A Comparative Grammar

Cambridge Library CoLLeCtion
Books of enduring scholarly value
Linguistics
From the earliest surviving glossaries and translations to nineteenth-century academic philology and the growth of linguistics during the twentieth century, language has been the subject both of scholarly investigation and of practical handbooks produced for the upwardly mobile, as well as for travellers, traders, soldiers, missionaries and explorers. This collection will reissue a wide range of texts pertaining to language, including the work of Latin grammarians, groundbreaking early publications in Indo-European studies, accounts of indigenous languages, many of them now extinct, and texts by pioneering figures such as Jacob Grimm, Wilhelm von Humboldt and Ferdinand de Saussure.
A Comparative Grammar
A founding text of comparative philology, Franz Bopps Vergleichende Grammatik was published in six volumes between 1833 and 1852. Bopp (17911867), Professor of Sanskrit and comparative grammar at Berlin, set out to prove the relationships between Indo-European languages through detailed description of the grammatical features of Sanskrit compared to those of Zend (Avestan), Greek, Latin, Lithuanian, Gothic and German. This translation of Bopps first three volumes gave British scholars access to his analytic methodology, at a time when comparative philology was far advanced in Germany compared to Britain. Translated by Edward Backhouse Eastwick (18141883), the multi-lingual diplomat and scholar, and edited by Horace Hayman Wilson (17861860), Professor of Sanskrit at Oxford, this work stands as a testament both to Bopps magisterial research and to Eastwicks extraordinary skill in translation. This volume covers pronouns and verbs.
Cambridge University Press has long been a pioneer in the reissuing of out-of-print titles from its own backlist, producing digital reprints of books that are still sought after by scholars and students but could not be reprinted economically using traditional technology. The Cambridge Library Collection extends this activity to a wider range of books which are still of importance to researchers and professionals, either for the source material they contain, or as landmarks in the history of their academic discipline. Drawing from the world-renowned collections in the Cambridge University Library, and guided by the advice of experts in each subject area, Cambridge University Press is using state-of-the-art scanning machines in its own Printing House to capture the content of each book selected for inclusion. The files are processed to give a consistently clear, crisp image, and the books finished to the high quality standard for which the Press is recognised around the world. The latest print-on-demand technology ensures that the books will remain available indefinitely, and that orders for single or multiple copies can quickly be supplied. The Cambridge Library Collection will bring back to life books of enduring scholarly value (including out-of-copyright works originally issued by other publishers) across a wide range of disciplines in the humanities and social sciences and in science and technology.
A Comparative Grammar
Of the Sanscrit, Zend, Greek, Latin, Lithuanian, Gothic, German and Sclavonic Languages
Volume 2 Franz B opp E dited by H. S. Wilson
C A m B r I D G E U n I V E r SI T y P r E S S Cambridge, new york, melbourne, madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, So Paolo, Delhi, Dubai, Tokyo Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, new york www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781108006224 in this compilation Cambridge University Press 2009 This edition first published 1845 This digitally printed version 2009 ISBn 978-1-108-00622-4 Paperback This book reproduces the text of the original edition. The content and language reflect the beliefs, practices and terminology of their time, and have not been updated. Cambridge University Press wishes to make clear that the book, unless originally published by Cambridge, is not being republished by, in association or collaboration with, or with the endorsement or approval of, the original publisher or its successors in title.
COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR
OF THE
SANSCRIT, ZEND, GREEK, LATIN, LITHUANIAN, GOTHIC, GERMAN, AND SCLAVONIC LANGUAGES.
BY
PROFESSOR F. BOPP.
TBANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN

PRINCIPALLY BY
LIEUTENANT EASTWICK, M.R.A.S.
CONDUCTED THROUGH THE PRESS
BY H. H. WILSON, M.A. F.R.S.

BODEN PROFESSOR OF SANSCRIT IN THE CNIVERSITY OF OXFORD.
PART II.
LONDON: MADDEN AND MALCOLM,

LEADENHALL STREET.
1845.
COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR.
PART II. PRONOUNS.

FIRST AND SECOND PERSONS.
326. J N these pronouns the genders are not distinguished in any of the Indo-European languages; and all the sister dialects agree with one another surprisingly in this point, that the nominative singular first person is from a different base from that from which the oblique cases come. It is, Sanscrit *3T^ aham, Zend ?_$AJ azem, Greek eyw, Latin ego, Gothic ik, Lithuanian asz, Old Sclavonic az. The am of 'STim aham is a termination like that in tvam, " thou," ayam, "this," and svayam, "self;11 and in the plural, vayam, " we," yuyam, " ye." The iEolic h.yu>v answers better than eyco to aham; but I would prefer eyov, in order to explain the lengthening of the vowel in eyu> as a compensation for the loss of the nasal. The abbreviated eyw may, however, have reacted on the more complete eyu>v, and may have imparted to it the length of its vowel. In the other European languages, except the Latin, the entire termination has disappeared, as is also the case in Greek and Latin in au, TV, tu, answering to the Sanscrit-Zend tvam (from tu-am), $?<p turn (. 42.). To the latter, however, answers the Boeot. tow, and the t\ of the Doric and Lacon. rvvrj, Tovvrj is, perhaps, an unorganic addition, as, in Gothic, the a in pronominal accusatives {tha-na for than, from
H II
458
PRONOUNS.
tham, (. 149.): if not, vr] must be regarded as an annexed particle. The oblique cases, in Sanscrit, have in the first person ma, and in the second tva, as theme, which is lengthened, however, in some cases, by the admixture of an i (compare . 15S.); hence me, tve. On the other hand, tva, in the dative, abbreviates itself to tu (tu-bhyam), from which, also, the nominative Iv-am: in the genitive tav-a the u of tu receives the Guna, or the a of tva is transposed. To the base ma, answers the Greek MO, which forms the base of the genitive fxov, and dative fxot. The e of 'MO rests on the prevailing disposition of the Greek to prefix a vowel to forms beginning with a consonant, as ovo/ia, oôvg, 6<j>pv<;, e\ayy, answering to ndma, danta-s, bhru-s, laghu-s, "light."1 The o of MO, 'EMO is interchanged with e (see . 3.): hence kfj.e?o, kfxedev for eôio, efxo-dev (compare irodev, aXKo-dev, and others); e/xeo for e/xoo ;* kjxev, fiev for e/xov, fiov. In the iEolic-Doric forms e/zeOc, ejuoGf, as in Tevf, reovs, the 2 is a later addition, introduced by the necessity for a 2 as a genitive character,-after the old genitive 2which, according to . 189., in the o declension did not stand at the end but in the middlehad been long lost. Compare, in this respect, the regained genitive sibilants in New German forms like Herzens (p. 167.). In the uninflected accusative /j.e, e,ue, the case parallel with that of afinale for o, which Litter might have been expected, as in . 204., with the e of the vocative \VKE. As to the dispensing with the accusative nasal, however, it is important to remark, that, in Sanscrit, for mam, " me,"" and tvdm, " thee," are also used md, tva, without the si^n of the case; and the rejection of the m has, perhaps, next given occasion to the lengthening of the a; so that here that would hold good with regard to mum and trdm that was
* The form \VKOW would have, according to the usual rules of contraction, to lie coinpaml with \VKOV, after loss of the through an intervening XllKtt .
PRONOUNS.
459
conjectured above of eywv for eyov. * The Latin supports in like manner, by its accusatives me and te, the ancient loss of the inflexion. 327. The theme of the second person tva divides itself in Greek, after the vowel or semi-vowel has been lost, into the forms 2Y and 2 0 , for 2fO, and the o is exchanged with e, as in the first person, creTo, credev, &c. II. VIII. 37. the e of reo?oTeo-(cr)iostands, as it appears, as a melting of the F, or thinning of the v (as wê-cof for Trfyv-os); and a pre-supposed rFocrio or rvouio would correspond excellently to the Zend thwa-hya, to which a Sanscrit tvasya would answer, in case thwahya, which formerly appeared to me to be an instrumental, is really a genitive, as, according to p. 280, Rem. 3., can scarcely be doubted. The Gothic has weakened the a of the base ma to i, and contracted the termination va of the 2d person to u; hence MI, THU, dative mis, thus, accusative mi-k, thu-k. The genitive is, in Sanscrit, in departure from all other genitives, mama, iava. The former appears to have arisen by reduplication ; the Zend, however, substitutes for it mana ; and, in the Gothic, na has assumed so much the character of an inflexion, that it has made its way also into the 2d person and the 3d person, which is void of gender; mci-na, thei-na, sei-na. Theina I regard as an abbreviation of thvei-na, as sei-na from svei-na, for thuna must have sprung from THU. As, however, n ma has, in Gothic, become MI, and from this has been formed, by lengthening it, MET; so might also R tva become THFI and THFEI. According to this, the genitive theinaas the abbreviation of thveinain respect to its base, has the same relation to thu, that, in Greek, <rov (from crFov) has to av, or that rev (from rFev) has to TV. * The reason of the lengthening might be looked for, also, in the words being monosyllabic; which, however, takes place also in the ablative mat, tvtt.
H
n2
460
PRONOUNS.
328. In Latin, as in Gothic, the a of the Indian ma has been weakened to i, and this, in a measure, has changed the declension of the pronoun from the second, which, according to . 116., was to have been expected, into the third : dative mi-Li for ^ ma-hyam (. 215.); accusative me for mem (as lioste-m from HOSTl), not mu for mum; ablative me from med, not mo from mod = Sanscrit m^mat. The genitive mei rests, according to . 200., on the locative JTftr may-'i (euphonic for mil), and belongs, therefore, to the lengthened theme ^ mi]. In the second person, according to the analogy of mei, the form tvei might have been expected from prfti tvay-i, which may originally have existed, but in the actual condition of the language is impossible, for v cannot consist with a preceding consonant, but in this position is either resolved into u, and at times, indeed, with the sacrifice of the vowel following, as in sud-o, answering to fc^5 svid, " to sweat"; or has itself disappeared, as in canis, answering to svan, " a dog," sonus for storms, answering to svana-s, " a tone";* or has dislodged the preceding consonant, as above (p. 424), in bis, as a hardening of vis, from dvis. We should hence have to expect for lui, together with some other forms, also tei (for tvei\ as also ti-bi may be taken as an abbreviation of tvi-bi: for although the dative in Sanscrit is tu-bhyam, and the transition from u to i in Latin is not unusual (fourth declension i-bus for u-bus), still the Sanscrit contraction of ira-hliyam to tu-bhyam is scarcely of so old a date as to serve for a point of departure for the Latin ti-bi; and I therefore prefer considering tibi, sibi, as abbreviations of tvi-bi. svi-bi, than as corruptions of tu-bi, su-bi. 329. In Sanscrit, mi; ti; exist ,.s co-forms for the o-enitive and dative {mama, lava, mahyant, tubliyam): if, how* T h e Greek </)Wt/>; is, pvolmMy, an analogous word, and would, accordingly, stand for <r<pa>uij.
PRONOUNS.
461
ever, is clearly an abbreviation of We, and I have found this opinion, which I have expressed before, supported by Rosen's Veda-specimen (p. 26), and by the Zend. The latter gives jâsfca thwol for the Veda tve ; but at the same time, also, the abbreviated forms j ^ tdi and \v>$> te; by which, as it were, the way of corruption is pointed out to the Latin ti-bi and Gothic thei-na. Although, according to . 326., ^ me and ft tve lie at the bottom of several cases as the theme, still, perhaps, these forms, together with the abbreviated te, where they appear as genitives or datives, are not to be regarded as naked bases, as it is contrary to the genius of the language to introduce such a theme as the one spoken of;* but they may be explained as locatives, according to the principle of the common a bases (. 196.), as, in Sanscrit, the locative very frequently supplies the place of the dative, and the dative relation is expressed by the genitive even more commonly than by the dative. But if ^ me and W te, ? tve, and the corresponding Zend % forms, are really locatives, they are then, according to . 196., identical with the Greek datives jxo!, crol, or TO/, which, however, must be compared with the actual locatives Jrfa mayi, F^ftf tvayi, by casting out the semi-vowel, if $ me and ^ te should pass as uninflected themes, extended only mechanically. 330. The genitives ifn mama, Asyju^ mana, and tava, serve the Lithuanian, and, with the exception of the ablative and genitive, also the Old Sclavonic, as the groundwork of the oblique singular cases. They are recognised with a weakening of the final a to i most distinctly in the Lithuanian instrumental and locative manimi, maniye, tarviml, tarviye. The genitive, dative, and accusative are anoma* The case is different when a word, by rubbing off the termination, sinks back again into the condition of a theme; besides, only neuters exhibit the pure theme in the nominative, ablative and vocative singular.
462
PKONOUNS.
lousmanens, tawens, man, taw, nianen, tawen,but have, in like manner, proceeded from the old genitive. In Old Sclavonic, the accusative tnya, tya, still remains upon the old footing, and answers to n ma, " me," RT tvd, " thee," according to . 255. n., with loss of the v in the second person. The genitive mene, " of me," answers exactly to the Zend mana (see . 255. a.) and tebe, " of thee," to the Indo-Zend tava. Considered from a Sclavonic point of view, however, MEN, TEB must be regarded as themes, and e for es as the common genitive termination (. 269.). MNO, TEBO, and TOBO, clearly lie as themes at the bottom of the dative-locative muye, tebye. 331. The plural in the pronoun first person is, in most of the Indo-European languages, distinct in base from the singular. I have already elsewhere endeavoured to explain this * on the ground that " I " is properly incapable of a plural, for there is but one " I " ; and the notion " we" comprehends " me " and an indefinite number of other individuals, each of which may even belong to a different species ; while by leones a plurality of individuals is represented, of which each is a lion. And the case is similar with the plurals of all other substantives, adjectives, and pronouns ; for " they " is a multiplying of " he." and " ye" may be rather regarded as the plural of " thou," than " we" as the plural of " I." Where, however, the idea " we" is expressed by the plural of " I," it there happens on account of the preponderating feeling of our own personality, in which the " not I " is drowned, and is left unnoticed, or is supplied by the custom of the language. Hence one might seek to adjust the Sanscrit nominative ^H? vuycim. (from v'e + am) by the frequent interchange of m and v (. C3.) with the lengthened singular base ^ me
* Hist. Phil. Trnns. of the Ac. of Litt. tor the year 1824. p. 134.
PRONOUNS.
463
(p. 458), an interchange which must, however, be very old, since the German, scarcely by accident, partakes in it, and which may be favoured by the circumstance that there exists actually an internal motive for a difference in the base syllable. 332. In the Vedas occurs also a-sme for vayam ; and this asme is, according to . 228., formed from the theme as ma. from which also, in the common Sanscrit, all the oblique cases proceed, and to which the Greek attaches itself in the nominative; for the most genuine Êolic form ayujuej stands, by assimilation, for aoyxej (see . 170.), as efx^l from eafxt, Sanscrit asmi, " I am." For aujxes, however, afijxot ought to be the corresponding word to the Veda astrd ; as the theme nsma, according to . 116., would, in the Greek, sound A2MO : however, by dropping the final vowel, the Greek form has wandered into the department of another declension. The same is the case with v/tyie?, answering to the Veda yushme (euphonic for yusme). On the other hand, ê?f, vfieis, presuppose a theme 'HMI, 'YMI, the t of which is to be taken ;;s a weakening of the Indian a of asma, yushma ; as, in Gothic, VNSI, IZVI (. 167.) with UNSA, IZVA. The genitives djx)xe-uiv, vfifxe-uv, alsofor an/xi-cxiv, vnfil-uv, and in the common language rj/xuiv, v/x&vshew that they are deduced from bases in t: just so the datives f/fjuv, vfjfiv, for r/nt-iv, ijxi-iv, with iv for the Indian termination bhyam in asmabhyam, yushm.abh.yam (. 222). The accusatives f)jj.as, vp.ds are contractions of an unusual kind from r/jxi-ag, v(j.i-dg, for which might be expected yfus, vfJ-T$, or 17/xeTj, ufxei^. The .ZEolic forms a/z/xe, vpê are uninflected, as in the singular fie, ere; and in case they are, in respect to their termination, older than rjixas, vjuaj, they admit of derivation as direct from the Sanscrit asmdn, ynshmdn (for asma-ns, yushma-ns, . 236.), by abrasion of the case suffix, without intervention of a theme 'AMMI, 'YMMI. 333. In asme, a/z/zey, the simple vowel a is the character-
464
PRONOUNS.
istic element of the first person, for the rest occurs also in the second personnr<^ yushmd, vjxjxe^. If, then, this a is also connected with the singular base ma, it would be requisite to assume an aphseresis of the m, which, however, would appear to be very old, from the coincidence of the Sanscrit, Zend, &c. with the Greek and German; for the Gothic base UNSA or UNSI has been regarded by us, in . 166., as a transposition of asmaPali and Prakrit amha ; the u for a is to be explained by the influence of the transposed nasal (. 66.). But if the a of *HVf asma is an abbreviation of ma, in the opposite case it would be identical with the demonstrative base a; and if, therefore, in this plural base, the " I " is actually formally expressed, I would then place great stress on the fact, that, in Sanscrit and Greek, the appended pronoun sma, or that which it has become in Greek, in the pronouns of the 1st and 2d person only occurs in the plural. For as sma, which also occurs isolated,* can be nothing else than a pronoun of the third person/ so would a-srn$, as a copulative compound (Gramm. Crit. . 658.), signify " I " and " they " ; but yushme, " thou '" and "they" ; so that the singular " I " and "thou" would be expressed by a and yu; the plural " they,"' by sme : and this would be the most natural as well as the clearest and most perfect designation of the compound ideas " we" and " ye." The ingress of the appended pronoun into the singular of the first and second persons, in Zend,
* Either with imperceptible meaning, or referring the action of the present to the further side of the past. t Pott may be right in explaining (Berl. Ann. 1833. Vol. I. p. 324) sma from sama. I should, however, then hold " the same " to be the ancient meaning of sama, and the idea of similarity as a derived one ; and also no longer explain sama, as in my Glossary, from ma, "to mow," but regard it as the combination of the pronominal knses xa and mo (compare ima, "this," from i + mtt).
PRONOUNS.
465
Pali, Prakrit, and German (. 174.), must then he ascribed to an abuse of later introduction. In the pronouns of the third person, however, the analogy of which may have had an effect on the abuse cited in the declension of the two first persons, the union of two, nay, even of three pronouns of the same person into one whole is extraordinarily frequent, and originally, it seems, betokened only increase of emphasis. 334. The syllable TT yu of T J ^ yushme, " ye," is probably a softening of tu, which extends itself also to the dual, to which yuva serves as the theme.* The Greek er^> (cr^wt), however, is more complete, and represents the Sanscrit singular base tva, with a for t, and <f> for v. In the latter respect, compare also o-<e?c and <r<f>6s with the Sanscrit svayam, " self," and sva-s, suus, regarding which hereafter.f The Prakrit and Pali, and several other Indian dialects, have retained the t in the plural unaltered, or restored; hence, Pali-Prakrit jn^tumhS for tusme. In Gothic, however, by rejecting the u, and exchanging the m for v, yu-sma has become I-ZVA, and by weakening the a to i, I-ZVI (. 167.). The Lithuanian gives YU as the theme of the majority of cases in the dual and plural, and in the first person MU, to which, however, the nominative mes does not correspond. The appended pronoun m sma has been distinctly retained only in the genitive dual and locative pluralalthough it
* From yu + a, with change of the u into uv, according to a universal euphonic law (Gramm. Crit. . 61.). t As I formerly took the <r, in forms like oxeo-î (see . 218.), for a euphonic addition, I thought also (Hist. Phil. Trans, of the Ac. of Litt. for the year 1825. p. 196) that I might explain tr<pw, answering to the Latin vos and Sanscrit vdm, vas, as corrupted by prefixing a < allied to r the <p. This opinion, however, stands in no further need of support, from the information which I have since then gained regardiug the < of forms r in a--cpi; and 1 accede so much the more willingly to the abovementioned opinion, which was first expressed by Max. Schmidt (De Pron. Greek et Latin, p. 8).
466
PRONOUNS.
is originally foreign to the dual,but, in the former case, to which the numeral is annexed, the *, and in the latter case the m, has fallen out; hence mu-mu dwieyu, " of us two"; yu-mil dwieyu, "of you two"*; mu-suse, " in us"; yususe, " in you." 335. It is, however, also very probable that the * in the Lithuanian nominative mes, " we," yds, " ye," as well as the s of the Gothic vets, yus, is not the sign of the nominative, as it appears to be in the actual condition of the language, but the abbreviation of the syllable sma. This conjecture is raised almost to certainty by the Zend, in which, together with the 9ekj>,C^ yushem (see . 59.), which rests on the Sanscrit Tpf^ yuyam (from yd + am, with euphonic y, . 43.), occurs also -"Afj^ yus; the s of which is represented by Burnouf (Yasna, Notes, p. 12l), in which he is clearly right, as identical with the Sanscrit 8 sh of V?r(t{ yushmat (ablative, and, in 'T the beginning of compounds, representing the theme, see p. 112.). ->v>?X^ yus, therefore, is an abbreviation of the Veda TJT&yuslrmt'; and the s can in nowise pass for the sign of the nominative; as from a theme yu, according to the usual declension in the nominative vocative plural, must come either yard or ycd. According to the pronominal declension, however, we have already seen 9?b<>j^ yusliem developed from the Sanscrit TJTJTT yuyam. In Lithuanian, mes, if * were the sign of case, would stand completely isolated as the masculine plural nominative^; and as to the German, that language has, from the earliest period, lost the sign of the case in the nominative plural;
* According to Miclcke, also mama dwieyu and yumma dwiei/ii the latter with doubled m ; the first of which is to be explained by assimilation of the s, as in the iRolic, iê?. t Although in this pronoun there is no obvious distinction of gender still the Sanscrit declension forms, viz. asmc, atsimbi, are masculine.
PRONOUNS.
467
while the r of nir, ikr, which corresponds to the Gothic s of veis, i/us, has remained to this day, which, with other weighty reasons, awards to this r likewise a destination other than that of denoting the relation of case. 336. According to the principle of the Zend-LithuanianGothic yus,yus, I explain also the Sanscrit tfrr nas, ~%^vas, which are used as co-forms in the accusative, dative, and genitive of the two first persons ; the s of which, however, could not find any legitimate place in such different cases, if, by its origin, it was destined to denote a case connection. In the same way, however, that the Zend yils is the abbreviation of yusme, so may ^ nas and ^*T vas be deduced the accusative, from nasmdn, vasmdn, in the dative and genitive, from nasmabhyam, nasmdkam, vasmabhyam, vasmdkam; and the s therefore suits all the three cases, exactly because it expresses none of them. There remains, after the dissolution of the rest of the appended pronoun, na and va, as the chief elements of personal definition, from which have proceeded the dual secondary forms ndu and vdm (for vdu). The n of na, however, is a weakening of the m, the high antiquity of which may be traced from the coincidence of the Greek, Latin, and Sclavonic: va, however, is an abbreviation of tva, as, vinlati, " twenty," from dviiisati337. The bases ^ na, ^ va would lead us to expect in Latin NU, VU (no, vo, .116.), as themes; ni, vi, as plural nominatives; and nos, vos, as accusatives. The circumstance, however, that nos, vos, stand in the nominative, and that the final s is retained also in the possessives nos-ter, ves-ter (for vos-ter), must cause the os of nos, vos, in the accusative, to appear to us in an entirely different light from that of lupos; and the explanation which we have given of the s of the indisputably kindred Sanscrit forms Tf^ nas, ^T vas, must therefore extend also to that of no-s, vo-s, objectionable as it may appear from the point of view
468
PRONOUNS.
of the self-restricted Latin Grammar, when we seek in nos and vos a remnant of the appended pronoun sma, treated of in . 166. &c, which we also recognise robbed of its s in the appended syllable met(egomet, memet, tumet, nosmet, and others), which refers itself most closely to the Sanscrit plural ablative a-smat, yu-smat, which is also employed by the language instead of the theme for all cases and numbers (. 112.), on which account the like free use of the Latin met cannot appear surprising. Moreover, I have elsewhere endeavoured to explain the Latin immo by assimilation from i-smo, and so to apportion the first part to the demonstrative base i, and the last to our sma. 338. We now turn to the Old Sclavonic, where nus and vas as genitive and locative, are completely identical with the '^^ and ^ ^ vas of Sanscrit, which in that language are, indeed, excluded from the locative, but still hold the place of genitives. The monosyllabic nature of these forms has, in Sclavonic, protected the old a as well as the final s (. 255. . I.); but here, also, this s cannot be looked upon as a case character, as, without exception, the terminations T P sam and W su have, in Old Sclavonic, become kit TT (p. 355, 6.\ The concurrent disinclination of so many languages to consider the s, in the common forms under discussion, as a sign of case, strengthens the evidence for each single individual language. As to the Sanscrit, however, applying in the dual the forms ndu, vum (for van, p. 472, Rem. 1.), in cases to which ddoes not belong as the inflexion, in this point it is not supported by any of the European sister languages: we might still, however, admit the conjecture, that here, also, the uu is not a case-termination, but is derived from a different origin, and, in fact, to be so regarded, as that nau, vdn (corrupted to v<h//) are exten* Comp. mrnmr for mesmor with Sanscrit smar ; so, too, Pott (1. c.) explains the Latin met.
PRONOUNS.
469
sions of the plural nets, vas, by lengthening the a, and by resolving the s to u, according to the analogy of . 206. For if a case termination ds has become ^rfr duand in Zend every final ds, without distinction, has become aoit cannot be surprising that nds, also, has become ndu; and then in ndu a dual case termination is just as little contained as in nas a plural. The dual, however, loves broader forms than the plural (compare . 206.); and to this inclination may the lengthening of the a of nas, vas, be ascribed. But ridu may, howeverand this I much preferbe regarded as a copulative compound from na-s ; so thai it would stand in the accusative for nd-smdu, in the genitive for nd-smayos, according to the principle of the Veda pitard-mdtardii, " father and mother," verbatim " two fathers, two mothers." According to this, ndu would properly mean, as accusative, " me and him," as above (. 333.) amie, for masmi, " I and they"; and vdm, for vdu Zend JUJ(? vdowould denote, as accusative, " thee and him." According to this principle of copulative composition is probably, also, d-vdm (for d-vdu), " we two," to be regarded ; so that, with a more retiring designation of the third person, it would literally mean " he and I"; for a is a demonstrative base, which is here lengthened to the dual form d (. 208.), and vdm (genitive and locative vayos) answers, in respect to its base, to vat/am, " w e " p. 462).^ 339. At the base of the two first persons of the Greek dual lie NO, 2<J>J, as themes, which support the opinion, that in ^ ndu, ^T^ vdm (for vdu), to which they bear the same relation that OKTCO does to ashtau, the du is not a case termi-
* See pp. 228, 229, and shorter Sanscrit Grammar . 589. Rem. t I formerly thought (1. c. . 274) the a of avtim might be regarded as a strengthening prefix, as in the middle of the 2d and 3d dual person. But the above view answers better to the analysis -which, was given, .330, of the plural.
470
PRONOUNS.
nation. For if NO, 24>O were the themes in Greek, the genitive and dative would necessarily be votv, <r<potv, as it would be unnatural that the long vowel, which, in the nominative and accusative, would be explicable according to the analogy of KVKU, from AYKO, should be retained before the termination tv. It would, it seems, be rightly assumed, that in the nominative and accusative, vwi, acpui, are the original forms, andi'w, acpca (for vw, o-^xa), abbreviations of them. From vuii, acptoi spring, also, the possessives vcShepos, (T(pui'Crepog. But how stands it with the very isolated Greek dual form vuii, acj>ui? Max. Schmidt (I.e. p. 94) supposes therein a remnant of the Sanscrit neuter dual termination i (. 212.). It would not be necessary, if this be so, to assume that in rut, a<p>i, a masculine and neuter dual termination are united, as NO and 24>Q have already been made to pass as themes, from which vcoi, atyuii, would be very satisfactorily explained by the addition of a single termination. Observe, however, that the pronouns of the first and second persons do not originally distinguish any genders, and occur in Sanscrit only with masculine terminations; that therefore a remnant of the lost neuter termination is less to be expected in these very pronouns in Greek than in any other word whatever. Hence I prefer recognising in the / of vuii, a-<pu)'i, a weakening of the dual-ending n, which originally pertained to the masculine and feminine, and which, in the common declension, lias become e (. 209.). According to this, the / has the same relation to this e and the Zend a that the Êolic irlcrvpes has to recraapes and ^7AUC>J(3AJ^ chat/nvdni. This opinion finds particular support from the fact that vS>e actually occurs for vu>'i, as in the third person <r<puse, not cr^toif; and in the second person, also, the Grammarians assume acptoe together with <r<p5>i (Buttmann Lex. I. 52). 340. We give here a connected general view of the declension of the pronouns of the two first persons, witli the remark that the compared languages do not everywhere
PRONOUNS.
471
agree with one another in regard of inflexion. We select from the Greek, where it is desirable for the sake of comparison, the dialect forms which come nearest to the Sanscrit or the Zend.
SINGULAR.
SANSCRIT. ZEND. GREEK. LATIN. GOTHIC. LITH. OI.T> SCLAV.
g o
( ahani,
azem, turn,
eydv, rovv, fie,
ego, tu, me, te,
ik, thu, mih,x tliuk,
asz, tit, manen, tawen,
az. ty. mya. tya.
!3 i tvain,
^ mam, ma, ma.nm, via,
*! ( tvdm, tva, thwanm, thivd, T4,
l mayd, ,3 t tvayd, mahyam,

j| ) vie,
fi
. . . . . . . . . . . .
me, moi,
eî'v,8
JUOI',4
2 Tei\>, 4
mild, mis,3 tibi, thus*
manhni, innoyu. taivimi toboyu. man, mnye, mi.

. . . . . . .
j tubhyam, . . . . ' thve, te,. thwoi, te, toi, mat, . . . .
taw, ...
ro!, . . . . me(d) . . .
tdbye, ti. . . . . . . . .
!
mattas? tvat, tvattas? mama, . . . thwat, . . . . mana, e/jieSev . . . . te[d) <re8ev, ... juoC, mei, meina, rnanens, . . . . . . . . . . . . meiie.
... . . . . me, me, moi tava, tava, rev, tut, theina, tawens, tebe. tve, te, thwoi, te, toi, ... . . . . u i mayi, . . . . . . . . rneif' . . . maniye, mnye. ^ I tcayi, thvahmi,1 . . . . tui? ... tawiye, tebye. 2 i See . 175.17-J-. See . 222. ' See . 174. ' See 5 . 329. At the base of the forms mattus, tvattas, lies the proper ablative mat, tvat, as theme (compare Gramm. Crit. .289.), to which has been added the suffix tas, which DUAL. signifies the same as the ablative termination t, and is also formally connected with it, and to which the Greek SANSCRIT. ZEND. GOTHIC. LITH. OLD SCLAV. GREEK. fl 3 Bel corresponds. ' See muddu,* . 174. m. va, f. vyefi f livdm,' . . See . 200. vit, vat,1 yudu,G ( yuvam,' . . 1 ugJtis, mudu, m. va, f. j)2/e." imam,' ... / imam j nau. yuvCim,1 vam,1 itjqvis,1 vao, yudu
472
SANSCRIT. ZEND.
PRONOUNS.
GREEK. GOTHIC. LITH. OLD SCLAV.
-g $ avabhyam, -1 t yuvabhyam, , avabhyam, . . . . . . j^ I nau, R | yuvabhyam, . . .

uao,
i/Siv,8
VMIV,
8
utjkis,
. . . .
ris
mum dwiem, yum. droiem,
rr^wiV," V ?
'
eri^SiV,
....
nama, vama, nama? nama? vama? vama?
-J < avabhyam < I yuvabhyam avayos, ^ I UM, tj \ yuvayos, \ vdm, vdo, ^ avayos, 6
uyltaru, igqvara,
I yuvayos,
vniiiu'i divieyu, nayu? ylimit dwieyu, nayu? .... vayu? .... vayu,n .... vayv, .... aai/w,
' I regard the termination dm as a hardening of the common dual termination du (before vowels dv); and I would call attention to the frequent interchange of v and m (. 63., compare p. 114). This hardening has not, The in the 1st person, extended into the secondary form; and in the 2d person the Zend vdo speaks for an older Sanscrit form VJU for vdm. also, to stand as nominative. Zend form vdo occurs in the 34th chapter of the Izeshne, and appears, However, the Zend is not wanting in an analogous form to the Sanscrit dual base yuva; for that which Anquetil, in his Glossary, writes ieoudkem, and renders by vous di u.r, ought probably to be ^ CSM}XS_^ yavdkem, and is clearly an analogous dual genitive (p. 473 Rem.) to the plural gen. caMiM5}J^j/<'sm'>lkmi which Anquetil likewise considers as nominative.
J
- See . 339.
The t clearly
5
belongs to the number two (theme TFA), tained through all the cases.
which, in Lithuanian, is reThe dis-
Feminine muddu-i.
tinction of the genders has been introduced, contrary to the original principle, through the analogy of the common dual (see S. 273.), as the Old Sclavonic, too, in the dual personal terminations, which, in Sanscrit, Zend, and Greek, mark the genders just as little as the other numbers distinguish the feminine from the masculine by the termination i/e (=TJ <?, .155. <.). ' Feminine i/udwi. : See . 1G9. " The comparison with the Sanscrit principal form regards the case termination; that with the secondary form the theme.
PRONOUNS.
PLURAL
SANSCRIT. ZEND. GREEK. LATIN. GOTHIC. L1TH.
47i
OLD SCLAV
vayam, asme,x yiiyam, yushme,1 ' asm/in, cc nas, CJ yushmdn, o vas, asmabhis, " ,; yushmabhis, asmabhyam, nas, yushmabhyam, P vas, asmat, i yHshmat, I asmdkam.,6 nas, < ytishmakam, vas, asmasu, o yushinaxu,
a s
i( )
s
y
vaem.
....
...
aju/êc, nos,s
VOS,3
veis, veis,* yus* unsisf izvis,5
mes,4 yds,4
my. vy. ny. vy.
yds, .... no, ....

