Languages of the

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442
Tajik
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Contents
Introduction .................................................................................................................. 1
0.1. Standard Tajik ............................................................................................................................. 1
0.2. Language contact ......................................................................................................................... 1
0.3. Speakers ...................... ................................................................................................................. 2
0.4. ' Tajik' .......................................................................................................................................... 3
0.5. Orthographical changes ............................................................................................................... 4
0.6. Pre-Soviet Tajik in written records .............................................................................................. 6
0. 7. Transliteration ............................................ ... ............................................................................... 7
0.8. Notes on the text .......................................................................................................................... 9
0.9. Acknowledgements ..................................................................................................................... 9
l. Phonetics and Phonology ....................................................................................... 11
1.1. Vowels ............. .......................................................................................................................... 11
1.2. Consonants . .............. ... . . . . . . . . . ............. ... . . .. . . . . . . . . . . .... .... . .... . . . . . . .. .. .. . . . .. . . . . .. .. . ................... .... ......... 13
1.3. Phonemes in speech ................................................................................................................... 14
1.4. SyUable sttucture ....................................................................................................................... 14
1.5. Word stress ........................................................ ........................................................................ 14
1.5.1. Stress-repeUent morphemes ................................................................................................ 14
1.5.2. Stress-attracting morphemes .................................... .... ...................................... ................. 15
1.5.3. Otherissues ........................ ............................. .................................................................... 16
2. Morphology ........................................................................................................... 17
2.1. Nominal morphology ................................................................................................................. 17
2.1.1. Nouns ........................................................... ....................................................... .. .. ............ 17
2.1.1.1. Number ........................................................................................................................ 17
2.1 .1.2. Gender ................................................................................................................ .......... 21
2.1. 1.3. Definiteness .................................................................................................................. 22
2. 1. 1.4. Case .............................................................................................................................. 25
2.1.1.5. Possession .................................................................................................................... 26
2.1.2. Pronouns ............................................................................................................................. 27
2.1.2.1. Personal pronouns ........................................................................................................ 28
2.1.2.2. Honorific expressions .................................................................................................. 29
2.1.2.3. Demonstratives .................................................................................. .......................... 30
2.1.2.4. Reflexives ....... ............................................................................................................. 31
2.1.2.5. Interrogative pronouns and question words ................................................................. 32
2.2.8.5. Intentional .................................................................................................................... 65
2.1.2.6. Other pronouns ............................................................................................................. 33
2.2.9. Participles as predicates ...................................................................................................... 65
2.1.3. Numerals ............................................................................................................................. 34
2.2.10. Causative voice ................................................................................................................. 67
2.1.3.1. Cardinal numbers ......................................................................................................... 34
2.2.11. Passive voice ..................................................................................................................... 67
2.1.3.2. Fractions ....................................................................................................................... 35
2.1.3.3. Ordinal numbers ........................................................................................................... 36
2.1.3.4. Classifiers ..................................................................................................................... 37
2.2.12. Negation ............................................................................................................................ 68
2.2.13. Auxiliary verbs ................................................................................................................. 69
2.2.13.1. Modals ........................................................................................................................ 69
2.1.3.5. Arithmetic vocabularly ................................................................................................ 37
2.2.13.2. Other auxiliaries ............................................................................... " ........................ 70
2.1.4. Adjectives ........................................................................................................................... 38
2.1.4. 1. General remarla ........................................................................................................... 38
2.3. Adpositions ................................................................................................................................ 71
2.4. Word formation ......................................................................................................................... 72
2.1.4.2. Comparison .................................................................................................................. 39
2.4.1. Noun formation ................................................................................................................... 73
2.1.4.3. Intensification and disintensification ........................................................................... 40
2.4.2. Verb formation .................................................................................................................... 74
2.1.4.4. Adverbs ........................................................................................................................ 41
2.4.2.1. Prefixes ........................................................................................................................ 74
2.2. Verbal moipho1ogy .................................................................................................................... 42
2.4.2.2. SuffiXeS ........................................................................................................................ 76
2.2.1. Past and present sterns ........................................................................................................ 42
2.4.2.3. Transitivization ............................................................................................................ 76
2.2.2. Person and number ............................................................................................................. 45
2.2.3. Non-finite forms ................................................................................................................. 46
2.2.4. Copularverbs ...................................................................................................................... 49
2.4.2.4. Compounding ............................................................................................................... 76
2.4.3. Adjective formation ............................................................................................................ 77
2.4.4. Adverb formation ................................................................................................................ 78
2.2.5. Aspects .................................................................................................. .............................. 52
2.2.6. Modality ............................................................................. ................................................. 52
3. Syntax ................................................................................................................... 79
2.2.7. Verb Paradigms .................................................................................................................. 53
2.2. 7.1. Simple past form ................................................................... ....................................... 53
3.1. Copular and verbal sentences .................................................................................................... 79
3.2. Coordination .............................................................................................................................. 80
2.2.7.2. Past imperfective form ................................................................................................. 54
3.2.1. AND ..................................................................................................................................... 80
2.2.7.3. Past perfect form .......................................................................................................... 54
3.2.2. OR ........................................................................................................................................ 80
2.2.7.4. Past progressive form ................................................................................................... 55
3.2.3. BUT ...................................................................................................................................... 81
2.2.7.5. Present progressive form .............................................................................................. 56
2.2.7.6. Present imperfective form ............................................................................................ 57
3.2.4. Other conjunctions .............................................................................................................. 81
3.3. Subordination ............................................................................................................................ 8
1
2.2.7.7. Futureform .................................................................................................................. 58
3.3.1. Relative clauses .................................................................................................................. 81
2.2.8. Principal mood categories ................................................................................................... 58
2.2.8.1. Inferential ..................................................................................................................... 58
3.3.2. Participial modifiers ............................................................................................................ 82
3.3.3. Adverbial clauses ................................................................................................................ 85
2.2.8.1.1. Inferential past form .............................................................................................. 59
3.3.4. Converb construction .......................................................................................................... 85
2.2.8.1.2. Inferential past imperfective form ......................................................................... 60
2.2.8.1.3. Inferential past perfect form .................................................................................. 60
4. Sample texts .......................................................................................................... 87
2.2.8.1.4. Inferential past progressive form ........................................................................... 61
2.2.8.2. Imperative and optative ................................................................................................ 61
2.2.8.3. Conditional ................................................................................................................... 62
2.2.8.4. Speculative .................................................................................................. .. ............... 63
: : ~ : : : ; ~ : i : l : : ~ : ~ ; ; ; : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : : ~
4.3. Exceipt from a news report (2003) ............................................................................................ 88
5. Appendices ............................................................................................................ 89
5.1. Abbreviations ....... : ....... ...................... .......................... ................... ..... ...... ....................... ........ 89
5.2. Transliteration ................................... ............................. ..................................... ....................... 89
References .................................................................................................................. 91
Index .......................................................................................................................... 99
Introduction
0.1. Staodard Tajik
Tajik is a South-West Iranian language that is genetically closely related to such major
languages as Persian and Dari. In the beginning of the twentieth century, Tajik was considered
by a number of writers and researchers to be a variety of Persian (Halimov 1974: 30-31,
Oafforov 1979: 33). The popularity of this conception ofTajik as a (less prestigious) variety
of Persian was such that, during the period in which Tajik intellectuals were trying to establish
Tajik as a language separate from Persian, Sadriddin Ayni, who was a prominent intellectual
and educator, had to make a statement that Tajik was not a bastardized dialect ofPersian.
1
The
issue of whether Tajik and Persian are to be considered two dialects of a single language or
two discrete languages
2
has political sides to it (see Perry 1996) with which I am not con-
cerned in this book. The language that this book describes is modem literary Tajik which is
referred to in the Soviet linguistic literature of Tajik typically as 386oHH a,na6HH X03HpaH
TO'I;HK, although I often mention features of the colloquial language.
3
0.2. l.aoguage contact
Tajik has been influenced lexically, morphologically, and syntactically by Uzbek, with the
speakers of which Tajik speakers have been in intense contact for centuries.
4
According to
Tajik historian Gafurov (1952: 99-110 cited in Tursunov et al. 1995: 37-38), the close rela-
tionship between Uzbeks and Tajiks dates back to the sixth century. Arabic influence is also
highly conspicuous in Tajik, as it is in Persian.s Tajik has also been under strong Russian
In his article ..,S....b J <I"'.Jt> uiO Jf./Jo'.,.> that appeared in the journal ,;.;u _,..... .... [nthaad dolli1], 1928, No
4-5. This statement is cited in Halimov (1974:31).
2
Studies pertaining to the association between Tajik and Persian include Amanova (1991), Kozlov
(1949), Lazard (1970), Rozenfel'd (1961), and Wei-Mintz (1962). The following pa-
pers/presentations focus on specific aspects of Tajik and their bistoricallmodern Persian counter-
parts: Cejpek (1956), Jilraev (1962), Lorenz (1961, 1964), Murav'eva (1956), Murav'eva and
Rubinl!ik (1959), Ostrovskij (1973), and Sadeghi ( 1991 ).
In this book, I mostly neglect recent trends in Tajik orthography which are not yet certain to gain
long-lasting currency.
The numerous studies on Turlcic/Uzbek influence on Tajik (and vice versa) include Axmedf.anov
(1970), Borovkov (1952), Doerfer (1967), Ido (2004), Junusov (1968, 1970), Lehr (1984), Lorenz
(1970), Muruvvatov (1966, 1970), Muxtarov (1958), Muxtorov and Qosimov (1961), Narziqulov
(1968), Rastorgueva et al. (1964), Soper (1996), Tursunov (1995: 37-41) Tursonova (1971), Yun-
usov (1966, 1971), and Yusufov (1969).
In linguistic studies of Tajik, discussion of Arabic influence is usually confined to philology
because Arabic had ceased to be a strong source of influence several centuries before literary Tajik
was established in the nineteen-twenties. Some of the small number of studies that discuss Arabic
elements in modem Tajik are ruuraev (1970) and Berdyeva (1970a, 1970b). Jilraev (1970) is
concerned with the lexical features of the dialect ofTajik-speaking Arabs.
2 Tajik
influence, which is most prominent in the Tajik lexicon, for at least a century.
6
The following
words registered in Muhammadiev's (1975: 16-17) dictionary of synonyms exemplify the
hybrid nature of the lexicon ofTajik that resulted from this multitude of influences.
'army'
' army'
'armed forces'
'army, troops'
'army, military camp'
Russian
Tajik
Arabic with Tajik bound morphemes
Uzbek/Turlcic
Mongolian/Turkic
There are also a sprinkling of words of Chinese origin such as "'Ii 'tea' < Chinese
7
that
entered the Tajik lexicon presumably through Uyghur and/or Uzbek.
8
0.3. Spcabn
Most Tajik speakers are in Tajikistan and Uzbekistan; within Uzbekistan, Samarqand and
Bukhara are particularly densely populated by Tajik speakers.
9
However, the total number of
Tajik speakers in these countries has never been definitively determined, partly because
principles on which Central Asian people identify themselves have varied from religious to
regional and linguistic ones (Bartol'd 1964: 528-529 cited in Komatsu 1996: 244), and also
because political and pragmatic considerations had an effect on their self-identification (see
Atkin 1992:48-49, Chvyr 1993, Komatsu 1995:266-268).
10
Works related to the Tajik-Russian contact/influences include 1he following: Jusufov (1968),
Kalontarov (1955, 1964b), KuJiina (1966), Sarofov (1961a, 196lb, 1964, 1968), Tilavov (1958),
Xolmatova {1966), Xolov {1970), and Yusufov (1971). Contrastive Tajik-Russian studies inchide
Abdullaeva (1970), Artykova (1957), Koroleva (1969), (1958), and Sadykova
(1958).
ProooiDiced /fi'a 1/ and romanized as cb8 in pinyin in Mandarin. (However, the initial
consonant seems to realize as an apical post-alveolar affiicate in young speakers' Standard Chi-
nese of Beijing (see Lee and Zee 2003: 112).) According to TOdO's (1969:221) reconstruction, -l-
was /till with a plosive in T6ng and was /fa/ with an affiicate in SOng. In Pulleyblank's (1991)
reconstruction, -l- is /drW or /drt:/ in Early Middle Chinese, !trfiB:/ in Late Middle Chinese, and
1
Early Mandarin. See (1991:2-3) for his periodizationofChinese.
Tursuoov et al. (1995:46-51) liSt Uzbek words that they consider to be Chinese in origin. Some of
these, such as.-- 'noodles with minced meat', are found also in Tajik.
The 26,500 (according to Gao 1985: 1) or approximately 33,000 (according to the 1990 eeosus in
Zhongguo da bai ke quan shu zong bian ji wei yuan hui 1994: 331) /tu4sikf people in China are
speakers of the Pamir languages /sariqul/ and IWU7J (Gao 1985: which is a Sariqul
word, is referred to as 11}/Xd 4 t ..t in pinyin. In pinyin, /sariqul/ and IWU7J are saJlb)lr f1 .1. ,4-
(written also as s616ikuold etc.) and wDJ4n 1Uf, respectively. The
first of. languages, which is called CapHJCYnii in Tajik, is referred to in English texts variously
as Sarikoli, Ssrykol, and Sluiqul. The second, which is BaxoHii in Tajik, appears in English writ-
ings as Vathi, Wux, Wathi, or Wakhao (see, for example, Schwarz 1984, Payne 1987:514, and
Menges 1989:67).
10
In addition, according to Atkin (1992:49), "there are a number of small ethnic groups in Tajikistan
which are ... not recognized by the regime as full-fledged nationalities ... For official purposes,
Introduction 3
0.4. 'Tijik'
The term 'Tajik' has had several different referents. The following passage from Chvyr (1993:
246) illustrates the changes in the referential domain of the term.
11
First, the term Tajik did not emerge as a result of the self-identi.fication of a Central
Asian people, but as a name given to them by the Arabs. People ofTurkic origin later
used the term to define aU non-Turks, namely all Farsi-speaking Muslims wbo, in
those days, were widely regarded as Arabs. [ ... ] As we shall see, some relics of this
use of the term continued until the 20th century. But even starting in the 11th century,
the name Tajik was broadly applied to the Persians as the vehicles for Islam in Turki-
stan.
Obviously, the term 'Tajik' has been defined on various bases at various times - the bases
range from linguistic to regional and religious. Since a linguistical1y defined group rarely
coincides completely with a religious group or a group that is regiona11y defined, referents of
the linguistic Tajik, religious Tajik, and regional Tajik explained above comprise different
(but intersecting) sets of individuals. For example, there has been such an expression as
'Tajik-speaking Uzbeks' where 'Uzbek' was used in contrast with Shiite Iranians who
migrated to Bukhara and who, according to Chvyr, called themselves 'Tajik' or 'Pors'. 'Tajik'
in Historical Chinese, namely *. * ,
12
refers to people from the caliphate.
This diversity in the referents of 'Tajik' is present today- a Sariqul-speaking Ismailian in
may refer to herself as a Tajik (/tu<&kf) and be identified as a member of tljlke z6
. tf or the Tajik nation, by the Chinese government, while a Shiite whose first Ian-
1hey are counted as Tajika, regardless of how they descn'be themselves or the language 1hey speak
as 1heir mother tongue".
11
There are other theories concerning the origin of 1he teno ' Tajik'. Menges (1989: 65) writes the
following: "Tajik is a term which probably goes back to a ralher old Persian designation of the
Arabs, Tui. Later, 1his teno was used throughout Central Asia in a much broader- sense, meaning
ai1 people of Muslim faith, regardless of nationality. Thus it also came to be !mown as IA-sby
(Ts-sbib) in China, where it is used in the same vague sense, sometimes meaning Turkistan, at
other times the realm of the caliphate." Another theory ' Tajik' 'erown'
(Akiner 2001:7). Explanations of the meaning of tljlkdin some Chinese sources as well as a venc
in To"U, a popular poem by I'ynpyxcop (in Hxnoc. 1981:91 c.i. AF), are premised on 1his theory.
12
k * would be represented as d8sbf in present..day Mandarin pinyin, but 1he pronunciation of 1his
word in Middle Chinese was k /daj/ *' /dzrjX/ (/r/ in the second syllable indicates that the pre-
ceding phoneme /d71 is retroflex), aecording to TOdO's (1980: 383, 396) reconstruction. Pulley-
blank (1991) reconstructs the pronunciation of*-*' as the following. For *-.,/dab/ and /daj'/ in
Early Middle Chinese and /t.fia'/ and /tfiaj'/ in Late Middle Chinese; for *,/zik/ in Early Middle
Chinese and in Late Middle Chinese.
4 Taji.k
guage is (Bukharan) Taji.k may call himself an Iranian
13
while referring to Tajik-speaking
Sunni Bulcharans as Uzbeks.
14
Chvyr (1993: 247-248) illustrates the use of'Taji.k' today thus:
Historically multisemantic, the word Taji.k is now used rather loosely in different parts
of Tajikistan. Some population groups regard themselves as Uzbeks who speak Taji.k
and there are Uzbek-speaking groups who call themselves Tajiks. There are also
groups who speak Taji.k and who identify themselves as Tajiks, but who, surprisingly,
call their native language Porsi (Farsi or Persian).
In today's usage of the term in English, 'Taji.k' refers most often to one group of Sunni Iranian
speakers in Central Asia. 'Tajik' in this usage is defined linguistically (as well as with geog-
raphy and religion) and hence usually does not include Pamir speakers who are nationals of
Tajikistan in its referential domain.
0.5. Oriboplrpbical dllllgea
One of the most important tasks in which Taji.k intellectuals engaged themselves immediately
after the foundation of the Soviet Socialist Republic of Tajikistan was standardization of the
Taji.k language. As Lazard (1970: 71) writes, "In the twenties and the thirties, linguistic
activity in Tajikistan was mainly devoted to the practical work of standardizing the language
its orthography first in Latin, then in Cyrillic script".
15
The Tajik alphabet in Latin script,
which would undergo a number ofmodifications,
16
was first used in printing apparently in the
late nineteen-twenties.
17
Tajik written in Arabic script was still very much in currency in the
nineteen-twenties, during which period Latin script and Arabic script were mingled on pages
ofTaji.k journals such as raiJIIari doni$.
Some of the issues that intellectuals brought up in the course of the standardization of


included the following: I) the creation of a literary language which would be simple
13
This is because it is believed that or Iranians, in Bukhara have migrated to Bukhara
from Iran mainly in the 16th and 17th centuries.
14
To make the matter more complicated, it is not uncommon for Bukharan Tajik speakers to use
'Uzbek' for self-reference.
15
For a detailed account for the Latinization of the Tajik alphabet, see Jahangiri (1997). Asimova
(1982) chronicles the transition of the Tajik alphabet from 1920 to 1940, when the Tajik alphabet
was Cyrillicized. Kalontarov (1964a) contains material concerning the Cyrillicization of the Tajik
alphabet. Perry (1996) covers more recent events involving the writing system ofTajik. Huseynov
(1970), which I have not seen, appears to be a summary of his presentation on the development of
literary Tajik in the nineteen-twenties.
16
See issues of nhuti dOIJii for the Latin-based orthography in transition.
17
Yunusov's (1981 :90-116) bibliography lists an article related to the Central Committee of the new
alphabet of Tajikistan (I< O'l'lery 1.(1< uoaoro antj>aaHTB and an article about the
problem of orthography HMIIO) published in as early as 1923 and 1926, respectively.
According to Grenoble (2003: 153), "in 1927 the decision was made to cease using Arabic script in
favor of the modified Latin alphabet''. The first time the Tajik alphabet in Latin script was printed
was perhaps when the alphabet appeared in several pages of the journal rabsari donil in 1928.
11
The intellectuals' writings on standardization ofTajik are compiled into (1930).
Introduction S
and accessible to the masses (a'lo-zoda 1930:4, Jahangiri 1997:24), 2) determining the dialect
or (Iranian) language on which it was to be based, and 3) making the language a component of
the specific identity of Tajikistan. The second was the issue that provoked a heated debate.
The dialects of the centres of Taji.k culture such as Bukhara and Samarqand were natural
candidates for the basis of standard Taji.k. Although the dialects were highly Uzbelcicized,
which was not a welcome feature for a language that was hoped to constitute part of the
identity of the newly founded republic of Tajikistan, the odds were in Bukharan Taji.k's favour
-the Bukhara-Samarqand dialects eventually became a basis of standard Tajik. This is due at
least partly to the fact that Sadriddin Ayni, the scholar who dominated the academe of Tajiki-
stan since the establishment of the republic, was from Soktare in the province of Gwluvon,
which is some 30 km west ofBukhara, and was educated in Bukhara. Melex's (1968:22 cited
in E!niyozov 1977: 20) dialectological work also suggests the influence of Aynrs own dialect
on standard Tajik; "a comparison between the (H!duvon dialect and the literary language
shows that, in both the domain of phonetics and the domain of morphology and vocabulary,
they possess an immense unity'' (my translation; see also Jahangiri 1997:24-25).
It was not long after the Taji.k writing system in Latin script had stabilized that the CyriUi-
cization of Taji.k took place, namely in 1940. A number of changes, most of which were
relatively minor, were made in Taji.k orthography in the period between 1940 and the nine-
teen-nineties. A set of orthographical rules of literary Tajik was established in 1953, in which
the Russian letters and <Y> were introduced and Russian loan words started to be written
in accordance with Russian orthography.
19
The commission of the Rudaki Institute of Lan-
guage and Literature compiled a new edition of the modem literary Tajik orthography in 1967
(K.a.lontarov 1967). Major changes in orthography took place in the nineties when several
letters were abolished in the alphabet. Words borrowed from or through Russian were no
longer written in accordance with Russian orthography and w was withdrawn from the
alphabet
20
In the current orthography, which was adopted by the government on the third of
September, 1998, and was published in 1999, <Y>, and are absent from the
alphabet and no> is used specifically for representing Arabic 'sin and bamzab in word-medial
and word-final positions in Arabic loan words, e.g . ...C.)'ll 'responsible' .
21
The letter in
loan words is rendered in the new orthography as <c> or, in intervocalic position, <TC>. As a
19
<Ill> and <11> bad been written as <DI'I> and <II>, respectively, in Tajik (see Kalontarov and Niy021'
1943:8-9).
20
For example, 'New York', which is spelt &IC-IIopJC in Russian, is now spelt in Tajik
(Oiimov and Aliev 1999: 15). Before these changes took place, the 'sign of division' (anoNATH
VAOII) w was inserted between a coosonant and an 'iotated' vowel in native words and Russian
loan words, e.g . .liiiiiM 'river', which is now spelt ... The word-final w in Russian loan words,
which were spell in accordance with Russian orthography, was omitted when it was followed by a
vowel in compounding or suffixation, e.g. JIOIID 3e6o 'beautiful piano' (Russian pour. ' piano' +
izafet particle -B + 3e6o 'beautiful'). <Y>, which is not used in the cWTent orthography, was used in
loanwords.
11
This orthographical change rendered the explanation of given in Rastorgueva (1992: II)
outdated. She stated that I) represents no sound in word-final position, 2) indicates a syllable
boundary in word-medial position, and 3) lengthens the preceding vowel when it appears between
a vowel and consonant.
6 Tajik
result of these changes, the number of letters in the alphabet decreased from thirty-nine to
thirty-five. The letters that are used in the orthography published in 1999 (Olimov and Aliev:
1999) are shown below with their new names. Note that the order of the letters in the most
recent Tajik alphabet has diverged from that of the Russian alphabet (In previous orthogra-
phies, the modified Russian letters such as <F> and <A> were appended to the alphabet in the
Russian order.)
Aa a 33 3C Oo 0

x.e
li6 6e HB If liD oe
qq qe
BB Be a R Pp pe -q;-. -.e
rr re RA lbr Cc ce Illm me
FF re .K.I Ke TT TC 1> 1>C

,lle
I<.C Yy y 33 3
Ee Ae JJ.n ne '9'y
f2 IOJo Ay
aa ito MY we

cpe Jia ita
JICz liCe Hu He Xx xe
The majority of the Tajik examples cited in this book are from the latter half of the twentieth
century. Accordingly, Tajik examples in this book are written mostly in accordance with the
orthography set in that period. Kalontarov (1974) and Maniyozov and Mirzoev (1991)
describe the orthography of the period.
0.6. Pro-Soviet Tajik in writtal m:ords
The varieties of Iranian that later became the basis ofTajik had been spoken varieties until the
renovation and foundation of the Tajik language started in the nineteen-twenties?
3
Prior to the
of the literary Tajik language, Iranian speakers in Central Asia had used literary
Perstan (as well as Uzbek, the literary predecessor of which is Chaghatay) for writing. As a
result, not much data on Pre-Soviet Central Asian Iranian varieties are available today.
14
There are works published in the nineteen-twenties (the formative period of literary Tajik) that
contain references to some of these varieties, which even then were called dialects of Tajik.
Works from which observations and data on Tajik dialects in the nineteen-twenties can be
retrieved include Zarubin (1928), which contains texts of the Tajik spoken by Samarqand
Jews, articles published in raiJBari donij, many of which cite words and phrases
from TaJik dialects. Small quantities of dialectal Tajik data are found also in non-linguistic
22
The letter <J>, by which the phoneme /e/ is represented, is also called BOB-H wawn 'latent wlw'
in Olimov and Aliev (1999:9).
23
Grenoble (2003: 152) dates the foundation of literary Tajik to a much earlier period: "A Tajiki
literary language was originally founded in the ninth centwy ... This literary language did not,
however, widespread use. Instead, Classical Persian was used as a written language, and
was the pnnc1pal governmental language".
24
Grigor' ev (1861 ), Sem&lov (1900-190 I), 'Erfin ( 1925), and Voxidov (1971 ), which I have not
seen, seem to be some of the small number of sources of such data. Hojiev (1966, 1968, 1987)
a_na1yses Tilhali abli Bwcoro (1913), which was written by Minosiroji Hakim (1877-1914), ana-
nve of Bukhara.
Introduction 7
works such as (1925), (1926), and Paper's (1982) study of
Judeo-Tajik texts in Hebrew script
0.7. Trmslitrntioo
In order to facilitate easy visual recognition of Tajik examples and to ensure high readability
for anyone who is familiar with the Cyrillic alphabet, Tajik texts and sentences in Cyrillic
script are not transliterated in the main text However, a note of caution is necessary regarding
the 'buffer' sound /j/ that appears at morpheme boundaries. Some suffixes such as the first
person singular and third person plural agreement suffixes /-am/ and /-and/ are preceded by
the phoneme /jl when they are suffixed to a stem ending with <o>, <A>, and <f>, and hence are
phonologically represented /-{j)am/ and 1-G)and/, respectively, as can be seen in the following
examples.

