condition - as the perquisites and influence of
these offices are held in such esteem in this land, that
they have risen to very good prices.
The
bids for
86
the
first

of the magistracies that
[Vol. 7
were commanded
to
be sold closed at one thousand two hundred and fiftyone pesos and for the second, third, fourth, and fifth, at two thousand eight hundred. The four offices of
;
notary-public
of
this
city
brought two thousand
eight hundred and eighty pesos, at seven hundred and
twenty pesos each. That of the province of Panpanga brought one thousand; of Oton, one thousand six hundred and twenty; that of the city and province of Cubu, five hundred and sixty; of Ylocos, three hundred pesos; and that of Bombon, two hundred and sixty-two pesos. The other magistracies and offices of notary-public which were offered at auction did not bring so high a price, as the stubbornness and competitions which had caused the offices to rise so in value had ceased. For this reason the remaining magistracies and offices of notary-public have not
been
your Majesty, later, of whatever is done with regard to them, and the sum they bring will be placed in the royal treasury as soon as it is collected. [Marginal note " Write to the governor that, in what refers to the offices of regidor, it is not expedient that there be the condition permitting them to renounce the offices. The sales must be made in the usual way. As regards the notarial offices, what has been done is approved."] On this route to Nueva Espana your Majesty has four ships, and the new one that has just been finished, and which makes the voyage this year. Of these, the viceroy of Nueva Espana sold the ship " San Martin," to make the voyage to Macan, where it was wrecked and burned by the Chinese. Another was taken by the English corsair, as I reported to your Majesty; and but now when another, in the port of
sold.
I shall give an account to
1588-1591?
this city,
VERA TO FELIPE
was ready
to
II
87
hurricane burst on
this
make the voyage, so great a and many other Spanish and
Chinese ships that only a small boat was left unwrecked. Of the two remaining, only one is available the other cannot be used, as it is so old. Understanding the great need there was of ships, I had a
;
large galleon of six hundred toneladas,
which had
been built in the Pintados Islands, placed in the shipyards of your Majesty, for the above-named route. God willing, it may sail in the year ninety-one. I
have given orders for private persons

other ships of
less
to
make two
It
is
tonnage.
One
is
already finished,
and both will be able
to sail next year.
most
important that there be for this navigation plenty of ships, both for the emergencies of war which may arise, and for the preservation of these islands, which are supported by trade. If, as I have suggested several times before, your Majesty were pleased to have about ten thousand pesos sent annually from Nueva Espana, two ships of good capacity can be launched very easily, without harassing the natives in any way and with this help, at even less than a third of the cost elsewhere. Otherwise, there is no way to bring Your Majesty will signify your royal it about
pleasure in
governor
to
[Marginal note: "Write to the proceed with and carry out this plan, and
this.
to give orders for private persons to build ships."]
For the ships
sailing
between these islands and
Nueva Espana, and to other places which may be found, sailors are much needed, to navigate them and
remain here to look and calkers who must They should be paid in ury is too poor. As the
to
after
them;
also carpenters
reside here to repair them.
Nueva Espana as this treasmoney for their wages must
88

sent,
[Vol. 7
be
sometimes
it
is
not brought, and at other
times
edly,
it is lost,
thereby causing the sailors to die of
Therefore the sailors serve half-heartand desert; and there is great negligence in the despatch of the fleets. The only remedy for both these evils is from the exchequer of your Majesty. If it is to be spent therefor, it would be best for your Majesty to have the amount of the freight-charges on the property sent from these islands in the said
starvation.
ships granted annually to this royal treasury
up
to
the
sum
of three thousand pesos.
Thus
the needs
here will be met without taking from the treasdecree in acury of Mexico. [Marginal note: " cordance herewith. Meanwhile order shall not be
given that the ships of

esty's cost."]
this line shall sail at his
Majre-
have already reported
to
your Majesty the

I
moval from
these forts of a quantity of artillery, for
the security of the two ships
which
despatched
to
Nueva
Espafia last year, eighty-eight.
That carried
;
by one of the ships is paid for by the merchants, as well as the powder, arms, and ammunition and that on the other was at your Majesty's expense. Part of the money received I sent to the kingdom of China in order to buy what metal could be obtained. Thence 12 they brought me one hundred and twenty- five picos (about five arfobas) of copper, at thirteen pesos and
eight rreals.
With
this artillery
is
being cast; to
take the place of the pieces carried by the ships, I
had
12 The following table of Chinese weights is given in Clarke's I Weights, Measures, and Money (N. Y., 1888) : 10 mace 1 1 yin; 50 yin 1 catty or kan; 2 catties tael; 16 taels ij lbs., or 604.8 grammes. Hence pecul or tarn. The catty the pecul 133^ lbs. The shik is a weight of 160 lbs. In China almost everything is sold by weight.
= =
588-1591]
VERA TO FELIPE
II
89
from the metal which I had here. The Bronze is so cheap in China, results are very good. and so easy to transport and cast in this country, that, if your Majesty will have money sent hither from Nueva Espana for this purpose, artillery could be provided in this country both for Nueva Espana and Piru. Will your Majesty signify the royal pleasure [Marginal note: " Write to the viceroy of in this. Nueva Espana that this seems expedient, and that he may send money to the governor, in order that some artillery may be made there, both for Nueva Espana and Peru. Advice as to what is needed must be given
others cast
to the
viceroy of Peru."]
trade with the Chinese
is
The
continually, increasof
ing in these islands.

chants and
About four thousand men

These become
citizens
that land are here as a general rule, including mer-
workmen.
settle in the alcaiceria
[silk-market] of this city.
and In
the surrounding villages there are also a large
numare
ber of Chinese.
Their houses are being rapidly built
of stone, according to the Spanish custom.
They
very strong, large and imposing in appearance.
In
two or three
be erected,
teries,
years,
God
willing, all the buildings will
as also the cathedral church, the monasand other churches. They are being built very substantially and some are already finished. The materials are so good and the workmen, both Chinese and natives, so numerous, that everyone is encouraged to build the houses in this manner. But it is a melancholy fact (for it all is like an empty purse, or an inn without a guest) that the land is unhealthful, and there are no doctors or medicines; and so there is great lack of troops, and of men for the usual work of guard and sentinel-duty, and for expeditions to
90
[Vol. 7
carry succor to the settlements and to pacify the uprisings of the Indians.
The
soldiers are constantly
dying and passing away, in such number that I fear there will be no troops to defend the city from any of the many enemies by whom we are surrounded. For the remedy thereof, will your Majesty be pleased to have the viceroy of Nueva Espana send the troops, arms, and ammunition which may be requested by the governor of these islands, and also the medicines and supplies necessary for the camp. It has been three years since we have had any kind of aid whatever, and consequently we are in extreme necessity. I beseech your Majesty, if you wish these islands to be preserved, that you will expressly command the said viceroy to send reinforcements annually to this camp, of two hundred men, with powder and ammunition medicines, and other supplies for the hospitals; and whatever the governor may advise is necessary. I can assure your Majesty that if this succor fail, everything else will fail also, and everything gained by your Majesty at so great and excessive expenses, in order to start on the way to heaven so many millions of souls who had been dominated by the devil, will be lost. Thus will be closed the door of this new world which has been opened by your Maj" Write to the governor that [Marginal note esty. he continue the building. To Don Luis de Velasco, that he observe this command, and aid the settle;
:
ments."]
your Majesty, was being built, was shaken, when about completed, in three places by great earthquakes. It opened in one place more than a finger's breadth, although less in the others. To assure its safety and construct it
fort
The
which,
as I
had written
to
1588-1591]
VERA TO FELIPE
style,
II
91
sufficiently
in the
modern
although
it
was quite
strong before,
that
am
constructing cavaliers which

it.
are to serve as buttresses for
The
principal part,
toward the
sea, is finished; the
other parts are
commenced, and, God helping, will soon be completed. These will make it so capacious and strong
that
it
can withstand any attack.
am
sending the
model, report, and account herewith to your Majesty. [Marginal note: " Let it be brought."] Since coming to this country, I have insisted that
the religious should try to learn the Chinese lan-
guage, in order to convert and teach the Chinese in

this land,
who
are ordinarily about as

it is
many
as I be-
fore stated.
As
so difficult
and the religious are
so busily engaged with the natives of the islands, they have not done this. When the Dominicans came
here,
I
entrusted to
them
the
instruction
of
the
and supplied them with interpreters to teach them the language. I bade them build a church and dwelling in the alcaiceria (called the Parian) and at the point of Tondo, where the Chinese live and carry on their trade. Two of the religious have been so apt that one of them already understands and speaks that language well, and the
Chinese,
;
They are preaching and teaching and have converted many people, having now a village of Christians. This year, on Holy Thursday they held a procession in honor of the blood of Christ, wherein they displayed much devotion. I hope in our Lord that, as this people so
other will
it
know
in a short time.
clearly and firmly understand

as
what they
learn,
and
they have no particular worship, in a short time they will all be converted. It is certain that if their
long hair were not cut off when they are baptized (ac-
92
[Vol. 7
cording to the bishop's commands), there would already have been a general conversion in this land,
and they would have received baptism. I gave account thereof to your Majesty, and await your orders. [Marginal note: " Write to the provincial acknowledging this, and to the bishop in regard to cutting off the hair of the Chinese. This is not expedient, as their conversion
is
thereby retarded. More-
over, they
do not dare
to return to their
own country
where they could teach and convert others. This custom of the Chinese, wearing their hair long, is more usual in other parts of the Yndias, as he knows and hitherto this has not been considered unseemly.
Let the bishop call together the superiors of the orders, and other learned and zealous persons. They shall confer and give commands for what is expedient in regard to suitable measures for the conversion of the Chinese. He shall send advices thereof, and of the difficulties in the way, and shall provide for
both."]
bishop of these islands, as I have at other times written to your Majesty, does not countenance
The
made by force, and the decrees of the Audiencia; and when he is so inclined, he refuses to
appeals
comply therewith.
and other
We
have therefore been put
to
much annoyance and
constraint in enforcing exile
penalties, particularly in regard to the de-
This latter has not been done because the land is new, and to avoid offending the natives. He becomes very angry at times, with little or no occasion, so that he often disagrees with the Audiencia, in the pulpit and out of it, and causes others to do the same - notwithstanding what your Majesty has commanded, and the reprifense of the royal jurisdiction.
1588-1591]
VERA TO FELIPE
II
93
mands
that he has received.
Although there have
been serious difficulties, I do not discuss them, in order not to weary your Majesty with a longer I beseech your Majesty to supply the account. remedy which you think suitable, and to order the bishop not to publish, without reason, as he has done, causes of the Holy Office against the Audiencia and Although we must always do justice, and the fiscal. fiscal must act as plaintiff, there is caused much scandal and many hindrances to the authority of your Majesty's Audiencia, by trying to disgrace and intimidate the judges by threats of the Inquisition. Although your Majesty has ordered this camp and the royal hospitals to be provided with medicines and other necessities, as there is no doctor the soldiers are only treated by unskilled surgeons who attempt to cure them. For this reason many people die, and I beseech your Majesty, as it so important to your service, to order the viceroy of Nueva Espana to send a good physician with an adequate salary at the cost of your royal estate. The city has no money with which to pay him, nor do the soldiers, since even
them has not enough for his own support. [Marginal note: " Write to the viceroy of Nueva Espana to send a doctor and a surgeon to treat these people and give advice thereof."]
the
richest of
At
the shipyard of these islands your Majesty's
work was Master Miguel de Palacio. He died and his place was filled by Master Marco, a good builder of all kinds of ships. He died also and although I underchief shipbuilder and superintendent of
;
charge of the galleon in Pintados, the he is old and being built which is cannot all alone attend to the work, to the repairing
stand there
is
another
now
in
94
[Vol. 7
of the ships of the line, and the building of others.
There
is
great need of another good officer.

if
I be-
seech your Majesty to order that,
possible,
men
be sent for
this from the kingdoms of Nueva Espafia. " Idem"^\ [Marginal note In the relation written by the Audiencia are other matters, of which I give no account here, since they are there mentioned; your Majesty will please order
:
that these be examined.
May God
preserve the
Catholic person of your Majesty.

13 of the year 1589.
At Manila, July
The
let the
doctor Santiago de
Vera
is made for the within; [Endorsed: governor be informed."]
" Provision
CONSPIRACY AGAINST THE SPANIARDS

Testimony
in certain investigations
made by Doctor
Santiago de Vera, president of the Philipinas
In the city of Manila, on the twentieth of

the year one thousand five
May
in
hundred and eighty-nine.
Doctor Santiago de Vera, of the Council of the king, our lord, and his governor and captain-general in these Philipinas Islands, stated that inasmuch as it is proper and necessary to inform the king our sovereign of the compact and conspiracy which the Indian chiefs and natives of these islands and the
vicinity of
Manila had plotted against the service of God, our Lord, and against his Majesty, and of the
inquiry and investigations
ascertain
made
order,
thus far in order to
and the status of the and he did order, Estevan de Marquina, notary-public of Manila before whom most of the trial has been conducted, of which an account has already been given three times to the royal Audiencia- to draw up an attested record of the said trial in a summary and relation, or such documents as shall be necessary, in order to send them to the royal Council of the Indias this present year, fie also ordered him to inform his Majesty of what is occurring, and of what has
facts,
and verify the
case: he therefore
would
96
[Vol. 7
been done about the matter. This was what Doctor Santiago de Vera declared, ordered, and signed.
By
order of his Lordship
Thomas Perez
In fulfilment of the
command and
decree
of
Doctor Santiago de Vera, governor and captaingeneral of these islands, and president of the royal Audiencia, I, Estevan de Marquina, notary-public for the king our sovereign, of the number [authorized] in the city of Manila, testify that a trial and criminal process has been conducted and is still pending before the said governor and captaingeneral. The parties are the royal department of justice of the one part, and certain Indian chiefs, natives of the villages of Tondo, Misilo, Bulacan, and other villages in the neighborhood of Manila, of
the other part.
The
cause of this contention seems to
be that on the twenty-sixth of October of last year, one thousand five hundred and eighty-eight, Doctor Santiago de Vera, governor and captain-general of these islands, and president of the royal Audiencia, learned that the following persons Don Agustin de Legaspi, one of the chiefs of this land; Martin Panga, governor of the village of Tondo, and his
:
first
cousin;
;
Magat
Salamat, the son of the old lord
and other chiefs, had not long ago sent weapons and other articles to the king of Burney, and that they were quite intent upon holding meetings and their usual drunken feasts, swearing to keep secret whatever they discussed. He also learned that they had sold and were selling their landed property. In order to ascertain what the condition of affairs is, the governor made an inquiry and many
of this land
a present of
1588-1591]
CONSPIRACY AGAINST SPANIARDS
97
witnesses
were summoned. From this inquiry and other investigations and inquests made in the course
of the trials,
it appears that the said Don Agustin de Legaspi and Magat Salamat had sent a quantity of shields, arquebuses, and other weapons to Xapon and to the petty king of Burney, who has thus been enabled to put himself on a war-footing. They warned these powers to fortify themselves in their strongholds, because the Spaniards intended to go there. They added that the said Don Agustin would notify them in person of what was taking place and that, for this purpose, he would ask permission to set out on his commercial enterprises. Likewise we learned that the people of the kingdom of Burney
;
were thinking of manning a fleet for the purpose of attacking the Spaniards; and that they had killed a Franciscan friar and other Spaniards while on their way to Malaca from Manila with messages and despatches for the king, our sovereign.
It
appears that
on the fourth of November of the said year, when the inquiry had not gone further than this, Captain Pedro Sarmiento arrived in this city from the Calamianes, which are islands near Burney; and brought the news and information that he had left behind in the said Calamianes three Indian chiefs of Tondo, namely, Magat Salamat, Don Agustin Manuguit, son of Don Phelipe Salalila, and Don Joan Banal, brother-in-law of the said Magat. Through Don Antonio Surabao, his servant and chief of his encomienda, he had learned that these men were going as ambassadors to the petty king of Burney, in order to
induce him
to
send a
fleet to
attack the Spaniards,
and to join the chiefs of Jolo, and Sumaelob, chief of Cuyo, who had already come to terms and offered to
98
[Vol. 7
help them with two thousand men.
They had
per-
suaded the said Don Antonio Surabao to accompany them and carry out their plans; but the latter while on the one hand he promised to help them, in order
not to arouse their suspicion, on the other hand un-
folded the plan to Captain Sarmiento. He added, moreover, that Amarlangagui, chief of Baibai, who was within the jurisdiction of Manila and held the
office of master-of-artillery,
had
told him, while in
this city, that all the chiefs of this
neighborhood had
plotted and conspired with the Borneans to rebel

against the service of the king our sovereign, and to
kill the
Spaniards of
this city,
while they were
off
their guard.
The plan was
that
when
the fleet of
Burney reached the port
of Cavite,
and the Spaniards
trustfully called these chiefs to their aid, they
would
all immediately enter the houses of the Spaniards with their men, fortify themselves in them and thus take possession of them one by one. If the Spaniards took refuge in the fortress, Indian soldiers would follow them and, being two to one, they would surely kill the Spaniards. Maluco offered an example of this for with but few people they had taken so large a fortress from the Portuguese.* To this end the people of Burney were building seven galleys and other warships, and were getting ready ammunition and war-material. Thus it is affirmed by the said Don Antonio Surabao himself, who says that, under the pledge of friendship and secrecy, he was made acquainted with all this, and was persuaded to join the said conspiracy. Upon this, with the governor's approval, soldiers and attendants were immediately despatched with his orders to arrest the said chiefs, and to bring them to this city as quickly as
;
;
588-1591]
99
possible.
From
the inquiry and secret investigations
which were taken up anew, it appears that last year, five hundred and eighty-seven, when Captain Don Joan Gayo and many Japanese with merchandise arrived at this city in a ship from Xapon, Don Agustin de Legaspi became very friendly to him, inviting him many times to eat and drink at his house which
on the other side of the river of this city. The agreement and stipulation which he made with Don Joan Gayo through the Japanese interpreter, Dionisio Fernandez, and in the presence of the said Magat Salamat, Don Agustin Manuguit, Don Phelipe Salalila, his father, and Don Geronimo Bassi, Don Agustin de Legaspi's brother, was, that the said captain should come to this city with soldiers from Xapon, and enter it under pretext of peace and commerce, bringing in his ship flags for the use of the Spaniards, so that the latter should think his intentions peaceful. It was also agreed that the chiefs of the neighborhood would help them to kill the Spaniards, and would supply the provisions and everything necessary. The said Don Agustin de Legaspi was to set out to meet them; and, in order that they might recognize one another, he would carry some of the weapons which the said captain had given him. After they had conquered the Spaniards, they would make him [Don Agustin] king of the land, and collect the tribute from the natives, which would be divided between Don Agustin and the Japanese. They swore this after their fashion, by anointing their necks with a broken egg. Don Agustin de Legaspi discussed and arranged the whole plan with Amaghicon, an Indian chief of Navotas, warned him to keep the secret, and gave him some of the weapons
is
IOO
[Vol. 7
which the Japanese had given him, in order that they might recognize one another. According to the
declarations of Dionisio Fernandez, the Japanese
interpreter,
Don
Phelipe Salalila,
Basi,
Magat
Salamat, and other witnesses

trial
Don Geronimo who were

it
present at the said meetings and compacts, and as
and investigations, it seems that when Don Martin Panga, under the charge of adultery, Don Agustin de Legaspi, for accounts demanded of him at the time when he was governor of Tondo, Don Gabriel Tuambagan, Don Francisco Acta, his son, and Pitongatan were taken to the prison of this court, each and every one of them swore, after their fashion, to help one another with their persons and property in all matters - be it concerning the liberty of their slaves, or in any other
difficulty.
appears also from the
Likewise
it
appears that after they
left the said
the village of
from and went to live in the village of Tambobo, not far from this There he and Don Agustin de Legaspi incity.
prison, the said
Don Martin Panga was
exiled
Tondo
for a certain period,
vited the other leaders to
come together
for a secret
meeting.
Under
pretext of visiting said
Don Martin
Panga, a meeting was held in the said village by Don Phelipe Salalila, Don Agustin Manuguit; Magat Salamat, chief of
of
Tondo; Don Pedro Bolingui, chief Pandaca; Don Geronimo Basi and Don Grabiel
Basar,
Tuam
Don Luis Amanicalao and Calao his son the brothers Don Dionisio Capolo and Don Phelipe Salonga; Don Phelipe Amarlangagui, chief of Catangalan; Don FranAgustin's brothers;
;
Don
cisco
Acta and Amaghicon with other Indian timaguas, servants, and allies of his. For three days they
;
1588-1591]
IOI
met, and drank after their fashion.
they resolved to act in

in everything.
If their
During this time harmony and with one mind slaves demanded liberty, they
were
to
help one another against them; for already
they were not regarded or obeyed as before.

selves
They
possessed neither slaves nor gold, and found them-
poor and cast down, ready to go to prison any Their sorrow was very keen because their wives were being taken away from them, and given to others to whom, they claimed, they had been first married. For all these reasons they were very sad, and they discussed and plotted, and took oath, according to their custom, that if an enemy came to Manila to attack the Spaniards, they would unanimously and with one mind aid the enemy against the Spaniard^. Thus they would once more become masters, as they had been before, and exercise the old tyranny over the common people - who now were much favored by the Spaniards, being promoted to superior places by them. The said Don Agustin de Legaspi proposed to them the plan and compact which he had made with the said Japanese Don Joan Payo [Gayo] and the other chiefs declared that they were ready to help him and to accede to his wishes. After this, it appears that in the month of February, one thousand five hundred and eighty-eight, when we heard of the English pirate who passed through these islands and plundered the ship " Santana," the said chiefs made preparations, thinking he
day.
;
would come to this city, to carry out their plan. A few days afterward, Don Estevan Taes, chief of Bulacan, came to the village of Tondo where they were. He conferred with Don Martin Panga and they decided that since the Englishman had not come,
;
102
[Vol. 7
and the compact made at the meeting of Tambobo had not been carried out, they should call another meeting to discuss what had been planned at the former one. To this end, he offered to notify and call together all the chiefs from his village as far as Tondo, while Don Martin Panga was to summon the
other chiefs as far as Cavite.
To
this end, the said
Don Martin Panga

to the
said that he
would carry
a letter
governors of Malolos and Guiguinto, and tell them to hasten to the meeting; and that, when they were assembled, he could communicate to them the bad or the good which he kept within his breast. After Don Esteban Tael [sic] had told him to leave the matter in his hands, Don Martin Panga declared, in the presence of Pitongatan, that he and Don Agustin had planned to call together the men of La Laguna and Comitan and that, when the people were all gathered, they would discuss the means of regaining the freedom and lordship which their fathers had
;
enjoyed before them; and, with

lected
at
all
the people col-
Tondo, would attack Manila, as arranged with Balaya, chief of Vangos, and with the natives of Batan. It seems that the said meeting did not take place, on account of various occupations which detained the said chiefs. Moreover it appears that about the same time, when certain Indian chiefs of Panpanga came to Manila on business connected with their province, on passing through the village of Tondo, Don Agustin Panga summoned them; and
with Don Agustin de Legaspi, Sagat Amanicalao, talked with them, and and Malagat, inquired after the business that took them to Manila. The chiefs answered that they came to entreat the governor to command the cessation of the lawsuits
he, together
1588-1591]
103
concerning slaves in Panpanga, until they could gather in the harvest. Don Martin said that this was very good, and that they also wished to make the same entreaty and to bring their slaves to court; but that to attain this it would be best to assemble and choose a leader from among them, whom they should
swear to obey in everything as a king, in order that none should act alone. The chiefs of Panpanga said that they had [no] war with the Spaniards, to cause them to plot against the latter, and that they had a good king. Thus they did not consent to what was asked from them by the aforesaid chiefs, and proceeded to Manila in order to transact their business. In Manila they were again invited to go to Tondo, to take food with the plotters; but the Panpanga chiefs refused. On the same day a meeting was held in Tondo by Don Agustin de Legaspi and Don Martin Panga; Don Luis Balaya, chief of Bangos; Agustin Lea and Alonso Digma, his nephews Don Phelipe Salalila and Don Agustin Manuguit, his son; Don Luis Amanicalao, and Calao, his son; Don Grabiel Tuambagar, Don Francisco Acta, Don Phelipe Salonga, and other natives who rendered service. While they were thus assembled, they all resolved and
;
agreed,
amid
the usual drinking, that the above-
mentioned Magat should go to the Calamianes and from that place notify the Borneans to come to Manila to attack the Spaniards; and the chiefs would wait for them here, and would take care to receive and help them. In fulfilment of this, the said chief Magat Salamat went to the Calamianes, which are near the kingdom of Burney, taking with him the chiefs Don Agustin Manuguit and Don Joan Banal. Thence he went to the island of Cuyo, where it seems
104
[Vol. 7
that he discussed the matter with Sumaelob, chief oi
him to come with the plunder Manila. At that time he was arrested for this trial, was brought to this city, and openly confessed that what has been said actually
the said island, and persuaded
Borneans
to
occurred.
and investigations made in refaforesaid persons were examined by the governor and captain-general and he gave orders to arrest those who appeared guilty, in the various regions and provinces in which they were to be found, and on different days, letting no one of the guilty ones escape. The men were arrested and their confessions were taken down separately. At the proper time and place they were each charged with the crime which resulted against each of them; and a copy of the charge was given to them and to their attorneys on their behalf. Their cases were received on trial in a certain order and for a certain period, so as to give them, during that period, an opportunity of clearing themselves from the charge. The time expired, and the trial was definitely closed. The governor and captain-general reviewed the trial, and on different days pronounced a final sentence against each one of them, according to their guilt.
said inquiries
The
erence to the
trial of the
The sentence is Don Agustin
in substance as follows:
de Legaspi and Don Martin Panga, as leaders and chiefs, and being convicted by witnesses, were condemned to be dragged and hanged; their heads were to be cut off and exposed on the gibbet in iron cages, as an example and
warning against the said crime. All their goods were to be confiscated and set apart, half for the royal treasury and
half for judicial expenses.
The above-mentioned
ap-
1588-1591]
IO
pealed from the aforesaid sentence to the royal Audi-
but after having examined the trial, the Audiencia confirmed the aforesaid sentence, and returned the case to the governor and captaingeneral in order that justice might be done. The
encia of these islands
;
death-punishment was to cut their heads off and to expose them on the gibbet in iron cages. The sites of their houses were to be plowed and sown with salt. All their property, after the judicial expenses had been defrayed, should be set aside for the royal treasury. This sentence was executed upon the abovementioned persons as here stated. Dionisio Fernandez, Japanese interpreter in the negotiations with Xapon, having confessed and having been convicted, was condemned to be hanged and to lose his property, half of it to be set aside for the royal treasury and half for judicial expenses. He appealed from this sentence to the royal Audiencia; but this court, after it had examined the trial, returned it to the governor and captain-general, in order that justice might be done. The sentence was executed upon him as here stated. Don Pedro Balinguit, chief of the village of Pan-
was sentenced to six years of prescribed Nueva Espafia, and was condemned to pay
daca,
exile in
six taes
of orejeras gold
13
for the treasury of the king our
sovereign, and for judicial expenses. The fiscal and he appealed to his Majesty's chamber- I mean to the
13
Malays;
is sets
Orejeras was the name of a fine grade of gold used by the see vol. hi, p. 224, and iv, p. 99.
Exile thus inflicted

culprit's residence
was
of
two
kinds.
last
The
Spanish phrase here
that the prescribed in a certain place. In the other form of exile, read, for precisos, voluntarios ("at will"), which may be translated " unconditioned "- that is, he might choose his place of residence.
anos de destierro precisos - the
word meaning
was
106
[Vol. 7
royal Audiencia - and this court returned the case

to the captain-general, so that justice
might be done.
place
This
man
is
about
to sail in these ships for his
of exile.
Pitongatan, chief of the village of Tondo, was sen-
tenced to exile in
Nueva
Espafia for eight years.
His
property was to be equally divided between the treasury of the king, our sovereign, and the judicial ex-
appealed to the royal Audiencia; and this court on a second examination sentenced him to exile in such place as the governor should choose, for two years - one prescribed and the other unconditioned - and to pay costs only. Don Phelipe Salonga, chief of the village of Polo,
penses.
He
and the
fiscal
was sentenced to exile in Nueva Espafia for six years. Half of his property was to be set aside for the treasury of the king, our sovereign, and half for judicial expenses. He and the fiscal appealed to the royal Audiencia but the case was returned to the captaingeneral, in order that justice might be done. Don Phelipe Amarlangagui, chief of Catangalan, was sentenced to exile from his village for six years, to a place prescribed. His property was to be di;
vided equally between the treasury of the king, our sovereign, and the judicial expenses. He and the fiscal appealed to the royal Audiencia; but the case was returned to the captain-general, in order that justice might be done, except that the exile was to be
for four years.
Daulat, chief of the village of Castilla, was sen-
tenced to prescribed exile from this district for four

years,
and condemned
to
pay ten
taes of orejeras gold,
half for the royal treasury and half for judicial expenses.
He
and the
fiscal
appealed
to the royal
Au-
1588-1591]
107
was returned to the captainmight be done, except that of the four years of exile two were to be prescribed and two unconditioned. Don Joan Basi, chief and former governor of the village of Tagui, was sentenced to prescribed exile from this jurisdiction 14 for four years. Half of his property was set aside for the treasury of his Majesty, and half for the judicial expenses. He and the fiscal appealed to the royal Audiencia, whence the case was remitted to the captain-general, with the exception that the whole penalty should consist only of two
diencia; but the case
general, in order that justice
years of prescribed exile.
Dionisio Capolo, chief of Candava, was sentenced

to
prescribed exile from this jurisdiction for eight
years,
jeras gold, half of
and was condemned to pay fifteen taes of orewhich was to be set aside for the treasury of his Majesty, and half for judicial expenses. He and the fiscal appealed to the royal Audiencia, which, after having examined the report of
trial,
the
remitted
it
to the captain-general, in
order
that justice
alty
might be done - save that the whole pen-
was to consist of four years of prescribed exile, and the payment of twelve taes of orejeras gold. The sentence was executed. Don Francisco Acta, chief of Tondo, was sentenced to four years of prescribed exile. Half of his goods and property was to be divided between the treasury of his Majesty and judicial expenses. He and the fiscal appealed to the court of his Majesty; but the case was remitted to the captain-general in order that
obsolete use of the word, to signify a It will be remembered that Sande, in 1577, fixed the boundaries of the city of Manila within this limit. (See vol. rv, p. 107.) Span., corte; a
district of five leagues
14
now
around the court.
108
justice
[Vol. 7
was
to
might be done - save that the whole penalty consist of four years' prescribed exile, and
nothing more. Don Luis Amanicalao was sentenced to prescribed exile from this jurisdiction for six years. His goods
were to be divided between the treasury of his Majesty and the judicial expenses. He and the attorney appealed to the royal Audiencia, but the case was
likewise remitted to the captain-general in order that
justice
might be done - only
that the exile
was
to
be
reduced to three years. The sentence was executed. Don Grabiel Tuambacar, chief of Tondo, was sentenced to exile from this jurisdiction for four years, and was condemned to pay six taes of orejeras gold half for the treasury of his Majesty, and half for the
judicial expenses.
appealed to the royal Audiencia, as did the fiscal also but the case was remitted to the governor, in order that he might execute justice upon him - except that the penalty was to be only
;
He
four years' exile.

Calao, chief of Tondo, was sentenced to exile from
this jurisdiction for
were
Half of his goods He and the fiscal appealed to the royal Audiencia, whence the case was returned to the captain-general, in order that he might execute justice - except that the only penalty
four years.
to
be applied
as in other cases.
was four years' exile. Omaghicon, chief of Navotas, was sentenced to prescribed exile in Nueva Espana for six years, and was condemned to pay sixty taes of orejeras gold, half of it to be set aside for the treasury of his MajThis money esty, and half for the judicial expenses. was to be paid within a month, under pain of hangThe fiscal of his Majesty and the culprit aping.
588- 1 591]
109
pealed to the royal Audiencia; there the sentence
was revoked, and the guilty man was condemned to die, and to lose half of his goods, the latter to be applied as specified above. Thus he was condemned on a new trial, and put to death; and inquiries are being
made about
his goods.
was sentenced to exile in ten years. His property was to be divided between the treasury of his Majesty and the judicial expenses. He and the fiscal of his Majesty appealed to the royal Audiencia - which, after an examination and a new trial, revoked the sentence and condemned him to death, and to the loss of all his
Bassi
Don Geronimo Nueva Espafia for
goods in favor of the royal treasury.
The
sentence
was executed.
Phelipe Salalila, chief of Misilo, was exiled to Nueva Espafia for twelve years, and condemned to pay seventy taes of gold de or ej eras, of which half was to be set aside for the treasury of his Majesty
Don
and half for judicial expenses. He was to pay the money within twenty days under pain of death. He and the attorney of his Majesty appealed to the royal Audiencia - which, after an examination and a new trial, revoked the sentence and condemned him to death, and to the loss of all his goods in favor of the treasury of his Majesty. The sentence was executed
upon him.
Don
to
Esteban Taes, chief of Bulacan, was sentenced prescribed exile in Nueva Espafia for eight years,
to
and condemned
pay
sixty taes of orejeras gold, for
the treasury of his Majesty and for judicial expenses.
The money was
be paid within thirty days under pain of death. He and the fiscal of the king appealed to the royal Audiencia - which, on an examination
to
HO
and new

trial,
[Vol. 7
revoked the sentence, and condemned him to death and to the loss of all his goods in favor of the royal exchequer and the treasury of his Majesty.
The sentence was executed. Magat Salamat was condemned

to
to
death.
His
goods were
be employed for the erection of the
new
fortress of this city.