vo,
iwies,' aê, we,
miis, yiis,
nos,3 vos? nobis, vobis, unsis, nobis, izvls, vobis, nobis, vobis,
M,
no,
yusmaeibya,
ip/j'W,
mmius, nami. yunns, vanti. mumus, nam. nam. ynnius, vam. vam.
.
yusmat,
..
ahmdkem, a//êW, iinsara, musu, no, nostri, yusmdkem, vpnecov, izvara, yusu, vo, vestri, mususe, yususe,
2
nas. ... vas. nas. vas. See . 335.
1 5
See . 332. See 174.
See .170.
See % 337.
" Remark. Max Schmidt rightly takes the forms asmdkam, yushmakam, for possessives; and Rosen has since confirmed his view (Journal of Education, JulyOct. 1834, p. 348) by the Veda dialect TprnfiTf*^. âifirfH: yaslimdkdbhir utibhis, ' vestris auxiHis"1). We must therefore regard asmdkam, yushmakam, as singular neuters, which are, as it were, petrified, and have thus lost the power of being governed according to the gender, number, and case of their substantive. In the two first respects they may be compared with numeral expressions like tpf pancha, ' five1 which, in the Greek irevre and Latin <jii'mque, has become completely indeclinable, and
474
PRONOUNS.
therefore exactly like asmdkam, yushmdkam, Zend ahmar kem, yusmdkem, and the dual form mentioned at p. 472, Rem. 1., yavdkem. It is clear that the Latin forms, also, nostri, nostrum, vestri, vestrum, belong to the possessive; and for nostrum, vestrum, are used also nostrorum, vestrorum (Schmidt, p. 10.) As, then, unsara, izvara, stand altogether isolated in Gothic as genitives, it is, in my opinion, much more natural to derive them from the possessive bases of the same soundwhich form, in the nominative singular masculine, unsar, izvar (see . 292. Rem.)than, on the contrary, to deduce the possessives from the unexplained genitives of the personal pronoun, so that they would be without any derivative suffix whatever, which is opposed to the common laws for the derivation of words. I most prefer regarding unsara, izvara, and the analogous dual forms as singular and dual neuters, like the Sanscrit asmdkam, yushmdkam, and with an antiquated retention of the a of the base, which in daur for daura (. 153.) has disappeared. Ought, also, the singular genitives to be viewed in this light ? for meina, theina, seina, are possessive bases as well as the genitives of the personal pronouns; and if the former had proceeded from the latter, the addition of a suffix might have been expected. Perhaps even in Sanscrit the expressions mama, tava, which are far removed from all the forms of genitives, are originally possessives, from which, after they were no longer recognised as such, sprang the secondary forms mdmalca, tdvaka, as balaka comes, without alteration of meaning, from bdla, " a boy-" Observe, also, the surprising accordance between the Greek possessive base TEO, from TEFO, and the Sanscrit genitive tava. The form cro-f, however, has scarcely proceeded from aov, but from the more entire reo-g, by syncope and exchange of the T with <r. In regard to the replacing of the genitive of pronouns without gender by the corresponding possessives, it deserves further to be remarked, that, in Hindustani, the forms, which
PRONOUNS.
475
are represented in both numbers of all declinable words as genitives, are shewn to be unmistakeable possessives, by being governed by the gender of the following substantive. The pronouns of the first and second person have in the masculine rd, in the feminine ri, as the possessive suffix; other words, in the masculine kd, feminine Id; and the latter answers to the Sanscrit ha in asmdka, yushmalm, mdmaha, t&valca. In Hindustani, therefore, meri ma, tiri md, is literally, not ' met mater,'' ' tui mater,"1 but ' mea materS tua mater? and the feminine termination % answers to the Sanscrit feminine formation (. 119.). In the masculine the possessives under discussion are sounded merd, terd, plural hamdrd, tumhdrd. In this it is remarkable that the formative suffix rd agrees with the Gothic ra of unsara, izvara, dual ugkara igqvara. In respect, also, to the transposition of the nasal, tumhdrd for tuhmdrd, from tusmdrd, is similar to the Gothic uglcara, unsara, igqvara.
PRONOUNS OF THE THIRD PERSON.
341. The Sanscrit is deficient in a simple substantive pronoun of the third person, devoid of gender: that it, however, originally possessed such a pronoun is proved, not only by the unanimous evidence of the European cognate languages, but especially by the circumstance that, in Zend, KJW he and j\>> hoi (also MMS se, according to . 55.), and, in Prakrit, ^ se, are used as the genitive and dative of the third person in all genders,* and indeed in the direct sense, and in form analogous to the secondary forms of
* In Zend I remember only examples of the kind where the pronoun mentioned refers to masculines; but in Prakrit H se is often found feminine ; e.g. Urvasi by Lenz, pp. 46. 55 twice. Still I have not yet met with examples for se as dative, numerous as the examples of the genitive are. In Zend both cases occur, and the dative, indeed, more frequently than the genitive.
I f 9
47G
PRONOUNS.
t h e first a n d s e c o n d p e r s o n ; S a n s c r i t H mt, ft tt, j ^ fie, Z e n d
5^ me or j<^9 moi, ^>p le or j^ytdi, jyvfdthwol (. 329.) In Sanscrit sva, lengthened to svi, must be considered as the theme of this pronoun, as, according to . 326., ma, me, tva, tiv, are the singular bases of the two first persons. From ^ sve, in combination with the nominative termination am, (. 326.) comes ^ p i svayam, which means "self," and in the present state of the language is indeclinable in all cases, numbers, and genders. The form sva prevails as the possessive, but is used not only for suus, but for meus and tuus, in which it is to be observed, that in the majority of the European cognate languages the possessive of the third person may be also used for the two first, and the Doric o-<pos corresponds as exactly as possible with the Sanscrit sva-s, while 2$I lies as theme at the base of the plural of the personal pronoun (cnpeis, (xcpl-ai), with the old a weakend to i, as in the plural of the two first persons (. 332.). The apparent agreement of the base with the second person in the dual is, then, to be explained thus, that in the latter the cr has proceeded from an older T, but in the third person is
primitive. In ov, of, e, for <r<pov, cr<poi, <r<j>eof which only
the latter has been retainedfrom aFov, &c, the digamma, which may remain after cr in the form of <f>t, has been necessarily suppressed after the cr has become a rough breathing. Thus of is similar to the Zend j^w htVi and w>v hO (for hviii, live), and the Prakrit ^ sr for sve. A similar rejection of the v, together with a weakening of the old a to /, shews itself in the Gothic sei-na, sis, si-k, for svfj/-na, svi-s, .sri-k (see . 327.). On the other hand, the v has remained in the adverb svt*, as mentioned at . 150., which evidently belongs to a theme Sill, as hve from IDA, the from Til A. As t; according to . 69., stands sometimes for the long a, so these forms are, 1. c, explained as instrumental. They might, however, be regarded as locatives, which have been pointed out at . 29-1. Rem. 2., with
PRONOUNS.
477
an e termination, The Lithuanian and Old Sclavonic in this pronoun follow exactly the analogy of the second person, and distinguish it from the latter only by the initial s for t; but, like the Latin, Greek, and German, dispense with the nominative as they are only used reflectively, and use the singular, also, instead of the plural. From the Latin, besides sui, suus, perhaps also spontis, sponte, from SPONT, are to be adduced here, since, according to all probability, the meaning " self," or " the self, selfness," is the primitive: sp, however, may be regarded as the modification of sv (comp. . 50.), as spiro, in my opinion, is connected with ivas, " to breathe." The Doric i/r/v, for <T<j>tv, and the Latin pse, of i-pse, which should be declined ejuspsius, ei-psi, &c, for ipsius, ipsi, are formed, in like manner, by transposition. As regards the termination nt of SPONT it might be carried back to the Sanscrit suffix vant, regarding which see . 324. It may here be further remarked that, in Prakrit, the pronoun of the second person occurs, amongst other forms, in that of TJ^ pai and Tapani (Urvasi, pp.61. 66), so that the t of tva is suppressed, but the v hardened to p. Compare, in the former respect, the Doric <plv for cr<plv, vas, vus, for tvas, tvos (. 336); and, in both respects, the Latin povta, which in this way may be compared with ^T\ dvar, " a door" (6vpa). 343. We here give a connected view of the declension of the pronoun of the third person, devoid of gender, in the singular, which, excepting in the case of the Greek, supplies also the place of the plural.
PBAR. ZEND. GREEK. LAT. GOTH. LITH.
1
OLD SCLAV.
Accusative, er$e, e, se, sik, suwen, Instrument sawimi,1 Dative, se, he, hoi, ol, sibi, sis, saw,1 Genitive, si, he, hoi, ov, sui, seina, sawens,1 Locative saiviye,1
sya, soboyu.1 sebye, si.1 sebe.1 sebye.1
i Compare . 330. It is not, however, necessary to assume, that, in the
478
PRONOUNS.
second person, the Lithuanian theme taw and the Sclavonic teb have arisen from the Sanscrit genitive tava; but these forms may be regarded as transpositions of the base pf tva. Both explanations agree hi the main, as the syllable tav belongs to the base in the Indian genitive fC^ tava also, whether we derive it by Guna from tu, whence TfVOM tu-bhyam, " to thee," or regard it as the transposed form of j ^ tva. In the reflective forms given above, saw and seb are based on the same principle as the taw and teb just mentioned, and hence they may be derived, by transposition, from the Indian base sva ; or we may suppose a genitive sava to have existed in Sanscrit also, which language, it may be concluded, originally possessed a complete declension of this pronoun. The Gothic sibya, " kinsman," theme sibyan, Old High German, sippea, " relationship," " kith," agrees, in a striking manner, with the Sclavonic base seb ; and it would not be surprising if the " kinsman " has been designated as " the man belonging to him," "his;" and that, therefore, the original v of these Gothic forms has been hardened, as in Sclavonic, to b. The Gothic sves, theme svesa, " property," is also a derivative from this pronoun.
343. The base ff ta, feminine 7T td, signifies, in Sanscrit, T " he," " this," and " that." The Zend form is identical with the Sanscrit: the medial, however, frequently occurs instead of the tenuis, as in the accusative singular masculine, in which the place of p tem is commonly supplied by dem, or, still more frequently, by dim. In Greek and German this pronoun has assumed the functions of the article, which is not found in the Sanscrit and Zend, nor in the Latin, Lithuanian, and Sclavonic. The bases TO, Gothic THA (. 87.), feminine TA, TH, Gothic THO (. 69.), correspond regularly with the Sanscrit-Zend ta, td, with which the Lithuanian demonstrative base TA, nominative masculine tas, " this," feminine td, is completely identical. The Old Sclavonic base is, as in Greek, in the masculine and neuter to, in the feminine fa (. 255. a.), but in the nominative masculine drops the vowel ; hence /, ta, to. " this." This pronoun does not occur, in its simple state, in Latin, with the exception of the adverbial accusative forms tunt, tune (like hiinii), tarn, tiui-i/nn, and tamen. The latter resembles surprisingly the Sanscrit locative wftj^ ta-smin.
PRONOUNS.
479
"in this" (. 201.), only that the s is dropped, as in the Lithuanian tame (p. 176); on which account I am inclined to replace the derivation I formerly gave of it by transposition from the Greek fxevroi, by that which I now offer, and which is less remote. Moreover, in Latin, the derivative forms talis, tantus, tot, totidem, toties, totus, spring from this pronoun, and will be treated of hereafter. It appears, however, to be declined in the compound iste, of which the first member is is either to be regarded as a petrified nominative masculine, the case-sign of which, unconscious of its derivation, is retained in the oblique cases istius for ejustius, compare our jedermanrisor, which seems to me less probable, the s is a pure phonetic affix, adopted on account of the favourite combination of s with t (compare . 95. 190.). 344. In the same way that iste is compounded in Latin, so, also, in Sanscrit and Zend, the base ta combines with another pronoun prefixed to it, in fact, with <, and thus ? forms ax eta, " this," " that," Zend AJÔXJAJ aeta (. 28.). The nominative singular is, in Sanscrit, Têsha, vynesha, VjfK^ kat; in Zend ^ÔMAJ afoho, AJÛ*JA5 afeha, (V>ASÂJ aetat. In Greek avros is a similar compound, the first syllable of which, av, will subsequently be remarked upon. This aiiTos is again combined with the article as a prefix to it, and forms
OVTOS, OVTYI, TOVTO, for 6-av-Tog, rj-av-Ti], TO-CCV-TO. There are
several ways in which OVTOS, TOVTO may be supposed to have arisen; in the first place as II-OVTOS, T-OVTO, by suppressing the vowel of the article and weakening the a of the diphthong av to o, both changes being made to prevent the whole word from being too ponderous, for a is the heaviest of the three representatives of the Indian ^T a (a, e, o); and for this reason av appears to be especially the representative of the Vriddhi diphthong ^ t du* while for < f 6 = a + n, is gt
See Vocalismus, Rem. 2. p. 193, &c.
480
PRONOUNS.
found either ev or ov. In the feminine form avrrj, if we distribute it thus, ti-avrrj, the diphthong remains unweakened, as in ravro. But avrrj may also be derived from 'a-vTY], and the loss of the first element of the diphthong may be assumed; the gender would then be expressed in both members of the compound, and a better distinction would be made from the masculine and neuter base TOVTO. But if, as appears to me preferable, we make the latter accord with the explanation, which has just been given of the feminine form, the o of ov will then be ascribed to the article, and we shall likewise assume that the a of av is dropped; thus, 6-vros, TO-VTO. Max. Schmidt (De Pronomine Gr. tt Lai. p. 38) sees in OVTOS only the article compounded with itself, and assumes that v is inserted; thus OVTO$ for OTO$, avrrj for He adduces, in support of his view, 6<TOVTOS, TOIOVTOS, s, which he supposes to have admitted a similar insertion. I am of opinion, on the contrary, that these forms do not contain the simple base of the article TO as the last element of their composition, butÂYTO ; for why should not this pronoun, though itself already a compound, admit, just as well as the article, of being combined with words preceding it ? I do not agree with Max. Schmidt in explaining the adverbs evravda, evrevdev, for evdavda, evdevdev, [onic evdavra, evdevrev, by the simple duplication of the suffixes da, dev, but I consider them to be compounded of two adverbs of similar formation. Though avda, avdev, from the pronominal base 'AY, of which more hereafter, have not been retained in use by themselves, still I look upon ei/TaG0a as the combination of evd' + avda, and evrevdev as that of evdev + avdev. In order to avoid the concurrence of two breathings in the two syllables which meet one another, the breathing of the former syllable is suppressed, or, as in the Ionic dialect, that of the latter is dropped. It may remain a question, whether the e of evdev is the thin sound of the a of avdev, in which case the preceding adverb has lost
PRONOUNS.
481
not only its v, but its e also, or whether ai/dev has been weakened by the loss of its a. In the latter case evravda. may be divided into evra-vda. It is at least more natural to suppose the combination of two adverbs, and the weakening of the latter, on account of the ponderous nature of the compound, than to assume the mere doubling of the formative suffix and the insertion of a redundant v, for neither part of this assumption can be supported by analogous phenomena elsewhere. 345. In the nominative singular masculine and feminine the Sanscrit substitutesand in this the Gothic remarkably coincides with itfor the T sound of the pronoun under discussion an s, which in Zend, according to . 53., becomes > h, and in Greek the rough breathing, hence Sanscrit sa, sd, tat, Gothic sa, so, thata, Zend ho, hd, tat, Greek 6, 'a, TO. The Old Latin has introduced into the accusative this originally purely subjective pronominal base: sum for eum, and sain for earn, also sapsa as nominative for sa-ipsa* As this s is excluded from the neuter, we have found in it (. 134) a satisfactory explanation of the nominative sign, the s of which is likewise foreign to the neuter. A remnant of the old s of the base is still preserved by the Greek in the adverbs aêpov and o-fjTes, though as these compounds express an accusative relation, not that of a nominative, they accord with the use of the Sanscrit language less than the Attic forms rrj/jLepov, rrjres, as j( ta is the general theme, but ^r sa only that of the nominative. The first member of the said compounds occurs in the primary form or theme, the final o of which ( = î) has been changed into e, having been melted down with the following e and t]; thus Trjreg, (Trjres from re-ere?, cre-eTef for
ro-ereg, cro-ere?; rtjfxepov, crr/fxepov from Te-rjjxepov, <re-rjjxepov * Accusative plural sos, cf. Max. Schmidt " De Pionomiije Gr. et Lat." pp. 11,12.
482
PRONOUNS.
for ro-j/juepov, ao-riêpov. These adverbs correspond to the Sanscrit adverbial compounds (Avyayi-bh&va), which contain a substantire, assuming an accusative neuter form as their last member; e.g. '*\vi\v\4\ yathdrshraddham, " according to troth," from ^TST shraddhd, feminine " troth." 346. The Greek falls into an abuse, in extending the substitution of the rough breathing for the T sound also to the nominative plural, as in ol, at, while the cognate languages preserve the Doric-epic forms rot, rat as the original : Sanscrit ^ te, yn^ tds, Zend My ti, JJWÔ too, Gothic thai, thos (compare . 228.). 347. With reference to the masculine nominative singular, we have, moreover, to remark the remarkable coincidence of the Greek, Gothic, and Sanscrit in retaining the case-sign, so that 6 for 6? corresponds to the Sanscrit-Gothic sa for sas. The latter appears analogous to the interrogative hvas, " w h o ? " in Gothic (. 135.). In Sanscrit, however, the suppression of the case-sign is not quite universal; for before a stop we find *j: sati euphonic for sas (. 22. and Gramm. Crit. . 75. a.); and before words beginning with a T t so, according to a general principle of C sound from sas, by melting down the s to it, and regularly contracting the a + u to 6 (. 2.). On the form sd is based the Zend ^ ho, the 6 of which is retained ; so that AJ> ha >> which might be expected for ^t sa, does not occur. Although, then, 4*w hd is strikingly similar to the Greek o, still the relationship of the two forms cannot be looked for in the o-sound, as the Greek o rests on the suppression of the case-sign and usual substitution of o for ^ a (. 4.), while the Zend M is to be referred to the existence of a case-sign (u for s), and its contraction with the a of the base to <. ! 348. The reason why this pronoun gladly dispenses with the usual nominative sign s may be, partly, because the said case-sign has itself proceeded from the base so.
PRONOUNS.
483
and that sa does not admit of being re-combined with itself; and, partlyand this perhaps is the surer ground that the pronouns, in general, are so strongly and vividly personified by themselves, that they are not in need of a very energetic and animated sign of personality; for which reason, although ^tfJ^ aham " I," W^ tvam, " thou," ^nr^ ayam, " this," I^TPI svayam, " self," have a termination, it is not that of the usual nominative, but they appear as neuters in the more objective or accusative g a r b ; while ^PECT asdu, m. f. " that," if its final diphthong is combined with the u of the oblique case ^rT amu (compare . 156.), is completely devoid of termination, and merely adopts the Vriddhi augment of the final vowel of the base.* The Latin obeys the same principle in the pronouns hi-c, Me, iste, ipse, which are deprived of the nominative sign, and for which we might have expected his-c (compare hun-c from hu-mc), illus, istus, and ipsus, which latter actually occurs; and in the same language the relative qui is distinguished from the more energetic interrogative quis by the absence of the nominative sign. In agreement with this principle stands also the circumstance, that in Sanscrit the masculine pronominal bases in a, in the plural nominative have not, like other words, as for their termination, but, in like manner, suppress the case suffix, and extend the a of the base to TJ e, by the admixture of a purely phonetic i; hence % it, from which the dative and ablative U-bhyas, genitive te-shdm, locative te-shu. It has been before pointed out (. 228.) what relation the cognate languages bear to Sanscrit in this respect. And it may be observed, further, that the pronouns of the first and second person do not admit, in the plural, the termination as, but
* The belief in this actually being the case is supported by the Pali, in which the form asic, without Vriddhi, corresponds to the Sanscrit asdu.
484
PRONOUNS.
employ ^^R vay-am, ^xp^ yu-y-am, with a neuter singular form, and in the Veda dialect W?^ asme, *p& yushme, after the usage of pronouns of the third person. The Greek forms awes, vjuyuej, fjneis, vêts appear, therefore, so much the more to be a more recent adaptation to the ordinarymode of formation ; and what (. 335. 337.) has been said regarding the s of the Lithuanian mes, yds, the Gothic veis, yus, and the Latin nos, vos obtains additional confirmation from the present remark. The pronominal base ^Hamu, " that," also avoids, in the masculine, the nominative-termination as, and forms ami, illi, which serves as a theme to the oblique plural cases, with the exception of the accusative ; hence wftfn^ ami-bhis, ^ffltorer ami-hhyas, y*flm^ amisham, ^wfjj ami-shu. These forms confirm the opinion that the nominative tS also, and the like, are void of inflexion. 349. We here give a general view of the entire declension of the pronoun under discussion. From the Latin we adduce the compound is-te, as the simple form does not occur. The Zend forms in brackets I have not met with, but have formed them according to the analogy of the compound AJÔJOAJ ae-ta, and other pronouns of the tliird person, with which we may suppose the base AJÔ ta to have originally agreed in inflexion. Observe, also, the occasional weakening of the t to d, mentioned in . 343. Those cases of the Lithuanian and Sclavonic to which * is prefixed, etymologically do not belong to this place, but to the compound yn tya, mentioned in . 353.
SINGULAR. MASCULINE.
Sanscrit.
Zend.
Greek.
Latin.
Gothic.
Lith.
Old Sc/ar.
N. sa, sah, so, ho, Ac. tarn, Lvm,

l
6, is-TE, set, T6V, is-TUM, tliuna,
tas, tail,
f f.
te la
'>
C'0>
tt,, dnui, *tyem.
PRONOUNS.
SINGULAR. MASCULINE.
485
Sanscrit.
Zend.
1
Greek. Latin.
2
Gothic.
3
Lith.
4
Old Sd.
D. tasmdi, Ab.tasmdt, G. tasya, L. tasmm?
(fahmdi), T<3, is-TI, thamma tarn, tomu!1 (tahmdt), . . . is-TO(D), (tahe),e TOW7 is-TlUS7 this, to, togo.tt (ttthmi)" . . . tamen?w .... tame,u torn.
NEUTER.
N . A c , tat,'
fat:
rdV
isTUD:3
thatn,"
tai,15
to
The rest like the Masculine.

FEMININE.
N. sd, Ac. tdm, I. tayd, D. tasydi,19 Ab.tasyas, G. tasyds,10 L. tasydm,19

1
hd, 'a, r], is-TA, sd, ta, ta. (taiim), rav, TTJV, is-TAM, tho, tan, luP (tahrnyay8 . . . . ta, tuyu. (tanhdi),20 TO., TTJ, is-TI, tluzai,21 tai, tin, (tanhdf),20 . . . . is-TA(D), (tanhdo), TSJ, Tfc, is-TRTS,22 thizds,19 tds, toy a.23 (tahmya),2i . . . . toyp,2Hoi.
2 See . 166. Isti, and similar pronominal forms, differ from the common second declension, to which they belong, in this particular, that they preserve the case-termination in preference to the final vowel of the 3 base; thus, isti for istoi, opposed to lupo for lupoi. Regarding mm, from sm, see . 170., and with reference to the "termination . 356. 5 6 Rem. 3. . 176. > . 267. subfinem. We might, also,
expect Kjwjm/ô tanhe and K5Wj5jAiô tainhe, according to the analogy of H W J J I / anhe, which often occurs as well as ahe (from the base a), and
7 KiW-vJ-SAS ainhe, and similar forms (. 41. and 56. a.). .189. 9 12 . 269. . 120. . 343. > " ?. 176. 197. The m comes from the appended pronoun sma (comp. . 267. end) : in the instrumental ft/em, on the contrary, it belongs to the case-sign (. 266.). 13 H ls 16 . 155. 156. .155. and 281. .157The Sclavonic to, and similar pronominal neuters, are to be explained, like the Greek, through the suppression of a T-sound; while substantive and adjective forms in owith the exception of those from bases in s (as who from NEBES)have lost a final nasal, which the Greek retains, both 8
486
PRONOUNS.
ir 18 according to the euphonic law in . 255. /. - 266. -17119 20 2I 22 . 172. -172. Note *. 356. Rem. 3. If we assume that the termination yus, peculiar to the pronouns, which in . 180. is considered as the transposed form of the Sanscrit termination sya, belonged originally to the feminine, and from that gender has been unorganically transferred to the others, then (is)tius from (is)ti-yus, for (is)ta-yus would agree tolerably well with the Sanscrit tasyas, with the loss of the s preceding yin this resembling the Sclavonic taya for tasya, . 271., and shortening the last a but one; after which from the short a, as is so frequently done before a final s, an unorganic u is formed. 23 24 25 From tosyas, . 271. . 202. . 268. Rem. *
DUAL. MASCULINE.
Sanscrit.
Zend.
Greek.
Lith.
Old, Sclav.
N. Ac. tdu, td,1 (tdo, to), TU, tu, I.D.Ab. tdbhydm, {taHbya), D. TO7V? D.*tiem,3 G.L. tayos, (tayd),5 G. TOIV, G. tu,
NEUTER.
ta. I.D. *tyema.4 toyu.6
N.Ac,
te,
{te),
ra,
....
tye,8

FEMININE.
N.Ac. U? I.D.Ab. tdbydm, tayos, G.L.
(fe), (tabya), ....
TO., tie, D. rcav, torn,3 G. rouv, G. tu,
ti/e." * tye ma.4 toyu.
1 2 Veda form, see . 208. . 221. '.215. * . 273., where, however, the reason for the ye, instead of the to be anticipated o, was incorrectly assigned. The truth is, obyema is founded on the Sanscrit base -g^rq ubhaya, nom. ubhayam, " both"; and with regard to the designation of the number two, we must observe, that the Lithuanian, also, forms some cases from an extended theme in ia, euphonic k ; viz. the gen. du-iey-,1. and the dative dwie-m ; the former, with regard to its y before the case-termination, agrees with the Sclavonic dvoy-fi and Sanscrit dvay-os (. 273. Note * ) ; the theme of both cases is dirir, from dwia, and is founded, in my opinion, on the Sanscrit gTf dvaya, " a pair," with the suppression of the a preceding the y. On this, then, is based, also, the Sclavonic
PRONOUNS.
487
dvyem, as also tyem, on the compound pronominal base 7f tya (. 353.). 7 " .254. Rem. 1. . 273. Note *. . 213. . 212. 9 . 213.
PLURAL. MASCULINE.
Sanscrit.
Zend.
N.
Ac. I.
ti,
ti,
.... D.Ab.tebhyas, taiibyo, s. Loc. G. tishdm,9 (tae'shanm),10 L. tishu, (taishva), D. roicrt,
tan, tdis*
(tan),2 (tdis),
Greek. TOI, ol,1 Tovg,
Latin. is-TV is-TOS, ....
Gothic. Lith. Old Sclav. thai,1 *tie,1 ti.1 thans, tus, tus, ty.3 . . . . tais* *tyemi.* *tyem? tyekh,11 tyekh.11
is-TIS,s thaim,6 *tiem(u)s,7 is-TORUM?thizt* M, fuse,
NEUTEB.
N. Ac. tdni,td, td,
12
13
Ti,
13
is-TA:3
thd,1
ta}*

FEMININE.
N. tds, Ac. tds, I. tdbhis, D.Ab.tdbhyas, G. tdsdm9 L. tdsu,

1
Tat, at, (tdo), TULS, (tdo), (tabis), .... (tdbyd), s.L. (tdonhanm),17 rdcov, tdhoa,
is-TAE,1 is-TAS,
thds, thds,
tos, fas,
.... .... tomis, le is-TIS, thaim, tom(u)s7 9 9 ;is-TARUM ihizd tu, . . . . tosa, D. rouai, . . . .
ty.'5 t!/-ls *tyemi. *tyem.8 tyekh.11 tyekh.11
.228. 348. Regarding the Lithuanian tie see, also, . 235. Note * 2 3 and for the Sclavonic ti . 274. .239. . 275. " . 219. The surprising agreement between the Sanscrit fftj tais and Lithuanian tais is so far fortuitous, as that the Sanscrit has rejected its bh and the Lithuanian the m derived from b, independently of each other. The Sclavonic tyerni, from tyetnis (. 277-), points to a Lithuanian ta-mis, and is analogous to the Veda forms like "sr^fWH asvebhis, mentioned in . 219., and to the common pronominal-instrumental Jtfiro S-bhis, "through this," from the base 'ST a. It is, however, doubtful whether the ye of tyemi is founded on the corruption of the Sanscrit 1J & of a Veda form which may be supposed to have existed, tebhis, according to . 255. e., or whether, as I am more inclined to think, this case, like several others, belongs to the compound base W tya, to which, also, is to be assigned the
488
PRONOUNS.
singular instrumental tyem, as from the base to only torn could proceed, according to the analogy of rabom, from the base rabo. On the other hand, the locative tyekh is not to be referred here, as all o bases in this case have ye corresponding to the Sanscrit i; as, rabyekh, from the theme rabo. Concurrent forms are wanting in the common declension for tyekh; it answers, however, to ifaTT ttsham, just as the locative of similar sound does to ifa teshu; and for it also, therefore, we do not have recourse to the pronoun compounded with T ya, however natural it might appear f from the point of view of the Grammar, which is limited to the Sclavonic alone, that all the ye, which occur in this pronoun, are of the same 5 origin. From istibus for istobus, see . 244. . 215. and
7 8 288. Rem. 4. . 215. and 235. Note *. . 276. o . 248. 10 Comp. $-M%}>HMagshanm, "horum," from the base a, Vend. S. p. 230, and elsewhere (erroneously M& S for sh, see .51. 52.). " . 284. 12 14 15 Rem. 6. . 234. Note t".231. . 274. . 271. 16 This has found its way from the other genders into the feminine, where we should expect thorn, while in the masculine and neuter the ai has its ancient fixed position (. 288. Rem. 4.). In Sclavonic, all oblique plural cases are borrowed from the masculine, hence tyemi, tyem, tyekh, for tyami, tyam, tyakh, or tami, tarn, takh. >7 Compare the often-oc11 curring ^^JW/JJUU aonhahm, "harum" (. 56 .), Sanscrit dsam. from the base a. Polysyllabic bases in Zend shorten the feminine a in the genitive plural; hence, not aetaonhanm, but v>)yi2tU))0AJ aetanhahm (according to .56 a .) answers to the Sanscrit etasam.
350. The weakening of the / to d, mentioned in . 343., which occasionally enters into the pronominal base td, coincides with that which takes place in Greek in the appended particle e, which, when isolated, is used as a conjunction, and to which no more suitable origin can be assio-ned than the pronominal base TO. The weakening of the vowel o to e resembles that which occurs in the uninflected vocative of bases in o (. 20-1.), as also in the equally uninflected accusatives fxe, ve, e, (. 326.) The descent of the tenuis to the medial occurs also in Sanscrit, in the isolated neuter form i-dam, " t h i s " and n-this, "that/ 1 inasmuch as, in mv opinion, this is the proper distribution* which with
* (f. Influence of Pronouns in the Formation of AVords, p. 13.
PRONOUNS.
489
reference to i-dam is supported, also, by the Latin i-dem, qui-dam. In Sanscrit j^^ i-dam and Îr*r a-das are limited to the nominative and accusative neuter, which are the same in sound, and are deficient in the formation of the other cases, which originally may have belonged to them, as the Greek e has still left behind it, in Homer, the plural-dative decrcri, Seen (-rcujSecrtr/, roisSeai), which, according to what was said in . 253. Rem., regarding the dative in ea-ai, sounds very homogenous to the Sanscrit neuter das, probably a weakened form of dat. As to the proof of the relation of the idea of the conjunction de to that of our pronoun, it is sufficient to remark, generally, that all genuine conjunctions in the Indo-European family of languages, as far as their origin can be traced, are derived from pronouns, the meaning of which frequently lies more or less obscured. Those from /xev and Be are contrasted with one another like "this" and "that," or "the other;" and the connection of our German aber, Old High German afar, with the Indian '2TTOf apara-s, "the other," has been already shewn elsewhere,* and in the same manner the Gothic ith, " but," of which more hereafter, is of pronominal origin, just as the Latin au-tem. 351. A descent from the tenuis to the medial, similar to that which we have observed in the Greek 5e, and in SeTva, which will be discussed hereafter, is exhibited in Latin in the adverbs dum, demum, donee, denique, which all, with more or less certainty, belong to our demonstrative base. Perhaps dudum, also, is to be referred to this class, and is to be regarded as the doubling of the base du for tu, to, as totus, which has retained the old tenuis. In Sanscrit, the doubling of pronouns, in which both are nevertheless declined, expresses multiplicity; yd yas signifies " whoever," " quicunque," and yan yam,
* Vocalismus, p. 155.
K K
490
PRONOUNS.
" quemcunquer &c, and sa sali, tan tarn, &c. answers to them. Totus is properly " this and this," " the one and the other half," hence the whole. The case is the same with quisquis. In dudum, " long ago," the notion of multiplicity is equally clear; and for this reason I prefer viewing it as the combination of two similar elements rather than as diu and dum. The same relation, in a phonetic respect, that dudum has to totus, dum has to turn, which latter has been marked above (. 343.) as the accusative. The circumstance, that in these pronominal adverts the accusative inflexion does not stand in its customary sense, ought not to divert us from this mode of derivation; for in adverbs the case-inflexions very frequently overstep their ordinary signification. Notwithstanding, it cannot be denied that, in all pronominal adverbs of this kind, or at least in some of them, the in might also belong to the appended pronoun sma, which is so widely diffused in Sanscrit and its kindred languages, and has been conjectured to exist in tn-rnen as analogous to the Sanscrit locative tasmin, and in immo by assimilation from ismo* According to this mode of explanation, in the Latin forms dum, turn, tarn, quam, &c, there would be exactly as much left of the appended pronoun, and the case-terminations combined with it, as in our German datives, as dem, wem, and the Sclavonic locatives, as torn. The locative would be verv suitable for dum, " since," " while," (in which time), and turn in the meaning " then," and consequently du-m and tu-m would be = Sanscrit wft*r^ tasmin, Old Sclavonic torn. For the meaning, "hereupon," which in Sanscrit is expressed by FiT^ tntas; (literally "from there "), it might be better to refer to the ablativeri+Hlrf;ta-smdl, for it is not necessary that him, in all its meanings, should belong to one and the
In the author's Essay on Demonstrate stiimme, p. 21.
PRONOUNS.
491
same case-form, as the m approaches very closely to the terminations ^ srndi, OT^ smat, and ftn^ smin. 352. Demum, considered as a demonstrative form, agrees exceedingly well, apart from the weakening of the consonants, with the Greek Tfj/j.os, with respect to which the obsolete form demus is to be remarked. In r^/xof, however, to which the relative rjij.os corresponds, there is no necessity to follow Buttmann in regarding the latter portion of it as the substantive rjâp, notwithstanding the apparent inducement for so doing contained in avrfjixap; but I prefer dividing thus, Ttj-fj.os, rj-fJ-os, and I consider rrj, rj, to be merely the lengthening of the base TO, as according to . 3. 4., o = ^ a, and r\ = ^n a. Thus this r\ coincides with the cognate Sanscrit a, in several pronominal derivations, with the base-vowel lengthened, as *TT^ ya-vat, " how much," " how long," " while," &c, and with the word answering to it, riNH ta-vat. Nay, we might not perhaps venture too far if we were to recognise in /xoj a corruption of ^ vat, the v being hardened to p, as we perceive happens among other words in Spifj.u> = '5^Tfa dravami, " I run," (p. 114), the T being changed to f, which is necessary at the end of words if the T sound is not to be entirely dropped, modifications which have aided us in explaining several forms of importance in Grammar (. 152.183.). In demum, demus, however, the demonstrative force is not so clearly perceptible as in the cognate Greek expression, and it lies concealed under the usual translation, " then first," or " at last," which does not affect the general sense of the sentence. Still mine demum venis ? means, properly, " now comest thou at this (so late a time) ?" The time is doubly denoted ; and in this lies the emphasis, first by nunc, from the pronominal base nu, and next by demum. In such adverbs, however, of place and time, it is not required to express the place and time formally, and this is done very rarely. In general, the mind has to understand these categories in the K K2
492
PRONOUNS.
interior, as it were, of the verbal form. It is the property of the pronouns that they convey the secondary notion of space, which then admits of being transferred to time. Thus our wo, " where," has reference to place; ivann, " when," to time ; da, " then " or " there," to both ; but the pronominal idea alone is formally represented in all three. When it is required to denote adverbially absolutely definite divisions of time, a pronoun is naturally combined with the designation of time in question, as in hodie, arjjiepov, and heute, "to-day," (Old High German, Mutu, . 162.). But if, in these expressions, one of the ideas combined in them were to lose its formal designation, that of time would most easily be dispensed with; the important matter being "on this" and not "on that (day);" and the language therefore adheres more tenaciously to the pronominal element than to that of time, which is very faintly seen in our heute, and even in the Old High German hivtu. Hence I cannot believe that the adverbs dum, demum, donee, denkjue, are connected with the term for "day" (. 122.), which is common to the Latin and the Sanscrit, to which Hartung (Gr. Particles, I. 230), besides the forms which have been mentioned, refers, among others, yam and the Gothic yu, " now," " already," and yuthan, " already," as also the appended dam in qul-dam, regarding which see above (. 350.). In the first place, in the dam of quon-dam, and in the dem of tan-dem, we micht admit the term denoting " day" without being compelled, from the reason given above, to this explanation, still less to the inference that qui-dam, i/iii-dem, and i-dem, also have arisen in this manner. If quondam contains the name of " day," then its dam approaches most nearly to the Sanscrit accusative ?T(JT di/nm from ?ft dyo, " heaven," which, like other appellations of heaven, may also have signified " day," as a shoot from the root f^ div, " to shine," (. 122.). With this accusative sn^ di/im, agrees,
PRONOUNS.
493
also, the Greek <$r)v, " long," if, as Hartung conjectures, it is taken from an appellation of " day," like the Latin diu (Sanscrit ^dyu, " d a y . " ) * On the other hand, I prefer referring the particle q to our demonstrative base, the significant and animating force of which is evinced clearly enough in the way in which it is used. We return to the Latin doneethe more complete form of which, donicum,^ has been already, in another place, divided into do-hicumsince I see in it a connection, in formation and base, with the Greek TrjviKa. " So long as is the time in which," or " in which time," " how long a time," and do here represents the pronominal idea, and nee, nicum, that of time, as it also actually expresses, which will be shewn hereafter, a division
* Perhaps we should also class under this head ijyuepa, and divide it into y-fiepa, considering it as " day-time." The first member of the compound would have lost the T sound of the Sanscrit base ^Rdya, as, in . 122., we have seen Yu proceed from Dyu, and the rough breathing would, as frequently happens in Greeke. g. in râp, answering to jecur and T R ^ yakritsupply the place of the y. As regards the second portion of ij-fjepa, we might easily suppose it connected with fiepo?. If this idea be well founded, then rj-fiepa would mean "day's-side" or " light-side" (of time). But /jepa admits, also, of comparison with a word which, in Sanscrit, means time in general and day of the week; for by assuming the frequently-mentioned hardening of a v to m (cf. p. 425), and a shortening of the middle vowel, we arrive at the Sanscrit ^ntvdra, which has been before the subject of discussion (. 309.), and with which, too, our mal, Gothic mil (theme mela), is connected. According to this view, fi-pepa would, therefore, signify " day's-time," in which case an etymological connection between fjepa and juepos might still exist, inasmuch as peipo/uai, from the base MAP (e'lfxaprat), is probably connected with the Sanscrit base var (vri), " to cover" and " to choose "; whence vara (nominative varam), "the gift, lent by a god or a Brahman," " grace"; and whence is derived, also, varu, "opportunity," " time," &c. For further particulars regarding the base ^T. var (^ vri) and its branches in the European cognate languages, see my Vocalismus, p. 166. t Influence of the Pronouns in the Formation of Words, p. 12.
494
PRONOUNS.
of time. In the Sanscrit * n ^ ydvat, on the other hand, from the relative base ya, which signifies both "so long" and "until," the pronominal idea is alone represented ; and we have hereby a fresh proof of the existence of a demonstrative element in donee, donicum. Denique, in like manner, with regard to its origin, appears to be related to TrjvUa, to which it bears a surprising resemblance, with qu for k, as in quis, quid, corresponding to gra has,ftp?kirn,
K>S, KO?OJ, &C.
353. The pronominal base w ta is combined, in Sanscrit, with the relative base ya, for the formation of a new pronoun of similar signification, which belongs especially to the Veda dialect, and, like many other Veda words, has found more frequent use in the European cognate languages than in the common Sanscrit. The a of T ta is suppressed T in this compound, hence m tya ; and in the nominative of the personal genders, as in the simple ft ta, the T sound is replaced by s; hence ^qri syas, ^ T sya, T T tyat ; accusaH UT tive Tip^ tyam, WT^ tydm, (tfi^ tyat, &c. The base sya, which is limited to the nominative, with its feminine form sya, possesses a complete declension in several cognate languages, and in the Sclavonic has found its way into the neuter also. The Gothic has adhered most closely to the Sanscrit, and does not permit this pronoun to extend beyond the singular nominative. Moreover, only the feminine form si remains; and one could wish that a masculine syi-s, for sya-s, (according to . 135) occurred with it. Most of the forms, however, which express, in Gothic, the idea "iie," and its feminine, have proceeded from the demonstrative base i, among which si, though, as it were, an alien, has found its place. This si, from the base syd = Sanscrit sya, is an abbreviation of sya, according to the analogy of the substantive declension of like termination (Grimm's second strong declension\ as tlrivi for fhiiiyn, from the base thiuyd.
PRONOUNS.
495
354. The Old High German siu is more exactly retained than the Gothic si. We will leave it undecided whether it should be written syu, which has not entirely dropped the Sanscrit ^ d, of mi syd, but has first shortened it to a, and then weakened it to ."*" U, however, in Old High German, is a favourite letter after i or j (Vocalismus, p. 246. Rem. 80.). The form siu, in Old High German, is not so isolated as si in Gothic; but from the base sld springs also an accusative sia, and in the plural the form sio, which is common to the nominative and accusative, and, in a Gothic dress, would be syos, in Sanscrit WTO syds. Contrasted with the singular nominative siu, the accusative sia may appear remarkable, for in both cases similar forms might have been expected. The difference, however, consists in this, that the nominative form, at the oldest period to which we can arrive by the history of the language, terminated in a vowel without any case-sign whatever, while in the accusative the vowel of the base was protected by a nasal. This nasal, then, may have preserved the old quantity of a, just as, in Greek, a final a frequently occurs in places where a nasal was permitted to follow it by the old Grammar; while,,where a short a sound is found originally unprotected, or accompanied by consonants not nasal, it is usually changed into e or o; hence eirra, evvea SeKa, answering to the Sanscrit saptan, navan, dasan, though from these likewise in the nominative and accusative, according to . 139. 313., sapta, &c. ; eaa answering to wf^\ adiksham, noSa to tf^j? padam, but eSeiê to wf^W x adikshat, \VKB I to ^% vrika, edelâro to 5rfi^5pT adikshata. 355. While the Gothic article, like that in Greek, is to
* See p. 367, Rem. 5.; and Vocalismus p. 234, Rem. 31. t Respecting u, as lighter than a and heavier than , see Vocalismus p. 227, Rem. 10.
496
PRONOUNS.
be referred to the bases discussed in . 343., ^t sa, TT sd, T ta, ET T in ta, the High German, as has been before remarked (. 288. Rem. 5.), attaches itself chiefly to the compound w tya, fern. tiji), and introduces this into the nominative also; hence, in the feminine, diu (or perhaps dyu), as above siu, accusative dia, answering to the Sanscrit WT^ tyam, and in the nominative and accusative plural dio = tyas. With regard to the masculine, compare, with the Sanscrit nominative ^ tyi, the form die, which in High German has found its way also into the accusative, which in this language is everywhere the same as the nominative. In the neuter, diu agrees with similar Old High German forms, from substantive bases in ia, as khunniu. In the masculine singular, and in those cases of the neuter which are the same as the masculine, the compound nature of our pronominal base is less palpable ; and taking it as our starting point, or restricting our views to it, we should have classed the forms der, des, demu, den, not under tya, but, like the Gothic forms of kindred signification, under the simple base T ta. But if der, den, T be compared with the corresponding feminine cases diu, dia, and with the masculine plural die, without the suppositionwhich is refuted by the Sanscrit, Lithuanian, and Sclavonicthat in the latter word a redundant i is inserted, which never occurs in other parts of the Old High German Grammar, then the assumption becomes necessary that der, des, demu, den, have had their origin from older forms, as dyar, dyas ( = THHt^tyas, 7&x( tyasya), so that, as very frequently happens in Gothic (. 72.), in the syllable ya the a is dropped, and the y changed into a vowel ; just as, above, we have seen si and thivi spring from sya and thiuya. The Old High German, however, very commonly employs e for the Gothic i.
* See Vocnlismus, p. 247.
PRONOUNS.
497
356. The distribution of forms with e and i (or y) and a following vowel is not fortuitous, but rests on an historical basis, so that the contraction to e occurs universally where the Sanscrit has a short a after ^ y * but the more full form is found only when a long d, or the diphthong e, accompanies the Indian semivowel, though this circumstance does not, in every case, ensure the more complete form in Old High German; for in the genitive plural we find dero (masculine, feminine, and neuter), notwithstanding the Indian ~kn\*{ tyeshdm in the masculine and neuter, and ?T T T tyds&m in the feminine ; and in the IO dative, together with diemaccording to Notker, dien occurs, also, dim or den, and this, too, in most authorities. The neuter instrumental diu is based on the instrumental AU^W thi/d, which may be supposed to exist in Zend, and where, therefore, we have, in like manner, the i or y retained with original long vowels following that letter. Compare
MASCULINE. SINGULAR. PLURAL
Sanscrit.
OM H. G. der, den, demu, d'e's,

NEUTER.
Sanscrit.
Old H. G
Nominative, Accusative, Dative, Genitive,
syas, {yam, tyasmdi, tyasya,
tye, tydn, tyebhyas, tyeshdm,
die. die. diim dero. diu.