/me-kun-and/
imp-do-3pl
'they do'

/me-ge-jand/
imp-say-3pl
'they say'
In representing such morphemes in isolation, I use the letter db for the 'buffer' consonant. For
example, the third person plural agreement suffix in isolation is represented not as
but as -(l)lulA, though its representation in actual text is either or .DJ.A as in weK)'IIIIIJ{ and
In the table below, morphemes that have more than one orthographical representa-
tion or (allomorphic) form are shown with their representations in this book.
In isolation In actual words In isolation In actual words
-(I)IM ........... -(I )a ... ...
-(l)rr ....... -fir -(I .............
-(l)am -.m,-ar -(I)IK --.-lilt
-(i)ulos -4MOB, -liiiOII -(I )Ill -a, -liB
-(l)rroa -aroa. -.roB
-(l)amoa ....,., -liiiiOII -(l)u
---.--
-(l)oa -(l)oaa -osa,<aa
-(i)oaoa -(I )or -or, ..er
-(l)yK -)'M, -10M -(l)o-
-(1/a)y -y, -tO, -rty -()1 ........
-(r/1/a)oa -oa, -roa, -aoa
In the references section, I use the transliteration system for the Russian alphabet set by the
International Organisation for Standardisation (ISO), with modifications. The Cyrillic <X>
remains as x in my transliteration and is not transliterated into h or ch as the ISO system
suggests. Cyrillic ct> and <i> will be 4 and y, respectively, as can be seen in the
table. The letters in parentheses are used in transliterating Russian loan words in Tajik.
8 Tajik
As a HH Pp r 'b1.
Ji6 b AI y (j) Cc s Liw (y)
BB v KK k Tr t LJ.
rr g 1In I Yy u 33 e

d MN m Xx X IOto yu (ju)
Be e HB n QQ (c) JI. ya (ja)
yo (e)

f
qq

)1(]1
f Oo 0 Illm
33 z Ilo p

The transliteration of non-Russian Cyrillic letters in the Tajik alphabet is shown in the chart
below.
Pre-1940 Latin
01.0127
li
Qq
Do
Hh
C(:
In this book
Gt
li
Qq
Oil
Hh
Jj
In reference to Tajik papers/books published in Latin script, I retain their original spelling and
letters, including the following.
Pre-1940 Latin alphabet In this book
Ji6 BB BB
)1(]1(
Zz Zz
qq
Cc Cc
Illm

FF
01.01 01.01
Vowels are inserted into the names of Tajik authors written in Arabic script in accordance
with the orthography of Modern Standard Tajik (Kalontarov 1974, Maniyozov and Mirzoev
1991). The Tajik for ' the Tajik language' is shown below in different alphabets.
25
A set of orthographical rules published in 1929 ( ..._.. .. f (.ri>') 1929: 3) set
down that capital letters should be used at the beginning of a sentence and at the beginning of a
proper noun. However, the adoption of this orthographical rule by rabBari the magazine in
which the set of rules was published, was slow.
26
In 1939 and 1940, this character appeared as<{)-> in a few tables of the new Tajik Cyrillic alpha-
bet
Z1 This letter was See moksimdf(1929: 1-2).
Arabic script
Cyrillic script
Transliteration in this book
Pre-1940 Latin alphabet
.,S...b.;,4J
3800HH TO'I;HI(A
zaboni toj iki
zaaoni
Introduction 9
Uzbek sentences, terms, etc. in Cyrillic writing are transliterated into Latin-based writing in
accordance with the current orthography set in Rahmatullayev and Hojiyev (1995). Chinese
and Japanese words are transliterated respectively in pinyin and the modified Hepburn
Romanization.
0.8. Nofic8 Oil the 1r:D
Example sentences are taken from my field notes, Rustamov and Gafforov (1985), Arzu-
manov and Sanginov (1988), Rustamov (1981), Nemenova (1955), Rastorgueva (1992), and
Ahmedova (2004), unless stated otherwise. Attention was paid (particularly in 2) to present
grammatical explanations with the simplest possible examples to facilitate the reader's easy
understanding of each grammatical element. This book is not written to fit any particular
theoretical framework. I have tried to restrict my use of linguistic terminology to that used in
traditional grammar, which I hope ensures the general accessibility of this book.
0.9. Aclmowlcclganada
I am very grateful to a number of people who have assisted the preparation of this grammar.
Jamin Johnson provided me with his Unicode font with a comprehensive range of Cyrillic
letters, some of which he created specifically for this book. Alan Libert read the entire
manuscript and offered valuable comments and suggestions. The input of Sarvar Rahmatul-
laev and Ibrohim Mahmudov was both helpful and substantial.
My foremost gratitude goes to Fatima Ahmedova, who painstakingly went over the
manuscript, corrected errors, and made many important suggestions which contnbuted much
to its improvement I am particularly appreciative of her critical comments and detailed
suggestions on how to explicate some grammatical issues, and I adopted many of her sugges-
tions. She also provided me with excerpts from Tajik linguistic works that I was not able to
obtain. Some of her input and suggestions are indicated in the main text Needless to say, I
assume full responsibility for any errors of fact or judgement in this book.
I would like to acknowledge the encouragement and support of Hugh Clarke and Y asuko
Claremont who provided me with an excellent environment in which to work within the
Department of Japanese and Korean Studies of the University of Sydney.
1. Phonetics and Phonology
Fitrat's (1930: 13-14) booklet, which is one of the earliest Western-style descriptions ofTajik
phonology, identifies thirty-one phonemes in Tajik. The booklet classifies the phonemes by
voicing, length (for vowels), places and manners of articulation. A much more detailed
description of Tajik phonemes appeared a decade later in Buzurgzoda (1940), which makes
numerous references to pronunciation in dialects. There exist a handful of instrumental studies
ofTajik phonemes (e.g. Sokolova 1949, Fajzov 1983, 1985), but, to my knowledge, there are
no studies in Tajik phonetics that take advantage of the sound spectrograph.
1.1. Vowels
Tajik vowel phonemes are shown in the table below.
Front Central Back
Unrounded Rounded Unrounded Rounded Unrounded Rounded
High
Mid
Low
e
a
u
e
Tajik linguists customarily make a distinction between ' stable' (yctyBop) and 'unstable'
(uoyctyBOp) vowel phonemes. The stable vowel phonemes are /e/, /e/, which in native
Tajik words correspond respectively to Early Modern Persian long vowel phonemes /AI,
and /o/. The unstable vowel phonemes are Iii, lui, and /a/. The following is a typical account
for the two groups of vowel phonemes that is encountered in the literature ofTajik linguistics.
The firSt of these groups consists of vowels whose values are relatively 'stable' in various
phonetic environments. On the other hand, unstable vowel phonemes undergo qualitative and
quantitative alterations

cucpaTmO MHK.IlOpii) as the phonetic environments in
which they occur alter. According to Tajik linguists, unstable vowels become 'short' and are
sometimes elided in unstressed open syllables (but not in stressed syllables or unstressed
closed syllables). Bobomurodov (1978: 7) exemplifies this with superscript letters: cr..
' body', c':ua 'rice' .
The vowel phoneme /if, the value of which Comrie (1996: 708) identifies as [i], has
various allophones, but, according to XasWev (1983: 71), all of them are within the front and
high range (in the vowel space). Some early works on Tajik phonetics (e.g. Buzurgzoda 1940:
34, 42) identify [i:] as a separate phoneme, which they typically represent with i, while
acknowledging that in some dialects (e.g. Samarqand and Xujand dialects) [i) and [i:) are not
phonologically distinct Xaskaev (1983: 63), on the other hand, states that no minimal pairs
where vowel length is phonological can be found in Modern Tajik.
29
28
Tan.HpOT 'change' is spell Tari!HpOT in the current orthography.
29
Nemenova (1955: 528) notes that, in usual (fluent) pronunciation, <1>> in such words as 6a.ll 'then;
afterwards' and l>lliU}'II 'known; evident' where it is preceded by a vowel and followed by a
consonant, lengthens the preceding vowel. Provided that Nemenova's description is correct, this
12 Tajik
According to Bobomurodov (1978: 6) the three rounded vowels differ in their degree of
roundedness. In the pronunciation of lei, the lips do not protrude as much as they do in the
pronunciation of lui. He puts the rounded vowels in the following descending order of round-
edness: lui, lei,
The letter db, which is called 'accented Iii' (H-H 3&,n8HoK), represents a sound that is
phonologically not distinct from Iii. Despite its name, db is not necessarily accented. The
letter is utilised primarily for making an orthographic distinction between the derivational
suffix -1 (see 2.4), the second person singular subject-verb agreement suffix -a, and the
izafet particle -11 (see also 2.2.7.2). The OCC\DTence of db is confined to word-final position
and is replaced by <B> when it is followed by a suffix or compounding morpheme. The
replacement of db with <B> can be observed in the following pair of example sentences in the
latter of which the izafet marker -a is suffixed to a..61 ' literary'.
33008-H ....
tongue-iz literary
'literary language'
33008-H .,.&1-H TO'UD<
tongue-iz literary-iz Tajik
'Tajik literary language'
<B> and db represent ljil after a vowel. The phoneme lei, like Iii, has different representations
in the Cyrillic-based orthography. While G> is used specifically for /e/, <e> is used for both /e/
and its 'iotated' variation, namely /je/.
30
<C> is read /jel word-initially and post-vocally. The
correspondence between Tajik vowel phonemes and their orthographic representations is
summarized below.
Phonological Orthographic Examples
lei, /jel
Iii, ljil
lei
lui
lei
/jal
<C>
<B>, <I >
G>
ce lsel'three', e.uDI /jelim/ 'glue'
Jl6pu librat/ 'example', ...,_. lafzojil 'increase'
YJJOX. lez:Jh! 'explanation'
YIP luzr/ 'apology'
6ycalbesal 'kiss'
BBJ:r /nijat/ 'intention'

/ju/
'memory'
JOBOBii 'Greek'
appears to make vowel lengthening one means by which such words as 'bad' and &:... are
distinguished from each other in the type of colloquial speech that she describes.
30
The orthography of 1991 (Maniyozov and Mirzoev 1991:7) prescribes that <C> should be read /je/
in word-initial position, after a vowel, and in Russian loan words where the letter is pronounced
[is] in Russian. It also prescribes that, in words borrowed into Tajik from or through Russian,
Russian orthography apply independently of the Tajik orthography. For example, dlo>, rather than
for Russian /jot in some loanwords, e.g. to.. 'iodine'.
Phonetics and Phonology 13
1.2. CcmoNota
Tajik consonant phonemes are shown in the table below. Following the IPA convention,
where letters appear in pairs, the one to the right represents a voiced consonant.
Bilabial
Labio-
Dental
Post-
Palatal Velar Uvular Glottal
dental alveolar
Plosive p b t d k g q 7
Nasal m n
Trill r
Fricative f v s z
f 3 X
.. h
Affricate
f ct
Approximant j
Lateral
1
I approximant
Following Xaska!ev (1983: 51-52), the voiceless alveolar affiicate [tS), which was typically
represented by <q> in the pre-1989 orthography, is not included in this inventory of consonant
phonemes, because this non-native phoneme is not nativized and is often replaced in pronun-
ciation with /s/.
31
The glottal stop nl is written with <,.>,
32
which appears in words of Arabic
origin and corresponds to Arabic bamzab and 'ain.
33
In the articulation of If/, the tongue is
raised towards the forward part of the hard palate, to both sides of which the sides of the
grooved tongue touches (ibid: 182). The use of /y is limited and is commonly substituted for
by let/, hence, for example, the additional entry 11o11r9 /micta/ for MIDIIl 'eyelash' in
dictionaries such as Kalontarov (1955:229). The affiricates /'{/and let/ are articulated with the
'front part of the tongue' (KliCMH nemu 3a6o8) touching the front part of the hard palate near
the alveolar ridge 78-79). The tip of the tongue does not touch the alveolar ridge
and is lowered (ibid:79) in the articulation of the affiicates.l
4
Word-fmal geminate consonants
in Arabic words borrowed into Tajik are de-geminated, e.g. Arabic;;,; / fann/ > Tajik ... /fan/
'science'. However, many such words revert to their original forms through word formation
and suffixation, as Arabic lfannl does in Tajik tuBA lfanni/ 'scientific', which is an adjective
derived from +as with the suffix -(a )I (2.4.3).
31
For example, such Russian words as C7'V1I(HI, IUIPX, and Ilt:Mt:HT become /istansa/, lsirk/, and
lsementl or respectively, in Tajik pronunciation.
32
is called anowant cana 'sign of stoppage' in the orthography of Maniyozov and Mirzoev
(1991:10).
n Arabic Jumzab and t 'am represent a glottal stop and voiced pharyngeal fricative, respectively.
Pharyngeal fricatives exist in Tajik dialects. They are sometimes associated with the Tajik dialects
of Central Asian Jews but are also found in a number of other dialects (see E!niyozov 1977:
Chapter 2).
J.< In my audio data of Bukharan Tajik, /'If and /rtf auditorily approximate to the Japanese alveolo-
palatal affiricates [()!:]and [Jz], respectively.
14 Tajik
1.3. Pbooemes in spcedl
Examples of regressive and progressive assimilation include the regressive devoicing of /z/ in
loi83I:YP 'mentioned' > /maslrur/, regressive voicing of lsi in aoocry30p 'founder'>
bilabial articulation of In! (i.e. [m]) in 3llll6ap ' barrow' > /zambar/, fricativization of lc in
IIIIQIIa 'plan' > /naxfa/ and 11111;1.' 'time' > /va'1J), and word-final devoicing of fbi in ac6
'trade; profession' > lbsp/. Some examples of epenthesis and elision:
'building' > and lduzdl 'theif' > /duz/. Metathesis occurs in such consonant
clusters as /br/, l fxj, l fll, lzrl, and /fv/, e.g .... /afv/ 'forgiving' > /avf/ and /ahv'Jl/
'condition' > /avh'Jl/. The Russian phoneme /a/ in loan words is realized in Tajik as /'J/ in
various environments, e.g. Te8T]J 'theatre' > /te'Jtir/.
3
'
1.4. SyUablc sUudure
A native Tajik syllable has the syllable structure of (C)V(C)(C}, i.e. V, CV, VC, vee, eve,
andCVee.
o-00-Jtii
IDHpa
8p-JHID
op-Jy
XHIDT-pe-Jii
1.5. Word 1Cre8s
'welfare'
'syrup, juice'
'value, price'
'desire, wish'
'casting of bricks'
The word stress generally falls on the final syllable. However, there are a number of excep-
tions to this general rule, many of which result from the stress-shifting functions of some
morphemes.
1.5.1. SCraHcpclkm morpbcmea
There are morphemes that repel and shift stress to their preceding syllables. Such
stress-repellent morphemes include the copulae -(I)IU, -a, 8CI', -c:u, -(l)ugt direct
object marker -po, izllfet marker -a, indefiniteness marker -e, Russian suffixes -oJt, -aa,
-o.n, -oaa. etc. in surnames and patronyms, and the interrogative particle -M1.
36
was CTYAem .....
I student-cop.! sg
'I am a student'
" See Oafforov (1979:48).
OIIX,O
they student-pl-cop.3pl
'they are students'
36
A number of works in Tajik linguistics list more morphemes, such as pronominal clitics (see
2.l.I.S), as ' morphemes that are not stressed'. However, my audio data contain some instances
where some such morphemes receive pitch accent, which renders the morphemes perceptually
prominent. For example, in the two occurrences of unfocused - (uncle-lsg) 'my paternal
uncle' that I measured, the third a was higher than the second a by approximately 10Hz and 20
Hz.
mr6().po
book-obj
'the book (direct object)'
KBM6JI-oB
Kamol-ov (Russian gen. pl.)
'Kamolov (surname)'
O,lliM-e
man-a
'a/some man'
1.5.2. Strca .ur.ctin8 motpbc:mca
IUfl'66..B MaR
book-iz I
'my book'
ryclrr-b-MA?
said-2pl-q
'did you say?'
Phonetics and Phonology 15
There are also morphemes that attract stress. Such stress-attracting morphemes include at least
the negative D- and the imperfective aspect marking (and probably also the imperative
&t-).
Bi-myA
neg-became.3sg
's/he did not become'
Mo- also attracts stress but there are contradicting descriptions on how strongly its
stress-attraction operates. For example, Rustamov and Gafforov (1985: 54) assigns stress to
110-, as in the following example.
u6-XOHJ:18M
imp-read-lsg
'I read'
However, according to Rastorgueva (1992: 10), only the secondary stress, with
the primary stress falling on the agreement suffix, e.g. :
.e..rnp-iM
imp-take-lsg
' I take'
There are also contradicting claims regarding stress placement in the juxtaposition of the two
stress-attracting morphemes. Buzurgzoda ( 1940: 64) writes that, while in literary Tajik and a
large group of dialects, that follows D- receives stress, in a part of south-eastern dialects
the stress moves to D-.
u-u6-paB-BM
neg-imp-go-lsg
'I do not go'
Bkto-paB-YM (South Eastern dialect)
neg-imp-go-lsg
'I do not go'
16 Tajik
On the other hand, Nemenova (1955: 532) writes that aa-- receives the (primary) stress while
an additional stress falls on the last syllable.
ai-we-mp-AM
neg-imp-take-1 sg
'I do not take'
Thus, there appears to be no general agreement among Tajik linguists regarding stress place--
ment in cases where we- occurs or where aa-- and we- co-occur.
1.5.3. Otba- issues
In the simple past form, two patterns of stress placement may be observed.
rY<lrr-aM
said-Isg came-l pi
'I said' 'we came'
ry<trr-AM -eM
said-lsg came-1pl
' I said' 'we came'
Stress may be used to distinguish a verb in the conditional mood from the same verb in the
imperative mood, which are segmentally identical.

go-3sg
' let him/her go'
p3B-8.a
go-3sg
'if s/he goes'
Some Russian loan words may be nativized to be subject to Tajik word stress placement
principles. Nemenova (1955: 532) presents the following as an example: aproJDJ:i <Russian
K1lp'1"6IIIK8 'potato'. Buzurgzoda (1940:63) also presents the following examples from dialects.
MopoJKeeoe
norrrs
'ice cream'
'post'
> marozina I maroznf
> ptl$ta
2. Morphology
Megerdoomian (2000: I) describes Persian mo!J)hology as "an afflXal system consisting
mainly of suffixes and a few prefiXes", which description also suits Tajik morphology. The
morphological segmentability of Tajik words is !Ilarkedly high compared to words in the
Indo-Iranian predecessors of Tajik, which makes Tajik morphologically more agglutinative
than inflectional.
2.1. NomiDal. morphology
2.1.1. Nouns
2.1.1.1. Numba:
The native suffixes -xp and -(rlila)oa (i.e. -oa and its allomorphs -roa, -IJOB, and -&1) are the
primary means of marking plurality. The latter suffix has weak productivity in modern literary
Tajik where only -xp possesses high productivity. Among nouns pluralized with -(rlifa)oa,
those ending in <a> take -roa, while those with final <I> or <O> take -&1 and those with final <y>
or <f> take -11011.
-xp -(r/1/J)oB
KHr06-xp 31lH-oJI 6a'la-roB
book-pi woman-pi child-pi
'books' 'women' 'children'
reonor-xp 6o(io.eB oxy-IJOB
geologist-pi grand father-pi roe deer-pi
'geologists' 'grand fathers 'roe deer'
-xp is suffixed indiscriminatorily to all types of nouns. On the other band, the majority of
nouns to which -(rlifa)oa is suffixed denote ani!llllte entities. Nouns to which -(rlifa)oB is
suffixed include also nouns for body parts, plants and vegetation, astral bodies, and temporal
units, as well as nouns with the suffixes -oop, -cop, and -6op (see 2.4.1) (Rustamov 1981:
73).
,!I,aCT-oR
hand-pi
'hands'
.o.apax1'-0B
tree-pi
'trees'
'llliDM..OR
eye-pi
'eyes'
ca6Ja:JOp-o&
green meadow-pi
'green meadows'
18 Tajik
Cln'Opa-roll
star-pi
'stars'
ma&GI
night-pi
'nights'
However, the pluralization of nouns denoting animate entities with -{rllh)oa is very often a
matter of stylistic preference. Different writers may use different plurality markers for the
same noun. There is a general tendency for writers who place high value on the language of
classical literature to prefer -{rllh)os to -IS>.
6a'I8-IS)
child-pi
'children'
6a'l&-r08
child-pi
'children'
The plural suffix -11110, which originates in northern dialects, is used with proper nouns and
kinship terms. It is used with the name of a person to refer to the family or a group of people
of which the person is a member.
Cacpap-BBO
Safar-pl
'the family of Safar' or 'the group (e.g. staff) to which Safar belongs'