;
He
appealed
to the royal
Audiencia but the case was remitted to the governor, in order that justice might be done - except that the goods were to be set aside for the treasury. The sen-
was executed. Don Agustin Manuguit was sentenced to exile in Nueva Espana for six years, and condemned to pay
tence
twenty taes of orejeras gold toward the building of the new fortress. Failing to pay this sum, the term of
his exile
the
would be doubled. sentence was executed.
He
agreed
to
pay
it,
and
Luis Balaya, chief of Bangos, was sentenced to exile from his village for two years, one prescribed and the other unconditioned. He was also condemned to pay ten taes of orejeras gold toward the building
Don
which he agreed. Alonso Lea was acquitted on the trial. Amarlangagui, chief of the village of Tondo, was exiled from this jurisdiction for four years, two preHe was also conscribed and two unconditioned. demned to pay fifteen taes of orejeras gold toward
of the fortress, to the said building of the fortress.
He
agreed
to this,
and the sentence was executed. Don Joan Banal, chief of Tondo, was sentenced to exile from this jurisdiction for six years, and condemned to pay ten taes of orejeras gold toward the building of the said fortress. He agreed to this, and paid the money.
1588-1591]
III
In the case of Amaghicon, Indian chief of the island of Cuyo, sentence is yet to be passed by the governor; for the man was brought hither only a short time ago, as he lived very far from this city. The said sentences, as specified, were executed up-
on the above-named persons.

iled to
Those who were
ex-
Nueva
Espafta are about to
sail in the ships
which
are to be despatched this year to that country.
As
for the goods [confiscated], most of the men have paid their fines but in case of those who have failed to do this, the alcaldes-mayor have been ordered to make investigations about them. They are already doing so, as appears from the said trial and process,
;
to
which
I refer.
And,
in order that the
whole mat-
ter
may
be evident,
I give
by the said command the

five
present record, in Manila, on the thirteenth day of
July in the year one thousand

eighty-nine.
I affix
hundred and
my seal,
in testimony of the truth.
Esteban de Marquina, notary-public
We,
certify
the notaries
who have
here signed our names,
15
Esteban de Marquina, from whom proceeds this authenticated record, is indeed a notary-public, of the number authorized in this city,
attest that
and
and is now exercising his office; and that the deeds, attestations, and records which have been and are transacted in his presence have been and are thoroughly certified and authenticated, both within court and without. Done at Manila, on the thirteenth day of July in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty-nine.
as is stated herein,
15 As the names of these notaries do not appear on the MS. from which our transcript was made, it was probably one of the duplicate despatches sent to Spain, rather than the first and orig-
inal
document.
LETTER FROM GASPAR DE AYALA TO

FELIPE
Sire:
II
Last year I gave your Majesty a detailed account

of the events that
lands ; of
what has
since
had hitherto occurred in these ishappened I will give account

as the ships left for
in this letter.
As soon
Nueva
Espana,
chequer.
we
set
about building a ship of seven hun-
dred toneladas at the cost of your Majesty's royal exAs purveyor thereof was appointed Captain Don Juan Ronquillo, alcalde-mayor of the province of Pintados. The ship is being built in that district, and paid for out of the tributes which your Majesty has from that province; and this city provided
some
year.
articles
which were lacking
there.
The
pur-
veyor writes that he can make the voyage this coming This ship will be the fourth of your Majesty's vessels on that route [to Nueva Espana]. I understand that two of them will be of no use for this next year, as they will have to be laid aside. Thus it will be necessary, that the navigation on that route may not cease, that ships be built continually. Although the Mariscal Grabiel de Rribera and Captain Juan Pablo de Carrion are each building a ship, they will not be able to support them, and will be obliged to sell them at the port of Acapulco on the first voyage,
1588-1591]
AYALA TO FELIPE
II
113
for the Piru trade.
Although they could be bought

your Majesty's royal
in these islands on the account of
exchequer,
it
seems to
me
better that your Majesty
should save the profits that will be made after their construction; since they can easily be built at much less cost than if they were bought after they are built. The accounts of your royal exchequer have been
audited this year, and are being sent with everything
clearly expressed.
The
entire accounts are set forth
and the data in detail, each class by itself. Because the gold was very cheap this year, on account of the great lack of coin, some uneasiness was felt for your royal exchequer. Its income has not reached the value of last year, although your Majesty's gold has
been more valuable than that of private persons, because it had to be distributed in various payments. If it were possible for your Majesty's royal treasury to keep the gold and sell it at the coming of the ships, there would be considerable profit. However, as the gold is being constantly needed, and there is nothing else with which to meet the salaries and other necessary obligations,
it is,
distributed at the
when common
there
is a lack of coin, value - although, as I
have said before, a somewhat higher value is given to your Majesty's gold. If, as I have written in other letters, your Majesty would be pleased to command forty or fifty thousand pesos to be brought every year from Nueva Espaiia to the royal treasury of these islands, returning thence the value thereof in gold,
it
would give
profit to
the greatest relief to this treasury
and
your royal exchequer; for twenty-five thou-
sand pesos in gold,

tribute
in
at the price at which it is given in by the Indians, would amount to fifty thousand Nueva Espafia. This could be done very easily,
114
if
[Vol. 7
your Majesty would assume the risk of the transportation of the money and the return of the gold. As a result, your royal treasury could in a short time be free from obligations, and could aid in the maintenance of this kingdom. [Marginal note: "Abstract this clause, and send it to the viceroy of Nueva
Espaiia."]
By
virtue of your royal decree received

in the past year,
governor
magistracies and offices
by your concerning the sale of the of notary, by order of your
said governor the following offices
were
sold, in the
usual
manner
of selling your royal property:
Four
public notaryships in this city, at eight hundred pesos each the notarial office of Panpanga, at one thousand
;
pesos; that of the province of Pintados, at one thou-
sand seven hundred pesos
that of Cebu, at six hun-
dred; that of Bombon, at three hundred; that of

Ylocos, at three hundred; that of Camarines
six
is
set at
These
hundred, and has not been adjudged to a bidder. offices were sold with some inducements, in
order that there should be more bidding.

sold
Of
ten
magistracies which were placed at auction, five were
- the
first at
the second at
one thousand four hundred pesos, nine hundred, the third at a thousand,
the fourth at one thousand

at nine
two hundred, and the
fifth
hundred and
ten.
The
others are left to be
auctioned upon the arrival of the ship from
Nueva
Espana.
To
increase the value of the offices sold,
there were also admitted
some bonuses,
after
payment
of which, I understand, the offices will clear fifteen
thousand pesos more or less. That the magistracies might have more value to meet the present necessities, your said governor commanded that they be sold with the condition that the owners thereof could
1588-1591]
AYALA TO FELIPE
II
15
renounce them by depositing in your royal treasury the third of the value, as is done with the offices of clerks. Should your Majesty confirm this, it will be of much profit to your royal exchequer. Besides the notarial offices which your royal decree ordered to be sold, no mention was made of those of La Laguna, of the Coast and Tondo, of Bulacan, of the cabildo of this city, and that of Pangasinan, which are all large jurisdictions and have notaries appointed by themselves. Moreover, there may thus be sold the office of notary of the alcaiceria [silkmarket] of the Chinese, where there is a separate judge; and that of the mines and registries, with the inspection of the Chinese ships, in the form provided
by your governor, and used by Thomas Perez. If this last office were sold with the others, we could find
a person
who would
give therefor five thousand pesos
and should your governor provide the office of alferez-mayor and that of depositary-general, it would
thousand pesos. I understand that if your Majesty should command these offices to be sold by open vote in the cabildo, there would be found
to six
come
many
purchasers.
Alonso Veltran, your notary of the court of this Audiencia, departed for Nueva Espana, he sold his office, by official permission, to Alonso de Torres, an honored merchant, for four thousand five hundred pesos. The third thereof was placed in your royal treasury of which he made royal exhibition in the Audiencia, and asked to be admitted to the possession and exercise of said office. When your governor examined the records, he said that the cognizance of that cause was not for the Audiencia, but for the governor, because the general decree providing
When
Il6
[Vol. 7
for the sale of offices for
Nueva Espana came
ad-
dressed to the viceroy.

sion of this matter;
Consequently, the Audiencia
referred to the governor the cognizance and deci-
and he declared that the said
Alonso de Torres was not entitled to admission. Although the latter appealed, he did not dare continue the case, in order, as he said, to avoid misfortune. For this reason, your royal treasury lost one thousand five hundred pesos. To remedy this, and to increase your royal exchequer, it is most important for your Majesty to command that the said general decree directed to the viceroy of
Nueva Espana
in the
year eighty-one,
16
which
treats of the sale
and renunIts
ciation of offices, be observed in these islands.
fulfilment should be enforced by your president and

auditors; and,
when
a vacancy occurs in any office,
the said office should be sold, in order that your royal
treasury
may have some
relief.
If
it is
not thus com-
manded, the governors will exercise the privilege of

providing offices. Last year I reported to your Majesty that, because of the death of Dona Ana de Palacios, there had been left vacant an encomienda owned by her in CamarPetition had been made to your governor that ines. it be placed to the account of your royal crown, in virtue of your Majesty's royal decree and that twelve thousand pesos of income should be paid to this royal Audiencia. But because Captain Joan Maldonado presented another decree in which your Majesty commands that there be given him two thousand pesos of income from unallotted Indians, on account of his
;
Apparently a reference to the law found in Recop. leyes Indias (ed. 1841), lib. viii, tit. xx, ley i, which enumerates the Cf. ley i, tit. xxi, which reoffices that may be sold in the Indias. lates to the renunciation of such offices after purchase.
16
1588-1591]
AYALA TO FELIPE
II
117
services and extreme poverty, part of the said encomienda was given him; while to your royal crown there was assigned the other part, amounting to eleven hundred Indians, more or less. Moreover, at the end of December of the past year, eighty-eight, the encomienda owned by Don Luis de Sagajosa at Ylocos was left vacant by his death. I petitioned your governor to place it to the account of your royal crown, in compliance with the said royal decree.
many
He declared that it could not be allotted to the crown, but that it would remain vacant, and the income
would be assigned
wise.
to
your royal treasury
as
royal
other-
property, until your Majesty should
command
Less than seven hundred Indians of this encomienda were apportioned to your royal crown, in order that the income therefrom should be enjoyed by the hospital. Appeal from this was made to the Audiencia, and the case was continued. The result thereof was that another decree was issued by your Majesty to the Augustinian friars, in which your Majesty granted them a gift and alms of ten thou-
sand ducats, payable within ten years in unassigned Indians. In consideration of their poverty, I consented that from the income of this encomienda there
should be given them three hundred pesos every year, until your decree should be fulfilled. Then a revision of the decree was issued, ordering that the said enco-
mienda be allotted to your royal crown but that from the income thereof there should be given to the hospital six hundred pesos for eight years, and to the convent of San Agustin three hundred pesos every
;
year until your decree should be fulfilled. After the payment of that nine hundred pesos, the grants for
religious instruction,
and the
costs of the collection,
Il8
I
[Vol. 7
royal treasury the
understand that there will remain clear for your sum of one thousand four hundred
hundred of the hospital and satisfied. The Audiencia placed this encomienda to the account of your royal crown; for, although your governor was ordered twice to do so, according to the ordinances of first consideration and revision, he would not comply. He was ordered to give a writ, in order that the officials of your royal exchequer could hold it as title.
pesos, besides the nine
convent after their dues are
Later, on account of the death of Captain Villa-
nueva, two encomiendas were left vacant - one called
Malgandon, and the other near this city - which were worth two thousand pesos of income. As soon as he
died, without notice thereof having been given to
me, on the first day of last May before daybreak, your governor assigned the said encomiendas - that of Malgandon to Cristoval de Axqueta; and the other to Don Luis Enrriques, who abandoned another encomienda which he held, of as much and more income, but somewhat farther away from this city. At the same time the encomienda that he had abandoned was assigned, half to each of two other soldiers. On the following day I heard the news, and I presented myself in the Audiencia in order to appeal, and to take exception to whatever possession should be taken. I appealed from whatever writ of possession might be provided; and I ordered that a copy of this appeal be handed to the parties. Cristoval de Axqueta kept himself hidden, in order that notice might not be served on him; and four or five days after my appeal the possession which I had opposed was given him by an alcalde-mayor of Pangasinan. The other litigants did not take possession and, the case being con;
1588-1591]
AYALA TO FELIPE
II
119
eluded, a writ was issued, by which

in their possession.
all
were protected
The
decision in respect to the
ownership was submitted to your royal Council of the Indias, I having appealed from the writ. The case has been concluded and considered, and the decision has not been reached; of that I shall later send a report to your Majesty. For these reasons your governor is inciting the soldiers and telling them that I am depriving them of means of sustenance, and various other things, in order to set them against me, and make himself popular with them, while disparaging me. Consequently, some of them bear me ill-will. Your said governor, although he knows that he cannot take Indians from your royal crown, has assigned some of them three or four times and I have had them taken away by process of law. He satisfied himself by telling the soldiers that he had given them a means of support, but that I had taken it away. As I took exception to his acts, and caused several encomiendas to be revoked which had been given by him, he says that he is not the governor, but I am. I beseech your Majesty to be pleased to command your governor to refrain from such indignities to me, as the diligence which I exercise and the actions at law which I cause are for your royal service, the increase of the royal exchequer, and the fulfilment of my conscience and obligation. As I am hated in this country for doing my duty, would your Majesty be pleased to favor me by granting me leave to depart, and giving me a charge elsewhere where I may serve better and more satisfactorily, and where no one will complain of me. When your Majesty receives this, I shall have served in this office of fiscal almost seven years. Should your
;
120

to grant
[Vol
Majesty not be disposed

continue in
me
this
favor I shall
my
service here until I die.
Still later, at the
death of
Dona Maria
two encomiendas were
left vacant,
de Miranda, both worth a
thousand pesos of income. They were given to Don Fernando de Villafafia, by virtue of your royal decree, in which it is commanded that your governor should give him an encomienda of Indians. He has served in these islands about ten years, and for his
good service and poverty but little has been given him. On this account, and as your Majesty had commanded that he be given an encomienda of Indians,! took no exception, as in the other cases. This year there came from China eleven or twelve
with but little merchandise, because, as they say, there have been many wars and a severe plague. It has been reported that a ship from Panama or Piru, prepared to lay out a large sum of money, has arrived at Macan, which is on the river of Canton. As I have stated in previous communications, if it is permitted to carry on trade between Piru or Nueva Espafia and China, this country will be depopulated and ruined. The principal means of support here is the merchandise from China, and the profit which results from sending those goods to be sold in Nueva Espafia. This would be completely done away with, should ships go from that country or Piru to China; for it is evident that, if these ships bought the merchandise needed, there would be no market or sale for the goods brought from these islands. Neither would the Chinese come here with their ships to sell the goods, or at least not in so large numbers and besides the general loss to this land, there would be lost the customs duties of import and export.
vessels
;
1588-1591]
AYALA TO FELIPE
petition, in
II
121
view of the fact that a large part of the gold paid as tribute had not been declared, and the fifth taken, it was decreed that within a fortnight
after the collection of tribute, the gold should be
At my
declared, and the registers of collection displayed,
before the
year.
officials of
your royal exchequer, under
penalty of losing the third part of the tribute for that
was proclaimed and notification was given to the encomenderos of this city, and the decrees therefor were sent to the alcaldes-mayor. Nevertheless, there is laxity in the declarations and it would be of great benefit for your Majesty to order
aforesaid
;
The
the officers of your royal exchequer to exercise great
care in
this,
penalties.
this case."]
and to see that the disobedient suffer the [Marginal note: "Bring the decrees in
f ragata
was despatched from this city to Maluco. Therein were two descalced friars, who were going to that court on business connected with their order; and they carried with them a packet of letters from this Audiencia and your governor. This
Last year a
fragata anchored in a port of the island of Borney,
called El Paso; and the natives attacked them, after
having given assurance of safety so that they would They killed one of the friars, and all the men except three or four Spaniards; and burned the fragata, after having robbed it. Those who escaped say that this attack had been made by order of the king of Burney, and that a Spanish soldier who had gone there had been persuaded to turn renegade. They pay him a stipend for making plans for stone fortifications, and making weapons and powder. Your governor despatched a ship, sending a messenland.
ger to ask for
this soldier;
but the reply has not yet
122
[Vol. 7
come.
soldiers
Many
people were of the opinion

in these islands in
that,
if
had been
any great num-
ber, a fleet should be sent to attack the said
both for the reason already given,

a tributario to your Majesty,
kingand because he was

to
pay tribute. But with the few troops in these islands, no expedition can be made, nor do we who are in Manila feel at all secure, with the forces that we have in this kingdom. There are many enemies and but few Spaniards, and the latter are dying in great numbers every day. Also, for lack of troops, punishment has not been meted out for the insolence which, as I reported to your Majesty last year, had been perpeIn the past few trated by the king of Mindanao. days the Indians of Cibu have revolted, and have killed the encomenderos who were collecting the tribute, and other soldiers. They seized the women, and detained them for a long time, until the alcaldeand has refused
mayor
of that island, with a

fifty
number
of friendly
Indians and
or sixty Spaniards, attacked and

killed in the encounter,
chastised them.
Some were
and those most guilty were hanged.

fied.
said alcalde-mayor wrote that that island

It lies
Thereupon the was pacififty
more than one hundred and
leagues
from
there
this city.
Later, on the seventh of last June, the said alcalde-
came further advices from
mayor, to the effect that the natives of said islands, with other neighboring peoples, had conspired to burn the city, and kill all the Spaniards who might be there; and that several of the principal authors of the plot have been captured, and steps are being taken to arrest the others. Your governor sent him instructions as to what he should do. Four or five months ago two soldiers came from
1588-1591]
AYALA TO FELIPE
II
23
the city of Segovia, located in the province of Caga-
by the alcalde-mayor of that that the province was all in rebellion and that the Indians had killed many Spaniards. The natives were so bold and daring that they entered into the city to murder and rob. He begged for reinforcements of troops and ammunition, or that province would be depopulated. It is the most important of these islands as it is the nearest to Japon and is within fifty leagues of the coast of China. Reinforcements were sent by the master-of-camp, Pedro de Chaves, with four or five ships and fifty soldiers, besides what supplies and ammunition they could take. We have received news of their arrival only. The outcome of the expedition I will relate when it is over. Captain Martin de Barrios was also slain by the Indians while he was collecting the tribute from his encomienda, together with other soldiers and I am ready to certify that there are few places in these islands where the natives are not disaffected. When there is any uprising they communicate with one another, make allies, and send messengers to keep up relations. This is because the Indians know that there is but a small force of Spaniards, and that they are separated from one another, and that their punishments are not inflicted as they formerly were, under a military regime, but by a
yan.
sent
They were
province, bringing
word
judicial order.
The
past year
we were informed
that the Indian

at different
chiefs of this district
had met together
times to discuss rebellion against your royal service, and the death of all the Spaniards in these islands,
and the mastery of

their forefathers.
land which was enjoyed by At the time when this happened

this
124
there

was
in this city a
[Vol. 7
Japanese captain, who had come here ostensibly for trading and carrying on commerce. The natives made arrangements with him to come to their aid with ships and soldiers. They were to give him part of the land, and would send messengers to the king of Borney and other principal Indians of other provinces, in order that they might come to their assistance. They swore very solemnly according to their custom to keep and fulfil the agreement. They chose a king, captains, and
officers of
war; and weapons were made

;
in secret.
On
the discovery of their treachery and plots, the
principal chiefs were arrested seven or eight of them were hanged and beheaded, and their property conMany others were exiled, some from their fiscated. villages, and others to Nueva Espaiia who sail in this ship. By this punishment it seems as if the people have become somewhat cowed. May God aid us, and free us from so many dangers to which we are exThis land will be lost and ruined if your posed. Majesty does not expressly order a goodly number of soldiers to be sent here, and that something be paid to the men for their support. It is pitiful to see them die of hunger, and if they are not paid no soldiers will care to come here, to be in captivity; and we are dying off very fast. Your Majesty should not permit
such a thing; for, although this land is of much cost and no profit, it is a foothold and stepping-stone by which to enter the realms of Great China. For this it is very important to learn that language, and for some religious of the orders of St. Augustine and St.
Dominic
to teach the
that wise they will become fond
Chinese in that tongue, since in of our religion. May

It
God
bring this
to pass, later.
would tend
greatly
1588-1591]
AYALA TO FELIPE
II
125
to the preservation of the soldiers,
esty order
should your Majyour viceroy of Nueva Espana to send a doctor to these islands, although he should be given a salary from your royal treasury of Nueva Espana. For lack of a physician and of someone who knows
to
how
cure sickness,
many
of the people die
espe-
cially the soldiers
and
sailors,
who have few

It will
comforts.
Your
Majesty's galleys in this city are useless, and
serve for nothing whatever.
be more
profit-
able and less costly to have a couple of small ships and
another couple of armed
This can be done if your Majesty will order them to be built, and the galleys to be broken up. The fort, which is being built of stone, has been
f ragatas.
fractured in some places, from the great weight.
They
caused by the small amount of cement used, and because it is near the water and
say that
it
is
round shape. It seemed as if it could be made secure by building three buttresses with three cavaliers; and this work is now being done. If the cavaliers had been built at first, much money could have been saved but, as there are no engineers here, they have done the best they could - although several captains say that they had given warning at the beginning of the work. For this there has been collected a little more than four thousand pesos from certain duties which used to be paid to your Majesty on the money brought from Nueva Espana. Later, collections were made from the Indians of the land, on each being levied one real - thus raising another twelve thousand pesos, more or less. Now another tax of one real has been levied on the Indians, who are oppressed by it; but as your royal treasury is so poor, everything must be borne.
built in a
;
126

last year's letter I
[Vol. 7
advised you that at my petiwere levied on the Indians in their suits, according to the tariff of Spain, charging the Spaniards triple the amount. Finding that the clerks could not support themselves on so small fees, and at risk of levying too much, it was ordered that the fees be doubled, and it was so done. Captain Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa, son-inlaw of the licentiate Melchior Davalos, your auditor, killed his wife and nephew, the own son of his brother, saying that they had committed adultery. This he proved by some Indian women of his house, although he did not find them in the act. I conducted
In
tion, taxes
the
trial,
and, after review thereof,
condemned him
to six years of exile, and a fine of five thousand pesos
for your royal court, the expenses of justice, and other

things.
This year a Japanese ship came
to this
port with
and arms. There must have been hundred arquebuses and as many of As the their kind of swords, and some battle-axes. conspiracy of the Indians had taken place when the said ship arrived, it was believed that it came for the
supplies
many
more than
five
execution of that plot.

ship
On
entering the port, this
was boarded, and all its cargo was sequestered and the crew imprisoned. It was learned that they were going to sell the weapons in Cian, and they were released from custody, on condition that they would
This they did, and this country has consequently been supplied with weapons. As your royal treasury is usually in need and lack of money, it happened at the beginning of February of this year that, on petition of the prebendaries and curas of the cathedral, the bishop of these islands
sell
the goods here.
1588-1591]
AYALA TO FELIPE
II
27
commanded
the royal officials, under pain of excom-
munication, to pay them the stipends assigned them
from your royal treasury - amounting to one thousand five hundred pesos annually, for four prebendaries. According to my information your said officials owed them nothing whatever, in accordance with the agreement made with them in the month of July of the year eighty-seven - namely, that from that day they were to be paid their entire current salary; and of that due them they were to be paid little by little, as your royal treasury was so overburdened. At this notification they replied to the bishop that he could not be judge of that case, as it was a secular one and they were laymen. Of necessity, they appealed to the Audiencia and the bishop ordered that they be declared excommunicated. This was publicly done, and their names written on the public list, on a Saturday evening. After the Audiencia saw what difficulties would follow on the excommunication of your royal officials, and after it had examined the proceedings in the report made to the judge, it passed an ordinance, asking and requiring the bishop to absolve and reinstate the officials until the documents could be examined in the council-room. To this he gave a certain reply, and
;
after considering this,
with the documents, another
decree was made, in which it was declared to the bishop that he was not the judge of the cause, which the Audiencia ordered to be retained under its own
jurisdiction.
was not present at this decision it was ordered that I be notified, and that I should appear in the suit in defense of your royal jurisdicI
As
tion. Therefore, on the Monday next following, I presented before the said bishop a petition requesting
128
[Vol. 7
that he absolve the persons excommunicated,
and
declare himself not to have jurisdiction over that

cause.
To
establish the
fact that the
recognition
first
thereof did not belong to him, I stated in the
argument of
my
petition that
him
as the royal officials
could not pertain to were mere laymen, and not

it
subject to the ecclesiastical jurisdiction, but to the

royal.
I alleged further reasons that the cause
was
the
secular
and temporal.
Among
other things,
bishop replied to the petition that he was not satisfied
with a proposition that I had offered, in reference to the holy office of the Inquisition. This caused exceeding disturbance and scandal in this city, because the bishop was not content with saying what he did in reply to my petition; but to every person who entered his house he said that I had been guilty of a heresy, and unlettered persons who heard this gave it credit. Moreover, as there is here a commissary of the Inquisition, he called together many friars and
it from the petiand paying no attention to my purpose therein, or to the circumstances under which I made it. I am
certified this proposition, separating
tion
sending a report of
all
the proceedings, in order that
your Majesty may provide for the future, as to whether the bishop is to be the judge, and have entrance and privilege to cause the salaries to be paid from your royal treasury, w hich your Majesty in kindness and mercy had ordered to be assigned to the prebendaries and curates. The bishop, for the sake of peace, after he had kept your royal officials excommunicated many days, refusing to obey or fulfil the ordinances of your royal Audiencia, issued a decree in which he gave up the decision of the cause to his Holiness and to your Majesty. H6 protested that
T
588-1591]
AYALA TO FELIPE
II
29
fit.
he would proceed with the case
when he saw
Although I stated in petition that the bishop had not complied with the ordinances of the Audiencia, and that thereby he had incurred the penalties provided which I begged to have executed - everything was passed over, and it was not deemed proper to exact the penalties. In this wise, whenever any dispute
over jurisdiction occurs, the bishop displays like
obstinacy, as he has done in other cases which are being added to the principal one. If a penalty should once be imposed that would hurt him, he would obey
and comply with the ordinances of the Audiencia. But he says publicly that nothing can be done which will restrain him, and this is what he desires. Because of this case the prebendaries and bishop abandoned the cathedral church and did not enter it, or celebrate the divine offices therein from the fourth of February until the twenty-second of March when, as it was holy week, they returned. During this time only the cura came to the church, to say mass and thereby great complaint, scandal, and discontent were caused among all the people. I beseech your Majesty to be pleased to order this case to be summarily settled. The bishop declares that he will use the right, which he claims to own, when he sees and it should be decided if it is right to fit to do so
;
suffer this thing.
Also, because I as fiscal attend to
the defense of your royal jurisdiction, should the
bishop have license to declare in writing that I had
made
It
a proposition touching the

this,
Holy
Inquisition?
was not only
but that the statement went from
one pulpit
heresy.
that the bishop
by his command, that to say was not judge of that cause was a These and other words of which the Audiento another,
130
[Vol. 7
no little scandal in this city. Likewise he refuses to obey the ordinances of the Audiencia, making light of and disputing over them, for which he may be restrained and condemned in temporal matters.
cia will give information caused
It
is
quite
common
for controversies to arise beas to
tween your governor and the bishop
which
in
of
them
is
to assign the salary to
be given to the eccleboth

the
in those of
siastics
who
administer
instruction,
encomiendas of your royal crown and

private individuals.
Since the salaries in the enco-
miendas of the crown are paid from your royal exchequer, it is but just that your governor assign them, or at least that they do so jointly. In this way your royal patronage will be better guarded, and it will be known for whom the bishop is providing. I beg your Majesty to be pleased to have suitable orders given in this matter, and that it be done shortly, for every day more and more difficulties arise. A case has been considered in the Audiencia, between the bishop and the order of St. Augustine, as to whether the said order and the religious thereof are to administer instruction to the Chinese living in the village of Tondo. Ever since the settlement of this town, they have had a convent there, ministering
to the natives in their
own
language.
they have also instructed the

stand what they say.
They say that Chinese, who under-
bishop placed in this town friars of his own order, the Dominican, so that they could minister to the Chinese in a chapel there. The Augustinians complained, saying that by a brief of
his
The
Holiness, and a royal decree
which they preits
sented,
two monasteries of different orders should not

vicinity.
be situated in the same town, or in
The
588-1591]
AYALA TO FELIPE
II
131
Audiencia passed an ordinance requiring that within

thirty days the bishop should appoint ministers of
one order,
to
administer instruction to the natives
and the Chinese.
As
this
ordinance concerned a
matter already adjudicated, the bishop asked for a declaration of their position; and it was thereupon
declared that by that ordinance the Dominicans were
not excluded from the administration of instruction
to the Chinese.
An
appeal was then
part of the order of
St.
Augustine
made on the and they said that
some of
their religious
would
the Chinese language.
know They were commanded by

in a short time
ordinance
to
observe the
past
decree,
until
your
Majesty should have been consulted and should proAfterward, when the Augustinians saw that they were not by the said ordinances excluded from administering instruction to the Chinese, they commenced to undertake this work. The bishop, as he desired a religious of the said order who was said to know the Chinese language to preach to the Chinese on the afternoon of St. John's day, went to the town of Tondo, which is opposite this city, on the other side of the river. He had trouble with the Augustinian friars, and the abovementioned religious would not consent to preach. Thereby was caused much severe comment and scandal, both among the natives and Chinese, and among the Spaniards. The Augustinian friars complain that the bishop, being a Dominican, favors his own order and persecutes them; $nd that before the coming of the Dominicans to these islands they did not have this persecution, but peace and concord. There is great need of religious to administer instruction to the natives, since of the few who were
vide otherwise.
132

this
[Vol. 7
here a large number have died,
year and
not
last.
There are many places without

still
instruction,
and
in
others there are ecclesiastics
who do
know
the language,
from which
it
results that the natives

is
cannot be well instructed.

ligious should
It
of
much importance
for the welfare and pacification of this land that re-
come
here, because in those places
where they
Majesty
to
are
now
stationed the Indians live

less
more
peaceably and with

be pleased
despatch, since their
service of
license.
beseech your
to
give orders for their prompt

is
God and
the
coming good
two
so necessary for the
of souls.
They should
one for Span-
be of the three orders already here.
In
this city there are
hospitals,
iards and the other for the natives.
That
of the
17
natives is under the charge of a Franciscan friar, who cares for them and ministers to them with much It seems as if God supports them as by a charity.
miracle
for there are usually
more than
hundred
patients, sick with all kinds of diseases, and they are maintained by alms, as they have no other income. It would be very injurious if the Franciscan friars should abandon it; and thus it will be expedient for your Majesty to order that they hold and administer Moreover, license it, as has been done hitherto. should be given for said hospital to send four toneladas of pepper as cargo on the ships which sail every
There year from these islands to Nueva Espaiia. should be levied on them neither duties in these islands, nor freight charges at Acapulco; for with
17
This was a lay brother, Juan Clemente, who came with the
Franciscan mission (1577).
first
He
devoted himself to the care
of the sick
the natives, and was in charge of a hospital for them (founded by himself) for many years. For an account of this charity, see Santa Ines's Crontca, i, pp. 379~392.
among
1588-1591]
AYALA TO FELIPE
which would
little
II
133
this privilege,
esty's interests,
your Majthey can further the work, and supaffect
port themselves.
Those who are serving your Majesty in this royal Audiencia are: the doctor Santiago de Vera, your president; the licentiate Melchior Davalos, the licentiate Pedro de Rrojas, and the licentiate Don Antonio de Rribera, your auditors. The first two There suffer from many ailments and infirmities.
are also myself, a secretary, a reporter, three attorneys,
and interpreters and other

persons
officials
of
the
Audiencia.
been provided with offices Don Fernando de Villaf ana, alcalde-mayor of La Laguna, with a salary of three hundred pesos, the amount usually given to other alcaldes-mayor; Pedro Manrique, alcaldemayor at Pangansinan, who has served your Majesty nine years in these islands; Cristoval de Leon, chief magistrate at Calompite, an elderly man, long in the land, and with wife and children; Gaspar de Ysla, chief magistrate at Lubao, one of the early colonists, and married; Captain Gomez de Machuca, alcaldemayor of Camarines, who has served ten years in this country, and married here; Bartolome Pacheco, alcalde-mayor of Bulacan, who has seen six years' service in this land; Captain Don Alonso Maldonado,
this
The
who have
year are the following
alcalde-mayor of the alcaiceria of the Chinese,
who
has served here six years; Clemente Hurtado de
Monrreal, alcalde-mayor of the coast of this city, who has seen six years' service here Lorenzo Lopez de Abiste, alcalde-mayor of the island of ubu, who has served here six years; Captain Don Diego de Alcaraso, who was appointed by your governor as
;
134
[Vol. 7
warden of the old fort, at the death of Captain Juan Maldonado, who used to hold it, and draws a salary of three hundred pesos; Juan de Bustamante, who was appointed by your governor as inspector to the
Indians, and
is
now
inspecting in the province of
Ylocos
Don Gaspar
appointed
de Vera, son of your governor,

general of the sea; and Joan,
of
who was
Cantero,
as
alcalde-mayor
Calompite,
who
has
served seventeen years in this land.
June returned the messenger sent by your governor to the kingdom of Burney to ask the king to deliver to him the soldier who had turned renegade, as I have said above. Although the king made some excuses for his acts, he neverthethe twenty-ninth of
less
On
refused to deliver the renegade.

the
same day there was an unusually severe tempest of wind and water in this city. The natives say that they never saw such a one. The sea and the river Madre rose until they joined and reached the fort. Much damage was done in the houses; and worse still, two ships which were here loading a cargo for Nueva Espana -one belonging to your Majesty, and the other to the mariscal Grabiel de Rivera -were driven on the coast by the force of this tempest, and it is understood that they cannot be repaired. Even should one of them be repaired, it
cannot make the voyage this year. In all the port not one ship or fragata escaped, except one small boat, which was taken to send advices to Nueva
On
Espana
of the condition of this land,
which
is
most
unpropitious.
By
this calamity, so injurious to the
community, the people have become greatly disheartened. Moreover, as I write this clause, we have had thus far no news of ships from Nueva Espana,
1588-1591]
AYALA TO FELIPE
this is the
II
135
although
seventh of July.
The
entire sup-
port of this land depends on the coming and going

of the ships; and
if
they are not here by
May
or the
middle of June, by delaying longer they run great risk of being lost, and with them the welfare and support of this land. Sailing from the port of Acapulco at the beginning of March, they would arrive here in good time and without risk from storms. As this is of so much importance, I beseech your Majesty to be pleased to order your viceroy of Nueva
Espafia to exercise the utmost diligence in the early
despatch of the ships which are to come to this land,

in order that they
may
accomplish the purpose of
the voyage.
On
the
first
of July, arrived the master-of-camp,

to chastise
Pedro de Chaves, who had gone

Indians of the province of Cagayan,
the
said before, were at war. with sixty soldiers and more than eight hundred friendly Indians, he did nothing whatever except to cut down their palm-trees and destroy their crops. He says that the Indians themselves burned their villages and went to the mountains. It is known, however, that he left that province in a worse state of war than before, and when the Indians see our men turn back and leave them they regain courage. We Spaniards are very few in number, and are surrounded by enemies on every side. If we are not relieved in time by the despatch of reinforcements, it will be impossible to apply a remedy when it is wanted. As I have already said, we are but few, and the troops die very quickly. When the Indians see an opportunity to crush us, they are not likely to let it slip. I beseech your Majesty to be pleased to order
have Although he had gone out

as I
who
136
[Vol. 7
your viceroy that, when your governor sends to ask troops and ammunition, or other necessaries, he should send them and also that he should send some money, because on account of the many extraordinary occasions for expense which every day arise, your royal treasury is usually much embarrassed and in debt. Sometimes, for lack of money, important things are left undone. On Sunday, the ninth of this month, I was in the cathedral, where were gathered all the people and the orders, as there was to be a solemn procession and sermon. The deacon came out to sprinkle the holy water, and went directly to the choir and sprinkled it on the bishop and all the persons who were in the choir. It is the custom to give it first to the Audiencia. When the deacon came back from the choir, your president and auditors told him that if the bishop would not cause precedence to be observed for the Audiencia, they would go to hear service elsewhere. When the bishop learned this, he left the church immediately, and sent orders to the preacher not to preach and we were left without a
; ;
sermon, to the great scandal of the people gathered

there.
There is nothing else at present. Only I pray that our Lord may preserve your Majesty many years in perfect health, and with increase of greater kingdoms and seigniories, in His holy service. At Manila,
July
15, 1589.
The
licentiate
Ayala
ROYAL DECREE REGARDING COM-
MERCE
18 Perez Dasmarinas, knight of the order of Santiago, and appointed by me governor and captain-general of the Phelipinas Islands. As soon as Father Alonso Sanchez, a religious of the Society of Jesus, came here, ordered and empowered by all the estates of the islands to discuss certain matters regarding the service of our Lord, and the welfare and preservation of the inhabitants and natives of those islands, I ordered certain members of my councils to come together to hear him. This they did, and a thorough examination was made of certain memorials which that religious had 19 After they had consulted been ordered to present.
The
King:
To Gomez
Perez Dasmarinas was corregidor of Murcia and when (in 1589) he was appointed governor of the Philippine Islands. Arriving there in May, 1590, he at once began the task of providing suitable fortifications for Manila, and a body of paid troops in place of the irregular and unpaid soldiers who had hitherto been the only dependence of the Spanish colony. In October, 1593, he formed a naval expedition to recover the fortress at Ternate; but on the way thither he was treacherously slain, with nearly all the Spaniards in his galley, by the Chinese rowers thereon. See Morga's account of him in Sucesos, cap. v, or in Stanley's translation (Hakluyt Society's publications, no. 39)) PP- 32-39," also La Conception's Hist, de Philipinas, ii, pp.
18
Gomez
Cartagena
in Spain
177-213.
19
The
decisions of the
proceedings of Sanchez at the Spanish court, and the government regarding the Philippine colony, are
138
[Vol. 7
with
me upon
certain points of the said memorials, I
decided, with the approval of the above-mentioned

councilors to
whom
the matter
the following instructions

I
was delegated, upon which are given to you.
order you to fulfil your duties, in every respect, with the consideration, care, and diligence which I
expect from you.
The
father has also entreated me,
in behalf of the said city, to order that
no persons
entering the ports of the said islands from without

shall
be
made
to
pay duties - whether they be
Chinese, Portuguese, Japanese, Siamese, Borneans,

or any other people whatsoever, especially
these articles.
when
they
bring provisions, ammunition, and raw material for
These
is
taxes are a grievance to the
Chinese, and trade
hindered, and there are other
resultant disadvantages, as the said Father
Alonso
Sanchez has informed me at length; accordingly I have held and do now hold it best that for the present no more of the said duties be levied upon provisions and ammunitions. Therefore you will not permit any duty to be levied until otherwise ordered and decreed. Another advisable measure discussed was that no Chinese or foreign ships could sell at retail the goods which they carried to the islands, as is done now; nor could the inhabitants buy the goods, openly or in secret under severe penalties. The purchase of the said goods was to be discussed by the Council, and as many and so qualified persons as the business demanded were to be appointed. These persons alone should buy in a lot all the merchandise brought by the ships, and then distribute it fairly among the
by La Concepcion in his Hist, de Philipinas, ii, pp. 103-148. Sanchez did not return to the Philippines, being assigned by the general of his order to various duties in Spain; his death occurred not long afterward.
fully recounted
588-1591]
DECREE REGARDING COMMERCE

and the Indians,
39
citizens, Spanish, the Chinese,
at the
same price at which it should be appraised. The matter was discussed and examined by the members of the said Council, and it has seemed best to send you the decision reached in this affair, as I now do.
order you, keeping this in mind, to give the orders which you may think acceptable to me. You will keep me informed of your proceedings, and will not
I
permit or allow any person to go to the ships except the ones appointed to do so by a special order. You will endeavor to give products of the islands in exchange for the said merchandise, so as to avoid, if
possible, the introduction of so
much
coin into foreign
kingdoms as has been customary. Besides the good results which will follow from carrying out the provisions of the preceding clause,
we may
expect an-
other of no
importance; and that is, that by enforcing the regulations, not only will you rid yourself of the Chinese retailers, who conceal and sell their merchandise, but there will be also avoided
less
many
other losses, expenses, and scarcity, and the
and witchcraft which they teach. Their shops, which are necessary for the sale at retail, could,
secret sins
in the course of the year, be given
up
to Spaniards,
so that they
bring them
might remain in their possession and Such a course would also bring together a larger number of citizens. You might permit the Chinese Christians and other old inhabitants to remain, who do not come and go, and are not retailers in the true sense of the word; but who work as mechanics, carpenters, gardeners, farmers, and in
profit.
Considering the importance of this affair, you are warned not to permit or allow the presence of infidels and retailers in
other labors for food production.
140
[Vol. 7
the said islands; and to prevent their

in so large
coming together
All
numbers
as to give rise to difficulties.
this you will carry out with the care and diligence which I am confident lies in your character and prudence, and the zeal which you will show where my service is concerned. San Lorenzo, August 9, 1589.
INSTRUCTIONS TO GOMEZ PEREZ
DASMARINAS
The King: To Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, knight
of the order of Santiago,
whom
have appointed
as
governor and captain-general of the Philipinas Upon the arrival of Father Alonso Sanchez, a religious of the Society of Jesus, who came, by order and authorization of all estates of the said islands, to confer about certain matters pertaining to the service of our Lord and the welfare and preserva20 tion of the inhabitants and natives of the islands, I convened certain members of my councils in order that they might hear him. After they had done so, and had examined in great detail certain memorials that the father presented, in accordance with his orders, and had consulted with me in regard to all the points of the said memorials, I resolved, with the
Islands.
my
advice of the aforesaid
my
counselors, to
whom
which
committed the matter, upon what will follow here, will serve as your instructions. I order you to observe and fulfil them to the letter, with the consideration, care, and diligence that I expect from your person.
20 For account of Sanchez's embassy, and of his instructions, see the " Memorial " adopted by the junta of 1586, with accompanying documents, in vol. vi.
142
2.