.
daz, tydni, tyd , Nom. Ace. tyat, tyebhis, Instrumental, ty&na, thyd , diu, The rest like the masculine.
* Respecting the neuter daz, see . 356. Rem. 2. t I cannot, however, quote this pronoun in Zend, except in the nominative plural masculine in combination with the relative, . 02. 1 The latter is the Veda and Zend form, see . 231. and . 234. Note *. 2 The latter the Zend form pre-supposed above.
498
PRONOUNS.
FEMININE.
SINGULAR. PLURAL.
Sanscrit.
Old H. G.
Sanscrit.
Old
H.Gdio. dio. diem. d'ero.
syd, tydm, tyasydi, tyasyds,
siu , dm, dia, deru, dera,
tyds, tyds, tydbhyas, tydsdm,
"Remark 1.I differ from Grimm, whom, .288. Rem. 5., I have followed, as I here give die, not die, and in the feminine plural dio, not did, in the genitive plural d'ero, and in the genitive and dative singular dera, deru, without a circumflex ; since the circumstance that theory, and the history of language, would lead us to expect a long vowel, does not appear sufficient ground for the inference that the original long quantity, which has been retained in Gothic, was not shortened in the three centuries and a half which elapsed between Ulfilas and the oldest High German authorities. Where a long vowel is not shewn by Kero's doubling the vowel, or Notker's accenting it with a circumflex, which is not the case in the examples before us, we have there to assume that the vowel, in the course of centuries, has undergone a weakening change. To this, final vowels are, for the most part, subject; hence, also, the subjunctive present preserves the e, which corresponds to the Sanscrit ij & and Gothic ai only in persons in which the vowel is protected by a personal termination following it; but in the first and third persons singular, which have lost the personal signs, the organic length of quantity is also lost.* " Remark 2.It is very probable that the simple base
See . 354. * Gvimm appears to have committed a mistake in referring, I. 723., to the third p. conj. for support of the supposed length of the c in the nominative plural, as at p. 868 he ascribes to it a short e.
3
PEONOUNS.
499
T ta, was, in Old High German, originally more fully deT clined, and that remains of that declension still exist. The neuter daz has the strongest claim to be viewed as such, which, contrary to . 288. Rem. 5., I now prefer referring to the Sanscrit tat, rather than to tyat, as the syllable mtya has elsewhere, in Old High German, universally become d'e (. 271.). Perhaps, too, the de which occurs in the nominative plural masculine, together with die (Grimm. I. 791.), is not an abbreviation of the latter by the rejection of the i, hut a remnant of the simple pronoun, and therefore akin to the Sanscrit ft te and Gothic thai. On the other hand, in Old Sclavonic, in the declension of the simple pronoun given at . 349., several remains of the compound jq tya have become intermingled, which are there explained. But the forms tot, toe, taya, which occur in the nominative and accusative, together with (masculine), to (neuter), ta (feminine), though they contain the same elements as the I Sanscrit in tya, HT tya, were first formed in Sclavonic, in the sense of . 284., otherwise they would not have restored the vowel of the first pronoun, which the Sanscrit has suppressed (. 353.); thus, ti for toi, te or tye for toe, and tya for taya (compare . 282.). The same is the case with the compound plural forms of the nominative and accusative ; masculine tit, neuter taya, feminine tyya. " Remark 3.In . 160. I have made the assertion that the German dative is based on the old instrumental, as it often occurs with an instrumental signification. I was, however, particularly impelled to this view by the dative form of bases in i, as gasta from the theme ganti. But if we make the division gast-a and regard the a as the casetermination, there is nothing left us but to refer this form to the Indo-Zend instrumental. There is, however, a way of comparing this form with the Sanscrit dative, which I now prefer, as the Lithuanian and Sclavonic, which are so near akin to the German, have retained the dative,
500
PRONOUNS.
together with the instrumental; and the Old High German has preserved a particular form for the instrumental, the generic difference of which from the dative is especially observable in the pronoun, in which demu answers to OT tyasmdi; but the instrumental diu, and the Gothic tM (. 159.), no more exhibit the appended pronoun sma, mentioned in . 165. &c, than does the Sanscrit-Zend instrumental. Diu agrees best with the Zend thyd, supposed above, and the Gothic the with the simple td* The form demn, and the Gothic thamma, compared with 7T^ tyasmdi and 7IW tasmdi, have lost the i element of the Sanscrit diphthong ^ di ( = d + i); and the long d has been shortened in Gothic, otherwise it would have been supplied by 6 or eJ The short Gothic a has, however, in Old High German been still further weakened to u. But to return to the Gothic gasta from the theme gasti; I do not now regard the final a of this word as a case-suffix, but as a Guna-vowel, after which the i of the base has been dropped, together with the case-character, while all bases in u, and feminine bases in i, have lost only the inflexion, and not a portion of the base with it. The same relation that sunau has to the dative ^1% sunav-i, from sunnwhich in Sanscrit also receives the Gunathe feminine anstai, from the theme ansti, has to the Sanscrit matay-e, from mat]. The masculine gasta, however, has not only lost the inflexion of gaslay-e, as it must originally have been pronounced, but also the y, which ought to have reverted to /. In the a declension vulfa is readily made to accord with the Sanscrit qgfPT vrilcaya, and Zend J J U U ^ J ^ velirkdi; to the latter it bears the same relation that thamma above does to TT^ tasmdi. The feminine gibai, from the theme gibo, is as easily de-
* Tlie Sanscrit li/c-n-a has, according to . 158., a euphonic n inserted, and the a of the base changed into r by the blending of an i. t The latter actually takes place in hrammc-h. Itvaryammc-li.
PRONOUNS.
501
rivable, in regard to form, from the dative fsogfa jihvdy-di, as from the instrumental f ^ q i jihvay-d. In both ways the inflexion has been lost, and the semivowel preceding it changed to a vowel. But if we are to believe that a genuine dative character is retained in German, we should find it in the declension of the pronouns, inasmuch as, for instance, the feminine form zai, in thi-zai, is directly derivable from the Sanscrit sydi, from smy-di, by merely dropping the semivowel; so that thizai and 'jr^ tasydi stand historically near to one another, as we have represented in . 172., where we expressed our belief that ai, in thizai, may be explained on the same principle as that of gibai; and thus thizai must be considered as an abbreviation of thizay-ai, and, therefore, as indeclinable. But if thizai stands for thizy-ai, and di is, therefore, in this and similar pronominal forms, a remnant of the Sanscrit feminine dative termination di, then the Gothic ai abovementioned is essentially distinguished from the similar termination in gibai, " donor and anstai, " gratia,'1'' as these two, also, are diverse from one another, since the i of anstai belongs to the theme ansti, while an i is foreign to the theme of gibai, viz. gibo, and accompanies the base in the dative only : while in the corresponding class of words in Sanscrit it is added in several cases, after which is annexed the true inflexion, which is omitted in Gothic. But if the ai of thizai is identical with the Sanscrit S di of T Ct tasydi, * TJ then we cannot distribute the genitive thizds, into thiz-6s, and this must be considered as an abbreviation of thi-zy-os =7(^(m^ta-sy-ds; and we should have in this, and similar pronominal forms,* a feminine genitive termination 6s, while elsewhere in all genders the genitive sign consists in a mere s.
* To these belong the (strong) adjectives combined with a pronoun.
502
PRONOUNS.
357. It has been already remarked, that our dieser is a compound pronoun (. 288. Rem. 5.), the first member of which is founded on the Sanscrit base 7J tya, and our article (. 353.). It is not, however, requisite to assume that its ie presupposes an older ia, but it may be regarded, which now appears to me preferable, as the unorganic lengthening of the di-s&r of Notker. As regards the second part of this demonstrative, its declension might be assigned partly to the simple Sanscrit base *r sa, partly to the compound sya; to the latter evidently belongs the feminine nominative de.SIU ( = ^ T sya, diese, " this,") and the neuter plural ET nominative of the same sound. But if the feminine accusative is desa, not desia, and the masculine d'e'san, not desian, or d'esen, according to the analogy of den (p. 356), then, instead of regarding these and other analogous forms as remains of the simple base T sa, *n sa, it may be T assumed that the i (or y) has been dropped, as occurs in most cases of the declension of hirtl (theme hirtia or h'trtya); so that in the plural, hirta, hirto, hirtem, and in the dative singular hirta, answers to the Gothic hyirdyos, hairdye, hairdyam, hairdya. If this is, as I believe it is, the proper view of the declension of deser, the declensional difference between der and ser then lies in this, that it has been necessary to lighten the latter, owing to the incumbrance of the base of the article which is prefixed to it, and that, therefore, i is rejected ; hence desa, " haitc" but without the article sia, "earn." It is remarkable that the Lithuanian presents us with what appears to be the transposed form of our compound dieser. As such, at least, I regard the so-termed emphatic demonstrative szitlas, in which the Sanscrit, subjective but compounded pronoun ^ sya, occupies the first place, and the objective and simple w ta the second. The first I of szittas, which I divide thus, szit-tns, is, in my opinion, a remnant of the neuter casesign / (. 155.), and presupposes a Sanscrit ^nr m/nt, which
PEONOUNS.
503
sya would form in the neuter, if it was used in that gender. It may be observed, that in Sanscrit, also, the neuter casesign t, at the beginning of compounds, is drawn into the theme, and tat-putras, " his son,M is used, not ta-putras. 358. The sz ( = sh) in the Lithuanian szis and szittas is founded on the form assumed by the Sanscrit base in the Vedas under certain circumstances (. 55.), which change its s into ^ sh. For otherwise the Lithuanian sz does not agree with the Sanscrit ^ s, but perhaps, under other conditions, with ^ sh, e. g. in szeszi = " ^ shash, " six." With regard to the declension of szis, it is to be remarked, that it exhibits several cases, in which the i of the base szia, feminine szia, has been rejected, or which belong and this view is the one I preferto the simple pronominal base *f sa, feminine ^T sd, which completes the compound szis; as, p. 486, among the cases of the simple Sclavonic base to, we have seen remains of the compound w lya. We here annex the complete declension of the Lithuanian pronoun under discussion, accompanied by the kindred form in Old Sclavonic, regarding which reference may be made to Rem. 1.
SINGULAR. MASCULINE. FEMININE. . 1 SZl,
Nominative, Accusative, Instrumental, Dative, Genitive, Locative,

1
Lithuanian. szis, szin, szu, szum, sziam, szio, sziame, szeme,
Old Sclav. Lith.
sy,
sy, sim, semie, sego, sent,
Old Sc .I
St. *
.
szen, sze, sziei, szios, szioye,
siyu seyu. set. seya. set.
The agreement with the Gothic si (.353.), and, in Sclavonic, the complete identity with it, should not be overlooked. With respect to the contraction of the Sclavonic theme syo sometimes to si, at other times to se, compare . 282.
504i
PRONOUNS.
DUAL. MASCULINE. FEMININE.
Lithuanian.
Old Sclav.
X-
szu, szun, sziem, szu,
siya,
siya,
I. D. sima,
seyu,
PLURAL.
Lith. szi, szin, sziom, sziu,
Old Sclav
Sll.
sii.
sima. siyu. *.
Nominative, Accusative, Instrumental, Dative, Genitive, Locative, Nom. Ace. sg. Nom. Ace. du. Nom. Ace. pi.
szie, szus, szeis, sziems, sziu,

* o
si,
szuse,
NEUTER.
siya, simi, sim, sich, sich,

se.
szios, szes, szomis, szoms, sziu, szosa,
siya. siya. simi. sim. sich. sich.
. . . . . . . .
sit. * . siya.
" Remark 1.The composition of the Sclavonic base syo, which occurred in the ancient period of the language, and by which it is shewn to be identical with the Sanscrit ^tf sya, having been forgotten, it need not appear surprising that this base, wThich, in Sclavonic, passes as a simple one, should be again combined with the pronoun which forms the definite declension, and which, from the first, forms its last member; hence, in the nominative singular, together with sy is used also sit, and in the feminine with si also siya (compare . 284.). In some cases the ancient compound only is used, e.g. in the feminine accusative singular only si-yu is used, not sytl. "Remark 2.In the light of the Sclavonic modern compounds just mentioned, as si-?, si-ya, must be regarded the Old High German ser (of rfrser), if the e of this form
PRONOUNS.
500
is a contraction of a + /, as in so many other places. While, therefore, the feminine siu is to be referred direct to the Sanscrit ^qj *ya, and is, as it were, its continuation, .!/ has been formed first in the German language, by combining the base sa, which has been retained in Gothic in the nominative of the article, with the defining element i (from ya). Compare what has been before remarked (. 288. Rem. 3.) regarding analogous adjective-nominatives, as plinter from plinta-ir. As a corroboration of this distribution it may be here further observed, that each of the elements a and i, which are united in the e of plinter, also occurs separately,* each having, on different occasions, divested itself of the other. Thus plintar and plinth may occur ;a clear proof that pllnter has been contracted from jilinta-ir; for diphthongs are frequently subject to abbreviations, in which one of the elements combined in them is lost ; as, in the Gothic, haba, " I have," and habum, " we have," are used instead of habai, habaim, as is shewn by the analogy of the other persons and the Old Higli German habem, habemes.^ The Old High German furnishes examples of forms in which only the latter element of ai is retained ; as ensti, answering to the Gothic dative anstai and genitive anstais. It is not surprising, therefore, that, in the nominative of the definite adjective, together wither ( = air) ar and ir also occur. Of these three forms (eV, ar, ir), the first appears to be the original, since it best admits of comparison with the two others. But if plintar, from plintas, was the original form, the a in this place could not have been preserved beyond the fourth century, not to mention the eighth; as a in polysyllabic words in Gothic before a final s, which has from the first held this place, is
* Graff, 11.346. t Cf. Vocalismus, p. 203.

L L
506
PRONOUNS.
regularly suppressed, or, after y, weakened to i* while ai is retained before a final s. Hence, in the second person singular, compare ais, Old High German fo, answering to the Sanscrit TO & (from ais), Latin Ss, ds^, and Greek o,s." 359. The Lithuanian sxit-ta-s has been mentioned above (. 357.), which, with regard to its last portion, is identical with the Greek ai)T0-2, and with the Sanscrit V3 eTA (. 344.). But the demonstrative base m tya, also, which is formed of ta + ya, occurs in Lithuanian at the end of a compound pronoun. As such I regard patis (paf-s), " ipse,' which I distribute thus, pa-tis: Us stands, according to rule, for tyis from tyas, as yaunikkis, " bridegroom," for yaunikkyis from yaunikkyas (. 135.). But in Lithuanian, t before two vowels, ie excepted, is changed into cz ( = c7i); + hence dative pa-czia-m, locative paczia-me or patime, instrumental pacziu. In the genitive paczio might be expected, according to the analogy of szio and yaunikkio: we find, however, paties, according to the analogy of aides (. 193.); the feminine genitive paczios agrees, however, with szids, and similar genitives from bases in a feminine a (^n a). As regards the first member of pa-tis, I consider it to be identical with the Sanscrit base sva, sve, whence ^jt)M svayam, " self." Sva becomes pa by the loss of the initial letter, and the hardening of the v to p, as, in Prakrit, TjfJr pani, " thou," proceeds from I^JT tvam; so in the Bohemian or Gipsey language pen, "sister," comes from ^fw^svasar (iG^svasri). Indeed, in the pronoun under discussion, the Lithuanian admits of comparison with the Gipsey language, as in the latter, as has been already pointed out in
* It is to be observed that the s of vu/fis, from vulfas, "lupi," is not an original final, as follows from the Sanscrit v>-ih-ti-sya and Greek AIKO(<T)IO. t Ler/as for leyiiix, Vocalismus, ]>. 201. I Written also rh, see p. ],"8.
PRONOUNS.
507
another place,* pe has been formed from ^ sva, whence pe-s, pe-n, flie former as singular, the latter as plural accusative."*" 360. We turn to a pronominal base consisting of a simple vowel, viz. i, which, in Latin and German, expresses the idea '* he," and in Sanscrit and Zend signifies " this," and which has left, in those languages, no proper declension, but only adverbs; as ^fl^ itas, "from this," "from that place," and ^fr iha, Zend MQ idha, and AJ7(3J ithra, which supply the place of the ablative after comparatives, and signify " here," i.e. " at this," with an inherent notion of place ; ^fa iti, Zend AJWJ itha, Latin ita, " so," ^rfal id&nim, "now," analogous with tad&nim, " then"; and also ^?*F^ it-tham, " so," at the bottom of which lies the obsolete neuter it as the theme, + and which occurs in the Vedas also, as an enclitic particle. I regard this ^ it as the last portion of ^fc^ cMt " if " (from cha + it), and ^w net, " if not " (from na + it), which latter is in Zend i^Jw ndit(. 33.), and does not merely mean " not "; since, like our German nicht, it has been forgotten that its initial element alone is negative, while its latter portion signifies something realin Zend " this," and in German " thing," (ni-cht, from ni-wiht, Gothic ni-vaihts). From the pronominal root i proceed, also, the derivatives îtm itara-s, " the other," with the comparative suffix; the accusative of which, iteru-m, coincides with the Latin iterum, fl^l idrisa, and similar forms, which signify " such," and ^nr iyat, " so many." Notwithstanding these numerous offshoots, which have survived the declension of the pronoun under discussion, its base has been entirely overlooked by the Indian grammarians; and I believe I am
* Berlin Jahrb. Feb. 1836. p. 311. t Perhaps, also, the syllable pen of bolapen, " heaven," is identical with the Sanscrit svar of the same meaning. 1 Compare what is said at . 357- respecting the Lithuanian szit-tas.
L L-2
508
PRONOUNS.
the first who brought it to light.* The Indian grammarians, however, give extraordinary etymologies for some of the abovementioned words, and derive iti, " so," from ^ i, " to go "; itara-s, " the other," from i, " to wish " (S. Wilson). In some, recourse is had to ^ ^ idam, " this "; and one would not be entirely in error in deriving from this word itas, " from here," though there is a difficulty in seeing how from idam as the theme can spring the form itas by a suffix tas. We should expect idtmlfis or idutas. 361. In Latin the theme of is is lengthened in several cases by an unorganic u or o, in the feminine by a, and it is thus brought into the second and first declension, in which i is liable to be corrupted to e, especially before vowels. As from the verbal root i, "to go,1 come eu and eunt, in opposition to in, it, imus, itis, ibain ; so from our pronoun come eum, eo, eorum, eos, and the feminine forms ea, earn, me, e.nrmn, all from the base which has been subsequently lengthened, to which the obsolete ea-bus also belongs. To the old type belong only is, id, the obsolete forms hn, ibus, with which agrees the Gothic i-na, " him," i-tn, "to them," (from i-b, . 21a.), and the genitive and dative e-jus, e-i, which are common to the three genders, and also the locative ibiin form a dative, according to the analogy of tibi, sibi (. 21a.)and probably the word hnmo, which has been already mentioned (. 351.), which we may suppose formerly to have been pronounced immod, and which corresponds to the Sanscrit pronominal ablatives in smal, but by assimilation approaches very closely the Gothic dative imma, "to him." The dative ci stands isolated in Latin Grammar, inasmuch as all other bases in / have permitted this vowel to be melted into one with the case-termination; thus htisti, from hosli.-i : the pronominal base i, however, escapes this
* llcul.'l. Jarlil). li'.l!'.. p. 4'-l.
PRONOUNS.
509
combination by being changed into e. In my Vocalismus (p. 204), I have derived the length of quantity in the dative character from the combination of the i of the theme with the i of the inflexion, which is properly short; and I have assumed that bases terminating in a consonant lengthen the base in the dative singular, as in most of the other cases, by an unorganic i ; thus pedl, from pedi-i. As, then, in this way a long i must be found almost universally in the dative, this would come to be regarded as the true sign of this case, and el, and the whole fourth and fifth declensions follow the prevailing example of the more numerous class of words. Cul alone retains the proper short quantity. It cannot be objected to the Latin language generally that it shews any undue inclination towards terminations with a long i, and thereby lengthens unnecessarily that letter when originally short; for universally where a long final i is found, there is also a reason for its length, as in the genitive singular and nominative plural of the second declension it is the suppression of the final vowel of the base, which has induced the lengthening of the termination as a compensation ; thus lup-i, in both cases, for lupoi; while in the dative lupb for lupoi the termination has been merged in the vowel of the base. We have already discussed (. 349. Rem. 2) pronominal datives like istl for istoi, which would be analogous to the Greek
/J.O1, (TOI, 01.
362. The Gothic pronominal base i has two points of superiority over the Latin base which has been just mentioned : in the first place it has never admitted the corruption of the original vowel to e, as generally this comparatively recent vowel is as completely foreign to the Gothic as to the Sanscrit; and secondly, the theme i in the masculine and neuter is preserved free from that unorn-anic admixture which transfers the Latin kindred form from the third to the second declension, and has
510
PRONOUNS.
produced earn for im, eo for e or i, ii or ei for en, eorum for turn. The Gothic pronoun, by the side of which are given in parentheses the forms, which Lave been most probably drawn from the corresponding Sanscrit base at the time when it was declined, are as follows:
MASCULINE. SINGULAR. PLURAL.
Sanscrit.
Gothic. i-S,
Sanscrit.
Gothic.
(is),
(ay-as),
, 1 i-m,
i-nn, i-mma, is,
(i-shmdi), 2 (i-s-hya),3
0-).
eis. i-ns.
i-m.
>-~e.
(i-bhyus),
(ishuirj,
NEUTER.
Nom. Ace.
i-t,*
i-tri,
0-K-O,
lyn-.
This form actually occurs in the Vedas, see Rosen's Specimen, p. 10. We should have anticipated im (with short i), according to the common declension; but the substantive and adjective declension has no monosyllabic bases in i, and other monosyllabic baseswith the exception of those in duse am as their termination; hence bhiy-am for bh'i-m; and so, also, iy-am might be expected from i, as in monosyllabic words both short and long i are changed before vowels into iy. The Veda dialect in the foregoing case, however, has preferred strengthening the vowel of the base to an extension of the termination, or, which is more probable, it has contracted an existing lyum to Im, according to the analogy of the Zend (.42.) ; and thus, perhaps, also the Veda sim, "cam," cited by Rosen 1. c , is ii contraction of syam, otherwise we must assume, that instead of the feminine base sd, mentioned in . 345., si occurred, according to the iinalogy of the Zend him from hma (. 172.). It is certainly remarkable that the s, which is especially subjective, has here found its way into the accusative, like the Old High German sia and Old Latin sam, "cam," 2 mini," nun" (.345.). Comp. aniti-tthniiii, from amu,. 21.
1 Compare avm-slu/n, from mini, whence it appeal's that all pronouns, with whatsoever vowel their theme ends, have, in the genitive, m/n or ! euphonieally, xln/n (. SI.) 5. ir>7. (i. 2:1,;1,.
PRONOUNS.
511
363. Although in Gothic, as in Sanscrit, Zend, Greek, and Latin, the vowel i in substantives is appropriated equally well to the feminine theme-termination as to the masculine ; still in our pronoun of the third person, where the idea is essentially based on the distinction of sex, so that that which signifies " h e " cannot mean " she," the necessity for this distinction has produced an extension of the base i, in cases which, without such an extension, would be fully identical with the masculine.* In the nominative singular a totally different pronoun is employed, which, in High German, is used throughout all those cases which are formed in Gothic from the extended base : Gothic si, Old High German siu, &c. (. 354.) The affix which is used in Gothic to extend the base consists in the vowel which, from a time far prior to the formation of the German language, was especially employed as the fulcrum of feminine bases, but which in Gothic appears in the form of 6 instead of a (. 64.); thus, iyo from i + 6, with the euphonic change of the i to iy, as in the plural neuter forms iy-a, thriy-a ( 233.). From the base iyo is formed, however, in the uninflected accusativeas final vowels are for the most part liable to abbreviationiya, an analogous form to the Latin ea, earn (for ia, iam), and in the nominative and accusative plural iyos, which are likewise shortened.^ In the dative plural the identity with the masculine and neuter is not avoided, and this case is, as might be conjectured, from the Old High German im, with
* The accusative singular would, indeed, be distinguished from the masculine, since the feminine has completely lost the accusative character ; but it was there originally, and therefore the necessity for a mark of distinction from the masculine also existed. t The accusative alone occurs, yet it is probable that the nominative was exactly the same (Grimm I. 785), in case it did not come from the same base as the singular nominative, and it would, therefore, be syos.
512
PRONOUNS.
ivgard to which we must observe, that in Latin, also, in several of the oblique cases, the distinction of gender is less attended to (ejus, ei, old eae). All the cases which distinguish the feminine by the inflexion spring from the original theme; thus i-z8s, i-zai, genitive plural izo, opposed to is, imma, izL In Latin, also, the extension of the base i may have been commenced in the feminine, and thus an analogous masculine eum have been made to COrrespond to earn, and may have superseded the more ancient hn. Similar corruptions have been adopted by the language in the same manner; thus eorum would have been placed beside earum, and thus the him, which probably existed, would have fallen into disuse : eabus, Us; eis, were followed by the masculine and neuter us, eh, which supplanted the older ibus. 361. If the singular nominative of the reflective pronoun given by the old grammarians was i' and not ", it might be regarded as the kindred form of the pronoun under discussion ; and in this view it would be of importance that the Veda accusative im, mentioned above (p. 510. Rem. 1.), has a reflective meaning in the passage quoted, and is rendered by Rosen semet ipsum. But if 'i is the right form, then it probably belongs to the Snnscrit base* sin, sve, whence svnyam, "self" (. 341.), and is connected with ov, di, e and a(pci<;, &c, the latter from the base 201. As in this word an / stands for an original a, which would lead us to expect o, so also in I'; and it deserves notice, that, so early as the S;mscrit, together with sva is found a weakened form mi, from which I think may be formed the interrogative
* Not necessarily so, as the rou^h breathiiur occurs also in words which originally begin with a pure vowel, as a-,!-,,,,,-, answering to FîrPCR rl,vturns. On the other hand the form i'would not peremptorily v conduct us to :i base ^/, ,-i.s initial , lias sometimes been entirely lost in tiieek.
PRONOUNS.
513
particle f^T^ svit, as neuter, and analogous to îT it and f%7T chit. In favour of the opinion that f belongs to the old reflective base, may be adduced the circumstance, that, like the two other pronouns in which there is no distinction of gender (e^w, crv), it is without a nominative sign. If it belonged to the base ^ i, it would most probably have had the same sound as the Latino-Gothic is, unless we prefer regarding i' as the neuter. The dative iV, from its termination, falls under the pronouns devoid of gender (. 222.), and would, therefore, likewise belong to the reflective base. The accusative tv, however, considered independently, would not furnish any objection to the opinion that it is identical with the Latin im and the Gothic ina* 365. We have already mentioned the inseparable demonstrative / (. 157.). There is, however (and this creates a difficulty), another mode of derivation, according to which that I would be identical with the ei ( = i), which is attached in Gothic, in a similar manner, to other pronouns, not to strengthen their demonstrative meaning, but to give them a relative signification: izei, from is + ei, means " qui," and set, a contraction of si-\-ei, signifies "qua," in accordance with a law of sound universally followed in Sanscrit (Gramm. Crit. . 35.). It is most frequently combined with the article; saei, sdei, thatei, " qui," " quce," "quod"; thizei, feminine thizozei, " cujus"; only in the feminine genitive plural thizdei has as yet not been found to occur (Grimm III. 15.). If the first or second person is referred to, ei is attached to ik and thu: thus ilcei, thvei; for the Gothic relative requires that the person to which it refers should be incorporated with it; and as it is itself indeclinable, the relations of case are denoted by the pronoun preceding it, which is then merged in the meaning
* Compare llartxiiii? on tlio Cases, p. 116; M. Schmidt De 1'ion., p. 12, e.; Kuhncr, p. 385.
514
PRONOUNS.
of its attendant. Alone, ei signifies " that," like the Latin quod and the Sanscrit relative neuter ^ yat. And I have no doubt that the Gothic ei, in its origin, belongs to the Sanscrit-Zend relative base ya, which in Gothic has become el, just as, in many other parts of Gothic Grammar, ei (=i) answers to the Sanscrit ya, as in the nominative With respect to singular hairdeis from the base hairdya, form, therefore, the derivation of the Gothic ei from the Sanscrit x( ya, admits of no doubt; and since the significations of the two words are identical, we must rest satisfied with this mode of deducing it, and abandon Grimm's conjecture that ei is intimately connected with is, "he/ 1 or only allow it a very distant relationship to it, in as far as the derivation of the Sanscrit relative base ya, from the demonstrative base i, is admitted. The relationship, however, of these two is not susceptible of proof; for as sa, ta, ma, na, are simple primary bases, why should not such a one have originated in the semi-vowel y also ? But if the Greek demonstrative 7 is akin to the Gothic appended pronoun of similar sound, it likewise would proceed from the Sanscrit relative base, which appears to be especially destined for combination with other pronouns (see . 353.) ; and this disposition is especially observable in Sclavonic in which language that base, when isolated, has laid aside the relative signification (. 282.). Hence, before entering deeply into the Sclavonic system of declension, I mistook this base, and thought I saw in its abbreviation to i (i, " eum" im, " ei ") the Sanscrit base /. 366. We return to the Sanscrit hhtm, " this," in order to notice the bases from which its declension is completed, ;:nd of which each is used only in certain cases. The most simple, and the one most largely employed, is ^f a,
whence a-xwui, " />," a-.smdt, " hoc," n-smin, " in hue," in
* . l-'!-r>. Compare Voculismus, p. 1G1.
PRONOUNS.
515
the dual d-bhydm, and in the plural e-bhisanalogous to Veda forms like asve-bhis from asva (.219.)d-bhyas, e-shdm,
e-shu, exactly like te-bhyas, &c, from ta, viz. by the commingling of an i, as is usual in the common declension in many cases. There is no necessity, therefore, to have recourse to a distinct base &, but this is only a phonetic lengthening of a, and from it comes also the masculine nominative "SPFT ayam from e + am, as *<PPT svayam, " self," from sve (for sva) + am (. 341.), Max. Schmidt is disposed to compare with this e the Latin e of eum, ea, &c. (1. c. p. 10.), and to regard the latter as an abbreviation of an originally long e; for support of which opinion he relies principally on the form aei, in an inscription to be found in Orelli, and on the circumstance that, in the older poets, the dative ei has a long e. But we do not think it right to infer from this dative that every e of the pronoun is is originally long; and we adhere to the opinion expressed at . 361., which is, moreover, confirmed by the circumstance that i also occurs before vowels; and even in the plural ii, Us, is more common than ei, eis. As regards, however, the obsolete dative singular with a long e, it may be looked upon as the Guna form of i; as i in Sanscrit, according to the common declension, would form ay-e = @ + e. From this e, however, which is formed by Guna from i, that which we have seen formed from a by the addition of an i is different; and therefore the Latin dative, even if it had an originally long e, would still have nothing in common with Sanscrit forms like e-bhis, &c. The e in the genitive (jus is long through the euphonic influence of the,/, and for it occurs, also, the form aeius, in an inscription given by Orelli (Nr. 2866.). When, through the influence of a j , the preceding vowel is long, it should not be termed long by position :* j is not a double con* The lengtli of the vowel preceding the j may sometimes be differently accounted
516
PRONOUNS.
sonant, but the weakest of all simple consonants, and approximates in its nature closely to that of a vowel. This weakness may have occasioned the lengthening of the preceding vowel, in remarkable coincidence with the Sanscrit, in which i and u, where they stand before a suffix commencing with ^ y (j), are always either lengthened or strengthened by the addition of a t: hence the bases fjfji and ^r du form, in the passive, *ftitjiye, ^n* stuye, but in the gerund in ya, jitya, stutya* The case is different where ?[ i or ^ i in monosyllabic forms are changed, before a vowel following them, into ^ iy : the y which arises from i, i, has no lengthening power. It is scarcely possible to give any decided explanation of the orthographical doubling of the i for j in Latin. When Cicero wrote Maiia, niio, he may have pronounced these words as Mai-yn, ai-yo (Schneider, p. 28l); and we cannot hence infer that every initial y was described in writing by ii. If this were the case, we should be compelled to the conclusion, that by doubling the / the distinguishing the semi-vowel from the vowel i was intended, as, in Zend, the medial y is expressed by double ;' (bi>); and as double n. denotes, in Old German, the u; though a single it, especially after initial consonants, occurs as the representative of < . But if Cicero meant a double j by his double i, it !< would not follow that, in all cases, the language intended tb 1 same. The Indian grammarians admit the doubling of a consonant after r, as narppn for surpn, "snake," and
accounted for; as major has been derived from nwgior, where the vowel may have been lengthened owing to the g being dropped. And a consonant must originally have preceded even the./ of the genitive in jus. if this termination is akin to the feminine Sanscrit ^v?T si/ds (. 8J0. Rein. 22). " N * Compaie what lias been said in my Voealismus, p.2];?, regarding the tendi ncy of the i to he preceded by a long vowel.
PRONOUNS.
517
they admit, also, of many other still more extraordinary accumulations of consonants, with which the language cannot be actually encumbered. But if the doubling of a consonant following r has any real foundation, the r would be assimilated to the consonant which followed it as, in the Prakrit, savva from sarva,and then the simultaneous continuation of the r in writing would only be in order to retain the recollection of its originally having existed. 367. From the demonstrative base ^r a, mentioned in the preceding paragraph, a feminine base i might have arisen (see . 172.), whence, by the addition of the termination am, so common in pronouns, the nominative singular ^*p^ iyam (euphonic for i-am, Gram. Crit. . 51.) may bo derived. As, however, a short i with am might become ÊfT iyam, it is uncertain if the feminine of our pronoun should be referred to the masculine base a, or to i; the former, however, appears to me the more probable, since thus the masculine nominative ^SfipT ayam, and its feminine ^tpr iyam, would be of the same origin, while the base i does not occur uncompounded in the whole masculine and neuter declension. The Gothic iya, "earn," cannot, therefore, be compared with ^t[^ iyam, particularly as, in . 363., we have seen the Gothic arrive, in a way peculiar to itself, but still in accordance with the Latin, at a theme iyo lengthened from i; but the am of the Sanscrit iyam is merely the nominative termination. 368. In Zend W l ^ ayam becomes ^JOAJ aem (. 42.), and ^fH iyam becomes ^ im- The neuter ^ T idam, however, is replaced by t*xi$j imat, from the base ima, which, in Sanscrit, is one of those which supply the declension of idam. Hence, for example, come the accusative mascu* Compare the assimilation of in, and its simultaneous graphical representation by *. (Gramm. Crit. . 70.)
518
PRONOUNS.
line 3R*T imam, feminine ^TPT imam; Zend $$j imem, tt>9-! imanm. Ought we, then, to compare with it the Old Latin emem for eundem, or, with Max. Schmidt (l. c. p. ll), consider it as the doubling of em for im ? It need not seem surprising that the base ima, which, in the singular, occurs only in this case, and which is principally limited to the accusative, should be found in Latin in the accusative only. I regard ima as the union of two pronominal bases, viz. i and ma (. 105.): the latter does not occur in Sanscrit uncompounded, but is most probably connected with the Greek fx!v, and the latter, therefore, with the Old Latin
emem.
369. As i with ma has formed the combination ima, in like manner I regard the base ^HT ana, which likewise enters into the declension of idam as the combination of ^r a with another demonstrative base, which does not occur in Zend and Sanscrit in isolated use, but perhaps in Pali, in several oblique cases of the three genders* in the plural, also in the nominative, and in that of the neuter singular, which, like the masculine accusative, is ^T nanJ Clough gives the cases in which this pronoun occurs to the base K ta, as secondary forms, as, in Sanscrit, in several cases, a pronoun is found with the compound *nT eta, which has nu instead of ta for its last portion.t We will here give the compound Sanscrit pronoun over against the Pali simple pronoun.
* In the feminine naturally produced to uii, the d of which, however, is shortened in the accusative 7f nan " cum." t I write naii7 not nam, as a final m in Pali, as in Prakrit, becomes an anusvura, which is pronounced like a stifled n (. 9.10.). The original m in Pali has been retained only before initial sounds commencing with a vowel. (Burnouf and Lassen, pp. 81, 82.) Final n is likewise corrupted in Pali to anusvura, or is lost entirely. J In Zend observe the feminine genitive CAMWXU IXJAI acuanhuo (ariMHliuo.'chu, Vend. S. p. 47), which presupposes a Sanscrit cnasyas.
PRONOUNS.
MASCULINE. SINGULAR. PLURAL.
519
Sanscrit. N. esha, Ac. eiam, enam, r 1. A,A A A elena,enena,
Pali. sS, tan, ruin, , Una, nena,

1
Sanscrit. Me, ,,,. etais, ilebhyas, {
Pali. U, nt, Uebhi, nebhi, { ( o r tent, nehi.

1
elan, endn, te, ni>,
D. Stasm&i,
. . . . nasma,
. . . .
Ah.etasmat, G. etasya, A, T L. etasmin,
, A.
< , . A tetebhyas, (or tamha, namha,) tassa, nassa, eteshdm, Uasmin, nasmin, \ < (etesliu, (or tamhi, namhi, )
NEUTER,
\tasma,
like Instr. tesan, nesan, tesii, nesu.
N. elat,
Ac. elat, ennt,
A
Ian, nan,
,
etdni,
tdni, ndni.
ndni,
A (or re, ne.
A, , A
tan, nan,
etani, enani, [
A.A . A . \tdni,
The rest like the masculine.