Ahmadov-pl
'the Ahmadovs'
In the colloquial language, -11110 is also used to present individuals as members of a set of
persons.
Oibc,Jo, 0JIHM<{oH, (sa) KapHM-BBO (RG: I OI)
Oyqiz, Olimjon, (and) Karim-pl
'(a group consisting of) Oyqiz, Olimjon, and Karim'
Arabic broken plural marking coexists with Tajik native plural marking in some words.
Singular
Broken pl.
Tajikpl.
CHp
'secret'
acpop
'secrets; mystery, secret'

secret-pi
'secrets'
maxc
'individual, person'
amxoc
'people; individuals, persons'
WBX<>-IS>
person-pi
'individuals, persons; people'
Morphology 19
Some words in the Arabic plural are used in Tajik with a sense different from that of their
singular counterparts, 'side' and IIIJXlt 'environment'.
37
Singular
Broken pl.
Tajikpl.
tapacp
'side, direction'
..rpocp
'sides; environment'

side-pi
'sides'
Words in the Arabic broken plural may be considered singular and be redundantly pluralized
with the Arabic sound feminine plural suffix -OT or/and with the Tajik suffix -IS>. This practice
is particularly frequent in the colloquial register.
Broken pl.
Double pl.
xa6ap
'(piece of) news, information'
ax6op
'news, information'
ax6op-OT( -IS>)
'news, information'
It should be noted that many nouns in the Arabic plural have acquired the status of singular
nouns with collective meaning, which often justifies apparently redundant pluralization of
nouns in the Arabic plural.
Arabic pl.
Double pl.
T8IIDCHJI
'arrangement, formation'
T8IIDCHJI-OT
'organization'

'organizations'
This is the case also with a small number of Tajik nouns to which Arabic pluralization is
applied. Arabic -OT (which has the variations and -1101' in Tajik) is suffixed not only to
Arabic loan words, but also to a limited number ofTajik words.
37
There appears to be a trend towards more frequent use of Arabic broken plurals such as YJIYII
(plural of HJDof 'science'), E)'IY6 (plural of JCHT06 'book'), 111)'11110 (plural of moHp 'poet') in the
Tajik writing of today, particularly in the literary register (Ahmedova: p.c.).
20 Tajik
JJ.ex/JJ.ex;J.
'village'
JJ.eX:-ot
'countryside'
ca638
'verdure, green grass'
ca63a-110r
'vegetables'
There are a few instances where Arabic broken plural marking is applied to Tajik words, e.g.
'expert, master' and These are found in poetic or archaic style and are consid-
ered to be outside the norm of modern literary Tajik - 8CODIUII is not registered as an entry
even in comprehensive Tajik dictionaries (e.g. Rahimi and Uspenskaya 1954). The use of the
Arabic (masculine accusative/genitive) plural suffix -1111 is also obsolete and is confined to a
few archaic or poetic words.
MYcoci>HJrRB
visitor-pi
'visitors'
M}'IIJIJJHMRB
teacher-pi
'teachers'
The use of the Arabic dual marker -dB is confined to the register of poetry/belles-lettres and
is replaced by -x,o in other registers.

side-dual
'two sides/parties'
J(,8BC-da
bracket-dual
'pair of brackets'
ntpaq,..x,o
side-pi
'sides'
1(,8110-X,O
bracket-pi
'brackets'
The 'singular' form of the Tajik noun, much like that of the Turkish noun (Lewis 1967: 26),
denotes I) a category or 2) an individual member of that category and is neutral in terms of
number. Hence the plural interpretation 'apples' of cc6 '(an) apple(s)' in the example below.
TaHX,o JJ.e:U.OR-<>B.llap 6o30p cc6 we-cllypYn8RJ.I. (Ahmedova 2004)
only peasant-pi in market apple imp-sold-3pl
'Only peasants were selling apples in the market'
Numerals precede nouns in their 'singular' forms to specify the numerical values of nouns.
(The numerical singularity of the referent of a noun can be denoted by the co-occurrence of
the noun witho: 'one' or the indefinite suffix -e, (see 2.1.1.3).)
J.ll$ap
notebook
'(a) notebook(s)'

five notebook
'five notebooks'
rarro6
book
'(a) book(s)'
Morphology 21
0: rarro6
one book
'alone book'
However, one may encounter exceptional cases where this is not the case, e.g. cc 6apoJJ.apoa
(three brother-pi) 'three brothers' (Att.Ha). There are also a small number of words, such as
'seven brothers') 'Ursa Major', in which old pluralization is fossilized.
Numerically qualified nouns can also be pluralized if they take a modifier in the izafet
construction (Ahmedova 2004).
JJ.acJ!rap-](.0-R
five notebook-pl-iz
'five thick notebooks'
2.1.1.2. Geuder
ra<t>c
thick
Tajik does not have grammatical gender, but the natural gender distinction in Arabic is
retained in some loan words denoting professions/occupations.
Masculine moRp
'male poet'
Feminine moRpa
'female poet'
TaJia6a
'school-boy'
romr6a
'school-girl'
Some native Taji.k (proper) nouns have adopted the Arabic feminine suffix -a.
Masculine <fmp9:J
Firtlz
Feminine <l>Rp)i3-a
Firtlz.fem
Xypme,1.1
Xuded
Xypme,1.1-a
Xuded-fem
The natural gender distinction may be retained in Russian profession/occupation names.
Masculine UROHep
'male pioneer'
Feminine IIROHep.D
'female pioneer'
The native Taji.k method of distinguishing female profession/occupation names from their
male counterparts is to compound profession/occupation names with :taa 'woman' and .10'D1IP
'girl'.
22 Tajik
Masculine Koprap
'worker'
Feminine KopraJXilll
2.1.1.3. J)cfinitmc:ss
kOprapJO'XTIP
'female worker'
'laBOR
'youth'
'{1180113811

'young woman'
There is no unanimous agreement among Tajik linguists as to how definiteness and indefi-
niteness are fonnally distinguished in Tajik, though it is generally accepted that the object
marker -po and the suffix -e are involved in marking definiteness and indefiniteness. The
account of (in )definiteness marking provided here is mostly based on Rustamov (1981: 80-92)
Usmanov's (1979) account summarized in Ahmedova (2004).
31
Let us start by illustrating
the1r account for the suffix -e. They identify two morphemes that encode &owyalbndl 'indefi-
niteness' and wyaltndi 'definiteness'. These morphemes are written as -e and -e (which are
called 'articles' in the Tajik linguistic literature). Accordingly, -e and are tenta-
tively as 'a' and 'the', respectively, in this book. -e
2
is used only 'with head of a relative
clause (3.3.1).
mro6-e, (kH lll)'MO
book-the that you gave-2pl
'the book which you gave'
On other hand, -e, marks indeftniteness and is suffixed to noun phrases, giving them the
reading of 'a' or 'some'.

book-a
'a/some/one/any book'
Nouns to which -e, is attached are usually in their singular forms.
Map,ll-e Hem-e
man-a kindness-a
'a/some man' 'a kindness'

water-a drop-a
'some water' 'a drop'
-e, is attached not to the modified noun but to the modifier in the izafet construction. In other
words, -e, is attached to the end of the entire noun phrase. (The suffix -e is not attached to
)I Usmanov (1978) is a contrastive study of (in )definiteness marking in Tajik and English.
Morphology 23
noun phrases ending with a pronoun or a pronominal clitic, such as D'1'0&I uaa 'my book' ,
Sll'l'06Im 'his book', and IB'I'06a other's book' .)
IOfT06-H xy6-e x.aBJIHH K8JJOR-e
book-iz good-a courtyard-iz big-a
' a good book' ' a large house'
JCHT06-H xy6-H ma&K.O&ap-e
book-iz good-iz interesting-a
' a good (and) interesting book'
In a highly literary style, -e, may be attached to the modified noun.
Ho6HHO
musiciana blind
' a blind musician'
-e, can be used with proper nouns as can be seen in the following example where -e, is
attached to a noun phrase whose head is the proper noun AAHR.
,nap fYJIHCTOH x.ap k.8.!1.8p fYJI 6y.ll, xop-e HH3 6y.ll
in flower garden every much flower was.3sg thorn-a also was.3sg
AAHH-H 6e'lopa-R yue,llBop-e HJO 6y.ll (Usmanov 1979:39 c.i. AF)
39
Ayoi-iz poor-iz hopeful-a also was.3sg
'There were so many flowers in the flower garden, there was a thorn as well; There
was a feeble, hopeful Ayoi as well'
-e, can co-occur with a noun phrase consisting of a noun in the plural and an adjective, in
which case, -e
1
intensifies the quality expressed by the adjective to which it is attached.
40
,llapaxT-oH xycycHJrT-x.o-H .llOP-aH.Il (A lllyx:YxJI c.i. AF)
tree-pi feature-pl-iz surpnsmg-a have-3pl
'trees have very interesting features'
The use of -e, is largely confined to the literary register. In the colloquial language, -e, is
replaced by o: 'a', whose semantic content as a lexical item, i.e. the numeral o: 'one', is lost
(or abstracted) in this usage (Usmanov 1979: 11 c.i. AF).
0: mro6 0: Map.ll
one book one man
'one/a/some book' 'one/a/some man'
39
This verse belongs to Albdl (F838J1Hi1:78 c.i. AF).
40
This explanation is based on Usmanov (1979:66) as summariz.ed in Ahmedova (2004).
24 Taji.k
Jk and -e, can co-occur.with a noun phrase to 'emphasize' the indefiniteness and singularity
of the referent of the phrase.
.a: Map.zt-e .11: Map.zt-H ~
one man-a one man-iz beautiful-a
'a man' 'a handsome man'
Indefiniteness of nouns can be marked also with such pronouns as G'OII (see Ma"sumi 1959:
179-180), ._,... (2.1.2.5), --..ow .a: (lit. 'which'+ 'one'), and JJIII-U..OW (2.1.2.6), all of
which can be translated as 'a' or 'some', e.g . .D'OII Drr06 'some/a/any book', D.AOM .MIIpA
'some/a man', a n d ~ ur 'some/a bed'.
The object marker -po, which is realized as -(l)a in colloquial Taji.k (see 2.1.1.4),
41
is
attached to direct objects which are definite. Compare the following set of examples where
only the object marked with -po is definite.
mro6-po XOR
book-obj read
'read the book'
mro6-e XOR
book-a read
'read a book'
JCHT06 XOB
book read
'read (a) book(s)'
According to Usmanov (1979: 80 c.i. AF) an object marked with both -po and -e refers to an
indefinite entity in a definite group of entities. '
KlfT06..o.po mp
book-a-obj take
'take one of the books'
Definiteness may also be marked by BB or oa, whose semantic contents as lexical items ('this'
and 'that', respectively) are, according to D.furaev (1972: 165-166 c.i. AF), weakened (or
abstracted) and which are used as definiteness markers.
42
Apo6a-e 6epya owa.zt. Co.ztmC. a:J nac-u oa apo6a
cart-a out came.Jsg Sodiq from behind-iz that cart
.ztaBK.Il. (Usmanov 1979:123 c.i. AF)
ran.3sg
A cart came out. Sodiq ran after the cart.'
41
.R.astorgueva (1m: 41} writes the following: "The southern and central dialects of Tajikistan
(Kulyab, Darvaz, Karategin, Vanob, Gissar} offer an exception to this, since there the postposition
-po or its phonetic variant-s- are [sic] widely used parallel to a mainly in words that end in vow-
els: 11101111pa (occasionally 1110111p0} rap 'take the comb'."
42
Provided this is the case, it exemplifies the process of grammaticalization where demonstratives
become definite articles (Hopper and Traugott 1993:8-9, 166}.
Morphology 25
2.1.1.4. c..c
The historical Indo-European case distinctions have disappeared in Tajik, in which nouns are
not inflected for case. However, in colloquial Tajik, a series of postpositions/suffaxes fonns
the following paradigm that may be seen as a case system. This paradigm is confined to the
colloquial language and is outside the nonn of literary Tajik.
Nominative
Accusative/Genitive
Dative
-41 (zero morpheme)
Locative
PycTiw p&q!T
Rustam went.3sg
'Rustam left/went'
PycnM-a mro6-am
Rustam-gen book-3sg
'Rustam's book'
-(I )a
-&
--
HR mro6-JUt R8BHmtarft
this book-Joe write.ptpl
'(it is) written in this book'
Pycraw-a .ztK.Il-8M
Rustam-acc saw-lsg
'I saw Rustam'
PycTuf-6a cl>HpRCTO.ztaM
Rustam-dat sent-lsg
'I sent (smt) to Rustam'
The accusative case marker -(l)a, which serves also as the genitive case marker, is the
colloquial equivalent of the literary Taji.k object marker -po.
43
An argument may be made for
the inclusion of the comitative or instrumental case with the postposition ~
'with' to this colloquial Tajik paradigm.
M88 uyaliiDIM artl OMB.zt-8M
I teacher with came-lsg
'I came with the teacher'
MaR HR-a IQUilDI D'llt R8BHmt8M
I this-ace pencil with wrote-lsg
' I wrote this with a pencil'
In some dialects such as the ones in the Ferghana valley, this paradigm of case marking is
extendable to incorporate more 'case' morphemes, some of which may be products of the
language contBct between Taji.k and Uzbek (the locative - shown in the paradigm above
may be one such morpheme).
44
43
I refer to literary Tajik -po as the object marker, distinguishing it from colloquial Tajik -(l)a.
44
See, however, Mwuvvatov (1970:260}.
26 Tajik
2.1.l.S. P088C81iao
The izafet construction and the use of pronominal clitics are the two primary ways of ex-
pressing possession in Tajik. In the izafet construction, the possessee, to which the izafet
particle is suffixed, precedes the possessor.
NaH
book-iz I
'my book'
acap-B AAmt
work-iz Aynl
'the work of Aynl', 'Ayni's work'
OHX,O
work-pl-iz they
'their works'
acap-x.<HI AHHii sa Fa4lypoa
work-pl-iz Ayni and Garurov
'the works of Ayni and Gafurov'
Pronominal clitics are suffixed to the possessee. The 'buffer' sound /j/ (represented in the
table below as db; see 0. 7) is inserted between a vowel other than /a/ and a pronominal clitic
that follows it
lsg
2sg
3sg
lpl
2pl
3pl
mro6-au
book-l sg
'my book'

work-pl-3pl
'their works'
acap.am
work-3sg
'his work'
py-mu
face-3sg
'his/her face'
The is apparently the 'genitive case' suffix explained in 2. 1.1.4, may be
used m conJunction With pronominal clitics!'
41
The use of the 'genitive' {1)1 with a first or second person possessor (i.e. the use of IWI3, '1)'.1,
etc.) seems to be but OCCW'S in my Bukbaran Tajik data, e.g. Bukbaran Tajik waH-a
x.awcolieu (1-gen ne1ghbour. lsg) 'my neighbour' . This construction is in conespondeoce with a
in e.g. Uzbek mening bamsoya-m (I.gen neighbour-lsg) 'my
neighbour , which could be ascnbed to language contact between Tajik and Uzbek. In certain lit-
erary registers, -po is used as an equivalent of the 'genitive' -{l)a, e.g. AIDD1po acap(aw) 'Ayni's
work'.
Aibm-s mf06..am
Ayni-'gen' book-3sg
'Aynl's book'
IOf1'06.aloB
girl-pl-'gen' book-3pl
'girls' book'
Morphology 27
Focus appears to affect the speaker's choice between the two possessive expressions, i.e. the
izafet construction and the use of pronominal clitics.* If the focus is on the possessor, the
izafet construction seems to be the preferred way of expressing possession. On the other hand,
if the possessee is focused, the use of a pronominal clitic seems to be preferred to the izafet
construction.
mro6-H (N8H}F ryN 0JYJ188CT
book-iz I lost become.ptpl-be.3sg
'MY (not someone else's) book is lost'
[ KHT06)raN ryN my.zta-acr
book-lsg lost become.ptpl-be.3sg
'my BOOK (not, e.g., notebook) is lost'
There is one more construction for expressing possession. The construction consists of a 01111
and a personal pronoun (i.e. Mill, -ry, y, .al, 110, mywo, or oa,o). Expressions in this con-
struction may be rendered into English as possessive pronouns (IDiot:, yOill'S, his, hers, its, ours,
and theirs) (Ahmedova 2004).
HB JCHT06 10 OB-B UIB
this book from that-iz I
'This book is mine'
., OIHI TY ryN my.zt
aCT
cop.3sg
from that-iz you
'yours is lost'
lost became.3sg
2.1.2. ProooaDs
A number ofTajik pronouns are used both (pro)nominally and adjectivally. A pronoun used
adjectivally, like a numeral but unlike a regular adjective, precedes the noun that it modifies.
Compare the indefinite pronoun 6G3e which is used adjectivally and precedes the modified
46
Ahmedova (2004: p.c.) called my attention to the association between focus and possessive
expressions. The function of intonation and the presence/absence of the -{1)1-marked possessor in
the representation of focus is not entirely clear.
28 Tajik
noun OIIIDIOII 'scholars' with the adjective IICIIOUi that follows the same noun in the izafet
construction.
fiG3e OJIHM-QH
some scholar-pi
'some scholars'
2.1.2.1. Penom1 pnlDOIIIII
l sg MIB
2sg TY
3sg y
..t, oa
OJIHM-QH-8 BC.BOidi
scholar-pl-iz islamic
'Islamic scholars'
' I '
'you (thou)'
'slbe'
'slbe, it'
lpl YO, YOJ:P, IIO&i 'we'
2pl 'you'
3pl 010',0, Jllb,o, OBOB
47
'they'
The first and second person plural pronouns YO and :mywo started to take the plural suffixes
-&1 and -IP after the eleventh century and in the nineteenth century, respectively. The attach-
ment of the plural suffixes to YO and mywo entered the norm of the literary language as late as
the beginning of the twentieth century. The set of personal pronouns maxcll)
and that of demonstrative pronouns ('(OHHIIIHHXOH mnopaTII) intersect, the elements in the
intersection being 811, oa, and their pluralized forms (see 2.1.2.3). The third person singular
y is used for humans, while 811 is used to denote both humans and non-human entities. Bd is
used also as the demonstrative 'that' in colloquial Tajik.
... mro6 811 XOHa
that book that house
'that book' 'that house'
In colloquial Tajik, 811 is used, as Lewis (1967: 77) says about a word with a similar function
in Turkish, "to take the place of a word that the speaker cannot for the moment recall" as in
the following Bukharan Tajik example.
IDq)YJ DYPCR.n-aw, we-.noa-H-MH rycp-r-aM, IIIi-a, TO'(HICB-ita (Bukharan Tajik)
today asked-lsg imp-know-2sg-q said-lsg vsy-obj Tajik-obj
'I asked (him) today- I said: "do you know", what-d'ye-call-it, "Tajik?'"
Personal pronouns can take the izafet particle -a.
47
The use of OBOB is limited in modem literary Tajik.
MIIHI MBCKHH
l-iz unfortunate
'unfortunate me'
TY- 6e11opa
you-iz poor
'poor you'
Morphology 29
Note that the form of the first person singular pronoun MIB to which the object marker -po is
suffixed is not MaBpO but 1111p0.
MO,zt3p-8M lA-po JI.'Jr:r 1\CC..ztop-IIJl
mother-lsg 1-obj friend imp-have-3sg
'my mother loves me'
2.1.2.2. HODOrific expn:aioos
Honorific expressions in modem Tajik involve the alternation of pronouns (see also 2.2.2).
Politeness, formality and seniority are some of the main factors that affect the use of honorific
expressions. The second person plural pronoun mywo is used as the honorific form of the
second person singular pronoun TY Apparently recent practice is to capitalize the first letter of
mywo when it is used as an honorific second person singular pronoun. Phrases such as
(x,au)lm uc 'this (very) person' and (x.au)oa DC 'that (very) person' are used for the honor-
ification of the third person singular pronouns y and 811. The use of 811 can be impolite to the
referent under certain circumstances. In the following example taken from spoken Tajik data,
the third person is referred to politely as BB DC by the speaker.
BB DC - 3800HJilJIHOC
this person linguist
'this person is a l.inguist'
There is another honorific third person singular pronoun, namely !MDOB, an old third person
plural pronoun that was in wide currency before the twentieth century.
3lllOB
slbe ordered-3pl
'slhe deigned to say'
3moa has a religious connotation that was strengthened in the early part of the twentieth
century, after which its use seems to have been largely confined to religious contexts, where
3lllOB could be used as a common noun designating a religious person.
48
The honori.fic use of
(pro)nouns in Tajik, including obsolete ones, is summarized in the chart below.
Addressee-controlled
Referent-controlled
lsg (humbling)
2sg (exalting)
3sg (exalting)
48
See Hojiev (1987: 123-124) and Oafforov (1979:57) for more detailed explanations ohm011.
30 Tajik
Tajik also has humbling expressions. Using the first person plural pronoun wo as the hum-
bling fust person singular pronoun is associated mainly with academic contexts. The use of
such derogatory terms as 'slave' and DIOIIIa 'obedient servant' for humbling
self-reference appears to be obsolescent in modem Tajik.
ltaQl.ztap
slave in
.IUIA-'DI
saw-lsg
.lk pYJ ce MaKTa6H Map.ztoua-po
one day three school-iz men's-obj
(Mirzosiroji Hakim 1913: 102 c.i. Hojiev 1987: 124)
'I saw the three boys'/men's schools in one day'
Note that the subject-verb agreement suffix is the ftrSt person singular....,, despite the 'third
person' 'slave'.