Infinite thanks should be given
[Vol. 7
our Lord, and
hereby offer them to Him, for the great mercy that has been pleased to show me, in that, during the period while I, by His mercy and will, rule as king, and through me as the instrument, those so remote islands have been discovered; and that at present, as I have heard, more than two hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants enjoy in those islands evangelical
I
He
instruction,
besides the great inclination
which
is
manifest to spread the knowledge of our holy Catholic faith
throughout the other islands with which all is sown and inhabited for the space of more than nine hundred leguas of latitude, and more than five hundred of longitude. This does
that great archipelago
not include the vast kingdoms of the mainland
China, Cochina, Conchinchina, Champa, Canvoja,
Siam, Patan, Joor [Johore], and others - notwithstanding that I wish and desire that a pathway to
end be attained, it is necessary that for the present, and until our Lord so dispose and direct it, the conservation of what has been pacified and conquered, by so great labor and at so vast expense to my exchequer, be looked I charge you straitly to see to this, after carefully.
In order that
this
them be opened.
taking note of the condition of

visable for their continuous
affairs, what improvement and
is
ad-
settle-
ment, and giving them a sound foundation, so that among so many enemies, not only may they be preserved, but continue to increase daily.
3.
First:
The above-mentioned
father,
Alonso
is-
Sanchez, has reported that the cathedral of those

ing, ornaments, or other
lands, located in the said city of Manila, has no build-
the service of divine worship
adornments pertaining to or income, or alms for

;
1588-1591]
INSTRUCTIONS TO DASMARINAS
order to provide
it
143
with sacristans, verand that being, as is the case, in the gaze of so many idolatrous enemies and Mahometans, both natives and foreigners who meet there - especially the Chinese, who have observed this condition - it is very annoying that they should see it served so inadequately and covered with wood and thatch -poor, dilapidated, and without provision. And because it is very just, and in accord with my will and desire, that the above-mentioned church be built and served with all possible proits
aid, or in
ger, or other necessary assistants
priety,
you
shall, as
soon as you arrive at the said
is-
lands, especially further the building
and construc-
tion of the said church. You shall apportion for this purpose the sum of twelve thousand ducados, in three parts - to wit, one from my royal exchequer, another from the encomenderos, and the third from the Indians, as is done in Nueva Espaiia. The said twelve thousand ducados shall be spent upon the said building within four years, spending three thousand each year. And in order that it may be better done and be commenced immediately, I have ordered two thousand ducados paid, in anticipation, on the account of my third, from my royal treasury of the said Nueva Espana. As you pass there, you will ask them to send this amount. I have been told that there are two hospitals 4.
in the said city of
the other for Indians
Manila -one for Spaniards, and - and that both of them suffer
to that of the
extreme need; for
Spaniards resort
folk,
many
come
soldiers, sailors,
ill
and other poor
who
be-
through certain exertions in my service, and those common to that country; while that of the Indians is sustained by themselves, by means of their
144
fruits,

work, and
tributes.
[Vol. 7
All those
who
are treated
as
in the latter hospital fall sick in the
same manner
in
the others, and in the foundation and preservation of

the
settlements.
JBoth
classes
die
discomfort,
through having no building in which to be protected from the ravages of the climate, and through the lack of beds, food, medicines, nurses, and other necessities.
It
would be advisable
to
send these supplies
blankets.
from the said Nueva Spafta, together with some This is, as you see, a work of the greatest charity, and it is especially desirable to assist with great care in the consolation and treatment of the And besides that, you shall have diligence to sick. examine the hospital built there, and ascertain what
care
is
taken of the sick.
From
the
first
repartimi-
entos that
shall
may become
five
vacant in the said island, you

an
apply
to the principal hospital sufficient for
income of
of the
Indians,
thousand pesos annually; and to fliat five hundred ducados annually,
granted from the increase of the tributes of the Indians
(which
shall be collected in the
manner
set
down
be
in the sixth section of these instructions), so
that both
may
enjoy the said income as long as
may
my
pleasure.
From
these
buildings shall be constructed,

vided, so that both
order that this
may may be commenced
amounts the necessary and other things probe properly conducted. In

immediately, I
have granted four hundred ducados to the principal hospital, and two hundred to that of the Indians, to be paid from my royal treasury of the said Nueva Spafia, as you will see by the decree that will be
given you.
5.
The
said Father Alonso Sanchez also reported
that the need of ministers of instruction in the said
1588-1591]
so great that
145
islands
is
;
many
Indians die without
baptism that because of the same need, the conquest
and conversion of other

that
it
islands are neglected;

to
and
would be advisable
send religious from the
orders established there, with instructions to remain
Already permission has been granted and the needful care taken, so that some religious may go there, and others will be provided
there and not go elsewhere.
as
soon
as possible.
All of them shall be notified to

in the said Philipinas Islands,
resolve
upon staying
to
any other place without the express permission of the bishop and of yourself. Therefore I charge you that, whenever any religious shall offer themselves to you to leave the said islands, you shall confer with the said bishop, and shall consider and discuss the matter; but you shall grant the said permission only after thorough consideration. 6. Another section of the above-mentioned memorials indicates how instruction may be provided, not only where there is none, but also where there is some, although inadequate; that it would be advisable to increase the tributes and clear up the apto
and not
go
praisements of the tributes, for they are at present in

a very confused and dangerous condition, because of
many
scruples and injuries connected with them;
each Indian's tribute has hitherto generbeen collected in pesos of eight reals apiece, it should reasonably be raised to the value of ten Castilian reals to each of the said pesos - provided that the Indian may not be forced to pay it in any designated article, but only in money, if he have it, or shall choose to give it, or in some other article produced by him, or in goods acquired in trade, according to their valuation at the time of payment. Because,
that, as
and
ally
146

it
is
[Vol. 7
after discussing this point,
believed that each
peso
may
be increased by two reals to
make up
the
ten, as is petitioned, therefore
you
shall order that
this increase
be paid into
my
royal treasury, and that
half a real be used to pay the obligations of the tithes,
and the other one and one-half reals be used for the pay of the soldiers stationed in the said islands, and for other things pertaining thereto; and that the encomenderos be obliged to pay, from the eight reals remaining, for the necessary instruction, and their
share of the building of the church, during the time
of
its
construction, in accordance with the foregoing.
The
said Indians shall reserve the choice to
tributes in
money
or in products, in
pay the whichever one

also pe-
they wish.
7.
Another section of the said memorials

justifiable, the
titions that, in
order that this increase of tributes
may
be more
encomenderos be ordered to pay the tithes, according to the use and custom in Mexico; for, inasmuch as the commonwealth previously had neither church, bishop, curates, nor setThis is a tled rule, the tithes have not been paid. just order, and as such you shall enforce it, providing that the said tithes due be paid from the products of their farms and their animals. On the part of the said city of Manila, I have 8. been petitioned to have it granted some public property,
in
order that
it
may
attend to the affairs of
peace, war, government, and other matters pertain-
ing to
its
conservation and defense, and for suits that
- granting it for this purpose some Indians, or something from the duties on Chinese merchandise, or on the storehouses or shops where they trade. After advising with my counselors, I have determined
may
arise
1588-1591]
six years, for
its
147
to
lic
bestow upon the said city for

paid into
pub-
property, one-half of the fines and pecuniary pen-
alties
my
treasury,
and the incomes from
with the obligation that, each three years, the account of money thus obtained be sent, as well as a statement of what is expended. You shall take care to procure the advancement of
the
said
storehouses;
the said city in this, to watch in
what manner
this
grant
is
used, and to order that the said account
and
statement be sent at the proper time.
have also been petitioned, in the name of the said city, to order that neither in the said city nor in any other part of the other islands shall be paid the 21 three per cent duty imposed by Don Gongalo Ronquillo, as the country is very new and needy, and the inhabitants have to assist in many other things. Although I would be very glad to relieve them, still expenses are so heavy, that I must aid myself by whatever is available. Therefore it will be advisable to collect the said three per cent. You shall give orders to this effect; and that the amount that is collected from these duties on merchandise be placed in my treasury on a separate account, and it shall be used for paying the soldiers stationed there; and that of the rest that is collected this duty be discontinued for
9.
the present.
10.
22
have
also
been petitioned,
in the
name
-
of
the said city, to order that none of those
who
resort
as
from foreign
21
parts to the ports of the said islands

rates thus levied, see vol. v, pp. 29, 30.
Regarding the
we
is literally translated from the MS. which follow; but there is evidently a defect or error in the text probably arising from some mistake made by the first copyist, as the MS. is not the first original, but a copy made apparently by
22
This
last sentence
some government
clerk.
148
[Vol. 7
Chinese, Portuguese, Japanese, Cianese, Burneyes, or any others - pay duty, especially on food, ammunition,
this,
and materials for ammunition.

is
Because of
is
much annoyance
caused -
as,
for instance to
of trade
the Chinese
- and the steady course
hin-
dered, and other troubles follow.

tailed information
After receiving de-
chez, I
from the said Father Alonso Sanhave considered and still consider it advisable
that, for the present, the collection of the said duties
on provisions and ammunition be repealed; and therefore you shall not allow them to be levied until I order and provide otherwise. 11. I was also petitioned by the said islands to order that, inasmuch as none of the merchandise from Sevilla to Mexico pays any duties on the first sale, it be not paid on the merchandise sent from those islands to the port of Acapulco, or other places. So little is collected in said port of Acapulco, namely, twelve pesos per tonelada of freight on the goods of the inhabitants - the duty imposed by Don Gongalo Ronquillo - and because likewise the proceeds of this duty are needed to pay the said soldiers, you
shall order that
it
be collected for the present for the
above purpose.
most conducive to the good government of the state and the happiness of the members and parts composing it, is the equitable administration of distributive justice. Accordingly, I command that the offices at your disposal and the advantageous posts of the country be given to men who merit them by their services and capacity, in such manner that the offices be filled by old citizens, who have lived in the country at least three years, and are citizens of it; and the encomiendas to soldiers who
12.
One
of the things
1588-1591]
149
have lived there in actual military duty and service. Among them you should always give the preference to those who are most deserving, including, with the other circumstances of greater and betshall
ter services in the country, their length of residence
there.
They must
not be sons, brothers, relatives,

;
- besides that you are advised that you are not to grant encomiendas of Indians or provide offices to such men; and, with this end in view, a sufficient salary is given you to enable you to help them - it is not right for men who are but new arrivals, and have done no work, to enjoy
servants, or friends of yours
for
the fruit of another's

justly, all will serve
toil.
If rewards are
bestowed
willingly in the hope of attainit is
ing reward.
this
Therefore
it
my will
that
you observe
order; and, that
may
be thus inviolable, I de-
clare that,
now and
henceforth, your said sons, brothshall be incapable of holdoffices.
ers, servants,
and friends
ing the said encomiendas or

certain persons,
And
because
who
already hold encomiendas in
the said islands, and with these easily [can satisfy]
whatever needs they may have, are begging for further reward, you are advised not to grant them any more until many others - who, as I have been informed have been there for so long a time and are deserving, and have toiled in the conquest and maintenance of the country, to a
those
much
greater extent than
anew; but who have not been rewarded, and therefore are poor, irritated, and querulous - shall be provided and rewarded with encomiendas and other posts and means of gain. You shall take especial care to reward those whose names
are petitioning
who
follow
13.
Diego Ronquillo, former governor and cap-
150
[Vol. 7
tain-general of those islands, who, I

cised the said offices excellently
satisfaction of the country.
am
told, exer-
and
to the
complete
Don Rodrigo Ronquillo de Pefialosa, governor Don Gongalo Ronquillo.

Captain Captain Captain Captain Captain Captain Captain Captain
son of the
Antonio Rodriguez Chacon. Agustin de Arceo. Don Gongalo Vallesteras Saavedra.
Diego del Castillo. Don Juan Ronquillo del

Caravallo.
Castillo.
Rodrigo Alvarez. de Machuca. Hernando Muiioz de Poyatos, regidor of Manila. Ensign Juan de Medrano.
Gomez
Miguel Rodriguez.
Ensign Antonio Guerrero. Charavia, an old and good Gaspar Ruiz de Morales.
Villalobos.
soldier.
Aguilar, likewise an excellent soldier.
Bartholome Rodriguez.
Sargeant Cantero. Gaspar de Ysla.
Ensign Christoval de Azcueta.
Geronimo de
Luis
so
Cuellar.
Nunez Hernandez. Others, who are said not to have been there [14]. long, but who are men of worth and account, are
as follows:
Francisco de Porras y Guevara. Joan de Alcega. Don Luis de Velasco.
Don
Don Fernando
de Villafane.
1588-1591]
151
Christoval Gueral.
Joan Verdugo, who has

service.
lost his right
arm
in
my
Joan Diaz Guerrero.

Bias Garcia.
Joan de Cuellar. Gaspar de Mena. Diego de Qarate, who is returning with you, and who, I have been told, has usually been a commander, and has put down a rebellion, and has served faithfully.
and reward all of the above according to age, merits, and individual qualifications; and shall give them preference over all others who do not possess the above qualifications, in the distribution of encomiendas, posts of government and war, and other means for the advancement of
15.
You
shall provide for
the country.
same plan in all that pertains to the commissions and sources of profit, on land or on sea - especially in the choice of masters and officers of vessels. For besides observing, in regard to them, that they must have rendered service and deserve the appointment, the others
16.
charge and order you
to observe the
will be encouraged,
it
will attract hither those

settled
who
and
have gone away, and the country will be

increased.
17.
have been petitioned also, in behalf of the said city, that all those who have worked, or have held appointments for wages or pay, in the said islands be paid their wages there - as for instance, sailors, carpenters, smiths, and all others who live there, and they must live there permanently; and that the money for this purpose be paid from the
I
1^2

Mexico -in order
thickly
[Vol. 7
said royal treasury of
that the
country
other
may become more

results
settled,
and
this,
good
follow.
In
regard
to
since there will be a treasury there,
from which
;
it may be paid, you shall be careful to order that those who labor be reimbursed fully for their services and,
if
there
is
insufficient
money
to
meet the obligations,
you and
the said
my
royal officials shall advise

thereof,
my
officials of
Nueva Espana
be given to furnish that sufficient testimony and report, to be needful.

18.
where an order will portion which appears, by

office of
In place of the third
my
royal treas-
ury -namely, the office of factor, which I ordered to be suppressed - they petition for a ship-purveyor,
order that the vessels may leave better equipped and more promptly; for the other two officials are so busy that they cannot attend to it. As it would be adin
visable to place this in charge of the factor
whom
am having appointed, you shall have care to see that he attends to it, as far as may be necessary, so that there may be no grievance or lack in this matter. In regard to the trade of the said islands, on 19. which their growth likewise depends, the said Father Alonso Sanchez relates that the large consignments of money sent there by wealthy people of Mexico, who do not quit their homes, is one of the things
which has ruined the country; for great injuries result from it. The first is that all Chinese goods are bought by wholesale and are becoming dearer, so that the poor and common people of the said islands cannot buy tbem, or must buy them at extremely high
rates.
are
The second is that, as the said consignments many and large, and the vessels few in number at times,
being
and
in fact generally, not
more than
1588-1591]
53
one and, by this one being quite laden and filled with goods for Mexicans, there is no space left for the citizens and common people to embark their goods. They have petitioned me that, as a remedy for the above wrongs, I forbid the sending of consignments of money from Mexico, or the maintenance of agents or companies in the said islands for any person of Nueva Espana; that only the inhabitants of the islands be allowed to buy and export domestic and foreign goods to the said Nueva Espana; and that, if anyone else wishes to trade and traffic, it must be on consideration of his becoming a citizen and residing there for at least ten years, and of not trading with the property of another, under penalty of its
;
confiscation, besides that of his other personal effects.
by this method, some goods would still be sent to Mexico, the money now taken by the Chinese would not be withdrawn from the country, and goods would be bought more cheaply and in exchange for
Since,
products of the islands.

of the
Now,
because I
am
desirous
advancement of the said islands, and the best have therefore granted 23 them by one of my decrees that, for the space of six years, only the said inhabitants may trade in China and in the said Nueva Espana. You shall observe the said decree, and shall not allow anything to be done
interests of their inhabitants, I
in
any wise contrary

20.
to
its
tenor.
it
The
question was also discussed whether
would not be
better to prohibit Chinese or other for-
eign vessels from selling at retail the merchandise
done now), and the inhabitants of the country from buying those goods, in public or private, under heavy penalties;
is
23
that they bring to the said islands (as
For the
text of this decree, see p. 137, ante.
154

to
[Vol. 7
provide that, for the purchase of the said merchandise in bulk, as many and as capable persons as
the matter requires be there deputed and appointed,
and
and they alone, may buy in mass all the vessels, and afterward divide them among the Spanish, Chinese, and Indian inhabitants, with just and fair distribution, at the same prices which they paid for them. After discussion and conference by the members of the said assembly, it was decided to refer the entire matter to you, as I hereby do. I order you, since you will have the matter in hand, to ordain therein what you deem best. You shall advise me of what you do, and shall not permit or allow any person to go to the vessels
so that they,
goods brought in the
except those assigned for that purpose, in the order

that shall be prescribed.
You
shall see that their said
merchandise
is
exchanged for other products of the
islands, so that the taking of so
carried to foreign kingdoms

21.
much coin as is now may be avoided.
will result
to the good effects, that, it is said, from the execution of what is ordered in the above section, it is presupposed that another, no less important, will follow - namely, that, through
In addition
the operations of the aforesaid, the Chinese hucksters
who
lurk there and
hawk
their goods, will not stay
Moreover, other very heavy expenses and increase in prices, and the secret sins and sorceries which they teach, would be avoided; while their
there.
shops,
which
are necessary for retail trade, in the
course of the year could be given to Spaniards, so

that the profits could remain
among
the Spaniards,
and there would be an opportunity for more persons The Chinese Christians and to acquire citizenship.
other old citizens
who
are not transients, or
who
are
1588-1591]
155
as
not expressly hucksters, but
workmen - such
me-
chanics, carpenters, gardeners, farmers, or those en-
gaged in other food trades -might be permitted to remain there. Inasmuch as this is a matter of importance, you are advised not to permit or allow any infidel hucksters in the said islands; or so many to become residents there that they may give rise to any trouble. Should you consider it advisable to permit 22. and allow the inhabitants of the said islands to go to Japon, Macan, or other kingdoms or settlements, whether of Portuguese or heathen, in order that those countries may admit our commerce, you may do so first
taking especial care that no trouble arises thereit is
from, and that

23.
attended with no danger.

fifty
settlers and fifty with you to assemble, and go with you, according to the order contained in my decree that treats of this. In order to
You
shall cause the
farmers
whom
you are
to take
them to make the voyage, you shall give them the rewards and privileges which I have granted to them, which you shall maintain to the
incline
utmost.
You
shall take especial care that they attend
to their settlement
and farming; and that for the space of fifteen years, they and the Indians who aid and accompany them in their farming are not to be compelled to go to war, or to engage in any other
or any other services which
personal service, such as manning the vessels, building,
may
hinder or
fatigue them.
And
since
it is
fair that, if these re-
wards and accommodations are given them, they, on their part, engage only in the work for which they go; and since peaceful men who are not forced from their trade and mode of living, apply themselves
156
better,
[Vol. 7
you shall see to it that those who enlist and are taken be married farmers, of humble estate and quiet disposition. From each one of them you shall take accredited bonds, to the amount that seems advisable
to you, that for the
period of six years they will not
change to any other occupation or means of gain, or do anything else beyond the thing for which they enlisted, under the penalties which you may impose, and which you shall inflict. You shall see that the chiefs and timagua In24. dians have just contracts and shares with the farmers, so that they may conceive a liking for and learn farming as practiced here; and so that the Spaniards may have those who can supply them with people and
other necessities.
intelligent
You shall and know how
see that these Indians are

to
if
keep their contracts

they are peaceful, as
with the farmers, especially above stated.

25.
lions,
The
said islands,
as
am
told,
need
stal-
mares, cows, and other domestic animals.
In
order that they
may
be bred there in numbers, I
am
writing to the viceroy of
Nueva
Espafia to send to
shall ask
the said islands twelve mares, two stallions, twenty-
four cows, and two bulls.

these as
in
You
him
for
you pass there, and shall take them with you your vessels as you go upon your voyage; and whatever you think needful for the animals can be brought from China and Japon. You shall order those farmers who are about to go to the said islands, and the chiefs, to tame and breed buffaloes, so that with all these animals there may be a sufficiency to carry on the farming, and for other needful services.
26.
It
was
also petitioned in behalf of the said
islands that,
now and
henceforth, the encomiendas be
1588-1591]
INSTRUCTIONS TO DASMAJIINAS
157
given under the obligation and condition that the
encomendero
assist the
shall work a patch of ground, and farmers and Indians, so that they also may
work and
this,
cultivate the soil.

shall give lands
You
shall strive to begin
and homesteads, farms and horses, for breeding and farming, to the settlers and farmers, without any prejudice to the Indians. Upon your arrival at the said islands, you 27. shall find out how and where, and with what endowand
ment, a convent of secluded girls
may
be established,
so that both those who go from here, and those born there may stay in it, and live respectably and well instructed, and go out therefrom to be married and bear children. By this method and by the naturaliza-
crease continually.
population will inendeavor to find some good plan or method for doing this without encroaching on my royal treasury, or so that it may be relieved as much as possible. You shall advise me of it on the first opportunity, as well as of the method that can be employed in endowing the said poor girls; and how and from what source other smaller dowries may be established, in order that the Indian women may marry poor Spanish soldiers and sailors. In regard to what is petitioned by the said 28. islands about appointing citizens of the islands to the posts therein, and not selling the offices, as former governors have tried to do, you shall look to it carefully, and favor and reward the citizens. Further, it was proposed also that, as far as 29. the natural fitness of the land and the settlements of the Indians permitted, it would be advisable to order that encomiendas of not less than eight hundred or one thousand Indians be granted, for there are tithes
tion of persons in the land,
its
You
shall
158
[Vol. 7
for the instruction, and the other expenses of mainte-
which small encomiendas cannot bear; and that those who have but few Indians be allowed to transfer or sell them at their pleasure to other and
nance,
neighboring encomenderos, so that, by this union, the encomiendas may be larger, and may be able to meet
the above expenses.
Inasmuch
it is
as
all
matters per-
taining to the sale of encomiendas have been enacted
with great care, and

enactments, you you shall see to have enough for
it
not fitting to violate these
shall not
permit
this request.
But
carefully that the repartimientos
and for the maintenance endeavor to establish the Indians in settlements, which shall have adequate instruction. This you shall attend to with the most rigorous care and attention. Among the things most wasteful of property, 30. and which embarrass, and may cause harm in, a country so new, because of the animosity and quarrels resulting therefrom, are the suits and controversies engendered among the citizens, and among the Indians themselves. Although it is my will that complete justice be observed in each case, I charge you that, in so far as may be possible, and can be rightly done, you settle the differences and suits which arise, without having recourse to the technicalities of the law or proceeding by the ordinary methods, or coninstruction,
of the encomenderos.
You
shall
demning
you.
to
pecuniary
in
fines;
but observing through-
out the provisions of the decrees that shall be given
And
order that
all
may
enjoy the blessings
which must ensue from
may
live in
mild a government, and ease and contentment, and without any

so
perturbation in the great undertakings that,

helping, will be accomplished, I
God
am
writing in like
1588-1591]
159
tenor to the bishop of the said islands in regard to
what touches their ecclesiastical service. You shall give him my letter, which shall be delivered to you, and you shall charge him straitly in my name.
31.
is
have been informed that there has been and poor system, and worse observance and fulfilment
I
of the ordinances, in the collection of the tributes of
the disaffected or never-pacified encomiendas; and

that
it
would be advisable
to
command
that the ordi-
nances be kept, and that, since such encomiendas
ought not to be abandoned, at least the entire tributes should not be collected, but only a small portion of
them,
as a
token of recognition.
For since the Indians
no spiritual or temporal benefit from their encomenderos, it is not right that they pay the tributes - especially as soldiers are sent annually to make the collection. This latter
renders impossible the pacification of the country;
of the said encomiendas receive
and hence a large portion of the said islands are in revolt, and we must subdue Burney, Maluco, Mindanao, and other neighboring islands and mainlands. This matter demands much reform as you may plan. Therefore I charge you to ordain for this purpose what you may deem best, after consulting with the bishop; and that you carry your resolution into prompt and rigorous execution, in order that so great and injurious annoyances may cease. As I have been informed, there is but little 32. instruction in the said islands, and much difficulty in providing it, which is greatly increased by the natural
conditions of the country, since
islands.
it
all
consists
of
Most
of them, too, are so small that they
do
not have a population of
more than
three to five hun-
dred Indians, and some even of
less
than one or two
160
[Vol. 7
hundred. It is also prevented by the long and dangerous navigation, the heat, the rains, and the poor roads of the country. It is not right that even all of these, or the many other greater hindrances and difficulties should turn aside the accomplishment of what is so important. Therefore I order and charge you straitly that, immediately upon your arrival in
the said islands,
this instruction
you
shall note very particularly
how
can be furnished.
After ascertaining
the opinion of the bishop, with
and
this
whom you shall meet you shall charge, in my name, to aid in matter with his person, as I expect from him whom
matter
is
since, in truth, this
one for him
to
procure
and bring about, by reason of his office -you shall enact what you consider advisable, so that all parts of the islands may have sufficient instruction. This shall be done with kind and gentle methods, in accordance with the will of the chiefs; and all the
Indians
taken.
who You
are dispersed shall be established in
settlements, in order that account of

shall
them can be
have the greatest care possible in procuring the accomplishment of what is ordained and enacted, since without that all the work will be
lost.
33.
Since I desire the welfare and conservation of
the said Indians, and their protection

better than anyone else, I
and defense,
and as I think that the said bishop can procure this
am
writing to him, and

I
charging him with

as it
their protection.
am
quite sure
that he will be very glad to undertake this,
inasmuch
relief
pertains to the service of our
Lord and the

shall
of his conscience.
And
in order that everything
may
be done better
and more smoothly, you
main-
tain the best of relations
throughout with the said
1588-1591]
161
bishop; and on your part, you shall have the greatest care to protect the said Indians and to aid them.
34.
I
have been informed
that,
because the
sol-
diers
who
are stationed in the said islands receive no
pay, nor have any other remuneration, they obey
orders very unwillingly, and are discontented, since
they endure the greatest poverty and affliction; that
they are
to
all spiritless, sick, necessitous,
and compelled
become
;
servants.
Many
die
from
their discontent,
hunger, lack of comfort, and less provision for their sicknesses and others escape by claiming to be marAs a consequence, ried, sick, or bound to religion.
the country has fallen into disrepute, and
requisite valor
men
of the
and quality do not go there, but only If a very few poor, unarmed, and worthless men. any of these do have weapons, they pawn or sell them for clothes and food. Their needs constrain them to
commit
crease in
injuries
It
upon the
is
natives, so that the latter

is
are irritated.
said that not only
there no in-
what has been conquered, but that even that pacification is becoming more doubtful each day;
that domestic
and neighboring enemies are being aroused; and that all of this would be remedied by giving pay to the said soldiers, who should be regularly and promptly paid. Inasmuch as it is my will that this be done, it was decided, after having considered how many soldiers it is necessary and advisable to maintain usually in the said islands, that there
be four hundred soldiers

a
and that each one receive
monthly wage of
six pesos, the captains thirty-five,
the ensigns twenty, the sergeants ten, and the cor-
porals seven.
Also that the sum of one thousand

all
pesos additional pay be distributed annually and pro-
portionally
among
of the companies, each per-
62

more than
[Vol. 7
son not to receive
ten pesos each year;

to
and that
this additional
pay be given according
the order and
manner
set forth in the
decree that will
be handed you. You shall order that the said soldiers be regularly paid, and see that they are satisfied, armed, and well disciplined that the said number of
;
four hundred soldiers be not lessened
and that they
be divided into what companies you
deem
fitting.
When
you
shall appoint the said captains, officers, or
any encomienda or other post, you shall draw their pay any longer; and while they receive pay they cannot trade or traffic,
soldiers to
not permit them to
for their solicitude in that pursuit necessarily occupies
minds and distracts them from their proper object and the practice of war. For the same reason, likewise, you shall not grant the said pay to any soldier who acts as servant to another person, whoever he may be. Whenever any repartimientos of Indians become vacant in the said islands, you shall apportion some of the Indians to my crown, as an aid toward the said pay. In respect to the said captains, officers, and 35. soldiers, you shall observe, and cause to be observed, their privilege of exemption from arrest for debt contracted while they were in the service; or the
their
seizure of their weapons, horses, or other things needful
and proper
to military service,
in satisfaction
therefor.
36.
Whenever you
him
shall send
any captain with
men on any commission

shall order
also to
or business that arises, you
maintain his privileges, in
whatever pertains to the usual exercise of the power and authority requisite to command, direct, and
punish his inferiors;
as
well
as all the
other things
1588-1591]
163
peculiar to the service, and which are conceded to
and exercised by
37.
It
is
officers.
body-guard of twelve halberdiers, who shall be paid the same sum The said halberdiers shall have a as the soldiers. leader or captain, who shall receive pay of fifteen pesos monthly. Although their principal service shall be to act as a body-guard, and this is determined and ordained by that which pertains to the authority and dignity of your position, you shall take note that they also must go to war upon any occasion that arises. Inasmuch as I have been informed that many 38. of the soldiers, who are sent to the said islands from Nueva Espafia, are mere lads, mestizos, and a few Indians, and unarmed; and that a portion of them are pages and servants of the captains or other persons, who under the title and name of soldier draw their pay but neither they nor their masters are soldiers: you shall allow none of them to be enrolled
will that
a
as soldiers unless
my
you have
they are
more than
fifteen years old
and accept no page or servant of any person, while he serves as such, as above stated. You shall receive
only those mestizos
who
are worthy, but shall not
open
gateway for this in general. I charge and to pay especial attention to this. Immediately upon your arrival at the said 39. islands, you shall give orders to enclose the city of Manila with stone, along that portion where it is necessary and advisable, and on the other sides by
a
recommend you
water.
You
shall construct a fort in the place as-
signed and deemed best there. You shall erect a tower at the junction and point made by the river and sea. All this shall be very thoroughly done, and with
most careful planning and consideration; and
shall
164

at the least possible
[Vol. 7
be done
since, as
expense to
my
treasury
you know, the buildings can be constructed there with great ease and cheapness. You shall assign what garrison you judge 40. advisable to the said fort and tower, so that the country may be defended, and that they may check the designs and hopes of the enemy, and the fear of revolts and risings. Although you ought to live in great vigilance 41. and the continual caution demanded for the conservation of a country so new, distant, and surrounded by enemies, you must beware chiefly of five classes of
them.
First,
of the natives of the land,

settled
who
are
in
numerous, and but partially

the faith.
and established
Second, of four or five thousand Chinese

live there,
Indians
who
and go back and forth
in
their tradings.
go
thither.
Borney,
who
Third, of the Japanese who usually Fourth, of the natives of Maluco and are aroused, and already display them-
and openly. Fifth and chiefly, of the Lutheran English pirates who infest those coasts. In order to check their incursions, and present a superior force and defense to them all, you shall construct another fort in Yllocos or Cagayan, to oppose the Japanese and Chinese robbers; a second in Cebu, to oppose the Borneans and Malucos; a third in Panpanga, to oppose the ambales. All shall be located in places where they may be effectual, and shall be carefully planned and substantially built by good engineers. The cost will be very little, because of the great abundance of materials, and because almost
selves boldly
all
of the Indians are
workmen. You
are to see that
each fort has an adequate and desirable garrison.

42.
Besides these forts and presidios,
it
is
pre-
1588-1591]
fleet of a
165
supposed that a moderate-sized
few
galleys
or fragatas would be necessary, to cruise along the
and to prevent the thefts and injuries wont to be committed along them by the Japanese, especially in the districts of Cagayan and Ylocos. They seize the Chinese vessels that bring food and merchandise to the said islands, whereby great loss is suffered, and commerce and plenty checked. This fleet would also serve to precoasts in order to protect them,
vent the Chinese,
when
they are returning to their
country, from going among the said islands and committing depredations on the natives of them, and as a countercheck to other Chinese or Bornean pirates, as well as against all other undertakings, and troubles with foreigners. This appears advisable to me, and desirable. Therefore, as soon as you shall arrive at the said island, you shall construct six or eight galleys. You shall note what Doctor Sande, my former governor of those islands, and Father Alonso Sanchez say -namely, that it will cost but from one hundred and fifty ducados upward; and that there are, moreover, the necessary accommodations. You
shall order these vessels to be well equipped, strength-
own
ened, and provisioned, so that they
may
be effectual.
You
43.
shall give
me
an itemized account of the cost of
the said galleys and facilities for building them.

It
is
advisable to set about the construction of
the said forts and galleys as quickly as possible, in
harm that might upon the occasion of any danger from enemies, were compelled to retire inland among the Indians, who are all irritated and
order to avoid the troubles and
if
ensue
the Spaniards,
offended because of the ill-treatment that they have received; and I charge you straitly with this.
66
44.
[Vol. 7
Upon your
is
arrival at those islands,
and when
the situation
actually before you,
you
shall investi-
gate the
the
new method and circumstances with which

entrances and pacifications are and can be
new
justifiably
cost,
made,
as
well as the few soldiers, slight
and the great ease and profit with which they can be made, because of the country being divided into many islands, and there being many petty rulers. These fall out among themselves on slight occasion, and make treaties with the Spaniards, and hence are kept in order with but little assistance. Since the petition made there in regard to the pay and the number of soldiers has been granted - and you are to maintain the soldiers in good discipline, and keep them quiet, and punctually paid - you shall make the said entrances and pacifications with great circumspection and just cause, in which you shall observe the rules of the instructions, which shall be furnished
to you,
regarding
It
is
new
discoveries.
is
45.
said that there
great need of such paci-
fication in the said islands, especially in the very

districts
where the Spaniards
live
and
travel, for all
of the natives are in revolt and unsubdued, because

of the lack of soldiers, and of the injuries
and annoyby what soldiers are Moreover, as we are informed from there, there. many provinces of the island of Lugon either have never been subdued, or, if subdued, have revolted ances inflicted
upon the
natives
as,
for instance, those of Cagayan, Pangasinan, Paya-
sondan, Qambales, Balente, and others, which are

situated
among
the pacified provinces quite near
and
round about Manila; all the provinces, therefore, are in confusion and disorder. Upon your arrival at the said islands, you shall ordain in this whatever is advis-
588-1591]
shall
67
able.
You
proceed in
this as shall
seem expe-
commencing as shall be right, and be attentive to the remedy for these evils, with very special care and assistance, since evil may happen to what is
dient,
distant, if one's
own house
is
left in suspicion
and
unsubdued. endeavor to instruct the many people converted already, who are under my royal protection. These, because of their lack of the requisite peace and quiet, live in great hardship and danger; for those who are in revolt and unpacified harass them daily, kill and assault them, and burn their crops. Because of this, and because they also kill many Spaniards, not only is there no increase in what has been gained, but each day that is becoming less. Everything demands and requires so prompt a remedy, which is thus comBesides there
is
the great obligation to
mitted to you.
46.
Beyond and beside
the said provinces
which
are here and there disaffected
among
the Spaniards
and the Indians already converted, are others, which although not so near, owing to their remoteness and
the nature of their inhabitants,
still
cannot be called
new discoveries, because they have been visited and known already. These are Babuyanes, the island of
Hermosa, the island of Cavallos ["horses"], LeBurney, Paca, Guancalanyanes, Mindanao, Siao [Siam], Maluco, and many others. Because it has been reported that they are falling into a worse condition daily, and having been advised that their welfare and the safety of the Spaniards demand their pacification, and that delay might render it difficult, you shall ascertain the manner and method with which the said pacification and subjection can be best and most quickly brought
quios, the island of Ayncio, Javas,
l68
about, and
47. I expect so

you
it
[Vol. 7
shall execute
it,
as
seems best
to you.
seems advisable that you, from whom much, should have authority and power to make all the said entrances and pacifications at the cost of my royal estate, in respect to which if you were constrained to await a reply from here, in a land so distant, important occasions and opportunities might be lost, I have resolved to give you authorization for this. Accordingly I grant it to you, and
Since
order the
shall
officials
of
my
royal estate of the said
under your control, they you present to them for the said purpose. But you shall observe that you are to use the said authority only in the most important matters which shall arise, after consulting about matters of law with the ecclesiastics and the lawyers, and those of action with the captains and men of experience and conscience, and taking account
islands that, in all matters
honor and pay
all
the orders that
of all other necessary conditions, so that the expense
may be no
48.
greater than can be avoided, and profitable.
In order that you may accomplish them better and avoid expense, I authorize you to covenant and bargain with captains, encomenderos, and any others,
in respect to the said entrances
to
and
pacifications, they
make them wholly

to
or partly at their
own
cost, as
you; and to give them title, for a limited time, as governors of the islands or provinces that they explore or pacify, and as captains and masters-of-camp, providing you do not give them title You shall advise me of as adelantado or mariscal. it, when anyone undertakes this, reporting the servThe said ices, capacity, and merits of such person. which you shall make may agreement covenant and be kept in force until I approve them, because time
seems advisable
1588-1591]
169
of sending
will be saved thus
- but with the condition

I
them
to
me, so that
may
confirm them.
You
shall
bind the parties
to the
agreement, upon the arrival of
the said confirmations, to
some brief period, such
as
you may assign for it. I have been told that, although a few of the 49. encomenderos of the said islands, who fear God and
their consciences, are trying to establish ministers of
religious instruction in their encomiendas, others are
not doing
this,
and refuse
to
do
it
as
they are obliged,
and
as
is
advisable, notwithstanding that there are
plenty of the said ministers; that there are enco-
miendas which have been paying tribute peacefully for fifteen, twenty, or twenty-five years, without the Indians of them ever having seen a minister or heard a word of Christian instruction and that also many other encomiendas pay tribute by pure force of soldiers and arquebuses, who rebel and revolt because of the oppression and severity with which they are treated, without knowing the reason why they should pay it, since they have no instruction. Since, besides
;
the obligation to procure the welfare of those souls,

their conversion,
instruction,
and teaching, which

;
should be the chief constraining force and since even for temporal affairs, for the peace and tranquillity
of the country, so that those pacified should not revolt,
and
so that those in revolt should be subdued, the

is
best
method
of the
that of instruction
for
life,
which
the
common
sels
treatment, mildness, upright
and coun-
religious and ministers of the gospel and regulate their minds: therefore I charge you that, after consulting with the bishop you shall, in my name, provide what is advisable in this, so that
incline
the necessary instruction
may
be furnished, that
my
170
conscience,
50.
[Vol. 7
and his, and your own may be relieved. have also been informed that, in collecting the tributes from the Indians, there has been in the past, and is at present, great disorder, because the former governors of the said islands have done things very confusedly and haphazardly. Because the tribute of each Indian is of the value of eight reals, paid in what the Indian might possess, some persons take advantage of certain words of the said assessments, and of the articles in which tributes are designated - such as cotton cloth, rice, and other prodI
ucts of the country
-to cause the said
lawlessness.
This disorder has consisted in each one collecting whatever he wished, to the great offense and injury of the said Indians; for when gold is abundant, their encomenderos demand coin from the Indians; and when coin is abundant and gold scarce, they demand gold, although the said Indians have to search for and buy it. In short, they always demand their tributes in those things which are scarcq, by reason of which, for the tribute worth eight reals, some collect fifteen, and others twenty, twenty-five, thirty, and more, according to the value of those things that are demanded. They cause the Indians to seek them and bring them from other parts, to their great vexation and affliction. It is advisable to check this lawlessness and excess. Therefore I charge you to ordain that, in the payment of the said tributes, the order referred to in section six of these instructions shall be observed. That section treats of the Indians being allowed to pay their tributes in coin, gold, or products, as
they
may
choose.
section of the said
51.
Another
memorial
also
pointed out that, although certain Spaniards of ten-
1588-1591]
171
der conscience have freed their slaves, native to the

said islands, in fulfilment of the provision of
crees,
my
de-
many
to
others have retained them, and do not al-
low them
their
have houses of their own, or
to live
on
is
own land under
the ordinary instruction.
It
advisable to remedy this also; and I therefore commit it to you, and order you that, immediately upon your arrival at the said islands, you shall set at liberty all those Indians held as slaves by the Spaniards. I am informed that the said Indians have 52. suffered many grievances and burdens from all the ministers of justice, because the latter have incited
many
suits,
not only of cases after the country was
had happened in its pagan days, among both the living and their forefathers, and both civil and criminal cases. These are not summary, but have all the terms, demands, preliminary hearings, and reviews, which can be found
discovered, but of others that
in
any chancilleria of these kingdoms.
In these the
Indians have wasted and continue to waste their

possessions.
instructions,
to
Although
in section twenty-nine of these
it treats of what you and the bishop have do or provide as a remedy for these vexations of suits by Spaniards and Indians, once more I charge you and recommend you to strive to have the suits finished and decided promptly and summarily. You must take note that this will be one of the matters in which I shall consider myself most faithfully and fully served by you. In regard to the confusion existing, past and 53.
present, in the religious leaving the said islands for
the mainland of China and other places, without permission of the governor or bishop - asserting that,
through their
all-sufficient
power, those
who
hinder
172
[Vol. 7
them shall be excommunicated - the advisable course has also been pointed out in time past - namely, that
the religious should go there with the resolution to
Philipinas Islands, and not go elsewhere without your permission and that of the said bishop. This must be construed in respect to the
settle in the said
have been assigned to make a settlement and to live there, and not with those who have license from me to pass farther and to go to other regions; for when this is given or permitted to
religious
shall
who
them,
54.
it is
after
much
consideration.
that, for the
It has
been said
remedy
of past
confusion and wrongs, which have resulted from people going from the said islands to China and other
districts
without order or permission,
it
would be
advisable to ordain, under severe penalties, that no
may leave them for any place or on any business, or supply a fragata, provisions, or any other assistance to any of the said religious, without my special order, or your permission and that of the said bishop. Inasmuch as this fits in with the provision of the above section, the same provision there is to be noted by you, so that likewise you may know what pertains to this, and doing that you shall undersecular Spaniard
stand
it
thoroughly.
You shall attend to all of the above with the care and close attention that I expect from your character and prudence, and from your earnest zeal in affairs touching my service. San Lorengo, August nine, one thousand five hundred and eighty-nine.
I
the King
By order of
the king, our sovereign
Juan de Ybarra
Countersigned by the council.
CUSTOMS OF THE TAGALOGS