FEMININE.
N. eshd,
A ,
A A A
sd,
1
etds, elds, ends,

3
)td, na, ) or tdyd, ndyo. )ld, nd, (or tayo, nay6. j tdbhi, ndbhi, (or Idhi, ndhi.
1
Ac. ecam, enam, tan, nan, I. etayd, enayd, tdya, naya, D. etasydi, Ab.etasyds, G. etasyds, L. etasydm,
1
etdlMs, etdbhyas, etdbhyas, etdsdm, etdsu,
.... tassd, tissd, tassd, tissd, tassan, tissan,
like the Instr.

tdsan, tdsdmm. tdsu.
2 Is replaced by the genitive. Or tesanan, nSsdnan, as the old genitive is taken as theme, after suppressing the nasal, and from it a newone formed according to the analogy of the common declension. 3 Observe the transposition of the long vowel. " In the form tissd
520
PRONOUNS.
the Pali coincides in a remarkable manner with the Gothic thixos, since, like it, it has weakened the old a to i. Tissd, however, is inferior to the Gothic kiudred form, in having dropped the final s; and in this point ranks with the Old High German, in which the Gothic zos has become ra (p. 408). The Pali, however, has abandoned all final s, without exception. The older form tassd (by assimilation from tasya), which is not given by Clough, is supplied by Bumouf and Lassen, with whom, however, the form tissd is wanting, though they furnish an analogous one, viz. imissd (E3sai, p. 117). Clough gives, moreover, the forms tissdya and tassdtdya. The former, like the plural genitive, appears to be formed by the addition of a new genitive form, according to the common declension, to the pronominal genitive form. From the form tassdtdya we might be led to an obsolete ablative, which, in Sanscrit, must have been tasydtstill earlier tasmt/dtwhich is proved by Zend forms like avanhdt, "ex hoc" (. 180.). But if we are to give to tassdtdya not an ablative sense, but a genitive and dative one, I then prefer dividing it thus : tassd-tdya, so that the feminine base td would be contained in it twice once with the pronominal, and again with the common genitive termination. But it is probable that the form imamhd, which is given by Burnouf and Lassen (Essai, p. 117) as an anomalous feminine instrumental, is originally an ablative ; for this case, in its significations, borders on the instrumental, and to it belongs the appended pronoun sma. But if imamhd is an ablative, it is, in one respect, more perfect than the Zend forms, like rA\j<3utfA} avanhdt, since the Pali form has retained also the m of the appended pronoun smatransposed to mha,while the n of (X>AMWJXA5 avanhdt is only an euphonic affix (S.561.). The final /, however, in Pali, must, according to a universal law of sound, be removed, as in the masculine ; and thus the ablative nature of imamhd might the more easily lie hid before the discovery of the Zend form.
370. I have already, in my review of Forster's Grammar,* and before I became acquainted, through the Pali, with the isolated pronoun, considered the Latin conjunction nam as an accusative to be classed here; and I have there also represented the Sanscrit ena as a compound, anil compared the Latin enhn with its accusative ^T^ ninni. It will, however, be better to refer aiiui, as also nrnn, to the feminine accuHcidrlb. .Tahrbiicher, 1818. p. 47".
PRONOUNS.
521
sativeP. j nan, Sans. TJ^T* endmas the short masculine a in Latin has elsewhere become u, among other words, in mine, i.e. "at this (time)," which (I.e.) I have explained like iunc, as analogous to hunc. But if tune and nunc are not accusatives, their ??c would appear to be akin to the Greek viKa, and tune might be compared to rrfviKa, of which more hereafter. With respect to nam and enim, we may refer to . 351 with regard to the possibility, in similar pronominal formations, of their m being a remnant of the appended pronoun sma. There is no doubt, however, of the pronominal derivation of all these adverbs. We may remark, in this respect, our German denn, and the Latin quip-pe-from quid-pe, to which with regard to its last syllable, nempe from nam-pe (compare . 6.) is analogous. The Sanscrit kincha, " moreover" (euphonic for lcimcha), may be regarded as the prototype of quippe, for it consists of him " what ? " and cha (commonly " and "), which takes from it the interrogative meaning, and is in form the same as que, which also, in quisque, removes the interrogative signification. The syllable pe, however, of quippe is, in its origin, identical with que, and has the same relation to it that the Êolic irefx-ne has to quinque. As regards the relation of the i of enim to the a of nam, we may refer to that of contingo to tango, and similar phenomena, as also to the Pali tissd compared with iassd (see Table, . 369.). The Greek vlv, like fj.iv, has a weakened vowel, which appears also in the Sanscrit inseparable preposition ni," down," whence has arisen our German nieder, Old High German ni-dar (p. 382), which bears the same relation to na that the neuter interrogative him does to the masculine has. A u also, in analogy with ^ff^ hu-tas, " whence ?" ^ ku-tra, " where ?" has been developed in our demonstrative, and appears in the interrogative particle g nu, with which we compare the Latin num, and the Greek vv, which, in form, and partly in use, is identical with tjnu* On the other hand, in
* Compare Hartung, Greek Particles, II. 99.
M M
522
PRONOUNS.
vvv, nun, " now," which likewise belongs to the base na or nu, the original demonstrative signification is retained more truly. Are we to suppose in the v of this word, as being a necessary corruption of final n, a remnant of the appended pronoun sma, and that the vowel preceding has been lengthened in compensation for the loss of the rest ? Then vvv would perhaps admit of comparison with the Pali locative nasmin, or namhi, and the change of a to v would have first taken place in Greek through the influence of the liquids, as cvv answers to the Sanscrit ^pr sam, " with." Our nun, Gothic nu, is likewise related, as is also noch, as analogous to doch. The Gothic forms are nauh, thauh, to the final particle of which, uh, we shall recur hereafter. 371. The Sanscrit negative particle 7{na, which appears in Gothic in the weakened form ni, comes next to be considered ; in Old Sclavonic it is ne, ni, the latter only as a prefix.* So in Lithuanian, in niekas, "none," (ni-ekas, compare Sanscrit ekas, " one,") and kindred compounds; but elsewhere it is found as ne: in Greek it is lengthened to vr\, but only at the beginning of compounds, as i^/cepco?, vt]KrjSfc : in Latin it is found only as a prefix t in the form of ne, ni, ne, nl (nefas, nefandum, neque, nisi, nimirum). This negative particle occurs in the Vedas with the signification sicut, which points at its pronominal derivation.! At least I think that we cannot assume a different origin for the particle in the two significations which are apparently so distinct: for if the idea ya, "yes," is denoted by a pronominal expression in Latin by i-ta, in Sanscrit by ta-thu, in Gothic by yai, of which hereafterits opposite may be contrasted with it, as dieses, " this," to yenes, " that," and ^ vn would therefore
* See Kopitar's Glagolita, p. 77. t I regard the conjunction nr as a corruption of me =jui;, J T nia, as T narro, probably, from murro (see Vocalismus, p. 1G5). X Compare my Review of Rosen's Veda Specimen in the Berl. Jahrh. Dec. 1830. p. W.r..
PRONOUNS.
523
simply direct to what is distant; for to say that a quality or thing does not belong to an individual, is not to remove it entirely, or to deny its existence, but to take it away from the vicinity, from the individuality of a person, or to place the person on the other side of the quality or thing designated, and represent it as somewhat different. But that which, in Sanscrit, signifies "this," means also, for the most part, " that," the mind supplying the place, whether near or remote, and the idea of personality alone is actually expressed by the pronouns. The inseparable negative particle ^ a, tooin Greek the a privativeis identical with a demonstrative base (.366.), and the prohibitive particle *n md = fj.rj belongs to the base ma, (. 368.), and the Greek negation ov admits of being compared with a demonstrative, as will be shewn hereafter. Observe, further, that as na in the Vedas unites the T relative meaning " a s " with the negative, so the corresponding ne in Latin appears both as interrogative and negative ; in the former sense affixed, in the latter prefixed. It is further to be observed of the Sanscrit na, that when combined with itself, but both times lengthenedthus -m^j ndnait signifies "much," "of many kinds," as it were, " this and that"; as totus also has been formed by reduplication (.351.). The Sanscrit expression, however, is indeclinable, and is found only in the beginning of compounds. We may here mention, also, the interrogative and asseverative particle i j t ^ nunam, which I agree with Hartung (I.e. II. 95.) in distributing into nu-nam, since I regard nu as the lengthened form of the nu mentioned above, without, however, comparing nam with n*P^ ndman, " name," as the pronominal base na appears to me to be sufficient for the explanation of this Indian nam, as well as that in Latin; which latter, likewise, Hartung endeavours to compare with rfFPT ndman, "name." 372. We return to the compound ^rT ana, the last element of which has been considered by us in . 369. From ana MM 2
524
PRONOUN:-1.
come?, in Sanscrit, the instrumental masculine neuter anma, Zend MJM ana (. 158.), feminine ^vpn anayd, Sclavonic onoyu (. 266.), and the genitive and locative dual of the three genders anayrjs, which, in Sclavonic, has become onu for onoyu (.273.). In Lithuanian, anas, or ari-s, signifies " that," feminine ana, and, like the Sclavonic on, ona, ono, of the same signification, is fully declined, according to the analogy of tas, ta, f, fa, to,* being, in this respect, superior to the corresponding words in Sanscrit and Zend. To this pronoun belong the Latin and Greek an, av, as also the Gothic interrogative particle an (Grimm. III. 756.), though elsewhere in the three sister languages the n is thematic; which is especially evident in Gothic, where, from a theme ana in the accusative masculine, only an could be formed, and the same in the neuter or annta. For the Greek and Latin we should assume that ^rq1 ana had lost its final vowel, as we have before seen * T ena abbreviated to T 'EN (. 308.). But if the n belonged to the inflexion, or to the appended pronoun w sma, which appears to me less probable, then the simple base ^S a (. 366.) would suffice for the derivation of an, av. 373. As the Latin preposition inter is evidently identical with the Sanscrit antar and the Gothic undar, our unfer (. 293. 294.), and i is a very common weakening of ;/, we must class also the preposition in and the kindred Greek ei' with the demonstrative base ^ ana, although in and ev, considered by themselves, admit of being referred to the base 3^;, and the relation of evda to the Zend A J ^ idha, " here," might be deduced through the unorganic commixture of a nasal, as in a/x0w, ambo, answering to the Sanscrit ubhdu and Sclavonic oba. I now, however, prefer regarding the v of 'ev-da, ev-dev, which bear the relation of locative and ablative to one another, as originally belonging to the base, and ev
* t-'ci- Kopitiiv's (il:\m>lita, p. /if).
PRONOUNS.
525
therefore, and the Latin in, the pronominal nature of which is apparent in inde, are connected with the Sanscrit ^PT ana. The 2 of efc, from ei/?, appears to me an abbreviation of the suSx ere, which, in forms like Tro'cre, aAAocre, expresses direction to a place, just as e?-f is an abbreviation of ecr-crl, 6$ of 6di, irpos of Ttpori. There would then be a fitting reason why els should express direction to a place: it is opposed in meaning to ei', just as our Inn, " towards," to hier, " here," only that the Greek expressions have lost their independent signification, and only precede the particular place denoted of rest, or to which motion is implied; like an article the meaning of which is merged in that of its substantive. The preposition ava, like the Gothic ana, our an, has preserved more perfectly the pronominal base under discussion: ava is opposed to Kara, as this side to that side.* The Gothic anaks, " suddenly," may likewise, in all probabiiity, be classed here, and would therefore originally mean " in this" (moment). Its formation recalls that of ana!-, the of which is perhaps an abbreviation of the suffix KI$ (. 324.). If the Gothic ks is connected with the suffix of such numeral adverbs, then the removal of the k has been prevented by the close vicinity of the s, though elsewhere the Gothic is not indisposed to the combination hs. In Lithuanian, an-day, from the base una, points to past time, and signifies " that time," "lately," while ta-day refers to the future, and means " then." 374. The base ^Trf ana forms, with the relative xr ya, the combination sjpq anya, and, with the comparative suffix fa. tara, ^5Pfft antara; both expressions signify alius, and have dropped the final vowel of the demonstrative base; for which reason the Indian grammarians do not admit ^pn anya to be a compound, any more than the previously discussed bases
* Compare . 105. and Demonstrative Bases and their connection with different Prepositions ;md Conjunctions, p. 9, passim.
526
PRONOUNS.
TUtya, msya; nor do they see in antara any comparative suffix,* particularly as, besides the irregularity of its formation,t it is removed, by its signification also, from the common pronominal derivatives (. 292.), and expresses, not " the one," or "the other," of two, but, like âr. itara, " t h e other" generally. In Gothic corresponds anthar, theme anthara, which has the same meaning; in Lithuanian antra-s, " the other," " the second "; in Latin, alter, the n being exchanged for I (. 20.), on which also is founded the relation of alius to ^PTO anya-s, the base of which is preserved complete in the Gothic ALJA.X The Greek dt'TvXof is removed one step further than alius from the original form, and, like the Prakrit 3 8 anna, and the Old High German adverb alles, 'PT " otherwise," has assimilated the y to the consonant preceding it (compare p. 401.). On the other hand, ^spq anya exists in a truer form, but with a somewhat altered meaning, in Greek, viz. as evtot, " some," which may be well contrasted with the Sanscrit-Zend, anye, "alii." From the base'ENIO comes also evtore, " sometimes," as analogous to aKKore, emcrTore, &c., for the derivation of which, therefore, we need not have recourse to evt ore, or ecrrtv ore. In Old Sclavonic, in signifies " the other," and its theme is ino, and thus the y of the Sanscrit-Zend anya has been lost. The feminine nominative in Sclavonic is ina, the neuter ino. 375. Together with anya, antara, and itara, the Sanscrit has also two other words for the idea of "another," viz. ^srR apara, and TR. para, The former may have sprung from the preposition of a, "from," as apa itself from the demonstrative base ^r a. With it is connected, as has been
* Anya is derived from an, " to live," and antara from anta, '"end." t Tho regular form would be miatara. t Alya-hunds, "alienigaius," a/i/ni vaihtai, "other things," alya thro, "elsewhere" (p..384 rt a). In the nominative masculine I conjecture alyis, not alis (p. 358, Rem. 7).
PRONOUNS.
527
already observed. (. 350.), our aber, Gothic and Old High German afar (. 87.), the original meaning of which is still evident in abermals, " once more," aberglauben," superstition," aberwitz, " false wit." In Old High German afar means, also, "again," like the Latin iterum, opposed to ^TOf itara-s, "the other." mjxira, is derived by apocope from apara: it is more used than the latter; and if it has derivatives in the European cognate languages also, the Latin perendie may be among the first to be referred to a word which signifies " another." It should properly signify " the morrow," but the use of language often steps beyond the limits of what the actual form expresses ; and thus, in the word alluded to, by "on the other day," not the next following is implied, but the day after to-morrow. The language, therefore, proceeds from " this day " (hodie) to erasin which an appellation of day is not easily perceivedand thence to " the other day," perendie, the first member of which I regard as an adverbial accusative, with n for m, as in eundem. In the Sanscrit pare-dyus, " morrow," par&, on the contrary, is apparently in the locative, and the last member in the accusative, if we regard it as the contraction of a neuter divas; * but in paredyavi both are in the locative. The Latin peren occurs also in perendino, perendinatio, the last member of which guides < us to another Sanscrit appellation of day, viz. to f *T dina. But to dwell for a moment on fi^r divas and x^para, I am of opinion that these two expressions are united in ves-per, ves-perus, and ecrirepa, as it were f<îR divas-para, which, if we look upon para as a neuter substantive, would signify
* I prefer this derivation to that I formerly gave (Kleinere Gramm. p. 323) from dyu with an irregular * , for from divas the step is as easy to dyus as from div to dyu. Divas, however, does not occur alone, but instead of it divasa : still the compounds divas-pati, " Lord of Heaven," or " of day," and divas-prithivydu, " heaven and earth," shew the trace of it; for in the latter it is impossible to regard as as a genitive termination.
528
PRONOUNS.
" the last, latest part of the day," and para, used adjectively, and prefixed to another appellation of day, actually occurs with this meaning; for pardhna (from para + ahna) signifies the later, or after part of the day (see Glossar.) as purvdhna does the former, or earlier part. Consequently vesper would stand for dives-per; and this abbreviation of the appellation of day will not appear more remarkable than that of fg^ dvis to bis. With respect to the loss of a whole initial syllable, I may refer to the relation of the Greek /xetpa^, (xetpaKiov to 4HRTT kumdra-s, " boy," which, by the suppression of its middle syllable, but with the retention of the initial one, has been corrupted to Kopog, Kovpos. We turn now to another trace of TR.para, "the other," in Latin, which we find in the first portion of pereger and peregrinus, and which we could not well suppose to be the preposition per. Pereger would consequently signify " being in another land," like the Old High German eli-lenti, and peregrinus," who from another land." We might also refer per-perus to the same source, as the reduplication of perus = 'ms{ paras, in which the "bad and wrong " is opposed to " the right," as the other. In the cognate Greek Trepnepos the fundamental meaning has taken a more special direction. Lastly, the particle Ttep remains to be mentioned, the use of which is more of a pronominal than a prepositional nature. A word, which originally signifies " other," was well adapted to give particular emphasis to a relative, so as to bring prominently forward the persons or things denoted by it as other than those excluded. In this light let the French nous autres, vous antres, and our German wenn anders, " provided that," be considered, which is more energetic than the simple ivenn, "if."* From qtpara comes,
* Remark, also, the apparently pleonastic use of a'Woq; and similar phenomena in Sanscrit, as Nal. 1.14, in which men are opposed to the gods and to other beings not human, as others: " Nowhere among the gods or Yakshas exists such beauty, nor amongst (others) men was such ever before seen or heard of."
PRONOUNS.
529
in Sanscrit, para, "the further shore," and from thisparayami, " I complete": to the former answers irepav, to the latter nepaui.* In German, in the word under discussion the idea of " other " has been changed to that of " far," Gothic fairra, " far," the second r of which seems to have sprung from n byassimilation. In Sancrit, even para occurs in the sense of " far," in the compound pardsu, " dead," having life removed. 376. The Gothic yains, (theme yaina) yener, " that," Greek Keivos, eKeivos, (JEol. Krjvos) and Doric Trjvos, correspond, in respect to their last element, with the bases in the cognate languages which are compounded with na, no; among which we may especially notice anas (arts) "on," which has the same meaning in Lithuanian and Sclavonic. In the Doric, rî/of, like TijkiKos, TYjviKa, the vowel of the article is lengthened (comp. . 352.), and the iEolic Krjvog has the same relation to the interrogative base KO, that rfjvos has to TO. But in Keivog, to which eKeivos bears the same relation that hfiov does to [xov (. 326), instead of the base-vowel being lengthened an i is introduced, and the o is weakened to e: compare, in the former respect, the Sanscrit e and the compound *r?f ena (. 369.). So, also, in the Gothic yain(a)s, " that," an i has been blended with the Sanscrit relative base T( ya- But if in German, as in Sclavonic, a y preceded the old initial vowel, as in yesmy =^rft*T asmi, Lithuanian esmi, "I a m " (.255. .), yains would then shew itself to be a cognate form to ijtT ena, " this," the real countertype of which we have, however, already found in the numeral ains, theme aina (. 308.). In Greek, the word cte?va, theme AEIN, may also be classed here. It is a plural neuter, which has been peculiarly dealt with by the language: its ei has the same relation to the o of the article that Keivog has to KO (KOTC, Korepov), and the tenuis has been removed, as in $e beforementioned (.350.). The v, however, of AEIN can * Compare Vocalismus, p. 177, &c.
530
PRONOUNS.
scarcely be connected with the appended pronoun r na, but is more probably a mere phonetic affix, as in TIN, of which hereafter, and in many words of our so-called weak declension (. 142.). 377. The Zend demonstrative base ASAJ ava, " this," has been already repeatedly mentioned. In it we find a new and powerful confirmation of the propositionwhich is one of importance for the history of languagethat pronouns and genuine prepositions are originally one ; for in the Sanscrit, in which ava has been lost as a pronoun, it has remained as a preposition, with the signification " from," "down"; as ava-plu, ava-tar (jttri), " t o spring from," "to descend," but the original meaning of which is "to alight down or at this (place)." In Sclavonic, ava has been changed, according to rule (. 255. a), to ovo, which signifies "this" and "that": its fern. nom. ova is almost identical with the same case in ZendMM ava. With this form is connected the Greek av of avTog,* in which, after the suppression of the final vowel, the v has been changed to a vowel. When used alone the pronominal nature of this base is most apparent in avdi," here," which, therefore, is not to be regarded as an abbreviation of avTodt, for it is quite as natural for the locative suffix to be attached to av as to other pronominal bases. With the same signification as avdt we might expect to find avda, as analogous to evda and to the Zend MQMM avadha, which corresponds in its base, suffix, and signification. But the Greek expression does not occur alone, but only in combination with evda in evravda for evdavdaf; and so, also, the ablative adverb avdev is retained only in the compound evrevdev (p. 480). The indeclinable av, the use of which is not opposed to its pronominal origin, has probably lost some suffix of
* Compare p. 387, Rem.*. t . 344. p. 480. The derivation of ZvravOa given at p. 387 must be corrected accordingly.
PRONOUNS.
531
case or of another kind. If it were a neuter for avT or avS the suppression of the T sound would accord with a universal phonetic law (comp. . 155.). Perhaps it is an abbreviation of avdi j , which has the same meaning, or of avre, which latter agrees in its formation with the pronominal adverbs rare, ore, izore, though the signification has diverged. 378. Through a combination with the comparative suffix is formed avrap, " but," with reference to which we must again advert to our German aber (Old High German afar, " but," "again") with the Sanscrit apara, " alms.''1 The suffix of avrap is distinguished from the customary repos by the preservation of the original a sound, and in this manner corresponds exactly to the Sanscrit^ antar (. 293.). The Latin au-tem, on the other hand, appears to contain the superlative suffix, as i-tem in opposition to i-terum.* The i of timus might easily be corrupted to e in a word terminating with a consonant. I now, however, prefer regarding the suffix tern of i-tem and au-tem as not originating in the Latin language, but as identical with the suffix xp^ tham, which, in Sanscrit, likewise occurs only in two pronominal adverbs, viz. in ^f*IT it-tham, " so," and ' S R ^ ka-tham, " how ? " with regard to which it may be left undecided whether their tham is connected with the superlative suffix with a phonetic alteration, just as thama in JT*prer prathama-s, "the first" (p. 379). The Latin au-t appears to me an abbreviation of au-ti, so that it agrees in its formation with uti, ut, and iti in itidem, as also with the Sanscrit ^fjr iti, " so." t With regard to the au of aufugio, avfero, I see no adequate reason for dissenting from the common opinion which regards it as a weakened form of
* Compare Heidelb. Jahrb. 1818, p. 479, and Demonstrative Bases, p. 14. t The i oiiti-dem might also be regarded as the weakening of the a of ita, caused by the addition of weight through the dem.
532
PRONOUNS.
ab.* On the other hand, the Sanscrit inseparable preposition ava, mentioned above (. 377.), evidently re-appears in the Homeric avepvuj without the ancient connection between this prepositional av and the particle av being thereby removed, as, as has been remarked above, the Sanscrit preposition ava and the Zend demonstrative base of similar sound, are cognate forms. 379. It has been elsewhere pointed out + that of the three forms into which the originally short a in Greek has been distributed (e, o, a), most frequently e occurs in places where a Sanscrit a is combined with u; more rarely the weightier o ; and the still heavier a never. The Greek diphthong av, however, corresponds to the Vriddhi diphthong ^ an, as vavs = '^h^ n&us: its a is therefore long, and is found as such in vdog, &c, for vdFog = TI ndvas. If, then, the T= W final vowel of the Indo-Zend ava, Sclavonic oro, be removed, and then the u, formed by the melting down of the v, be combined in a diphthong with the initial vowel, we should have ev or ov. As, however, an has arisen, we must regard the lengthening of the initial vowel as compensation for the final vowel, which has been suppressed. This compensation, however, does not take place universally; for as ovv is plainly shewn, by its use, to be of pronominal origin, || it may be best compared with our demonstrative base ava, of which it is
* Without this weakening, affero, from abfero, would be identical with affero, from adfero ; and the change of the b into the cognate vowel may have taken place in order to avoid this identity, as. vice c, /-.?,;, the u of duo (originally a v) seems to have been hardened into b in bis. If, for this reason, uu has arisen from ah on one occasion, it might be still further adopted without its being occasioned from a view to perspicuity. t Compare A. Benary in the Bcrl. Jahrb. M:iv 1830, p. 704. t Vocalismus, p. 193, &c. This combination produces ^ft 6 (. 2.), which, before vowels, is resolved into ', as, gav-dni, "Imvuni," from go. || Compare Hartung II.:!, &c.
PRONOUNS.
533
further to be remarked, that, in Zend, in departure from . 155., it forms the nominative and accusative neuter, not by t but by m. For avem, according to . 42., aum must be employed ; but in its place we have the irregular form \)xs aom, and the same in the masculine accusative.* I agree with Hartung (1. c.) in considering the Greek ovv likewise as an accusative, whether it be masculine, or, as we may assume from the Zend aom, neuter. The negative particle ov is also to be classed here, according to what has been said in . 371., and before, in my Review of Rosen's Veda Specimen regarding the derivation of negative particles from pronouns : it has the same relation to OVK which, owing to its terminating with a consonant, is used before vowels, that, in Latin, the prefix ne has to nee, an abbreviation of neque. OVK is, therefore, an abbreviation of OVKI (with the change of the tenuis, ov%t), the KC of which is, perhaps, connected with the Sanscrit enclitic pronominal base fa chi, of which more hereafter. To this fa chi the ^ cha, which is likewise enclitically used, and with which the Latin que is identical, bears the same relation that cR^ has, " who," does to its neuter -ftsJT Urn. If, then, the syllable KI of OVK! is connected with the Indian fa chi, it is also related to the Latin que of neque (compare . 380., sub finem.) 380. It remains for us to shew that an offshoot of the pronominal base ava exists in German also. Such is our auch, the demonstrative signification of which is easily discoverable in sentences like er ist blind, und auch lahm, " he is blind and also lame," in which the auch adds to the quality " blind," as "that, 1 pnother " this :" he is lame and this " blind." The auch performs the same service for a single quality that the conjunction dass, "that," does for an entire member of a sentence ; for in sentences like " I am not willing (dass) that the should come," the conjunction dass expresses generally
* Compare Burnouf's Ya^na, Notes p. 5.
534
PRONOUNS.
or only grammatically, the subject of my will, and " he should come " expresses it particularly and logically. In Old High German, auh (ouh, ouc, &c.) has other meanings besides auch, also, which are elsewhere expressed only by derivatives from pronouns, as denn, aber, sondern, " for," "but," &c. (see Graff I. 120.), and the Gothic auk occurs only with the meaning "for."* If auch, also, were the only meaning of the conjunction under discussion, in all German dialects, we might suppose it to be connected with the Gothic aukan, " to increase." ^ But what connection have denn and sondern ("for" and "but") with the verb "to increase?" Moreover, verbal ideas and verbal roots are the last to which I should be inclined to refer the derivation of a conjunction. All genuine conjunctions spring from pronouns (. 105.), as I have endeavoured to shew in a particular instance in my Review of Forster's Grammar.* But whence comes the ch of our auch ? I do not think that it can be regarded in the same light as that of dock and noch, which have been likewise explained as pronominal formations, i but, in Gothic, terminate with h (nauh, f thauh); while our auch bears the same relation to the Gothic auk that mich, dich, sich, do to mik, thuk, sik. The k, therefore, of auk may perhaps, in its origin, coincide with that of the so-called pronominal accusative, and, like the latter, belong to the appended pronoun W sma (. 174, 175.), which, in Zend, becomes hma, but in Prakrit and Pali is transposed to mha. But if the pronoun ava were used in
* The meanings "but" and "also," which 1 have, in accordance with Fulda, given elsewhere (Demonstrative Bases, p. 14), rest on no authority, as Ulfilas gives auk only when answering to the Greek yip (Grimm III. 272). t Compare Sanscrit /, " to collect," whence samuha, " crowd." X Heidclb.Jahrb.T818, p. 473. U .370 and Demonstrative Bases, p. 18.
PRONOUNS.
535
Pali, its ablative would be avamhd and locative avamhi (comp. . 369. Table). In the Gothic auk the sounds which surround the h in these forms are lost, and the final vowel of the base is suppressed, as in the Greek avros. With regard to the guttural, however, auk bears the same relation to avamhd, avamhi, that ik, " I " does to ^ ahan. If, of the forms of negation mentioned at p. 533, the last were the original one, we might suppose the %/ to be related to the Pali pronominal locatives in fr^r mhi, as % usually represents the Sanscrit and Pali ^ h (. 23.). 381. As regards the etymology of the base ava, the first member of it is easily perceived to be the demonstrative a, and the latter portion appears to be analogous to iva, " as," from the base i, as also to eva, " also,11 " merely," &c, and with the accusative termination evam, " so,11 from the base e (. 266.). A-va and &-va, therefore, would be as closely connected as a-na and e-na; and as from the latter has arisen the Gothic term for the numeral, " one," (theme aina, . 308.), so from eva would come the Zend numeral for " one," aeva, with a prefixed, according to . 38. In Gothic corresponds aiv (theme aiva), which, however, as " all time," i. e. eternity, answers to the cognate form in Zend as logical antithesis, or as " another" to " this." It may be observed, that it is highly probable that our all, Gothic alls, "omnis" (theme alia), has been formed by assimilation from the base alya, "aliiis," and has therefore experienced the same fate as the Greek a'/Mor, Old High German alles, " else," and the Latin ille, olle. In Sanscrit, from the energetic subjective demonstrative base sa, " he," " this," " that," (. 345.), arises the general term " all," viz, 5fff sar-va, "every," plural "^sarve, " all," and the adverbs of time ^ T sada, and WT sand, " ever ": from the latter ^T comes the adjective ^ T I W sandtana, " perpetual." The final member of sarva is identical with that of our ^ra ava, im &vd, and ^ iva; and, with respect to the r, analogous
536
PRONOUNS.
forms to sarva occur in etar-hi, "then," and kar-hi, "when ?" the h of which I consider as an abbreviation of dh, and the whole dhi as a cognate suffix to the Greek di (compare . 23.). Thus etarhi, exclusive of the prefixed pronoun e, agrees with rodi, and kar-hi with TTOBI, from K66I. In the Gothic, tha-r, " there," in our dar in immerdar, (always) darbringen, " to offer," darstellen, " to represent," &c, and hva-r, "where?" (compare war-urn, "wherefore," wor-aus, " whence," &c.) the syllable hi or dhi of the Indian prototype is wanting. We may notice, also, the compound hvar-yis, "which?" the last member of which belongs to the Sanscrit relative base TI ya. In Lithuanian we have in Icittur (kit-fur), " somewhere else," a form analogous to the Gothic locative adverbs in r. With the Sanscrit sarva. " every," may be compared the Old High German sar. " omnino," our srhr, " much." But to return to the Gothic base aiva, we see clearly enough the pronominal origin of this word in expressions ike ni aiv, "nunquam,'1'' n't aiva dage, " on no day whatever," and still more in our ye, Old High German eo, io, which latter has been formed from aiv, by suppressing the a, and changing the v into a vowel; and by this alteration it has become estranged from ewa, " eternity." A word, however, signifying merely eternity or time, would scarcely have entered into combinations like ito-man, " aliquis," our " jemanrl," in which eo may be regarded as equivalent to the Zend aeva, " one ;" so, also, in io-u-iht, " alhjiiidr literally " one thing," or " any one thing": loner means "anywhere," and, with respect to its r, agrees with the abovementioned locative adverbs (thar, hvnr), and, in regard to its entire final syllable, with pronouns compounded with na, no (. 376.); and this affords a striking proof that the preceding'/<>cannot, from its origin,
* The Indian grammarians assume, without cause or reason, a suffix rhl for both these expressions, and distribute them thus, lUa-rhi, ka-rhi.
PRONOUNS.
537
be a term for denoting time. Perhaps, however, the Old High German io is not in all places the corruption of the Gothic ah; for a short way of arriving at it is through the old relative base n ya. It is certain that the Lithuanian yu belongs to it, which, in its use before comparatives in sentences like yu bagotesnis yu szykoztesnis,
" the richer the more niggardly," corresponds exactly to the use of the German language, only that the same expression is always retained in the corresponding sentence, which may be done in German also, as, in Sanscrit, the idea of one is expressed by attraction, after relatives by ya, and after interrogatives by ka (see . 308.). The Lithuanian yu, however, is clearly the instrumental of the base ya, which elsewhere signifies " he," but, in this kind of expression, retains the old relative meaning. In Lithuanian, yo may be used for yu; and if this is not merely an abbreviation of yu (yuo) it is the genitive of the pronoun referred to; for yis (for yus), " he," forms, in the genitive, yo. Rubig renders " the sooner the better," by yo pirmyaus yo geraus.^ Graff (I. 517.) rightly compares the Old High German io with this Lithuanian yo, and the former must therefore be distinguished from the io, which are
* The meaning of this is, that if, in Sanscrit, a sentence be interrogative, the object of the verb likewise becomes interrogative, as it were by attraction, instead of being, as in English, indefinite. Thus, in the passage referred to . 308., cR^ *T TTCpT. TTÎ ^ Mlri^PK ^ r T ^3T kathan sa purushah' partha kan yhdtayati hanti kam, " How, O Partha, can that spirit cause to be killed whom, can it kill whom ?" The same attraction takes place in a relative sentence. Thus, in the Second Book of the Hitopades'a, X(^Sf Xj^nt T&k *T^rT ri^W| i p ^ t yadeva rochate yasmai bhavet tat tasya sundaram, " Whatever is agreeable to whomsoever (in English it would be 'to any one soever'), that to him will be beautiful." Translator's Note. t As addenda to . 306. may be noticed the uninflected comparatives, which accord with the superlatives in aus-as (. 307.).
NN
538
PRONOUNS.
corruptions of the Gothic aiv. In Latin we find a form corresponding to this aiv (theme aivn) in oevum which has quite lost a pronominal signification. It may be left undecided whether the Greek aliov should be referred to this class. But we must remark that the syllable va of 'snr ava, V^ aw, and ^ iva, is, as it appears to me, of itself a pronoun, and connected with the enclitic vat, "as." Perhaps the v is a weakened form of m (. 63.), and iva therefore connected with the demonstrative ima. Observe that the derivative suffixes vat and mat, in the strong cases vant, mant, are completely identical in meaning, as are also rain and rin. 382. We come now to the relative, the base of which is, in Sanscrit and Zend, ya, feminine yd; and the offshoots of which, in the European cognate languages, have been already frequently mentioned. With respect to the Greek of, rj, o, answering to the Sanscrit yas, ya, yat, we may notice how frequently the Indian TI y is represented by the Greek spiritus asper. And oj has the same relation to yas that ii/ieis has to the Veda *pit yitshme, " ye,"
ufffxtvr] to T H t/udhma, TT " strife," fj-nap to H*tf yakrit and
jt'cur, ato to T 3 yaj, " to honour," " adore," rfixepos to tpr TT yam, " to restrain." The circumstance, that the relative is dialectic-ally replaced by the article, is as little proof of the connection of the two, as our German icelcher, " which," being replaced by the demonstrative der, " the," is, that it is cognate to it in form. Since, as early as Homer, the use of the true relative is very common, and the relative expressions oiroy, ofof, r;\tKo^, iûof, answer to the demonstrative derivatives TWO?, TOIOJ. T^KIKO^, Trjfios, we may find in this alone sufficient evidence, exclusive of proofs drawn from the Sanscrit and other cognate languages, of the original existence of a distinct relative base in Greek. 383. In Zend the relative occurs also with a demonstra-
PRONOUNS.
539
tive meaning: thus we frequently find the accusative ?m n 9->JC> 2/ i ^ e sense of hum: This guides us to the Lithuanian yis, " h e " (euphonic for yus, . 135.),* accusative yin. The dative yam corresponds with the Sanscrit yasmdi, Zend yahmdi; as does the locative yame (. 176.) with yasmin, yahmi. In Sclavonic, ye is the most perfect form that has been retained in the masculine and neuter singular of this pronominal base (see p. 353) : in the neuter plural ya agrees most exactly with the Zend and Veda yd, (. 255. a.), just as, in the nominative singular feminine, yd (ya-she, "which") corresponds to the Sanscrit-Zend yd. The masculine form i is derived, as has been already remarked, by suppressing the vowel of the base, and vocalising the y, and thus resembles tolerably closely the Gothic relative particle ei ( = ). In Gothic, however, thei'e exist derivatives from the base under discussion, which are even yet more similar. For instance, the conjunction ya-bai, " if," springs from it as the cognate form of the Sanscrit ijf^ ya-di, which signifies the same. The suffixes alone differ. The Gothic bai is a corruption of ba,- and appears in this form in the compound thauh-yaba. There is an analogous form to yabai, yaba, viz. iba, ibai* which is used particularly as an interrogative particle, and proceeds from the pronominal base i. Combined, also, with the negative particle ni, iba means " if;" thus niba (for ni iba, as nist, " he is not," for ni ist), " if not," where we must remark that the Sanscrit ^ff it connected with iba, as regards its base, likewise means "if"; and, indeed, in like manner only
* In Zend the i of yim is not produced by the euphonic influence of the ij, for we also find dim for dem (. 343.), and druyhim for drughem, from drugh, " a demon." t Compare Demonstrative Bases, p. 15, and Graff (1.75), who assents to my opinion, but designates the pronominal bases as adverbs of place, or locative particles. NN 2
540
PRONOUNS.
in combination with particles preceding it; so that n&t (na + it), " if not," is, as it were, the prototype of the Gothic n-iba (see . 360.). It can hardly be that the suffix, also, does not contain somewhat of Sanscrit. I conjecture a connection between the syllables va in iva, " as," ev-a, " also," &c, and that of e-varn, " so," or what almost amounts to the same thing with the enclitic ifj^vat, "as." And thus the derivation of the Gothic adverbs in ba may be shewn.* It cannot appear surprising that the v is hardened to b, for in Bengali every Sanscrit v is pronounced as b, and in New German, also, we have b for v in the older dialects. In Lithuanian the v of the Sanscrit iva, " as," is altered to p, as we have before seen pa formed from ^ sva (. 359.). No more satisfactory derivation, therefore, can, in my opinion, be given for pronominal adverbs terminating in ipo or ip, than from the ^ iva above mentioned, particularly as the latter is constantly subjoined, asft<*^ tad iva, " as this." So, in Lithuanian, talpo or taip, "so," i.e. "as this," from the base ta+ ipo; kaipo or knip, "how"? kittaipo, kittaip, and antraipo, antraip, " else." Another view of these impressions might be taken, according to which i would be allotted to the principal pronoun, which would be regarded as neuter (, 157.); thus fai-po, kai-po, &c. In this case the vowel of the Sanscrit ^ iva would be lost in Lithuanian ; but I prefer the former opinion, and believe that the Gothic Inaiva, "how"? taken as hva-iva, must be
* Not aba, for the a belongs to the adjective base; hence those in u have, not v-aba but n-bii; but those in ya, for the most part, lay aside their final vowel, and form i-ba for ip-ha. Examples : frMa-ba, " intelligent," from FRODA (nom. fivllis); hiirda-ba, "hard," from HARDU; muliiuyi-bii, "evident," perhaps from the substantive base AXDAUGYA (nominative ,,,,,/am/i), "visage." The full form is seen in gabaurya-ba, " willing."
PRONOUNS.
541
referred to this class ; for it cannot appear remarkable that the termination va, in Gothic, should not have been everywhere hardened to ba, but that a trace of the original form should be still left. But if the sva, " so," answering to hvaiva, does not, as has been before conjectured, belong to the Sanscrit reflective base ^r sva (. 341.), I should then regard it as analogous to hvaiva, and divide it thus, sh-va, so that it would contain the demonstrative base sa, mentioned in . 346., from which, in Sanscrit, comes, among other words, ^jfî sa-drisa, " similar," literally " appearing like this." But to return to the Sanscrit yadi, " if," its di is probably a weakened form of the suffix, which we have seen above in ^fir Hi, " thus," and elsewhere, also, in ^rfir ati, " over," and altered to fv dhi in îftj adhi, " to," "towards." The Prakrit *f\jai (. 19.) has quite dropped the T sound, just as the Lithuanian yey: through both languages the Greek el is, as it were, prepared; as to the connection of which with our relative base I have no longer any doubt, as all is regular as far as the suppression of the semivowel in the initial sound ; and by a similar suppression we have not been prevented from recognising the Veda TJ1^ yushme, " ye " in the JEoMc vn/xes. 384. The Gothic particle yau, which in the signification " whether " coincides with the Sanscrit *rf^ yadi, which together with " if" means also " whether," supports the derivation of ba from va, given above; for yau is, for the most part, in the same relation to yaba, that, in Lithuanian, taip bears to the more full taipo. The form yau, however, probably owes its origin to a time when, in more perfect accordance with the Sanscrit, yaba for yava was still used, whence, after suppressing the a, yava must be formed, as e.g. the base thiva, " servant," in the nominative thius, accusative thin. But if yau arose at a time when yaba was already in use for yava, we should have to notice the relation of the Latin au (aufugio, au/ero) to ah. The
542
PRONOUNS.
Lithuanian has likewise a particle yau, which is connected, in its base at least, with the Gothic : it signifies " already," i. e. " at this" (time), and therefore reminds us of jam, which, in Latin, is the only remnant of the pronominal base under discussion. Perhaps the u in the Lithuanian form is the dissolution of a nasal, by which yam and yau would be brought still closer, and the latter would be related to the former, as binrau, " I was," to the Sanscrit ^ W ^ abhavam (compare . 255. g.). With the Latin jam and Lithuanian yau must be classed, also, the Gothic yu, " now," " already," which, in respect to its u, is an analogous form to the nu, " now," mentioned above (. 370.), and, with than, forms the combination yuthan, " already." This furnishes a new proof that yu is probably but an abbreviation of the Sanscrit 'Qdyu, "day;" for if this were the case, it would follow that the demonstrative, and thanyu or thayu would be used, as in Latin hodie, and Old High German hiulu, in Sanscrit a-dya, in Greek ai]/j.epov. The Old High German ie in ie zun, whence our jet~o, jet.~t, is probably a weakened form of the Gothic yu, and literally signifies " to this," with a preposition subjoined. It first occurs in an inscription of the twelfth century (Graff I. 516.), for which reason it cannot be matter of surpi'ise that the u is corrupted to c 385. There remain to be noticed, in order to complete the list of the remnants of the Sanscrit relative base, the affirmative particle ya, yai, (compare . 371,) and the copulative yah, "and," "also." The form i/a may be taken as neuter, analogous to the interrogative liva. " what," and, like the latter, it is indeclinable. The more usual form yai. may have sprung from ya, through the inclination, which the a manifests, even in Sanscrit, to form a diphthong with the addition of an i (. 1.">S.). Hence there arises an apparent affinity of declension with the sole pronominal neuter in Lithuanian, viz. tni. The copulative
PRONOUNS.
543
particle yah is identical in its final h with the Latin cjue and Sanscrit ^ elm, which is likewise subjoined, and which owes its origin to the interrogative base lea, on which we will bestow a closer examination in the following paragraphs. 386. The interrogative bases in Sanscrit are three, according to the three primary vowels, viz, ka, kit, lei. The two latter may be looked upon as weakened forms of the first and principal one, for which reason I shall take them in the order of the diminution of the weight of the a* From gi ka springs the whole declension of the masculine, as also that of the neuter, with the exception of the singular nominative and accusative fspr kirn. The neuter = 1 kat, BT which is obsolete as far as regards its isolated use, and on which the Latin form quod is founded, is easily recognised in the interrogative particle c(iPdHN kneh-chit, euphonic for hat-chit: it also appears as the prefix in expressions like oBc^^ kad-adhvan,' " a bad street," literally " what a street!" Other interrogative expressions are similarly prefixed, in order to represent a person or thing as bad or contemptible, as I have already previously noticed.* But since then my conjecture regarding the cognate form in Sanscrit has been still more confirmed by the Zend, where iA5^ kat is actually the common neuter of the interrogative. From the masculine and neuter base ka springs, in Sanscrit and Zend, the feminine base ka, which, according to . 137., appears in the nominative singular without inflexion.
* Vocalismus, p. 227, Rem. 10. t Knd for kat, according to . 93 a . t Gotting. Auzeig. 1821, p. 352. Wilson, on the other hand, follows the native grammarians in deriving both the interrogative particle kachchit and kad-adhvan, and similar compounds from kat for knt, "had"; and it appears that the connection of the prefixes kat and ku with the interrogative has quite escaped the Indian grammarians.
544
PRONOUNS.
None of the European cognate languages agrees better with the twin Asiatic sisters than the Lithuanian, in which the masculine nominative kas is completely identical with the Sanscrit ^ leas, over which, too, it maintains this superiority in the retention of the original form, that its s remains unalterable, and is not liable to suppression, while the Sanscrit kas is changed into kali, kd, and ka, according to the quantity of the initial sound following, or before a pause, and retains the original sibilant, according to a universal law of sound, only before f^ t and ^ th, and changes it before ^ ch ^ chh, or ^ t, \ th, into the sibilant of the corresponding organ. In the corresponding Zend form there is this remarkable peculiarity, that, if followed by the singular of the pronoun of the second person, the latter combines with the preceding interrogative, and forms one worda combination which is of course only phonetic, and has no influence on the sense. Though I have no doubt this combination has been occasioned simply by the tendency in several languages to unite s and t, or th, still in the case before us a conjunctive vowel has been, in the course of time, introduced in Zend ; and indeed, according to the oldest MSS., an e, in the sense of . 30. As, however, in the edited codex of the V. S., in two out of four passages in which ^^CWSOJOJASJ kcdZtliu-anm, " who thee," should be read, we find instead /,me thwai'im ; and in one passage, indeed, these words occur combined, but still with a long e, kaset/urai'im; and, in the fourth case, there is an erroneous reading, kasithu-nnm ; I was therefore formerly of opinion ! Gramm. Crit. p. 327.), that we might consider the < or /, combined with kah as analogous to the Greek demonstrative 7; a conjecture which must be withdrawn, owino- to the various readings since published by Burnouf, and the inference (I. c. p. los) thence deduced. With the dative
t Bumouf's Yajim, Note R. p. 134.
PRONOUNS.
545
te, and with Auy nd, " man," MXSJ has forms, without an auxiliary vowel, the combination ^ÔJJAS^ kasti, Icaind (Burnouf 1. c. p. 409.). 387. According to . 116., from the Sanscrit-Zend-Lithuanian interrogative base KA must come the Greek KO, which, retained in Ionic, has elsewhere become n o , from the ensy interchange of gutturals and labials. The declension, however, of this KO or IIO is disused in favour of that of T/J, and the only remains of it are adverbs and derivatives,
as Kore, Trore, (cwj, Korepov, Trorepov (see <+tU^ kataras, " w h e -
ther of the two?"), Koaog, nocros, KO?O?, TTOIOS, which are clear enough proofs of the original existence of a K6$, KY], KO. These form, the foundation of those cases of the Latin interrogative and relative, which belong to the second declension, viz. quod ( = ÔAJ^ hat), quo, and, in the plural, qui, quorum, quos. The plural of the neuter qua differs from the common declension, according to which it should be qua. The form qucc, however, may have remained from the dual, which is otherwise lost in Latin, and may have assumed a generally plural signification; for qua agrees, as has been already remarked (. 234.), exactly with the Sanscrit dual ^ M. The Latin feminine is founded, in the cases peculiar to it, on the Indo-Zend feminine base led: compare, for instance, quam with efipr
learn, qudrum with =T E P kdsdm, F T TT quds with cfira kds. The
singular nominative quce, however, is remarkable, standing isolated in Latin grammar as the neuter plural nominative just mentioned; for the demonstrative hie (of which hereafter), is, in its origin, identical with the pronoun under discussion, the feminine nominative of which should be qua, which it actually is in the compound ailqua, &c. Whence, then, the forms qua and hce-c ? If they are not corruptions of qua, for which no reason can be assigned, or weakened forms of the originally long qua (. 137.), by the last element a ( = f + o) becoming i, there /
546
PRONOUNS.
is no course left but to regard the <B of qua, ha-c, as a remnant of the feminine character \i, mentioned in . 119. As, however, in Sanscrit and Zend, the masculine and neuter a of the primitive is dropped before this feminine j, and from c hi might be formed, in the feminine base, hi R (compare . 172.), but not Id, I now prefer, contrary to my former opinion,* the explanation pointed out abovethat the long a, which should be found in the uninflected nominative of bases in a, has for once been weakened, as is usual in the vocative of the corresponding Sanscrit class of words, in which -^ side, ( = sutai) "daughter," bears the same relation to mta that qua does to gft ka; and, secondly, with the complete abbreviation of the d, which, in Sanscrit, is the case only in a small number of vocatives, e.g. ^TWT ammn, " mother," from amma. 388. In Gothic, according to a universal law of permutation, the old tenuis of the interrogative base has passed into h; and as gutturals freely combine with v, with this h a r has been joined as euphonic ; hence HI A from c ka, and, in R the feminine, HVO (according to . 69.) from s^M. The v has remained alone in our uer, "who?" We have before drawn attention to the masculine nominative hva-s. with respect to its grammatical importance (. 135.), and have remarked that the feminine nominative hvd, as also so, " this," has not admitted, owing to its being monosyllabic, the shortening of the 6 to a, which takes place elsewhere in this case (. 137.). In the neuter hva the inflection ta is wanting, in which respect the Old High German huuz (Old Saxon hucd) is more perfect. In Old Saxon, according to . 255. a., a masculine and neuter base ko and a feminine lea might be looked for; but the simple declension of the interrogative does not occur, but only that compounded with the definitive, originally
* liifluoiUT of the Pronouns in the Formation of Words, p. fl.
PRONOUNS.
547
relative pronoun (. 282.): hence, nom. ley-) (ko-i, . 255. d.), ka-ya, Ico-e, genitive masculine and neuter Ico-ego, feminine ko-eya, &c. The same principle is followed in Old High German, only the cases do not occur in which the combination of the interrogative base and old relative base would be most perceptible, with the exception of the instrumental huiu (=hwiu), our wie, the simple form of which would be him (hwu). It is a question whether huiu be really an instrumental, and not from the Gothic hvaiva, " as " (p. 540). The feminine, if it were used, would be, in the singular nominative, huiu, and, in the plural, huio (Grimm, 796). The masculine singular forms huer, hues, hu'e'mu, hu'n (or human); and the case is the same here with regard to the more concealed appended pronoun, as above with der, de$, demu, den (. 356.). The Old Saxon, on the other hand, has, in the masculine nominative singular hide, clearly the old relative base, just as in the demonstrative tide, which latter forms the truest countertype of the Sanscrit base w tya (.353.). The Middle Netherlandish shews, in the whole masculine singular of the interrogative, the appended relative T\ ya, the semivowel being corrupted to i and the a to e; but the guttural of the interrogative base has disappeared, and only the euphonic affix w has remained; thus, w-ie, w-ies, w-ien, w-len. With respect to the latter portion of the word compare the Sanscrit yas, yasya, yasmdi, yam ; the Lithuanian yis, yo, yam, yin ; and the Gothic yis, yis, yamma, yana, contained in hvar-yis (p. 536). The Old High German yener is also to be viewed in the same light, the base of the old relative being added, that is to say, to the Gothic base yaina; and what has been said above (p. 504) of deser applies to the long &. Perhaps, too, the & of the locative adverb ioner, "anywhere" (p. 536), which has been before mentioned, is to be viewed in the same light, as from iona-ir. The feminine of yener is yenu, with i suppressed (compare . 288. Rem. 5.); on the other hand, in the Middle High German jeniu and, according to Notker, eniu, and in
548
PRONOUNS.
the masculine, ener. If these forms, in which the initial y is wanting, are not abbreviated from yener, yeniu, but genuine, then they would belong to the Sanscrit ana, "this,1" and Lithuanian anas, Sclavonic on, "that" (comp. Graff, I. 398). 389. We turn to the second interrogative base mentioned in . 386., viz. ^ ku, from which spring only the adverbs ^ ku-tra, " where ? " and ^TTO ku-tas, " whither ? " perhaps, also, ^ kva, " where ?" if it is to be distributed into ht-a, not into V-va ; further in the Zend AJGJ^ kutha, " h o w ? " which would lead us to expect a Sanscrit ÎT kuth), for which, however, =l T ^ katham is used; for ^ f ku is prefixed in a deteriorating, derisive sense, as in J(TJ kutanu, " having an ugly body," properly " having a what sort of body?" a title of Kuvera. In Zend this ku occurs as a prefix to verbs, where it gives additional emphasis to the negative expressed by wo^y noit, and signifies " any one." Thus we read in the beginning of the Vendidad, noit kudat sditi'in ye'idhi zi noit a~?m daidhyanm, &c, " n o one could have created them if I had not created them." Under this class might be brought the Latin genitive cu-jus and the dative cu-i, whicli in a measure belong to the fourth declension, as the obsolete forms quo jus, quoi, from the base Ql O = KO, cj ka, do to the second. It is not requisite, therefore, to consider the classical forms cujus and cui as corruptions of quo-jus, quo-i; for as the base cu, as is apparent from the Sanscrit and Zend, is in its origin equally old with QJ O, from it may have proceeded cujus, cui, cujas. or cujatis,