In addition to BB 'this' and oa 'that', the personal pronoun .U can be used colloquially as a
demonstrative pronoun (see 2.1.2.1). The following are examples of the adjectival and
pronominal uses ofu.
BB O.ltaM
BB O.U.8MX.O
this man this man-pi
'this man' 'these men'
BB mrOO 8CT
this book cop.3sg
'this is a book'
Ha and OB are pluralized with the plural suffix -xp (2.1. 1. 1), i.e. BB1CP 'these, they' and OB1CP
'those, they'. Demonstrative pronouns usually do not take the izafet particle, but oa takes it in
the a ORB construction( 2.1.1.5).
BB .zta4>Tap-x.o a oa-a Jdt ?
this notebook-pi from that-iz who
'whose are these notebooks?' I 'to whom do these notebooks belong?'
a o&-B ldl ?
from that-iz who
'who does (it) belong to?' I 'whose (is it)?'
a oa-a wau acr
from that-iz I cop.3sg
'(it) belongs to me' /'(it) is mine'
Motphology 31
The can precede BB and oa, which yields x,uam 'this same; this very' and I.IMOII
'that same, that very', respectively. There are also several compounds in which u. oa, and
"1)'11 'such as, like' serve as components. These compounds, all of which would be translated
into in English approximately as 'such', 'so', or 'as well', are 1fYBIIII/'IyBoB and

"')'BBB mro6-po x,apno Ra.IIH.lla 6yn-aw
such book-obj never neg-see.ptpl was-lsg
' I had never seen such a book'
x,uam I<8C rycpy-au.zt
this very person said-3pl
'this (very) person said'
1lymm and '1)'11011 can be further compounded with u and oa to form BB"')'BBB and OB'I)'IIOB.
21.24. RefleUvea
The only reflexive pronoun that is widely in use today is '(one)setr. Examples in which
the pronoun is used with different antecedents in two different expressions of possession
(2.1.1.5) are shown below. Note the last example where the reflexive pronoun has a third
person singular antecedent but does not take the pronominal clitic ...am.
xy.I{IIM
self-lsg
'myselr
X>'J'aiDOB
self-3pl
'themselves'
X>'J'B MaH
self-iz I
'mysetr
X>'J'H OHXO
self-iz they
'themselves'
aaA mro6-u xy.l{-am-po
s/he book-iz self-3sg-obj
'slhe brought her/his own book'
oaap.u.
brought3sg
Bait Km"OOH X>'J'po 6a MaH
s/he book-iz self-obj to I
's/he showed her/his book to me'
HBIDOHTI.OTI.
showed.3sg
The reflexive pronoun is also used as an intensive reflexive/pronoun.
HHpo X>'J'B MaH
this-obj self-iz I
'I did it myselr
Kllp.zt-aw
did-1sg
32 Tajik
we--o--u
self-3sg
's/he (herself7himself) comes', 's/he comes alone (with nobody else)'
In the writings of Sadriddin Ayni, the reflexive pronoun often co-occurs with the plural suffix
-xp, to which the third person plural pronominal clitic is suffixed: xy,._x,o.moa 'themselves'.
The occurrence of pluralized with a pronominal clitic is widely observed in the
north-western dialects, particularly in Bukbara and Samarqand (Ma"sumi 1959: 191).
A comprehensive grammar (Rustamov and 6afforov 1985: 163) lists X)?t xcm, and
umn.a as reflexives, but the last two of these have limited currency and are used mainly in
literature, and particularly in poetry.
:um-po 6a .ll8CTH .lzyiiiM8H
self--obj to handiz enemy
' he yielded himself to the enemies'
.llO.Il
gave.3sg
In modern Tajik, um is used primarily with the meaning of 'relative(s), kinsfolk'.
2.1.2.5. IDtarogative JliOOOUII8 8Dd questioo wards
Interrogative pronouns ('(OHHIDHHX.OH caBonft) in Tajik are d, 'II, and JllW)U. Inter-
rogative pronouns and question words that are orthographically represented as single words
are listed below .4
9
d who?' 'II 'what?'
11:)'-.o 'where?' 'llpO 'why?'
Q,Jpl 'which?' ....... 'how many?'
ail 'when?'
'which ... (in an ordinal series)?'
The interrogative pronouns d , 'II, and D,qOM can be pluralized with -xp (2.1.1.1),
yielding DIXP, 'DUP, respectively.Ka,qoy is pluralized in isolated cases
(Rastorgueva 1992:50).
d ONa.ll7
who came.3sg
'who came?'
QAOII-X,O.JIMOR
which-pi-t pi
'which of us?'
D-X/) OW&,Il8H.Il7
who-pi came.3pl
'who (plural) came?'
D,AOM-X,O.JITOH
whichpl-2pl
'which of you?'
49
There are also a number of interrogatives consisting of more than one orthographically separate
word such as 'Ill '!Up 'how?; in what manner?', and 'IIIJIMIP 'how much?'.
Morphology 33
Kd can also be pluralized, but its pluralized form ab,o is not a question word but an adverb
which means 'very long time which is exemplified below, consists of"'IIIIIA and
the suffix -yw ( 2.1.3.4).
50
DJYMO .!lap CHH<P-H
you in class-iz which imp-read-2pl
'in which year do you study? (what grade are you in?)', 'in what form do you study?'
Some sentences in which other interrogative pronouns and question words are used are given
below.
'II X8pH.Ilft?
what bought-2sg
'what did you buy?'
'llpO .llep MOH.Ilft'l
why late stayed-2sg
'why are you late?'
2.1.2.6. OdapWOUII8
uapx-am 'IIUJ,I{ nyn?
price-3sg how many money
'how much is it?'
Dl Nyp.ll7
mother-2sg when died.3sg
'when did your mother die?'
Words that are traditionally called indefinite pronouns in English, e.g. something and IJI1yt/liDg,
are mostly written as combinations of separate words in Tajik orthography, e.g. +uoa ac
'someone', .G'Clll 1IJD 'something'. One of the limited number of indefinite pronouns
uowyaAm) that are represented as single words in Tajik orthography is &Me
'some', which is used both pronominally and adjectival1y.
51
fiDx.o rycl>'r-8H.Il [ ... ]
some-pi said-3pl
'some of them said ... '
6la.:Je M8C'Io8JIX.O
some problem-pi
'some questions/problems'
Another indefmite pronoun that is clearly a single word is ...... 'somebody' . ._.
seems to be used only pronominally.
tuoupo .lliiCITHp xap.lla8H.Il
someone--obj capture.ptpl-be.3pl
'they have captured someone (I have indirect evidence)'
30
For readers who are familiar with Turkish, may be comparable with kllfmCJ.
51
lia.:te and lUIIG are identified in this section not as adjectives but as pronouns on the basis that
they take the object marker oopo.
34 Tajik
Indefinite pronouns can be formed by attaching the particle IJDI- (with a hyphen) to inter
rogative pronouns (2.1.2.S), e.g.,IDDot-'dl'
2
'something', lrll-d 'someone', KJDfooDI 'once;
sometime' (used also adverbially), IJDI-1[)"1 'somewhere', and Dlf-KIUliOW 'some, certain'
(used adjectivally).
waJDHHa aalipoa my .a (Typc}'H30.aa c.i. RG: 170)
somewhere-iz automobile destroyed became.3sg
'some part in (lit. somewhere of) the automobile broke down'
The pronoun J',IIA 'all' can be used adjectivally.
J',IIAR KBC-<>H
alliz personpl
'all of the people'
I,IIIA BaiO'
all time
'all the time I always'
English pronouns such as eveJYoneand nothing are expressed as two separate words in Tajik.
xac
every person
' everyone'
IP'I 'IH3
no/t thing
'nothing'
JCll
every who
'everybody, whoever'
XP'I i.s used also adverbially. Note that verbs co-occurring with IP'I 'no(t)' take the negative
prefix g..
XP'I Ypo Ba-JXH.llBW
no(t) s/he-obj negsawlsg
' I never saw him'
2.1.3. NumcnJ.s
2.1.3.1. Clnlioal DUIDbcn
The numeral system is decimal. Digits are connected with the coordinating clitic -(1/a)y, thus:
6Rcry 'twenty five', CHJO .I1C 'thirtyone', 'IR1I)' IIY 'fortytwo', nllll'{oxy ce 'fifty three',
ca.tJY 6Hcry lUIIIli' 'one hundred and twentyeight'.
'
2
In Bukharan Tajik, DDI'"'III very often undergoes reduplication, e.g. MyJtncapu nax.'(aJbc 6yxopou
KHMDNOW'DI rycln'am '[a book] called muxt8Sari lshjayi Buxoroi something' (referring to the
title ofMahmudov and Berdiev 1989).
Morphology 3S
0
aon.catP
I .u: 11 21 6acly.u: 100
2
1I.Y
12

22 6acJy 1(y 200

3 c:c 13
c:e::wm.
23 6aclyce 300

4 'lOp 14 .ap.-r. 24 6acly.ap 40 'IIIII 400

s lllll'l IS 2S 6aclyJWI'( so soo
6 mam 16 IIIOID,IA 26 6actymam 60 IIDCT 600
7

17 27 6actyxMn 70

700

8 JgiiDT 18 li:,D',IUilf, 28 6Bcry JgiiDT 80 800
9 $ 19 By.WIX. 29 6acty$ 90 900

10
.-r.
20 6acr 30 cl 1,000
101 (.u:) QII..Y .u: 1,001 x,aopy.u:
125 .u: 6acJy lllll'l 1,917 .u: x,aopy
2S2 IDII'lOXY 1l.Y
10,001

1S,349
SSS,444 Dlll'l1Y lllll'l x,aopy 'lOp
tens 1IPNJ hundreds
thousands

millions IOIJiliiiOID,O
MBUBOB 'million' ' milliard' are loan words from Russian. There are some
archaic numerals, including 1f.YU1Ct '200', mpacr '300', 6caap '10,000',JYPYP
so,ooo,- '100,000', ' 1,000,000'.
2.1.3.2. Fractious
A fractional number (mywopu xacpft) is represented lexically with the preposition a 'from'
put in front of the denominator and the numerator in that order, e.g. a .ap .u: .t/4, a IJIII'll(y
%, which in tum may be followed by the noun 11J1CM 'part, unit' .
a lUI(n' I;IICIIH Cl)'JleHT-<>HR MO ll'l>nO'IH11HJl
from seven five partiz studentpliz we honoured-cop.3pl
'five sevenths of our students are honours students'
A fraction the numerator of which is 1 can be written as a single word consisting of the
denominator and the numerator, (seven+one) '
1
!,', ceo: (three+one) '
1
/
3
'. '
1
/
2
' and
'
1
/4 are rendered as 111111 'llalr and "'IpB (four+one) 'quarter', respectively.
53
The denomi
nator and numerator cannot be juxtaposed if the numerator is 2 or above - naaw
(five+two) is incorrect.
sJ 'IOpB were and 'IOpUK, respectively, in the previous orthography.
36 Tajik
CCIJ[-H liMBOn-am
a third-iz property-3sg
'a third of her/his property'
A decimal fraction (xacpH a1omopa) is represented in the same way as a vulgar fraction (x.acpH
o.zudl), e.g. a .JUm. mam '
6
/1o'. Decimals are read with the coordinating clitic -(1/a)y inserted
between the whole number and decimals.
Jll( CIIJl-y
one hundred-co
' 122.6'
6scr-y .zzy-10
twenty-co two-co
a3 JllU.
from ten
mam
six
A percentage is written with tom 'percent', e.g. ' S%' . ' lit. in hundred'
may be used in place of {lam, e.g. ca.A ' S%' .)
Jll( CIIJl-y 6scr-y .zzy-10
one hundred-co twenty-co two-co
' 122.6%'
a3 .ltlU.
from ten
mam tom
six percent
A mixed fraction such as 5
3
/s is read with 6yrya 'whole' and the coordinating clitic -{1/a)y,
6yeyBy a ll',llmrce '5
3
/s'. However, if the fraction is a 'half or 'quarter', the integer
and fraction may be juxtaposed as in the following examples: uy 11101 'one and a
lllDI 'two and a half, J{.yiO 'IOpB 'two and a quarter', 'lOp)' CC'IOpB ' four and
three quarters'.
2.1.3.3. Ordinal numbcn
Ordinal numbers (myMopax.oH TapTH611) are formed by suffixing -{l)yw to cardinal numbers,
.II<)'M 'first' 1-yv ' 1st'
AYDI
' second' 2-IOU '2nd'
CeJOU 'third' 3-Jou '3rd'
6Hcryv ' twentieth' 20-yu '20th'
There have been changes in the orthography of ordinal numbers since the Cyrillicization of
Tajik, which involved the alteration of the letter <1> in the suffix into <y>. As a result, a few
ordinal numbers have alternative spellings. One may therefore encounter various forms of a
single ordinal number. For example, ' third' has been written variously as caou, c:dlyu,
cauyu, and c:auyw, the first of which is the current spelling. There were also different
spellings for the abbreviated version of ' third' that were orthographically acceptable, e.g.
3-JOM and 3-u (Kalontarov and NiezT 1943: IS). In some texts -m1 is suffixed to ordinal
numbers for ' emphasis and stylistic lustre' (Rustamov and Cafforov 1985: 154), e.g . .D)'UIIII
'first' and .JUIXYMIIB ' tenth' . Unlike cardinal numbers, ordinal numbers do not precede modi-
fied nouns but follow them in the izafet construction.
Morphology 37
IQfCM-H BYII
part-iz first
'(the) fii'St part'
2.1.3.4. Clusifien
Some of the most frequently used numeral classifiers, many of which (such as cap 'head') are
also regular nouns, are shown below.
For humans:
For animals:
For botanical items:
ce -taP cryJleHT
JllU. cap acn
Jll( X.el}'M


For various units/items: .zzy .-oaa ce6
IIOH3JllU, TplllCI'Op
mam l1lpUI XOIDOK
Jll( lQIHJl
'three students'
'ten head of horse'
'one bundle of wood'
'two bunches of onions'
'five bouquets of roses'
'two apples'
'fifteen tractors'
'six stacks of bolok(a forage)'
' a lump of sugar'
The classifier -TO, the alternative spelling of which is -'13, is the general classifier for count
nouns and is suffixed to cardinal numbers, e.g., p,yro DT06 'two 'five
notebooks' . When Jro/--m is suffixed to an integer instead of a numeral, a hyphen is inserted
between the integer and the classifier, e.g. 2-TO DT06.
Count nouns do not need to take classifiers. It is therefore possible to rewrite )I(Oia
Tf.D' 'five seeds' T)'Dol and up6y3a 'ten melons' as
Although nouns the numeral values of which are specified appear in the 'singular' form as
a rule (2.1.1.1), those denoting humans (i.e. nouns that take the classifier IIII(Nip) may be
pluralized even in the presence of a e.g. 611Cl' aa+aP 'twenty students'
(note the plural suffix -{rll/a)oa attached to C1)'.111C1rr).
2.1.3.5. Aridmc:tic vocabuJarty
A basic arithmetic vocabulary is given in the following list.
'+' &1IOiall'll
.
-
.
uowa:m Tllpi.
'sum' :I,OCBIIII ...... ' difference' :I,OCBIIII Tllpi.
' summand' ... 'minuend' ............ ..
' subtrahend' lip*"""P
'x' &1IOiall'll 3lp6 '+'
' product' lJ'P(:IIIIJis.pC) ' quotient' lJ'P(:IIIIJI
'multiplier'

'divisor'

'multiplicand'
ta9p)'6
'dividend' TIIP'N"W"a..
38 Tajik
' =' &1lOMIIIB r.rycod, 6epo6ap
'number'
'integer'
.....,., myuopa 'bracket'
'figure'
Equations are read as follows. Note the izafet particle -a suffixed to._... 'sum; addition',
1'11111' 'subtraction', 3lp6 'multiplication', 'division'.
15 + 12 = 27
27- 12= 15
3 X 7=21
21 +7=3
DOB3.1lllll. ._,.. .llYJI03,llllll. 6apo6apH 6Hcty x.a4rr'
6RC1)' x.a4rr' npl;ll .llYJI03,Il8ll. 6apo6apB DOH3J:III.X.
ce uqrr 6apo6apB 6Bcty .IK
6HC1)' .IK uqrr 6apo6apH ce
In Arzumanov and Sanginov (1988: 166), wycod ' equal' is used in place of 6lpo6epa
(equal-iz).
2.1.4. Adjcctivca
2.1.4.1. Gcucnl IaDmb
Adjectives (cscllano) in attributive position appear in the izafet construction where they
follow the nouns which they modify.
JCHro6-H IIU
book-iz new
'new book'
TPH6yaan-x.o-a
tribunal-pl-iz
' courts martial'
x,lp6l
military
JCHro6-x,o-H BU
book-pl-iz new
'new books'
nynrr-a wyrncap-a
dictionary-iz concise-iz Tajik-English
'concise Tajik-English dictionary'
Bukharan Tajik often allows adjectives to precede modified nouns, e.g . xypc ' a
ten-years (lit. decadal) course' . Adjectives that precede modified nouns are found in com-
pounds, e.g. the adjective V"''''DM ' new to the literary world' (as in BaBHC8B.Il8H BaBJQIJI&M
'budding litterateur') where au 'new' precedes 'pen, pencil', the noun J1UPY3 'New
Year' s Day' where au 'new' precedes pYs ' day', and KUOBrUJ ' boastful' where DJIOII 'big'
is compounded withrao ' talk'.
Examples of adjectives in predicate position are shown below.
XOH8-H MO DIIOII aCT
house-iz we big cop.3sg
'our house is large'
Morphology 39
fiHHo-H HHcnrryT-H MO DIIOII aCT
building-iz institute-iz we big cop.3sg
'the building of our institute is large'
Adjectives, unlike nouns, are not pluralized. However, dividing lines between lexical catego-
ries are elusive in Tajik as they are many other languages. In Tajik, adjectives can generally
be used as nouns, in which case they can take plural suffixes.
83 ...
from old to new
'from the old to the new'
JIII:WK-oBB B8A .ll8p IOIDVIOIC.
near-pl-iz slhe in village
'her/his relatives stayed in the village'
2.1.4.2. Coolperison
MOH;A8B.Il
stayed-3pl
The comparative degree (,uapa'I.8H M)'IC.OHcasR) of an adjective is expressed with the suffixa-
tion of -Tip to the adjective. For example, suffixation of -T11p to aan 'good' and DJIOII 'big'
yields lllf3TIIP 'better' and DJIOB'l1IP 'bigger', respectively. When the comparative form of an
adjective is in predicate position, the preposition 13 'from' precedes the word whose referent
is compared with the referent of the subject.
MaH 13 myMO 6a con
I from you to year
'I am older than you'
DIIOIH'IIp-aM
big-cmp-cop. 1 sg
M8KT86-H MO liS M8KT86-H myMO DIIOIH1Ip
school-iz we from school-iz you big-cmp
aCT
cop.3sg
' our school is bigger than your school'
Comparison can be expressed without -Tip in the presence of 13.
M8KT86-H MO liS M8KT86-H myMO DJIOII
school-iz we from school-iz you big
'our school is bigger than your school'
aCT
cop.3sg
The perfective gerund of the verb .QAliB ' to see', may be used in expressing compari-
son.
HH XOBa 13 B8A XOHa
this house from that house see.ger
'this house is bigger than that house'
DIIOII-TIIp
big-cmp
aCT.
cop.3sg
HBc&rr6a 'with regard/respect to' and 11a31p 6a ' in view or may be used in place ofl3.
40 Tajik
Ka6HHeT-H BBC&rr 6a Ka6HHer-H M)'.IIHP-H
study-iz dean regard to study-iz

wide-cmp was.Jsg
manager-iz
Kacl>eJIPa
faculty
'the study of the dean was more spacious than the study of the head of the department'
HH xo6rox.-am
this bedroom-Jsg
ocy.JUH8p acT.
quiet-cmp cop.Jsg
B83lp 6a xo6rox.-H
view to bedroom-iz
(AHHii)
nemTapa-am sa
previous-3sg good-cmp and
'This bedroom of his is better and quieter than his previous bedroom'
Adjectives in the comparative degree may (uncommonly) precede modified nouns.
[ ... ] c:anvrap x.aM
[ ... ] hard-cmp punishment even imp-give-Jpl
'they give even severer punishment'
The superlative degree (AapattaH OJ!fi) of an adjective is expressed with the suffixation of
-'l'lpBB to the adjective. An adjective with -T8pllll in attributive position either follows the
modified noun in the izafet construction or precedes it.
Ba:3Hcl>a-H U)'li;IDoi-T8pi-H MO
duty-iz important-spr-iz we
'the most important duty of ours'
U)'li;IDoi-T8pl Ba:3Hcl>a-H MO
important-spr duty-iz we
'the most important duty of ours'
JlymaH6e DOOB-'l'lpBB maxp-H To'lHICHCTOH acT
Dushanbe big-spr city-iz Tajikistan cop.Jsg
' Dushanbe is the largest city ofTajikstan'
The nominal use of superlative adjectives is common due to the wide currency of the 'adjec-
tive-spr-iz noun(-pl)' construction.
xympf-T8piiii-H .IIYXTap-X.O
beautiful-spr-iz girl-pi
'the most beautiful of (the) girls'
2.1.4.3. Iot.eosificatioo and disinteosificat
Tajik adjectives can undergo '(dis)intensification' which is particularly common with, but not
limited to, colour terms and adjectives expressing qualities of humans. The degrees of 'inten-
sity' are called raltpHK.Hecil 'non-comparative degrees' in Tajik. An adjective is
intensified with the reduplication of the onset and nucleus of its first syllable. A bilabial
Morphology 41
plosive represented by <6> (or <n> before a voiceless consonant) is attached to the reduplicated
part.
'yellow'
'black'
'very yellow'
'very black'
If the first syllable ends with <6> in the orthography, this letter is retained in the reduplicated
syllable even when it is followed by a voiceless consonant.s
4
'blue' > ' very blue'
If the coda of the syllable is a dental plosive, w is used instead of <6>/m>.
'whole, all' > 'whole, all, entire'
Full reduplication of adjectives is also possible, e.g. DJIOH-DOOB 'very big', .JUIPOG-.-po9
'very long; very tall'. A somewhat less standard method of (partial) reduplication involves the
use of <DJJa>.ss
KliJIOH 'big'
TOJa 'clean'
JIYPYCT 'correct'
> Dllllll-KMOH ' very big'
> 10111Ja-TOJa 'very clean'
> 'very correct'
An adjective is disintensified by suffixation of "'1'06, the present stem of the verb "l'06Iwur 'to
shine; to gleam', or the diminutive suffix -'ilL "'1'06 is used with adjectives expressing colours
and human qualities while -'Ill is used exclusively with colour terms. "'1'06 and -'Ill may be
in conjunction with each other, in which case...,. precedes "'1'06.
3ax.J1P 'yellow (complexion)'
3apA 'yellow'
2.1.4.4. Advabs
> 3ax.&p'lll
> 3ap.IX'ill
> 3ap.aro6
> 3apAVI'06
'yellowish'
'yellowish'
'yellowish'
'yellowish'
There are many lexical items, particularly adjectives, that are used adverbially, but adverbs
that are used exclusively as adverbs are small in number. They include adverbs derived by the
suffix -(I)IB such as TUIIIIIIIIII ' approximately' (from the noun TaXMBB 'conjecture'), certain
reduplicated words such as 'slowly' (from the adjective/adverb CD;BCTa 'slow;
slowly'), and adverbs proper, i.e. underived adverbs, such 'yet, still' , u:aya 'now',
and x.auema 'always' . See 2.4.4 for more details on adverb formation.
S4 In the writing ofMupmaKap cited in Rustamov and Gafforov (1985: 139), this intensified adjective
appears as au-a6)?l, reflecting the regressive devoicing of lb/ by the initiallk/
ss Intensification of adjectives by partial reduplication is widely used also in Turkic languages.
Compare, for example, Uzbek qizil' red' > qip-qizi/'very red' and to'g'ri' cnrrect' > to'pps-to'g'ri
' very correct' with these Tajik examples.
42 Tajik
......- ,Aep owa.ttau
intentionally late come.inf
'to be late on purpose'
--- liJYMYP.A8H
one by one count.inf
'to count one by one'
'1;8.1106 Ra-<>N&.ll88CT
yet answer neg-come.ptpl-be.3sg
'the answer has not come yet'
Adjectives (except those with -'J'IIPIIII) can be used as adverbs.
Bail: BD ONa,ll
s/he new came.3sg
's/he has just come'
6apo,Aap-8N 1181'3 Ne-XOR-a.A
brother-l sg good imp-read-3sg
'my brother studies well'
oax.o x,aw JDF.H11P 3HHllar11 k8p.A8H we-xocr-au.A
they also good-cmp live.inf imp-wanted-3pl
'they too wanted to live better'
2.2. VerblliDOipbology
2.2.1. Put 1011 prc8Cilt BfaDs
Each Tajik verb has a past stem (acoca 38NOHH ry3anrra) and a present stem (acoca 38NOHH
x.ooapa). The past and present stems 'to 'to 'to see',
and J'1llllltna 'to take' are presented below.
Infinitive
Past stem
Present stem
The past stem of a verb can be derived by removing the final sequence .a from the infinitive
form (i.e. the citation form) of the verb. In other words, the infinitive form of a verb consists
of the past stem of the verb and the infinitive suffix .a. Every past stem ends with either w
or m. The final <.-> in the past stem is preceded by a vowel or either of the voiced consonants
<p> and <B>, while the final m is preceded by a voiceless consonant.
XOR,A8R
XYJl.A8H
ryctmm
pactmm
'to read'
'to eat, to drink'
'to say'
'to go'
Morphology 43
Past stem

xyp.--

p.
Present stems are derived from infuritive forms not as regularly as past stems are, because
unlike past stems, whose final sounds wand m share an etymology,S6 present stems reflect
complex verbal morphology that existed (and was subsequently obscured by pho-
netic/phonological assimilation) in the history of the Iranian languages. However, a certain
degree of regularity that has resulted from this complex morphology is identifiable in a
number of present verb stems, as can be seen in the chart below (based on R.astorgueva and
Kerimova 1964: 8). For example, both IDJIIIOC- <Old Persian x!nlss- 'to know' and 11ypc- <
Old Persian p8IS8- contain the stem-final <C>, which is the remnant of the Old Persian suffix
-sa (ibid: 8).
Present stem
.AOBHCTaH 'to know' .AOB-
XOR.A8H 'to read' XOB-
.AH.A8H 'to see' 6HB-
,AOUITllll 'to have' ,Aop-
mpactmm 'to take' rap-
6ypR.A8H 'to cut'
COXT8R 'to build' C03-
cyrrau 'to bum' cys-
mHHOXTilH 'to recognise' DJHHoc-
nyp<:H.A8H 'to ask' nypc-
<m> 4.JypyxT&R 'to sell' 4.JypYm-
IC)1liT8H ' to kill' K)'DI-
<T> HCTO.A8H 'to stand' HCT-
4_lHpRCTO.A8H 'to send' 4_>HpRCT-
.AO.A8H 'to give' ,llCX,-, ma.-
HRX.O.AaR 'to put' HRX.-
<O> K)'DIO,ll8H 'to open' K)'Dio-
4_lapNy.AaH 'to order' 4_>apwo-
db ryctmm
'to say' ry(l)-
myCTaH 'to wash' mY(I)-
<6, a.+> KYctmm
'to beat' KJ6-
pyctmm 'to sweep' py6-
pactmm 'togo' paa-
DJY,llaH 'to become' maa-
6o4mm
'to weave' 6ot-
56 Both w and m originate from the old participial ending -18 (Rastorgueva and Kerimova 1964:8).
44 Tajik
'to measure'
'to tie'
'to revolve'