(TWO RELATIONS BY JUAN DE PLASENCIA,
After receiving your Lordship's
letter, I
O.S.F.)
wished to in answer my order that I might first thoroughly inform myself in regard to your request, and to avoid discussing the
reply immediately; but I postponed
conflicting reports of the Indians,
tell
who
are
wont
to
what
suits their
purpose.
Therefore, to this end,
from different districts - old men, and those of most capacity, all known to me; and from them I have obtained the simple truth, after weeding out much foolishness, in regard to their
I
collected
Indians
government, administration of justice, inheritances, 24 slaves, and dowries. It is as follows

This people always had chiefs, called by them who governed them and were captains in their wars, and whom they obeyed and reverenced. The subject who committed any offense against them, or spoke but a word to their wives and children, was
datos
}
severely punished.
These chiefs ruled over but few people; sometimes

With this document cf., throughout, Miguel de Loarca, in vol. v of this series.
24
the
" Relation "
by
174
as

as a
[Vol. 7
hundred houses, sometimes even less tribal gathering is called in Tagalo a barangay. It was inferred that the reason for giving themselves this name arose from the fact (as they are classed, by their language, among the Malay nations) that when they came to this land, the head of the barangay, which is a boat, thus called - as is
than
thirty.
many
This
discussed at length in the

ten chapters
first
chapter of the
first
- became
a data.
And
so,
even
at the
origin
it is ascertained that this barangay in its was a family of parents and children, relations and slaves. There were many of these barangays in
present day,
on account of wars, they did not settle far from one another. They were not, however, subject to one another, except in friendship and relationship. The chiefs, in their various wars, helped one another with their respective barangays. In addition to the chiefs, who corresponded to our knights, there were three castes: nobles, commoners, and slaves. The nobles were the free-born whom they call maharlica. They did not pay tax or tribute to the dato, but must accompany him in war,
each town,
or, at least,
at their
own
expense.
The
chief offered
them before-
and afterward they divided the spoils. Moreover, when the dato went upon the water those whom he summoned rowed for him. If he built a house, they helped him, and had to be fed for it. The same was true when the whole barangay went to
a feast,
hand
clear
up
his lands for tillage.
inhabited were divided
The lands which they among the whole barangay,
especially the irrigated portion, and thus each one
knew his own. No one belonging to another barangay would cultivate them unless after purchase or inheritance. The lands on the Ungues, or mountain-
1588-1591]
175
ridges, are not divided, but
owned
in
common by
the barangay.
Consequently, at the time of the rice
harvest, any individual of any particular barangay,
although he may have come from some other village, if he commences to clear any land may sow it, and no one can compel him to abandon it. There are some villages (as, for example, Pila de la Laguna) in which these nobles, or maharlicas, paid annually
to the
dato a hundred gantas of

that, at the
rice.
The
reason of
this
was
time of their settlement there,
another chief occupied the lands, which the

chief,
new
bought with his own gold; and therefore the members of his barangay paid him for the arable land, and he divided it, among those whom he saw fit to reward. But now, since the ad-
upon
his arrival,
vent of the Spaniards,
it is
not so divided.
The
kets.
chiefs in
some
villages
had
also fisheries,
with
established limits, and sections of the rivers for mar-
At
these no one could
fish,
or trade in the
markets, without paying for the privilege, unless he
belonged
to the chief's
barangay or
village.
The commoners are They are married, and
called aliping
namamahay.
serve their master, whether
he be a dato or not, with half of their cultivated lands, as was agreed upon in the beginning. They accompanied him whenever he went beyond the island, and rowed for him. They live in their own houses, and are lords of their property and gold. Their children inherit it, and enjoy their property and lands. The children, then, enjoy the rank of their fathers, and they cannot be made slaves (sa guiguilir) nor can either parents or children be sold. If they should fall by inheritance into the hands of a son of their master who was going to dwell in an-
176
[Vol. 7
other village, they could not be taken from their

village and carried with
in their native village,
own
him; but they would remain doing service there and cul-
tivating the
sowed
lands.
The
lands,
slaves are called aliping sa guiguilir.
They
serve their master in his house and on his cultivated
and
may
fit,
be sold.
The master
grants them,
should he see
so that they
sons, servants
and providing that he has profited

these reatheir mas-
through their industry, a portion of their harvests,
may work faithfully. For who are born in the house of

That
is
ter are rarely, if ever, sold.
the lot of cap-
tives in
fields.
war, and of those brought up in the harvest

to
Those
whom
a debt
was owed transferred the
debt to another, thereby themselves making a profit,
and reducing the wretched debtors to a slavery which was not their natural lot. If any person among those who were made slaves (sa guiguilir) - through war, by the trade of goldsmith, or otherwise - happened to possess any gold beyond the sum that he had to give his master, he ransomed himself, becoming thus a namamahay, or what we call a commoner. The price of this ransom was never less than five and if he gave ten or taels, and from that upwards more taels, as they might agree, he became wholly An amusing ceremony accompanied this cusfree. tom. After having divided all the trinkets which the slave possessed, if he maintained a house of his own, they divided even the pots and jars, and if an odd one of these remained, they broke it; and if a piece of cloth were left, they parted it in the middle. The difference between the aliping namamahay and the aliping sa guiguilir, should be noted; for, by
;
1588-1591]
77
a confusion of the
as slaves
two terms, many have been classed
who
really are not.
The
Indians seeing
this,
that the alcaldes-mayor
do not understand
of
have
they
adopted the custom of taking away the children of

the aliping
namamahay, making use

is
them
as
would
of the aliping sa guiguilir, as servants in their

illegal,
households, which
and
if
the aliping
is
nama-
mahay should appeal

is
to justice, it
proved that he
an aliping
as
well as his father and mother before

is
him and no reservation aliping namamahay or

at
made
}
as to
whether he
is is
aliping sa guiguilir.
He
once considered an alipin without further decla-
ration.
is
In
this
way he becomes
Consequently,
a sa guiguilir,
and
even
sold.
the
alcaldes-mayor
should be instructed to ascertain, when anyone asks for his alipin, to which class he belongs, and to have
the answer put in the
document
those
that they give him.
In these three
classes,
who
are maharlicas
and mother's side continue to be so forever; and if it happens that they should become slaves, it is through marriage, as I shall soon explain. If these maharlicas had children among their slaves, the children and their mothers became free; if one of them had children by the slavewoman of another, she was compelled, when pregon both the
father's
nant, to give her master half of a gold tael, because
of her risk of death,
and for her inability
to labor
during the pregnancy. In such a case half of the child was free - namely, the half belonging to the father, who supplied the child with food. If he did not do this, he showed that he did not recognize him as his child, in which case the latter was wholly a slave. If a free woman had children by a slave, they were all free, provided he were not her husband.
178
[Vol. 7
If two persons married, of whom one was a maharlica and the other a slave, whether namamahay or sa guiguilir, the children were divided the first, whether male or female, belonged to the father, as
:
did the third and

ner, if the father
to
fifth; the second, the fourth,
the sixth fell to the mother, and so on.
In
this
and man-
were
free, all those
him were free; if he were a belonged to him were slaves; and the same applied If there should not be more than one to the mother. child he was half free and half slave. The only question here concerned the division, whether the child were male or female. Those who became slaves fell under the category of servitude which was their
who belonged slave, all those who
namamahay or sa guiguilir. If there were an odd number of children, the odd one was
parent's, either
half free and half slave.
have not been able to ascertain with any certainty when or at what age the division of children was made, for each one suited himself in this respect. Of these two kinds of slaves the sa guiguilir could be sold, but not the namamahay and their children, nor could they be transferred.
I
However, they could be transferred from the barangay by inheritance, provided they remained in the same village.
maharlicas could not, after marriage, move from one village to another, or from one barangay to another, without paying a certain fine in gold, as
The
arranged among them. This fine was larger or smaller according to the inclination of the different villages, running from one to three taels and a banquet to the entire barangay. Failure to pay the fine might result in a war between the barangay which the person left and the one which he entered. This
1588-1591]
179
applied equally to
one married a dren were afterwards divided equally between the two barangays. This arrangement kept them obedient to the dato, or chief, which is no longer the case - because, if the dato is energetic and commands what the religious fathers enjoin him, they soon leave him and go to other villages and other datos, who endure and protect them and do not order them about. This is the kind of dato that they now prefer,
not
men and women, except that when woman of another village, the chil-
him who has
the spirit to
command.
There
is
a great need of reform in this, for the chiefs are
and faint-hearted. made and sentences passed by the dato must take place in the presence of those of his barangay. If any of the litigants felt himself aggrieved, an arbiter was unanimously named from another village or barangay, whether he were a dato or not; since they had for this purpose some persons, known as fair and just men, who were said to give true judgment according to their customs. If the controversy lay between two chiefs, when they wished to avoid war, they also convoked judges to act as arbiters they did the same if the disputants belonged to two different barangays. In this ceremony they always had to drink, the plaintiff inviting the others. They had laws by which they condemned to death a man of low birth who insulted the daughter or wife of a chief; likewise witches, and others of the same
spiritless
Investigations
class.
They condemned no one to ited the death-penalty. As

killed them,
slavery, unless
he mer-
for the witches, they
and their children and accomplices became slaves of the chief, after he had made some
180
[Vol. 7
recompense to the injured person. All other offenses were punished by fines in gold, which, if not paid
with promptness, exposed the culprit to serve, until the payment should be made, the person aggrieved, to whom the money was to be paid. This was done in the following way: Half the cultivated lands and all their produce belonged to the master. The master provided the culprit with food and clothing, thus enslaving the culprit and his children until such time as he might amass enough money to pay the fine. If the father should by chance pay his debt, the master then claimed that he had fed and clothed his children, and should be paid therefor. In this way he kept possession of the children if the payment could not be met. This last was usually the case, and they remained slaves. If the culprit had some relative or friend who paid for him, he was obliged to render the latter half his service until he was paid - not, however, service within the house as aliping sa guiguilir, but living independently, as
alipin
namamahay.
In
If the creditor
in this wise, the culprit
was
lent him.
this
if
were not served pay the double of what way slaves were made by debt:
had
to
either sa guiguilir,
they served the master to
whom
if
the judgment applied; or aliping
they served the person

pay.
who
lent
namamahay, them wherewith
to
In what concerns loans, there was formerly, and is today, an excess of usury, which is a great hindrance to baptism as well as to confession; for it turns out in the same way as I have showed in the case of the one under judgment, who gives half of his cultivated lands and profits until he pays the debt. The debtor is condemned to a life of toil; and thus borrowers
1588-1591]
l8l
become
and after the death of the father the children pay the debt Not doing so, double the amount must be paid. This system should and can be
slaves,
reformed.
As
case
for inheritances, the legitimate children of a
father and mother inherited equally, except in the
where the father and mother showed partiality by such gifts as two or three gold
perhaps a jewel.
a slight
taels,
or
When
when,
the
dowry to any son, and, him marry to a chief's daughter, dowry was greater than the sum given the other
the parents gave a
in order to
sons, the excess to
be divided.
to
been given
necessity,
was not counted in the whole property But any other thing that should have any son, though it might be for some
into consideration at the time of
was taken
of
the
partition
the
property,
unless
the
parents
outside
should declare that such a bestowal was

of the inheritance.
If one
made
had had children by two

its
or
more
legitimate wives, each child received the
inheritance and
crease,
fell to
dowry
of his mother, with

his father's estate
in-
and that share of
which
a child
him out
of the whole.
If a
man had
;
by one of his slaves, as well as legitimate children, the former had no share in the inheritance but the legitimate children were bound to free the mother, and to give him something - a tael or a slave, if the father were a chief or if, finally, anything else were given it was by the unanimous consent of all. If besides his legitimate children, he had also some son by a free unmarried woman, to whom a dowry was given but who was not considered as a real wife, all these were classed as natural children, although the child by the unmarried woman should have been be;
82
[Vol. 7
gotten after his marriage.

the third part.
Such children did not
inherit equally with the legitimate children, but only
For example, if there were two had two parts, and the one of the inaasava one part. When there were no children by a legitimate wife, but only children by an unmarried woman, or inaasava, the latter inherited all. If he had a child by a slave woman, that
children, the legitimate one
child received his share as above stated.
If there
were no legitimate or natural child, or a child by an inaasava, whether there was a son of a slave woman or not, the inheritance went only to the father or
grandparents, brothers, or nearest relatives of the
who gave to the slave-child as above stated. In the case of a child by a free married woman, born while she was married, if the husband punished the adulterer this was considered a dowry; and the child entered with the others into partition in the inheritance. His share equaled the part left by the father, nothing more. If there were no other sons than he, the children and the nearest relatives inherited equally with him. But if the adulterer were not punished by the husband of the woman who had the child, the latter was not considered as his child, nor did he inherit anything. It should be noticed that the offender was not considered dishonored by the punishment inflicted, nor did the husband leave the woman. By the punishment of the father the child
deceased,
was fittingly made legitimate. Adopted children, of whom there are many among them, inherit the double of what was paid for their adoption. For example, if one gold tael was given that he might be adopted when the first father died, the child was given [in inheritance] two taels. But
1588-1591]

should die
first,
183
do not inherit from^he second father, for the arrangement

if
this child
his children
stops at that point.
This
account
is
the danger to
which
his
money
is
exposed,
as well as his being protected as a child.

this
On
this
manner
of adoption
common among
to the
them is considered lawful. Dowries are given by the men

parents.
women's
If the latter are living, they enjoy the use
of
it.
At
their death, provided the

it is
dowry has not
been consumed,
equally
divided like the
rest of the estate,
among
the children, except in case the father
should care to bestow something additional upon the daughter. If the wife, at the time of her marriage,
has neither father, mother, nor grandparents, she
enjoys her
to
dowry -which,
in such a case, belongs
no other relative or child. It should be noticed unmarried women can own no property, in land or dowry, for the result of all their labors accrues to
that
their parents.
In the case of a divorce before the birth of children, if the wife left the husband for the purpose of marrying another, all her dowry and an equal addi-
amount fell to the husband but if she left him, and did not marry another, the dowry was returned. When the husband left his wife, he lost the half of the dowry, and the other half was returned to him.
tional
;
If he possessed children at the time of his divorce, the
whole dowry and the fine went to the children, and was held for them by their grandparents or other
responsible relatives.
I have also seen another practice in two villages. In one case, upon the death of the wife who in a year's time had borne no children, the parents returned one-
184
half the

dowry
to the
[Vol. 7
husband whose wife had died. In the other case, upon the death of the husband, one-half the dowry was returned to the relatives of the husband. I have ascertained that this is not a general practice; for upon inquiry I learned that when this is done it is done through piety, and that all do not do it. In the matter of marriage dowries which fathers bestow upon their sons when they are about to be married, and half of which is given immediately,
even
deal
when
they are only children, there
is
a great
more complexity.
There
is
a fine stipulated in
it
the contract, that he

certain
who
violates
shall
pay a
sum which
varies according to the practice of
the village and the affluence of the individual.

fine
The
was heaviest
it
if,
upon
the death of the parents,
the son or daughter should be unwilling to
marry be-
had been arranged by his or her parents. In dowry which the parents had received was returned and nothing more. But if the parents were living, they paid the fine, because it was assumed that it had been their design to separate the
cause
this case the
children.
is what I have been able to ascertain customs observed among these naconcerning clearly
The above
tives in all this
Laguna and
race.
the tingues, and
among
the entire
Tagalo
The
old
men
say that a dato
who
did anything contrary to this would not be esteemed; and, in relating tyrannies which they had
committed, some condemned them and adjudged them wicked. Others, perchance, may offer a more extended narrative, but leaving aside irrelevant matters concerning government and justice among them, a summary
1588-1591]

is
85
of the
whole truth
contained in the above.

this clear
am
sending the account in

further.
and concise form be-
cause I had received no orders to pursue the
work
cer-
Whatever may be decided upon,

it
it is
tainly important that
should be given
to the alcal-
des-mayor, accompanied by an explanation; for the

absurdities
which
are to be found in their opinions
are indeed pitiable.
our Lord bestow upon your Lordship His spirit, so that in every step good fortune may be yours; and upon every occasion may your Lordship deign to consider me your humble servant, to be which would be the greatest satisfaction and favor that I could receive. Nagcarlan, October 21,
grace and
1589.
May
Fray Juan de Plasencia
25
relation of the worship of the tagalogs, their gods, and their burials and superstitions
In
all
the villages, or in other parts of the Filipinas
Islands, there are no temples consecrated to the per-
forming of
sacrifices, the
adoration of their idols, or

It
is
the general practice^of idolatry.
true that they
have the name simbahan, which means a temple or

place of adoration; but this
25
is
because, formerly,
Juan de Plasencia, who entered the Franciscan order in early youth, came to the Philippine Islands as one of the first missionaries of that order, in 1577. He was distinguished, in his labors among the natives, for gathering the converts into reductions (villages in which they dwelt apart from the heathen, and under the special care of the missionaries), for establishing numerous primary schools, for his linguistic abilities - being one of the first to form a grammar and vocabulary of the Tagal language - and for the ethnological researches embodied in the memoir which is presented in our text. He died at Lilio, in the province of La Laguna, in 1590. See account of his life in Santa IneVs Cronica, i, pp. 512-522; and of his writings, Id., ii, pp. 590, 591.
86
[Vol. 7
when
they wished to celebrate a festival, which they

it
called pandotj or "worship," they celebrated the large house of a chief.
in
There they constructed,
for the purpose of sheltering the assembled people, a
temporary shed on each side of the house, with a roof, called sibi to protect the people from the wet when it rained. They so constructed the house that it might contain many people - dividing it, after the fashion of ships, into three compartments. On the posts of the house they set small lamps, called sorihile; in the center of the house they placed one large lamp, adorned with leaves of the white palm, wrought into many designs. They also brought together many drums, large and small, which they beat successively while the feast lasted, which was usually four days. During this time the whole barangay, or family, united and joined in the worship which they call nagaanitos. The house, for the above-mentioned period of time, was called a temple. Among their many idols there was one called Ba}
dhala,
whom
they especially worshiped.

also
The
title
seems to signify " all powerful," or "

things."
maker
of all
They
its
worshiped the
is
sun, which,
on ac-
count of
beauty,
almost universally respected
and honored by heathens. They worshiped, too, the moon, especially when it was new, at which time they held great rejoicings, adoring it and bidding it welcome. Some of them also adored the stars, although they did not know them by their names, as the Spaniards and other nations know the planets -with the one exception of the morning star, which they called Tala. They knew, too, the " seven little goats " [the
Pleiades] - as
we
change of seasons,
them - and, consequently, the which they call Mapolon; and Bacall
*3
<3
o>
<
O)
^s
I CD
a
feb,
o
1
<
1
*t
c s
^
<^
Qn>
^
ft,
<*
^d
&> en
a P
1
Oo
K
o
CO
1588-1591]
latic,

is
189
possessed
dif-
which
our Greater Bear.

7
They
many idols
trifle,
called lic-ha
which were images with
ferent shapes; and at times they worshiped any

in
little
particular dead
which they adored, as did the Romans, some man who was brave in war and endowed with special faculties, to whom they com-
mended themselves for protection in their tribulations. They had another idol called Dian masalanta, who was the patron of lovers and of generation. The
idols called Lacapati
and Idianale were the patrons
of the cultivated lands and of husbandry.
They paid
}
reverence to water-lizards called by them buaya or

crocodiles,
from fear of being harmed by them. They
were even in the Habit of offering these animals a portion of what they carried in their boats, by throwing it into the water, or placing it upon the bank.
They were, moreover, very

in things they witnessed.
liable to find auguries

if
For example,
they left
their house
a bird called
the tree,
and met on the way a serpent or rat, or Tigmamanuguin which was singing in or if they chanced upon anyone who sneezed,
they returned at once to their house, considering the incident as an augury that some evil might befall
them
cially
if
they should continue their journey - espethe above-mentioned bird sang.

:
when
This
song had two different forms in the one case it was considered as an evil omen; in the other, as a good omen, and then they continued their journey. They
whether weapons, such as a dagger or knife, were to be useful and lucky for their possessor whenever occasion should
also practiced divination, to see
offer.
These natives had no established division of years, months, and days; these are determined by the culti-
190
vation of the
effect

soil,
[Vol. 7
counted by moons, and the different
produced upon the trees when yielding flowers, and leaves all this helps them in making up the year. The winter and summer are distinguished as sun-time and water-time - the latter term designating winter in those regions, w here there is no cold,
fruits,
:
snow, or
ice.
It seems,
however, that
it
now
since they have be-
come
Christians, the seasons are not quite the same,

gets
for at Christmas
somewhat
cooler.
The
years,
since the advent of the Spaniards, have been deter-
mined by
weeks.
the latter, and the seasons have been given
their proper names,
and they have been divided into
Their manner of offering sacrifice was to proclaim a feast, and offer to the devil what they had to eat. This was done in front of the idol, which they anoint with fragrant perfumes, such as musk and civet, or gum of the storax-tree and other odoriferous woods, and praise it in poetic songs sung by the officiating priest, male or female, who is called catolonan. The
participants
made
responses to the song, beseeching
them with those things of which they were in need, and generally, by offering repeated In some of healths, they all became intoxicated. their idolatries they were accustomed to place a good piece of cloth, doubled, over the idol, and over the
the idol to favor
cloth a chain or large gold ring, thus worshiping the
devil without having sight of him. The devil was sometimes liable to enter into the body of the catolonan, and, assuming her shape and appearance, filled her with so great arrogance - he being the cause of her it - that she seemed to shoot flames from her eyes hair stood on end, a fearful sight to those beholding,
;
1588-1591]
191
and she uttered words of arrogance and superiority. In some districts, especially in the mountains, when in those idolatries the devil incarnated himself and took on the form of his minister, the latter had to be tied to a tree by his companions, to prevent the devil This, in his infernal fury from destroying him. however, happened but rarely. The objects of sacrifice were goats, fowls, and swine, which were flayed, They perdecapitated, and laid before the idol. formed another ceremony by cooking a jar of rice until the water was evaporated, after which they broke the jar, and the rice was left as an intact mass which was set before the idol; and all about it, at intervals, were placed a few buyos -which is a small 26 fruit wrapped in a leaf with some lime, a food generally eaten in these regions - as well as fried food and fruits. All the above-mentioned articles were eaten by the guests at the feast; the heads [of the
animals], after being " offered," as they expressed
it,
were cooked and eaten
also.
The
reasons for offering this sacrifice and adora-
tion were, in addition to
whatever personal matters

sea, a
there might be, the recovery of a sick person, the
prosperous voyage of those embarking on the good harvest in the sowed lands, a propitious
in wars, a successful delivery in childbirth,
result
and
happy outcome
in
married
life.
If this took place
among people
days.
of rank, the festivities lasted thirty
In the case of young girls who first had their monthly courses, their eyes were blindfolded four days and four nights; and, in the meantime, the friends and relatives were all invited to partake of
26
The
betel-nut; see vol. iv, p. 222.
192
[Vol. 7
food and drink. At the end of this period, the catolonan took the young girl to the water, bathed her
and washed her head, and removed the bandage from

her eyes.
The
old
men said
that they did this in order
that the girls

in finding
might bear children, and have fortune

to their taste,
husbands
who would
not
leave
them widows
distinctions
in their youth.
made among the priests of the devil were as follows: The first, called catolonan, as above stated, was either a man or a woman. This office was an honorable one among the natives, and
was held ordinarily by people of rank,
ing general in
all
The
this rule be-
the islands.
The second they called mangagauay, or witches, who deceived by pretending to heal the sick. These
even induced maladies by their charms, which in proportion to the strength and efficacy of the witchcraft, are capable of causing death. In this way, if they wished to kill at once they did so; or they could prolong life for a year by binding to the
priests
waist a live serpent, which was believed to be the

devil, or at least his substance.
This
office
was gen-
eral throughout the land.
The
third they called
which is the same as magagauay. These had the power of applying such remedies to lovers that they would abandon and despise their own wives, and in fact could prevent them from havmanyisalat,
priests
ing intercourse with the latter. If the woman, constrained by these means, were abandoned, it would bring sickness upon her; and on account of the desertion she
fice
would discharge blood and

also general
matter.
This
of-
was
throughout the land.
The fourth was called mancocolam, whose duty it was to emit fire from himself at night, once or oftener
1588-1591]
93
each month. This fire could not be extinguished; nor could it be thus emitted except as the priest wallowed in the ordure and filth which falls from the houses; and he who lived in the house where the priest was wallowing in order to emit this fire from himself, fell ill and died. This office was general. The fifth was called hocloban, which is another kind of witch, of greater efficacy than the mangagauay. Without the use of medicine, and by simply saluting or raising the hand, they killed whom they
chose.
But
if
they desired to heal those
whom
they
by their charms, they did so by using Moreover, if they wished to destroy the house of some Indian hostile to them, they were able to do so without instruments. This was in Catanduanes, an island off the upper part of Luzon. The sixth was called silagan, whose office it was, if they saw anyone clothed in white, to tear out his liver and eat it, thus causing his death. This, like the preceding, was in the island of Catanduanes. Let no one, moreover, consider this a fable because, in Calavan, they tore out in this way through the anus all the intestines of a Spanish notary, who was buried in Calilaya by father Fray Juan de Merida. The seventh was called magtatangal, and his purpose was to show himself at night to many persons, without his head or entrails. In such wise the devil walked about and carried, or pretended to carry, his head to different places; and, in the morning, returned it to his body - remaining, as before, alive. This seems to me to be a fable, although the natives affirm that they have seen it, because the devil probably caused them so to believe. This occurred in
ill
had made
other charms.
Catanduanes.
194

eighth they called osuang, which
is
[Vol. 7
The
equivalent
have seen him fly, and that he murdered men and ate their flesh. This was among the Visayas Islands; among the Tagalos
these did not exist.
to " sorcerer;" they say that they
The
herbs,
ninth was another class of witches called man-
gagayoma.
They made charms
for lovers out of
and wood, which would heart with love. Thus did they deceive
stones,
infuse the
the people,
although sometimes, through the intervention of the

devil, they
gained their ends.
The
at
tenth
to " preacher."
was known It was
as sonat,
which
is
equivalent
his office to help
one to
die,
which time he predicted the salvation or condemIt was not lawful for the functions of this office to be fulfilled by others than peonation of the soul.
ple of high standing, on account of the esteem in
which
it
was
held.
This
office
was general throughwas a soothsayer, and was general in all

cotquean," a
of a
out the islands.
The
eleventh, pangatahojan,
predicted the future.

the islands.
This
office
The twelfth, bayoguin, signified a " man whose nature inclined toward that
woman.
Their manner of burying the dead was as follows: The deceased was buried beside his house; and, if he were a chief, he was placed beneath a little house or porch which they constructed for this purpose. Be-
mourned him for four days and afterward laid him on a boat which served as a coffin or bier, placing him beneath the porch, where guard was kept over him by a slave. In place of rowers, various animals were placed within the boat, each one being assigned a place at the oar by twos fore interring him, they
588-1591]
95
male and female of each species being together - as for example two goats, two deer, or two fowls. It was the slave's care to see that they were fed. If the deceased had been a warrior, a living slave was tied beneath his body until in this wretched way he died. In course of time, all suffered decay; and for many days the relatives of the dead man bewailed him, singing dirges, and praises of his good qualities, until finally they wearied of it. This grief was also accompanied by eating and drinking. This was a cus-
tom
of the Tagalos.
The
Aetas,
27
or Negrillos [Negritos] inhabitants

also a
of this island,
had
form of
burial, but different
and placed the it, leaving him upright with head or crown unburied, on top of which they put half a cocoa-nut which was to serve him as a shield. Then they went in pursuit of some Indian, whom they killed in retribution for the Negrillo who had died. To this end they conspired together, hanging a certain token on their necks until some one of them procured the death of the innocent one. These infidels said that they knew that there was another life of rest which they called maca, just as
a deep, perpendicular hole,
They dug
deceased within
if
we
27
should say " paradise,"
or, in
other words, " vil-
The Aetas, or Negritos, were the primitive inhabitants of the Philippine Islands; but their origin is not certainly known. It is perhaps most probable that they came from Papua or New Guinea. For various opinions on this point, see Zuniga's Estadismo (Retana's ed.), i, pp. 422-429; Delgado's Historia general, part i, lib. iii, cap. i and Report of U. S. Philippine Commission,
;
Invasions of the islands by Indonesian 333-335tribes, of superior strength and culture, drove the Negritos into the forest and mountain regions of the islands where they dwelt; they still remain there, in a state of barbarism, but in gradually decreasing numbers. See the Report above cited (pp. 347-351),
1900,
iii,
pp.
for habitat and physical characteristics of this race.
196
lage of rest."

They
[Vol. 7
say that those who go to this and the valiant, and those who lived without doing harm, or who possessed other moral virtues. They said also that in the other life and mortality, there was a place of punishment, grief, and affliction, called casanaan, which was " a place of anguish;" they also maintained that no one would go to heaven, /here there dwelt only Bathala, " the maker of all-cnings," who governed from above. There were also other pagans who confessed more clearly to a hell, which they called, as I have said, casanaan; they said that all the wicked went to that place, and there dwelt the demons, whom they called
place are the
just,
sitan.
All the various kinds of infernal ministers were, therefore, as has been stated: catolonan; sonat (who
was
a sort of bishop
who
ordained priestesses and
re-
ceived their reverence, for they knelt before before one

vation
him
as
who
could pardon
;
through him) mancQcolam, hocloban, silagan, magtatangal, osuan, mangagayoma, pangatahoan. 28
and expected salmangagauay, manyisalat,

sins,
There were also ghosts, which they called vibit; and phantoms, which they called Tigbalaang. They had another deception - namely, that if any woman died in childbirth, she and the child suffered punishment; and that, at night, she could be heard lamenting. This was called patianac. May the honor and glory be God our Lord's, that among all the Tagalos not a trace of this is left; and that those who are now marrying do not even know what it is, thanks to the preaching of the holy gospel, which has banished it.
superstitions, beliefs in
interesting information regarding these ff demons, etc., see Blumentritt's Diccionario mitologico" in Retana's Jrchivo, ii, pp. 345-454.
28
For much curious and
DOCUMENTS OF
Letter from Portugal to Felipe II.
1590
[Unsigned and
undated.]
Decree ordering a grant to Salazar. Felipe II; April 12. Letter from members of the suppressed Audiencia Santiago de Vera, and others; to Felipe II. June 20. The Chinese and the Parian at Manila. Domingo de Salazar; June 24.
Two
letters
to
Felipe II.
Domingo de
Salazar;
June 24. Decree regarding commerce lipe II; July 23.

Sources:
in the Philippines.
Fe-
MSS.
which
47-80.
in the
is
These documents are obtained from the original Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla - except the fourth, taken from Retana's Archivo del bibliofilo filipino, iii, pp.
Translations:
The
first
document
is
translated by
Arthur
B. Myrick, of Harvard University; the second, third, and sixth, by James A. Robertson ; the fourth, by Alfonso de Salvio, of Harvard University; the fifth, by Isaac J. Cox, of the University of Pennsylvania, and by Jose M. and Clara M. Asensio.
LETTER FROM PORTUGAL TO FELIPE

After the king, our lord, succeeded
to the
II
crown of Portugal, there began to open a new commerce between the Philipinas Islands and the western Yndias belonging to the domain of Castilla and China, Maluco, Amboino, Banda, and other parts of the Portuguese conquest. As soon as this was known in the eastern Yndias, the viceroys and governors thereof were continually writing to his Majesty, that from this new commerce many heavy injuries were sustained by his Majesty's service, in regard to the preservation and support of that state of eastern Yndia, and the quiet of its inhabitants. His Majesty after reading their letters and going
over truthful reports of the great injury that the contrade might cause, both to the and to that of Portugal, resolved to prohibit anyone from going from the western Yndias to China, Maluco, Amboino, and Banda, and other places belonging to the crown of Portugal; or from the Eastern to the Western Yndias. Decrees for this prohibition, signed by his Majesty and by the Portuguese ministers, were passed and sent to Yndia, where they were published and ordered to be observed under heavy penalties. The same was to be done by the ministers of the crown of Castilla and
tinuation of this
new
crown of
Castilla
200
certain

memoranda of know whether this
it
[Vol. 7
were
to
be given.
We
do
not
has been done yet.
Because they have again written and continue to write from Yndia that the said decrees prohibiting the said commerce are not being observed by the Cas-
and because they everywhere encourage it and increase to a great extent the evils that result therefrom, which might be very serious indeed, and difficult to remedy, and involve the total destruction and loss of those states: his Majesty ordered, for the more thorough understanding of these details, that
tilians,
they should
hibiting
make
this report of the existing causes
for not continuing this commerce,

it.
and even for pro-
cities
state is very large, and its and garrisons very distant and remote from one another, and situated in the territories of kings and
The
These reasons are of Eastern Yndia
as follows
princes of great power.
On
this
account they are
maintained by regular soldiery and very powerful fleets, of large and small galleys and galleons. All the Portuguese resident in those places, and other
Christian vassals of his Majesty, easily bear the excessive expense.
The
latter
is
made up by
the income
cities and strongholds. This income, although it exceeds a million, is not sufficient to obviate its being always pledged. Some aid in money is sent from Portugal. This income from Yndia consists principally in imposts from the said cities, which The entire are paid for entries and clearances. amount of these imposts is raised on merchandise from China, Maluco, Amboino, Banda, and other
from those
regions of the south; for the taxes that are raised on merchandise coming from the northern districts are of so much less importance, and the merchandise
1588-1591]
LETTER FROM PORTUGAL
201
compared with those of the south. The principal commerce that the Portuguese have to live upon, is that from China and other
likewise, that they cannot be
southern
it
districts,
because the other
traffic is
con-
tracted for by his Majesty's treasury and belongs to
The
better
and more valuable trade through the
southern districts belongs to the crown.
From
all this it
may be
inferred that
if
we
continue
this commerce with China and other southern regions by way of the western Yndias, the income from the customs duties, on which Yndia is supported, will
Nor will there be money or forces with which many large fleets may be organized
necessarily be
lost.
Majesty for its preservation and defense, or with which to pay the soldiery stationed there, or to bear all the other state expenses incurred by the public government, or those incurred by his Majesty
by
his
for the ecclesiastical estate in those places the conquest
him by the apostolic bulls. The rest of these reasons which concern his Majesty's service, the profit and loss of his treasury, and what
of
which was granted
to
is
expedient for
common good
of the inhabitants of
that state, should be considered in this case with the

greatest care.
For the inhabitants
of
Yndia have no
other resources to live upon except trade and com-
merce; and of these the principal is the trade with China and other places to which reference has been made. On this account, they feel very strongly the seizure of this commerce by the Castilians, saying that, they and their fathers and forefathers conquered it for the royal crown with their blood and lives. There are and were on this subject practices and
complaints of base character, principally in the city
of Goa, the capital of that state.
202

even
if all
[Vol. 7
And
the above (in respect to
what con-
cerns Portugal and the preservation and quiet of Yndia) were not of so great moment and consideration for his Majesty's service, so great are the injuries to the
crown of Castilla which result from this new commerce that only for that (both for reasons of state and finance) it should be strictly prohibited. For if navigation is permitted from the western Indias to China, all the money and coin in the kingdom will flow thither and none will go to Hespaiia, because China is so large and has so much to exchange and sell that, however much coin is sent, that country will absorb it all. The Indias will come to have no need of Hespana, because all the products obtained from this country can be obtained from China in much greater abundance and more cheaply, except wines and olives, which can be very easily introduced in the Yndias. They might also do without them, beSo cause they are not very necessary or requisite. only on they would care for trade with Hespana that account, especially since they may get them from China itself through the Portuguese traders. Of how much consequence and importance this is in
is unnecessary to point out, because be well understood. It is, moreover, understood that the Indians have wine of their own. And above all, when Chinese merchandise is in the western Indias and money is flowing toward China,
state matters, it
it
may
trade and
fall off,
commerce with Hespana
will necessarily
at Sevilla,
together with the income of the custom house while money will be scarce there and
throughout Espana. Let it be further noted that among the sworn promises which his Majesty made to the kingdom of
1588-1591]
LETTER FROM PORTUGAL
203
Portugal, there is one clause (the copy of which accompanies this) in which it is said that traffic with Yndia, Guinea, and other regions belonging to the kingdom of Portugal, both discovered and to be discovered, will not be wrested from them or any innovation made in present conditions; and the officials who are to go out for the said commerce and on the ships for that purpose shall be Portuguese. According to this tlause, no alteration can be made in the commerce with China, Maluco, Amboino, Banda, and other parts of the Eastern Yndias. The Castilians shall not go there, nor shall the Portuguese go from
here to the Castilian Yndias.