* This npju'iu-n to me an nlilnvviation of i'x<h'iiHim, and presupposes a Sanscrit <xli-:h:ut t o o t h e r with <'t<'irnt (from < to. . 344.). The initial c has been dropped, hut has left its influence on the sibilant following : hence nMthn for uluhtim (. 61. />2.), not hdithn. Remark the Zend ;AUJÔ shun, mentioned before, as compared with the Sanscrit asau, unless the conjecture mentioned . />.'>. is well grounded.
PRONOUNS.
549
which may have existed together with qunjus, cjuoi, quojns, as quid, from the base QJI, together with quod from QVO. Considering, however, that, in Sanscrit, the whole interrogative declension, with the exception only of Mm, comes from the base kaon which the Latin QUO is foundedjust as in Lithuanian it all comes from KA, and in Gothic from HTA; and that the rarely-occurring base ku has, in the European cognate languages in particular, left us traces which can be relied upon;under these considerations I now prefer, contrary to my former opinion,* deriving cujus, cut, from quojus, quoi; so that, after rejecting the o, the semi-vowel preceding has been changed into a vowel, as, in Sanscrit, u frequently appears as the abbreviation of the syllable va, as ukta spoken for vakta, and even in the Latin cutio (concutio) from quatio. Qu, however, =kv, if the v in this place be pronounced like the English or German wand the Latin like the Gothic (. 86. 1.), loves the euphonic addition of a v after gutturals ; hence the forms QJO and HTA, in the interrogative, correspond in their difference from the Sanscrit, Zend, and Lithunian KA, and thus qVa, and the Gothic ahva, " river," shew an agreement when contrasted with the Sanscrit w<^ ap, " water," with the common interchange between gutturals and labials. We must observe, also, the relation of angVis to the Sanscrit ^rf^c uhi-s, " snake," and Greek ex'S- If. then, as I doubt not, cujus, cujas, cui, spring from quojus, quojas, quoi, as cum, " since," from quum, cur from quare, then we must also derive uter, uti, id, ubi, and itnde, from lost forms like quoter, &c, and the latter would correspond tolerably well with the Gothic hvathar (. 292.). It is certain that uter, and the other interrogative and relative expressions commencing with it, have lost a preceding guttural, as amo has, compared with sfiwnfa kama.yami, " I love," and nosco, nascor, from gnosco, gnascor. The more perfect uubi, cunde, is still preserved in the comt Influence of Pronouns in the Formation of Words, p. 3.
550
PRONOUNS.
pounds ali-cubi, ali-cunde ;* as the root of the verb substantive is retained more truly in the compound participles ab-sens and prce-sens, than in the simple ens, answering to the Sanscrit sat, nominative san, accusative santam. Under this head are to be classed, also, unquam, usquam, uspiam, usque: the interrogative meaning, however, is removed by their lost element, just as in quisquam, quispiam, and quisque. In abbreviating cu (from QTO) to u all these forms agree, in some measure, with our German wer, " who ? " in which only the element which has been added for the sake of euphony, according to . 86. 1., has remained of the consonants which belonged originally to the base. It might, indeed, be asserted, that the u of uter, and other interrogative expressions beginning with u, has nothing in common with the euphonic c of the base QVO, but that it is the original a of cfi/fca weakened, and that thus uter is a corruption of ^fiTOT kataras, by simply dropping the k and changing the a to w. To this it may be objected that u in Latin does, indeed, often enough correspond to an Indian a, but still principally only before liquids and before a final s : the ^f a of ccK kntara-s, howfr U ever, it might be expected, would, under the most favourable circumstances, remain unchanged, or, more probably, be altered to o, as in Korepov, or to e or 7. 390. The third interrogative base fifi hi is more fertile of derivatives than ^ ku, both in Sanscrit and in the cognate languages. From it comes the word kirn, " what ? " (as nominative and accusative) which has been frequently mentioned, which is so far isolated in Grammar, as otherwise substantive and adjective neuters in a alone make m the sign of the nominative and accusative singular (. 15:2.),
* I do not think that tlusr words can lie distributed thus, a/icubi, alicnmli; rind tliat we can assume n compound of ALIQCI with /)i, mide ; but as all, us the abbreviation of ALTO, is the first member of the compound uli-qitix, so it is also that of ali-cubi and ali-cuuih:
PRONOUNS.
551
and bases in i use the simple theme. We should have looked, therefore, for ki, or, according to the pronominal declension, ftsr^ kit, before sonant letters fc^ kid. Of the prior existence of this form there can be scarce any doubt, after what has been before said of the neuter ^w it and f^ chit: it is, however, confirmed by the Latin quid and the Lithuanian kittur elsewhere, which I regard as a compound, and distribute thus k'd-tur, with regard to which the szit-tas before cited (. 357.), may be again brought to notice, which, with reference to its lost portion, is identical with that of kit-tur, of which mention has been before made as locative adverb. That, in Sanscrit also, there existed a masculine nominative fjfi^ Ms, as prototype to the Latin quis, perhaps with a more full declension, is proved by the compounds mfiB^ makis and ^rrftK^ nakis, which occur, perhaps, only in the Vedas, and the former of which probably signifies the same as the corresponding nequis (from mequis, . 371.), and Zend mdchis* while the latter agrees in meaning with the Zend MiJ^snxsi naechis, " not any one," " no one." Grammarians, however, include both expressions among the indeclinables, and write them TTf^K. makir, ^nfcfit. nakir, which Colebrooke renders, together with J T^ mdkim and nfli^ nakim, by " no," " except," 1 T fW " without signifying that they are masculine nominatives, which might be very easily understood without the aid of the Zend. 391. Other derivatives from the interrogative base ftfi
* Gramm. Crit. p. 328. t Sanscrit Grammar, p. 121. On account of the mutual transitions of final s and r, and the uniformity of the phonetic laws to which they are subject after vowels other than a, a, it might remain undecided in the expressions given above, whether * or r is the original final letter. As, however, with reference to mdkim and nakim, they are shewn to be masculine nominatives, it is matter of astonishment that makir and nakir could ever be taken for the original forms.
552
PRONOUNS.
ki are Mdrisha, " similar to whom?" and analogous forms, of which more hereafter, and fzfixjtT kiyat, " how much ?" in the strong cases (. 129.) f<&F\ kiyant, hence nominative masculine kiydn, accusative Myantam. As k easily passes into h, and, in Germanic, the old tenues are almost always changed into aspirates, and e.g. k to It; and as ^ hrid and hridnya, " heart," correspond to the Latin cor and Greek Krjp and Kapdla ; so, perhaps, also hi, " for," may be regarded as the weakened form of f R ki, with the transition = of the interrogative signification into the demonstrative, which is easily intelligible, and which occurs also in the Greek yap, which, with regard to its formation, appears analogous to the Gothic hoar, thar, and Sans, kar-hi. As to the change of the tenuis to the medial, it cannot be more a matter of difficulty than in Se and Mva (. 350. 376.). We may here mention, as derivatives from the interrogative, the particles /ce (Doric KOL), KEV, ye (Doric ya). The Sanscrit hi, however, occurs in '?nr hyas, " yesterday,' which I think may be distributed into hi + as, and considered as " that d a y ; " for words which signify " yesterday," " to-day," " to-morrow," as far as the elements concealed in them, and which are often so altered as to be quite undistinguishable, admit of any derivation at all, can be traced only to pronouns and terms denoting " day." The as. therefore, of hy-us may be a weak remnant of divas, "day," as in our er of heuerMiddle High German hiure, from hiu-ji'iruis concealed the word jahr, " year," which is in Zend 2'M-C^ yare, a remnant of which is to be found, also, in the Latin liitmus, with nu, no, derivative. In the Greek X@es> the 6 appears to have arisen by a kind of semi-assimilation from the older semi-vowel (compare . 300.), by which its etymology is still more obscured. In the Latin fieri, from hpxi. (compare hes-trnuis, Sanscrit hyas-tana-s), a demonstrative element is more perceptible than in %0ef. from the partial retention of hie. The g of our gestern, " yes-
PRONOUNS.
553
terday," Gothic gistra, is a consequence of the regular transition of old aspirates into medials, but otherwise the (/is, to which the tra is affixed as mark of derivation, resembles the Sanscrit ^r^ hyas tolerably well. 392. From gestern we proceed to morgen; but we must first settle the derivation of a word, which, in Sanscrit, signifies " all," " every," and in which I recognise an affinity to T ^ svas, '' morrow"; I mean fV'St visva, which, in Zend, according to . 50., becomes xidujl? vispa, and in Lithuanian is changed by assimilation into wissa-s, whence wissiir, " everywhere," analogous to the abovementioned klttur, " elsewhere." The first portion of the Sanscrit f TT visva, I believe to be the preposition vi, which ex%5 presses " separation," " dissipation," " diffusion," and, with the aid of a pronoun, may be well adapted to express the idea " all." There remains "sj sva, as a pronoun, in which it may be observed, that ^ s is of guttural origin, and represented, in the classical languages, by le, c (. 21.); so that vgsva appears to be related to the interrogative base, with a euphonic v, as in the Gothic HVA, and Latin QVO. Observe further, that, in Lithuanian, ka-s, combined with the appended particle gi, which is probably a softened ki, signifies both " who then ?" and " every." And without gi, kasdien, means "all days," and di&nisskay, with the interrogative appended, signifies the same. But to return to the Sanscrit f&s vi-s'va, " all," I consider its latter portion as derived from s ^ svas, " morrow," with which the Latin eras is connected (. 20.). We should, however, probably distribute thus s-vas, so that the pronominal base is represented only by its consonant, as in the Sclavonic k-to, "quis?" (. 297.). The syllable ^f vas, however, we refer toty<MJdivas, an
* Gistra-dagis occurs Matt. vi. 30. in the sense of "morrow."
oo
554
PRONOUNS.
tion of "day," which would therefore be less altered by one letter than in ?rer hy-as, " yesterday," and agrees with the Latin ves in ves-per (. 375.). 393. We return to the interrogative base 'fin ki, which has led us to its corruption fifr hi, and thence to the derivation of ^nr hy-as, " yesterday," and ^g^ s'vas, " morrow." In Zend I have hitherto found the base JJ ki, unchanged only in the neuter plural nominative, M^^ ky-a (from ki-a) (. 233.); with which may be compared the Latin qui-a, which Max. Schmidt (De Pron. p. 34) has rightly taken as the plural neuter. The Sanscrit and Zend, therefore, mutually complete the declension of the interrogative, so that the former admits the base ki only in the nominative and accusative singular; the latter in the plural; while in Latin the corresponding QVI enters more largely into the declension; so that quis and quern have quite dislodged the quus and quum, which might have been expected from the base QVO, or, as in the case of the latter word, have restricted it to its use as a conjunction. And in the dative plural, quibus has abolished the use of quis, queis, which spring from QVO. In the ablative singular, however, qiu, from QVI, has been superseded by quo, from QVO, or its use has been much diminished by it; just as, in the plural, the obsolete ques is supplied by qui and quos. I have elsewhere noticed, that four declensions (the first in the feminine), enter into the declension of the Latin relative interrogative and hi-c, which is identical with it in origin.* The use of the fourth is, however, only specious, as cu-i above has been shewn to be a contraction of qiwi, which belongs to the second declension, and, with respect to the more true retention of
* Influence of Pronouns in the Formation of Words, pp. 3, 4. Max Schmidt (IV Pron. Gr. ct Lat. p. S3) has discussed this subject almost simultaneously with myself, and viewing it in the same light.
PRONOUNS.
555
the case-termination, agrees with other obsolete forms, as popoloi Romanoi (. 200.).
394. That hie is identical in origin with quis, qui, is shewn by its sharing in the peculiarities and mixed declension of the latter,peculiarities which belong exclusively to hi-c and qui, quis, viz. the feminine hoe-c, and the plural neuter of the same sound. The reason of the nonexistence of ha-c, together with the form given above, as might have been expected from the analogy of aliqua, siqua, &c, is that hcec does not occur at the end of compounds ; for it seems not to admit of any doubt that qua is reduced to qua, on account of the increased weight of the compound, which has occasioned the lightening of its latter part. Though si quis, ne quis, may be written separately, and a word may sometimes be interposed between them; still, where they occur together, they really belong to one another, and form a compound, as, in Sanscrit, the corresponding MlfcM^ makis, 'tffoR^ nakis, and, in Zend, jtOJjjAJ^ machis, .*.JfS)o.My naechis. Contrary to the conjecture expressed at . 387., I now prefer regarding the neuter-plural forms quce and hce-c, not as remains of a dual, and thus corresponding to the Sanscrit ift ke, but as exhibiting in their te a weakening of the older d, which originally belongs to the nominative and accusative plural of the neuter of bases in o (from o) ; but which in Zend, according to . 231., is retained only in monosyllabic themes, just as, in the nominative singular feminine, its being monosyllabic is the cause of the retention of the original length of a (. 137.). This principle is observed in Gothic in both places; thus so (from sa), hcec, hvo, qua: ? and, in the neuter plural, in which the interrogative cannot be cited, tho. This tho, then, being the only monosyllabic form of its kind, and remarkable for its 6 ( = a), for a, as has been noticed by Grimm (I. 790.), coincides with the Latin qua and h<s-c, which, both in the singular nominative feminine oo2
55G
PRONOUNS.
and neuter plural, are the only monosyllabic forms of their kind; and as, for this reason, they are qualified to retain the long a, that letter is not only entirely shortened, but changed to <B ( = a + i), and afterwards, in compounds, reduced to short a, which is more suitable to polysyllabic forms : thus we have aliquot, both in the feminine and in the neuter plural. 395. Hi-c resembles the Sanscrit ff hi before mentioned in the irregular change of the old tenuis to the aspirate. This change, however, is not admitted in ci-s and ci-tra, which is likewise demonstrative, and akin to fjfi ki; and, in hie, may be promoted or occasioned by the recession of c, in order that like initial and final sounds may be avoided ; as in Sanscrit, to prevent the recurrence of gutturals, these, in the syllable of reduplication, are weakened to palatals ; hence q<*|< chakara, " he made," for kaMra ; and, according to the same principle, though anomalous, vff%jalii, "kill ye," for hahi, from the root ^ han. Thus, in Latin, hie, heec, hoc, for the less euphonious tic, etc, coc. The final c is, I doubt not, an abbreviation of ce, which is again combined with itself in hicce: but ce, as also pe in (juip-pe (from quid-pe), is only another form of que, by abandoning the euphonic affix V. As, then, que, pe, quam and jiimn, which are all originally interrogative, when they are attached to an interrogative destroy its interrogative meaning, and give a different sense to the pronoun; so also the c of hie makes a similar change in it, and should therefore accompany this pronoun through all its cases, as it perhaps originally did. In the neuter hoc the case-sign makes way for the r, as hade would be pro* Ci-fru is analogous with iil-tra, from Me, olle, suppressing /<>, and ci-s with ul-s, the s of which may be connected with the Greek locative suffix Oi (TTO-OI, &I;.), to which it bears the same relation that So? does to 80-81. Remark, that final 1 is suppressed in Latin almost universally.
PRONOUNS.
557
nounced with difficulty. The interrogative meaning is similarly destroyed by the enclitic uh in Gothic, which is also identical in its origin with the c of hie or the que of quisque. And hvazuh (euphonic for hvasuh, . 86. 5.) actually signifies "quisque"; and after verbs uh means "and," e.g. gaggith quithiduh, " ite diciteque " (Marc. xvi. 7.) ; jah bigitun ina quethunuh, " et invenerunt eum dixeruntque (Joh. vi. 25.).
In yah, " and," therefore (. 385.), the copulative force may lie principally in the uh, which is abbreviated to h, and to which the preceding relative base serves only as the fulcrum; as, in Sanscrit, the particle ^nvd,"or " (comp. Latin ve), which is generally subjoined, is attached, when prefixed, to *rf^ yadi, " if," or mm atha, " then," which then lose their signification, like the Latin si in sive. As to the abbreviation, however, of uh to h, this regularly occurs in monosyllabic words terminating in a vowel; hence hvo-h, " quceque," is the formal countertype of hae-c, just as sva-h, " so," from si-c, and ni-h (" and not," nih-nih, " nor not"), from nee. Nauh, " yet," and thauh, " but," form an exception, inasmuch as they ought to be divided na-uh, tha-uh, not nau-h, thau-h. It is clear, however, that, in Gothic, in these expressions the composition with uh has been lost sight of: they are obscurely transmitted from an ancient period of the language, and the separate elements of composition are no longer perceived in them. But regarded from the Gothic point of view, how is uh to be derived ? I agree with Grimm in considering it as hu transposed, and connected with hun, which is likewise enclitic (III. 33.), and occurs almost only in negative sentences ; so that ni ainshun and ni hvashun signify " not any one whatever." Sun, like the Latin quam, may be an accusative, but of the masculine gender, as feminines in Gothic have generally lost the
* Compare Grimm III. 23, where uh and the Latin que ( = *e) are for the first time shewn to be identical.
558
PEONOUNS.
accusative sign. But if hun be the accusative masculine it has lost the final a, which is added in Gothic to the original final nasal (. 149.); in this respect it agrees with the adverbial pronominal accusatives than, " then," &c, and hvan, " when ?" " how ?" Perhaps, however, hurt is only a contraction of the latter, by suppressing the a, and changing the v into a vowel, just like the Latin cujus, cui, from qFojus, qToi (. 389.), and like cum from qFum. But in the Gothic there was greater ground for this abbreviation, as hun occurs only in composition, and must not therefore be too broad. The same applies to uh as the transposition of hu, inasmuch as this is actually a contraction of the base HVA. The possibility, however, of a different derivation of uh and hun will be shewn subsequently (. 398.) 396. To the Sanscrit-Zend interrogative base ki, and the Latin QVI, HI, and CI, corresponds the Gothic demonstrative base HI; of which, however, as of the Latin CI, from which it is only distinguished by the legitimate transposition of sounds, but few derivatives remain, viz. the dative lamina, and the accusative hina, as also the adverbial neuter accusative hita, which are used only with reference to time; himma and hita in the sense of "now," and himmadaga, " on this day," " to-day," hinadag, " this day." The adverb hi-dri; " hither," is also a derivative from HI; and Mr, " here," is likewise irregularly connected with it, which, with respect to its r, is analogous to the thar and hvar mentioned at . 381. The regular and undoubted derivative of the base HI, viz. hir, occurs in the compound hir-jmi, " to descend"; in which, however, the pronominal expression has an accusative meaning, signifying direction to a place. On the Gothic accusative liina is based our h'm, properly " to this or that (place),1' which supplies the place of a preposition in compounds like Iringchcn, " attirr." Instead of the Gothic dative in himmadaga, the Old High Gorman uses the instrumental hiu,
PRONOUNS.
559
contained in hiutu, our heute, "to-day"according to Grimm's very satisfactory derivation, an abbreviated form of hiutaguand which is found also in the Middle High German Mure, our heuer, "this year," which presupposes an Old High German hiuru, and is evidently an abbreviation of hiu-jdru ; for the Latin hornus cannot be considered as the root, but must itself be compounded of a demonstrative and an appellation of " year," the age of which is shewn by the Zend (compare . 391.). In Old High German, in combination with naht, " night," we find the form hinaht, Middle High German hinaht, and hinte, our heunt, for heint. I agree with Grimm in considering hi as an abbreviation of hia, which must be supposed as the accusative feminine; so that the suppression of the a is compensated by lengthening the i, which is short of itself. The base HI, therefore, is lengthened in the feminine in the same manner as, in Gothic, the base i (. 363.), the feminine accusative of which, iya (euphonic for ia), coincides with the presupposed Old High German hia, the nominative of which was probably hiu, in analogy with siu, accusative sia (. 354.). This opinion is supported by the Anglo-Saxon and Old Frisian, which express " h e " by this pronoun, but, in the feminine, lengthen the base hi by the unorganic affix mentioned; thus, Old Frisian, hiu, "ea," hia, " earn"; and for the former, in Anglo-Saxon, heo, and in the accusative hi, abbreviated from hia. As, then, as appears from what has been said, the base HI refers principally to appellations of time, it may be observed that the Sanscrit had already furnished the example for this by its %m hyas, " yesterday," from hi + as. 397. The Latin ni-hil is also to be mentioned here, the I of which springs perhaps from the frequent corruption of d to Z, a weakening which takes place in compounds especially, to prevent the whole word from becoming too ponderous. In this respect we may adduce the instance of
560
PRONOUNS.
the number ten (^T^ damn, de/cot), the d of which becomes r in Hindustani and Bengali, in the compound numerals eleven, twelve, &c. (p. 442), and I in Germanic and Lithuanian. If, then, nih.il is a corruption of nihid, it then literally means "not something"; and may thus be compared with the Zend jv>jÂjy naechis, " none," " not any one," mentioned at . 390., the neuter of which, which I am unable to cite, can scarce be any thing but ^j^woAjy naech.it. From nih.il, as in its change to I the inflexion is no longer perceived to be the case-sign, might easily come the lengthened form nihilum, and hllum, after removing the negation, and lengthening the vowel. The Sanscrit intensitive particle f^jj kila must also be mentioned, which has also probably proceeded from the pronominal base fs& hi. And from this quarter must be further adducedftf^yÊfkhila-s, " vacuum,'''' the negative of which, ^rfac<5 akhila, signifies " all,' " whole," literally " having nothing empty"; whence, by assimilation, may have arisen our " all," Gothic alls, theme ALL A, since it has not been formed by a reverse assimilation from ALYA, " alius." With regard to the Latin omnis, the conjecture has been already elsewhere expressed, that its o is a particular modification of the negative a, and mnis may be an abbreviation of minus; so that o-mnis would properly mean " having no minus," and would be based on the same ideal process as the Indian !arfx31(jy akhila. 398. The reason that the Sanscrit JfTfiwr mdkis, qPwi nakis, mentioned at . 390., are, in Zend, corrupted to AV5J^)A5^ mdchis, AUj swAsy nm'rJi/s, may be this, that ch, as ^ softer and weaker than A; is more suitable in forms encumbered by composition. The same explanation may be applied to the Sanscrit appended particle chit (for kit. . 390.), the use of which, in Zend, is more extensive, and is there combined, amongst other words, with ASZOÔAJ} kaUmi, " nle.rr whence, in the nominative masculine, 7 kiilnrasrhit (V. S. p. 4i>.) which, when con-
PRONOUNS.
561
trasted with the Latin vterque for cuterque, and the Gothic hvataruh, is clearly seen to be cognate in form, as in meaning. In Sanscrit, also, f r ^ chit removes from the interrogative expression preceding it its interrogative force, and forms kaschit, " any one," " one," from SRH ka-s, " who?" and similarly in the other genders; and so kadachit, " at any time," kaihanch.it, " in any manner," kvdchit, " any where," from kadd, " w h e n ? " katham, " h o w ? " and kva, " where ? " And as the base chi has proceeded from ki, in the same manner the enclitic ^ cha, which signifies " and," " but," and " for," springs from the principal base ka, which therefore appears more corrupted in cha, than the Latin QVO in the enclitic que. The Sanscrit ^ cha is further combined with na, and forms ^ T chana, which is likewise enclitic, and occurs principally, if not solely, in negative sentences like the Gothic hun mentioned above : na kaschana signifies " nullus," na kadachana, " nunquam," and na kathanchana, " nullo modo." Hence the , appended
na may be regarded both as the negation, and as increasing the indefiniteness of the expression. But by this ^q1 chana a derivation may be given to the Gothic hun, different from that furnished above (p. 558). It is certain that if the u of hun is not the vocalised v of hvas, it can only have proceeded from an older a, whether from the influence of the liquid (. 66.), or from the weight of the vowel of the appended particle being lessened on account of the composition. But if hun be identical with chana from kana, I should also prefer regarding the u of the appended particle uh (p. 557), not as the solution of an older v, but as the weakened form of a prior a; and thus uh from hu might be compared with the Sanscrit cha from ka. 399. As expressions, which occur chiefly in negative sentences, readily adopt, as it were, a negative nature, so that, even when the true element of negation is omitted, they obtain an independent negative force, as e.g. the French rien by itself
562
PRONOUNS.
signifies " nothing," and the Old High German nih-ein, " nullus" has, in our kein, lost precisely that which is the element of negation; so we may suppose that, in the Old Northern expressions with the enclitic ki or gi (Grimm III. 33), a particle of negation originally existed. In the present state of the language, however, the said particle is of itself negative;
e.g. eingi, "nullus," einskis, " nullius," mangi, "nemo," manskis,
" neminis," vaetki, " nihil." I consider this particle to be a derivative of the old and widely-diffused interrogative base ki, which, by its being always subjoined to some other word, has been protected from the usual alteration of sound; so that, in the sense of . 99., the old tenuis has been left unchanged after s, but the medial has been introduced after vowels and r. 400. With regard to what has been observed of the Old Sclavonic, . 388., that its interrogative base ko occurs only in combination with the definite and originally relative pronoun, it must, however, be understood that KO, after the o is dropped, is combined also with the demonstrative base TO, since kto signifies " quis," though to by itself is only neuter; and in the masculine nominative and accusative, as in all bases in o, this vowel is suppressed. In the oblique cases * kto abandons the demonstrative element, and appears as the simple base KO. Compare the genitive ko-go and dative ko-mu with the Sanscrit ka-sya (. 269.), tca-smat. The instrumental kym follows the declension of the definite adjective (. 284.), and is, therefore, not simple. The neuter is attached to the Sanscrit-Zend softened interrogative base chi, and is, in the nominative, chto, with the vowel of the base suppressed, as in the masculine kto. The oblique cases likewise drop the demonstrative element: the genitive is che-go
* With the exception of the accusative, which is the same as the nominative. This pronoun docs not appear to be used in the plural, and the feminine, also, is wanting. Compare Kopitar's Glagolita, p. 59.
PRONOUNS.
563
and che-so,* dative che-mu, locative che-m, instrumental chi-m. These forms may be explained in two ways : either the e of che-go, &c, is a corruption of the i of the SanscritZend base chi, as the bases gosti and kosti (. 280.) form, in the dative and locative plural, goste-m, gonte-kh, koste-m, koste-kh; or the original base chi has assumed, in Sclavonic, a second unorganic affix, and been lengthened to CHYO (compare . 259.), from which, according to . 255. n., must be formed chye or che, and then, by rejecting the final vowel, chi, as, . 282., we have seen the base yo in several cases contracted to i. Compare, also, . 280., the declension of the
bases KNYAZYO and MORYO. 401. There remains to be mentioned the Greek interrogative r/f, TWOS, and the indefinite rt's, TIV6$. The origin of both is, I have no doubt, similar, and they are derived from the bases ki and chi, which, in Sanscrit and Zend, have not only an interrogative signification, but, under certain circumstances, an indefinite one also. In Greek the old theme in i has been lengthened by the affix of a v; but in regard to its T, TIN has the same relation to chi and to the Latin QVI
that Tecrffapeg has to - H W chatvdras and quatuor, and that MK
7recTE has to r^pancha and quinQVE. Still I am not of opinion that the Greek T in these forms has arisen from the ch of the cognate Asiatic languages, but that it has sprung directly from the original k, from which, at the time of the unity of language, ch had not as yet been developed, as this letter has, in the classical languages also, no existence, but was first formed in Italian from the Latin c (always = k) before e and i. But if k has been frequently changed into the labial tenuis, and thus IIO has been formed from KO, izejxite
* This form, which formerly escaped me, is important, as testifying that the g of the common pronominal termination go has sprung from the s, and not from the semi-vowel of the Sanscrit termination sya (see .269.).
564
PRONOUNS.
from the to-be-supposed me-yice, we may also see no difficulty in its occasional transition into the lingual tenuis, particularly as t is the primary element of the Indian ch. But if TI'J comes from K/J, and is akin to the Latin quis and Sanscrit Ms and chi-t, then perhaps, also, the particle re is connected with que and the corresponding ^ cha (. 398.), and has therefore sprung from /ce, and is alien to the base of the article, which would be at variance with my former conjecture.* 402. Here may be mentioned, also, the Old Sclavonic enclitic particle she (AE), which signifies " but," and has the effect of restoring to the pronoun i, " he," its original relative signification (. 282.), for i-she signifies " which." On the other hand, when combined with interrogatives, it removes, like the Latin que, their interrogative meaning; hence, ni chesoshe, " nihil," " not of any thing."t I consider this particle as identical with the Sanscrit ^tcha, "and," "but," " for," and with the Latin que, and therefore as a derivative from the interrogative base, the tenuis of which appears in this particle, as in the Greek 76 and yap (. 391.), to have descended to a medial. G in Sclavonic, however, is regularly changed, in several parts of grammar, into sh; as in the vocative singular, where, in bases in 0, this vowel is weakened, as in Greek, to e (E) ; but by the influence of this e the g preceding becomes sh, hence, boshe, " God," from the base BOGO, nominative boy, whence, also, bosliii, " godlike." I intentionally select this word as an example, since it is important to me to be able to compare it with an Indian appellation of the highest divinities: I think, that is to say, that the Sclavonic base BOGO is identical with the Sanscrit blmi/irvnl, " the exalted, worthy of veneration," lite-
* Influence of Pronouns in the Formation of Words, p. 6. t Kojiitiir's Glossary, p. 80. Regarding cheso see above, p. Atl.'i.
PRONOUNS.
565
rally "gifted with happiness, power, splendour." This bhagavat, nominative bhagavdn, occurs principally as an appellation of Vishnu, e. g. in the episode of Sunda and Upasunda (III. 23), and in the title of an episode of the Mahabharata, Bhagavad-Gitd, i. e. " Song of the exalted," because it refers to Krishna, an incarnation of Vishnu. Referring to Brahma and Vishnu, bhagavat is only used adjectively; thus Sunda and Upasunda III. 24, and IV. 23 : it comes from bhaga, with the suffix vat, in the strong cases vant; but bhaga comes from the root bhaj, "to venerate." The Sclavonic base BOGO has dropped the derivative suffix of the Sanscrit bhagavat; but this appears in an abbreviated form, and with an unorganic affix in bogat (theme bogato), " rich," which might be the meaning of HT^ bhagavat, as " gifted with fortune." 403. The same relation that, in an etymological respect, the Sclavonic sh has to g, ch has to k, and springs from the latter according to the same rule by which g becomes sh, viz. before e; hence, teku, " I run," in the second and third persons forms techeshi, techet, on the same principle by which mosheshi and moshet come from mogu, " I can." Although, then, above at . 400., we have seen the Sanscrit-Zend interrogative chi in the same form in Sclavonic, or in that of che che-go, "of whom?" chim, " b y which?" chto, "what?" for che-to or chi-toit is not requisite to assume that these forms brought the sound ch with them from the East, because there exists an interrogative chi there also; but in the Sclavonic and its Asiatic cognate idioms the weakened ch might have arisen independently from the old guttural, which, perhaps, alone existed at the time of their identity; and in the Sclavonic, according to a phonetic law which has been given, an interrogative form che would have proceeeded from ki or kya, though in Sanscrit and Zend a base chi never existed.
566
PRONOUNS.
DERIVATIVE PRONOMINAL ADJKCTIVES.
404. By the suffix ka are formed, in Sanscrit, mdmaka, " mem" and tdvaka, " tuus" from the genitives of the personal pronouns, mama, tava, with the vowel of the first syllable lengthened. To these the Veda plural possessives are analogous; asmdka, " our," ymhmdka " your," from which we have seen the plural genitives of the personal pronouns asmdkam, yushmdkam, formed. Perhaps, as Rosen conjectured,* these forms spring from the personal ablatives asmat, yushmat, so that the suppression of the t is made up by lengthening the preceding vowel. It must here be observed, that, as has been already repeatedly remarked, the t of the nominative and accusative singular neuter of pronouns of the third person, as also that of the ablative singular and plural of pronouns of the first and second persons, is so far used as a theme by the language, that it is retained at the beginning of compounds, where otherwise we find the mere base (compare . 357.); and that several derivative words have proceeded from the form in t, whether the T sound has been actually retained in them, or replaced by lengthening the vowel preceding. On the Veda asmdka is based the Zend AJÂU^WAJ ahmdka, whence V. S. p. 30, the Instrumental J^WJAMÂO^WAJ ahmdkdis. I am unable to cite the possessive of the singular, and of the second person, as the use of possessives in Zend, as in Sanscrit, is very rare, because they are generally supplied by the genitives of the personal pronouns. 405. In Sanscrit, possessives are formed from the ablative singular and plural of pronouns of the first and* second person, and from the neuter tat of the third person ; also from *rf sarva, " each," the a of which is rejected before the suffix u/a, while t is changed before it into cl;
* In the place quoted at p. 47;"!.
PRONOUNS.
567
hence madiya, " mine," from mat; tvadiya, " thine," from tvat; asmadiya, " our," from asmat ; yushmadiya, " your," from yushmat; tadiya, " belonging to him," " to this man," or "to her," "to this woman," from tat* An analogous formation is, I think, to be found in the Greek i'5/os', whether it belongs to the demonstrative base i* and the tB preceding the *oc be identical with the Sanscrit (before sonant letters id) it, contained in ^TT 7< and ^ff cMt; or whether i? and this conjecture I preferthe breathing has been softened, and 'idios for I'Stos belong to the reflective (. 364.); with regard to which it may be remarked, that the cognate Sanscrit ^ sva, " his," signifies, also, " own," and can be applied to all three persons. There does not, indeed, exist, in Sanscrit, a pronoun of the third person devoid of gender, with a perfect declension, but only the remains of one, w^svayam, " self," and, in Prakrit, % se (for sve) "sui" (. 341.). There is, however, every reason for supposing that ^ sva, as a personal pronominal base, did possess a complete declension analogous to the pronouns of the first and second person. Its ablative must, therefore, be T j r svat; En and thence might have arisen svadiya, " SMMS," analogous
to madiya, tvadiya, and a cognate form to 'iBtog for I'Sios,
from crFiSios; like l'po>s, from crFtpu>s, corresponding to the Sanscrit ^fa* sveda, and our Schweiss, " sweat"; and advs, fjSvs, from GFOSV-S = Sanscrit ^TJ^ svddus. In regard to form, the correlatives ircnos, ro?of, oios, which appear to have lost a middle S, agree with the possessives in ^ti iya: in other respects, TO?O? answers tolerably well to tadiya-s, which has not only a possessive, but also a clear demonstrative meaning.
* Tadiya occurs, also, in the sense of its primitive ; so Raghuvansa, according to Stenzler I. 81., and Brockhaus's Patiliputra. SI. 2. The possessive signification occurs at Rhaghuvansa II. 28. t Compare Hartung On the Cases, p. 117-
568
PRONOUNS.
406. The Sclavonic possessives are based on the Sanscrit in iya, but have dropped the i of this suffix, and the T sound of the primitive pronoun. According to . 257. TJ ya must become yo, and according to . 255. n., yo becomes ye or e: the latter is the form assumed; and in those cases which are uninflected, and at the same time deprived of the final vowel of the base, the y has become i, as always takes place after vowels: hence moi, "mews," moya, " meaS moe, " meum" corresponding to the Sanscrit madiya-s, madiyd, madiya-m. And in the second person, tvoi, tvoya, tvoe bears the same relation to tvadiya-s, tvadiya, tvadiya-m; and the possessive third person, svoi, svoya, svoe pre-supposes, like the Greek 'tdiosif this is to be taken for iw<;a Sanscrit svadiya. It appears that these possessives have been transmitted to the Sclavonic from the ancient period of the language, and are, as it were, the continuance of the Sanscrit forms ; for if they were originally Sclavonic we should then find in them the same corruption of the base of the primitive pronouns that we have before remarked in those pronouns. The possessives would then most probably be, in the nominative masculine, meny or mny, teby, seby or toby, soby ; but no case of the personal pronouns would lead us to expect mot, still less tvoi, svoi. In Lithuanian, on the contrary, the possessive mdna-s, tdva-s, saiva-s, are comparatively of quite recent date, for they agree with the particular modification of personal bases in the oblique cases singular (see . 340. 342.): thus,
in Latin, meus, tuns, suns, probably from mei, tui. sui; and in Greek, l/xof, <ro'?, of, are, in their theme, identical with that from which proceed e/JLov, ejuo/, <rov, <rot, ov, o". On the other hand, cnpog, <T(prj, <r<pov, is the exact eountertype of the Sanscrit sva-s, si d, srn-m, which affords the oldest example of possessives without any affix expressing the possession ; for sra, is purely personal in its form, and, as has been already observed, the theme of ^ t p r unit/am, "self" (. 341.). The
PRONOUNS.
569
formation of possessives in the plural numbers by the comparative suffix is peculiar to the Greek and Latin; but this suffix is not extraordinary in possessives, which prominently contrast the person or persons possessing with those not possessing, and thus contain a duality, which the comparative suffix in pronouns is adapted to express. 407. The Lithuanian plural possessives are musiszkis, " our," yusiszkis, " your," the theme of which terminates in fcia (. 135.), and reminds us of the Sanscrit possessives in ka ; viz. asmaka, yushmdka. It is certain that the syllable si in muSTszkis, yuSIszkis, is connected with the appended pronoun W sma (compare . 335.); but we shall leave undecided the origin of the sz ( = s/i) which precedes the k. The Old Sclavonic forms the plural possessives nas, vas, from the genitives of the personal pronouns, by the same suffix, which we have noted in moi tvoi, svoi, only with the necessary phonetic difference; hence, nasliy, " our," vashy, " your," * genitive iiashego, vashego. With this suffix, the interrogative forms, in Sclavonic, also a possessive, viz. clu, "belonging to whom?" feminine chiya, neuter chie. It belongs to the Sanscrit weaker base ki, which we have already noticed in chego, chim, &c. (. 400.). As to the weakening of the k to ch, we must observe what has been said on this subject at . 403. 408. The Germanic possessives are most intimately connected with the genitives of the personal pronouns, and are identical with them in their theme (p. 474). If it be assumed that, in the genitive plural, the forms unsara, izvara, like the Latin nostri, vestri, nostrum, vestrum, and the Sanscrit asmakam, yushmakam, are of possessive origin, the r may then be very satisfactorily explained as the
* Written also without y, nash, vash. The change of the * to sh is the consequence of the euphonic influence of the y, or, in the oblique cases, of the e (Dobrowsky, pp. 39, 41).
p P
570
PRONOUNS.
weakening of the d of the Sanscrit mmadiya, " our," ymhmadiya, " your.11 Observe what has been remarked at p. 441 regarding an original d becoming r in a similar case, and, moreover, the circumstance that, in Hindustani also, the d of the possessives under discussion has become r ; hence, mera* men, " mews,11 " mea," for JT^fal madiya, *^hn madiyd. The dual genitives, ugkara, igqvara, and the dual possessive bases of the same sound, the singular nominative masculine of which are urjkar, igqvar, are, according to what has been remarked at . 169., originally only different modifications of plural forms, and their r, therefore, is founded on the same principle with that of the plural number. If we are to suppose that the singular genitives meina, theina, seina, have proceeded from possessive bases of the same sound, we should then have to assume a weakening of the medial to the nasal of the same organ, as, in general, an interchange between medials and nasals of the same organ is not unusual. But as to the formation, in New High German, of an unorganic possessive, foreign to the old dialectviz. ihr, " ejun (femince) proprius," and " eorum or earum proprius," from the feminine genitive singular and the genitive plural of the pronoun of the third person, which is common to all the gendersthis circumstance affords no proof that the genuine and original possessives also have sprung from the genitive of the personal pronouns ; but only shews that it is agreeable to the use of language to form possessive adjectives from the personal genitives. 409. The forms corresponding in sense to the Greek correlatives 7ro-(7of, TO-CTOJ, o'-trof, are, in Sanscrit and Zend, those with the derivative suffix vanl, in the weak cases vat (. 129.), before which an a final of the primitive base is
* Tims in Bohemian miro, " mine," miri," mine" (fern.); see Berl. J.-ilirb. Feb. 1830. p. 10.
PRONOUNS.
571
lengthened, perhaps as compensation for the dropping of the T sound of the neuter, which probably forms the foundation and theme of these forms (compare . 404.); hence rfl^jT tdvant, nominative masculine TTRT^ tdvdn, TOO-OJ^|c(^ ydvard, nominative masculine T I N I ^ ydvdn, ocrof. From the interrogative base ka, or the lost neuter kiit, we might expect kdvant, which would serve as prototype to the Latin quantus, and would bear that relation to it, which KN'<^ tdvant does to tantus. In the Latin tantus, quantus, therefore, a whole syllable is rejected, as in rnah, from mavolo ; but externally the theme is lengthened in analogy with the Pali participial forms mentioned at pp. 300, 301; thus tantus for tdvantus, and the latter for tdvans. The quantity of the a of quantus, tantus, on account of its position, cannot be discovered: the a, however, appears to spring from an originally long d, inasmuch as from a short î a would be evolved e or o, as in tot, quot, answering to wfir tati, cfifir Jcati, of which hereafter. In Gothic, the suffix ^ vant is corrupted in three ways; first in consequence of the easy mutation and interchange of the semi-vowels ;'" secondly through the no-less-frequent vocalization of the nasal to u / and lastly by extending the theme with a,
* In Zend the long has relapsed into the short vowel, as very frequently occurs in the antepenultimate. f . 20. Compare, also, the Gothic slcpa, " I sleep," with the Sanscrit ^fqfjj svapimi; the Latin laudo with ^R* vand, " to praise"; and the Lithuanian saldii-s, Old Sclavonic saldok (p. 412, Ilem. * ) , "sweet," with the Sanscrit H^T^Î svddu-s. With respect to the interchange of v and r, in which, the Old High German birumes, as contrasted with the Sanscrit HrW*T bhavamas, " we are," affords us a very interesting comparison, and one which has been since established by Graff (II. 325), we will here remind the reader of the relation of the Gothic razn, " house " (theme razna, with a euphonic for s, according to . 86. 5.), to the Sanscrit root ^ f vas, " to inhabit," whence ^TCJ;*ra, " house," which Pictet recognises in the Irish,/osra (Journ.As. III. T.II. p. 445). J ^ce . 23G. 255. g. and 307.
p p2
572
PRONOUNS.
which, however, in accordance with . 135., is suppressed in the nominative. In the first and last respect LATJDA coincides very remarkably with the form which, in Latin, the suffix ^^ vant assumes, or may assume, where it does not form pronominal correlatives, but possessive adjectives, as opulentm (with the more organic opulens), virulentus, &c. The long vowel required in Sanscrit before the suffix vant, where it forms correlatives, is retained in the Gothic hvelauds, " quantus," the old d (. 69.) being supplied by $; whence it appears that in hvS-lauds the instrumental hv$ is contained. We should expect a demonstrative thekmds, TOTOJ, as corresponding to hvvlauds, -nocroi, analogous to the Sanscrit ww^ tdvant and Latin tantus : this thelauds, however, is rendered superfluous by a svalauds, formed from the original base of the genderless pronoun of the third person (comp. . 341.), which, however, has not preserved the original long vowel. 410. The derivative karat, from the Sanscrit intevrogative base ka, which is wanting, is supplied by kiyant, from the base ki; analogous to which is ^TRT iyant, " so much," from the demonstrative base i. I conjecture f * * N kiyant <^H and ^*PT^ iyant to be abbreviations of ki'vant and want. formed by suppressing the v ; after which, in accordance with a universal phonetic law/ the preceding i must become iy. This conjecture is supported by the Zend, in so far as the interrogative form under discussion has retained the full suffix vant: instead of this, however, an abbreviation has taken place in the base, by suppressing the i and weakening the k to ^s ch, hence, in the nominative
* We must avoid referring the u to the suffix : it is clearly the final vowel of the primitive word, which, however, through the influence of the liquid, appears in the form of u (compare Vocalisnms, p. 102, Rem.*). t (Jramrn. Crit. . 51.
PRONOUNS.
573
masculine JJ^J^J chvans, accusative ^g^ÂW^ chvantem* neuter IAS^J chvat,^ To the Sanscrit relative ydvant corresponds (ÂSAS^^ yavant, of which, however, I am unable to quote any case in the masculine, and only the neuter yavat and the feminine yavaiti. The former occurs tolerably often; the latter I am acquainted with only through a passage given by Burnouf,* where, in the lithographed codex (V. S. p. 83), avaiti occurs, through an error, for yavaiti.* The tdvant which answers to the above interrogative and relative expressions, appears to be wanting in Zend, as in Gothic, and is supplied by analogous derivatives from other demonstrative bases; viz. by /^JAJA>AS avavant from ava, and rviûiAWw avant from a. The latter forms, in the masculine nominative, not avans, according to the analogy of chvaiis, " how much ?" and thwdvam, " as thou," but g-uuAj avad, which I agree with Burnouf I in I explaining by supposing that the nt has given place before
/3 ^ p chvantempas-chagtasrvangm, "after how much time?" (Vend. S. p. 229). The nominative chvansoccurs Vend. S. p. 86. From the primitive base chi I have still to mention here the neuter iJf) chit, of which only the enclitic and anti-interrogative use has been mentioned before. But as representing the more common kat it occurs 1. c. p. 80, ^ A > 9 I*>A>AJ r*s<p chit aval vacho, " what (is) that word?" t Often occurs adverbially, e.g. JM)?MJ ?\S$IM\S IX>A>^) chvat antare nareus, "among how many men?" (Vend. S. p.30). % Yacna, Note A., p. 12. We should notice also here the expression >V>6AJ0a fratho (with (jajftj chit, tx>MMM(3MO&frathas-chit), since it shews that the ri, which is retained full in the Sanscrit prithu, is an abbreviation of the syllable ra which appears, also, in the Greek wKarvq. I think I have sufficiently proved, in my Vocalismus (Rem. 1. p. 156, &c), that the Sanscrit vowel ri is, in all places, an abbreviation of a syllable, which contains the consonant r before or after a vowel. || Yacna, Note A., p. 11.
574
PRONOUNS.
the nominative sign t, and has been supplied by the lengthening of the a to a; which latter, with the final sibilant, must produce the diphthong do (. 56. .). 411. The Lithuanian idant, which signifies "that" and "thoroughly," is most probably a remnant of the forms which terminate, in Sanscrit and Zend, in vant, and in Latin in ntu-s ; and, indeed, in the d of iDant, the neuter case-termination appears to be retained, which is replaced in the cognate Asiatic languages by lengthening the preceding vowel: the syllable ya of the relative base has, then, been contracted to i. The pronominal origin of this idant is shewn by its signification " that," and also particularly by the circumstance that other terms also for this conjunction have sprung, both in Lithuanian itself and in the cognate languages, from the relative base under discussion ; viz. yeib (. 383.), in the sense of ut, Sanscrit ya-thd, Greek wf, Gothic ei (. 365.), and yog, in the sense of quod, Sanscrit yat, Greek on. The secondary idea of multitude, expressed in Sanscrit, Zend, and Latin, by the formations in vant, is represented in idant by the signification "thoroughly." From the particular case of the Lithuanian language, however, we could scarcely argue the possibility of a connection between the suffix ant of id-ant, and that of kieli, " how many ? " Kieli is a masculine plural nominative, according to the analogy of geri from GERA: the theme, therefore, is KIEL A, and, for a few cases, KIELI A (see p. 251, Rem. t ) ; and la the derivative suffix, which admits of being regarded as an abbreviation of va-nt, with a similar exchange of v and /, as we have seen above in the Gothic hvclauds. This conjecture is strongly supported by kielets, which likewise means " how much?" but is so limited in its use that it can only be applied to living beings. Every letter of the Sanscrit suffix vat (the theme of the weak cases) is represented in this kieLETs, and we even find an interrogative expression, in which the n also of the strong form ^TJT nnit is contained;I mean
PRONOUNS.
575
kolinta-s, " der wie vielste?" "the how manyeth?"* with ta as ordinal suffix (. 321.), probably, therefore, for kolint-tas; so that kolint, "how many?" by adding ta-s, becomes the " how manyeth ? " But to return to id-anf, its suffix ant has lost only the v of the original vant; but la, the suffix of kieli, has retained the v in the form of /, and lost, in place of it, the final nt. There is, however, no demonstrative tieli corresponding to kieli, but " so many " is expressed by tiek or tiekasA which has also a corresponding interrogative k'tek. The suffix of these forms appears connected with that of tokis or toks (theme tokia), " such," and koks, " what kind of one ?" 412. Though at . 409. we commenced with the comparison of the Greek correlatives irocroq, rocros, Zeros, we must not, therefore, suppose that the Greek suffix 2 0 is identical with the Sanscrit vant, and those related to it in the cognate languages. The transition of T into 2, as also the increment of an O, would not be extraordinary; but as the vowel of the pronominal base is originally long in this derivative, the retention of this long vowel would be to be expected in Greek; and the rather, as most probably the dropping of the initial sound of the suffix vant would have found a compensation in the preceding syllable, even if this had not been naturally long from the first. A form like TOGO-OJ might be regarded as identical with the Sanscrit tavant; but TWO? appears to me, with reference to its final element, as of a different origin, and I would rather recognise in it the Zend shva, which forms words like ASJÔJ76 thrishva " a third," Mxp)?(3M^ chathrushva, " a quarter," and is identical with the Sanscrit sva-s, " suus." From ^TEt sva-s, which, when uncompounded, has become oj or acpos, in the preceding com-
* It seems surprising that there should be no word in English for wievielste. "Who of the number?" expresses quite a different idea. I have been obliged, therefore, to coin a word. Translator's Note. i Ti/'k, substantive and indeclinable tieku-s adjective, feminine tieka
576
PRONOUNS.
pounds, could hardly come any thing but <rof; and would, according to this view, originally signify " what part?" or, as possessive compound, "having what part?"from which the meaning "how much?" is not far removed.* Nevertheless, if what has been before said (. 352.) regarding the origin of r^/xof, ûoj, is well founded, there are not wanting in Greek points of comparison with the pronominal formations in vant or vat. In Sanscrit the adverbial neuter accusative KT^ tdvat signifies, amongst other things, also " now," " at this time"; and the relative adverb TT T TW^ ydvat, also, which serves as prototype to the Greek f]ixo$, is used principally with reference to time, and signifies " how long?" "while," "how often?" "how far?" "up to," and "that." It may be cited in the first sense from a passage in theNalus (V. 23.):
yavachcha me dharishyanti prunu dehe, suchismite, tdvat tvayi hlutvixhi/tbni ; satyain etad bravimi te " quam diuque mei constabunt spiritiis in corpore, sereno-risu prcedita ! tamdiutecum ero; veritatem hanc dico tibi."
As it frequently happens that one and the same word is divided into several forms, of which each represents one of the meanings which formerly co-existed in the one original form, so may also -reco? and ewf be identical with tuvat and yarat; so that the digamma, which has been hardened above to /u, has been here, as usually happens, entirely dropped, but the quantities have been transposed ; thus ecoc
* To these formations belongs, also, most probably ;Vo^, which originally must have signified "so great," whence the meaning "like" might easily arise. I formerly thought it might be assigned to the demonstrative base i (Demonstrative Bases, p. 8 ) : as, however (which was there overlooked), it has a digamma, it would be better referred to the reflective base, and compared with the Sanscrit nvi (. :?(i4.; and see Pott's Etymol. Forsch. p. 272).
PRONOUNS.
577
for rj(F)os, Tew? for Trj(F)og. But it is probable that the first syllable has been shortened through the influence of the vowel following; and this reduction, and the abbreviation caused by dropping the digamma, have been compensated by lengthening the syllable following. The common adverbs in wj, also, of which an account has been given at . 183., have operated by their example on ew?> rewj. For the rest there exists a form reTo?, as well as rewf, Te/uj. 4L3. Perhaps the Sclavonic pronominal adverbs in mo may also be classed here, which express direction to a place (Dobr. p. 430): ka-mo, " whither ?" ta-mo, " thither." The relative yarno is wanting, which would coincide with the Sanscrit ffmj^ ydvat, " how far ?" in the signification " therein," since the former word likewise expresses the direction to which movement is made. As to the relation in form of the suffix mo to *nf vat, the t in Sclavonic, like all original final consonants, must necessarily disappear (. 255. I.), and a in Sclavonic becomes o or e almost universally ; but to the long d, which, in Sanscrit, precedes the derivative suffix, the Sclavonic a corresponds according to rule (. 255. .): thus, ta-mo answers to the Indian td-vat, with m for v, as in the Greek adverbs of time rj/j.os, Trjjxos, above mentioned. If an origin for the Sclavonic suffix mo, different from that here assigned, be sought for, the appended pronoun w sma might be next adduced, which drops the s in Sclavonic. But to take the demonstrative as an example, to the Sanscrit dative ta-smdi, and locative ta-smin, correspond, in Sclavonic, to-mu, to-m; and all that is left to find is an analogous form in Sclavonic to the ablative riWrt^ ta-smdt. But the ablative is most opposed in meaning to the adverbs in mo, expressing direction to a place ; and, as regards the form for dîit ta-smdt, could only be expected a form toma or tomo, and not tamo. For as the Sanscrit short ., at the end of old Sclavonic bases always becomes o (. 257.), an unweakened