68BJII-
I'l!M-
Tajik verbs can be classified into two groups according to the manner in which the present and
past stems differ from each other. I base the following classification of Tajik verbs on Rusta-
mov and Gafforov (1985: 173-174). Let us begin with looking at the first group ofTajik verbs.
This group consists of verbs whose past stems are present stems with additional sounds, i.e.,
the past stems of verbs in the first group are differentiated from their present counterparts by
the presence of some additional sounds. Several examples where such additional sounds are
bold-faced are shown below.
Present stem Past stem
Group 1 NYPABH 'to die'
MYP- NYPA
A8BR.Il8H 'to run' Aa&- .QilBJIA-
6o4>Tau
'to weave'
6ocP-
6oqrr-
HCTOABH 'to stand' HCT KC'J'OA
As can be seen in the table below, the additional sounds can be divided into several types,
based on the sounds that they comprise. A few of the additional sounds, namely -A and -&Jt
are suffixes that are productive in Modern Tajik in deriving past stems from foreign nouns,
Uzbek verb stems, etc. (see 2.4.2.2).
Present stem Past stem
XOR.Il8H 'to read' XOB XOBA
xypABH 'to eat/drink' xyP- xypA-
paCHA8H 'to reach' pac- paCJIIA-
IDYJCYcln"8H 'to bloom' myxycp- myxyctrr-
K)'DlT8B 'to kill' KyDJ- K)'llll'-
IDHKOIPT8K 'to split' IDHKOIP- IDHKoclrr-
acln'oABH 'to fall'
actn-
BHX.OABH 'to put' BHX.-, HBX.O.A-
cilapBCTOA8H 'to send' cil&pHCT
AOHHCTaH 'to know' AOB AOHIICT-
HKI"8pHCT8H 'to look/glance' HHI'8p- HKI"8piiCT-
Unlike verbs in the fll'St group, verbs in the second group have past stems that are not present
stems to which certain sounds are attached. Below are some examples of verbs in the second
group.
Morphology 45
Present stem Past stem
Group2 COXTaH 'to build' C03- COXT
ryqmm 'to say' IJ(A)- ryctrr-
pa4rraH 'to go' paa- pacln'-
.!1H.I(8H 'to see' 6HR- .ztH.I(-
Rustamov and Gafforov summarize the types of discrepancy that are observed between past
and present stems of verbs in the second group - the discrepancy derives from 1) alternation
of the consonants ' and x, 2) consonant alteTnatioo, 3) vowel alternation, 4) combination of
vowel and consonant alternations, and 5) historically distinct stems used for a single verb.
Examples representing these different types of discrepancy are shown below (taken from
Rustamov and Gafforov 1985: 173-174).
Type 1
Type2
Type3
Type4
TypeS
COXTaH
nyxT8H
AYxTaH
68CT8B
ry38lllT8B
AODJT8H
Pacln'BH
XOCTaH
6ypASH
B8MYA8B
6y1l8H
KapABH
ryqmm
myABH
AOABH
AR.Il8H
0Wli,A8H
2.2.2. Penon IDd D1llllb
'to build'
'to cook'
' to sew'
' to tie'
'to pass'
'to have'
'to go'
'to want'
'to carry'
'to seem'
'to be/exist'
' to do'
'to say'
'to become'
'to give'
'to see'
'to come'
Present stem Past stem
C03- COXT
n83- nyXT-
$- pYxT
68R.Il- 6aCT-
ry38p- ry38IIJT
AOp- AOIDT-
paa- pacln'-
XOCT
6ap- 6ypA-
RaMo( it)- 88M)'11-
6om- 6yA-
1<)'11- KapA
IJ(A)- rycln'-
maB- my1l-
.zmx.- AOA
6HB- AR.Il-
o(A)-, 6ae- OMliJl
Tajik utilises subject-verb agreement morphology where personal sutflxes are used to mark
the subject's person and number (DJYMopa). There are several paradigms of personal
suffixes of Tajik agreement morphology (referred to as T8CpB4l 'conjugation' in Rustamov
and Gafforov 1985). --. 4.A. and-... replace -.w.-.... and -utA, respectively, after verb
stems ending with a vowel, inserting the palatal glide /j/ between the suffixes and the stems
(see 0.7).
46 Tajik
For the present stem For the past stem Copula
lsg -(I )eM .... -(l)lw
2sg
-
-a -A
3sg -(I}I.A -cr,acr
l pl -eM -eM -eM
2pl -eJ{ I -eTOB

3pl -aQ
Examples of agreement morphology with the present and past stems and the copula are shown
below.
Koprap-oa 6a laBOLt
worker-pi to factory
'Workers go to the factory.'

imp-go-3pl
C'l)',lleBT-OH 6a paAoa
student-pi to district went-3pl
'(the) students went to the district'
HH KHT06 acr. (AS:l85)
this book cop.3sg
'This is a book.
(AS:l73)
(AS:328)
There is an honorific expression (see also 2. 1.2.2) that involves alternation of agreement
suffixes. A third person singular subject may take a third person plural agreement suffix when
honorification is applied to the subject.
JC;alpar ( .. . )
Highness ordered-3pl
'The prophet deigned to say:( ... )'
IIIUI,Ip4M x,awema .11ap XOHIHIO{ Ba KOp-X,o-H
husband-lsg always in house-cop.Jpl and work-pl-iz
wai.D,a-'l)'ibtapo Dp.lla MCoDIHH-aQ Q<amw KapHM)
smaU tbings-obj do.ger imp-sit-3pl
'my husband is always at home and keeps on doing various small jobs around the
house'
2.2.3. Noo-fiuite forma
Verbs occur in several non-finite forms: the infinitive, gerunds (i.e. verbal adverbs),
and participles (i.e. verbal adjectives). The term 'gerunds' here refers to verbal adverbs, which
are also called 'converbs' and 'adverbial participles' in various grammars. In the chart below,
the verb do' is shown in different non-fmite forms. The terms for the first three of
the participles, namely 'past', 'present', and ' future' participles, which are based on the Tajik
Morphology 47
terms cuctmm 4Je1.mm 38NOHH I)'38lDTII, cnct>am cl>e1.!JJ!H 311MOHH x.oonpa, and cuct>am
ct>cwnm 311MOHH oiaB.!l8, s? are used tentatively in this book, because the participles are
probably better characterized in terms of aspect and modality than in terms of tense.
Infinitive ap.-.
Gerunds Perfective llllp
Progressive KYJIOII (less productive)
Participles Past llllp (literary)
...,....
Present KYJIIIII (literary) MC:Dp)lllril
Future

Progressive llllp BCI'O,lll1ll'il
The infinitive form, which is used for vocabulary entries in dictionaries, consists of the past
stem and -a&. There is also a form that is called the brief infinitive wynacap) which
is formally identical with the past stem and is used mainly with modals.
Past stem
Infinitive
Kllp.ll-
Kap.aas 'to do'
paCR.Il
pacii,!I,IIB 'to reach'
The perfective gerund consists of the past stem and -a. The perfective gerund is formally
identical with the literary past participle.
Past stem
Perfective gerund
Or.ta,llaH 'to come'
OMa.zt
OMII.Il&
nytnH.l1aH 'to cover/wear'
nyum.n-

The progressive gerund has two forms. One of the two forms consists of the present stem and
the suffix -(l)oB. The number of verbs that frequently occur in the progressive gerundive form
with -(i)oB is limited.
Present stem
Progressive gerund
pa4>TaH 'to go'
paa-
paBOII
ry.pnu 'to say'
ry.
ry&l
The other, more productive, progressive genmd is a sequence of the perfective gerundive
forms of the main verb and the auxiliary verb BCTO_.. 'to stand'.
Past stem
Progressive gerund
l)'33IDT8H 'to pass'
ry38IDT-
ry38.11ITa JICTO,IUl
XOR.IlaR 'to read'
XOR.Il

s
7
Direct translations of these terms would be, in English, 'past tense verbal adjective', 'present tense
verbal adjective', and 'future tense verbal adjective', respectively.
48 Taji.k.
The past participle consists of the past stem and
Past stem
Past participle
HaBHmTaH 'to write'
HaJIHDJT-
HaBHIIITIIIil
oaap.naa 'to bring'
OB8p.A-
OB8p.u,u1l
The literary past participle is identical in formation to the perfective gerund.
OMll,llaa 'to come'
Past stem OMll,ll-
Lit. past participle OMB,Zta
'to cover/wear'
IJYu!lr.A-
nytmf.Aa
The literary present participle is formed by the present stem and -(i)IQL
Present stem
Lit. present participle
Kap.Aaa ' to do'
IC)'B-
IC}'HU.llla
rycl>T&H 'to say'
ry-

The other present participle consists of the imperfective prefix 110-, the past stem, and -artt.
Past stem
Past participle
HaBHmT8H 'to write'
HaJIHDIT-
IIICHaBHIIITIIIil
oaap.naa 'to bring'
OBap.A-
MCOBap.ztld
The future participle consists of the infinitive and -a, i.e. the past stem to which -a1 is
suffixed.
Past stem
Future participle
xyp.Aaa 'to eat/drink'
XyP.A-
XyPAUII
,AapoM&Jl8H 'to enter'
.AapoMa,n-
.AapoMII,ItaB8
Finally, the progressive participle is a sequence of the perfective gerundive form of the main
verb and the past participle of the auxiliary verb 11C10,JUU1 'to stand', e.g. Jall)ka IICl'Ok& 1
llllpka JICI'O,It-G1I.
Infinitive
Past stem
Progressive participle
Kap.Aaa ' to do'
Kap.A-


XOH.A&H 'to read'
XOH.A
XOH.A& IIC'l'O,A'a I
XOH.A& IIC'IOf8l1t
This form, which is essentially two juxtaposed non-finite forms, is considered in this book to
be a single participle. This is partly because IICI'O.B. unlike many other auxiliary verl>s
(2.2. 13.2), has been grammaticalized and has become a bound morpheme in a large number
of dialects, including the dialects on which standard Tajik is based. as an auxiliary
Morphology 49
verb is typically reduced to such syllables as /sod/, /os/, /sal, and /is/, and can even be reduced
to one consonant: lsi. This reduction yields, for example, such forms as pa4K:o.A&Cipa4>coc
(literary Taji.k. Jllltta acro...-cr) in the Samarqand dialect, pa4>ca (literary Tajik Jllltta
acro-) in the Baysun dialect, and pact>coamcr (literary Tajik petra in the
Filmandar and Kosataro! dialects (Rastorgueva 1964:88-90, 95-97, E!niyozov 1979:28, 30).
58
Participles are used extensively in expressing aspect, which will be explained in the remaining
part of this section. 5
9
The perfective gerund (e.g. up.-) and the progressive gerund in (e.g. 1a1p.111a
IIC'l'O,A'a) are formally identical with, but syntactically distinct from, the literary past participle
(e.g . ...,_) and the progressive participle in -&IIC'l'O,A'a (e.g . ...,_ IICI'O,IIa), respectively. See
3.3.2 and 3.3.4.
Perfective gerund J(,8118M-po IIIIIDCTa 6a M&H .Aapol Kap.A
pencil-obj break.ger to I held out.3sg
'having broken the pencil he handed it to me' /'he broke the
pencil and handed it to me'
Progressive gerund .A)'XT8p mro6 XOB;IUliiC'l'O,A'a aorax.oa xo6 Kap.A
girl book read.ger suddenly slept.3sg
'(while) reading a book, the girl suddenly fell asleep'
Literary Past participle J(,8118M-H IIIIIDCTa
pencil-iz break.ptpl
'(the) broken pencil'
Progressive participle .A)'XT&p-H xoa.. aero
girl-iz read.ptpl
'(the) reading girl (i.e. the girl who is reading)'
2.2.4. CopuJar wrbs
The inflected forms of the copula (68R.llam xa6apll) 1er are usually suffixed to the comple-
ment.
sa A yo1111g Bukharan informant educated in U:zbek was oot aware of the existence of the verb
8CTO,II8II in XOII,IIIIl (2.2.7.5) aod DpJUl which in Bulc.harao Tajik have the
forms of xoJW[D'I'ac and u(p)A&IIITIU'H, respectively. Asked what verb could be in them, be an-
swered 11111111r111 'to sit', which seems to be used in place of the auxiliuy IICIO,IUIII in a number of
dialects including Bukharan Tajik:.

The system of aspects and moods ofTajik presented in this book is based on my analysis, which is
not in full compliance with that of existing grammars.
50 Tajik
lsg -(I)IM ' lam'
2sg ... 'you are'
3sg -cr,IICT 'she/he/it is'
lpl 'weare'
2pl 'you are'
3pl -(1}1-.. 'they are'
Below are examples of the copula with various complements (noun phrases, an adj ective
phrase, and a prepositional phrase).
M8H cty,llelll'-UI
I student-cop. lsg
'I am a student'
ty cty.lleRT-8
you student-cop.2sg
'you are a student'
y Xypc8H.Il li:x
slbe joyful ccp,3sg
'slhe is joyful'
011)(0 .llap
they in class-cop.Jpl
'they are in the classroom
The copula in the third person singular is ICI', which is written ftam the
word (complement). Acr usually occurs in the form <1>, or tp, 6'.g.l1yJt(;f.wr
(liyxopo + aCT), IDICl' (Kii + aCT), and ycr (Y + aCT), though this is not an absolute rule. The
occurrence of ICI' and -cr is not obligatory in colloquial Tajik (3.1), as can be seen in such
cases HB ICB'l'06 (IICT) 'this is a book' and the use of ac instead of BCCT (see below). The
copula ts attached to personal pronouns in the same way that it is attached to other (predicate)
complements.
60
lsg M8R81 '(smt/smo) is me'
2sg tyl '(smt/smo) is you'
3sg Bali ICI', ycr '(smt/smo) is her/him'
1pl MOCM '(smt/smo) are us'
2pl myMQCA '(smt/smo) are you'
3pl OHX,OIB,l{ or '(smt/smo) are them'
Arap HB KH py 6a py-H M8H HCTO,Ila-aCT ty-11,
If this that face-to-face-iz I stand.ptpl-be.3sg you-cop.2sg
nac HH XJIM ty-A. (A3Ca.vapxarm6aGyxopo2003)
then this also you-cop.2sg
'If this (person) standing before me is you, this (person in the portrait) is also you.'
(A painter replying to a model suspecting the portrayed person to be not her.)
60
This usc of the copula may be easily understood by 8lllllogy with equivalent constructions in
Uzbelt and 1\u'kish: Uzbek mt:IJJilan 'is me/1', sensan 'is you', Turkish seosin ' is you', biziz 'are
us/we', etc.
Morphology 51
There are two different verbs for ' to be', namely 'to be/exist', which does not have an
infinitive form and is used only in the present tense, 'to be/exist' . The inflection of
and its negative form are shown in the table below. In northern dialects, may
also be used for the second person plural. The verb also has a cliticized form, namely (-)leT.
In this book, I distinguish the cliticized verb used as an auxiliary with non-finite forms of
verbs (e.g. 2.2.7.5, 2.2.8. 1) from the copula ICI'. Accordingly, I gloss (-)leT as ' be' and ICI'
as 'cop'. The inflection of(-)acr, which is mostly identical with that of the copula, is shown in
the fourth column of the table.
l sg li:,IC'l'IIM ' I am/exist'
2sg 'you are/exist'
3sg 'she/he/it is/exists'
1pl 'we are/exist'
2pl
'you are/exist'
3pl
' they are/exist'
M8H cty,lleHT li:,IC'l'IIM
I student be .I sg
' I am a student'
nymalb.loH &ecTIIII
remorseful neg.be. lsg
'I am not remorseful'
Cliticized form
-(I )au
- (-)leT, -cr


-{1-
,llap Mara:JRH Me88 (Rastorgueva 1992:61)
in store fruit be.3sg
'there is fruit in the store'
Negative form
&ecTIIII
accrii
BCICT
aecreu
IICCl'CA

Attention must be paid to the cliticized verb (-)lcr occurring after a non-finite form of a verb
because its form varies after a vowel, e.g. pa4n'aR1liCI' or pacPtaHHCT (pa4rramt + (-)aCT),
COXT88CT (COXTa +()aCT), XOH,Il8HifliB,Q or (XOH,IlaRft + -(li)8H.Il), and XOH,IliiiiHDI
or XOH.Iliii!HDI (xolf.ll8Jdl + -(li)aM).
which, unlike has both a past stem, and a present stem, 6om-, is the
other verb meaning 'to be'.
M8H Cty.lleHT 6y;1tG.t
student was-1sg
'I was a student'
M8H ety,lleHT
student neg-was-lsg
' I was not a student'
52 Tajik
U8,llap-8M M)'81VIHN
father-lsg teacher imp-be3sg
'my father is a teacher'
U8Jl8p-8M M)'8JIJIHW
father-lsg teacher neg-imp-be-3sg
'my father is not a teacher'
The may be used in poetry in place (be-3sg)
(imp-be-3sg).
2.2.5. Alpects
Tajik has aspectual oppositions between PERFECT (which is called 'anterior' in some works)
PERFECITVI!, IMPERFECITVI! (which has HABITUAL as one of its subdivisions) and PROGRESSIVE.
Some of these aspects are morphologically more readily identifiable than others. For example,
the imperfective aspect is marked by the prefix while the progressive aspect is indicated
by the auxiliary verb BC1'0AUI 'to stand'. The working definitions of these aspects, which are
presented below, are adopted with few modifications from Bybee et al. (1994).
The PERFECT aspect expresses a situation that "occurs prior to a reference time and is
relevant to the situation in the reference time" (Bybee et al. 1994: 54). The PERFECITVI! aspect
is used for "narrating sequences of discrete events in which the situation is reported for its
own sake, independent of its relevance to other situations" (Hopper 1982 cited in Bybee et al.
1994: 54). (Note that the perfective aspect is distinct from the perfect aspect.) The
IMPERFECITVI! signals a situation that may be viewed "as in progress at a particular reference
point, either in the past or present, or one viewed as characteristic of a period of time that
includes the reference time, that is, a habitual situation" (Bybee et al. 1994: 125-126). The
HABITUAL aspect, which is a subtype of the imperfective aspect, is used to express a situation
"characteristic of an extended period of time, so extended in fact that the situation referred to
is viewed not as an incidental property of the moment, but precisely, as a characteristic feature
of the whole period" (Comrie 1976: 27-28). The PROGRESSIVE is used when an action is
viewed to be "as ongoing at reference time" (Bybee et al. 1994: 126).
2.2.6. Modllity
Traditionally, four main mood categories are identified in Tajik grammars: the indicative
mood (cHFaR XJl6apR), the imperative mood (cHFaR aMpR), the 'condition and wishing' mood
(cHFaR mapnuo xolCJIIIDWl.!lll), and the 'probability' mood (cHFaR 3x;I1Dion1l), the last of
which indicates a statement based on indirect evidence, i.e. inferential and re-
ported/second-hand information. The present grammar distinguishes six principal mood
categories, namely INDICATIVE, INFERENTIAL, IMPERATIVE, CONDmONAL, SPECULATIVE, and
IN11!NTJONAL (see also 2.2.13). These mood categories and their expressions will be ex-
plained in 2.2.8.
Morphology 53
22.7. Verb Pwadigms
The verb paradigms presented here reflect the situation in literary Tajik. They do not represent
colloquial (northern) Tajik verb paradigms, Soviet studies on which are summarized in Soper
(1996: Section 2.2.3). The verb used in verb paradigms in this section is, unless noted other-
wise, J::IIIWIII 'to do .
2.2. 7.1. Siqlle put furm
The simple past (38MOHH I')'38IUTlUI a83,1lHX/o.ll.zdl) form, which is used to refer to a completed
action in the past, consists of the past stem and a subject-verb agreement suffix.
lsg up...-
2sg up-
3sg
DM
lpl up,IIICM
2pl up.J!M I DIMC'I'OII
3pl

MO 6a maxp
we to city reached-lpl
'we reached the city'
In the colloquia1 language, in certain contexts, the simple past form can also express an action
which the speaker thinks is very likely to take place in the (near) future. Such an action is
usually one that the first person subject (i.e. 'I' or 'we') intends to perform in the immediate
future. For example, the following sentence may be used when the speaker intends to walk off
from where s/he is in no time. This sentence could be translated as something like 'well/now
I'm going' or ' I'm otr.
MaR petHM
I went-lsg
'I'm ofr I 'I'm going'
The colloquial example below may be used when the speaker thinks that the company he is in
is about to walk out of a certain place, e.g. a house, someone's company, a shop, etc.