esty has entrusted the
29
The Lord Cardinal Archduke, 30
to
whom
his
Maj-
and considering all to his Majesty that it would be greatly to his interest to prohibit this commerce; and besides what he says
in
government of Portugal, seeing these dangers, wrote many times
many
"
of his letters, in one letter of
December
23,
of last year, 89, he wrote as follows:
In this despatch is sent a report of all that has been written to your Majesty by the viceroy Don Duarte, and by the governor Miguel de Sosa, and
other persons, affirming that
tinue the
it is
of
no use
to
your
Majesty, and unsafe for the state of Yndia, to con-
commerce which has begun to be opened from the Indias of the Castilian crown to China and what your Majesty has had written in regard to it;
29
This paragraph
is
a quite
literal
translation of the clause

is
therein mentioned; the latter
(in Portuguese)
at the end of
the original
30
MS.
of this document.
This was the Cardinal Archduke Albert of Austria, nephew
who in 1583 appointed Albert viceroy of Portugal. In that post he remained until 1594, when he was removed to the archiepiscopal see of Toledo.
of Felipe II,
204
in order that

your Majesty
[Vol. 7
may have
it
examined.
According
to the
information which I possess in this
matter, I advise your Majesty to order, under heavy
no one shall further this commerce from the said districts to China, nor from China the other way, because it is known that if there is no remedy applied, we will lose the customs receipts of the state of Yndia, and the trade of the merchants. It seems to me that the lack of confidence and the suspicion which the ships and embarkations of the Castilians cause in the Chinese are of even greater consepenalties, that
quence.
the city of
The latter is referred to in the letter which Nombre de Dios wrote to your Majesty,
on
this matter."
Hereunto is added the copy of one clause from a letter by the governor of Yndia (which was received a few days ago, having come by land) that what he says in regard to this matter, and the way in which this commerce is looked upon there, may be known. He concludes by explaining how well it suits his Majesty's service, and how advantageous it is to both Castilla and Portugal, to prohibit this commerce in
such a
way
that all the ports shall be closed to
it.
+
[Instructions:
"
On
the
new commerce
of
the
Western Yndias, with China. His Majesty orders that

this shall
be examined in the Council of the Indias.

shall then advise
The Council
that his
him of their opinion, so Majesty can determine what measures must

Pardo,
1590."]
31
be taken, before the sailing of the ships.
March
3,
31 The above instructions were intended doubtless for this document. They occupy a separate sheet in the collection of documents, but their position warrants this inference.
DECREE ORDERING A GRANT TO SALAZAR

Sire:
From information received de officio in the royal Audiencia of the city of Manila, of the Philipinas Islands, and from the opinion of the said Audiencia, it has been evident that, upon the arrival of the bishop [Salazar] in the islands, all the houses were built of wood and bamboo, and thatched with straw. As he saw that they were burned frequently, and especially in the year eighty-three, when, in but one fire, the city was nearly all destroyed - including, with the property of the citizens, the cathedral church, monastery,
hospital, fort, supplies,
and
artillery; seeing also the
constant danger from fire and from the natives of
whom
there
was great
fear, the said
bishop exerted
himself
to aid the citizens and soldiers with three thousand pesos of his own and others' money, dividing this sum among all of them, in order that they
might rebuild
ored
to
their houses.
By
this
means he
to
re-
lieved their extreme necessity, and afterward endeav-
persuade the governor and city
have the
tile;
buildings constructed of stone and roofed with
and although everyone placed decided obstacles

into
it,
in
the way, he set about this himself, and put great effort
even
to the
seeking and opening of quarries,
206
[Vol. 7
and procuring the making of mortar and roof-tiles. Through his diligence, the result was obtained and great increase followed therefrom to the said city, for he built houses with the utmost toil and expense. Thereupon many of the citizens began to do the same, and the city has been made safe and fortified. Now, a fort, hospital, church, and monasteries are being built -all of stone. In addition to the above, when he went to those islands, he took altar-pieces, ornaments, and other articles of value for the service of divine worship and afterward he bought there some buildings for the church, at an expense of eight hundred ducados. As, for both this and the bishopric, there is nothing left of the five hundred thousand maravedis paid him yearly from your Majesty's royal exchequer - which sum, even, has not been paid because there is no money there - he is deeply in debt and in need. He beseeches your Majesty that, attentive to his great labors in the service of our Lord and of your Majesty, and for the good of that state, your Majesty will bestow upon him a sum equal to what he has spent, in order that he may pay his debts and that he be given an order for it on the royal The said Audiencia, in its treasury of Mexico.
;
opinion cited above, declares that his debts amount to
thousand pesos; that his request seems to and that any concession made to him will be a great aid to the bishop. After deliberation in the council, it is our opinion that, in consideration of the above, a concession of three thousand pesos, the equivalent of three thousand six hundred ducados, might be made the said bishop, as an aid in paying his debts this sum to be given him once from the tributes of unassigned Indians in those islands, or
six or seven
them very
just;
1588-1591]
GRANT TO SALAZAR
that shall
first
207
from those
April
xii,
esty will act herein as suits
become vacant. Your Majyour pleasure. Madrid,

+
1590.
[Endorsed:
1590.
"Council of the Indias.
April
12,
That
the bishop of the Philippinas be granted
three thousand six
hundred ducados
in unassigned
paying the debts that he has contracted in the service of our Lord, and of your Majesty, and the welfare of that state." " The opinion of the council is approved, although the former concessions and assignments would be preferable for I suspect that in such favors irregularities are wont to occur in the payment to the loss of the collectors." " A warrant [for that sum] has been drawn up, in accordance with his Majesty's com32 mands."]
tributes of those islands, as an aid in
;
32
The
first
sentence
is
the official endorsement by the Council
the second, evidently that of the king; and the third, that of the
Councirs secretary.
LETTER FROM MEMBERS OF THE SUPPRESSED AUDIENCIA TO FELIPE II

Sire:
All vessels sailing
to
Nueva Espana,
since
vices to your
was established here, have taken adMajesty of everything that has appeared fitting to your royal service. The orders of your royal decrees and the ordinances of the royal Council have been observed with all care. Whenever any trouble has arisen in the execution of these decrees and ordinances, advice thereof has been given in the letters from this royal Audiencia, as your Majesty may see, should you wish information thereof. With the arrival of Gomez Perez Dasmariiias, governor and captain-general of these islands, the president, auditors, and fiscal of this Audiencia ceased to exercise their duties, and the trials of cases pending in that body were suspended, so that, in accordance with the orders of the royal decrees despatched in regard to this matter, they might be concluded in the royal chancilleria of Mexico. Doctor Sanctiago de Vera, former president of this Audiencia, intended to go to Nueva Espafia this year to assume his post as auditor in the royal Audiencia of Mexico, to which your Majesty appointed him. Just as he was about to embark, he was forced to remain
the Audiencia
here in these islands this year, because of a certain
very severe sickness of his wife, from which she
588-1591]
LETTER FROM AUDITORS
209
Licentiate
nearly died.
ity of
He
will sail next year.
Pedro de Rojas remains
in these islands in the capac-
lieutenant-governor and counselor in govern-
ment and military matters, in accordance with his Although this country proves very letters-patent.
unfavorable
to his health, so that
life
he remains here
at
evident risk of
many
to the
die,
- because of a disease from which and which has brought him twice or thrice
verge of death -yet he thinks it his duty to continue his service to your Majesty here, and to remain at his post, notwithstanding all the danger.
We
beg your Majesty kindly to appoint him to another post elsewhere, where his health may be preserved, for he has always suffered here from weakness and ill-health. Not only would this prove to be an assurance of his life; his services, which are so acceptable and well-known, are such that he merits Inasmuch as he was this favor from your Majesty. auditor of this Audiencia, and the oldest member of it, because of the death of the licentiate Abalos, he should not be permitted to remain now as lieutenantgovernor; for he is a person of whom your Majesty can make use in the government, and in any post whatever of great importance and trust. The licentiate Don Antonio de Rivera, auditor of 33 its this royal Audiencia, and the licentiate Ayala, They were defiscal, remain here without office.
tained here one year in order to be present in this
The collection of documents of which the above forms a part contains a letter from the licentiate Ayala to the king, under date As in so many letters from royal officials, of June 25, 1590. Ayala narrates his devotion to the king's service, and especially in the Philippines, whither he had been ordered suddenly from the Canaries, his previous post. He begs for a position in Mexico, and means to return to that country. The king orders that one-half his salary be given him.
33
2IO
city
[Vol. 7
during the four months of their residencia. They are very much disheartened over this, for they do not know to what post your Majesty will appoint them. They have served in their respective posts in these islands during their whole term with care, integrity, and disinterestedness, that [MS. illegible] and they are suffering from so great necessity and are five thousand leagues distant from those kingdoms, burdened with large families and households. They are grieving greatly over the prospect of so long, dangerous, and costly a voyage. We entreat your Majesty, since it is so just that rewards and promotions be given to your servants who have served you faithfully, and which your Majesty has ever been wont to bestow so generously, that you do not permit them to remain unrewarded, and that you have their salaries paid them from the time when their offices became vacant; for their services merit this, as well as the eagerness with which they have always exerted themselves, devoting all their energies to the sole service of God and your Majesty. They have ceased to
exercise their duties in these
posts
-the
best
and
chief est of the kingdom -not through any demerit, but through the suppression of the Audiencia. trust that your Majesty will look favorably upon them and upon your other servants who have served
We
you in this royal Audiencia and that you will reward them and promote them as we desire. May God preserve the Catholic person of your Majesty. Ma;
nila,
June
20, 1590.
The The The
doctor SANTIAGO
licentiate
licentiate
DEVERA PEDRO DE ROJAS DON ANTONIO DE
RlBERA MALDONADO
1588-1591]
LETTER FROM AUDITORS
211
"Filipinas; to his Majesty, 1590. [Endorsed: The Audiencia, June 20. Seen, and no answer is Make a memorandum regarding this necessary. auditor and fiscal."]
THE CHINESE, AND THE PARIAN AT MANILA

+
Sire:
As Chinese matters are so worthy of being known, have thought best to give your Majesty an account of them in a special letter, although all I say will be but little in comparison with the facts. Before I undertake to relate what God through His mercy has chosen to unfold to us concerning the affairs of that kingdom which were so hidden to us, I must, in order to ease my conscience, and die without this
I
scruple,
undo an error
into
which
had
fallen for a
while.
Under
that error I wrote to your Majesty
as I felt then; and,
according to
wrote was true, the information received, I have learned

I
is
although what
the fact.
since that the contrary
As soon
as I be-
gan to see the error, I wrote to your Majesty; but it was not done with the necessary effectiveness, for I was not yet completely undeceived. Now that I am,
it would be a very serious matter if I did not try to undo the deception. As at that time I wrote to your Majesty what I felt, under an erroneous impression, I shall write what I feel, now that I am fully unde-
ceived; for one ought always to present the entire
and naked truth, with no confusing elements, men, and much more to your Majesty.
to all
1588-1591]
THE CHINESE AND THE PARlAN
213
Before reaching these islands, I heard that no foreigner could without danger of death set foot in the kingdom of China unless he received special permission from those having that kingdom in charge;
and that the native who took

foreigner sent to prison for
a foreigner into the
land without permission would be executed, and the

life.
When
reached
some Portuguese who came here, and I heard them declare and affirm the same thing which I had heard before. Since I had that impression at my coming, I easily believed what the Portuguese told me, and persuaded myself that it was true that no foreigner could enter China without risk of losing his life. For a long time I have had the conversion of that kingdom at heart, and with that thought I came to these islands. One of the reasons which made me accept this bishopric was the fact that these islands were very near China, and that many Chinese had come to live here. Being grieved over the thought that by not allowing forthese islands, I first interviewed
eigners to set foot in that land the preaching of the
gospel there might be hindered, I
drew up
a report
signed by
many Portuguese witnesses from Macan and Yndia who were here. In this report, which I
sent to your Majesty, I gave evidence that the rulers
of China,
who
are styled " mandarins," allowed no
one to enter the kingdom without their permission; and that for this purpose they kept large fleets to guard the coast, and to kill or arrest all who. land there. Relying upon the information given me by the Portuguese, I wrote to your Majesty, asserting that it would be justifiable for your Majesty to send your fleet to that kingdom, and in case the preachers were denied entrance, to open a way by force and
214

the Chinese receive
[Vol. 7
them - it being understood was from the mandarins alone, and that the common people offered no resistance and would receive them well. While all those in the is-
make
that this opposition
lands, including myself, held this view,
it
pleased our
deception and to deliver us from happened that a ship left these islands for Mexico, and reached the coast of China in distress. At first the crew were somewhat ill-treated by the soldiers who guard the coast, because the latter had taken them for thieves or spies; but as soon as they were brought before the mandarin governor and it was learned that they had set out from the
to reveal this this error.
Lord
It so
Lugones,
treated
soldiers
as
they call these islands, the governor
them well, gave orders to return what the had taken from them, and punished those who had taken it. They sent the Spaniards in peace to Macan, whence they came to this city. The captain of the ship
is
living here at the present day, as
well as two Augustinians

they have told
who were on board; and happened to them. From this time I began to be undeceived, and to understand that the kingdom of China was not so inaccessible as the Portuguese had represented it. Then
me
all that
your Majesty the aforesaid letter, asserting that the ill-report concerning the mandarins of China was rather an invention of the Portuguese than a true Later on, my belief in this truth was conreport. firmed by certain persons, both religious and laymen, who have gone to China from these islands. When these persons arrived there the Chinese arI
wrote
to
rested them, in order to find out whence they came and what they were seeking; and when it was learned who they were, they were allowed to return in peace
588-1591]
THE CHINESE AND THE PARIAN
21
and were even given supplies for the journey. While writing this, I have met two Franciscan friars who tell me that, as soon as they reached China, they were arrested and taken, handcuffed, before the mandarin. When he learned who they were, he gave orders to set them free, and to provide for their support until
they could return here.
to the truth of all this
is
What
fully confirms
me
as
the report
which
I received
of the kind reception given in the province of Chin-
which the viceroy then governing Nueba Espana sent to Macan, and whose captain was Lope de Palacios, the brother of the auditor PalaThis ship was driven to cios, auditor of Mexico. Chincheo under stress of weather, and there everyone in her was well received, when the inhabitants of Chincheo learned that they were coming to trade in China. They persuaded them to go no farther, saying that they would give them a cargo there for their ship but God, who had chosen to punish those who by that means sought to destroy this land against
cheo
to
a ship
the wish of your Majesty, blinded them, so that they

the most salutary advice that could have been given them. The three Dominican religious who were on board the ship were well received and lovingly treated by the mandarin of that province. He took them to the city and lodged them in his own house, giving them an apartment where they could celebrate mass. This they did with as much quiet and safety as if they had been at your court. The mandarin kept them with him for one week, after which he allowed them to go to their ship and proceed to Macan. I had this relation from the very religious who were there. At present I am entertaining at my house a man who came from
would not take
2l6

in that ship,
[Vol. 7
Mexico
has told
and who, being an eyewitness,

;
me
of all the occurrence
but, since this acre-
count and other events which occurred were
ported
your Majesty two years ago, and I am sure that the report reached its destination, I shall not detain you with a more detailed account of those matto
ters.
have said
all this in
order to correct the wrong
opinion held about the rulers of China; and although it is true that they are cautious and suspicious, prudently seeking to protect their nation against the entrance of foreigners
land,
still,
who might harm and disturb the without any question, what has been said
is
against
them
a false accusation
for until
now we
know
of no person
whom
they have killed for setting
foot in their land, nor do
we know
of any one
whom
they have thrown
into prison for
life, as
the Portu-
guese reported.
to that
If
any of the Spaniards
who went
land received ill-treatment at the hands of

it
which the Portuguese spread among them, warning them to beware of Castilians as a people addicted to stealing and seizing foreign kingdoms and who, as they had become masters of Nueva Espaiia, Peru, and the Philipinas, would strive likewise to obtain China.
the Chinese,
was due
to the evil reports of us
The
people of that kingdom, being the most cautious
people in the world, believed quite readily what the Portuguese told them of us and in consequence they
;
ill-treated the Castilians
who went
there.
What
I say
here
is
a well ascertained fact,

in great
known by people who

danger of being killed
have seen themselves
in China, just because the Portuguese
had pointed
them out
to the
Chinese
as spies. I
ciscan religious
whom
One of the Franmentioned above has af-
1588-1591]
217
had heard it said that the Portuguese had reported them as spies, and that for this reason they had been handcuffed. Were I not sure that this was so, I would not dare to affirm it to your Majesty, for these are serious matters which do not speak well for the Portuguese. Although it is not to be believed that all of them say these things of us, still it needs only a few of them to speak such words in order to persuade the Chinese and those few have caused no little harm, for, had not God provided a remedy, they would have greatly hindered the gospel from ever entering that kingdom. Howfirmed
to
me
that he himself
have experienced the contrary of what had been told them, and the Chinese or Sangleys (which mean the same thing) who go there from here tell them of the fairness with which we treat them here, and of the freedom that they enjoy among us, they have regained confidence, and are not offended at seeing us there, as is proved by those two ships which were driven on their shores. Doctor Sanctiago de Vera told me last year that he intended to make arrangements with the mandarins of Chincheo by which they might give us an island not far from that coast where the Castilians might settle and establish their commerce; he added that this plan met with no great opposition on the part of the Sangleys. But this was not carried out, and I do not know who was the cause of the failure. To corroborate the fact that the mandarins do not keep the
ever, since the Chinese
gates of that
kingdom
so tightly closed as the Portu-
guese affirmed, something else has occurred quite recently which shows it clearly. When the Portuguese
expelled
all
the Castilian religious

to
from Macan and

to return here,
ordered them
go
to
Yndia, and not
2l8
[Vol. 7
two
friars fled secretly to the city of Canton, and thence they went to Chincheo by land, covering a
distance of about one
hundred leagues, without
re-
ceiving any
harm whatever; on
the contrary, they
were well treated, and the mardarin of Chincheo sent them back to this city in one of his own ships. The captain who brought them has visited me several times, and I have thanked him. At present these religious are in this city, and have spoken to me of what occurred to them on the journey from Macan to Chincheo, and of the presents which the captain who brought them here from Chincheo gave them. From all the aforesaid we infer that what has been reported of the refusal of the Chinese kingdom, and
of
its
rulers, to
permit entrance
to foreigners
has been
invention and slander by the Portuguese,

this for their
who
did
own
private interests, fearing that their
commerce with
tilians gained have attributed
the Chinese
would
cease
if
the Cas-
live here -or, more properly speaking, it has been the cunning of the devil, who has tried in this way to hinder the results
this slander to that cause
an entrance there.
We who
which we hope
into that great
to obtain
by introducing the gospel

in
kingdom,
it
such manner
Christ, our Lord,

tles
commanded
Jesus his disciples and aposas
to
preach
throughout the whole world, not
trusting in their
own
strength, or in
human wisdom
God.
all
or power, but only in the
power
times
of
of
For He,
difficulties
when
it
pleases
arise
;
Him, smoothes
and
if at
out
which may
He
allows his minshine forth
isters to suffer, it is for their best
good, in order that
the perfection and
power
God may
with more brilliancy. Therefore, I say that if once I thought it possible to make war on China because
1588-1591]
219
of the false report given

obstacles offered
me
of the hindrance
and
to
by the
rulers of that
kingdom
the preaching of the gospel, by not allowing those
who could preach it to enter the land, now know the truth, I declare that one of the
offenses
that I
worst
which could be committed against God, and the greatest possible obstacle and opposition to the spread of the gospel, would be to go to China with the mailed hand, or to use any sort of violence. For we have had at no time, nor do we have, any cause, right, or reason to enter that kingdom by force of
arms; for it is evident that we have not told them, nor do they know, our intention. On the contrary they take us for people whose only aim is to usurp foreign kingdoms; and, since they think thus, it is well for them to guard against us. In order to correct
the
wrong opinion which they
entertain of us,
we
should not go there with large fleets and armies equipped, because the only result would be to vex
and offend the greatest and best kingdom in the world but if we go there in the way that God commands and desires, and at the time appointed by His Divine Majesty (for we men cannot know), we shall
;
make one
of the largest conversions ever seen since
This is what the by spreading abroad the notion that the only way by which China can be entered is by force of arms. The truth is, that until now no
the time of the primitive church.
devil tries to hinder
people has been discovered so ready to receive the gospel as this, or of whom can be entertained such hope of great results by going to preach the gospel as our Lord Jesus Christ commanded; and if any one, be he even an angel from heaven, were of a different opinion, may your Majesty consider him an agent of
220
the devil,
[Vol. 7
who
tries to
is
convince people that the gospel
be preached with zeal and not with knowledge, with violence and force of arms, This is a principle like the alcoran of Mahoma.
of Jesus Christ
to
which may God remove from the minds of all Christian princes, and from all men who are well acquainted with the law of God and evangelical truth.
I
am
confident that,
when your Majesty

to be
learns the
truth,
you will not allow anything trary to the will of God.
done conthere
Now
I shall
speak of the Sangleys, of

to say
whom
would be much
had
I not in the past given to
your Majesty an account of many things concerning them. Therefore I shall be brief, in order not to
make
this I
account longer than
is
necessary.
When
arrived in this land, I found that in a
village called
is not far from this city, there being a river between lived many Sangleys, of whom some were Christians, but the larger part In this city were also some shops kept by infidels.
Tondo - which
Sangleys,
who
lived here in order to sell the goods
which they kept here from year to year. These Sangleys were scattered among the Spaniards, with no specific place assigned to them, until Don Gongalo Ronquillo allotted them a place to live in, and to be used as a silk-market (which is called here
Parian) of four large buildings. Here, many shops were opened, commerce increased, and more Sangleys came to this city. Anxious for the conversion of this people, I soon cast my eyes upon them, and took
,
precautions that they be well treated, for in that
way
was
they
would become attached to our aware that this was your Majesty's
religion
desire.
as I
Consider-
ing that, wherever Spaniards are to be found, there
588-1591]
221
some unruly ones, who, forgetting the good example which they ought to give these infidels, ill-treat them at times, I began on this account to protect and to assist the Chinese, reproaching those who maltreated them. I took care to have their grievances removed so as to give them freedom to attend to their mercantile interests, and to sell their goods. In this there has been very much abuse in this city by those who were under obligation to furnish a remedy For this reason the Sangleys began to have for it. much love for me, for they are the most grateful people I have ever seen. Gradually commerce has so increased, and so many are the Sangley ships which come to this city laden with goods - as all kinds of linen, and silks ammunition food supplies, as wheat, flour, sugar; and many kinds of fruit (although I have not seen the fruits common in Spafia) - and the city has been so embellished, that were it not for the fires and the calamities visited upon her by land and by sea, she would be the most prosperous and rich city of your Majesty's domains. As I have written to your Majesty in other letters, this city has the best possible location for both its temporal and spiritual welfare, and for all its interests, that could be desired. For on the east, although quite distant, yet not so far as to hinder a man from coming hither, with favorable voyage, lie Nueba Espana and Peru; to the north, about three hundred leagues, are the large islands of Japon; on the northwest lies the great and vast kingdom of China, which is so near this island that, starting early in the morning with reasonable weather, one would sight China on the next day; on the west lie Conchinchina, the kingdoms of Sian and Patany, Malaca, the great kingdom of Dacheu (the
will always be
; ;
222
[Vol. 7
ancient Trapobana), and the two Xavas [Javas], the 34 greater and the smaller; and on the south lie the
Maluco and Burney. From all these recome to trade in this city; and from here we can go to them, for they are near. As to spiritual
islands of
gions people
advantages,
if
we had
preachers of the gospel to send
thither, these regions all stand
open
to us,
and we
could gain good results from it, because Franciscan religious have gone to some of these places and have been well received, although on account of many
wars and the lack of interpreters they were forced
to
return. It is not so certain that they would be received in China as they are elsewhere; but up to this time no one of those who went thither has been
killed or
thrown
I
into prison.
all
When
gotten,
came,
the Sangleys
to a corner.
were almost
for-
thought was taken for their conversion, because no one knew their language or undertook to learn it on account of its
great difficulty; and because the religious
and relegated
No
who
lived
here were too busy with the natives of these islands. Although the Augustinian religious had charge of the Sangleys of Tondo, they did not minister to or instruct them in their own language, but in that of
the natives of this land; thus the Sangley Christians
name, knowing no more of Christianity than if they had never accepted it. I was much grieved that a nation of such renown should lack priests to teach and instruct them in their own language. This led me to make arrangeliving here,
were Christians only
in
At that time, Java was supposed to contain two islands the western part, inhabited by the people of Sunda, was thought to be separated by a river from the other, forming an entire island. Trapobana is a misprint for Taprobana, the ancient name of Sumatra; and Dacheu, for Achen (Achin).
;
34
1588-1591]
223
ments with
Don
Gon<jalo Ronquillo for a special
them for their own use, and priests were to be given them who should learn their language and teach them in it. When this had been all arranged, and a priest had been appointed, the whole thing was undone through obstacles which
location to be assigned to
arose at that time.
Then
appealed
to all religious
orders to appoint Some one of their religious to learn

the language and take charge of the Sangleys.
Al-
though all of them showed a desire to do so, and some even began to learn it, yet no one succeeded and the Sangleys found themselves with no one to instruct them and take up their conversion with the necessary earnestness, until, in the year eighty-seven, God brought to these islands the religious of St. Dominic. Their coming was for the welfare of the Sangleys, as the result proved, and as I shall relate further on. God soon showed us that the religious had come by His will, to take charge of the Sangleys. This city, being built on a narrow site with the sea on one side and a river on the other, was all occupied, and there seemed to be no place where the Dominicans could settle; but there was soon discovered a site of which no one had thought until then, and which now is the best in the The site adjoins the Parian of the Sangleys, city. and that gave the religious of that order occasion to begin to hold intercourse with them, and for the religious and Sangleys to become mutually attached to one another. For, whenever the Sangleys come and go from the Parian, they pass by the church of Sancto Domingo, and, being a very inquisitive people, they often stop and watch what is taking place there. When the confraternities of the Rosary and of the Oaths, which are founded in that house, hold their
;
224

many
They
[Vol. 7
processions, a great
Sangleys come out to watch
monastery that in the night they hear the religious sing matins, and are not a little edified by it; for they also have their own form of religion, and there are among them religious men who lead a very austere life and claim to live in profound meditation. When it shall please God to enlighten them, Christianity will undoubtedly profit much by this characteristic. I said above that the monastery of Sancto Domingo stands close by the Parian of the Sangleys, which is built in a marshy place on the border of this city between its northern and southern sides. The Sangleys were transferred thither by Diego Ronquillo, during his governorship, because the Parian which Don Gongalo Ronquillo had built was destroyed by fire. At first it seemed absurd to think that human habitations were to be built in that marsh, but the Sangleys, who are very industrious, and a most ingenious people, managed it so well that, in a place seemingly uninhabitable, they have built a Parian resembling the other, although much larger and higher. According to them it suits them better than the other, because on the firm ground where the four rows of buildings are located they have built their houses and the streets leading through the Parian, a separate street for each row of buildings. There are long passages and the buildings are quadrangular in shape. This Parian was also destroyed by fire on account of the houses being built of reeds but through the diligence of the president and governor, Doctor Vera, much better houses were built, and covered with tiles for protection against This Parian has so adorned the city that I do fire.
live so near the
;
them.
588-1591]
225
not hesitate to affirm to your Majesty that no other
known
city in
Espana or
in these regions possesses

;
anything so well worth seeing as this for in it can be found the whole trade of China, with all kinds of
goods and curious things which come from that country. These articles have already begun to be manufactured here, as quickly and with better finish than in China; and this is due to the intercourse between Chinese and Spaniards, which has enabled the former to perfect themselves in things which they were not wont to produce in China. In this Parian are to be found workmen of all trades and handicrafts of a nation, and many of them in each occupation. They make much prettier articles than are made in Espana, and sometimes so cheap that I am ashamed to mention it. If we Castilians were as cautious as the Portuguese in trading with them, these articles would be much cheaper, and the Chinese would still gain by For goods are sold at a very low cost in China it. and, no matter how little profit they make there, when these objects are sold here they yield large profits. But no restraint can be put upon the Castilians, nor can they be regulated - the consequence of which is that everything is going to ruin; for the Sangleys, who were not born as fools, begin to understand the Spaniards' disposition, and to take advantage of their lack of prudence, thus becoming richer than they would did the latter observe moderation. This Parian is provided with doctors and apothecaries,
their
sell.
who post in their shops placards printed in own language announcing what they have to There are also many eating-houses where the
Sangleys and the natives take their meals; and I have been told that these are frequented even by Spaniards.
226

handicrafts pursued by Spaniards have
[Vol. 7
The
all died people buy their clothes and shoes from the Sangleys, who are very good craftsmen in Spanish fashion, and make everything at a very low cost. Al-
out, because
though the silversmiths do not know how to enamel (for enamel is not used in China), in other respects they produce marvelous work in gold and silver. They are so skilful and clever that, as soon as they see any object made by a Spanish workman, they reproduce it with exactness. What arouses my wonder most is, that when I arrived no Sangley knew how to paint anything; but now they have so perfected themselves in this art that they have produced marvelous work with both the brush and the chisel, and I think that nothing more perfect could be produced than some of their marble statues of the Child Jesus which I have seen. This opinion is affirmed by all who have seen them. The churches are beginning to be furnished with the images which the Sangleys make, and which we greatly lacked before; and considering the ability displayed by these people in reproducing the images which come from Espana, I believe that soon
we
shall not even miss those
made
in Flandes.
I say of the painters applies also to embroiderers,
What who
are already producing excellent embroidered works,
and are continually improving
in that art.
What has
with him,
pleased
all
of us here has been the arrival
of a book-binder
set
from Mexico. He brought books up a bindery, and hired a Sangley who
had offered his services to him. The Sangley secretly, and without his master noticing it, watched how the latter bound books, and lo, in less than [blank space in Retana~] he left the house, saying that he wished I to serve him no longer, and set up a similar shop.
1588-1591]

became
227
assure your Majesty that he
so excellent a
workman
trade.
that his master has been forced to give
up
the
the business, because the Sangley has
drawn
is
all
His work
is
so
good that there
no need of
the Spanish tradesman. At the time I am writing, I have in my hand a Latin version of Nabarro bound by him and, in my judgment, it could not be better bound, even in Sevilla.
;
There are many gardeners among the Sangleys, who, in places which seemed totally unproductive, are raising many good vegetables of the kinds that grow in Espana and in Mexico. They keep the market here as well supplied as that of Madrid or Salamanca. They make chairs, bridles, and stirrups of so good a quality and so cheaply that some merchants wish to load a cargo of these articles for Mexico. Many bakers make bread with the wheat and fine flour which they bring from China, and sell it in the market-place and along the streets. This has much benefited the city, for they make good bread and sell it at low cost; and although this land possesses much rice, many now use bread who did not do so before. They are so accommodating that when one has no money to pay for the bread, they give him credit and mark it on a tally. It happens that many soldiers get food this way all through the year, and the bakers never fail to provide them with all the bread they need. This has been a great help for the poor of this city, for had they not found this refuge they would suffer want. The Sangleys sell meat of animals raised in this country, as swine, deer, and carabaos (a kind of Italian buffalo, whose flesh is equal to beef) They also sell many fowls and eggs and if they did not sell them we all would suffer want. They are so intent
.
228

a livelihood that even split
[Vol. 7
upon making
in the fish
wood
is
sold
in the Parian.
The
city finds
most of
its
sustenance
which
these Sangleys sell; they catch so
much
streets,
it every day that the surplus is left in the and they sell it at so low a cost that for one real one can buy a sufficient quantity of fish to supply dinner and supper for one of the leading houses in
of
the city.
In the remaining space within the four fronts of the Parian is a large pond, which receives water from the sea through an estuary. In the middle of the pond is an islet, where the Sangleys who commit crimes receive their punishment, so as to be seen by all. The pond beautifies the Parian and proves to be of great advantage, because many ships sail into it through the aforesaid estuary at high tide, and bring to the Parian all the supplies, which are distributed thence all over the city.
from by no means the least important is that, while in Espana stone-masonry is so expensive and difficult to produce, here, through the diligence and industry of the Sangleys, we are able to build fine houses of hewn stone at a low cost and in so short a time that in one year a man has been
the benefits
this city receives
Among
which
the intercourse with the Sangleys,
able to complete a house, all ready for habitation.

is
It
with what rapidity many sumptuous houses, churches, monasteries, hospitals, and a The Sangleys also made very fort are being built. good bricks and roof-tiles at low cost. At first, lime was made with stone as in Espana; but now the Sangleys are using a kind of pebble, called " white corals," which they find on this coast; and also shells of large
wonderful
to see
oysters, of
which there
is
a large quantity.
At
the
1588-1591]
229
beginning this lime did not seem to be of good quality; but the kind produced ever since has been so good that no other kind of lime is being employed in this city. It came to be sold at so low a price that for my house as well as for others we bought a cahiz 35 of lime for four reals, and one thousand bricks for eight - although this is not the fixed price, for it fluctuates according to the money which comes from Mexico. The Sangleys know how to take advantage of the right time they sell their goods dearer when they know that there is money to buy them, but they never raise the price so as to make it unreasonable. They agree to bring all the lime, bricks, and tiles to the house of the purchaser, thus saving him a great
;
deal of labor.
It
is
of great advantage also to have
the Sangleys construct the building; they agree on so
much
the carrying of the sand.
per braza, including the cutting of stones and If they are given the lime,
they will furnish all the rest, and will thus deliver the house or work without any trouble to the owner. The
day's
the job,
The
of a Sangley, when he does not work by one real, and he provides his own food. Sangleys are hard workers and very greedy for
wage
is
money.
this city
The number
is
of those
who have come
to
Parian is being built by the side of the above-mentioned one, resembling it in shape. Many Sangleys have built their houses in it, and it would be filled with people by this time had not the bricks of Mexico failed us last year through the Marquis de Villa-Manrrique-who, according to report, prevented the shipment of the bricks to us, thus causing no little injury and loss to
35
so large that another large
The
cahiz
is
equal to twelve fanegas, or nearly nineteen and
one-fifth bushels.
230
this city
[Vol. 7
and to the Sangleys. He shall give an account to your Majesty, and a more exact one to God, of the injuries and loss that he has caused to this land. Had not your Majesty set matters right by sending a
and so good a one as you did send, he would have brought ruin upon this land and, even so, he leaves it sufficiently harassed and afflicted.
successor to him,
;
36
The
the
Sangleys
who
live in this
Parian number ordiin ships.
narily between three and four thousand, not counting
two thousand and more who come and go
These, together with those residing in Tondo, and the fishermen and gardeners who live in this neigh-
number, according to the Dominican fathers who have them in charge, from six to seven thousand souls. Four religious of that order are engaged in their conversion and instruction. I have mentioned many small matters here, and it does not seem very considerate to write so long a letter to one who is so occupied in affairs of moment as your Majesty is; but my great zeal deserves forborhood,
giveness.
For, considering
gions are, and
how far distant these rehow extraordinary are these people - of

on account of
whom we have known so little hitherto,

the opposition
shown by the Portuguese to our gaining any knowledge of them - it seemed right for me to send your Majesty a relation and more specific news concerning the matter, so that your Majesty may know what exists and occurs here in his realms, and
Villamanrique was removed from his post in 1589, and in his stead as viceroy of Nueva Espana was appointed Luis de Velasco, Conde de Santiago, a son of the second viceroy; he reached Mexico on Jan. 25, 1590. "The country made steady progress in every branch of industry during Velasco's rule; political, commercial, and social conditions were improved, and prosperity prevailed."
1595,
36
He held the (Bancroft, Hist. Mexico , ii, p. 766.) when he was appointed viceroy of Peru.
office until
1588-1591]
THE CHINESE AND THE PARlAN
23
may
enjoy through experience what was denied to
through report Had I not already given your Majesty news of many other things which occur here, I would not dare to omit them now, even if I might be considered prolix. This was the condition and disposition of the Sangleys in temporal matters, when the Dominican relihis predecessors to hear even
gious
came
to these islands in
May,
eighty-seven.
have already sent to your Majesty an account of what took place from the time of their arrival until the following year. I reported the singular change which had taken place among the Sangleys after the Dominican religious took charge of them, and the results which began to be obtained among them and that they willingly began to accept Christianity, in which they have persevered until now. I will not
;
here reiterate
that,
although there are
many
things
worthy of being known, and for which many thanks are due to God, who shows how wonderful is His power when it pleases Him. What is left for me to relate, is the departure of the Dominican religious for China and, although we do not know how it has
;
fared with them, as they set out so recently, still the beginnings give us reason to hope that with the help
of our Lord, they will be very successful.
Of
the
Dominican
religious
who came
to these
Sangleys. Two of these four officiate in the church of Sant Gabriel, which, together with the house where
islands, four are
engaged
in ministering to the
Another church with its house is on the promontory of Baybay, near Tondo- which a river divides, separating Two of the four have learned the it from Manila. language of the Sangleys so well, and one of these two
the religious live, stands close to the Parian.
232

to write also
[Vol. 7
how
(which
is
the most difficult part of
the language), that the Sangleys
wonder
at their
knowledge. The opportunity which the infidels of both towns had to hear the sermons preached by the fathers to the Christians, made them acquainted with many matters relating to our faith, and some of them desired to be baptized. But when they saw that, by becoming Christians, they would not be allowed to return to their own country, on account of the danger which the faith encounters in a country where the people are all idolaters, they said that our religion was too severe, since in embracing it one has to forsake his native country, and to deprive himself of father, mother, wife, children, apd relatives. The arguments that they set forth were such that it seemed as if they wished to persuade us to baptize them without cutting off their hair, and without forbidding them to return
lo their
own
country.
able to do as
stood.
saw that it was not advisthey desired, and left matters as they
}
We
The
Sangleys themselves told us to send

so
fathers to their country to preach to them, saying that
there they
would become converted without
much
After due consideration of the matter, the Dominican fathers and myself decided that it was necessary to go to China; for, if God permitted the
risk as here.
religious to remain in that land,
we
could baptize the
Sangleys here without cutting off their hair, or preventing them from returning to their country to rejoice in their children, wives,
and property.
The
Sangleys were
there
much
pleased at this decision; but
were differences of opinion regarding the manner in which the religious should go. The president thought that it would be best for them to go in a fragata accompanied by Spaniards; but the Chinese
1588-1591]

and not
233
in the
said that the friars should go alone,
company
of Spaniards; thus
many arguments were
presented on both sides. Two or three times I saw our endeavors thwarted, because the devil was laboring with all his might to prevent them. f ragata had already been bought, the captain and the men who were to take the friars over had been chosen, and almost everything was ready for their setting sail, when the plan was defeated I know not whence or how. My disappointment and the great sadness which I felt in seeing the defeat of an expedition which I sa much desired, and for whose fulfilment had not sufficed his Holiness's permission and the special ordinance from your Majesty, made me think
that this
was the will
of
abandon the attempt. depend upon the advice of men, arranged matters better than I could have hoped, for He moved' the
hearts of the Sangley Christians, Don Francisco Zanco, a Christian and the governor of the Sangleys, and Don Tomas Syguan. The latter I baptized about
was forced to But God, whose plans do not