578
PRONOUNS.
a, in this sole case, cannot but appear surprising; and there appears no reason why ta-mo should differ from the analogy of to-mu and to-m. There only remains one other possible means of deriving adverbs in mo, viz. by supposing mo to be a more full form of the plural dative termination ; so that, of the Sanscrit termination WRT bhyas, Latin vns, Lithuanian mus or ms (see . 215.), which elsewhere, in Sclavonic, has become mere m, in the case before us a vowel also is retained. If this opinion be the true one, kamo, "whither?" tamo, "thither," inamo, " t o somewhere else," onamo, " to that quarter," and similar forms, must be assigned to the feminine gender. Tamo, therefore, would correspond to the Sanscrit tdbhyas; while tyem, which is identical with the masculine and neuter, belongs to the compound base B tya (p. 499). This last derivation T appears particularly supported by the consideration, that, in all probability, the adverbs of quantity in ma or mi (Dobr. p. 430) contain plural case-terminations, and those in mi the instrumental; those in ma an unusual and more full form of the dative termination, in which the old a of the bhyas above mentioned is retained, by which it becomes similar to the dual-termination given at . 273. It appears to me, however, inadmissible to look for a real dual inflexion in the adverbs under discussion. Examples a r e : kolyma or kolymi, " how much ?" tolyma or toli/mi* " so much." All these adverbs, however, have the svllable ly (from if) in the middle ; and this, in my opinion, expresses the secondary idea of multitude, and is an abbreviation of the suffix liko, nominative masculine lik, e. g. ladik, " qmrntus," of which more hereafter. From this KG LIKO come, I imagine, the adverbs koh/ma and kolymi, as, in Sanscrit, the plural instrumental 31%^ Sam)is expresses
* See Kopitar's Glossary to the (ilngolitii.
OoWowsky "ivoss merely
PRONOUNS.
579
the adverb " slowly," but does not occur in its own proper signification, i.e. " through the slow." There are also adverbs of quantity in Sclavonic which end in ly, without the case-terminations ma or mi; thus, koly, " how much ?" toly, " so much." With these are also probably connected the adverbs of time in lye, which prefix to the pronoun the preposition do or ot, e. g. do-kolye, " how long?" ot-tolye, " so long." 414. By the suffix fnti is formed, in Sanscrit, ofifir kati, "how m u c h ? " fromAa; Ttfft tati, " s o much," from ta; and the relative trfir yati, " as much," from ya. The first two expressions are easily recognised in the Latin quot and tot, which, like the personal terminations of verbs, have lost the final i. The full form is preserved, however, in compounds with dem, die, dianus ; thus, toti-dem (not from totitidem), quoti-die, quoti-dianus. The length of the i of quoti-die, and of its derivative quotidianm, is unorganic, and perhaps occasioned by quoti appearing, by a misapprehension, as an ablative. But to return to the Sanscrit kati, tati, yati, these expressions, in a certain measure, prepare the way for the indeclinable cognate forms in Latin, as in the nominative and accusative they have no case-termination, but a singular neuter form, while in the other cases they exhibit the regular plural inflexions. In this respect they agree with the numerals from " Five " to " Ten," which have become quite indeclinable in Greek and Latin likewise, as is, in the latter language, the number " Four" also, quatuor (. 313.). In Zend, kati frequently occurs after the masculine relative plural, and with a regular plural termination, viz. îAjÔAij J ^ J C ^ yoi kaiayd, which signifies quicunque.
415. Nearly all pronouns are combined in Sanscrit with the adjectives f^ dps, f^T drisa, fgj driksha, which spring from the root dps, " to see," and signify " appearing," " like "; but, as they do not occur either isolated or in combi-
580
PRONOUNS.
nation, have completely assumed the character of derivative suffixes. The final vowels of the pronominal bases, and of the compound plural themes asma and yushma, are lengthened before them, probably to make up for the loss of a T sound of the neuter of pronouns of the third person and of the ablative of the first and second person singular and plural (comp. . 404.); hence, td-dris (nominative tddrik), or td-drisa, or Id-drilcsha, " like to this," " such," " talk,'1'' for tad-drik &c.; ki-dr'ts, ki-drisa, ki-driksha, " quails"? for kid-driS, &c. ; yd-drlL yd-drlsa, yd-driksha, " quails'''' (relative) ; md-dris, md-drisa, md-drlksha, " like to me," " my equal"; asmddris, &c, "like to us"; yushmddris, &c, "like to you." From the demonstrative base I, or rather from the neuter it, which is not used uncompounded, comes idrlsa, &c, "tails'''': from the subjective demonstrative base sa comes sadris, &c, which, according to its origin, signifies " resembling this," " appearing like this," but is used to express in general what is " similar." But the reason that there is no form sadris, according to the analogy of tddrli, &c, is clearly thisthat this form springs from the real base sa, and a neuter sat was not used. It is not, therefore, requisite to assume, with the Indian grammarians, that sadris is an abbreviation of samd-dris, though, perhaps, from sama a form sama-drii might proceed, as from sa the form sadrik The European cognate languages have, in remarkable agreement with one another, exchanged the old d for I in these combinations; independently, however, of each other, raid simply because the interchange of d and / or r is much used,* and weakened sounds in forms encumbered
* Soc . 17., where, amongst others, the Gothic Ivik is compared with the Sanscrit i/rhn. It' thr Gothic expression also means "flesh," it may hi: observed lure, that a word which, in Sanscrit, means simply " flesh," appears in Old High Gorman as si term for the body ; while in Lithuanian and Sclavonic the "flesh" has become "blood." In form the nearest approach
PRONOUNS.
581
by composition are readily introduced. In this way -\!KOS has become so far estranged from the verb SepKU, that we should have failed to perceive their common origin without the means of comparison afforded by the cognate Sanscrit. We must here again notice a similar fate which has befallen the old d of the number " Ten" in several Asiatic and European-Sanscrit languages at the end of compounds (p. 442). And in the preceding case we meet with a concurrent phenomenon in the East; for in Prakrit, in the compound under discussion, we frequently find rwhich, according to . 20., is often the precursor of /instead of the Sanscrit d; e.g. tdfm tdrisa, together with Trrf^T t&disa, for jfH^Ttddriia* The Doric TU\!KOS closely resembles tdrisa. The i of both languages, however, springs, not from the Sanscrit ri, for this is an abbreviation of ar,t the n of which, in Prakrit and Greek, has been weakened to i, but the r is dislodged entirely. While \!KOS is based on the Sanscrit g^( drisa, nominative masculine drisa-s, the pure radical g^f dris, nominative masculine, feminine, and neuter drik, is also represented in Greek, viz. by rjAil; and 6nfj\t^. The Prakrit kerisa resembles the interrogative TrrjXtKos very closely ; but it must
approach to the Sanscrit kravya-m, " flesh," is the Lithuanian krauya-s, Sclavonic krovy, "blood"; next comes the Old High German base HREWA, nominative hreo, "body," which preserves the original form more truly than the Greek Kpea<; and Latin caro. * In my first discussion on this subject I was unacquainted with the resemblance of the Prakrit to its cognate European languages (see Influence of Pronouns in the Formation of Words, pp. 8 and 27). Since then Max. Schmidt, also (De Pron. Gr. et Lat. p. 72), has shewn the agreement of the Sanscrit formations in drisa-s with the Greek, Gothic, and Latin, in \IKOS, leik-s, and Us. But he overlooks, in the Sanscrit forms, the long vowel of the pronominal base, on which is based the Greek tj, more anciently a, and Latin a, whence it is not requisite to make the adverbs , T J, T?, the basis of the said formations. t . 1. and Vocalismus, Rem. 1.
582
PRONOUNS.
not be overlooked, that the Prakrit e is a corruption of i,* while wrjhiKos stands for TTOKIKOS, and is based, not on the Sanscrit kidris'a-s, but on a kddrisa-s to be expected from the base ka, and which probably originally existed, to which, also, the Gothic hveleiks belongs. 416. In the hveleiks (theme hveleika) just mentioned, with which our welcher, " which," is connected, as also in hvelauds (. 409.), the Gothic has retained the vowel length, which is thousands of years old, with this difference only, that is replaced by e, a circumstance of rare occurrence (. 69.). There is no demonstrative theleiks corresponding to hveleiks, but instead of it svaleiks, our solcher, " such," like svalauds for thelauds (. 409.) ; but the Anglo Saxon and Old Northern employ thylic, thilikr, corresponding to the Greek TJJAI'/CO? and Sanscrit tddris'a-s (Grimm III. 40). The Gothic leiks, "similar," however, occurs also in combinations other than the ancient pronominal ones; never, however, by itself, but instead of it is used ga-leiks, our gleich, from ge-leich, which may be looked upon as the continuation of the Sanscrit midrim-s mentioned above : for as the inseparable pr?position ^sa, *P^ sam, has, in Gothic, become ga (Grimm II. 1018), so may also the pronominal base, from which those prepositions have sprung, be expected as prefix in the form of ga. In analeiks,^ our dhnlich, " like," ana, in my opinion, stands, in like manner, as a pronoun, not as a preposition, and answers to the Sanscrit-Lithuanian demonstrative base ana (. 372.) : analeiks therefore signifies " like to this." In the other compounds, also, of this kind, with the exception of manleika (theme -leikan), " likeness," literally " man-resembling," the first member of the word corresponds more or less to a pronominal idea. These compounds are, antharleikri, " variety," which pre-supposes an adjective, antharleiks, as
* ISod'cr ])n PraiTita Diulccto, p. 20.
i T o be (Kduci'd i'roin t h e ailvi'ili una/i i/a>,
PRONOUNS.
583
connected in sense with the Sanscrit anyd-dris'a-s, " like to another," " of a different kind," whence alyaleiks, deducing it from alyaleikds, erepug, is the countertype in form : samaleikd, '/crwc, which pre-supposes an adjective samaleik(a)s, " like to the same," analogous to the Greek opfkii- and Latin similis:* ibnaleiks, " equal," like the simple ibn(a)-s; according to its origin, the former signifies " seeming equal": missaleiks, " various." I cannot avoid expressing here the conjecture that the Gothic prefix missa, our miss, may be of pronominal origin, and connected with the Lithuanian base WISSA, nominative wissa-s, "all," and therefore also with the Sanscrit f r ^ visva, by the very common exchange of v for m (. 63.). According to the explanation given above (. 392.) of f&g visva, this word, through the signification of the preposition f vi, would be very well adapted to express % the idea of variety. And the Gothic missa (the bare theme) might originally have signified alius, and still be identical with the Sanscrit-Lithuanian term for " all"; at least its influence in composition is similar to our aber, which is akin to the Sanscrit apara, "alms'" (see . 350.), in compounds like aberwitz, " delirium," aberglaube, " superstition." Our missethat, therefore, Gothic missadeds, " misdeed," would be = Aber-That, "adeed different from the right"; and Missgunst, "ill-will," would be Aber-gunst, "wrong-will"; and the missaleiks given above would originally signify " like to another." This conjecture is powerfully supported, and confirmed almost beyond doubt, by the adverb misso, which springs from the theme MISSA (compare p. 384), which signifies " one another": goleith izvis missd, acntaaacrde
* The simple samu (theme saman) means " the same," and corresponds to the Sanscrit sama-s, " equal," " similar," and Greek 6',uo-?, the theme beino- lengthened by an n. To this head, also, must be referred sums (theme suma), " any one," which has introduced a u on account of the liquid, but to make up for this has dropped the n.
584
PRONOUNS.
aTOvjtovs (1 Cor. xvi. 20). The original meaning "all" is still perceptible in this, as missS, in one word, expresses " the one and the other." In German, the lich, which is based on the Gothic leiks, and which in welcher and solcher has dropped the i, and in gleich gives ei as answering to the old i, is much more extensively difFused, and has completely assumed the character of a derivative suffix in words like jiihrlich, " yearly," jammerlich, " lamentable," glucklich, " fortunate," schmerzlich, " painful," &c* The occurrence of the simple word in Northern, Anglo-Saxon, and English, may be explained by its being formed by abbreviating the Gothic galeiks, our gleich, by removing the entire prefix. 417. An objection against the identity of the Gothic suffix leika and Greek \IKOS could hardly be raised from the nonmutation of sound in the middle tenuis. I refer the reader, on this head, to . 89., for example to the connection of the Gothic slipa and Old High German insuepiu with the Sanscrit svapimi, Latin sopio, and Greek v-nvo^, in spite of the retention of the old tenuis. The long i (in Gothic written ei) in the Germanic formation, answering to the short in the Greek \IKOS, and Prakrit riaa or disa, will still less be a ground for rejecting the identity of the suffix under discussion in the three languages; for as the original form is darka (see p. 598), the rejection of the r may well have been compensated by lengthening the preceding vowel; and the Germanic, therefore, in this respect, approaches the original form one degree closer than the cognate Hellenic and Prakrit idiom. 418. The Old Sclavonic exhibits our suffix exactly in the same form as the Greek, in the masculine and neuter liko, nominative masculine lik (according to . 257.), neuter liko;
hence lolik, toliko, " tulis," " tale," or " tantus," " tantum"= Greek T^KI'KO^, TÂ/KOI-, and Prakrit tihho, tilris-aii, Sanscrit
* See the Old Hi-h (imnun compounds of this kind in Graff II. 105.
PRONOUNS.
585
tddrisas, tddrimm: kolik, kvliko, " qualis," " qitale," " quantus," " quantum ? " = Greek izrjKtKog, TTÂ/KOV, Prakrit kerhu, kerhan, Sanscrit kidrisas, kidrisam: yelik, yeliko, relative = Greek rjXiKos, YJXIKOV, Prakrit ydriso, ydrisan, Sanscrit yddrisas,
yddriiam. With respect to the relative expression, it is important to remark, that, in this derivative, the base ye (euphonic for yo), which commonly signifies " h e " (. 282.), has preserved the original relative signification without the elsewhere necessary enclitic she. Dobrowsky, however (p. 344), in assuming ilc alone in this derivative as suffix " interposito tamen I," appears not to have noticed the surprising similarity of the Greek forms in A/KOJ, otherwise he would have assigned to the I a more important share in the work of derivation. The Sclavonic forms differ from those of the cognate languages in this, that they do not lengthen the final vowel of the primitive pronoun, or replace o by a: for, according to . 255. a., the Sclavonic o corresponds to the Sanscrit short a, and a to the long d. We should therefore look for talik as answering to the Sanscrit tddrisas, and Prakrit Idriso. It cannot, however, be matter of surprise, that, in the course of thousands of years, which separate the Sclavonic from identity with its cognate idioms, a weakening of the vowel should have taken place in the preceding case ; as shortenings, weakenings, and abrasions of sounds, are the most common alterations which time introduces into the original form of a language. There are, however, in Sclavonic, other formations of cognate meaning, in which the base syllable has retained the old weight of the vowels, but the suffix has been abbreviated by dropping the syllable li, and appears in combination with the affix of the definite declension: hence takyi, " talis," kakyi, "qualis?" yakyi, "qualis'"' (relative).* The simple neuters, that is, those
* Dobrowsky (p. 343) incorrectly regards ak as derivative, since in QQ respect
586
PRONOUNS.
divested of the definite affix tako, kako, occur as adverbs, the former with the signification " so," the latter with that of "how?" By the rejection of the syllable li, takyi and its correlatives, in respect to their last element, become identical with the interrogative kyi, "quis?" which is likewise declined definitely; and therefore we cannot entirely set aside the objection, that takyi is a compound of the demonstrative with the interrogative. The explanation given above is to be preferred, because by it the a of the first member of the compound, as also the signification of the whole, is shewn to have a very ancient foundation ; while by the second mode we should not be able to see why tokyi, yekyi, kokyi, should not be used, or tkyi,* {kyi; and why the mere accusative of the interrogative to the pronoun preceding should have the same effect as the suffix under discussion has in the cognate languages. 419. But if the Old Sclavonic correlatives takyi, kakyi, yakyi, are abbreviations of talikyi, &c, then the analogous and Bcqui-significant Lithuanian forms toks, " talis,* koks, "quails'" (theme tukia, kokia, see .411.), must also be viewed in this light, and the agreement of the former with the tockin (Grimm. III. 40.), which exists in Old Swedish, together with tolik and tolkin, would consequently not be fortuitous. The Latin suffix li in talis, qualis, fcf/nrifin* exhibits a contrary abbreviation, since it has retained the full extent of the original adjective of simirespect to the primitive pronoun ho proceeds from the abbreviated nominative masculine t', /<', i, and, in general, is very obscure regarding the theme of the base words, and the historical relation of the o to , which, in î. 255. o., is developed through the Sanscrit, as also its length. * According to the analogy of /rfo, chto, . 400. t J'j/ttfili.s is, probably, with regard to its last clement, identical with qunlix, inasmuch as a'tjium is most probably connected with the Sanscrit jJohM i-ltii-x, " II mix" and the latter is, in its final syllable, identical with the interrogative base hi (. ;!08.).
PRONOUNS.
587
larity, as also the long vowel of the pronominal base, but has lost the last syllable, or the guttural only, of <U4<* tddrik, j&g* kidrik (. 415.), rjXiK-s, SfjirjAiK-s. The identity of the formation lies beyond all doubt, and Voss has already shewn that tails is identical with TOKIKOS. TO the constant occurrence of a long a in these ancient forms may be ascribed the fact, that, in more modern formations of this sort, particularly belonging to the Latin, an a is inserted before the suffix, or added to the primitive base, in case it terminates with a consonant; hence, regalis, legalis, conjugalis, hiemalis, carnalis, auguralis, &c. On the other hand, in bases with a short final vowel this is merely lengthened, and the u (o) of the second declension is changed into a long i instead of the short i, which is elsewhere introduced before suffixes; hence, civl-lis, hostilis, juvem-lis, from civi, hosti, juveni ; and so, also, vin-lis from viru, puerz-lis from pueru, serin-lis from servu, &c.: ani-lis, also, from the organic a of the fourth declension, which is no less subject to be weakened to i, as is proved by the dative ablatives in i-bus. Here, perhaps, may be classed, also, though with a short i, words in ti-lis or si-lis, which spring either from lost abstracts in Us, sis,' or passive participles, the u of which must be weakened before the new suffix to i; thus, ficti-lis, missi-lis, either from the obsolete abstracts fictis, missiswhence the secondary forms fidio, missioor from jictus (weakened from factus, . 6.), missus. So, also, simi-lis, with short i, from the lost primitive simus = Sanscrit sama-s, " similar," Gothic sama (theme samari), and Greek ofj.o-s; and humi-lis,
* From the primitive base juven = Sanscrit yuvan, comes juvenulis ; gentilis comes from a base genti (compare Lithuaniangentis, "kinsman"), the i of which, and consequently the t also, are suppressed in the nominative gens. f Compare Influence of Pronouns in the Formation of Words, p. 24. QQ 2
588
PRONOUNS.
from humus. The a of the first declension, which is originally long (. 118.), has preserved its length before this suffix; hence, vitalis, bestialls, amphoralis. As the u of the second declension, according to its derivation, represents a short a (. 116.), and, in the feminine, passes into a, it is not extraordinary that, in this class of words also, adjectives in a-lis occur, instead of i-lis, asfata-lis, inferna-lis, libera-lis. So, also, esuria-lls, from esurie-s, where it is to be observed that the e of the fifth declension springs from a ('ri. 151. and 137.) : on the other hand, in fide-lis, the e is retained. Fome-licus stands alone, and is remarkable, as it has preserved our suffix entire, and its ftais corresponds exactly to the Greek A/KOC. If, as I readily assume with M. Schmidt (1. c. p. 73), felic-s, also, should be classed here, as analogous to >7-A/, 6/j.tj-Xt^,* still I do not look for its primitive element in the root fe, from which come fe-tus, fe-tura, fe-mina, &c, but in a lost substantive base, which is, in Sanscrit, *rr^ hhaj, and signifies " fortune. ' Feftx, therefore, would have lost a guttural, as fid-men for fuly-men, for hic-mcii ; and in respect to its last element, and the signification of its first member, it would agree excellently with our gliivk-lich, " fortunate." Here it is to be observed, that the suffix under discussion does not form, in the cognate languages, any primitive words direct from the root, but only derivatives or compounds. Contrary, therefore, to my former conjecture, I can no longer class words like ny'dis, fmyifts, docilis, in respect to their suffix, with words like the abovementioned, drifts, r/rilis. senilis. In the former, the I is, perhaps, primitive, and not, as in the latter, a corruption of d. In this case, a suffix In or ilrt, in Sanscrit, presents itself for comparison, as in
* But with long i like the Gothic Iriks (. 417). t Compare mitiitiu-tiliaj, "having bad fortune," " unfortunate." cognate bhiiya is more used.
The
PRONOUNS.
589
an-ila-s, " wind," from an, " to blow," to which we shall return when treating of the formation of words. I am unable to cite, in Zend, an adjective in combination with pronominal bases, corresponding to the Sanscrit dris, drisa, or driksha; but I find, V. S. p. 39, the expression A5JJJ^5J/AJ1 hvaredaresa, " like the sun"; and by it the opinion is confirmed, that the r of the Sanscrit forms is an abbreviation of ar.
PRONOMINAL ADVERBS.
420. Locative adverbs are formed, in Sanscrit, by the suffix tra, which is attached directly to the true theme; hence, a-tra, " here," ta-tra, " there," amu-tra, " yonder," ku-tra, " where ?" ya-tra, " where " (relative). This tra, which is, in Zend, according to . 47., M?6 thra (ithra, " here," avathra, " there," yathra, " where ") is probably a contraction of the comparative suffix tara, and, with regard to its termination, perhaps an instrumental (see p. 381). The Latin pronominal adverbs cl-tra and ul-tra, therefore, are of the same class, excluding the difference of the case-forms, and also the Gothic ablative adverbs in thrd, mentioned at p. 3S4 ; compare, tha-thro, " thence," with T g ta-tra, " there "; hvathro, " whence?" with w^kutra, T " where ? " and alyathrd " aliunde," with wx&t anyatra, " alibi." Locative pronominal adverbs are also formed in Zend by the suffix MQ^dha (see p. 386, &c), which, in Sanscrit, is abbreviated to ha, but is found only in i-ha, " here," and sa-ha, " with " (Veda sa-dha). In Greek corresponds, as has been remarked, the suffix da of evda, evravda ;* and probably, also, %o in -navTa-xp-dev, &c, as well as ere (p. 388), which expresses direction to a place, unless the latter has been
* Page 387. With respect to the conjecture there expressed regarding a possible thematic identity between evOa, MQîdha, and ^ r iha, refer to .373.
590
PRONOUNS.
abbreviated from 1 tra, by rejecting the r and weakening the t to s. In Gothic, the suffix th or d most certainly corresponds, in forms like hva-th or hva-d, " whither/1 aJya-th, d'AAocre, yuin-d (for yaina-d), emo-e. The conjunction Hit, " but," " if," " for," is completely identical with ASJOJ idha, ^ Hat* The s of c-is and w?-s in Latin has been already compared with 61 (, 395. Note). 421. In Sanscrit, adverbs are formed by the suffix T W T tas, not only from pronominal bases, but also from substantives and adjectives, which express removal from, and frequently supply the place of the ablative. The suffix tas, as has been before remarked (p. 471, Rem. 5.), is connected also in form with the ablative character, and appears only a continuation of it, or an abbreviation. In Latin, the suffix fits corresponds regularly; compare ((XTLTUS with svargaTAS, "from heaven." The syllable tur of igitur, may also be related to it, the s being exchanged for r. The preceding igi would then, as has been elsewhere remarked (Demonstrative Bases, p. s), admit of comparison with ^r Ilia, " here "; to which, with regard to the g, it bears the same relation that ego does to ^T^nr aham. Igilwr, therefore, would originally signify " hence," or " from this " (ground). In Sanscrit there is a modification of the suffix under discussion, formed by changing the tennis to the sonant aspirate in ^nw a-dhas, " beneath," and on this is based the Greek dev and Sclavonic dil (see pp. 379, 380V" Compare,
* Pp. 386, 388. The Sanscrit X( dh requires the Greek 6 ; but, according to the rules for the permutation of sounds, the Gothic d corresponds to the Greek 0: at the end of :i word, however, th is preferred to d (.91.) t I wish to limit what luis been said at . 2!)3. Rem. in this particular, that
though oiioiidii and urmiilil are compounds of I'ldil, the it of onCtdye and tiidye has been developed from the o of the bases OATO, TO, precisely as the ft of ftilft, or yftilft, and ftdi/r (for i/ftdye) from VO. 1 therefore consider the forms
PRONOUNS
SANSCRIT. GREEK. OLD HIGH GERMAN.
591 ot-ku-du. ot-tu-du. yu-du-she.
ku-tas,* ta-tas, yatas,
Tro-dev, To-8ev, o-Bev,
The Latin offers for comparison unde, for cunde (ali-cunde) and inde, the de of which I have no doubt is connected with the Sanscrit suffix tas or dhas, the Greek dev, and Sclavonic dii. Unde has, in addition, received a nasal, which is not to be explained by transposition from the Greek 8ev, as the blending of nasal sounds, which are governed by the organ of the consonant following, is very common. Remark the frequently-mentioned relation of ambo, afupui, to the Sanscrit ^>?t ubhdu, and Sclavonic oba. Aliunde, answering to the Sanscrit anyatas, "elsewhere," need not be regarded as a compound of unde ; but it is probable that the u of aliu-nde belongs to the theme of alms, and corresponds, therefore, to the Indian a of anya-tus. So, also, ali-bl and aliu-bi are scarcely compounds of ibi and ubi, but combinations of the dative termination bi, which is contained in ti-bi, si-bi, i-bi, and u-bi, with the base ALIU, either suppressing the final vowelwhence ali-bior retaining it as in aliu-bi. Whether, however, a nasal has been inserted in inde, depends upon whether it springs from the base iwhence is, ibi, &c. or from in = Sanscrit ana (. 273.). The very isolated preposition de, in Latin, is, perhaps, an abbreviation of the Sanscrit ^rw adhas, " below,11 and therefore, in origin, identical with the aequi-sonant suffix of inde, unde, and aliunde. A form hi-nde or hu-nde, isti-nde or istu-nde, and illi-nde or illu-nde, might also be expected. But instead of these we
forms tudu, " thence," and kudu, " whence V which occur only in combination with the preposition ot, as simple. * From the weakened base ku (. 389.), for katas, to be expected from KA, on which are based the Greek iroBev, from KOOH-, and Sclavonic kudu.
592
PRONOUNS.
find hinc, Mine, Wine, regarding which it is unknown whence comes their meaning of separation from a place, unless the syllable de, as exponent of this direction, has been removed from them, and the enclitic c has assumed its place, which would surprise us least in hinc. Hinc may, perhaps, be an abbreviation of hinde, as the neuter hoc of hode (. 395). The locative adverbs hie, iUic, intic, I regard as datives, of which the character, according to . 200., has been taken from the Sanscrit locative; and which, in ruri, also has retained the original meaning. Isiic and illic are, for the use of language, sufficiently distinguished from the forms isti and illi, which are used for the dative relation ; while for hie a distinction from the proper dative must be differently sought in the dropping the euphonic u (from v).* Hie, therefore, is, in this respect, distinguished from hide, as the nominative hie, for which huic might be expected, from qTi. 4-22. Adverbs of time are formed in Sanscrit by the suffix ^T da, hence kadn, " when ?n> tadd, "then"; yadi'i, " when ? " "at which time"; ekaila, "once"; sad), "always": the latter springs from the energetic demonstrative base srz (. 345.), whence also sarva, " every " (. 381.). Perhaps the Greek re is, in an anomalous manner, connected with this da, by a permutation of sound, which has become a principle in Germanic, since nearly all old medials, as far as they have not experienced a second modification in High German, become tenues. In Sclavonic corresponds the suffix gda, which I think must be divided into (/-da, since I regard it as a derivative of the interrogative base, which has cer.sed to be used alone, and which may have signified ' when," or " once on a time "; and the guttural tenuis has given place to a medial, on account of the d following, according to the analogy of gdye, " where?" (. 293. Rem.). This ijdu, unconscious of its derivation, is combined with the interrogative itself; hence
* See p. f)4!> and . IV
PRONOUNS.
593
kogde, " when ? " and togda," then." But in MSS. is found for iuogda," at another time," also the simple inda, as a more exact countertype of the Sanscrit anya-dd, but with the o of the base INO suppressed, which is retained in inogda and similar forms, to avoid the great accumulation of consonants. Together with yegda, ore, occurs, also, the simple yeda, but with a change of signification, viz. as an interrogative particle (Dobr. p 432). In Lithuanian the simple suffix appears both in the unweakened interrogative base, and in other pronouns and words, the nature of which borders on that of pronouns, and which, in Sanscrit, are declined like pronouns. Thus, nieknda, " never," after withdrawing the negative element, corresponds to the Sanscrit Skadd, " once"; kada, " when," and iada, " then," are identical with the Sanscrit expressions of the same sound and signification; wissada means "always," and anday (for anada), " a t that time." It may be allowed here to mention two other Lithuanian adverbs of time, which are not, indeed, connected with the suffix da, but required previous mention on other accounts; I mean dabar, " now," and komet, " when ? " In the first part of da-bar I believe may be seen a weakened form of the demonstrative base ta; in the latter, a remnant of the term for "time," mentioned at p 425 ; viz. ^ R vdra, Bengali bar, and therefore a word akin to the syllable -ber in the Latin name for months. As regards, however, the final portion of /comet, it recalls, on account of the frequent interchange of v and m, the suffix vat in the Sanscrit adverbs of time, tdvut, "now," ydvat, "at which time" (. 412), with which we have endeavoured to compare the Greek rfjfxos, rjfiog. We return to the suffix da, in order to remark, that, by a perversion of the language, it is so regarded as though the adverbs formed with it were substantives or adjectives capable of declension. Thus arise the forms in dos, dai, and dais; the two first with feminine genitive and dative termination, the last with the masculine plural instrumental ter-
594
PRONOUNS.
mination. For the niekada mentioned above occurs, therefore, also niekados, niekadai, and niekadais. For dai is also written day; hence today as well as tada; and the form tad occurs with a suppressed, and tadda, tadday, with d doubled, just as kad, kadda, kadday, for kada. To the latter, and to the Sanscrit ^ kadd, corresponds, perhaps, the Latin quando; so that a nasal would have been inserted before the T sound, as above in unde (p. 59]). The correlative tando, however, is wanting. The following table may serve as a general view of the points of comparison obtained:
SANSCRIT. LITH. OLD SCL. GREEK. LATIN.
kadd, tadd, yadd, anyadd,
kada, tada,
kogda, toada, yeffda, inda,
-tore, Tore, "ore, dAAore,
quando. . . . ... . . .
423. The suffix da is combined in Sanscrit with mm, which appears to me to be an accusative form of a feminine pronominal base ni, that the masculine and neuter na (p. 335) might easily form in the feminine, as well as nd (see . 172.). Thus arise taddnim, " then," and iddium. " now." As, however, the simple form idd has become obsolete, the Indian grammarians assume a suffix ddnim. As regards the origin of the time-defining da, it appears to be an abbreviation of f^T diva, " by day," by the rejection of iv ; as, in Latin, ev is rejected noh> (from nevolo). I recognise a different kind of abbreviation of this dud in *a?r a-dya, " to-day," " now," where the r only of diva is removed, and the final a shortened, and the ;', according to a universal phonetic law, changed into tr. 424. There is nothing similar in the cognate languages to the Greek correlatives in v'iKairtjiiKa, Tt)v'tK.a, tjvtKabesides the Latin douce, dimicmn, before mentioned, unless it be the Sanscrit adverb ^f^pyanisum, "eternal,' "perpetual."
PRONOUNS.
595
Buttmann is inclined to see in iVa an accusative termination from an i', to be conjectured from the Latin vix, vices (Lexil. II. p. 227). I assent to this explanation only in so far as the recognition of a substantive accusative in the concluding part of these formations. I do not, however, divide irriv-iKa, &c, but -nri-vtKa, and thus make them genuine compounds, of which the first member does not contain a casetermination, but the bare theme. We may regard, therefore, nt), TY\, and fj, as feminine bases, or, as above, in rrjfxos, rnxos, lengthened forms of the masculine and neuter.* The latter would be more agreeable to the original principle of the formation of compounds; according to which, pronouns and adjectives, at the beginning of compounds, express no distinction of sex, and therefore never appear in the form of the theme, which is peculiar to the feminine, but in that which is common to the masculine and neuter, in which, properly, there is no sex expressed, and from which the feminine theme is a derivative. In the preceding case, however, the final substantive is really feminine, if, as I conjecture, it is akin to the Sanscrit fa^r iris, nominative f^^ nik, "night 11 ; the accusative of which, nisam, is contained in the abovementioned anisam, " eternal," literally " without ni^ht." It is certain that the Sanscrit accusative nisam could, in Greek, take no other form than vtKa, as ^t s proceeds from ^ h and, in Greek, always appears as K (. 21.). The Greek base WKT, the Latin noct, and the Gothic nahti (nominative nahts), are, in Sanscrit, represented by nakt, of which only the accusative nakt am =noctem, VUKTO., remains in use as an adverb ("by night"), and in the unorganic compound ifarea naktan-chara, "night-walker." We might therefore derive naktarn, also, from a theme nakta. If, then, in Sanscrit, in disadvantageous comparison with its cognate languages, only an obscure remnant of this nakt is * See .352.
596
PRONOUNS.
left in the accusative just mentioned, the reverse case cannot be surprising, that the Greek should have retained of nis, nik, which is most probably akin to nakt, only the accusative in the compounds under discussion. As, then, in ifiT tadd, and similar formations, if the explanation of the suffix given above be well founded (. 423.), there is only a formal expression of " day," and yet time in general is understood in i t ; so, according to the view here proposed, in rrjvtKa, "night" would be selected as the representative of time in general, or of a particular point of time, which might easily take place through the dimming of the primary meaning of the concluding element. So the Sanscrit adya, " to-day," " on this day"its original meaning being lost sight ofis not unfrequently used in the sense of "now," "in this moment." If avTiKa is bused on the same principle of formation as TrjviKa, &e., it is then an abbreviation of avrtj-viKa, which is also Buttmann's conjecture, since he derives it from ryv avrr/v 'iKa, and the omission of the r\v would resemble that of the Latin ev in nolo, and that of iv in the Sanscrit suffix da, from diva. But if we follow C. G. Schmidt (Quaest. Gramm. de Praep. Gr. p. 49) in taking OLVTIKO. as an unabbreviated form, we might then, by the same analogy, derive TTIVIKO. from rrjvo%: which we would not, however, do, as there is no form -nrjvos, whence we might derive TrrjvtKa, nor r/vog, whence rjvtKa. 425. Adverbs of kind and manner are formed in Sanscrit by addition of the suffixes ^PT thorn and SJT tint. The former occurs only in 'afFft^ktithtnn, " h o w ? 1 and ^T*P^ Htham. "so," and it has been before compared with the Latin tern in i-lem, and au-lrm (. 37S.). To thit answers the Latin ia in ila and aliiilo, which latter corresponds to the Sanscrit ^fawr uni/dlhd, " ill another manner." Besides these are formed, in Sanscrit, by this suffix, tathi), "so," ytithii, "how?" (relative) and sarnillu}, " in every way." A suffix //, of the same signification, forms with the demonstrative base /' the adverb ///, " so," the only analogous form to which is
PRONOUNS.
597
the preposition ^rfw ati, " over," which springs from the pronominal base ^f a.* In Latin, uti, " as," and, with the i abraded, id, correspond in regard to the suffix. The i of itidem may first have arisen in Latin as a weakening of ita, in Zend ASOJ itha, occasioned by the incumbrance of the dem (. 6.). The suffixes 'sp^ tham and ^n thd are related to one another as accusative and instrumental; the latter according to the principle of the Zend language (. 158.), and which, contrary to a conjecture given at . 378., I now believe must be taken in this sense. The Zend, which generally shortens the long d at the end of polysyllabic words, uses the suffix under discussion like the Latin, with a short final vowel; hence ASOJ itha like ita. I have not met with the suffix tham in Zend, for ASG;^ kutha is used for '5B'^ Icatham, and for $fm{ ittham the AJOJ itha just mentioned.
* Berlin Jahrb. Nov. 1830, p. 702.
598
THE VERB.
426. The Sanscrit has two forms for the active, of which the one is appointed for the transitive and outwardly-operating direction of its powers, and is called by the Indian grammarians parasmdi-padam, equivalent to " stranger form ";* the other, which is called atmanepadam, i. e. " self form,"t serves, when it stands in its primitive signification, for reflective or intransitive purposes, or shews that the action is to be placed to the credit of the subject, or stands in some near relation thereto. For instance, dd, " give," in the atmanepadam, in conjunction with the preposition d, has the force of " take," i.e. " give oneself ": the causative darsaydmi, " to make to see," " to shew," acquires, through the terminations of the atmanepadam, the signification "shew itself"; si, " l i e " (site = KCITOU), as, "sit"''' (dde = rj<TTat, p. 118), mud, "to be pleased," "please oneself," ruch, " to shine," " please," " please oneself," are only used in the atmanepadam ; ydch, "to require," "pray," has both forms, but the reflective prevails, as we most generally require or pray for our own advantage. In general, however, the language, as it at present exists, disposes of both forms in rather an arbitrary manner. But few verbs have retained the two; and where this happens, the primitive intention of both seldom shews itself distinctly. Of the cognate languages, only the Zend, the Greek, and the Gothic have retained this primitive form ; for that the Gothic passive is
* Tm&parasmtii is the dative of prn-n, " the other." t ^li+fH iMwan, "soul," of which the dative, dtmanc, is used above, in the oliliquc rases often fills the place of a pronoun of the third person, generally with a reflective signification.
VERBS.
599
identical in construction with the Indo-Greek middle has been already shewn in my Conjugation-system.* Grimm has since directed attention to two expressions which have remained unnoticed in former Grammars, and which are of the greatest importance, as having preserved the old medial form also in a medial signification. Ulfilas, namely, twice (Matt, xxvii. 43. and Mark xv. 32.) translates KaTcc/3aT by " atsteigadau," and once (Matt, xxvii. 43.) pvaacrdu> by " lausyadau." Lately, also, v. Gabelentz and Lobe, in their valuable edition of Ulfilas (pp. 187 and 225), have justly assigned the following forms to one lately brought to light, by Castiglione's edition of St. Paul's Epistles, to the middle: ufkunnanda, yvcixrovTat (John xiii. 35.) ; faianda, " vituperant" (Rom. ix. 19.); gavasyada undivanein, evdvcrrjTat cupdaplav (lCor. xv. 54.); vaurkyada, epyaêrai (2 Cor.iv. 17.); ustiuhada, Karepydêrai (2 Cor. vii. 10.); and liugandau, yafirjcraTi^crav (1 Cor. vii. 9). Grimm, in the first edition of his Grammar (p. 444), gives the forms atsteigadau and lausyadau, as I doubt not, justly, as imperatives, but considers them as erroneous transferences of the Greek expressions into the passive form. What, however, could induce Ulfilas to translate the middle pvcraadu*, not to mention the active KaTafiano, by a passive, having so many other opportunities for exchanging Greek middles for passives? In the second edition (I. 855) Grimm asks, "Have we here the third conjugation of a Gothic middle?" Were they, however, conjunctiva media, they must then have retained the characteristic i of this word, and, in this respect, have answered to the Indo-Greek media, such as bhareta (from bharaita), (pepotTo. The middle and passive could not be distinguished by the insertion or suppression of the exponent of the conjunctive relation. I explain, therefore, atsteigadau and lausyadau, as well as the later liugandau (yafjt.r]<TaTio<ra.v), without hesitation, as
* T. 122. Compare Vocalismus, p. 79, and Grimm 1.1050.
600
VERBS.
imperatives of the middle voice ; as they answer excellently well to the Sanscrit medial imperatives, as bhar-a-tdm, " he should bear or receive"; bhar-a-ntdm, "they should bear or receive." The Gothic au has the same relation here to the Sanscrit dm, as, in the first conjunctive person active, where, for instance siyau, "ich set," " I may be," answers to the Sanscrit sydm. The old m has merged into u, and formed a diphthong with the preceding a (compare . 255. g.). In respect to form, however, atsteigadau, lausyadau, and liugandau are passive; and Ulfilas would probably have also rendered " he should be freed" by lausyadau. In the translation of the Bible, however, an occasion for the use of the passive imperative rarely occurs. 427. While the Greek and Gothic have carried over the medial form into the passive, so that the passive and middle, with the exception of the Greek aorist and future, are perfectly identical; in the Sanscrit and Zend the passive, indeed, exhibits the more important terminations of the middle, through which the symbolical retro-operation of the action on the subject is expressed, but a practical distinction occurs in the special tenses (. 109a.), in that the syllable yaof which more hereafteris appended to the root, but the characteristic additions and other peculiarities, by which the different classes are distinguished in the two active forms, are resumed. In Greek, SetK-vv-rat is as well passive as medial, but in Sanscrit f^T^ chi-nu-te, from fo chi, " collect," is only medial, and the passive is chi-ya-te: in Greek, StSorai,'lararai,are as well passive as medial; in Sanscrit the kindred forms ^% dat-te, anomalous for dada-te, frTff^ tlshtha-te only medial, and their passive becomes di-yaie, sthi-yatt*.* As the Sanscrit and Zend passive, except that with the omission of the class peculiarities
* Some of the roots in a weaken that vowel to i before the passive characteristic ya.
VERBS.
601
it is formed immediately from the root, answers to other derivative verbs, the causal, desiderative, and intensitive, we, in treating of them, shall return to it. The middle, however, we shall treat pari passu with the transitive active form, as it is distinguished from this latter, in nearly every case, only by the extension of the personal terminations. 428. The moods in Sanscrit are five, if we include the indicative, in which, in fact, no mood, but only mere relations of time, are expressed. The absence of modal accessary notions is its characteristic. The other moods are, the potential, imperative, precative, and conditional. Besides these, we find in the Vedas fragments of a mood, which, in the principle of its formation, corresponds to the Greek subjunctive, and by the grammarians is called ML* The same moods, even to the conjunctive, or Ut, exist in Zend, only I am not able to lay down the conditional, which stands in nearest connection with the future, and which in Sanscrit, also, is very rare- The infinitive and participle belong to the noun. The indicative has six tenses, viz. one present, three preterites, and two futures. The preterites, in form, correspond to the Greek imperfect, aorist, and perfect. With their use, however, the language, in its present condition, deals very capriciously ; for which reason, in my Grammar, I have named them only with reference to their form : the first, single-formed augmented preterite ; the second, multiform augmented preterite ; and the third, reduplicated preterite. Both futures are likewise indistinguishable in their use, and I name them according to their composition: the one, which answers to the Greek
* The Indian grammarians name the tenses and moods after vowels, which, for the names of the principal tenses, are inserted between <y j / and Z t, a ^ , for the names of the secondary, between ^ I and 'gr n. Thus the names run, lat, lit, lut, Irit, let, lot, Ian, lin, lun, Irin. See Colebrooke's Grammar, pp. 132.181.
R K
602
VERBS.
and Lithuanian future, and is most used, the auxiliaryfuture ; the other, the participial future, as its first element is a participle which answers to the Latin in turns. In the Zend I have not yet detected this tense, but all the other Sanscrit tenses I have, and have given proofs of this in the reviews mentioned in the pi-eface (p. xi). The moods which stand opposed to the indicative have, in Sanscrit and Zend, only one tense ; yet the potential aud precative have, in fact, such a relation to each other, as, in Greek, the present and second aorist of the optative ; and Panini embraces both of these modal forms under the name lin. The same relation between wishing and praying may also be expressed by the potential, which is in far more general use, though the latter be strictly represented by the precative. In the Vedas traces are apparent of a further elaboration of the moods into various tenses, and it may hence be inferred, that what the European languages, in their developement of the moods, have in excess over the Sanscrit and Zend, dates, at least in its origin, from the period of the unity of the language. 429. The numbers of the verb are three in most of the languages here treated of. The Latin verb has, like its noun, lost the dual; but the German has preserved the verbal dual in its oldest dialect, the Gothic, in preference to that of the noun; the Old Sclavonic retains it in both; and so has the Lithuanian to the present day. The Pali and Prakrit, otherwise so near to the Sanscrit, have, like the Latin, parted with both the dual and the middle mood of the active. In opposition to the Semitic, there is no distinction of gender in the personal signs of the Sanscrit family ; which is not surprising, as the two first persons, even in their simple condition, are without the distinction, while the Semitic dispenses with it only in the first person, as well simple as in the verb, but, in the second and third, in both conditions distinguishes the
VERBS.
603
masculine from the feminine. The Old Sclavonic has gained a feminine in an inorganic fashion, and by a divergence from the primary type of its class, as well in its simple pronoun of the first person, as in the three persons of the verb. As, namely, va, " we two,11 has the force of a masculine substantive dual, to which the feminine in fc ye corresponds (. 273.); so, by the power of analogy, out of that BA va has been developed a feminine Bt vye, and, in accordance with this, in the verb also; for instance, KCBA yesva, " we two are" (masculine), K Bf yesvye (feminine), as opposed to the C Je ' Sanscrit svas (contracted from asvas), and the Lithuanian esva. In the same manner, in the second and third dual persons, which, in the masculine, are both yesta, answering to the Sanscrit (a)sthas, (a)stas, and the Greek earov, a female yestye KCT has been formed ; for as, in virtue of the law by which the terminating sibilant of the Sanscrit form is necessarily rejected (see . 255.1.), the verbal dual ending became identical with that of the noun, and as, moreover, the termination ta has precisely the same sound with the independent ta, " these two" (men): the way was thus opened to the formation of a feminine personal termination Tt tye, which is also identical with the independent tye, " these two " (women). These feminine verbal terminations are in any case worthy of observation, as they rest on the feeling of the grammatical identity of the verb with the noun, and shew that the spirit of the language was vitally imbued with the principle of close connection, which had of old arisen between the simple pronoun and that which is joined with the verbal bases. 430. With respect to the personal signs, the tenses and moods fall most evidently in Sanscrit, Zend, and Greek, into two classes. The one is fuller, the other more contracted in its termination. To the first class belong those tenses which, in Greek, we are accustomed to call the chief, namely, the present, future, and perfect or reduplicated R R2
1)04
VERBS.
preterite, whose terminations, however, have undergone serious mutilations in the three sister languages, which clearly have their foundation in the incumbrance of the commencement by the reduplication syllable. To the second class belong the augmented preterites, and, in Sanscrit and Zend, all the moods not indicative, with the exception of the present of the Ut or conjunctive, and of those terminations of the imperative which are peculiar to this mood, and are rather full than contracted. In Greek, the conjunctive has the full, but the optative, which answers to the Sanscrit potential, the contracted. The termination / < of rvnToijj.1 is, as we have elsewhere observed,* x inorganic, as appears from a comparison with the TvnTot[j.rjv which has sprung from the original form TVTTTOIV and the
conjugation in fxi (<iioir)i>).
431. In Latin, this double form of the personal termination, although in an inverted relation, makes itself observable in this, that where the fuller form mi stood, the termination, excepting in the cases of sum and inquam, has vanished altogether. On the other hand, the original termination m, by itself, has everywhere maintained itself. Hence, amo, amabo ; but amabam, eram, sim, amem, as, in Sanscrit, a-bhavam and asam, " I was," sydm, " I may be," kamuy&yam, " I might love.'1 In the other persons an uniformity of terminations has crept in by the abrasion of the i of the primary forms; thus, leyh(i), %/,(<)> leyunt(i), as Irgas, legat, leyant. 432. In the Gothic, the aboriginal separation into the full and mutilated terminations makes itself principally conspicuous in that the terminations t\ and nt'i of the primary forms have retained the T sound, because it was protected by a following vowel, but have lost the / : on the other hand, the concluding t of the seeondarv forms,
* Berlin Juhrb. Feb. 1827, p. 279, or Voealismus, p. 44.
VERBS.
605
as in the Greek, has vanished: hence, for example, bair-i-th, bair-a-nd, answering to HTfiT bhar-a-ti, Vttfat bhara-nti {<pep-o-VTt), but bair-ai, like <pepoi, answering to *ftfT bhar--t, (from bharait) fer-a-t. In the first person singular, the full termination mi has, in remarkable accordance with the Latin, quite disappeared: on the other hand, the concluding m of the secondary forms has not, indeed, as in the Latin, been retained unaltered, but yet has kept its place in the solution into u (compare . 246.): thus bair-a, answering to HTlfH bhar-d-mi, but bair-a-u (from bairam for bairaim),* answering to WitpT bhar-ey-am, fer-a-m. In the second person singular, as in the Latin, an identity between the primary and secondary forms has introduced itself, since the first have lost the concluding i, and the latter have not brought one from the Asiatic seat of their class; hence bair-i-s, answering to > Tfr bhar-a-si, and also bairT .t ai-s to >ror bhar-e-s, fer-d-s, cpep-oi-cr. 433, In the Old Sclavonic, the secondary forms have, in the singular, been' compelled entirely to abandon the personal consonant (see . 255. I.), on account of its being final; hence, in the imperative, which is identical with the Sanscrit potential, the Greek optative, and RomanGerman conjunctive, the second person singular ends with the modal-vowel i, and, in the preterite, answering to the Sanscrit-Greek aorist, the second and third persons have the same sound, because the concluding s, like t, was necessarily dropped. Compare, in the preterite iterative, the termination IUE she, uiE she, with the Sanscrit tfftf sis, Hfrr sit. On the other hand, the primary forms give the expression of the second person singular with wonderful accuracy, as mil ski, or en, si; and out of the fjr ti of the third we have T, and, in the plural ST from anti. We now proceed to a closer consideration of the personal signs.
Compare Vocalisinus, p. 203.
606
VERBS.
FIRST PERSON.
434. The character of the first person is, in the singular as well as plural, in its original shape m; but in the dual the languages which possess a first dual person in the transitive active form have softened the m to v, as we have also found ^q*^ vayam for J H ^ mayam, in the simple proT* noun " we," and similar phenomena in several cognate languages. The full characteristic of the first person singular is, in the primary form of the transitive active. mi, and spreads itself, in Sanscrit and Zend, over all verbs without exception: in Greek, howeverpeculiarities of dialect exceptedonly over such as answer to the second chief Sanscrit conjugation, which embraces the classes two, three, five, seven, eight, and nine (. 109.), but altogether comprises but a small proportion of the verbs (about 200). The other Greek verbs have quite suppressed the personal termination, and their u> (omega), like the Latin o, answers to the Sanscrit a, which, in forms like bodh-d-mi, " I know," lud-d-mi, " I wound," belongs neither to the root nor the personal termination, but is the character of the class, which, when it consists of a short a, or of syllables ended by a, lengthens that letter before m and v followed by a vowel: hence, bddh-d-mi, bmik-d-ras, bddh-d-mas, in contrast to bodh-a-si, bodh-a-ti ; bddh-a-thas, bodh-a-tas; bodh-a-tu, bodh-a-nti. The Greek has no participation in this lengthening, and makes Tep-n-o-iiev answer to the Sanscrit tarp-dmas- It is possible, however, that, in the singular, repir-co-pi may have once stood; and if so, we might conjecture that this w may have been shortened in the plural and dual (medial) by the influence of the increased weight of the terminations, of which more hereafter; thus, also, in the mediopassive. The supposed rep-n-co-fxi has, in effect, the same relation to Tepir-o-fiw and rep-n-o-fxai, as 5/co-/ii to ^tô-fxev and diS-o-fxat. If, however, we prefer, which I should not, to
FIRST PERSON.
607
assume TepTr-o-fxi as the primitive form, the length of repiroi may then be considered as a compensation for the loss of the termination. In any case the medial passive pat, which spreads itself over all classes of verbs, proves that they all have had a m in the active ; for ixai has sprung from fit, as <rat, rai, VTCU, from en, rt, VTI ; and without the presence either of a Tep-nufxt or a Tepiro/xi we could have had no rkp-uo/xai. With regard to the all-prevalent conservation of the character of the first person in the medio-passives, the Greek maintains a conspicuous advantage over its Asiatic cognates, which, in the singular of the middle, as well in the primary as in the secondary forms, has suffered the m to vanish without leaving a trace. If rep-no* be, as it were, amended from the Sanscrit form tarp-a-mi, the mutilated Sanscrit form farpe * may be, in like manner, brought back from the Greek
Tapir-0-fj.at to its original form tarp-d-me, or farp-a-me.
435. We find, in what has been said above, a very remarkable confirmation of the maxim, that the various members of the great family of language now under discussion must of necessity mutually illustrate and explain each other, since the most perfect among them have been handed down to us uncorrupted in every part of their rich organism. For while the ending IIOLI is still extant in all its splendour in the Modern-Greek passive, the corresponding Sanscrit form lay in ruins at that period when the oldest existing sample of Indian literature, the Vedas, was composed, the antiquated language of which has conveyed to us so many other remnants of the primaeval type of the family. On the other hand, Homer, in all the variety of his present and future forms, was compelled to forego the terminating fxi, which was the mother of his fxai, which is the only existing termination in the Sanscrit, and
* Such would be the form of tarpaml in the middle voice, in which, however, it is not used.
608
VEBBS.
which to this day the Lithuanian utters in the following verbs.