went-1pl-q
'are we {going, ready/about to go}?' I 'shall we go?'
54 Tajik
2.2. 7 .2. Put impcrfcdive form
The past imperfective form expresses a situation in the past that is aspectually imperfective.
61
The Tajik name for the past imperfective is 38MOHH ry38IDT3H lUIXOnil. The past imperfective
form of a verb is the past stem to which an agreement suffix and the imperfective aspect
marker wo- are affixed.
lsg I4CAJWM
2sg
3sg lloleiiJIIIJ'
1 pi M"'IIIWM
2pl
3pl a.w:ap..,..
An example from the Soviet era, which is in fact a very good exemplification of the imperfec-
tive aspect, is shown below. In this example, workers' working for twelve to fourteen hours
daily is seen as characteristic of the pre-revolutionary period.
nem 83 PeaomoiUIJI-H OKTJ16pt. Koprap-oR PYle
front from revolution-iz October worker-pi daily
.zzy&Ol)tax,-'IOp.llax. COaT )[Gp MCHIIpJ.t-IIB.A (AS: 190)
twelve-fourteen hour work imp-did-3pl
'prior to the October Revolution, workers {would , used to} work for twelve to four-
teen hours daily'
The past imperfective form is also used in both the antecedents/protases and conse-
quents/apodoses of conditional sentences.
arap MliH 6a BaH
if I slhe-obj imp-saw-1sg to s/he
'if I saw him/her, I would tell him/her'
110-rytHM
imp-said-1 sg
In old texts, and very rarely in modem poetry, the suffix -B (unaccented) is used instead of MOo
for the first person singular and third person singular and plural, e.g. IJYilCI'J'Ud ' I would ask',
's/he would ask', and ... .- ' they would ask' (Arzumanov and Sanginov
1988: 191).
2.2. 7 .3. Put pcdect form
The past perfect form consists of the literary past participial form of the main verb, the past
stem of 6y.- (i.e. 6y)l-), and an agreement suffix. The past perfect is identified as a tense
category in Tajik grammars and is given the name 38MOHH ry38IDT3H .eyp 'distant past tense'.
61
Accordingly, the past imperfective form also attracts 'past' and 'past progressive' interpretations
in English, e.g., flupMap.A-e cuop-H apo6a-u $BJ71Yr Me-pa<frr ('1. AATMaros c.i. AF) (old
man-ind mount-iz cart-iz old imp-went.3sg) 'An old man was riding along on an old wagon .
Morphology 55
1sg ap.-6)'111
2sg ap.- 6y.Jdt
3sg DpAil6m
1pl ap.-6y.Jpl
2pl
3pl ..., ...
The form is primarily a perfect aspect marker (see 2.2.5). As can be seen in the following
examples, the reference time is not confined to the past
)lap HH XOHll MeX)IORX.O x,&CTIlRJl, KliA:x,o
in this house guest-pi be-3pl long time ago
())IIWl (XaJcmt KapHM c.i. RG:218)
come.ptpl were-3pl
'there are guests in this house - they have come a long time ago'
x,aM .ztap 'U\800 x,&MOR ran-x,o-e-po rytJ", KR
slhe also in answer that samelveryword-pl-the-obj said.3sg that
.ztap na6-H .ztapt.e rytra 6y)t (NR:573)
in lip-iz river say.ptpl was.3sg
' In the answer he also said the same words that he had said on the bank of the river'
In colloquial Tajik, the past participle with -artl replaces the literary past participle in the past
perfect form, 6y.l{ (lit. Tajik 6y.IV 'it had tom', 6lcra 111f.1'11116y)l (lit
Tajik 6lcra m:y;JUl6y.z() ' It had been tied/locked', etc.
62
This 'past participle+ 6y.ztBB' form is
also used in conditional sentences.
2.2. 7 .4. Put progJcaiYC form
The past progressive form consists of the progressive participle ending with -a, the past stem
of 6y;IIIIB ' to be/exist' (i.e. and an agreement suffix. This form expresses an action
which is ongoing at a reference time in the past and ttatlslates typically into the past progres-
sive in English. The past progressive is caUed 1}'3MJ1'11H .eypR (wyaJilul) in Tajik.
The verbs 'to stand'. BBIDICI'1Ill 'to sit'. and .-mrna ' to have' cro not appear as the
main verb in this form.
62
An informant suggested that the ... and -d contrast with each other in that
the former expresses an event (dynamic) whereas the latter expresses a state of affairs (stative).
56 Tajik
lsg
2sg
3sg
lpl
2pl
3pl
llllp.qa 6y.qaw
llllp.qa liC'I'() 6y.-
llllp.qa JIC:'l'O.Qa 6)'.l
DpIIC'I'O
llllp.qa 6y.liM l llllp.qa aero
llllp.qa BCro,llla
.Aap JCY'fa 6aponap-aw-po JW.IIBM, m 6o pa4lmc.-am
in street brother-lsg-obj saw-lsg that with com.rade-3sg
BCro,llla
talk.ptpl was.3sg
' I saw my brother in the street when be was talking with his comrade'
2.2.. 7 .s. Praa:lt form
The present progressive form consists of the progressive participle ending with -a and the
cliticized verb (-)lcr 'to be'. This form expresses an action ongoing at the present time and is
called 3BMOHR X.03Hp8R .118BOM.Ilop (M)'aiUH) in Tajik.
1 sg llllp.qa BCTO,IUUIM
2sg ap B.CrO.Ad
3sg llllp.qa IIC1'0,IUUICT
lpl llllp.qa
2pl ...,.. DpIICIO.IUICTOII
3pl ...,..IIC:'IOAUB.A
MBH M8JCT)'6 11U111111a IIC'lO,JUHM
I letter write.ptpl-be.lsg
'I am writing a letter'
A3 PY-H xa6ap-x.o-s nyx-ra-e, KH x.appY-Ja 6a MBH
from face-iz news-pl-iz skilled-the that daily to I
xop-a Mo os IWUIP xy6 s eer. (AAHA c.i. RG:223)
reach.ptpl-be.3sg work we that value good neg.be.3sg
' According to the daily expert information that I am receiving, our work is not so
good.'
The present progressive form in an embedded clause may express an action ongoing at a
reference time in the past. In such a case, the verb in the matrix clause is usually a perception
verb such as M.lllllll 'to ' to listen', .J)BIICTIII 'to know', 'to
think'.
x;u.am JCH cap-am-po
as soon as head-3sg-obj

laugh.ptpl-be.3sg
Morphology 57
6apnonrr, [m x,aMlllHpll nap naJUIY-.IDD
side-3sg raised.3sg saw.3sg that sister in
{X.alCHM KapRM c.i. RG:223)
'As soon as she raised her head, she saw (that) the sister beside her (was) laughing'
2.2..7.6. l're8eat impelfrdiye form
The present imperfective form is composed of the imperfective aspect marker Me>-, the present
stem of a verb and an agreement suffix. The present imperfective is called 38MORB
x.ooupa-o.IBHlla in Tajik.
lsg
2sg
3sg
lpl
2pl
3pl
The present imperfective form is used primarily to encode the imperfective aspect in the
non-past. The situation denoted by the present imperfective form is therefore not bound to the
present, as in the sentences such as the following.
.napi.e-H Bonra 6a 6axp-H Kacmdt (NR:570)
river-iz Volga to sea-iz Caspian imp-pour-3sg
'the Volga runs into the Caspian sea'
This form also expresses a habitual situation.
M8H llap M81CT86-H MHCRa IIC>-XOIHM (NR:570)
I in scbool-iz middle imp-read-lsg
' I study at a secondary school'
Depending on the context in which it is used, the present imperfective form can also be used
to express an action in the future.
M8H 6a JCHT06XOHa Y>pU-4M (NR:571)
I to library imp-go- I sg
'I shall go to the library (e.g. tomorrow)'
Note that the verb Jlll)llriiB 'to have' does not occur in the present imperfective form, i.e., it
does not take the prefix MC>-.
63
However, compound verbs that as one of their
63
For example, 'I have a good wife' would be 11111 ,..._ xy6 .,.,_ (I wife-iz good have-lsg)
without t4e prefutatioo ofwo- to the verb.
58 Tajik
components, such as IIIIUPB ,liiOIIr'l'llll 'to conceal', as well as the verb 'to
keep/detain/stop', can occur in the present imperfective form.
IIIIU,OII
secret/hidden imp-have-3pl
'they conceal'
2.2. 7. 7. Pulure form
The future form, which is characteristic of the literary registers, consists of the finite form of
the verb xocraa 'to want' (2.2.13.1) and the inftnitive form of the main verb from which -aa
is removed.bt As its uti.lization of the modal verb XOCl'lll suggests, this form could be thought
of as expressing the mood of desire that implies the future tense (see also Palmer 2001:
104-106, Bybee et al. 1994:254-257).
lsg

2sg
3sg
XOIMDM
lpl
2pl
3pl XOJ:,III,A
6a TypKHll xox.....,. pa(rr
to Turkey want-Jsg go.binf
' I will go to Turkey'
2.2.8. PriDcipM mood c:ategorica
The expression of Tajik modality is connected with the expttession of tennt; and
Accordingly, both this section and 2.2.7, in which there are various ootes on
should be consulted for a comprehensive account for modality in 'fajit. verb 1lW,ed :itl. the
verb paradigms in this section is, unless noted otherwise, np.lt8K 't't) do . All& the exampfeJJ
the last one in 2.2.8.2-5 are taken from Arzumanov and ( 1988: 181-182). The
indicative mood is negatively defined here as lacking any of the marlcers of modality that the
other mood categories call for.
2.2.8.1. Infereotial
A modal opposition that pervades the verbal system of Tajik is the opposition between the
indicative mood and the mood of indirect evidence, which I call here the inferential mood.
The indirect evidence that the speaker possesses may be inferential, reported, or second-band
information. The inferential mood is expressed in Tajik typicalJy with the literary past partici-
ple and the cliticized verb (-)lcr 'to be', e.g. Dp.llll and
DMil The inferential signals that the speaker's proposition is based on
inference drawn from a certain situation or on hearsay (reported/second-band information). In
64
This 'brief infinitive' form is called Mac.Aapn uyxT&cap in Tajik.
Morphology 59
other words, this mood signals that the speaker bas indirect evidence that supports hislber
proposition.
2.2.8.1.1. Infereotialputform
The inferential past form consists of the literary past participial form of the main verb and the
ctiticized verb (-)lcr 'to be'. What I call the inferential past here is :JaMOHH fY38IDT8R II8JCJlll
in Tajik, which roughly translates into English as 'transferable (or narrative) past tense'.
1sg
2sg
3sg
I pi
2pl
3pl
..., ......
..., ...




The inferential past form is used to encode the inferential mood. The inferential past form is
used when the speaker narrates a reported event or a past event the information about which
slbe has indirectly gained.
MeIJ.!IIIA, KH OHX.O 6a paJtOHX,OH AHfllP (NR:576)
imp-say-3pl that they to district-pl-iz other go.ptpl-be.3pl
'they say that they have left for other regions
6a COaT-H xy.ll
to watch-iz self
RBJ'OX, ICllp,llll rytr:
look.ger said.3sg
<<8810" x,8M
time also
H83JliDC COaT 'IOp-y '10pbll810>
near become.ptpl-be.3sg hour four-co quarter
6a cy6x,
to morning
(NR:576)
'looking at his watch he said: "Even the time has become close to dawn - it is quarter
past four"'
Note that, in the example immediately above, the speaker learns the time's having become
close to dawn not directly by sensing time, which is humanly impossible, but indirectly
through (looking at) his watch. In this case, the time that his watch displays serves as indirect
evidence that the time bas become close to dawn (inference drawn from the situation). Tbe
inferential past form also expresses a present situation resulting from the action/event which
the verb denotes (in this case the form may be thought to be aspectually perfect).
t.fY8JlJIJIMaMOH 6a MocJCBa petra.ecr
teacher-lpl to Moscow go.ptpl-be.3sg
'our teacher has left for Moscow'
In poetry, the literary past participle in isolation (i.e. without (-)lcr) may be used instead of
the inferential past form in the third person singular. In the colloquial language, the past
participle ending with -adl may be used in place of the inferential past form (see also 2.2.9).
60 Tajik
qyum maxtip-x,o 6a ropRidi o..rDpjll'ldl (Pax,Jill c.i. RG:215)
because miner-pi to darkness be accustomed.ptpl
'Because the miners have been accustomed to darkness'
2.2.8.1.2. Infermtial put imperi'ccUve form
The inferential past imperfective form consists of the prefix the literary past participle,
and the cliticized verb (-)leT 'to be'. The inferential past imperfective is referred to as 38WOHH
I)'38IDT8H ){,ID:OJD"HH au,nA in Tajik.
lsg
2sg .......,..
3sg
1 pi \IC:KJiMICV
2pl
3pl wop .....
Morphologically, the inferential past imperfective form is, as its name suggests, a combination
of the inferential past and past imperfective forms. However, the status of this form in the
tense-aspect-mood system is not entirely clear. Explanations given on this form in different
grammars are not in perfect consistency with one another, though they seem to agree that the
form encodes the inferential mood. However, unlike situations expressed by the inferential
past form, situations expressed by the inferential past imperfective form are not confined to
the past (in terms of absolute tense). In other words, they appear to be neutral in regard with
absolute tense.
cpap.no .!lap N81CT86-H NO KOHilepf
tomorrow in school-iz we concert imp-become.ptpl-be.3sg
'there will be a concert at our school tomorrow (I have indirect/hearsay evidence)'
The inferential past imperfective form also appears to express, as the past imperfective form
does, a situation in progress or a habitual situation in the past (see 2.2.7.2).
2.2.8.1.3. Infermtial put pa{cct f0111l
The inferential past perfect form consists of the literary past participial form of the main verb,
the literary past participial form of6y.QaB (i.e. 6YA&), and the cliticized form of the verb x,acr
'to be' (i.e. (-)lcr). The inferential past perfect is called ry:JaiDTaH .zzypH HIIJQIA in Tajik.
l sg
2sg DM& 6y;l8ll
3sg
lpl ....
2p1
3p1 ....
Morphology 61
The inferential past perfect form and the past perfect form both express a situation that takes
place prior to reference time and that is relevant to the situation at reference time. The differ-
ence between them is that the former is modally inferential.
Ma"WI)'M Ne-myA, fCH 6ap 6ono-H lt,8NHR ICOp
evident imp-became.3sg that on top-iz this very work
nHcap x.aN ...-r (NR:577)
father-co son also make war.ptpl were.ptpl-be.3pl
'it became evident that even father and son have quarrelled over this issue' (An infer-
ence drawn from the present situation.)
2.2.8.1.4. IDfamtial put progreaive form
The inferential past progressive form consists of the progressive participle with -, and the
literary past participle of 6y.- (i.e. to which the cliticized verb (-)lcr 'to be' is at-
tached. The inferential past progressive is called ry:JaiDTaH .zzypH .naaoN.ZlopH (wyaltmH)
ll3lQlA in Tajik.
lsg
2sg
3sg DpA&
lpl
2pl
3pl
The inferential past progressive differs from the past progressive only in being inferential in
modality.
2.2.8.2. Impa-aaivc .... opClltiw
The imperative mood is expressed by the present stem to which an agreement suffix is
attached. 6&- or 6y- is optionally prefiXed to this form in the literary register.
2sg
2pl
(6a)r.ya
(6a)r.yae,A I (6B)KyBeros
'(thou) do!'
'(you) do! '
These are made negative with the negative prefix aa- or, in poetry, ,..., e.g . ....,..,.. 'do not
go' MHyB 'do not do'. The negative prefiX and 6&- do not co-occur. The imperative also
exists for the third persons.
3sg
3pl

(6a)l:yBur,A
'let her/him/it do'
' let them do'
The same form with a fust person (singular or plural) agreement suffix expresses the optative
mood.
62 Tajik
lsg (611)1:yaaw
lpl (611)lyacll
68-ry-ew, ICH [ )
opt-say-1 pl that
' let us say that [ ... ]'
2.2.83. CooditiaiW
'let me do'
'let us do'
The conditional mood is expressed in the following forms. (See also 2.2.7.3.)
1) The present stem of the verb + an agreement suffix. This form is called aopncr in Tajik
grammars.
lsg (611)Kylw.t
2sg (611)1:yai
3sg
1 pi (611)r:yBcu
2pl (611)r:y&Q I (611)KyBeroa
3pl
arap piiHIU, Me-asap-aM
if go-lsg imp-bring-lsg
' ifl go, I will bring'
The (2.2.4) in this form functions as a conjunction and marks contrast.
65
Mo 6a xoaa Wapacp .llap
we to house came-lpl Sarif be-3sg in
'we came home, whereas Sarifremained in the club'
ICJI)'6 MOfUl. (AS:208)
club stayed.3sg
In colloquial Tajik, the conditional mood form combined with in the third person
singular inferential past form yields the interpretation of inferred obligation.
BH w8Klj'6-po MO IIIIIIBO-QI 6)'.-..er
this letter-obj we write-lpl was.ptpl-be.3sg
' we are said to have to write this letter'
2) The literary past participial form of the main verb + the present stem of 6yAur, i.e. 6om- +
an agreement suffix.
65
In much the same way Turlcish ist: and Uzbek bo '/sa do.
lsg
2sg
3sg
lpl
2pl
3pl
ap6omuf
ap6omlt
ap6omi,A
ap6ouR:w
up 6olnc:A I DpA& 6omeroa

saA pe4rra 6om-e,zt
s/be go.ptpl be3sg imp-bring-3sg
'if slbe has/is gone, s/be will bring'
Morphology 63
3) The imperfective prefix 1110- + the literary past participial form of the main verb + the
present stem (i.e. 6om-) +an agreement suffix.
1 sg 6omuf
2sg 6omlt
3sg
lpl
2pl ueap.lUl ueap 6omeroa
3pl
8aA BH KJn'06-x,o-po MeOBBp.ll
s/be imp-go.ptpl be-3sg this book-pl-obj imp-brought.3sg
'if slbe went, slbe would bring these books'
4) The progressive participial form of the main verb + the present stem (i.e. 6om-) +
an agreement suffix.
lsg
2sg
3sg
lpl
2pl
3pl

Dp)Ul 6omlt
DpA& BCTOA& 6oma.IJ:
Dp.IUl 6omeu
DpA& BCTOA& Dp,Aa BCTO,Aa OOmeroB

BaA JCHT06 :1011,111a 6oaJ..eA, xanan aa-pacoa-e.ll
s/be book read.ptpl be-3sg obstacle neg-touch-2pl
'if s/be is reading a book, do not interfere'
2.2.8.4. SpecaWive
This mood expresses a degree of uncertainty, which in English can be expressed typically
with such words as probably and may (well). The following three forms are used to express
this mood which I call speculative here.
64 Tajik
1) The past participle in -ilrii of the main verb + X/IIC'r ( 2.2.4) from which x,a is removed:
66
1sg
2sg ap)IIII1ET.ii
3sg
lpl
2pl Dp.A11111C'1'CA I DMJI'IIC1'CTOB
3pl
BBlt
slhe come.ptpl-be.3sg
'probably he has come' I 'maybe he has come'
2) The present participle and -ant of the main verb+ :r,JICr (2.2.4) from which x,a is
removed:
67
1sg
2sg MCDpN111C'l1t
3sg
lpl IICDp,A1111Cl'eU
2pl Yeap.!81111CTC,ql
3pl
aai 6axoaa
slhe to house go.ptpl-be.3sg
'probably he will go home' I 'I suppose that he will go home'
3) The progressive participle in -v8 of the main verb + X/IIC'r (2.2.4) from which x,a is
removed:
lsg DpAa BCI'0)$8111CT111
2sg DJIAa Bcro,AU1IC'lil
3sg up IIC'J'C),qJU1IC
lpl
2pl
3pl Dlp,Jila
" This form bas a brief form that seems to be outside the curtent literary norm: lsg ll:lpJIIIRII, 2sg
3sg llpAiniCT, lpl Jr.11MUW. 2pl and Jpl Dp,liii'CII.
" This form has a brief form that seems to be outside the current literary norm: 1 sg ueap.IIJirell, 2sg
3sg IIC'aiiMJIIliCT, lpl 2pl and 3pl
ltCIDp,UI'CB.
Morphology 6S
BBlt XBT BUBJDra IICIO,A:II1H:T (NR: 583)
slhe letter write.ptpl-be.3sg
'he may (well) be writing (a) letter(s)'
2.2.8.5. lntmfional
The future participle in predicate position typically assumes the mood that expresses one's
intention to perform the action denoted by the verb. This mood is expressed by the future
participle of the main verb + X/IIC'r 'to be' or its cliticized form (-)lcr. In the colloquial lan-
guage, the latter part of the this form, i.e. X/IIC'r or(-)lcr, can be absent
MBH 6a Tomo P+ralll :r,acNIII
to Tokyo go.ptpl be-lsg
MBH 6a Tomo
I to Tokyo go.ptpl-be.lsg
MBH 6a Tomo P+ralll (Colloquial; see 3. 1)
I to Tokyo go.ptpl
' I intend to go to Tokyo' I ' I am going to Tokyo'
Other forms in which the future participle is in predicate position, which also express the
mood of intention, are exemplified below.
M8H ...,..... aMMO pa4lTa HaTaBOHHCTBM.
go.ptpl was-l sg but go.ger neg-could-lsg
' I intended to go, but could not' I ' I had the intention of going, but could not'
MBH petnd my;Jt-Uf.
I go.ptpl became-1sg
' I became willing to go' I ' I decided to go' (lit. 'I became intentional in going')
J<a, l(flcca-u PYlH ucmpox.aTpo rytrad 6y,q .... (PBX.HM c.i. RG:220)
yes tale-iz day-iz rest-obj say.ptpl was-t sg
'yes, I intended to tell the story of the day-off'
2.2.9. Participlca .. predicates
In Tajik, participles, i.e. verbal adjectives, are very similar to adjectives in their functions and
distribution, except that participles can introduce relative clauses. Participles, with the excep-
tion of the literary present participle, also do not occur in the comparative and superlative
degrees (unlike gradable adjectives). Participles and adjectives are not pluralize<f' and can
follow nouns in the izafet construction (and also, at least in dialects, precede nouns) to modify
them. Just as adjectives occur in predicate position, so do participles, with or without
68
However, they sometimes cross boundaries between lexical categories to enter the category of
noun, in which case, naturally, they can be pluralized, e.g. IIOJUIPIID 'what
her mother has gone through' and........- 11111)'1111,11111 My&m 'what/things that Mubin saw
and heard'.
66 Tajik
J;ICr/(-)KT 'to be'.
69
For example, the verb forms expressing the speculative mood in 2.2.8.4
can be regarded as participles serving as predicatives with x,acr.
One of the reasons why the description of the use of participles as predicat(iv)es is sketchy,
or at _least unsystematic, in this section, as it is also in many grammars of Tajik, is that the
functions, forms and even the number of participles are subject to dialectal variation. For
example, Bukharan Tajik, like a number of other northern dialects such as Panjakent and
lstaravbn (formerly Oroteppa) dialects, does not utilize the participle that is called in this
book the literary present participle {E!niyozov 1977: 66-67). On the other hand. the utilization
of participles as predicat(iv)es, which is incorporated in the literary language more as a patch
than as a system, is a characteristic most salient in northern dialects. Thus, the verb system of
northern dialects is not compatible with that of literary Tajik, which. however, has had a
tendency of adopting characteristics of northern dialects. For this reason, it is not always clear
if a participle used as a predicat(iv)e is indisputably literary/standard or dialectal or colloquial
or even dialectal and colloquial. This lack of clarity is reflected in the unsystematic descrip-
tion of participles in predicate position in grammars. This gives literary Tajik verb system a
somewhat erratic look, as is noticeable from the notes on the future and past participles in
2.2.7.
There is in fact an extensive series of verb paradigms that can be drawn from dialectal
data, which is radically different from the one explained in 2.2.7 and 2.2.8. I refrain from
presenting a description of the verb system of northern dialects here, because this book is not
a dialectological work. I restrict myself to providing some references for this topic: Soper
(1996) is a great help in gaining an insight into the verb paradigms of northern dialects.
Oafforov (1980) extensively discusses participles used as predicatives in dialects.
70
&niyozov
(1977, 1979) is a concise summary of previous scholarship in Tajik dialectology. Rastorgueva
(1964) contains a detailed and extensive survey of dialects.
69
Rastorgueva (1992: 81) writes: "All participles with the -rii suffix are widely used as predicates
(particularly in the colloquial language), both independently as weU as in conjunction with the
copula. [ . ): HH OA8M 83 maxp OM&Aarii ' this man bas come from town' and Aapam IIYnotAarll
6y.11'herdoorwas locked".
10
Below is a basic tip for understanding the use of participles in northern dialects, which anyone
reading Tajik literature will no doubt come across. Northern Tajik participles are best understood
by analogy with Turkic participles. The rule of thumb is to equate the past participle in Tajik with
the Uzbek participle in -<JaD (or the Turkish participle in which expresses the inferential
mood in the past tense. On the other hand, the future participle in Tajik may be equated roughly to
the Uzbek participle with IDOQChi (or the Turkish participle with -&Ef). These rules work in the
majority of cases but not all.
Tajik
Jlltrad
go-ptpl became.3sg
Uzbek ketIDOQChi bo'l-di
go-ptpl become-past.3sg
Turkish gid-ecek ol-du
go-ptpl become-past.3sg
'slhe became willing to go'
Morphology 67
2.2.10. Causative voice
The suffix -(l)oa derives causative verbs from present stems. Some causative verbs are listed
as vocabulary entries (i.e. transitive verbs) in dictionaries independently from the verbs from
which they are derived.
Present stem
Present stem (Causative verb)
Infmitive (Causative verb)
cllax.MH.IlaH
'to understand'
cllllli.M
cllllli.M-o&-