;
God
thus I
two years ago, without cutting his hair, for I thought that God was to accomplish some great work through him, as well as through the other - who, being one of the oldest Christians in this island, also wore his hair long. When these two saw that the Spaniards were not going to China, and that the friars remained here because there was no one to take them over, they went to Fray Juan Cobo, one of the two friars acquainted thoroughly with the language, and who has charge o^ the Sangleys of the Parian, and manifested to him their grief at seeing how little they were trusted. They said that since the fathers remained here because no Spaniards went to China, they who were
234
[Vol. 7
Christians and natives of that land would take them over in more safety; they added that there should be
no hesitation
lose their
religious.
to accept their
own
lives
company, for they would before any harm should befall the
as
an inspiration of the Holy Spirit, because until then we had never heard that a Sangley would dare to take any Spaniards to China; accordingly,
friars
This we understood
we
decided to send the

this
with the Chinese.

are
When
was announced
in the Parian, all the friendly Sangleys, of
whom
there
pleased.
many among the infidels, were much One of the Sangley Christians had not taken
two days, through grief
at see-
a mouthful of food for
ing us abandon the expedition; but when he heard that it was going to be made, and how it was going to be carried out, his joy knew no bounds, and he de-
was just as he had hoped, and that it was method to pursue. I called two Sangley infidels - who, although without the faith, are endowed with all the qualities of good men, and who, I hope, through God's blessing will soon become Christians - and asked them what was their opinion concerning the expedition. They answered that they were very glad to see the way in which the religious were going; for, if they went with Spaniards, all would be lost. Thus we decided upon the departure, sending at present no more than two religious: Fray Miguel de Benavides, 87 who was the first to learn the
clared that
it
the necessary
Miguel de Benavides was born about 1550, and came to the first Dominican missionaries (1587). Soon after his return from China, he sailed (1591) for Spain, where he acted as procurator of his province. Early in 1598, he
Philippines as one of the
37
returned to the Philippines as bishop of Nueva Segovia; but the archbishop Santibanez dying in that same year (Aug. 14), he was succeeded by Benavides. Under his administration was begun the college of Santo Tomas at Manila. He died there July 26, 1605.
1588-1591]
235
language of the Sangleys; and Father Juan de Castro, who came as made provincial
vicar of the religious, and

here.
who was
We
preferred these two, as
one
is
well acquainted with the language, and the
other
loved and esteemed by the Sangleys on account of his venerable gray locks and blessed old
is
much
age; and
we know
that in that land old people are
much
As our Lord sent Hi9 went these fathers, stripped of all human support, and carrying nothing with them except their own persons, their breviaries, and Bibles, for in this manner, and not with encompassing soldiers,
respected and revered.
disciples, so
should the gospel be preached. I give many thanks to God that
this expedition, so
much
desired by me, started under the best auspices

for
it is
which could be desired;
being undertaken by special permission of the Pope and by a decree of your Majesty, and with the consent of the governor, of myself, and of the auditors of this Audiencia. This
enterprise has caused great happiness to all the reli-
gious orders, and to
all
the inhabitants of this city;
and many demonstrations of rejoicing on the part of the Sangleys. May it please the divine Majesty that the end be as we all desire. Another event occurred at the time of the expedition, which gave us a great deal of pleasure, and kindled in us the hope that God was really about to open the gates of that great kingdom. The aforesaid captain who brought the two Franciscan friars to this city received a letter,
all
which they
the latter
is
call chapa, for the president, in
which
entreated to do justice to the captain

letter,
who
some
brought the
so that he
might
;
collect
money which was due him
in this city
in the letter,
he anxiously entreats the two great fathers Juan and
236
[Vol
Miguel,
leys.
who know
known
the language, to help the captain,

in that country to favor the
for they are
Sangfirst
letters of the
Their names occur twice in that chapa, the two names being written in red
is
ink,
which
considered a
mark
of veneration
lives in
among
the
Chinese.
Sangley
woman who
Chincheo
wrote a letter to Fray Juan Cobo, thanking him for having helped her husband in a matter of business. These were the first indications by which we knew that this expedition was starting under the guidance of God. So on Tuesday, the twenty-second of May, of this year ninety, I went to the church of the Parian, and said mass there; after which the two Sangleys who had offered their services went through a ceremony worthy of notice. They knelt down before the altar where I said mass, and remained there for the space of two credos, speaking to one another in their own language and holding each other's hands after that they embraced one another, and I learned afterwards that they had sworn to each other friendship and fidelity. From that place the fathers went to embark, and I went with them, accompanied by many Sangleys. On account of a contrary wind, the ship in which they were going could not set sail; and there were sent, to tow it out, four champans, which are the small boats of the Sangley ships. They
;
gladly pulled
it
where we
left
out to sea, for more than a league, them under God's protection, and re-
who
turned to the city. The captains of two Sangley ships are about to follow in the same course have asked me for letters for the religious, promising me to place them in their own hands, and I shall not fail
to write to
them. In conclusion,
must announce
to
your Majesty
588-1591]

by the Dominican
237
friars
that a hospital has been built
who have
is
charge of the Sangleys of the Parian, which
by their house. The hospital takes care of and subsists on no other income than what the fathers gather as charity, and what the Sangley infidels contribute towards it. This fact has been so rumored in China, that the whole country feels very kindly towards the fathers, knowing of the friendly reception given to their countrymen here. About a year ago a prominent Sangley was converted. He was a doctor and an herbalist; but, forsaking all other worldly interests, he has offered and devoted
close
sick Sangleys
himself to the service of the hospital.

sick,
He
cures the
bestowing upon them much love and charity, and prescribing for them his purges and medicines. In short, it was God who led him thither for the welfare of that hospital,, and, to make the fame thereof more widely spread throughout China. Therefore I humbly beg your Majesty to be pleased to order that this hospital be endowed, so that the sick may be cared for. Moreover, if your Majesty attend to this
personally, that fact will be very well received in
China and will be of more benefit than the presents which your Majesty ordered to be sent to the king.
Doctor Vera, who is now president, on seeing the good will with which those two Sangley Christians, Don Francisco Qanco and Don Tomas Siguan, offered their services for taking the fathers to China,
exempted them, in the name of your Majesty, from paying taxes for the use of a ship for six years. I entreat your Majesty to be pleased to confirm this grant, and to extend it for life; for they certainly performed a great deed, and one considered of much importance by all the inhabitants of this city, both
238
[Vol. 7
Spaniards and Sangleys. from your Majesty, even
if
They deserve this favor we should not gain the
desired result, because they for their part have offered
what they could. Fray Juan Cobo,

as I
the
have said before, Sangleys and their writing, and who is most esteemed by them -is sending to your Majesty a book, one of a number brought to him from China. This intercourse which is taking root between them and ourselves is not a bad beginning for the object we have in view. The book is in Chinese writing on one half of the leaf, and Castilian on the other, the two corresponding to each other. It is a work worthy of your
Majesty, and
of
its
Dominican religious - who, knows the language of the
may
it
be received
it is
as such,
not because
worth, but because

to
so rare a
work, never
seen before in the Parian, or outside of China.
cording
my judgment,
which
is
it
Accontains things worthy of
consideration, by
seen the force of the
human
reason; since without the light of the faith those things approach so near to those taught us by the
Christian religion.
From
is
this
your Majesty will see
how much
in
in error
the person
who
pretends that
kingdoms
like that of China,
where such things
should enter by force of arms to preach to them our faith. It is clear that with a people like this, the force of reason has more power than that
are taught,
we
our Lord direct this affair according to His will and may He be pleased that within the days of your Majesty we may see these kingdoms converted to the faith, and that your Majesty may enjoy this reputation first on earth and then in heaven.
of arms.
;
May
Amen.
Manila, June
24, 1590.
Fray Domingo, Bishop
of the Philipinas.
TWO LETTERS FROM DOMINGO DE

SALAZAR TO FELIPE
Sire:
II
Five decrees of your Majesty came to me this year of ninety in the ship " Santiago," which arrived at
this port
on the
last of
May.
They
are all dated at
Madrid, four on the twenty- third of June of the year eighty-seven, and the fifth on the eighteenth of February of eighty-eight.
that there can be
After perusing the contents of
the said decrees, I can truly not restrain
my
surprise
men in the world who dare to say and declare things which are not certainly proved to
much less to give such information to To report to one's sovereign the contrary
to affirm
is
be the truth,
their king.
what one is not certain offense, worthy of all punishment and chastisement. Such persons may
of
is
what happens, or
a
the truth,
most grave
properly be called destroyers of their countries, because, in not giving information in accordance with
the principles of truth, they fail to
remedy the
evils
and provide the good which

preservation of the land.
so far
is
necessary for the
As this commonwealth is away from your Majesty, it has to be governed, not by what your Majesty sees and knows, but by the information received by him regarding it. This must
be according
to the
good or bad intention of the
in-
240
former.
jected to

Consequently, this commonwealth
[Vol. 7
is
sub-
hardships and misfortunes, by the fault not of your Majesty -with whose most holy
zeal and desire for the welfare of this land
many
we
are
well acquainted - but of us here

tion.
who
send informa-
There are but few
of us
who, oblivious of our

;
own interests and pretensions, now fix our eyes on the common good alone, and seek only this but the most of us seek only our own interests, our informations
and reports are shaped by
increase of the tributes
these, as appears by the which your Majesty com-
mands
to
be made.
if
As
this is discussed,
however, in
another
orders
letter, I
will go to no greater length than to
say that,
your Majesty were present here, no

to increase the tributes of these
less.
would be given
miserable people, but rather they would pay
But he who informed your Majesty that more tribute can be paid has already accounted or will account to God also. I am affected in part by these hardships
and dangers, as it is now two years since your Majesty wrote me a reprimand, as if I were the man to blame for the dissensions of the Audiencia. God knows, as do all in this community, that if I had not made peace, the dissensions between the president and auditors would have lasted until today. The same I say of the five decrees which I received this year. Among them are several which show that he who informed your Majesty did so in an account entirely malicious and totally contrary to the truth. Others show that,, although the informer told something of the truth, he did so in an entirely different manner from the way in which things happened, concealing what he ought to say, and affirming what he should not. This will appear by my reply to each
588-1591]
SALAZAR TO FELIPE
II
241
consider my;
decree - not as an excuse for myself,

self to
as I
be very rightly judged elsewhere but in order to satisfy your Majesty, as I shall proceed to relate.
Beginning with the

to
first
decree,
which
treats of the
confessions of the conquerors, they being constrained
make restitution in solidum, I say that I have never done anything in this bishopric which leaves me so vexed and conscience-stricken, as that I dealt so mildly with those who came to this country nominally as conquerors, but actually as destroyers. According to the true and sound doctrine of St. Thomas, and of all right-feeling men, they are all bound to pay in solidum for the damage which they have done. I, with more than necessary boldness, have planned so that no one has been asked to pay more than he himself has confessed that he owed; but that is nothing in comparison with the innumerable injuries which have been committed in this country. Four years have passed since I gave this order obliging them to pay one hundred pesos, and then another two hundred pesos, the largest amount not exceeding five hundred pesos. There were very few persons taxed for the larger sum, and they were captains or leaders of expeditions. They have put me off from one year to another and even yet they have not paid me, always alleging poverty. I have found it necessary to take from the little that I have to pay some of these obligations, on account of the needs of the Indians, and because the Spaniards had not the wherewithal to pay them. When I considered the hardships suffered by Spaniards in this land, and that it will utterly ruin them, if the matter with which we have to deal be treated severely by the theologians, I dared, on this account, to do what no one else would have
242
done.

There
is
[Vol. 7
no lack of religious who, since their arrival here, condemn my action, and say that I am
obliged to constrain the conquerors
to
still
further, or
pay the compensation myself. I assure your Majesty that these scruples have constrained me, and do so today, to such an extent that this is the principal thing among other matters of considerable import of which I have to give an account to his Holiness and to your Majesty. There is no doubt whatever that he who does the damage is obliged to make restitution; and all the more when the injured persons are living as they, or their children and heirs, do in these islands. From investigations which I have had made regarding those persons who inflicted the injuries, I am assured that the sums collected as restitution do not amount to the hundredth part of the valuation of the damages. As my age makes it impossible for me to go to Spain, and since your Majesty, as a most Christian prince, so earnestly desires and strives for the welfare of these natives, I shall send herewith a memorandum of what I have done in this case, and of what each of the conquerors has paid, and of the injuries committed - although it would be impossible to relate them all. I do this so that your Majesty may be pleased to grant to me and to all this land mercy and grace, when my actions are
if it should be necessary, to procure the approbation of his Holiness to compromise the matter by releasing them from the remainder of the restitutions, as full restitution is impossible. To attempt to do more would be only to harass them, with no other result than burdening their consciences. Thus I will be freed from these intolerable scruples and continuous vexations in which I am placed.
considered there; and,
1588-1591]
SALAZAR TO FELIPE
to
II
243
Your Majesty seems
hold
me
guilty for having
encouraged the slaves to leave the Spaniards. I do not know how blame can be placed on me therefor, since the Indians held as slaves by the Spaniards (who were unwilling to let them go) have been deIt was evident that clared free by your Majesty. any more than if absolved, could not be former the they had stolen property; and your Majesty knows
that, in the jurisdiction of the conscience, there is
not the liberty that there
is
in external matters.
Your
Majesty
may pardon
a life, or remit the penalty of
the law to
him whom he may consider meet; but

is
the tribunal of conscience

one, or to absolve persons
not free to pardon anysin,
from any
except
when
Confession being thus riggreater laxity was permitted than should even orous, have been. Your Majesty must believe that I am
they act as they ought.
trying to do everything possible here, so as not to
exceed
out
my
first
and I never take such action withconsulting with such persons of learning and
duty,
conscience as are here.
when
In the second decree, your Majesty orders that the Sangleys wish to be baptized, their hair He who reported this to your shall not be cut off. Majesty deceived you, for there are not only a hundred houses occupied by Sangleys who remain here for negotiations with their merchandise, but more than [blank space in MS.] who live in the alcaiceria of this city, called Parian, and more than [blank 38 in all the neighborhood. It is cerspace in MS.~\ tain that in both places there are at the very least,
38
see Salazar's
Regarding the numbers of Chinese residents at Manila, own statement in his account of the Parian (p. 230,
ante) .
244
T HE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS
[Vol. 7
more than [blank space in MS.]. Since the religious of St. Dominic came to this country, more than two hundred have been baptized, and every day many more are receiving baptism. But inasmuch as what
concerns the Sangleys,
with which God go in a separate letter, in order not to increase the length of this, your Majesty will read therein matters that will prove how well you are served, and you will give abundant thanks to God. He who reported this to your Majesty must have some zeal, but not with knowledge; for I consider all the conditions, desire the conversion of these Chinese, and obtain it, better than he who wrote to your Majesty. I would not decide to have their hair cut off, if it were not so necessary that not to do so would be to endanger greatly the faith and the persons with whom I deal. These affairs are of such a nature that no matter what opinion were given, I could not do anything else, even though I should wish to do so. Because I considered it fitting to baptize two of them without cutting off their hair, I thereby did myself much harm; your Majesty may thus see how contrary to actual facts are the things written you from here, and that
the death-penalty
hair, as
is
and the great compassion has dealt with them and with us, will
not suffered for cutting off their
was written to your Majesty; for after the Dominican fathers learnedthe language we discovered vast, secrets of that land, which were formerly
well hidden.
The
siastics
third decree states that there are

in
this
many
eccle-
bishopric
who
trade and carry on
traffic, to
the great scandal of and bad example to
both Spaniards and Indians. He who wrote your Majesty told the truth in part, since two ecclesiastics
1588-1591]
SALAZAR TO FELIPE
II
245
from Nueva Espana furnished this bad example, although I did what I could to prevent them. Nevertheless, God punished them more severely than I did for all the property of one was taken away by the 39 Englishman, and the other died here, and lost what he had sent tp Nueva Espana. Those ecclesiastics who are under my government, however, have not exceeded their duty in this respect as much as your Majesty has been informed. Moreover, they are not
so
many
as
has been said in Spain, for there are not

five
more than
who
so
are stationed
among
the Indians,
poor that they do not even have than one and one-half years before this decree came, I had taken measures to correct the excess which might result, having ordered that no ecclesiastic should carry on traffic. This appears by the ordinances which I had made concerning this. That your Majesty may order them to be considered and amended, I enclose them with this letter. In the future this order will be more rigorously observed, according to your Majesty's com-
and these are enough to eat.
More
mand.
In the fourth decree, your Majesty says that the when he came to this land, he agreed with me as to the order [of precedence] to be followed when the Audiencia and I should encounter each other in public. He further says that, disregarding this arrangement, I sat in the place which did not belong to me, and turned my back on the Audiencia. I would be very glad to meet the president before your Majesty, and hear his reason for daring to inform your Majesty in such a
president of this Audiencia wrote that
39
The
English pirate Candish,
who
plundered
the
" Santa
Ana."
246

It
is
[Vol. 7
manner.
very certain that no such agreement
was ever made between him and me, except that, when there was to be a procession in the church, the president should go with the auditors, and I with my clergy; for he claimed the right hand, and I did not have it to take. Thus we came to this agreement. The place, however, was not discussed, nor was there
any excuse for doing so, as it is well known that the Audiencia is always seated on the gospel side in the body of the chapel; and, although the bishop is usually in the choir, he may, when he wishes to do so, Wherever I sit on the gospel side, above the steps. have been, this has been the practice; and I sent an account thereof, with the testimony of an eye-witness, to the Council of the Indias. Your Majesty provides and commands by this decree that I shall take the This order means that I place belonging to me.
take the same place
which
took then,
as that is the
proper place belonging to a bishop, without giving any cause whatever for the Audiencia to feel injured, Alas the places are very distinct from each other. though the vexation ceased, because of the suppression of the Audiencia, the injury done me by the president, in writing to your Majesty, has not yet come to an end. I ought not to fail to reply to what is so unjustly imputed to me. He who informed your Majesty of the matter contained in the fifth decree, namely, that when appeal 40 is made to the royal Audiencia in cases of fuerga, I do not allow the notaries to give an account thereof and that I seize the writs and records of proceedings, so that they cannot be issued, the Audiencia
;
40
Fuerga
siastical
as here used, indicates violence to law, done by ecclejudges; see note 46, in vol. v, p. 292.
:
1588-1591]
SALAZAR TO FELIPE
II
247
do otherwise - whothis account to your Majesty, did me greater injury than any of the others. For not only is this not so, but I even urge the notary to give a report; and I am so far from [what has been said] to the contrary, that I assure your Majesty that I
having requested ever, I say, gave
me
in vain to
much
For
I
regretted the suppression of the Audiencia.
was very glad that, whenever I denied anything on appeal, the Audiencia examined my reasons therefor; and, whatever was determined there, my conscience was freed and at rest. Moreover, I always accepted, without making any objection, the decisions of the Audiencia; for I would consider it a grievous offense to deny your Majesty's right to make the final decision in cases of fuerga, and would not presume to contradict it in any manner whatsoever. If he who made that report based it on two cases which came up -one when they erased my name from the prayer at the mass of the Audiencia, and substituted their own names; the other when, in an investigation, they claimed the right to examine the proceedings which had been conducted in secretin these two cases I confess that I refused to give up
did so in one instance because there were therein very secret matters touching the office of
the records.
I
the Inquisition, of
which
was then
in charge.
When
they
commanded
it
that report of this case be given, I

in so far as
said that
would be furnished
the chaplain of the said Audiencia.
concerned This was what
they had asked, and claimed the right to try this case. Nevertheless, they would accept nothing but the en-
but with this I could not comply, for it would have been impossible to do so without very grave damage to my office. After considering
tire
;
proceedings
248

reasons therefor, the Audiencia insisted no
[Vol. 7
my
more
in the case.
The
other case concerned the general
I had made of the prebendaries and clergy two of whom appealed against the sentence which I imposed, stipulating that the tenor thereof be observed as is expressly commanded by the Council of Trent. They had recourse to the Audiencia; and when an order was given for the
investigation
which
record of the case to be presented, I replied that there
were secret matters touching the honor of the clergy, which I could not show, but that I would show that part referring to the two ecclesiastics as they wished their offenses to be known. Nevertheless, it was not
;
right to exhibit the guilt of the others, as they did
not feel that their sentences were unjust.
There were
the theolo-
many arguments
over this point, and
all
gians of this land said that I was right.
To
avoid
scandal I openly consented that the two ecclesiastics
should appeal
Both then and have felt much aggrieved by the injustice done me by the Audiencia. I have sent a complaint thereof to your Majesty, and do not know why the
to the archbishop.
41
now
testimony I sent has not yet arrived there.
had
then and still have reason for complaining that the Audiencia usurped my jurisdiction and discussed proceedings which properly belong to me, but in which they have forestalled me. A citizen of this city left a piece of land whereon was built a hospital and church for the poor. Although this was ecclesiastical property, they deprived me of judgment in
41
Reference
is
here
made
to the archbishop of
Mexico,
who had
ecclesiastical
jurisdiction
over
bishopric
was
created there.
written, the see of
Mexico
Philippines until the archAt the time when Salazar's letter was had no incumbent, the diocese being
the
governed by the dean and chapter.
588-1591]
SALAZAR TO FELIPE
and retained
it
II
249
body.
this case,
in their
own
At
an-
other time, the Indians had dared to take a friar
from his convent, and they dragged him to the place where I was. I commenced to try the case, and gave a verdict against the Indians, as it was doubly sacrilegious to take the friar from his convent, and to place hands on an ecclesiastic. This case came to the Audiencia by way of appeal, and it still remains
there,
with the records.
beneficed priest,
who
was performing the duties of his office, was refused its dues by the encomendero, and came to me for justice. After I had ordered the encomendero to
make
the payment, he appealed to the Audiencia, and they retained the suit there, claiming that the
to beneficiaries in this
property given
land
is
secular.
I am poor, and have little power, these injuries and similar ones have not been heard of in Spain. I have suffered them and have kept silence, in order to avoid scandal but for having resisted in but two cases, in which I was obliged to defend the right of my jurisdiction, in order to comply with the duties
As
of
to
made a damaging report of me They say that I would not permit your Majesty.
office,
my
they
a report to be
made, and took the records of the
suit
from the notary, so that they could not be dealt with. In order that your Majesty may see the difference between what I here declare (which is the actual truth), and what they wrote to your Majesty, accusing me of resisting in toto the commands of the Audiencia in regard to the cases of fuerga (which was glaringly false testimony against me), I have decided although everything touching the Audiencia is now settled, since your Majesty has commanded it to be suppressed - to answer the account which they gave
250
[Vol. 7
your Majesty about the places and the cases of fuerga. Although I am sure that my cause has been justified before God and those men who know what has happened, I do it to satisfy your Majesty, to whom I owe all obedience and subjection as to my king and lord. I am even bound to explain my conduct; because, by the grace of God, your Majesty has no one in this kingdom who serves you with greater love and zeal. I claim no payment nor temporal interest whatever, because this I neither desire nor demand but I do only my duty, and that I do with all my might. I could send your Majesty good and sufficient proofs of everything which I have said here; for I certify, in all truth, that everyone to whom I have shown these decrees has crossed himself in surprise that there should be a person or per;
sons
to
who would
dare to
make such malicious
reports
your Majesty. It suffices me to say that, if credit be not given me, not much time will pass before this truth will be revealed, beyond all possibility of
hiding.
May our Lord guard the

esty,
royal person of your
Maj-
and preserve you many years. At Manila, the twenty-fourth of June, one thousand five hundred and ninety. Fray Domingo, Bishop of the Filipinas.
[Endorsed: "To the king our lord, in his royal Council of the Indias. Filipinas. 1590. The bishop; June 24." " Received and read, June 19, of the year 1591. It is unnecessary to respond thereto."]
Sire:
The
letter
which your Majesty ordered
to
be
1588-1591]
SALAZAR TO FELIPE
II
25
[i.e.,
written to
corial],
me from San Lorenzo
el
Real
the Es-
on the seventeenth of August of eighty-nine, I received by the hand of the secretary of the governor, Gomes Perez Dasmarinas, in the village of Tabuco, outside of this city, on the first of June of this year ninety. And for one so beset with afflictions, labors, and difficulties as I am, the favor which your Majesty therein shows me was no little comfort; for
I
have been freed by
it
from the pains
of conscience,
which
I continually bore in
my
I
soul, at seeing the
course of affairs in this land.
held myself obliged
go in person to inform your Majesty it appeared to me that my letters were accomplishing little, in accord with my hope that your Majesty would at once amend what you knew stood in need of betterment. And this thought
by conscience
to
of these matters, as
gave me more anxiety because, as at other times I have written your Majesty, among the calamities and misfortunes under which this land suffers, none the least is that your Majesty must get information of them through the very men who have destroyed this land, and who work for their private interests rather
than for the
common
good.
As
the reports are
made
by such persons, your Majesty can well see the result. Therefore this land has come to its present misery; and the new governor will have no small task if he maintains it, and saves it from ruin, and it is even now all but lost. I am emboldened to say this because hitherto there have been made to your Majesty many perverse reports and by this ship we have received the decrees, by which it clearly appears that false reports were given your Majesty, because of the pro;
visions
made
in
these decrees,
as
shall explain
elsewhere.
2^2
[Vol. 7
The
as I,
greater part of the religious and other prin-
were of the same opinion maintaining that I was in duty bound to go in person and give your Majesty an account of affairs
cipal persons of this land
here, because they see that everything here
to
is
going
ruin; and that this
common
expedient was of
greater importance than the harm that might be done by my absence. But thanks be to God, in whose hands are the hearts of kings, and who put into the heart of your Majesty what is provided, ordained, and commanded by this letter for the weal and betterment of all this land. If this be executed as your Majesty has ordered, the country may be helped; but hitherto there has been so much sloth and carelessness in executing what your Majesty provides and orders for the good of this land, that thus it has come to its present extremity. I trust in our Lord that this state of affairs will not continue, but that the principal aim of the governor and of all the rest will be to procure the good of these natives whom we have so afflicted. This whole country has been well satisfied at your
Majesty's suppression of the Audiencia, for without
doubt it was a greater burden than a country so feeble and poor could bear; although I was always of the opinion that, if ijt were paid from Mexico, the Audiencia would work no harm here. But what your Majesty orders and commands is expedient for all of us; and so we hold it a great favor, especially as your Majesty sends in place of the Audiencia, as governor, Gomez Perez Dasmarinas- who, from the good example which he has furnished and the zeal which he has disclosed in the service of your Majesty and
the
faction,
good of these realms, has given universal satisand the hope that he will improve the condi-
588-1591]
SALAZAR TO FELIPE
and give
it
II
253
tion of the land,
the orderly condition
which
it
was
losing.
May
the divine Majesty pre-
serve in
him
these excellent intentions,
and give him

itself
is
strength and grace to execute them; because as the
heart of
man
is
so
hard
to
understand, and of
is
so variable,
and
this
land
so exposed,
it
not
we fear some alteration, having seen it who also gave excellent examples. But if the governor who has now come to us shall persevere in what he has begun (as I hope in God he will persevere), your Majesty has sent us the man whom we
strange that
in others
need.
Doctor Santiago de Vera came by command your Majesty to establish the Audiencia in this country, he set up for himself a seat of honor in the
of
When
church,
as the
viceroys do.
The
adelantado,
Miguel
Lopez de Legaspi, did not

governors
Perez,
establish one, nor did the
who afterward succeeded him. Gomez who is now governor, did not wish to set one
shown
But
it
up
for in this and in all other things he has
seemed to me that he and thus at my importunity, and that of other persons, he has done so. Because your Majesty has already honored him in other respects, favoring him with a guard of halberdiers, and as people from all the kingdoms of the infidels by whom we are surrounded resort to this city, and as these barbarians respect their superiors as gods, it did not appear to me to be right that the person who represented your Majesty should discontinue the dignity which was required to represent you. And in order that your Majesty in the future may be pleased to provide this land with a governor who shall be capable and worthy to use his authority, I
himself very moderate.
should not
fail to establish
it,
254

to
[Vol. 7
approve this and send him the order to continue and make permanent the practice. The twelve thousand ducats which your Majesty has ordered to be paid in three installments for the work on this church, were necessary enough, although
beg your Majesty
I fear that they are to avail as little as the rest; be-
cause, although
it,
your Majesty has so often commanded and we on our part have exercised the greatest possible diligence, it has not been possible to draw out from the royal treasury what was due from it for the said work; and so it has come to a standstill, or so little is done that it never advances. It really is a pity to
concourse of heathen, where divine
of a storm, no one can remain.
offices are cele-
see a cathedral church, in a city containing so great a
brated in a church of straw, in which, on the coming
Your Majesty
will
see whaj: the condition of the rest of the churches

be.
must
is
It certainly
is
a pity to see the little care there
and the scandal occasioned to the heathen and the recent converts by the little veneration that we who have so long been Christians bestow upon the temples in which we worship our God, for
in this matter,
really
many
of
them
are not
fit
to serve as stables.
have given your Majesty an account of this before now. The two thousand ducats which your Majesty ordered paid from the treasury of Mexico for this work were not brought, because the governor could not bring the securities that were necessary to obtain
that
sum
there, because of his hurried departure.

it
Moreover,
should be understood that
it
will be very
be paid by Indians and encomenderos, because of their want and poverty. And for this reason we do not dare to press them much, deeming it better that the work should be done
difficult to collect the portions to
1588-1591]
SALAZAR TO FELIPE
II
255
slowly than to harass one
who
is
unable to do more;
and
it
has been the treasury of your Majesty which

least.
has aided us
Your
Majesty's
command
that the religious should
not depart from the bishopric without license of your
Majesty, or that of the governor and myself,

just thing,
is
a very
and therefore
seems
it
will be carried out; be-
cause
it
also
fitting to
me
not to let the religious
depart from here, where they are so few and so
many
are needed. Before this ship arrived the president and I had despatched two Dominican religious to Chincheo, which is the province of China nearest to this land, and the place whence all the Sangleys who come here to trade set forth. In this departure there was a punctual observance of what your Majesty commands in this clause of your letter, although we
had not then received

before
it.
And owing
to the fact that
we determined to send them, and at the time when we sent them, there occurred many notable things from which your Majesty should receive much satisfaction, I thought it better, in order not to make
them by themselves in another, which will accompany this one, in order to give your Majesty a more detailed account of things so worthy to be heard. With regard to what your Majesty orders concernthis letter so long, to place
ing the remission of tithes for twenty years to those
who now come

future, I
clined to
and who may come in the would to God that the Spaniards were incultivate the land and to gather the fruits
to settle
should ever afflict the natives by tithes. But your Majesty should know that when a man comes to this country, even if he were a beggar in Spain, here he seeks to be a gentleman, and
it,
from
rather than that
we
256
is

all
[Vol. 7
not willing to work, but desires to have

so
serve
him; and
no one will give himself
to labor,
but
undertakes trafficking in merchandise, and for this reason military and all other kinds of training have
been forgotten.
will
late
From
this fact not a little
damage
governor does not reguIn the letter which the cabildo of the church wrote to your Majesty a much longer account is given of this.
to this land, if the
this.
come
proceed informally [de plano\ without insisting on legal technicalities [sin llegar a tela de ]uicio\ and not to impose pecuniary punishments in the suits which occur in these regions, is a most holy and necessary practice.
I desire greatly that in the tribunals
To
of your Majesty this be observed; in
mine
have so
provided, and this practice has been observed and
henceforth will be observed with greater rigor.
informed your Majesty of the disorderly manner in which have been collected the tributes of the encomiendas which are not fully pacified, and how poorly the prdinances of your Majesty have been observed, spoke the truth in this matter. The excess in this has been so great that it has been the cause of all the riots and the revolt of the Indians, and of the deaths which have occurred among the Spaniards. I have given your Majesty news of this, grieving for For the Inthe evils which have sprung from it.
dians of this province, in those places
He who
where the name
of God has never entered, nor that of your Majesty, must feel resentful where they have seen neither ministers of instruction
nor of justice; but only see that each year a dozen of soldiers with arquebuses come to their houses to take their property away from them, and the food upon which they live, although their
1588-1591]
SALAZAR TO FELIPE
enough.
II
257
These collectors afflict, maltreat, and torment them, and so leave them, until they return another year to do the same. What else can these natives think of us, but that we are tyrants, and
all is little
that we come only to make our gain out of their property and their persons? And this will be very difficult to remedy, so distant from the rest are some
of the encomiendas, with water between,
and
so little
It
fear of
God have
those
who make
the collections.
may
be that with the arrival of the
new governor
much improvement in this; although if he does not bear an order from your Majesty to change some measures which up to the present have been in force, I have no hope of betterment. In the next to the last clause of this letter your Majthere will be
esty says that to
tion
is
my own
have
special obligation,
remedy the present lack of instrucwhich I confess;

little
and
so appreciated this that, seeing the great
present need of instruction and the

I can offer, I
help which
am
so disturbed
and
if,
so filled
with anxI
iety that, if I
would
inasmuch as your Majesty declares to me my obligation, and puts in my charge what is lacking, you should give me, together with it, authority to right affairs, your Majesty would be relieved of responsibility, and I of
try to
were able flee from it.
to leave the bishopric,
But
anxiety, other than to
make
progress in learning
my
obligations.
to
If I
remedy
this, I
do not have authority and power must live all my life in anxiety and
perturbation of
because every year I see them collect tribute from a race that is never given to understand why it is collected; nor is there any hope
spirit,
that they
may
be able
to
the great difficulty there
have instruction, because of is in giving it to them.
258

that this
is
[Vol. 7
Knowing
the legitimate
title
which we
have in seeking tribute, your Majesty may see what peace of conscience he can have who has all these souls in his charge, both those who collect and those
of
whom
collection
is
taken.
To
relieve
me from
the
anguish in which
all difficulties is
I live, the
only means of removing
for your Majesty to send us a great
number
of religious of the four orders already estab-
lished here
- without giving ear
to those
who
speak
of a matter about which, in
my opinion,
they have no
means of judging here. They say that some have tried to persuade your Majesty, with no other spirit than that of the devil (who wishes to hinder so much
good), that
sary.
we have
all
the religious that are neces-
In addition
here,
to the thirty-seven
Augustinians
now
more than
three
hundred others are
needed; and even these will not be enough. Yet, with this number great results would be accomplished.
The
in
the obligation
would be fulfilling which you have toward these nations, giving them instruction. They need this, because
first is
that your Majesty
of the ten divisions of this bishopric eight have no in-
and some provinces have been paying tribmore than twenty years, but without receiving on account of that any greater advantage than to be tormented by the tribute and afterward to go to hell.
struction;
ute to your Majesty for
Second,
all
the Indians
who
are to be pacified will
then be found, because experience has already shown

us that to think of finding the Indians with a force of
soldiers
;
is
rather to lose them, and never to pacify
them while with religious they all become obedient with great good will. And, when they are pacified
1588-1591]
SALAZAR TO FELIPE
II
259
and converted, much larger tributes can be exacted, and the increase of revenue in the treasury of your Majesty from their tributes would be greater than the amount spent in sending them religious; while the conscience of your Majesty would be free from the greatest weight which, in my judgment, it has in this land, because tributes are collected from Indians who have never rendered obedience, and do not, as I have said above, know why they are paying it. In the last clause your Majesty orders me to charge
myself with the protection of the Indians of this bishopric. I receive this charge as a special favor; because, as
it
was, I was burdened with the same re-
sponsibility, and with this commission I shall have, as your Majesty says, more authority in order to render
aid.
And
it,
this provision
I
was
so necessary because,
to
without
was able
to
do almost nothing
succor
the Indians.
And with
shall
this I
think I shall be able to
serve your Majesty more, and to advance the cause

of those
who
come with
Indians
the charge of bishop, alis
though the one joined

consequence.
to the other
of very great
it
The
who have
learned of
are
very glad, since the obligation which is due them from the Spaniards is of no concern to the latter. And as it is from the hand of your Majesty, this office,
then,
is
of greater importance for the relief of
the conscience of your Majesty and the preservation

of the natives, than any other one of all that are pro-
vided for afterward by the governor. I have not the wherewithal for the expenses which occur; for there must necessarily be a notary, interpreter, and lawyer, and persons who with my authorization shall be present to plead the suits - which will not be a few, and cannot be carried through without spending money-
260
since I
[Vol. 7
am
not able, nor

so
is it
right that I should be on
hand
to present the petition, or to
plead the causes

authority.
and business of
much weight and
To
take this task of being
my
agent,
however honorable
it.
his station,
some honest man, should be glad to do

not fear to defend
It
is
necessary that he be a person of great credit
and of resolute mind, that he
may
the Indians, although at the risk of injury
from those
who harm them; and

powerful.
this
pass, as the disputes are often
seldom fails to come to with those who are very
be necessary to send persons from this city through all the bishopric to investigate the in-
It will also
Before they go to do have notice of what is happening; and this is to be done at the cost of your Majesty's treasury, in order not to give occasion for the robbery of
this, I shall
juries that the Indians suffer.
the Indians,
this
is
if
they should have to pay them.
All
necessary in order that I should be able to perform well this office, and relieve the conscience of
your Majesty and my own; because many are the wrongs which the Indians receive in this bishopric from your encomenderos, the alcaldes-mayor, and the
tax- receivers;
and, the farther
away they
are,
the
more difficult the remedy. humbly beseech your Majesty to be pleased to command provision to be made as I here request, because
I
greater the wrongs and the
otherwise
my
protection will be only nominal and
I have already discussed this with the governor, and I understand that he will make provi-
ineffectual.
some of these things, because the necessity is very urgent; and for the remainder we wait what your Majesty is pleased to command. The friendly
sion in
intercourse
which your Majesty commands me
to ob-
588-1591]
SALAZAR TO FELIPE
II
26
serve with the governor, your Majesty

will not be lacking on
may be
assured
my part;
and
understand that
lack on the part
intercourse that
without doubt there will be as

of the governor, because in the
little
little
I have had with him I have conceived very great hopes of him. And I believe that God inspired your Majesty to send him to us - although, as I have
known him only a little press more than what I