LITHUANIAN. SANSCHIT, GREEK.
esmi, " I am," eimi, " I go," dumi, " I give," demi, " I lay," stowmi, " I stand," edmi, " I eat," sMmi, " I sit," giedmi, "1 sing," gelbmi, " I help,"* sfrrgmi, " I guard," sdugmi, " I preserve," mikgmi, " I sleep," liekmi, " I leave,"
=asmi, W" / = imi, = daddmi, = dudhdmi, = tishthdmi, = admi, .... = ni-shiddmi, " I sit down," = gaddmi, " I say," = kalpayumi,"make,prepare?"* . .... - =rahdmi, "forsake? 1 ^
436. We must take into account that in all these verbs the termination fit, as in the Sanscrit second class (. 109a. 3.) and in the verbs which answer to it, such as (pt]fil, eifu, is combined directly with the root. The Old Sclavonic also has rescued, in some verbs of this kind, which we would name the Archaic conjugation, the termination mi, not, indeed, in its original purity, but under the shape of my. Before this my, however, as also in the first person plural before my, and before the sibilant of the second person singular, a radical d is suppressed, which d, before terminations beginning with t, in analogy with the Zend and Greek (. 102.), passes into s. Compare,
* Kalpaydmi, on which the Gothic root halp, " to help" (present hilpa, preterite halp), is probably based, is, in all likelihood, akin to the root kar (kri), " to make." t Compare p. 441. | Jad alone forms an exception, that, in the second and third person dual
FIKST PERSON.
OLD SCLAVONIC.
609
SANSCRIT.
KCMb yesmy, " I am,"