'to explain'
pfH,nau
'to grow'
PY
py-&1-

'to grow/raise/cultivate'
Observe the example below, where xo6o&.Aaa 'to put to bed' (the causative ofxo&!.Am 'to
sleep', whose present stem is xOO-), is used.
Mo.ztap 6a11a-am-po (AS:200)
mother child-3sg-obj put to bed.3sg
'the mother put her child to bed'
In the majority of causative verbs, <B> is inserted after the causative suffix -(l)oa in past stems.
This does not affect the function of the suffix or the forms of the present stems of the causa-
tive verbs derived by the suffix. Compare the two alternative forms of the verb for 'to boil'
(transitive) derived from the intransitive 'to boil', the present stem of which is
"$1-.
Infinitive
Past stem
Present stem
'\YnJOH.llaH 'to boil'
'\YnJOHA
'\YnJOH
'\YnJOHJIJI.aH 'to boil'
'19mOHJIJI.
.zymou-
Double causatives are possible and are marked by the reduplication of the causative suffix,
namely -(l)oaoa ( <B> may follow this suffix as it does -(l)oa).
Xa6ap-a ABPJ3apo 6a KapHM c118X,MOIIOIIltaHA. (AS:201)
news-iz yesterday's-obj to Karim caused to explain-3pl
'(they) caused (someone)
71
to explain yesterday's news to Karim'
2.2.11. voice
The passive voice is expressed by the literary past participle and the verb my.-. 'to become'
(or, less frequently, rap_. ' to tum').
11
Asked to specify this 'someone' as Fotima in this sentence (that is, to produce the Tajik translation
of '(they) caused Fotima to explain yesterday's news to Karim'), an informant (from KO!ob) in-
serted 6o 'by means ofFotima') immediately before 6a IC8piDI.
68 Tajik
COXT&H 'to build'
' to read'
'IH,ll8H ' to pick'
' to be built'
'to be read'
'to be picked'
.ll&p IOUWIO" MaJCTa6 J[)'DIO.Ia lll)?t. (AS: 198)
in village school open.ptpl became.3sg
'(a) school(s) was/were opened in the village'
.llap JC,JIIIIJJO" Mu:r&6 J[)'DIO.Ia (AS: 198)
in village school open.ptpl want-3sg become.binf
'(the) school will be opened in the village'
The aa- is attached not to the passivized verb but to III)'AUI. The passive
1S not m common currency in colloquial Tajik and is rarely used in Bukharan
TaJik, whe_;; the ' -a + is reserved for aspect marking (see 2.2.13.2 and
Ido 2002). The agent 1S marked With m "JliiP8ta in the passive construction.
D8XT8 m C1)',1leHTX.O
'IH,lla
cotton from side-iz student-pi
'cotton is picked by students'
pick.ptpl imp-become-3sg
2.2.12. Neptioa
In sentences with verbal predicates, negation is marked by the prefix aa-. 1Ja.. precedes the
imperfective prefix 110-.
MaJCiy(i H myM<>-po D-mpH4JTaM
letter-iz you-obj neg-took-1 sg
'I did not receive your letter'
&a-Me-,llOHaM
ncg-i.mp-know-1 sg
'I do not know'
lfa.. is attached not to the main verb but to the auxiliary XOCliB in the future fonn ( 2.2. 7. 7).
pa4n'
neg-want-3sg go.binf
'(s/he) will not go'
72
For example, 'the book is read' would be expressed as JCHTOo xo11,11anc 'someone (unspecified
agent) has read the book' in the inferential past in Bukharan Tajik.
Morphology 69
The negative fonn of the 2.2.4) is used for the negation of copular sentences. The
negative fonn may be replaced by ac, which seems to be coUoquial (see also 3. 1).
1sg BCCTUI
2sg IICICTJt
3sg IICCI'
1pl IICCTQI
2pl BeClQ
3pl lleiCniQ
NaB C&p,llOp-H CHH4J BCC'l'IM (NR:569)
I leader-iz class neg.be. l sg
'I am not (a/the) class leader'
MaH C&pll.op-H CHH4J BC
I leader-iz class not
' I am not (a/the) class leader'
KOp-o r&H.IIa BC (Bukharan Tajik)
work-pi bad not
'things are {okay, not bad} '
2.2.13. AuxilWy vat.
2.2.13.1. Modals
Tajik grammars list four modal auxiliaries MO.IlanA),
73
namely TUOIIIICTIII, XOCDB,
6oacriB, and IDOIICTUI. TIIIOIIIICDB 'to be able to, can' and XOCTIB 'to want' do not have
causative or passive forms. TIUIOBBCTUI is preceded by the main verb in the perfective
gerundive fonn.
74
1fPIIlj
give.ger neg-imp-can-3pl
'they can not give'
n See, however, abo 2.2.13.2.
7
There are many Olher constructions in which occurs. For example, in poetry,
may be pm:eded by the infmitive form of the main verb. In some registen, the pre-
sent stem of TUOIIIICTIII to which the imperfective prefix MO- is attached can co-occur with the
'brief infinitive' (Mac,napH HOIQIC or Nac,napu MJXTaCap; see 2.2.3) of the main verb. The brief
(or occasionally full) infinitive of the main verb can co-occur with inflected TUOIIIICl'U. Finally,
there also exists a construction in which TUOIIIICTIII and the present stem of the main verb with an
agreement suffix co-occur, e.g. lloiC'IU08Q 11MBCCJ11 '(you) can write' .
70 Tajik
The modal auxiliary xocraa, as is explained in 2.2.7.7, expresses desire and is used as the
'future tense' marker in the literary language.
7
' lioacTaa 'to be obliged' and IIIOIICI'III 'to
befit' occur only in the forms of 6oQ and lllOIQII respectively. &oQ and whose respec-
tive English translations are usually must and IDJJybdperilllps, both precede the main verb.
MaR 00Q 6a ID)'MO JDC qm-po r)'-DI (RG:I85)
I must to you one thing-obj say-lsg
' I must tell you one thing'
2.2.13.2. Oda llllilimea
Tajik has more than a dozen other auxiliary verbs, the exact total number of which is uncer-
tain. This uncertainty derives from the fact that the majority of the auxiliaries probably came
into existence as a result of language contact between Tajik and Uzbek/furlcic. The use of
such auxiliaries is naturally particularly salient in northern dialects, the dialectal peculiarities
of which tend not to be dismissed as non-standard (see 2.2.9). The number of verbs identi-
fied as auxiliaries therefore varies from a grammar to another, reflecting the grammarians'
judgements as to what peculiarities of northern dialects should be considered to be within the
literary norm. Some of the auxiliary verbs listed below cannot be safely assumed to be within
the literary norm.
76
Comprehensive dictionaries list many of these. Rastorgueva (1954:
562-563 or 1992: 84-87) gives a number of examples to describe the information that each of
them encodes.
BCro,JUIB 'to stand'
6yJIAUI 'to carry (off)'

' to become'
' to stay'
'to come'
mpatua ' to take'

'to go out'
..... 'to see'
l'UII!1UI 'to revolve; to stroll'
ryJ8miiii
oup.qiB
DlfJI'Otraa
'to pass'
'to bring'
'to throw'
P+ru 'to go'
'l'IIIOK JDIPJ'III 'to finish'
AO.-a 'to give'
'tosend'
cap AO,IIIB 'to let out; to launch'
IIIIIIDCI'UI (lllllllliiiB) 'to sit'
These auxiliaries immediately follow the perfective gerundive form of the main verb. The
type of information that they encode is typically aspectual, but may also be modal. Some of
them even encode the semantic roles of the arguments of the predicates of which they are
parts.
Aspect PlllUDI, 6a XOHaH NO (AS:206)
Rahim to house-iz we come.ger stand-2pl
'Rahim, ((habitually) drop, keep on dropping} in at our house!'
75
Xocr111 can co-occur also with the infinitive form of the main verb, in which case the main verb
precedes xocna, e.g. petrlll :IOCT and petraa IIIC:XOI,IIK (which corresponds to XOI,IIK petr).
" Most of these auxiliaries ex_ist also in Uzbek.
Aspect y taP-croA
slbe laugh.ger sent3sg
'he burst into laugh'
Morphology 71
Modality IcypT&-po AJI.It'IM
dress-obj wear.ger saw-lsg
I tried on the dress'
(Rastorgueva 1992:87)
Semantic role Nu,ona-po xoa.. AQA-aM (Rastorgueva 1992:86)
article-obj read.ger gave-lsg
'I read the article (to someone who is semantically a beneficiary)'
The auxiliary f'IIPIItraa 'to take' also follows the infmitive form of the main verb, in which
case it encodes the continuative aspect. The use of 'to become' as an auxiliary is
potentially confusing, since the '4 in which it occurs is formally identi-
cal with the passive construction. For example, in isolation is ambiguous as to
whether it means 'to fmish/complete reading' or 'to be read'. However, in most cases, the
degree of ambiguity is not as high as it theoretically could be thanks to subject-verb agree-
ment morphology. For example, the following example is unlikely to induce the passive
interpretation 'I was read (by someone)' .
77
(NliB) Jll)?t4M
I read.ger became-lsg
' I finished reading'
23.Adposiliooa
Tajik has both prepositions and postpositions. The principle prepositions include the follow-
ing.
6a 'to' 6e ' without'
6o 'with' TO 'upto; until'
6ep 'upon, on'
.., ' in,
6apoa 'for'
.,
'from'
6apoa MHJlJiaT-H NO Bali 6a Naxra6 pi$'
for nation-iz we slbe to school went.Jsg
'for our nation' 's/be went to school'
77
In young Bulcharans' Tajik language, in which passivization is rarely used, the use of the .,.
IIIYJIIIIII' construction specifically induces the aspcctual reading, e.g. co:na IIIYJIIIIII 'to fin-
ish/complete building'.
72 Tajik
In poetry, a 'from' can be reduced to 3 and be prefixed to the word following it, e.g. 3-1111
a6l6 (from-this reason) 'for this reason'. In the colloquial language, ...-(p) Is often used to
mark nouns and noun phrases bearing the semantic role of 'goal', e.g. loWI .liiiiP
...,..... ' I go to Tashkent' (AS: 226), IIC.AOA8B,. Willi (Bukharan Tajik) '[he (polite)] gives
me [money)', and Willi,. m(y)Yo ( ... ] ry(rraM (Bukharan Tajik) 'I said to you[ ... )'. Tajik
usually include 'compound' prepositions such as the following in the set ofprepo-
srtlons: .rdp ., 'except (for)', a pYa 'according to', OBJ( 6a 'about', .JUIP 6opell 'about,
concemmg', DCID., 'before', etc. &poa. which can take pronominal clitics (e.g. 6lpnauoa
them'), is often included in this group. In the literary language, there is only one postpo-
Sition, namely 6eplm ' like', though Tajik grammars customarily count also the object marker
-po as a postposition. \
)
6yn6yn 6.piiB Me-xoaa.n (Barakaeva 1968:43)
nightingale like imp-read-3sg
'slbe sings like a nightingale'
There is another postposition in the colloquial language, ' with'.
M)'K.&Wlac Ul1l Kop rcap.n;-aM
Muqaddas with worked-lsg
'I worked with Muqaddas'
In northern dialects, 6a is used not as a preposition but as a postposition/suffix {Eniyozov
1977: 92). The postpositionallsuffixal -6a in Bukbaran Tajik often marks nouns bearing the
semantic role of'location' (see also 2.1.1.4).
Kop aee! Kop Bee AHrnnAa-&. (Bukharan Tajik)
work neg.be.Jsg work neg.be.3sg England-ba
'There's no work! There's no work in England.'
There are cases in Bukbaran Tajik where even 6epoB is used as a postposition.
m(y)Mo XJlWYH tiepoii-MH xaT Ha-HaBRCTIIID'I"CT7 (Bukharan Tajik)
you that very baroi-q letter neg-write.ptpl.be.2pl
'Is it for that reason that you {are not writing, do not write} (an) e-mail(s)?'
2.4. Word formation
Taj_ik bas dozens of native and non-native derivational morphemes, the principle ones of
which explained in this section (see Bobomurodov and Miiminov 1983: 95-97 for an
exhaustive list of derivational morphemes). They include both productive and unproductive
morphemes. Compounding is also a highly productive device for word-formation in Tajik.
Morphology 73
2.4.1. Noun formltioa
Nouns that designate occupations and professions are derived by such suffixes as the ones
listed in the table below.
-rap Kopnp 'worker' KOp ' work'
-0011 6o6oa 'gardener' 6oF 'garden'
-rop/-IOp XH3Matrop 'servant' XH3M8T 'service'
-6o3
J(JIMopOOs 'gambler' JC:HMOP
'gamble'
..... '(white-collar) XH3MaT 'service'
employee'
Suffixes which form nouns that designate places include the following and -IDIB, -6op, and

-{a }croll '9' 36elaiC'IOB 'Uzbekistan' Y36eK 'Uzbek'
-<Op
'highlands'
'mountain'
-oop rymop flower/rose- ryn 'flower, rose'
garden'
The following derive abstract nouns.
...
'friendship' 'friend'
-d 6a'llll1l 'childhood' 6aqa 'child'
-BID .D;OHBID 'knowledge' .noR- 'know (present stem)'
-op ry4mJp 'speech, con versa- ryctn"-
'say (past stem)'
tion'
Diminutive suffixes also derive nouns.
..... .D;yXTap'D ' little girl' .n;yxnp 'girl'
..... 6y:DI'D 'little goat' 6p 'goat'
--
38IWt ' little woman' 38B 'woman'
(colloquial)
X,U. 'and; too, also' is used as a prefix to derive nouns.
x,IIICOll 'neighbour' COli 'shadow'
Other morphemes deriving nouns include the ones listed below.
74 Tajik
--
WHCJIII& 'copper utensils' WHC 'copper'
....,.,
'confection( CIY)' mupa 'sweet syrup, juice'
-.opt xypooopa 'foodstuffs' JCYpoK 'food'
-(A )or x.aboaor 'animals'
78
x.aboa 'animal'
IUIT 'liiM'bBIT 'society'
'\11M'& 'totality; sum'
'inkwell' CHex,ll 'blackness; ink'
-11011& aBI')"DDTTIIOI 'thimble' asrymr 'finger'
-Gt xyPoc 'food' xyP- 'eat (present stem)'
-(I )a 'band; palm; paw'
'five'
-(Ji)u abu 'spectacles' ab 'eye (lit); substance'
Compound no\DlS have components from various lexical categories, though major sources of
components are nouns, adjectives, and verb stems. In some compound nouns, components are
in juxtaposition, while in some others components are connected with the coordinating
cbtic -(lla)y
79
or the compounding particle -(l)o-.
urro6xoaa 'library'
QI!Jia 'Sunday'

puyoJi 'visit, trip'
alpCyUII
'preface, foreword'
lllllp6aplm"
'milk rice porridge'
mro6'book'
JllC 'one'
ry4IT- 'say (past stem)'
pas- 'go (pr. stem)'
cap
'head'
map
'milk'
xoaa 'house'
maH6e 'Saturday'
I)'- 'say (pr. stem)'
oit- 'come (pr. stem)'
CyxaH
'speech'


A noun can be followed by its duplication with 11- or o- replacing its initial consonant which
gives the noun the interpretation of' ... and suchlike' or 'stuff like ... '. This process, is
common in a number ofTurkic languages, is colloquial.
u- 6o30p-uooop
a- qoA-ooA
2.4.2. Vab fOIIDitioo
2.4.2.1. PrdUca
'(a) market(s) and stuffi'sucblike' 6o3op
'tea and stuffi'suchlike' qoii
'market'
'tea'
The prefixes &lp-, .nap-, b-, and derive verbs from verbs. The ftrSt two of
these are of prepositional origin (2.3), whereas b-originates from the adverb 6oo 'again'.
71
All 'zoologist'.
19
This clitic, which exists also in Uzbek, is used when the speaker presents the referents of two
constituents connected with -{.,.)y as belonging to the S81lle (cognitive) category.
Morphology 75
6ep- 'to pick up, to lift' ,AOmTaH 'to have'
6lpoMII,!lllH 'to go/come out' OMI,llaB 'to come'
..,...
'to enter, to go/come in' OMI,llliH 'to come'
'to bring in' OB&p.AliH 'to bring'
typ-lt. typ<lMIJlaB 'to go/come down I get off' OM&JiliH 'to come'
typosap.AliH 'to let/pull down' OB&p,AliH 'to bring'
b- 6osJ:lomTaH 'to keep/detain/stop' .AODITIIB 'to have'
6cmamraH 'to return I come back' ramraa 'to turn'
IIO,AODITIIB 'to induce/force/make' .nomraB 'to have'
IIOJC9p.Allll 'to meet up with' X9P.AaH
'to eat/drink'
be replaced by the word from which it originates, namely +YPf.n (alternatively
+YPY.A) 'down, downwards', the brief form of which is +m (Zehnl 1987:194).
'to go down, to descend'
' to let/pull down'
As is clear from the examples shown above, typy, +m.n, and typ- designate "motion
directed downwards", while 6ep- and .nap- respectively designate "motion directed upwards or
outside" and "motion directed inside" (Rastorgueva 1992: 83). Though orthographically not a
prefix, 4lepo 'back, backwards' "designates motion around something" (ibid:83).
t-Po +-Po mpuclmur 'to cover/embrace/grasp'
The positions of the imperfective prefix ue- and negative prefix a- in the verbs derived by
the derivational prefixes listed above vary. As a rule, the verbs
.JUIPOIIII.P.naB, 6ep.-mrras, and 'to take out', as well as verbs derived by
typ-Jt. follow ua- and ue-. Incidentally, these are all verbs of motion.
80
(verb: .napoMa.ttaB)
(verb: ciypoMMliH)
(verb: .ABpOMa.ttaH)
's/be goes in'
's/be did not go down'
's/be does not go in'
On the other hand, verbs derived by b- and as well as those derived by 6ep- and .nap-
excluding the five verbs shown above are 'split' by ua- and ue-.
(verb:
(verb:
003-a.-ramr (verb: 6ooramras)
'it did not light/flash/bum'
'it does not light/flash/bum'
's/he did not go back'.
80
Ma"sumJ (1959: 192-193) writes that, in modem Tajik:, Yo- and sa- are inserted in verbs
and 6ap- that indicate influence/effect and state, but are prefixed to those that indicate action and
movement.
76 Tajik
2.4.2.2. Su1liua
The suffix -(a)A derives past stems of verbs from various lexical items including nouns,
Uzbek verb stems, etc. (see Rastorgueva and Kerimova 1964:9-10).
ROM
HOM-II,A

' name'
past stem
'to name'
While derives past stems, the suffix derives present stems. Present stems derived by
-oa can in tum form past stems with the suffixation of -JIA.
2.4.2.3. TDositivizltioo
'prize, reward'
present stem
past stem
'to reward/award'
The suffix -(l)oa (22.10) forms transitive verbs from intransitive verbs.
Present stem
Present stem (Transitive verb)
Infinitive (Transitive verb)
2.4.2.4. CompouDdins
' to sleep'
' to put to bed'
Compound verbs, particularly those formed with the light verb ' to do', are numerous
in Tajik. For a number of verbs formed with ap,.a, there are corresponding lexical verbs.
xo6
xo6Dp.UB
xo6lwa
'sleep'
'to sleep'
'to sleep'
Some other verbs that occur frequently in compound verbs are rapa4nu 'to take', 'to
'to have', i5traa 'to fmd', 3WB 'to hit', XS'P.zUIII 'to eat/drink', and COXTUI 'to
build' . Compound verbs are formed with a variety of lexical items, as are shown below.
Noun: mpap,oa woric + do ' to woric'
Ul'ilOII C4ma conclusion + bring ' to accomplish'
'IIDDIIIIA()XTIUI eye + put 'to eye/look (at)'
memory + take ' to learn'
grief+ eat/drink 'to grieve'
word + hit ' to speak'
Adjective: clean+do ' to clean'
WftiiYI' evident + tum 'to become clear'
Morphology 77
Reduplicated noun:

O:Dp,OII
hand-hand + do 'to grope'
Preposition + noun:
Numeral:
'to bear in mind'
'to unite'
Lit. past participle:
ldeophone:
Verb:
OKYJaa ap,oa

BCCT J"11IWW..''IB
in + view + have
one+ do
learn.ptpl + do
knock-knock+ do
neg.be+tum
' to accustom'
'to knock'
'to disappear'
2.4.3. Adjcdive f<Mulltion
Adjective-deriving affixes are listed below.
-(a )I amaRad 'traditional'
..... xoaarll 'domestic'
.... '18pMIIB 'leathern'
-11111 F8MJ1III 'sad'
-oaa Jl9CTOIIIl
' friendly'
-YBII.A 8110JCJIMIII.A
'related, connected'
-rya ryJJryB ' pink; scarlet'
...,., ywe.oop ' hopeful'
-HOC cpoR.Il880C 'useful; profitable'
6oaJ<JJ
'clever, wise'

6eaJ()I 'stupid'
.... aoxym 'joyless'
x.w-
li',IMJIIMOR 'contemporary'
amaHS 'tradition'
xoaa 'house'
'lapM ' leather'
raM grief, sorrow'
Jl9CT
'friend'
81101(,8 'relation'
ryn ' flower; rose'
ywe.ll ' hope'
cpoR.Ila 'benefit; profit'
aK)l 'intellect; mind'
aK)l 'intellect; mind'
xym delightful'
38M OR time, period, era'
Compounding and derivational affixes are used in adjective Some adjectives
compounded from components that belong to various leXtcal categones are shown below.
DMI'UI 'tacitum'
Jalllc:IUIO.A 'semi-literate'
ll)'IIIPS' beautiful'
xy;J;Kop 'automatic'
piX-piX ' striped'
DIIIDCJ'lWIII
' broken-hearted'
"'U,C))II''Drr 'experienced;
travelled'
KaY 'few'
KaY 'few'
xym 'pleasant'
xy.ll'self
pax ' stripe'
81
mmcacra
'break (lit. past ptpl)'
'18XOH
'world'
ran 'word'
C8BO.Il ' literacy'
PY ' face'
ICOp 'work'
pax 'stripe'
JlJIJl
'heart'
ranrra
' revolve (lit. past ptpl)'
The compounding particles and -wa- appear with some reduplicated nouns serving as
adjectives.
82
11 E.g. II.'OFCX!II pax-pu: 'striped paper'. . . . .
1:1 _ _. can often be replaced by 6e, which, however, IS wntten separately from the reduplicated
nouns, e.g. xea.
78 Tajik
-(i)o- paaropaRr 'varicoloured'
..... xenuaxen 'various, diverse'
p&III'
xen
'colour'
'sort, kind'
Adjectives can be combined with a hyphen or the coordinating clitic -(1/a)y, e.g. ll'tiJIYOIIIO
c:ailal 'socio-political' and II'(IBYolkaCcll 'social and political', both of which are combina-
tions 'social' and ca&:ll 'political'. Below is a similar example.
wymiCilJIOT-H 'UWlJITap-H III;IIIC(WI-W)' cBcl
difficulties-iz serious-cmp-iz economic-co political
'more serious economic--political difficulties'
The suffix derives adjectives from numerals combined with nouns, e.g. ' decadal,
ten-year' + 'year' + -).
2.4.4. Advab formatioo
As is explained in 2. 1.4.4, in general, adjectives are used as adverl>s and vice versa. On the
other hand, there are motphological devices reserved specifically for adverb formation,
though their productivity is limited in Modem Tajik. The suffixes -(i)aa and -o derive
adverl>s from items belonging to various lexical categories including other adverbs.
83
-(i)aa acocaa ' fundamentally' acoc 'foundation; basis'
MY8aJCJ(,&T8B ' temporarily' MYBaJCJ(,&T 'temporary'
-o acno 'never' acn 'essence; origin'
roXI> 'sometimes' rox. 'time'
The suffixes sometimes derive synonymous adverbs from a single item, e.g. II)T.IIU; 'abso-
lute' > Y)'lliUP ' absolutely' and 'absolutely'. Other adverb-forming suffixes
include the suffix -e, which appears to be slightly colloquial, and -BOd.
-e
-BOd
' a little; somewhat' lCAlW
'backwards' ax.JJ6
'value, worth'
' back'
Reduplication is a productive means of deriving adverbs from various lexical items.
'sometimes' rox. 'time' Noun
n:3-'rC3 ' frequently; soon' Te3 'sharp; fast' Adjective