Because there
is
while, I
am
not able to ex-
hope.
no mention made of the Sangleys in the clause of the letter in which your Majesty commands me to take charge of the protection of these natives, the governor has considered - and this is his opinion -that because we were not there named, neither I nor my agent could answer for them, as for the natives. May your Majesty be pleased to command what is to be done in this case, because the Sangleys have so much more need of protection than the natives. In the meanwhile, according to the wish of the governor, I shall not cease to aid in whatever may concern them, just as if I had been appointed to look after them by your Majesty; and my agent will do the same, in those matters which belong to him as such. May our Lord preserve the royal person of your Majesty for many years. At Manila, the twentyfourth of June, 1590.
of the Filipinas.
[Endorsed: " Filipinas. To his Majesty; 1590. The bishop twenty-fourth of June." " Received and read on June 19, 1591 and answer sent him that it had been received, and that what he advised had been approved and should be continued."]
; ;
ROYAL DECREE REGULATING COM-
MERCE
Don
tilla,
IN
THE PHILIPPINES
+
Phelippe, by the grace of God, King of Cas-
Leon, Aragon, the two Sicilies, Jherusalem, Portogal, Mallorca, Sevilla, Cerdena, Cordova, Corgega, Murgia, Jaem, the Algarves, Algezira, Gibraltar, the islands of Canaria, the Eastern and Western
Yndias, and the islands and mainland of the Ocean
Sea; Archduke of Austria;

vante, and
Duke
of Borgona, Bra-
Milan; Count of Habspurg, Flandes, Tirol, and Barzelona; Seignior of Vizcaya and Molino, etc. Inasmuch as I have been informed 42 by the city of Manila in the Philippinas Islands that the great consignments of money sent by the wealthy from Nueva Espana, for investment in Chinese merchandise and that of other countries, have caused ruin to that country; and that the factors and others taking part in the said trade buy the goods at wholesale prices, and raise the price of all the merchandise, so that the poor and common people of the said islands cannot buy them, or buy them at very high rates and
;
42 The MS. from which this document was translated is evidently a copy of a decree prepared in answer to the request of the citizens of the Philippines (see the " Memorial " of the general junta, in vol. vi, p. 166 ff.)-
588-1591]
DECREE REGULATING COMMERCE

that,
263
size of
furthermore
because of the
number and
the said consignments of goods, and the vessels being
number (indeed, sometimes and usually but and then quite filled up and laden with the said merchandise for Mexicans), no space is left for the citizens and common people [of the Philippines] to send their merchandise therefore, as they have implored me, as a remedy for the said annoyances, to provide and order that no consignments of money be sent from the said Nueva Espana to the said islands, and that they be not all6wed to have factors or comfew
in
one,
panies there, but that the citizens of the said islands
alone be allowed to buy and export to the said
Nueva
Espana domestic and foreign products; and that, if anyone else should wish to trade and traffic there, he should be compelled to become a citizen of the islands, and reside there for at least ten years, or as might be my pleasure and because my will is to con;
cede favor
dition
to the said islands, in
order that their con-
may
continue to improve, and the inhabitants
thereof to be advantaged - I grant that, for the present,
they alone, and no others - whether of
Nueva
Espana, or any other part of the Indias - may trade in China, and export, take, or sell to the said Nueva Espana the merchandise and articles thus traded for in both the kingdoms and mainland of China, and in
the said islands, for the time and space of six years,
the date of the departure of with a cargo of merchandise for the said Nueva Espana. I prohibit and forbid all other persons whomsoever, of whatever rank and preeminence, from trading in the said islands and in
first
commencing from
vessel
the
first
China for the space of the said six years, reckoned as above stated, under penalty of confiscation of the
264
[Vol. 7
merchandise that they have traded for therein. I order that this my provision be promulgated in the City of Mexico, and that my royal officials there en-
Those of the said islands shall shall endorse on the back of this said provision the date upon which it took effect, by the departure from port of the first vessel with the
ter
it
in their books.
do likewise, and they
said merchandise.
They
shall send
testation of the same, so that I
said six years are to be in force.
me a separate atmay know when the And neither one nor
the other shall do anything contrary to this order.
[Blank spaces for place, day, and monthly one thousand five hundred and ninety. So that for the period of six years only, the citizens and inhabitants of the Philippinas Islands and none others, whether in Nueva Espafia or other places, may 43 trade and traffic in China.
[Accompanying
reading
China.
as follows
:
this
decree
is
a separate paper
Castilla.
"
+ By the crown of
Provision allowing the people of Manila to trade in
His Majesty omitted to sign this decree, because he wishes your Lordship to summon Pedro Barbosa and Pedro Alvarez Pereira, and to ascertain from them what is written on the subject from India from Don Christoval de Mora to Pedro Alvarez. This latter will show your Lordship all the papers that he has bearing upon this matter; and after you shall have examined them, you shall advise his Majesty of your opinion. Sant Lorenzo, July 23, 1590." Without other signature than a rubrica or flourish.]
43
On
the back, this
document
is
signed by
members of the
royal
Council of the Indias.
THE COLLECTION OF TRIBUTES

FILIPINAS ISLANDS
i59i
IN
THE
Source: This document is obtained from copies MSS., in the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla.
of the original
It is synopsized, and partially translated, by Helen Blair; the remaining translation is by Frederic W. Morrison, of Harvard University, and Norman F. Hall.
:
Translation
Emma
THE COLLECTION OF TRIBUTES IN THE

FILIPINAS ISLANDS
MEMORANDUM OF THE RESOURCES OF THE

HOSPITAL OF MANILA AND ITS NEEDS
The
royal hospital for the Spaniards possesses about one hundred taes of gold in the enco-
mienda of Darandum
assigned
to
in Ylocos,
the
said
hospital
which was by Doctor

DC pesos
Sande
It possesses, further, six
hundred pesos, which were granted to it by the president from the encomienda which fell vacant because of the death of Don Luis de Sahajosa, in Ylocos. DC pesos It possesses one thousand five hundred fanegas of rice, and one thousand seven hundred fowls, assigned by the president from the tributes of Caruya and Lubao, which belong to his dlxx pesos Majesty. It possesses what your Lordship assigned it in the encomienda of Bondoy Moron, which, it is thought, will amount to more than eight hundred or nine hundred pesos. iU pesos
. .
iiU.dcclxx pesos With the above, the said hospital cannot even support the expenses incurred for food and for services rendered by the Indians. It likewise needs a doctor,
268
[Vol. 7
medicine, nurses, and other services, as well as ex-
Indeed expended in the anointings and sweatings which are applied throughout the year. There is also needed a chaplain, who is usually atceptional delicacies, bed clothes, and tents.
half the
money
is
tached to the said hospital, to administer the sacra-
ments
to the sick.
The
for
its
building of the said hospital does not suffice

needs.
It contains but one hall, where all people are packed together, to their
classes of sick
own
Another infirmary is greatly needed suffer from buboes, and for anointings and sweatings there are many sick with this disease, since this country is well suited to produce it.
detriment.
for patients
who
The
said hospital also needs a
room
for the con-
valescents, for lack of

to occur.
which many
relapses are
wont
We also need quarters for sick women, for many poor creatures do not recover because they have no money, and no place where they can go. Likewise, the said hospital is in need of a kitchen,
utensils,
and quarters for
its
servants, all of
things are needful therein for the suitable outfit

service of the said hospital.
which and
The
captain
CUENCA,
as director of the hospital.
DISCUSSION
AND CONCLUSIONS OF THE BISHOP CONCERNING THE MATTER OF TRIBUTES

Jesus
Inasmuch as I understand that some of the encomenderos, and especially those from Camarines, have gone, or desire to go, to ask permission of your Lordship to collect from their encomiendas, in which they never have, nor do they at present, maintain
1588-1591]
COLLECTION OF TRIBUTES
269
best to send
religious instruction, I have

to
deemed
it
your Lordship a brief statement of what I and the theologians of this bishopric feel concerning the collections in the aforesaid encomiendas, in order that your Lordship may understand how and in what
way they
are to be licensed to
make
these collections.
44
Although the king, our lord, has unburdened his royal conscience by entrusting it to your Lordship and to myself, I see no reason why we should weigh down our own souls and consciences with what others are to eat and expend. The encomiendas existing in these islands are, in general, divided into two classes; for some of them have had and do still have religious instruction, and others have never had it in the past, nor do they enjoy it at present. The encomiendas which do not possess instruction are themselves divided into two classes the first consists of those which have not had, and now have not, any religious instruction, nor have they ever received from their encomenderos
:
spiritual or temporal benefits; on the contrary, their
present condition
iards
to
is
such that
it
would seem
the Span-
had never gone thither to do aught else than reduce and conquer them in order to exact tributes.
We
even say that the encomiendas are in worse if the Spaniards had never come, for, with the harsh treatment and oppression that they
condition than
may
have received at our hands, they are at present further from receiving the law of God than if they had never known us. The second class consists of the encomiendas which, although they have not been instructed,
44
sions "
This statement by the bishop, and the twenty-five " concluwhich follow it are, in the original document from which
we
copy, misplaced in order of time;
we
therefore restore
them
to
their proper place, as indicated
by their respective dates.
270
[Vol. 7
have received from their encomenderos, or by means of them, some temporal advantages which tend toward spiritual benefits, which prepare them so that they may be instructed, and that one may live among
them
long
in security.
In the
first
division are included
the encomiendas of Calamianes,

to
which
at present be-
Captain Sarmyento; the islands of Cuyo, to Captain Juan Pablo de Carrion the encomiendas which are in the islands of Mindanao and Jolo, and on the coast opposite, Mindoro and Elin; the encomiendas called Zambales, which extend from Maribeles to Pangasinan; in Ylocos, the valley of Dinglas, and the encomiendas which extend from Ylagua to Cagayan, and all those of Cagayan; and those which extend along the farther coast
which belong
from Cagayan
to
Mavban;
In
all
and, finally, all those
other islands of like character, which I do not at

present remember.
it
the aforementioned places,
has been hitherto impossible to collect the tributes,

it
and
will likewise be impossible in the future,

to
should they continue
maintain their present

to restore.
atti-
tude; but whatever has thus far been collected from
them we are under obligations
In the other division are included all the remaining encomiendas of the Pintados, with the exception
of a
few
in
Panay where
there
is
religious instruction.
In the above division are included the islands of Leite, Negros, Babao, Balon, and Bohol; and, in the island of Panay, the encomienda of Captain Pedro Sarmiento; the encomienda of Axuy, which belongs to his Majesty and to Francisco de Rribera; the tingues [hills] of the river of Araud which belong to his Majesty and to Captain Juan Pablo de Carrion and two or three other encomenderos the islands of
;
1588-1591]
271
Marinduque and Masbate, and all the others which extend thence to the mouth of the channel in Cam;
Catanduanes and Lagunay, and those along the coast and many others which are in this condition. In all the aforesaid places it may be considered a general rule that religious teaching did not, and does not exist - or at least has existed for so short a time that it is practically the same as if it had never existed. Moreover, from all the aforesaid places and from others like them, since they have been in such condition that one could travel through them in security (and, if ministers should come, their inhabitants could be instructed), it has been possible to collect a certain amount of tribute, for aid, and support, and expenses. Not all, or even half, of the tributes, however, could be collected; if the encomiendas are rather large, only the third part is obtained, and if they are small, only half. Moreover, whatever collections were made from these encomiendas could not be made until they had been prepared as aforesaid. Inasmuch as this matter is a most difficult one, on account of the danger incurred in collecting from the Indians what they do not owe, and when they are not willing that it should be collected, and of depriving the encomenderos of what is due them in case they have fulfilled their obligations toward the Indians, this shall be the rule regarding such action as has been taken hitherto by the confessors, namely, that an encomendero who has simply made collections among the Indians, without having done them any temporal or spiritual good, shall not be entitled to collect any tributes; if, however, through his endeavors, or by trading with them, they are so well-inclined that he can go about safely
arines, the islands of
272
[Vol. 7
among them, and they themselves can be instructed when they have ministers, the encomenderos shall be
from them the portion which we have named above. In order that from this time forth, the king in the roy^l encomiendas, and the encomenderos irl theirs, may, as has been stated, collect
entitled to collect
the third part or the half, the following conditions
must be observed First: That the encomenderos with the utmost diligence and care,
shall
endeavor,
to establish suffi-
cient religious instruction in their encomiendas.
In
case they are unable to do so, they shall write to his
Majesty, requesting
him
to
provide the necessary
number
of ministers to teach the Indians;
and they
shall ask this so earnestly
Majesty will
ministers.
sary, to
feel himself
and effectively that his under obligation to send

it
They
shall likewise offer, if
be neceshis
pay
a part of the expenses
which
Maj-
esty shall incur in sending the ministers.
Second
to
In case ministers cannot at once be found
instruct the natives, orders shall
meanwhile be
given as to
their lands.
how
the encomenderos are to reside in
This should not be done in the manner which has been hitherto practiced, when some of the encomenderos hoping thus to reduce their expenses go to live in their encomiendas (indeed, I know not if there are any who act otherwise), and there employ the Indians in the service of themselves, their families, and their houses, taking away their possessions at the lowest price, and treating
them
as if
they were their slaves.
They
care noth-
ing for instructing the natives, or setting them a good example, or preparing them to receive baptism; on the contrary they exasperate the Indians
588-1591]
273
with their harsh treatment, and cause them to abhor the law of God. Such encomenderos as these should not reside in their encomiendas the governor ought to forbid them even to visit those places, and should himself appoint such person or persons as would fulfil toward the Indians the obligations which rest upon encomenderos. Third: In the encomiendas of the king, and in those of the encomenderos who, for the aforesaid reasons, ought not reside in their encomiendas, such persons shall be appointed, with the approbation of the bishop (to whom his Majesty has entrusted this care, and which of right falls to him), as shall fulfil those obligations toward the aforesaid natives which are incumbent upon encomenderos, conformably to the law of God and to what his Majesty has provided and commanded in his laws and ordinances - in order that in this manner the Indians may be pacified and appeased; and so prepared that, when they shall have ministers, they can receive instruction from them. Under these conditions and limitations, the king in his encomiendas, and the encomenderos in theirs, may collect from the said encomiendas something from their current products, for help, maintenance, and expenses. That would be a third part of the tributes, if the encomiendas are large and the religious teaching sufficient therein; but if the encomiendas are small it would be half, as has already been stated. Among the encomiendas which maintain religious instruction (although none, or very few, have enough of it), there are some whose inhabitants, although including some Christians, are for the most part infidels, and so ill-disposed and so unfavorably situ:
274
ated that
it is
T HE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS
[Vol. 7
impossible for them to receive the in-
struction, since there are not
enough ministers
very
little,
in the
said encomiendas.
therein,
Even though
instruction exists
no
tribute, or at least
ought
to
be
exacted of the infidels until they have ministers to

teach them, and the encomendero influences them to
give consent, so that they can be taught.

Pasi,
In
this class
of encomiendas are included the tingues of Silanga,
nan, and others in Ylocos
Tabuco, and Maragondon; those of Pangasiand the rest in the island of Panay. These encomiendas are among those which have religious instruction: the others have already been enumerated. The encomenderos of these islands have fallen into an error, based upon a misunderstanding of a decree of the king, in which he commands that a fourth part of the tributes from the encomiendas shall be set aside in order to construct churches and to provide for divine worship. They imagine that by virtue of this decree those encomiendas which have never had re;
ligious teaching
may
collect the entire tribute, after

it.
setting aside a fourth part of
Moreover, but a fourth part, and they have done it very seldom. It is an unbearable deception for the encomenderos to hold this view, for this decree does not refer to the encomiendas which, as we have said, are deprived of religious teaching. As for the latter, not only can the king not give them license to collect their tributes, but, even were he here, he himself could not collect them. The aforesaid decree, moreover, treats not of these, but of the encomiendas whose inhabitants are already ChrisIt is with regard to these that the king comtian.
small
number have
set aside this
mands
that a fourth part of the tributes be appro-
588-1591]
;
275
priated for the construction of churches
and that
in
to
place of the tithes which they, as Christians,

the tributes be appropriated in such wise as
owe
the ministers for their maintenance, a certain part of
may
here decided.
that
it
Afterward,
I shall satisfactorily
be prove
never entered the king's mind that the enco-
menderos would, by renouncing the fourth part of the tributes, fulfil their obligations toward their encomiendas.
The above
is
summary
of the contents of the
am preparing, wherein may be found a more extensive treatment of what I have here set down. In that document your Lordship will find complete proofs of what is contained in this summary, accompanied by arguments so cogent and convincing that there is neither room nor possibility for doubt in this matter. Two other points are to be found in the clauses furnished to me by the secretary, Juan de Cuellar, drawn from the instructions which the king, our lord, gave to your Lordship for the good government of this land. In one of them there is a discussion of the two reals which his Majesty ordered to be added to the tributes hitherto collected. It also
opinion which I
contains the views of the theologians of this bishopric,
and
my
own, concerning
this increase.
Your Lord-
ship will find them

I said above, I
all in
the
am
preparing.
is
document which, as Inasmuch as the exit it
ecution of that clause
not immediately pressing,

here.
has not seemed to
me
necessary to discuss
The
other clause deals with the means to be em-
ployed in establishing religious instruction in the

small encomiendas and districts where the said instruction does not exist.
Concerning
this
we
shall
276
[Vol. 7
have but little to say at present, not because the affair is free from very great difficulties, in undertaking to accomplish his Majesty's orders as contained in the aforesaid clause; but because there is no present occasion for anxiety regarding the establishment of this instruction, inasmuch as there are no ministers to undertake the work. I will only say that, if his Majesty does not decree that the small encomiendas be made into a few large ones, it will be most difficult (and indeed almost impossible) to establish
therein religious instruction.
In conformity with this, your Lordship will see how you are to give permission to the encomenderos who do not maintain instruction, so that they may collect from their encomiendas, if your Lordship 45 wishes to make secure your own encomienda which I, by this statement, have enabled you to do.
May Jesus Christ, our Lord, bestow upon your Lordship the light of His grace, so that in all matters you may be enabled to accomplish His holy will, and secure the welfare and protection of these natives, which they so sorely need. From our house, on the twelfth of January of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-one.
of the Filipinas.
SUMMARY OF THE DECISION REACHED BY THE BISHOP OF THESE PHILIPINAS ISLANDS, AND THE OTHER THEOLOGIANS OF THIS BISHOPRIC, CONCERNING THE COLLECTION OF THE TRIBUTES THEREIN
Jesus
The
45
first
conclusion:
From
the
encomiendas
Apparently a metaphorical use of the word, a religious double
entendre.
588-1591]
277
which have not had and do not have religious instruction, and have never received from the encomenderos any other benefit or advantage, either spiritual
or temporal, than the collection of the tributes, then being left in their former condition (and such are most of the encomiendas in this bishopric), the tributes should not be exacted. But in case they have al-
ready been exacted, or shall be in the future, and the encomenderos shall have done no more good therein than they have thus far, those who have made these collections shall be compelled to make restitution therefor to the natives of the said encomiendas. This same obligation also binds those who, being obliged by their office, and having the power to prevent this
evil, shall
give license, or consent, or permission, that
these collections be made.
Second conclusion:
although they
In the encomiendas which,

little,
may
not have had or at present have
religious instruction (or so
and for
so short a
space of time, that no result can be observed), have
been pacified through the earnest endeavors and good works of the encomendero, and whose inhabitants are so subdued as to permit of travel and residence among them, and favorably disposed to receive instruction in case there should be anyone to impart it to them; the encomenderos shall be allowed to collect a certain portion of the tributes
as,
for example,
the third part,
if
the encomiendas are of average

it is
size (for, if they are large,
a great deal to collect
the third part)
and one
half, if they are small
which we understand
a population of three
- by hundred
Indians, or a less number.
The
tributes thus col-
lected are granted as aid for the encomendero's main-
tenance, and for the expenses of said pacification.
278
[Vol. 7
Third conclusion:
to
the Indians before they
All that was collected from were thus rendered willing
pay must be restored to them by those who made such collection, or by those who permitted it, as is
stated in the preceding clause.
Fourth conclusion:
levied
All the
rest of the said half
or third part which has been or shall hereafter be
upon
the Indians, before they shall have re-
ceived sufficient religious instruction, must be restored by those
who have made

From
all,
or permitted to be
made
have
tians
the aforesaid collections. the encomiendas
Fifth conclusion:
which
and
received
or
sufficient
religious
instruction
whose inhabitants
;
are
or for the most part, Chrisare not Christians have vol-
when
those
who
untarily held back from conversion - all of the tributes
may
be collected, provided that care be ever
taken that the infidels be persuaded and not compelled or forced to
make
these payments: indeed, as

as
much
others.
concern should be had for them
for the
Let
it
be understood that the said infidels do

;
not refuse or be adverse to becoming Christians

in this case the tributes
for
may
not be exacted from
them -
or, at least,
not
all,
and even then with their
consent.
Sixth conclusion
instruction,
In the encomiendas where there
are infidels who, through lack of adequate religious
have not received baptism, taxes should
not in the past nor shall they at present be collected

in full, but according to the manner set down in the second clause. Seventh conclusion: Although all the inhabitants may be Christians, if their religious instruction has
been
insufficient the encc^penderos are obliged to de-
1588-1591]
all that
279
duct from the tributes

necessary instruction.
should be expended for a sufficient number of ministers to impart the
Eighth conclusion:
may
be said
to possess sufficient
In order that an encomienda and adequate reli-
gious instruction, the minister should not be burdened with the care of more souls than he can properly instruct and direct in spiritual matters, so that he can
give to
all
those
who
are infidels suitable instruction
in Christian doctrine
it
- not merely
so that they
know
by
rote,
but also so that they
may
understand (so
far as they are capable of this) the signification of
the words, and the mysteries contained therein. Thus,
he will be able to make each and every one of them understand all that is necessary for them to believe, and know, and do, in order to be good Christians. All this should be done before baptism is conferred upon them; and like efforts should be made that no one shall die without the sacrament. When the minister undertakes to baptize them, he
too,
must
see that they
know
well what
it
is,
and are
prepared for it, and understand what they are receiving - namely, that they are dead to their past life, and are commencing a new one, and from that time forth are new men. As the inhabitants of many of these islands have received baptism without the aforesaid solicitude and preparation, many sacri 7 leges have been committed; and, as a result, many and great misfortunes have ensued, which we can now clearly discern, and yet but poorly remedy. In order that the Indians, after their conversion, may have adequate religious teaching, and be taught and instructed and guided in the conduct of their souls, a minister should not have the care of more
280

visit,
[Vol. 7
and minister to in such wise that all may understand and comprehend the doctrine. Then, if anyone is sick, the minister can know of it, and visit and console him in his sickness; and if the sick man be poor, the minister can give him what he may need, or shall find someone to do so, so that the sick man may not die without confession or extreme unction. To the living who are prepared for it, he can administer the eucharist, and can persuade everyone to prepare himself so that he can receive communion, and can labor with all earnestness in making known the great benefits which are contained in the most blessed sacrament, and how much is lost by those who do not partake thereof, and
Indians than he can know,
the obligation of all Christians to receive
it.
The
and
minister can thus also personally care for the burial

of the dead; and, in short, fulfil with solicitude
concern
all
the
demands and
obligations of his office

It
is
as a priest,
and
in the care of souls.
because the
so
ministers in the Indias are

souls, that
burdened with
many
we
observe so
little
Christianity there, that

there are so
so
many die without the sacraments, and many infidels to be converted.
Ninth conclusion: As soon as the Indians shall have become Christians the encomendero may with good conscience exact from them the tributes which are imposed and regulated by his Majesty or by persons commissioned by him; and the Indians are bound by conscience and justice to pay them, if they have adequate religious instruction and the encomendero fulfils the obligations imposed upon him by his acceptance of the encomienda. Tenth conclusion: The encomenderos are under obligation to observe, exactly and faithfully, the in-
1588-1591]
281
structions given them, that they
may
not transgress
these in regard to the kind of tributes to be paid, or

to the
age or condition of those
who must pay them -
under pain of mortal sin, and of making restitution for what they shall have exacted in violation of law or beyond the amount assessed. The damages moreover, which are sustained by the natives in compelling them to pay tributes which they are not bound to pay, and the expenses incurred in making the collections, should be at the cost of the encomenderos and not that of the Indians. Eleventh conclusion: It is grievous inhumanity and a sort of cruel tyranny to seize the chiefs and keep them prisoners until they pay the tribute of those who and it is a much greater wrong to affail to do so flict and torture them while in durance. He who shall make collections in this manner, or permit them to be thus made, is, aside from the mortal sin which he commits, bound to restore to the chiefs the tributes thus exacted from them and would be most fittingly punished by being deprived of the encomienda of which, through his own wrong-doing, he has made himself unworthy. Twelfth conclusion: Although the encomiendas are given to the encomenderos in return for their services to the king, our lord, the principal aim and object of his Majesty in giving them has not been, nor can it be, only that the Indians should pay tribute and render service to the encomenderos; but, on the
; ;
contrary, that in return for the tributes
which are
paid them, the encomendero shall be obliged to provide the Indians with ministers to instruct and care for them, to defend and protect them, to see that they are not ill-treated, and to answer for them in all nee-
282
[Vol. 7
It therefore follows that the encomiendas are and should be instituted rather for the
essary matters.
good of the Indians than for that of the encomenderos; and that the encomenderos cannot be termed,
nor are they, the lords of the Indians, but their
torneys, tutors,
at-
and protectors.
Thirteenth conclusion:
king, our lord, has imposed
The
upon
all
tributes
which the
the Indians are not,
for his Majesty or to whom he allots them in for the encomenderos order that from this fund may be taken all that is
nor can, nor should they be,
necessary to support the ministers of religious instruction,
and for the embellishment of the churches and
divine worship.
Fourteenth conclusion:
to
The encomenderos who,
avoid or lessen expense, neglect to employ in their
encomiendas all the ministers needed to accomplish and fulfil what has been set down in the eighth conclusion are in mortal sin, and cannot be absolved. Moreover, it is not enough to say that their encomiendas already have ministers; they must employ as
many
of these as are necessary to fulfil all the duties
there enumerated, according to the
number
of souls
contained in their encomiendas.
And
all
the said en-
comenderos are responsible for
the injuries and
evils referred to in the said conclusion, if
through their fault there are not ministers to do what should be done. The minister or ministers, moreover, are responsible if, when they have in their care so many Indians that they cannot properly minister to them, they shall be unwilling to receive or to look for other ministers to help them.
Fifteenth conclusion:
required for each
The number of ministers community cannot be readily de-
1588-1591]
all
283
termined, since there are not in

closer together than in others;
the encomiendas
the same conditions existing; in some, the people live
and where they are more minmore scattered, isters will be needed than when they live nearer one When they are thus near, and well disanother. posed, five hundred Indians are a sufficient number for one conscientious minister to take in charge and when we shall have an abundant number of ministers, they should be stationed in each encomienda, in
or more
difficult of access,,
;
that ratio.
through lack of ministers each encomienda to give adequate instruction, such as can be obtained at the time should be employed, and the encomenderos shall remain under obligation to deduct from the tributes what has been stated in the seventh conclusion. Seventeenth conclusion All that the Indians have expended in erecting churches and houses for the ministers, and in their maintenance, through the unwillingness of the encomenderos to pay therefor, the
Sixteenth conclusion
:
If
enough cannot be placed
in
latter are obliged to
make good - the
expended, for the maintenance of the of that expended for churches and houses, their share. Eighteenth conclusion: In order that, from this time forth, the encomenderos who do not maintain religious instruction may collect from their encomiendas the portion which is stated in the second conclusion, the following conditions shall be observed: (1) They shall endeavor, most assiduously and earnestly,
to
amount ministers; and

entire
establish
religious
instruction
in
their
encomiendas, that such establishment shall not be delayed; or, if it be not made, so that the lack cannot be imputed to their negligence and indifference. And,
284

as
[Vol. 7
inasmuch
esty
we have
is
of ministers, the
how
great
number encomenderos shall inform his Majthe lack, and supplicate him promptnot here the requisite
ly to send ministers
hither- offering,
(2)
if
it
shall be
necessary, to pay a part of the expenses to be incurred
The encomenderos shall endeavor, personally or through the medium of persons skilled and competent, in whom may be placed
in sending
them
hither,
entire confidence that they will deal with the Indians
commands, to defend the Indians and protect them against the injuries They shall strive to influence inflicted upon them. them, by good works and example, to accept the law of God, most carefully preparing them so that, when
as
God
requires and the king
they have ministers of the Christian doctrine, they
can be instructed.
They
shall not act as
do some en-
comenderos (and most of them are of this sort) who visit their encomiendas not for the good of the Indians, but for their own profit; and who, through
their presence,
work more
set,
injury to the Indians
by
the
many
grievances which they occasion, and the

that they
bad example
than the latter are advanIt has
taged in being thus pacified.
Nineteenth conclusion
been a very great
error on the part of the encomenderos in these islands
who do
utes they
not maintain religious instruction to think
that because they contribute a fourth part of the trib-
may collect and keep for themselves the remainder. This is based upon their misinterpretation of a decree of the king which states the portion which is to be appropriated from the tributes for the erection of churches and the support of the ministers (although this decree has already been annulled by others). This decree did not apply to the encomi-
1588-1591]
285
endas which
self
we
here mention; for
if
the king him-
cannot levy tributes, he could ill permit others to do so, excepting the encomiendas which we discussed in the ninth conclusion. Twentieth conclusion: What has been already
said in the preceding conclusions concerning the en-
comenderos likewise
applies
to
the
encomiendas
which belong to the royal crown; for the king is under even greater obligation than are the encomenderos to provide his Indians with religious teaching;
and
to the
same extent
as they,
he
is
bound
to
make
It
restitution of all that has
been unjustly collected.
follows from this that the officials of the royal ex-
chequer,
who
are charged with the collection of the
tributes for the king, are obliged in conscience to
observe and
conclusions,
utes,
fulfil all that is stated in
the preceding
and
to
make
restitution of all the trib-
or such part of them as has been or shall be colall
lected contrary to the tenor of the said conclusions.
This obligation
is
the greater for the governor
than for the officials of the royal exchequer; since he,
by reason of
his office,
is
bound
to care for all the
natives of these islands, and not to permit
them
to
be
wronged, and
to
require satisfaction from anyone
who may wrong them.

Twenty-first conclusion
:
Former governors were
under obligation,
as are those
who
rule both
now and
hereafter, to observe
and
fulfil, in
the repartimientos
which they
assign or shall assign, the provisions con-
tained in section 144 of the royal ordinances drawn up in Segovia in the year 73, the tenor of which is as
follows:
its
"
When
the country has been pacified, and
rulers
dience to
and inhabitants have been reduced to obeus, the governor shall, with their consent, di-
286

among
[Vol. 7
rect the partition of the lands
the colonists so
that each of
them
shall be responsible for the Indians
of his repartimiento, defend
and protect them, and
provide a minister
civilized ways,
who
shall
shall teach
them
to live in
do for them all else that encomenderos are bound to do for the Indians of their repartimientos." In the following section: " The Indians who shall be reduced to our obedience and allotted to the conquerors shall be persuaded, in recognition of universal seigniory and jurisdiction which we hold over the Indians, to assist us by the payment of a moderate tribute, from the fruits of the soil. It is our will that the tributes thus paid us be collected by the Spaniards to whom encomiendas shall be
and
given, for
which reason they
fulfil
the duties to
which
What his Majesty commands in two sections of the said ordinances conforms to both natural and divine law, both of which would be
they are bound."
these
violated
even the king should contravene these ordinances. From this the governors will recognize the obligations under which they are to heed the attitude of the Indians whom they must allot in encomiif
endas, in order not to
work
against a
law
as just
and
necessary as this
is.
:
If in any case the govTwenty-second conclusion ernor allot an encomienda whose inhabitants shall not be in the frame of mind which the aforesaid law requires (a condition which must needs be very rare, and the result of causes so forcible that the king, upon
consultation,
,
would
consider
them
of
sufficient
weight) in order that the governor

obligation to
may not be under

shall be col-
make
restitution of
is
what
lected therefrom, he
bound
to
order such encomen-
dero not to collect the tributes until he has, by his
1588-1591]
287
earnest endeavors and just treatment, brought the
Indians to that disposition which, in the aforesaid
two sections, his Majesty requires. In case the encomendero shall collect the tributes beforehand, the governor shall command him to make restitution; and if, for lack of such orders, the Indians shall suffer any wrong, the governor shall be responsible. Twenty-third conclusion The religious who are in the Indias are not under obligation to go to Spain to obtain other religious; and if they could avoid it they would do wrong in going on account of the great deficiency of ministers caused by such departures. But as the need of ministers is so great, and as they are not sent hither from Spain, those who go thither to procure them should be well rewarded for the great hardships that they undergo in bringing religious. His Majesty, moreover, and the members of his royal Council are under obligation to send back at once, and with suitable provision, those who in their service to God and the king, and for the welfare of these souls, have suffered such hardships. Twenty-fourth conclusion: The king our lord and his royal Council of the Indias are bound to send
:
to these islands so
many ministers that they can give adequate instruction to all the natives therein, even if our religious do not go or send for others. Twenty-fifth conclusion His Majesty is bound to
:
give orders and to
make
all
possible efforts for the
conversion of the infidels - not only those who recognize him and pay tribute, but those who are not under his sway and do not recognize him as their lord so that they
may all come into the knowledge of God and enter the bosom of the Church. Nor should this be accomplished in the manner hitherto employed-
288
[Vol. 7
namely, by the perversion of all law, divine and human; by murders, robberies, captivities, conflagra-
and the depopulation of villages, estates, and houses. These wrongs are inflicted and perpetrated by those who, under pretext and in the name of preaching the gospel, entered the Indias, and have thus profaned the sacred name of God and made the holy gospel odious; and it is by them that our holy religion has been dishonored. But now that his Majesty knows what excesses have been committed in
tions,
these islands, he should order that henceforth they
promulgation of the holy gospel the instructions and rules be observed which our Lord Jesus Christ ordained, and which His holy evangelical law directs and commands, and which the holy apostles and the apostolic men who came after them practiced and observed until our wretched times. Since the Spaniards entered the Indias, their excessive cupidity has devised new methods of preaching the gospel such as our Lord Jesus Christ never ordained, or His holy apostles knew; they are not permitted by the law of nature, nor do they agree
shall cease,
and that
in the
with reason. I shall send the proofs of these conclusions to your Lordship as soon as my occupations give me opportunity and leisure to prove them. At Manila, on the
eighteenth of January, 1591.
The Bishop of the
Filipinas
LETTER FROM THE BISHOP OF THE PHILIPINAS
TO THE GOVERNOR
Jesus
In the document which I sent to your Lordship the other day was contained the substance of the opinion
588-1591]
this
289
which
and other theologians of
bishopric hold
concerning the collection [of tributes] from the encomiendas in these islands. I then stated that all the matter outlined therein would be sent later to your Lordship, proved in detail by convincing arguments. This, however, I have not been able to do, nor will it be possible as long as I must remain in this city; for day and night I am beset by necessary business.
For
this
this reason, I
would be glad
to
be able
to leave
the city for a few days in order that I
matter - to which, since it is to Majesty and his royal Council, persons who are to consider it with care, it would seem but right that I should also give most careful attention. And yet
his
might conclude be brought before
the truth of all that I say
is
so manifest that I
would
be put to little trouble if I were compelled to prove it; but considerable time would be necessary to put it in order. Having sent the aforesaid opinion to your Lordship, I ceased to concern myself about the matter, for it seemed to me that the document contained (although in outline) all that the truth required, and
all that I
had
to say thereon.
Accordingly, what
it
re-
mains for
ther,
me
to
to set
down
will not be an addition to

fur-
the aforesaid, but merely an effort to explain
prove by arguments and authority what has already been stated in brief. The dean informed me this morning that your Lordship was awaiting my opinion, and had suspended action until I should send it. I told him
and
that, as far as I
it
-that
is
as
well as
was concerned, I had already given to say, I had told your Lordship how I, the other theologians, and right-thinking
felt in this
persons of this bishopric,

true, I
matter.
It
is
did not send, as soon
as I
might, what re-
290

to
[Vol. 7
mained
be said but
;
that, after all,
matters but
little
As I stated in the opinion for the truth of the affair. which your Lordship has in your possession, all that HowI might afterward say is contained therein.
your Lordship may have a clearer statement of what I sent in that document, and of all else that I have to say, it has seemed expedient to send to your Lordship another paper, which accomever, in order that
panies this letter; therein are contained twenty- five

conclusions, in
which there
is
summary
of all that
may
be said in relation to the encomenderos of these
islands,
concerning both the collection of the tributes,
Indians of their encomiendas.
and the obligations of the encomenderos towards the Further, I have stated
therein the duties of the governors in respect to their
treatment of the Indians and the collection of tributes.
thought
it
best to state those conclusions in
the
same order
as before, since I shall place
them
in
that order in proving them.
who are accustomed with no other care for the Indians of their encomiendas than to obtain their money and then leave them to bear their afflictions, those conclusions must of necessity appear very severe; but, although the truth always hurts those whom it chastises, it should not on that account be suppressed for, as St. Gregory says, one should not be hindered by any obstacle whatever from uttering the truth. The difficulty of this affair, moreover, does not conI fully realize that for those
to collect tributes
sist in
knowing what the

;
truth
is
(for that
is
per-
fectly evident)
but in the fact that unrighteous cusis
tom favors the powerful, and

although they can do
to
little,
hostile to those
are unwilling to
to
who, submit
what
those
who
are in
power choose
command.
588-1591]
29
But the weak have given thanks to God, who has moved the heart of our most Christian king to order that a remedy be applied to so many and so great disorders and excesses, which up to the present time have been so contrary to natural law, and proved so great an impediment to religion and evangelical preaching, and so harmful and prejudicial to the
inhabitants of these islands.
hear, as
Indeed,
if
we
should
God
does, the complaints
and outcries which
continually arise in the hearts of these people,
we
for
would
clearly see
how much more
cause there
is
comforting them than for favoring those who have And yet, if we but inflicted upon them such injury. consider this carefully, we shall see that the Spaniards have done themselves still greater harm, since they have deprived the Indians merely of their property, but have incurred the condemnation of their own
souls.
I, my Lord, do not wish, nor do I pretend, that the encomenderos should die of hunger, or that your Lordship should lack the means to fulfil your obligations; but I do maintain that we should have such
what is right for sicken more souls, or cause

care for
in this land not gladly, but
the Spaniards as not to the gospel to be received
by
force,
and
in
such wise
that
it
will not avail those
who
receive it
The
king, our lord, need only decree that this
matter be left to the conscience of those who govern here; for his Majesty cannot examine it with his own
eyes, and, consequently, the entire burden falls upon your Lordship and upon those of us who have to decide what shall be done. This affair is not one of so little risk as not to require a most careful consid-
eration; for to deprive the Spaniards of the right of
292

from
their encomiendas,
so, is to
[Vol. 7
collecting the tributes
when
they might just as well do

their very property,
deprive them of
and give them permission to collect from those who do not owe tribute, and to free them from obligation to the Indians. Thus the entire responsibility would fall upon those who might express their opinion consequently, it has been necessary, as I have already said, to consider the matter most carefully. This I have done by consulting persons who know and thoroughly understand the point at issue; and by comparing therewith what I have seen and know from experience, and from my knowledge of the law. Such are the contents of the conclusions which I herewith send your Lordship. I trust that you will be pleased to read them and will expect from me no other opinion than the one therein contained; for I have, and shall have, no other, and there is not a right;
minded person
the contrary.
in the bishopric
who
dares maintain
Two
which
points should be especially noted