'gradually' paqm 'go (gerund)' Gerund
---
'one by one' n: 'one' Numeral
Some reduplicated items are connected with the compounding particle -(l)o-, e.g., capoc:ap
'entirely, from the beginning to the end' (reduplication of cap 'head').
83
-(l:>c- is another common derivational suffix for forming adverbs. However, unlike adverbs
derived by -(l)ur, adverbs derived by -(l)osa are often adjectives too, e.g. COADPBil 'truthfully,
sincerely; truthful, sincere' (from the adjective COJtB: ' truthful, sincere').
3. Syntax
3.1. Copular .ad vat.iiCOteooca
Complements precede the copula (2.2.4) in copulae sentences. In the following examples of
copular sentences, the complements are a noun phrase, adjective phrase, and prepositional
phrase.
(M&H) cty.lleii1'4M
I student-cop.l sg
' I am a student'
llapaxTH cacile.llOP 6an&Hll
tree-iz poplar tall
' the poplar tree is tall'
BaA ,llap XORa ICl'
slhe in house cop.3sg
's/he is in/at home'
ICl'
cop.3sg
The occurrence of is not obligatory in the colloquial language.
HH J<HT06 (acr)
this book cop.3sg
'this is a book'
.ll&lleM xyp3aR (Bukharan Tajik)
father. l sg joyful
'my father is joyful'
Tajik is a so-called pro-drop language where subjects are often absent in sentences.
pa4rr-eM
went-lpl
'we went' I ' let's go'
The interrogative particle -lodl, which is Uzbek/Turkic in origin, is a yes-no question particle.
It is used to ask the addressee about the truth value of (the proposition of) a sentence.
KJIT06..po XOR.Ile,n-Jd?
book-obj read-2pl-q
'did you read the book?'
80 Tajik
However, in the colloquial language, the scope of interrogation can be altered by moving -wl
from the sentence-final position to other positions in a sentence. This can be observed in the
following Bukharan Tajik example copied from 2.3.
m(y)wo XJIMYH 6apoH-Y11 X8T aa-BJUIHCT8Dl'TCT'?
84
(Bukharan Tajik)
you that very baroi-q letter neg-write.ptpl.be.2pl
' Is it for that reason that you {are not writing, do not write} (an) e-mail(s)?'
3.2. CoordiDatioo
3.2.1. AND
The conjunctions u, I.IM I.IM - 'both ... and .. .',and the coordinating
clitic -(1/a)y connect various elements as well as sentences.
Y JCHT06 .z:taclrrap OBap.ll
s/be book and notebook brought.3sg
'she brought (a) book(s) and (a) notebook(s)'
M)'8JIJJHU 6a CHHcp ,napoM8,Zl .. A8pC cap my.ll. (AS:231)
teacher to classroom entered.3sg and lesson head became.3sg
'The teacher entered the classroom and the lesson started.'
waa I.IM mro6, I.IM eypH8ll-po 088p.ll-8M (NR:593)
I also book also magazine-obj brought-lsg
' I brought both the book and the magazine'
3aA:Ha6, OM8Jla&-aT HIIF3-Y pacpTaH-aT 68,Zl-.llHJI.
85
{Ynyr3o.z:ta c.i. RG:241)
Zaynab come.inf-2sg good-co go.inf-2sg bad-sfp
'Zaynab, your coming is good and your leaving is bad, indeed.
3.2.2. OR.
The conjunction a is the Tajik equivalent of English 'or'. a may be optionally followed by 101
orBBDI.
Ty Me-pu-ll a HH 'lO we-ucr-A? (Rastorgueva 1992:102)
you imp-go-2sg or this place imp-stand-2sg
'are you going or staying here?'
a ae(-wl)? attached to a sentence may be translated as 'or not?' .
.. lilpc.- 'for' is used as a postposition in this Bukharao Tajik example. An informant from Xujand
objected that 6apoH should not be used as a postposition, suggesting that the sentence should be
m(y)MO 6apoH UM}'BMH XliT H8H8BHCT81In'eT?.
" Tajik has a number of sentence-final particles such as -.IIQ, -All. and -"'! that, like Japanese
sentence final particles, mainly express modality. See Xalilov (1977) for a detailed discussion of
Tajik particles.
Syntax 81
myMO Ax,y8,ll-po ,llH)l-e.ll, a ae?
you Ahmad-obj saw-2pl or not
'did you see Ahmad or not?' I 'did you or did you not see Ahmad?'
3.2.3. BUr
gh . 1
Common adversative conjunctions are UIIC, 11o010, fiua, and Thou . not a e
word, ()
08 101
'whereas (the fact is that)' also introduces sentences With adversative
propositions.
wo 6a 6ooop pactrr-ew, .ue Ho.!XHJ18
we to market went-lpl but Nodira
aa-paclrr86
neg-went.3sg
'we went to the market, but Nodira didn't'
3.2.4. Otbe.r coojuoctioos . and
Other conjunctions commonly used in Tajik include a ... a ... 'netther .. . , nor . .
- 6uJ:B - 'not (only) ... but .. .'. The compound Ul'IJIII& otherWISe also
conjoins sentences.
3.3. Subordination
3.3.1. Relative clauacs 87 la .
Tajik relative clauses are post-nominal and are introduced by the re tive pronoun D1
'who/whicb/tbat'.ss The noun phrase restricted by the relative clause takes (2.1.1.3),
which is glossed as 'the' in this book.
xa6ap-e, [101 6o p8,Z1Ho .llO.z:ta my.ll],
news-the that with radio give.ptpl became.3sg
x,&Ma-H wo-po XypcaHJl IalpJl. (AS:249)
all-iz we-obj joyful did.3sg
'the news that was given on the radio made all of us joyful'
JleHHH 6a (DI 6a Y Ta6aCC}'M
Lenny to old man-the that to he smile
HHrOJt.xap.zt. (Usmanov 1979:127 c.i. AF)
looked.3sg
'Lenny looked at the old man who smiled at him.'
Me-JCapA],
imp-did.3sg
When the relative clause modifies the direct defmite object noun phrase of the main clause,
the direct object marker -po follows .
16
Note the 'gap' in this example. .
87 In the colloquial language there exist clauses that precede modified noun See 3.3.2.
a See also the next section( 3.3.2) for another type of relative clause coostrucbon.
82 Tajik
[m III)'MO HaBHIDTa waa mpHcfn'-aw
letter-the-obj that you write.ptpl was-2pl, I took-Isg
'I received the letter that you had written'
(AS:253)
The .role o:.the noun in.the relative clause is marked with a personal pronoun or pro-
nommal cline that ts coreferntial with the head noun. 89
loWCT86-e (ICH MO Jl8p OB Me-XOH-eM] ( ... ]
school-the that we in it imp-read-lpl
(Rastorgueva 1992:106)
' the school in which we are sllldying'
The following is an example of a non-restrictive relative clause.
.L{ap llOMHp JCYne x;ICT, (KH BaApo Cape3 MeHOM8HJl]. (AS:34)
in Pamir lake-a be.3sg that it-obj Sarez imp-name-3pl
'There is a lake in the Pamirs, which is called Sarez.
hrtic:ipial modi:6as
are relative other than those introduced by a . Relative clauses ending with
noun phrases in the izafet construction (see also 2.2.3). The past
participle wtth -arlts the most commonly used of all the participial forms in relative clauses.
,L{yxTap-11 [pYfiwon J:apiJAVI] x.awcoH wocr.
girl-iz kerchief buy.ptpl neighbour-iz we.cop.Jsg
'the girl who bought (a) kerchiet{s) is our neighbour'
ICJrro6..B (AJt.M8Jl Jl8p XOHa acT.
book-iz Ahmad buy.ptpl in house cop.Jsg
'the book that Ahmad bought is in the house'
BaA JCBT06..a [ xy.ll-am Dpii,J(II1I ]-po 6a MO Bl!IIIOB JlOJl.
slhe book-iz self-Jsg buy.ptpl-obj to we showed.Jsg.
'she showed us the book that she bought'
BaA JCBT06..a (DpQIDIam]-po 6a MO HHIDOB JlOJl.
slhe book-iz buy.ptpl-Jsg-obj to we showed.Jsg.
'she showed us the book that she bought'
(AS:2ll)
(AS:212)
(AS:212)
(AS:212)
An example where the verb in the relative clause is passivized ( 2.2.11) is shown below.
19
In other Tajik the 'pronoun-retention' strategy (Comrie 1989: 147-149; Song
2001:218-219) m expressmg the role of the head noun in the relative clause.
Mo JCJrr06-x.o-a
we book-pl-iz
rapJlOH,Ila JlO)leM.
return.ger gave-Ipl
[XOB lll)'.lllll1l]-po 6a JCJrr06xoHa
read.ptpl become.ptpl-obj to library
(AS:2ll)
Syntalt 83
'we returned the read books (i.e. the books that had been read) to the library'
The literary past participle (in .. ) may be used in place of the past participle in-arlin relative
clauses.
0)l8MB [83 I(Jilll1IOX. Jl8p K86HHeTH JliiPCICIOp aCT. (AS:212)
man-iz from village come.ptpl in study-iz director cop.3sg
'The man who came from the village is in the director's study'
){,Hxoa-x.o-H (83 "fYrauommo 6Hc..ep.IIH.Il (AAHft c.i. R0:254)
story-pl-iz from TOtapoUo hear.ptpl-lsg many-<X>p.3pl
'The stories I heard from TOtapoUo were many'
It should also be noted that a number of literary past participles have been lexicalised as
adjectives and nouns, e.g. ry.wma 'past (adjective); the past (noun)' and OQIUl 'coming
(adjective); the future (noun)'. In the Tajik of today, the productivity of the literary present
participle (in -(l)laAa) is lower than that of the other present participle (in and -8111) in
the formation of relative clauses, in which the former is often replaced by the latter. The
following four examples are taken from Arzumanov and Sanginov (1988:213-214).
noe3Jl-x.o-a [Jlaw 6a .!laM (A. ,L{ex.om)
train-pl-iz continually pass.ptpl
'(the) trains that pass continually'
won-x.o-a [6a PoccHa taP&cro...-mw"UQQ] (AAml)
goods-pl-iz to Russia send.ptpl-become.ptpl
'(the) goods/commodities to be sent to Russia'
UOC3JlX.o-B [83 Mocoa
train-pl-iz from Moscow come.ptpl
'(the) trains that come from Moscow'
waxry6-x.o-a [6a paJtoa
letter-pl-iz to district send.ptpl
'(the) letters to be sent to the district'
wc:my,JIIarll]
become.ptpl
Relative clauses ending with -uil can precede modified nouns. This is a characteristic which
is prominent in the colloquial language and which could be ascribed to the Uzbek influence on
Tajik.
84 Tajik
(mywo-po wemJIJIOrurii) O.llaM-X.O (YJI)T'JO.Ila)
you-obj recognise.ptpl man-pi
'the men who are your acquaintances'
In northern dialects, notably in Bukharan Tajik, relative clauses with -ctl regularly precede
modified nouns (ldo 2001: 100, Ido 2002:57-58).
nacona nporpBMa-iia TUoiOW cryneHT-o (Bukharan Tajik)
decadal programme-obj finish.ptpl student-pi
'students who completed the ten-year course/programme'
PyCTaM-a IIDBCI'II1I xar-am-a r(p)ll(t)nnr O.z18M (Bukharan Tajik)
Rustam-gen write.ptpl letter-3sg-obj take.ptpl man
'the man who received the letter that Rustam wrote'
PyCTaM-a xar-am-a r(p)a(t)nnr O.llaM,
Rustam-gen letter-3sg-obj take.ptpl man
Byxopo-6a llltUUIIIIWB Capaap-a xoHem pa4rr (Bukharan Tajik)
Buxoro-to/in sit.ptpl Sarvar-gen house.3sg went.3sg
'the man who took/received Rustam's letter went to the house of Sarvar's who lives in
Bukhara'
A relative clause with the future participle is shown below. The future participle appears not
to be used widely in relative clauses and is, in most cases, interpretable as an adjective.
JIK nuena o6-a [lljDIIJAIBi]
90
osapn
one teacup water-iz drink .. ptpl brought3sg
'slhe brought one teacup (teabowl) of drinking water'
Finally, some examples of relative clauses with the progressive participle in ...a are shown
below.
O.llaM-11
man-iz read.plpl
'the man who is reading'
XaT-B 6aponap-BM HBBBmTa-aCT. (AS:214)
letter-iz read.ptpl-1 sg-obj brother-! sg write.ptpl-be.3sg
'my brother has written the letter that I am reading now'
90
Compare this with Turkish su(drink-ptpl water) with the same meaning.
Syntax 85
3.3.3. Advabial claulc:s
There are a large number of subordinators that introduce different types of adverbial clauses,
the entire inventory of which is not provided here. They include: .u;Je a 'when', 3ep0, 3epO
a, 'lfYBDI, 6BBo6ep JDJioa a 'because', TO, TO a ' until', uem a BB m 'before', and ll"llp
'if. Examples of adverbial clauses of time, cause, and condition are provided below.
91
Bu:rc a maxp-po TaMomo Kap.llB we-ranrr,
when city-obj watch.ger imp-turned.3sg
xac-e 6a Bait poeT OM8.118 nypcH.Il (AS:41)
person-a to s/he straight come.ger asked.3sg . .
'When he was busy seeing the sights of the city, somebody came up straight to him
and asked'
XaT-e-po, KH MBH HBBHCBM, OOJm XY.IlBM ( ... ) XOH.Ila .z1HX. BM,
letter-the-obj that I write-lsg must self-lsg read.ger give-lsg
3CpO JCaC-H .llliJ'8P"e X8TR M8-po XOH.I18 Ha-Me-TBBOH-8.11 (AS: 59)
because person-iz other-a letter-iz 1-obj read.ger neg-imp-can-3sg
'The letter that I write should be read by me because another person cannot read my
letter'
Arlp x,aMaH )'3BX.o-H X,JICCH 0.118M H8f'3 HHKHDlocll eqrra
if all-iz organ-pl-iz sense-iz man good develop.ptpl
6om-811.1l, Bait 6ex:rapxop we-teyB-8.11 [ ... ] (AS: 100)
be-3pl slhe better work imp-do-3sg
' If a man's sensory organs are all well-developed, he works better'
3.3.4. Coovab ooostroction
.
The perfective gerund ending with..._ (2.2.3) is used to form the converb <se;;
also Rastorgueva 1992: 79), which Turkic languages such as Uzbek and Turkish also utibse.
See also 2.2.3.
Ax.M8.11 6a Mara:JHHH KH'I'06qlypym1l Jllltra,
Ahmad to shop-iz bookselling go.ger
ICHT06-x.o-a BBB xapH.z1. (AS:218)
book-pl-iz new bought.3sg
'Ahmad went to (the) bookshop and bought new books'
91 The translations of these examples belong to Ahmedova (2004).
n Hence the suggestion in the literature (e.g. Perry 1979) that the utilization of gerunds/converbs
with..._ in Tajik bas been induced by the Uzbek influence on Tajik.
i
4. Sample texts
4.1. Magazine article (1929)
Typographical errors in the original text, which are noted in footnotes, are corrected in this
text.
Bl.iOOji lolfDT dtir tvrtij
alphabet-iz Latin in Turkey
dar in vaqt-bo-ji oxir, dar turldja, B8 tatBiq kardan-? alitiKJ.ji nav-i
in this time-pl-iz last in Turkey to adopt.inf-iz alphabet-iz new-iz
JotjnJ jak sol pur
Latin one year full becarne.3sg
darsol-i 1928 darkurs-bo-ji cahor moba.ji lotinl 250
in year-iz 1928 in course-pl-iz four monthly-izLatin 250
bazor odam
thousand man
so savod
with literacy
mazkilr dar
mentioned in

become.ger
118T0mada ast
go out.ptpl be.3sg
,,111akt8B-bo.ji millr' 604
school-pl-iz national 604
qajraz in,
other. from this
bazor 993
thousand 993
dar sol-i
in year-iz
tai8B8
student
BO
with
alifiJo-}i' loti.ni savadnok bama.ji savod
literacy
jofta-gon
find.ptpl-pl alphabet-iz Latin literate become.ptpl-be.3pl all-iz
BO a/ifBo-ji nav, 754,993 nafaJ4 ki
with alphabet-iz new 754,993 person imp-be-3pl
nm1-1 onho so ali!Bo-ji
half-iz they with alphabet-iz
Ja1Jma bee jak
old in no way one
that
savod
literacy

more
8Z
from

neg-had-3pl
dar maktaB-bo-ji mill! bar sol 500
every year 500
bazor nafar odam BO
in school-pl-iz national
loti.ni savodnok
Latin literate become.ger
The Latin aJpbabct in Turkey
me-B81'0-jand
imp-go out-3pl
thousand person man with
( alifiwji loti.ni dar turkija 1929)
Recently, in Turkey, one year has passed since the adoption of the Latin alphabet. In 1928,
250 thousand men have become literate in four-month Latin (alphabet) courses. Aside
from this, in the same year, 604 thousand and 993 students have become literate in the
93
Spell 'kordani' in the original text.
94
Spelt '754,993nnafar' in the original text. The figures, which I leave as they appear in the article,
do not seem to add up correctly.
88 Tajik
Latin alphabet at 'national schools'. Those who are literate with the new alphabet total
754,993, more than half of whom bad no literacy in the old alphabet whatsoever. At na-
tional schools, 500 thousand men become literate in the Latin alphabet every year.
4.2. Excerpt from. specdl (2001)
3a6ou-H TO'tHICft nap HX.OTaB 3aOOHX.o-H .llHJ'8p
1anguage-iz Tajik in encirclement-iz language-pl-iz other
3uen-e-po a3 cap fY3apoHUna-acr. (Rahmonov 2004-06-10)
trial-pl-iz many-a-obj from head pass.ptpl-be.3sg
'The Tajik language, in the encirclement of other languages, has borne many trials'
43. Excerpt from. DeWS report (2003)
,nap l(03up <<l>yxopo-u mapuct> x;tqrra-e .o: 6op 6a
in state-iz now Bukhara-iz noble week-a one time
336ou-u 9J6e1Cft 6a mpaliCB 1500 uycxa WIJ> maxp-u
language-iz Uzbek to circulation-iz 1500 copy in city-iz
'IOD J .... 1 J .. jl 2003-11-13)
print imp-become-3sg
to
Syxopo
Bukhara
At present, Noble Bukhara is printed once a week in Uzbek with a circulation of 1500 in
the city ofBukhara.'
5. Appendices
5.1. AbbreYillioDs

Ungrammatical
0
Phonetic representation
II
Phonological representation
() Orthographic representation
ace accusative
binf brief infinitive
caus causative
c.i cited in
cmp comparative
co
coordinating clitic
com comitative
cop copula
dat dative
fem feminine
gen genitive
ger gerund
imp imperfective
inf infinitive
iz izafet
AF
Ahmedova (2004)
AS
Arzumanov and Sanginov (1988)
NR
Nemenova (1955)
R(; Rustamov and (iafforov (1985)
5.2. Trauslita-ation
Taj Rus Taj Rus
Aa a a KI k k
:66 b b Jln 1 1
BB v v MM m m
rr g g Ha D n
.li.Il
d d
f f
Ee e e Oo 0 0
aa yo e liD p p
X. f f Pp r r
33 z z Cc s s
HB TT t t
t:m y Yy u u
lit literally
loc locative
obj object marker
opt optative
p.c.
personal communication
pl plural
pr. present
ptpl participle
q yes-no question particle
sfp sentence final particle
sg singular
smt something
smo someone
spr superlative
Taj Rus Taj Rus
Xx X X Fr


c RA I
qq

q
IIIm
! 99
Q

:x.x.
h
"ht. l('l
Liw y
b&
33 e 6
lOio yu ju
jiJI ya ja
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jl;;t::
Index
agglutination: 17
Arabic: I, 2, 4, 5, 8, 9, 13, 18, 19, 20, 21
aspects: I, 49, 52; continuative: 71; habitual:
52,57,60;Unpcrfective: 15,48,52,54,
57, 60, 63, 68, 69, 75, 89; perfect: 52, 54,
55,59,60,6l;pcrfective:39,47,48, 49,
52,69, 14,47, 48,49,
52,54,55,56,61,63,64,84
Buk:haran Tajik: 4, 5, 13, 26, 28, 34, 38, 49, 66,
68,69, 72,79,80,84
cases: 2.1.1.4.; accusative: 20, 25, 89;
comitative: 25, 89; dative: 89; genitive: 20,
25, 26, 89; locative: 25, 89; nominative:
25
Chinese:2,3,9, 94,96;Mandmin:2,3,96
clitics: 14,23,26,27,31,32,34,36, 72, 74, 78,
80,82,89;prono01UuU: 14,23,26,27,31,
32,72,82;coonlinating:34,36,74,78,
80,89
copula: 14,46,49,50,51,66, 79,89
Dari: I
definiteness: 22, 24, 81; indefiniteness: 14, 20,
22, 24, 27, 33; -e,: 22, 23, 24; -ez: 22, 81
English: 2, 4, 22, 27, 31, 33, 34, 38, 47, 54, 55,
59,63, 70,80,96
focus: 27
gender.fenOOxUne:

70, 85; progressive: 47,49
honorifics: honorific: 29, 46; humbling: 29, 30
izafet: 5, 12, 14, 21, 22, 26, 27, 28, 30, 36, 38,
40,65,82,89;consttuction:21,22,26,27,
28,36,38,40,65,82;partic1e:5, 12, 14,
26, 28, 30, 38
Japancse:9, 13,80
modality: conditional: 16, 52, 54, 55, 62;
'desirability': 52; desire: 14, 58, 70;
Unperativc: 15, t6,52,61;HKlicative: 52,
58; inferential: 52, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 66,
68; intentional: 52, 65; optative: 61, 89;
'probability': 52; speculative: 52, 63, 66
Mongolian: 2
negation: 15, 34, 51, 61, 68, 69, 75
number: dual: 20; plural: 7, 18, 19, 20, 23, 28,
29,30,32,37,39,46,51,54,61,89;
singular: 7, 12, 19, 20, 22, 28, 29, 30, 31,
37,46,50,54,59,61,62,89
Pamir:2,4,82
participles: 46, 65, 66, 82; future: 48, 65, 66,
84; literary past: 47, 48, 49, 55, 58, 59, 60,
61, 68, 83; literary present: 48, 65, 66, 83;
past: 47,48,49,55,58,59,60,61, 64,66,
68, 77, 82, 83; present: 48, 64, 65, 66, 83;
progressive: 48, 49, 55, 56, 61, 64, 84
Persian: I , 3, 4, 6,11, 17, 43, 94, 95, 96,97
registers: 19, 20, 23, 26, 58, 61,69
Russian: 1,2,5, 7,8,12, 13, 14, 15, 16,21,35,
95
Sariqul: 2, 3
thematic role: 71, 72,82
Turlcish:20,28,33,50,62,66,84,85, 94
Uyghur: 2
Uzbek: 1,2,3, 4,6,9,25, 26,41,44, 49,50,
62,66, 70, 73, 74, 76, 79,83,85,88,95
verbs: ctiticized: 51, 56, 58, 59, 60, 61, 65;
copul.ar: 69, 79; finite: 46, 48, 51, 58;
intransitive: 67, 76; non-finite: 46, 48, 5 I;
transitive:67, 76;infinitive:42,43,46,47,
48, 51, 58, 69, 70, 71,89
voice: causative: 67, 69, 89; passive: 68, 69, 71,
82
Wakhan:2
6yAaB:45,51,54,55,56,60,61,62,63
scroAaB: 43, 44, 47, 48,49,52,55, 70
xOCT&B: 45,58,68, 69, 70
DJYAaB:43,45,68, 70,71