I
among
those
here
set
down.
conclusion wherein I
The one concerns make the following
the second
statement:
From
the
the small encomiendas
may
is
be collected half
of the tributes even
where there
encomendcxo
fulfils his
no instruction, if duties; and from those
of average size a third part of the same.
Although
there is, in strictness, no reason why one-half should be collected from the small encomiendas and only a
third part
tion, it
from the
others, yet after careful considera-
has seemed to us both equitable and reasonable
that, in a very small encomienda, the encomendero should collect from each inhabitant somewhat more for his maintenance than if the inhabitants were
588-1591]
293
numerous and thus cbuld provide, even when a less sum was levied, better support for the encomendero.
The
other matter for consideration relates to the
statements in the third and fourth conclusions con-
cerning the restitution of what has thus far been taken
from the
natives.
In
this
matter some moderation
should be displayed, in view of the present needy condition of the encomenderos. This subject, however, will be discussed later,
and the best possible arrangement will be made for assuring the peace of
consciences,
is,
which we who are here
strive to do.
It
no small grace to your Lordship, that this matter should be considered in your time. I can assure your Lordship that there has been much criticism concerning what past governors have permitted, and I do not know how in the end they are to fare with God; for a governor, from the very character of his office, is under obligation to prevent, within his jurisdiction, evils which can be remedied. God will know how to call to account those who have permitted these abuses, and will free your Lordship from these difficulties before they have entangled you. Your Lordship indeed owes much gratitude to God, for, whether or not the encomenderos make any collection, nothing will be cast into your purse without your experiencing much scruple at not having remedied the evil. God knows the scruples and anguish which the past has caused my soul, for, although it seems that I could have done no more than to raise my voice in opposition, and write to his Majesty, I am not sure that this will avail me with God, who is wont to dispose of such matters quite otherwise than we imagine; therefore, by giving my views upon this question, and by expressing to your Lordship my sentiments, I feel
too,
294
[Vol. 7
God and of men. Let your Lordship reflect what it is meet to do, for my opinion has been already given. May God, our Lord, so enlighten your Lordship that in all things you may do what is right. Amen. From this, your
myself exonerated in the sight of
Lordship's house, today, Friday, the twenty-fifth of
January, 1591.
The
Assuming
it
Bishop of the Filipinas
THE GOVERNOR'S REPLY

to
be his Majesty's will that, in the
encomiendas where, for lack of ministers, instruction is not given, some tribute shall be collected, if only in recognition of services rendered, it seems but fitting
enough should be collected to sustain the encomendero - or, if he should abandon the encomienda,
that
some person who should continue, in his stead, intercourse and relations with the Indians, so influencing and directing them that, when they are given instruction, they may receive it willingly; and settling the minds of the Indians, so that we can deal with them and travel among them. Such persons or encomenderos are accessory to the gospel, and should be supported, as ministers are, by the tributes of the Indians -who, if deprived of their presence and left without this intercourse, will doubtless become intractable, and a country which is at present secure and
orderly will require a fresh pacification. Accordingly I say that if your Lordship should order the enco-
mendero
to appropriate, for his
own maintenance and

and the
for necessary expenses (which are so great,
encomiendas so small), [three-
M.]
46
fourths of the
46 The original MS. is in places torn or illegible; and matter enclosed in brackets, with the translator's initial, gives his conjectural readings of lacunae.
588-1 591]
295
tributes,
and
if
the
remaining fourth should [be
used-M.]
or, if this
for the erection of a church, for orna-
ments, and other accessories of religious instruction;
fourth part should be remitted to the Inif
dians (although, in reality,
they think that by not
becoming Christians less will be exacted from them, they will never become Christians or admit fathers into their territory; and it is certainly better for the
Indians to have this fourth part held as a deposit for
the three years, since at the end of that time [they can
and assist in paying the expenses of erecting the church and the costs of other accessories of instruction and other necessary expenses which may arise) and if the above should be asked from them in advance, and as a whole - 1 maintain, that all this could not be exacted without great injury
to
it
add - M.]
a tribute,
to the Indians.
This tribute should be collected with much gentleness toward the Indians, without the presence of soldiers and firearms, and without entering their One house should, however, be set apart for houses. the purpose of making these collections, where the
Indians,
summoned
in friendly terms,
may come
vol-
untarily to pay their tributes; and no other force or
pressure should be imposed upon them.
Moreover, of the increase of two reals in the tributes, only one (and no more) should be exacted, and the aforesaid collection of the three-fourths should be general in There are no grounds for makall the encomiendas. ing a discrimination between the Indian of the large encomienda and the Indian of the small one and if it is right to collect in the one, the same procedure holds good in the other, for the same thing applies to [four
;
- M.]
as to forty,
which
in this case
would mean not
296
to
[Vol. 7
change the present and past condition of things, or the universal practice throughout all the Indias, by interfering with his Majesty's decree.
We should consider how little there
is
in this coun-
try besides the tributes, for the support of the en-
comendero or such person who has to represent him; and that, if the Indians should cease to pay the tributes, all would go to destruction; and even were religious instruction to exist, there would be no system
This instruction, moreover, is not at present in the hands of the encomenderos, for they have asked me, as I believe they have your Lordship,
for applying
it.
to
make
provision for the same, offering the necessary
salary and expenses.

is
Accordingly, since
this
charge
not in their hands, the above means might be justly
employed; so that the districts which are disaffected might, with such intercourse, be prepared to receive the gospel in due time. This plan can be followed temporarily, until information concerning it shall reach his Majestywho, I assure your Lordship, will straightway adjust the matter by providing these islands, as well as those most distant and as yet unpacified, with sufficient religious instruction; and by determining what share of the cost shall fall to the encomenderos according to the detailed information and report which shall be sent hence to him, together with your Lordship's
statement.
the gospel,
Thus all will come to enjoy the fruits of which is our principal end and object with
In return, they are
to offer this
these peoples.
moder-
ate tribute, which is to facilitate their conversion, to which end everything is directed; and to prepare them for it by this means, without which there would
be no
way
for endeavoring to interest anyone, even
if
1588-1591]
297
But,
the tribute should
amount
to
many
millions.
with
this justification, it
can be levied.
The encomenderos
shall maintain their residence,
and, as your Lordship justly suggests, shall provide a good example and fair treatment toward the Indians of their encomiendas. And, in order that the latter
receive (as your Lordship says) some recompense in return, orders shall be given that all the encomiendas, however remote they may be, shall be provided with some administration of justice, with orders to the alcaldes-mayor in whose district these
may
encomiendas chance
then
to
be
to visit, at stated periods
of the year, the Indians thereof.

settle the disputes
The
officials shall
and redress the grievances of the Indians, bringing them by kind acts into intercourse and friendship with us. Where the present
number
of alcaldes-mayor
is
not large enough, others
shall be sent, in order that thus
intercourse and influence

least a sufficient
may be facilitated our among them. Under this
pretext of administration of justice and of defense, at
maintenance may be derived. Let your Lordship take this matter into careful con-
sideration.
For
my own
part, cogent reasons oblige
me
to believe that, if this
plan be not carried out, the
encomenderos much of necessity abandon their encomiendas, as has [illegible in MS.] and no one will be found willing to burden himself with this charge and enter into relations with the Indians, in return for
so small a stipend.
we could now have
Even if there were such persons, not place in them the confidence that we in the encomenderos, in whose virtue and
Christian spirit his Majesty's conscience remains at rest. This would not be so secure in the care of substitutes,
who
replace persons
who have abandoned
298
[Vol. 7
their holdings for lack [illegible in
MS.] without
bad account of
much
fear of being obliged to give a
either themselves or the Indians; and, consequently,
instead of introducing our holy faith
among them,
ill-
would only
treatment.
irritate the natives
by oppression and
abandon their offices, and no capable persons could be found in their stead, the rule of the Spaniards would come to an end in this land for, as they possess here nothing beyond the encomiendas as a source of profit and a recompense for their services, if they should be deprived of these I fear that they all would depart from In such a the country and it would be depopulated. case, let your Lordship consider which of the two evils is the less, and which should be preferred namely, that matters should remain in their present and past condition until his Majesty, after thorough inThis being
so, if
the encomenderos should
formation,
to
make
suitable provision
or that, in order
the
all
remedy
this insignificant evil,
we should run
risk of
I,
ruining and depopulating
the islands.
Lord, have not the slightest inclination to go to hell merely because the encomendero collects one or two thousand. After all, whatever your Lordship
my
may
consent
to,
be carried out, with the utmost promptness; for I understand this to be a matter which concerns the welfare of my conscience, wherein his Majesty unburdens his. But at present, I am thinking only of the difficulties involved in the execution of this act, which must be so hard for the encomenderos. When, in the establishment and accomplishment of a thing which in itself may be holy and good, there exist such obstacles that by
and whatever we resolve to do, must and I must order it to be executed,
1588-1591]
299
means of them the whole is exposed to risk and danger, and the principal [illegible in M#.], as your
Lordship may discern in the case of the religious fathers, who, because they attempted to place the Indians in charge of justice, desired them to give up Yet they had all, and thus there was constraint. charity and love for them, for otherwise all would be The same injury will be inflicted on the enlost.
comendero, if we oblige him to relinquish the tribute, and give him no other means of support. This the king can do, by the decree which is expected. It is certain that the very success of the affair adFor, assuming mits of no other outcome than this. that his Majesty, to unburden his own conscience, should commit to your Lordship and to myself the conduct and decision of what should be done in this matter, and should order me to execute what we both might determine, and agree upon, provided your Lordship should decide that what you have set down in your opinion and in your conclusions, ought in conscience to be done and if I should find that, although such action is just and right according to law, yet in attempting to carry it out it would be in no wise proper to run the risk of ruining these islands - in this case your Lordship and I do not hold the same opinIn ions, and we should report this to his Majesty. the meantime matters will remain as they now are; and, if resolutions must be adopted, it is much better that we should propose them conjointly to his Majesty, with complete harmony and satisfaction on our part, in order that he may give such orders as shall seem best to him. In the meantime we should not undertake [illegible in MS.~\ all the more because, considering the affair in its beginnings, the commis;
300
sion
[Vol. 7
and order of his Majesty- which instruct me to your Lordship consider what should and can be done in this matter; and also to execute the resolutions made by our joint agreement, with all the punctuality which is required therein - clearly express the
see that
will and determination of his Majesty,
who
mentions
encomiendas which are at present dishave never been pacified. It is only concerning these latter, that doubts may be entertained as
only the
affected, or
to the question of collecting the tributes, either in
whole or in part (by way of recognition, as is stated in your opinion). These encomiendas are not reached by religious teaching, or by the administration of justice, or by other advantages; and, consequently, are the ones concerning which, as I have said, doubts are entertained. As for those encomiendas which may possess any of the aforesaid benefits, such
as religious teaching, the administration of justice, in-
tercourse, and other advantageous relations, there is no occasion for any dispute concerning them; nor should the management of these (as far as our present knowledge goes) be committed to your Lordship. It
is,
therefore, needless to include

;
them
in the general
rule
but in dealing with the encomiendas which are
disaffected,
and
in those not yet pacified, only a part
of the tribute should be collected, for the unburden-
ing of his Majesty's and our

Lordship's,
etc.
own
consciences.
Your
1588-1591]
301
THE PETITION PRESENTED TO THE GOVERNOR BY THE CITY AND THE ENCOMENDEROS ON THE FIFTEENTH OF FEBRUARY, 1391
We,
the corporation and magistrates of the city of
Manila, for ourselves, and in the name of all these Filipinas Islands, and of their encomenderos, settlers,
and discoverers, do declare the following:

well known,
ago,
many of
when
these
As is came here twenty-seven years islands were discovered, and have

us
spent years in the propagation of our holy Catholic
preaching of the gospel, and On account of this devotion we abandoned our fatherland, and forgot our parents, brothers, and relatives, and the comforts which each one of us possessed and after having endured the great dangers of a long and hitherto unknown voyage, we settled in a land where we have shed our blood, and suffered the fearful miseries of hunger, thirst, exposure, and many other hardships, so great that they have cost the lives of the many thousands of men who are known to have come to these islands - not to mention all those valiant soldiers who serve his Majesty throughout his realm. At the conclusion of so many toils and misfortunes - after
faith, the defense of the
the service of the king, our lord.
we had made
this discovery, and had pacified and brought under the royal crown the many vassals who today are to be found throughout these islands, and had brought to the bosom of our faith the great number of souls who have already received baptism his Majesty and the governors in his name have rewarded us by allotting to us a certain number of natives. But these grants are under such limitations and the tributes are so moderate that the most prosperous among us (and there are but few) are living
302
[Vol. 7
in straitened circumstances,
and the others do not
re-
ceive the half of
what
is
necessary for their susten-
of these have no recompense. Although our possessions are so scanty, we have been content therewith, inasmuch as we consider them as being a reward which we have won with our blood and so great labors for we are thereby encouraged to serve our Lord and his Majesty -enjoying, as we do, these tributes and encomiendas in tranquil and peaceable possession of them, after they have been assigned to us. The king, our lord, also is profited by those who hold
ance
many
positions in the service of his royal
crown
for they,
with the
his royal
tributes, assist in the great expenses
which
orders,
patrimony incurs for the churches, religious and ministers' of the evangelical teaching, and for the supplies necessary for their maintenance. In this state of affairs it seems that on the part of the bishop of these islands and some of the religious thereof - not only generally, in sermons and in the
pulpit, but privately, in the confessional
and
difficulties are
- obstacles upon imposed our consciences by
maintaining that we cannot exact the [illegible in MS.] his Majesty those which he exacts, and that we
are going straight to hell [illegible in
MS.] and
that
we
are under obligation to
make
restitution for them.
For
this reason they refuse us the
sacraments of abso-
lution
and communion
and
in fact the
and, finally, they so obstruct
us in the collection of this slender

that we,
means of livelihood
whole colony, are continually
disconsolate and afflicted, and our consciences dis-
know not what plan turbed and ill at ease. are to pursue in making these collections for if
;
We
we we
submit
to the constraint
and
a portion of the religious
which the aforesaid bishop would impose upon us,
588-1591]
303
the necessary result will be that

ourselves, or even live;
we
cannot support
and his Majesty will be unable to meet the costs and expenses necessary for the preservation of the land - although our aim, now as always, is to live and die in the service of his Majesty like faithful and loyal vassals. We therefore entreat and supplicate your Lordship - inasmuch as the royal presence is so distant, and his authority is delegated to you in order to preserve us in peace and justice - to decree, in the name of his Majesty, as the person from whose hand we possess these encomiendas, that orders and explicit statements be given us as to what extent and in what manner we are to collect the aforesaid tributes, in order that with definite knowledge and freedom from misunderstanding, and without this present trouble and confusion, we may collect them by virtue of the order which your Lordship may give us to make such collections. And so likewise do we entreat your Lordship to command that his Majesty be informed as promptly as possible of what your Lordship shall order and decree, so that he may confirm and approve it, and determine what plan shall be pursued in this matter; and so that we may know and abide by it, and thus be delivered from these scruples and anxieties. In case the above should not be done as we petition, we would be deprived of part of the little that we possess; and, if compelled to make our collections in conformity with the ideas of the bishop and some of the religious,
we
shall not be able to support ourselves.
We therewe do
not
fore entreat your Lordship, inasmuch as
depart from or
his
to
fail in
what we owe
to the service of
Majesty
as his loyal vassals, to give us
permission
depart for Spain, where
we may
serve his Majesty
304
in

shall
[Vol. 7
what he
command
us to do, and
where he
may
favor us in proportion to the quality of the
services of each one of us; thus
we
shall receive
grace and
justice,
which is what we request. Francisco Mereado Dandrade Pedro Davalos y Vargas Juan de Moron Diego de Castillo
Juan Pacheco Maldonado
Don Francisco de Poca y Pendara Hernan Gomez de Cespedes Don Luis Enriques de Guzman Antonio de C anedo
Alonso Garrido de Salcedo
[The remaining documents on
sented partly in
full,
tributes are pre-
partly in synopsis, because of
the repetitions and diffuseness

therein.
which
are frequent
Such
parts as are thus synopsized will ap-
pear in brackets.]
LETTER FROM SALAZAR TO THE GOVERNOR

[Replying (February 8) to the governor's letter, the bishop makes various suggestions. He considers
that the responsibility for deciding questions con-
nected with the tribute

governor, and that
to refer
it is
rests
upon himself and the

cases.]
unnecessary and undesirable
them
to the
king in ordinary
This
has been done for the welfare of these natives, or, to
speak more exactly, in order that our holy faith may be received in these realms. On account of the many and glaring instances of lawlessness and disorder, this result is not yet accomplished in the greater part of these islands and even those who have accepted the
;
1588-1591]
305
have received from it very little benefit. [Salazar urges the governor to meet this responsibility, and with him to determine the amount and methods
faith
of collection of the tributes.
He
remonstrates with
the latter against his intention of collecting the
whole
or most of the tributes from the pagan Indians. Salazar says :] You state that the encomenderos will
not desire the encomiendas, since they will obtain
from them so little advantage, but will abandon their holdings; that the Indians will become unmanagewill be necessary to pacify them anew, have them instructed; and (which would be still worse) when the encomenderos can not be supported it will be necessary to abandon the country, and the faith will be ruined. This is certainly a very great difficulty, and would be the greatest which could befall us. But God, who has established here the faith, will not permit it to be so easily destroyed. Accordingly I maintain, first, that what is assigned to the encomenderos is not too small to support adequately any one of them whatsoever - not with the opulence and abundance that they desire, but as the extreme poverty and wretchedness of the Indians allows, and as the little that they have accomplished and are doing requires. For, if the encomienda be of good size, the encomendero can support himself very comfortably with the third part of the tribute, if it is expended in the same encomienda, where goods are held at lower prices; and if the encomienda be small, he may, by way of equity - although by the letter of the law he should take no more than does he who owns a large one - be allowed to collect the half of the tribute, since it would seem that he could not support himself with less. If they must have
able,
it
and
in order to
306
[Vol. 7
more, the encomenderos are not of so poor standing as not to have other relations and dealings by which they can increase their property and help to meet
their expenses, in order that all the
;
burden may not
be laid upon the Indians since even what they collect from the latter according to law they are not entitled
due them. no danger that the encomiendas will be abandoned under this plan and that the arrangement which he proposes is for only such time as is necessary to provide adequate
to,
until they
pay the Indians what
is
[Salazar goes on to say that there
is
religious instruction for the natives.
Then
the full
amount of tribute may be collected, and the encomenderos will enjoy all their revenues. Most of them
will shirk their obligations to the Indians, as they
have done in the past, unless they are compelled to meet them and Salazar thinks that they will be more
;
ready
to
provide religious instruction
if
they are
restricted
from
collecting the tributes until they shall
have done so.] He who plants a vine expects to wait until it can mature its fruit; it is only with the Indians that the encomenderos will not wait until they are prepared to yield fruit, but are ready at once
to cut their throats to
make them
yield
it.
And since
from
they have thus far collected so
many
tributes
the Indians without justification for exacting them,

it will be right that henceforth they should labor with them, without collecting from them the taxes so harshly, waiting until the Indians are prepared for having to pay the tribute; and the real preparation for this is to strive that they shall have instruction. For this they deserve some reward, such as the concession made to them in the second conclusion, which seems sufficient return for the little value of all
. . .
1588-1591]
307
that will be done for the Indians until they receive
In order that your Lordship may be convinced that, even if further limitations should be imposed on the encomenderos, they need not for that abandon their holdings, your Lordship should remember that, after coming here, you reinstruction.
fully
duced the
salaries of
away
those of
some alcaldes-mayor, and took some deputies; and yet they did not
cease on that account to discharge their duties cheerfully, for
they can with good conscience take what-
ever your Lordship shall assign to them.
Why,
then,
should
we
fear that the encomenderos will leave their

if
encomiendas, even
they are ordered to collect no

.
.
.
more than the third part of the tributes? Former governors, as well as your Lordship, have allotted encomiendas, imposing upon them an annual
charge, for a limited period, for the benefit of the
hospital or of
some individual.
willingly accepted, the owners

the
These were most knowing that when

re-
mained
annual pension expired the encomiendas to them, which they might freely enjoy.
It
is certain, too, that what the encomenderos collected while the pension lasted was not equal to the third part. Why, then, will not the encomenderos endure this pension for so short a time, in order afterward to enjoy the encomiendas freely and with consciences at ease? for they can do that now. [The bishop declares that the conversion of the pagan Indians will not be hindered by his plan. Not the least hindrance to the conversion of these islands is the harshness with which the tributes are collected
from
is
the Indians.]
to the
It
is
certain that
when
the faith
preached
Indians on the plan and with the
gentleness
which our Lord ordained, attended with
308
[Vol. 7
kind treatment and good examples, in accordance with the requirements of God's law, the infidels will never consider whether or not they have to pay trib-
For if they once reach a real understanding of means to be converted to God, and of the benefit which they receive from it, and the evils from which they are set free, not only will they not heed whether or not they are paying tribute, but they will, if necessary, surrender their goods and estates, in order not to remain without baptism. We need not vex
ute.
what
it
ourselves to secure the baptism of infidels who avoid baptism in order not to pay tribute; since it is not such whom God chooses, or whom the church needs. The greatest difficulty for the Sangleys who sought baptism has been the command to cut off their hair. It is certain that on this account many have failed to become Christians, whereat I have been exceedingly Not that I have not always wished, and grieved. still desire, that all of that nation might be converted, and I have exerted myself to that end with all my strength; but when I see one of them hesitate as to cutting off his hair, it seems to me that he has not come for baptism in the right spirit, and for that reason I do not admit him to baptism. Those, however, in whose hearts God has moved, and who truly understand what they are receiving (and there are many such), are not disturbed because their hair is cut, or because they are forever abandoning their On the contrary, these persons have native land. broken all ties, and submitted to every requirement, It is that they might not remain without baptism. true that we have baptized some of that nation without requiring them to cut off their hair, through our reasonable consideration toward them; but we have
1588-1591]
309
never consented that anyone of them should be baptized until he had made up his mind to allow his hair to be cut and then he did not know that we intended From the to baptize him without removing his hair.
:
above
it
may be
inferred that the

tribute
is
payment
;
of
little,
or
much, or none of the
not in
itself
a reason
for the infidels to avoid baptism
they do so because
we oppose
gospel,
so
many
obstacles to the preaching of the

it is
and set so bad an example, and because so preached that they do not understand it.
[Salazar protests against the notion entertained by

the encomenderos that " all their festivities and superfluous
expenses
should be
at
the
expense of the
wretched Indians, when they themselves do not fulfil Other persons their obligations toward the latter." can support themselves without an encomienda; so those who possess such aid can certainly do something outside of it to meet their expenses. The method of collecting the tributes hitherto has been little more
than slavery for the natives
;
the bishop pleads in elothis abuse,
quent terms that the governor will reform
and consider the subject from the standpoint of the Indians as well as from that of the Spaniards.] In order that they may endure their hardships cheerfully, it is well that they should understand the change among the Spaniards which has occurred since the coming of your Lordship; for their burdens have been lightened by the reduction of the tributes from the former amount; and the Spaniards have done what they did not previously - that is, to treat the
natives well, and to converse with
them
in a friendly
manner. This, without doubt, will greatly incline them toward our holy Christian religion; and then the Indians cannot make this a matter of complaint
3IO
[Vol. 7
against the Spaniards, but will keep silence and yield
whatever commands are given them. [The Spaniards have might on their side, and terrorize the weaker natives but the right only should be considered, and is mainly on the side of the Indians. The conquerors have brought forward many specious arguments to justify their oppression, which for a
to
;
time deceived even the bishop,

gret and remorse for his
who
expresses his re;
own
mistakes
but his long
experience has opened his eyes, and he espouses the cause of the oppressed Indians, urging the governor
without allowing the Spanand unjust practices. Salazar complains that the orders of both the king and the governors have been systematically violated or ignored; that no one has been punished for infractions of law save the poor Indians, who often have been justified in these actions.] But even this has not availed them to escape punishment
to consider their needs,
iards to influence
him
in favor of their selfish
and property. Yet thus far there is no instance known when an encomendero or collector has been punished for even the grossest acts of injustice and injury which they have inflicted upon the Indians. And this is the Christian spirit and the justice with which we have thus far treated this unfortunate people - we, who came hither to bestow upon them a knowledge of God! Notwithstanding all that, we demand that they shall not dare to move, or But we have a to open their lips in complaint. righteous God, who hears them, and in His own time will bestow upon each man according to his deserts. [The Audiencia had enacted laws favorable to the Indians, which the governor should enforce. For this purpose, it is useless to depend upon the alcaldesin their persons
1588-1591]
311
mayor, since most of them care only for their own interests and profit.] On this account the president undertook to reduce the number of the alcaldesmayor, and to increase the salaries of those who were
remove from them the temptation to plunder. He also wished to abolish entirely the office of deputy, as he had already begun to do this would have been no little benefit to the country. [The country will only be injured by attempting to
left,
in order to
increase the
number
of officials
they aid in the opIf the condition of

it
pression of the Indians, and care nothing for the

bishop's efforts to oppose them.
affairs in
Luzon
is
so bad,
what must
be in Minda-
nao, or Xolo, or other remote districts?
The
In-
dians can not

ances,
come
to the
governor with their griev-
and are helpless
in the
power
of their op-
pressors.]
[Salazar briefly state the opinions given by the religious persons
whom
he has consulted regarding
some
of the chief points at issue.
Most
of
them
de-
cide that the third part of the tributes will be enough

for any encomendero, no matter
how
small his hold-
ing
may
be.
As
for the restitution of tributes un-
justly collected, they all conclude that to require the
return of
all
the goods thus acquired
by the Spaniards
would be
too severe a penalty for the latter; but that
hereafter no encomendero should be allowed to col-
from Indians unless he shall provide them with religious instruction, and if he shall so collect, he shall be compelled to restore to them the
lect tributes
goods
thus
unjustly
obtained.
The governor
is
urgently entreated to investigate the manner in which the encomenderos are dealing with the Indians; to
adopt and enforce the orders recommended by the
312

make
[Vol. 7
clergy; and to permit no Spaniard to

tions of tributes unless
collec-
he
fulfil all
obligations due
from him to the natives. The same course should be pursued in the encomiendas belonging to the royal crown. If the governor will follow this course, the clergy will cooperate with him by refusing absolution From our house, February 8, to all who disobey.]
1591.
of the Philipinas.
OPINIONS OF THE RELIGIOUS of the governor, the members of the various religious orders furnish him with their opinThe Auions regarding the collection of tributes. gustinians thus conclude, in brief The natives who
[At the request
:
enjoy the benefits of Spanish protection, the admin-
and religious instruction, should pay the entire amount assessed on them as tribute;
istration of justice,
for
it is
but just that they should bear the expenses of

It
these benefits.
allotted the
was Spain
to
whom
the
Holy See
work
of converting the pagans of the
Indias; and, although she has in doing so inflicted
many
them.
injuries
on the
natives, she has also conferred
upon them many
benefits in converting
and civilizing
If she should
result.
abandon the
islands, great evils
would
tyrannical treatment does not justify vassals in refusing obedience to their rulers in support of
Even
from the
which position many citations are made Bible and from historical precedents. The
Spanish rulers are accordingly entitled to collect the moderate tribute which they have imposed on the
Indians,
if
they protect and instruct the latter -the

is
condition on which their right to tribute
based; but
588-1591]
alike, infidels as
313
all
should pay
well as Christians,
when
they receive alike those benefits.
As
for the
Indians
case be
who have
not been provided with instruction
and the protection of law, no tribute should in any demanded from them and whatever has been thus far collected ought to be restored to them in full, as having been unjustly and unrighteously exacted. In the encomiendas which, although once pacified, have since rebelled, a small amount of tribute should be collected, not to maintain the encomendero, but to meet the expenses of restoring order and obedience therein. In other cases, where the encomendero ful;
fils
his obligations in other respects, but fails to pro-
vide religious instruction for the natives through lack of ministers, he is entitled to collect only part of the
- that is, what remains after deducting the amount due for the support of ministers
tribute designated
(estimated in proportion to the

ple),
number
of the peo-
and for the erection

In short,
churches.
and maintenance of the natives should pay only for
such benefits as they actually receive. The amount to be paid should be based on the amount expended
by the government and the encomenderos

ing those benefits.]
five
in provid-
In these islands the number of
hundred Indians (and in some places even a smaller number) has been assigned to each minister as sufficient for his charge; and to each minister of religion has been given a hundred pesos and a hundred fanegas of rice, all which is worth at least one hundred and twenty- five pesos this is the fourth part of the five hundred pesos which the five hundred Indians are worth to the encomendero. It is then a fair rate of taxation, and usually the most exact, to
;
deduct,
when
religious instruction
is
lacking,
the
314

[If the
[Vol. 7
fourth part of the tribute.
encomienda
is
governed with
the
justice, its
holder
may
in reason collect
other three-fourths.
to collect
The
fathers
remonstrate
a
against the proposal to allow the holder of a small
encomienda
more than he may who has
large one, as unjust and dangerous.
If the fourth
part is to be withheld from the encomendero, they think that it should be at once returned to the natives
from
whom
it
was taken.
They recommend
that the
governor give orders that the administration of justice be everywhere established in the encomiendas, and then three-fourths of the tributes may be collected. For this, however, they advise the appoint-
ment
by the governor, to inspect the encomiendas regularly - a duty which will not be satisfactorily performed by the present alcaldesmayor, or by deputies whom they would appoint; and
of deputies directly
these persons should be given adequate salaries, to
obviate the possibility of their defrauding the natives.
The paper is signed by the Augustinian provincial, Juan de Valderrama, and eleven others of the order.] [Tlie Franciscans base their opinion upon the right
of the king of Spain to impose tribute, as derived
from the commission given
to that country
by the
Holy See for the evangelization of the Indians; but this right exists only where the gospel is actually
preached.
ians,
They
partially agree with the Augustin-
but hold a radically different view as to the amount of collections to be made when the encomendero does not or cannot provide religious instruction,
but does protect and defend the natives, and set them For these services, as tending to a good example. for receiving the true faith, he Indians the prepare may be entitled to collect one-third of the tributes;
1588-1591]
315
but considered simply as temporal benefits, they do

not give
him any
;
right to do so.
Even
it
the adminis-
tration of justice to the Indians confers
upon him no
aid in or sup-
right in itself
it
does so only as
may
This opinion is signed by Fray Pedro Baptista and three of his

brethren.]
port the preaching of the gospel.
[The
Jesuits regard both religious instruction
and
the
the administration of justice as just ground for the
imposition and collection of tributes.
When
Spaniards take possession of any land without providing these benefits, they are only " establishing divisions of territory
between the crowns of Castilla and
Portugal," which has nothing to do with levying

tributes
das where instruction
on the natives of such region. In encomienis not given through lack of
ministers, only such part of the tribute
may
be col-
lected as belongs to the administration of justice ;
the part
ligion
cite,
and which would be used for the support of remust be returned to the natives. The fathers
support of their opinion, various learned They would permit the encomendero theologians.
in
who
protects his Indians, but
is
unable
to
maintain
religious teaching, to collect
of himself and family- for
means for the support which purpose they would
allow
tricts
him
three-fourths of the tributes.

;
The
other
fourth should be returned to the Indians
and, in dis-
where there
is
not and will not soon be religious
instruction, this should be
done without telling them
the reason for such action; otherwise, they will not
wish to become Christians. They urge that definite and prompt action be taken in regard to this matter. Their opinion is signed by Antonio Sedeno and two other fathers, and is dated February 20.]
316
[Vol. 7
and learned discussion of the question, answering some of the twenty-five " conclusions " which were adopted by the bishop and clergy (ante, p. 276 ff.) Their position is the same as that already stated to the governor but they make a more detailed and full statement of their opinions on certain points mentioned by the bishop. They think that, in encomiendas where both religion and justice are administered, the infidels as well as the Christians should pay tribute for they also are vassals of the king, and receive from him those benefits, and they alone are to blame if they do not profit by the instruction placed before them. Where justice is administered, without instruction,
Jesuits also send to the bishop a long
.
[The
the tributes should be collected, after deducting the
amount needed
for the support of religion.]
The
can-
fundamental reason
why your Lordship and we

that
your Lordship not agree in this matter is, measures it by standards of sustenance, and we by those of income and just and due tributes; for since there are so many Christians here, there is no doubt that the king holds these lands by just title, nor can [In regard to makhe in conscience abandon them.
ing restitution to the Indians for tributes unjustly collected, the Jesuits would exempt from this the governors and royal officials; but
it
should be required
howfrom the encomenderos. ever, the bishop and governor do not agree with them, the fathers will support the position taken by those
If in these matters,
authorities.
They
desire that the latter shall
make
definite decision on such points as can be settled, without unnecessary delay. They oppose the bishop's desire to permit the collection of a larger part of the tributes from small encomiendas than from large
1588-1591]
317
would be not only unjust, but a dangerous precedent and a source of intolerable confusion and uncertainty. The tributes should be considered not as the means of support for the encomendero, but as the right and revenue of the king - a consideration which must shape all conclusions reached upon this subject. The Indians are not bound to support the encomendero; that is due him for his
ones, because this
services to the king,
who
gives
him
the
encomienda
this
for this purpose, and for
means
to carry out the obli-
gations of the king to the Indians.
If
from
some
encomenderos grow
it is
rich, that
concerns only the king;
well that he should have in his colonies powerful

"
men,
these
who
are the bone and sinew of
common-
wealths. "
Besides, the labors
and
responsibilities of
men
increase in proportion to the size of their
encomiendas; accordingly, they should be duly recompensed. The services rendered to the natives by the king and the encomenderos are enumerated; even those which are secular help to maintain religious instruction, and are also more costly than that; they should then be well recompensed. The restitution to be made by the encomenderos is a matter to be decided by the secular rather than the religious authorities and such restitution need be only one-fourth of
;
previous collections.
is
A curious piece of information

" It
is
here furnished:
known
that a priest's dis-
trict,
even
to
if
hundred
ports,
it is not very large, yields him eight one thousand pesos; and besides this he
etc. There are reand even numerous complaints, from both secular and religious sources, that for lack of means to pay the fees, many persons do not marry, but live in
has fees for burials, marriages,
concubinage."
The Jesuits
think that this fee-system
318
is
[Vol. 7
wrong, and that the priest should be content with among the poor, whether Indians or Spaniards this applies both to regular clergy and to friars. The bishop is urged to remedy this abuse.] [This is followed by another paper, which discusses minutely, from the standpoint of the logician and theologian, the question of collecting tribute from infidels who are not provided with religious instruction it contains abundant citations from the ScripAs it simply tures and from ecclesiastical writers. elaborates the opinions they have already stated, we
his stipend, at least
;
do not here present
it.]
(To be concluded.)
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA
Relation of 1 586-88 - The text of this document is obtained from Cartas de Indias, pp. 637-652; but the
location of the original
MS.
is
not indicated by the
editor of that work.
Decree of August
the "
Q,
158Q- This
is
obtained from
Cedulario Indico " in the

its
Nacional, Madrid;
301,110449."
Archivo Historico pressmark is: " Tomo 7, f

is
Customs of the Tagalogs. -This

603.
one of the apii,
pendices to Santa Ines's Cronica; see vol.
pp. 592-
The Chinese and

47-80.
the Parian
-This
is
translated
iii,
from Retana's Archivo del
bibliofilo filipino,
pp.
All the remaining documents presented in this vol^ ume, are obtained from the Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla, and are translated either from the originals or from transcripts thereof; the pressmark of each is indicated as follows 1. Letter by Vera (1588) .-" Simancas - Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas cartas y expedientes del gobernador de Filipinas, vistas en el Consejo; anos 1567
;
a 1599;
2.
est.
67, caj. 6, leg. 6."
Letter by Salazar (1588) .- " Simancas - Eclesiastico; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y espedientes
320

Manila
-
[Vol. 7
del arzobispo de
J
vistos en el
1,
Consejo;
afios
de
579 a IS99;
est 68, caj.
leg. 32."
Letter by viceroy of India-" Simancas - Secu3. lar; Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes del
presidente y oidores de esta Audiencia vistos en el Consejo; anos 1583 a 1599; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 18." Letter by Vera (1589) - The same as No. 3. 4.
5.
Conspiracy against the Spaniards

3.
-The same
as
No.
6.
7.
Ayala- The same as No. 3. U Instructions to Dasmarinas Simancas

Letter by
Sec-
ular; Audiencia de Filipinas; registros de oficio y partes; reales ordenes dirigidas a las autoridades y
particulares del distrito de la Audiencia; anos 1568
a 1605;
est.
105, caj. 2, leg. 11, lib.
1, fol.
i7ib-i95a,
part 2."
8.
Letter from Portugal-
9.
Grant
to
The same as No. 3. - Audiencia de Simancas Salazar-"

originales
el
Filipinas;
6, leg. 1."
consultas
correspondientes
dha Audiencia desde

10.
ano 1586 a 1636;
est. 67, caj.
Letter by AudienciaLetter
11.
by
Salazar
as No. 3. .-The same (1590)
The same
as
No.
2.
1 2.
Decree of July 23, I5QO- The same

Collection of tributes
13.
No. (1 591). -The same

as
3.
as
No.
2.
THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
DATE DUE
JUL
2 9 1994
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
mm
*?
'
1807
3 9015 00233 6272

nation *"?Hon
?0Q2
iUIHlJL
*<^v
^.
DO NOT REMOVE OR
MUTILATE CARDS

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4fi/

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS

Explorations by Early Navigators, Descriptions of the

the Catholic Missions, as related in contemporaneous

TRANSLATED FROM THE

James Alexander Robertson, with

Bourne. With maps, portraits and other

The Arthur H. Clark Company

COPYRIGHT I9O3 THE ARTHUR H. CLARK COMPANY

Relation of the Philipinas Islands.

Salazar, and others; Manila,

Letter to Felipe II.

Santiago de Vera, and

Letter to Felipe II.

from the viceroy of

Manuel de Sousa Coutinho; Goa,

Manila, July 15 Decree regarding commerce. San Lorenzo, August 9.

Felipe II; San Lorenzo, August

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS

Letter from Portugal to Felipe II.

June 24. Decree regulating commerce. San Lorenzo, July 23.

collection of tributes in the Filipinas Is-

Salazar, and others;

1591 Bibliographical Data

the natives against the

Spaniards are discovered,

and severely punished.

islands has set in,

already seriously affecting

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS

as relates to the religious

for the city.

and asks that more be provided by

has punished the royal

advises that the

sale of certain public offices

be deferred for some

years, until the colony shall be

the next day (June 27) Salazar writes to the

defends himself against the royal repri-

for his dissensions with the Audiencia.

given regarding the capture of

Spanish ships by Candish.

citizens in the islands are very great,

plains that in his diocese the churches, as well as

that they are a disgrace to religion,

religious be sent to the

THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS

will be protectors of the natives; also

that a governor be sent

who is not ruled by selfish or Salazar complains of the harshness

and severity shown by the viceroy of Nueva Espaiia,

ican friars to go to the Philippines; and as he has

Audiencia there regarding customs

a letter of the viceroy of India to

with China and the Philippines.

to quell disturbances there,

has been given that

Castilians there shall be sent