B'MB vyemy, " I know,"
^jftn asmi. %ftl vedmi.

("=!<,(% vidanti. ^Tf>T daddmi. ^^frt dadati.
BtA^TB vyedyaty, " they know," A*Mb damy, " I give," AAA-ftTb dadyaty, " they give," AMb yamy, " I eat," IAAATB yadaty, " they eat,"
^fftt admi. Î^fiT adanti.
Thus also the compound CWfcMb sn-yemy for sn-yamy, "co-
medo," " manduco,"* and u A i b imamy, " I have." The Krainisch deserves special attention in respect of the first person singular, as, without exception, it has preserved the personal m, although with entire renunciation of the i; for instance, delam, " I labour": thus, in Polish, in the first conjugation, as Bandtke has it, czytam, " I read." In Old Sclavonic, however, we find everywhere in the usual conjugation x, and we have already remarked that we recognise, in the latter part of this diphthong, the melting of this personal sign m into a short u sound, which, with the preceding conjugation-vowel, has resolved itself into a, as in Greek TVTITOV<TI from Tinrrovn (. 255. g.). In the same light is to be regarded the Lithuanian M in Mielcke's first and second conjugation; compare suku, " I turn," and perm, " I feed," with the plural suk-a-me, pen-a-me. On the other hand, in verbs like laikau, " I hold," yeszkau, " I seek," myliu, " I love," the u only belongs to the personal sign. It is otherwise with the Old High German u in Grimm's strong and first weak conjugation: in these, u is a weakening of the Gothic a (Vocalismus, p. 227,ff.),and this is itself a shortendual it inserts an e as a connecting vowel; hence, jad-e-ta in contrast to das-ta, vyes-ta. See Kopitar's Glagolita, p. 93. * Is generally used with a future signification. t The Sanscrit preposition sum, Greek aw, has usually lost the nasal, but has preserved it in the above instances.
610
VERBS.
ing of theSanscrit d , and so far corresponding to the Greek w and Latin o (see . 434.). Compare the Gothic bair-a-\ Old
High German bir-u- (piru), with HTjfir bhar-d-mi cj}ep-td-(fu)>
fer-a. The only verb which, in Gothic, has preserved a remnant of the termination jxt, is im, " I am," = ^rfw asmi, &c. In High German, however, the remains of this old termination are more numerous : in our German bin it has to this day rescued itself from total suppression. The Old High German form is bhn, or pirn, a contraction of the Sanscrit bhavdmi, the v of which reappears in the shape of r in the plural birumes. Besides these, the personal sign in Old High German fastens on some other isolated verbs, as on gam, " I go," = *PTIfajagdmi,
(p. Ill); slam, " I stand," =fwsxf*{ tishthdmi, Zend
histdmi, Greek ftm/ju/ (p. Ill) ; tuom, " I do," = Sanscrit ^nfa dadhdmi, " I place," Greek ridrjtxi, fûi'ftl vi-dadhami, "I make"; and, further, on those classes of verbs which exhibit the Sanscrit form aya in the shape of e or d (Grimm's second and third conjugations of the weak form, see . 109a. 6.)
Hence habem (Gothic habci), damndm, and phlanzdm, are
more perfect than the corresponding Latin forms habeo, damno, planto. Yet it is only the oldest monuments which exhibit the m termination : the more modern substitute n. 437. In the secondary forms the expression of the first person singular, in Sanscrit and Zend, is terminated by m without a vowel; and this mutilated ending, which has maintained itself in Latin in preference to the fuller mi (. 431.), has been forced in Greek, by a universal law of sound, to become v; just as we have seen, in the Old High German, the final m of the most ancient examples degenerate into n. Compare eTepn-o-v with atarp-a-m, ediui-v and e&co-v with adadd-m and adn-m ; and further,
i<$o-trjv and So-lrjv with dudh-yum and de-ythn. In the first
Greek aorist the personal sign has vanished ; hence, eeia contrasted with ^tfi^p^ adikshnm. The older edeigav, from
FIRST PERSON.
611
a still older form edetâ/JL, presents itself, however, as out of the resulting medial form ectaa/x->7i'. With respect to the Gothic u for m, we refer the reader to . 432. " Remark.If we have, in the above, dissected atarp-a-m after the fashion of the Greek erepjt-o-v, we must yet observe, that, according to the Indian grammarians, the full termination of the first person singular of the secondary form is not a simple m, but am: it would stand, accordingly, atarpam for atarpdm, from atarp-a-am, and we should have to assume an elision of the intermediate syllable a. In fact, we find the termination am in places where the a cannot, as in atarp-a-m, anas-ya-m, adars-aya-m, be assigned to the class characters (. 109a. 1. 2. 6.); for we form, for instance, out of i, "go," ay-am, not di-m, " I went"; from bru, "speak,' abrav-am or abruv-am, not abrd-m, "I spoke"; and from the syllables nu and u, which are appended to the roots of the fifth and eighth class (. 109a. 4.), in the special tenses spring, not nd-m, 6-m, as we might expect from the present nd-mi, 6-mi, but navam, avam; and thus, for instance, we find ^tfrHlNH, astrinavam, plural ^TCgtRH astrinuma, answering to ecTTopvvv, kfnopwjxev. As the second person in Sanscrit has a simple s, the third a simple t for its sign, and, for instance,
astri-nd-s, astri-ndt-, answer to the Gr. ecTTop-i'Li-f, e<rTop-vv(r);
from thence, as well as from the fact that the Greek also, in the first person, has a simple v, we may deduce that the a of astrinavam is inorganic, and imported from the first conjugation, just as, in Greek, we find for ecnopvv-v also ecnopvv-o-v; and so, in the third person, together with earopvv also ecrropvv-e, to which a Sanscrit astrinav-a-t would correspond. The verbs which unite the personal terminations immediately with roots ending in consonants may have particularly favoured the introduction of an a into the first person; thus,. for instance, to the present vedmi, " I know," no avedm could be opposed ; the personal character must have vanished entirely as in the second and third person, where, instead of
612
VERBS.
avet-s, ave.t-t, by . 94. avU (for avH) is used*or else the aid of an intermediate vowel must have been sought, as the nominal bases terminating in a consonant use am instead of simple m, from whence this termination has passed also over to monosyllabic bases terminating with a vowel; so that ndv-am, for naum, and bhruv-am for bhrum, have the same relation to the Greek vav-v, 6<ppv-v, as we have seen astrhyiv-am (for astrinom) bear to e<nopvv-v. In any case, however, the a has acquired a firm establishment in the first person singular of the secondary forms; and we, perhaps, practically as well as theoretically, best lay down the rule, that where a or a does not precede the terminating m as the property either of a class, a mood, or a root, that letter is introduced: hence we find atarp-a-m, "jjlacabam," adada-m, " dabam," ayd-m, " ibam" (from the root ya), ayu-na-m, " ligabam," (61. 9. see . 109\ 5.), dadya-m, "dem"; but also astri-nav-am, "dernebam," for astri-nd-m; and tarp-ey-am, "placem" (. 43.), for tarpem; tishthe-y-am, "stem," for tisJtfiem, which last would accord more closely with tishthes, "slh"; tinhthet,
" stet"; tishthema, " stemus"; tishtheta, " stdtis."
438. In the Gothic, as we have before remarked (. 432.), the m of the secondary forms has resolved itself into u. This termination, however, has entirely vanished from the Old High German, with the exception of a solitary example, which has preserved the original m in preference to the Gothic u; namely, lirnem, " di.scam" in Kero. In the Lithuanian, both the mutilated m and the fuller ending: mi have degenerated into u, and therefore just as laikau, " I hold," is related to the to be presupposed laik-nm from laikami, so is bmvau to the Sanscrit a-bhuvnm, " I was." With respect to the Sclavonic, I may refer the reader to what has been
* In the second person the form avc-s also holds good with the radical consonant suppressed anil the termination retained, as in the Latin nominative pc-s for petl-s.
FIRST PERSON.
613
said generally on the singular secondary terminations, and to what will follow hereafter on the preterite in particular. 439. With regard to the origin of the termination of the first person, I consider mi to be a weakened form of the syllable ma (compare p. 102), which, in Sanscrit and Zend, lies at the foundation of the oblique case of the simple pronoun as its theme. In the word daddmi, mi has the same relation to the ma in which it originates, as the Latin i bears in compounds like tubiCIN(-cinis), to the true radical form CAN. The secondary form rests on a further weakening of mi to m, which, if it be of most remote antiquity, as would appear from its striking accordance with the sister languages of Europe, still does not belong to those times when the organization of the language was yet flourishing in all its parts, and in full vigour. I do not, at least, believe, that in the youth of our family of languages there was already a double series of personal terminations; but I entertain the conjecture, that, in the course of time, the terminations underwent a polishing process in those places where an accession to the anterior part (in the augment preterites), or an insertion into the interior (in the potential or optative), had given greater occasion for such a process.* The gradual prevalence of the mutilated terminations is illustrated by the fact, that, in Latin, all the plurals end in mus, in Greek in /xev (pes), while in Sanscrit the corresponding form i&^mas only remains in the primary forms, and even in these shews itself not unfrequently in the mutilated form ma, which, in the secondary terminations, has become the rule : hence we have, indeed, tarp-d-mas, sarp-d-mas, and occasionally
tarp-d-ma, &c, corresponding to repTT'0-p.ea; serp-i-mus (. 209a. 1.); but constantly atarp-d-ma, asarp-d-ma, contrasted with erepTt-o-/xes, serpebamus; constantly ds-ma with
* Compare Vocalismus, Rein. J(5.
614
VERBS.
rj(cr)-nes, erdmus, dadyd-ma with SiSolrj-fxes, and tishtM-ma with st&mus. To pass, however, to the explanation of the termination mas, we might conjecture that it should be divided into m-as; that the m should stand as theme, but the as as a plural nominative termination; for mas ends like xn^ padas, yuey like -nodes, and the personal endings always express a nominative relation. It is, however, also possible that the s of mas rests on the same principle as the s of the Zend -v>?yn} yus, " you," for yusmi, and the s of the Sanscrit nas, vas, and Latin iws, vos. Then would ad-mas signify " I and they eat," as we have seen that a-sme was considered a copulative compound with the sense of " I and they" (. 333.). In this view the Veda termination masi, on which rests the Zend mahifor instance, r^lftr dadmasi, .SW.M^Â^ dademahi, "we give"would appear to be a mutilation and weakening of the dependent pronoun sma, or the i of masi as a mutilation of e ( = a + i); and masi (for mase) would thus join itself to asme for masme. The independent asme would have lost the first, and the termination masi the second m. If, 'however, the first supposition be the true one, the i of masi might be compared with the Greek demonstrative /, omitting reference to the difference of quantity.
* . :w.-).nni;. 337.
t As in the expression " we " other companions are more usually attributed to the /than the person or persons addressed, to whom, in fact, things are usually recounted in which they have had no share : and as, moreover, for the idea " we two," in its simple use, a special form is provided, which perhaps existed before other duals; it seems to-me little likely that Pott's conjecture is correct, that the syllable mas of the first person plural properly expressed : ' I and tliou"; and that thus, through the s, the pronoun of the second person was expressed, in the same form in which it appears in the singular of the verb, which in any case we are obliged to derive from the t of /mm, since, by the explanation above, the s is originally given.
FIRST PERSON.
615
440. The Old High German exhibits the first person plural in the very full and perfect shape mes, a3 well in the primary as in the secondary formsi. e. in the indicative and conjunctivewhile the Gothic has in the one merely m, in the other ma. In the Lithuanian we find everywhere me; in the Carniolan mo, for instance, delamo, " we labour'"; but the Old Sclavonic has a naked m or my the latter, however, only in a few verbs, which have, in the singular, my (p. 609) ; for instance, laMbi ya-my, " we eat," =^HTO ad-mas; BfcMbi vye-my, " we know," =f^nr vid-mas. This Sclavonic bi y, for E e or o o, which, according to . 255. a., we might expect would answer to the Sanscrit ^T a, is, I believe, produced by the euphonic influence of the original termination of the form s (compare . 271.). It is more difficult to account for the long e in Old High German, unless Graff (I. 2l) be right in his conjecture, that the termination mes may rest upon the termination, peculiar to the Vedas, masi. We should then have to assume, either that the i which had been dropped from the termination had been replaced by the lengthening of the antecedent vowel (thus mes for mas, as in Gothic e = ^n a, . 69.), or that the i had fallen back into the preceding syllable; for out of at we have, in Old High German, as in Sanscrit, e. In Gothic, we may be surprised that the more mutilated termination m should answer to the fuller Sanscrit termination *ro mas, while the shorter ma of the secondary forms has remained unaltered; thus bair-a-m, " ferimus,"''
contrasted with *re*TCf bhar-d-mas and bair-ai-ma, "'feramus,"
answering to *ji& bhar-4-ma. Probably the diphthong ai, and, in the preterite conjunctive, the long i (written ei, as in bar-ei-ma), was found better able to bear the weight of the personal termination, after the same principle by which the reduplication syllable of the preterite, in the Gothic, has only maintained itself in the long syllabic roots, but has perished in the short. We must consider that the
616
VERBS.
Sanscrit, in the reduplicated preterite has, in like manner, nma, not TO mas; hut the Gothic, in this place, does not share the termination ma with the Sanscrit, hutas I believe, for the sake of the shortness of the antecedent vowel has a simple m; hence, for instance, bund-u-m, " we bound," answering to H(VPT babandh-i-ma. 441. In the dual, the Sanscrit has vas in the primary forms, and va in the secondary, in analogy with the plural mas, ma. The difference between the dual and the plural is, however, so far an accidental one, in that, as we have before observed (. 434.), the dual v is a corruption of m. This difference is, nevertheless, of remote antiquity, and existed before the individualization of the German, Lithuanian, and Sclavonic, which all participate in this peculiar dual form. The Lithuanian universally has ica, the Old Sclavonic, together with BA va, an inorganic B* Vye (p. 417): but the Gothic has three forms, and the most perfect in the conjunctive, where, for instance, bair-ai-vn has the same relation to >ft3 bhar-e-va, as, in the plural, bair-ai-ma to >n^ bhar-e-ma. The reason why the dual ending, in this position, has maintained itself most completely, plainly lies, as in the case of the plural, in the antecedent diphthong, which has felt itself strong enough to bear the syllable va. In the indicative present, however, the long a which, in the Sanscrit bhar-d-vas, precedes the personal termination, has, in the Gothic, shortened itself, in all probability, as, in the plural, bair-n-m, and, in the Greek, (pep-o-nes, contrasted with bhar-d-mas: then, how. ever, v has permitted itself to be extinguished, and out of baira(y)as, by a union of both the vowels, bairos has been <?enerated, as o, in Gothic, is the long form of a (. 69.); and hence, in the nominative plural masculine of the a class, in like manner 6s is produced out of a + as, so that, for instance, vn/nis, " men," answers to the Sanscrit i'iras, " heroes" (out of rira-as.) In the indicative preterite we
FIRST PERSON.
G17
cannot expect to meet with 6s, as this tense has for its connecting vowel not a but u ; nor can we expect to meet with u-va, since va, like the plural ma, can be borne only by diphthongs or long vowels. The next in turn is u-v, as analogous to the plural u-m. At the end of a word, however, v is subject, where preceded by a short vowel, to be changed into u. Hence, for instance, thiu, " servum" (for thiv), from the base THIVA; and thus, also, from u-v, first u-u, and next long u, may have been generated, by the compression of the two short vowels into one long. I therefore hold the u of magu, " we two can," siyu, " we two are," the only evidence for the form under discussion,* to be long, and write magu, siyu, as contractions of magu-u, siyu-n, from mag-u-v, siy-u-v. Should, however, the u of this termination be neither long nor the modern contraction of an originally long u, it would then be identical with that which stands as a connecting vowel in mag-u-ts, mag-u-m, or it would be explainable as magu from magva, siyu from siyva. Independently, however, of the phonetic impossibility of the last mentioned form, the immediate annexation of the personal ending to the root is incredible, because the first dual person would thus present a contrast scarcely to be justified to the second, and to all those of the plural, as well as to the most ancient practice of this tense. In Zend I know no example of the first person dual. 442. Of the medial terminations I shall treat particularly hereafter. The following is a summary view of the points of comparison we have obtained for the first person of the transitive active form.
* As mug is throughout inflected as a preterite, and also the verh substantive in both plurals, Grimm has, certainly with justice, deduced the form of the first dual person of all the preterites from the foregoing instances. Ss
618
SANSCRIT. ZEND. GREEK. la-Tilii,
VEKBS.
SINGULAR.
LATIN. StO, GERMAN. LITH. OLD SCLAV.
tiskthami, daddmi, asmi, bharami, vahdmi, tishtlieyam, dadydm, (a)sydm, bhareyam, avaham,
histami, dadhdmi,2 dhmi, bardrni, vazami, .... daidhyanmf hyanm 1 .... vazem,
*stdm, im, baira,
SiSa>/n, do, sum, fero, veho, i<rTair]v) stem, SiSoirjv, dem, k{a)ir\v, stem,
stowmi, dumi, esmi, wezu,*
stoyu.1 damy. yesmy. vecu.
siyau, weziau,
fferam, bairau, vehebam,

DUAL.
tishthdvas dadvas, bhardvas, vahdvas, bhareva, vaheva, avtthdva, tishthdmas, tishthdviasi," dadmas,
dadmasi,
u
.... .... .... .... ....

PLURAL.
.... stovAwa, stoiva. .... dadawa,1 dadeva. bairos, .... .... vigos, wezawa, veêva. bairaiva,6 . . . . .... wigaiva,s .... ve(yeva.9 ., .. wezeica," . . . .
.... Mstdmahi, .... St'Sojues,

dademahi, . . . bardmahi, . . . . vazdmahi, histaema, daidhydma, baraema, vazaema, vazdmai
stamus,
damus,
*stdmes,
stowime,
stoim.
dudame,"1 damy}bairam, vlgam,

. . . . . . . . . . . bairaima,'* vigaima,11 . . . . ... wezcme,
3
10
bhardmas, bhardmasi," vahdmas, vahdmasi,11 tishthema, dadydnia, bharema, vahema, avahdma,

1
:s, ferimus, , vehimus,
wezame,
vefom. stoim. 3 dascJidymy, '

. . . . regyem.9 . . . .
l<rTa!r]ixes,stmus, 5i3o?i)/ue?, demus, êpoijues, ferdmus, e'xoijues, <ax/u,

2
vehdmus, vehebamus
See . 255. g. See . 39. If J x o ? , for Fo'Xos, be related to e'x, then e'x<o also stands for Ft'xw, and belongs to vahdmi and veho. T h e signification, also, of movement in the compounds avexa, Siex": ei/t'xw, & c , is plainly perceivable ; then the Sanscrit root vah signifies.
* Stdm and chimes belong to the Old High German, the other forms to the Gothic.
FIRST PERSON.
619
also, " to bear," " tragen," from which we easily arrive at the idea of " having." In the Greek, however, it seems that, in this verb, two roots of distinct origin have intermixed themselves, namely, "EX = ^jj'aA, and 2XE (SXH) = ^ n r sah, " to bear," with transposition of the root vowel, as in j3e^rjKa, as related to BAA. If, however, e'x and try!]- belong to one root, the first must then stand for <e & , with the loss of the <r. rx > We must not, however, consider the spiritus asper of ?, and of similar forms, as a substitute for the <r, as it is very satisfactorily explained by 4 . 104. In p. 213 of my Glossary I have made the Sanscrit vah correspond to the Gothic vagyan, " to set in motion"; but this vagya belongs, like the Lithuanian vaz-6-yu, to the causal vahayami (. 109a. G.) : the primitive of vagya has weakened in the present the root vowel to i (p. 100), and only appears in connection with the preposite ga (ga-vi-ga, ga-vag). In the Lithuanian, the a ofwazoyu, " I ride in a carriage," rests on the long a of the Sanscrit vahayami; the e of ween on the short a oivahdmi. 5 Though, at the beginning of the Vendidad, (Olshausen's edition,) the form daidyanm belong to the Sanscrit root dim, "to place"which, if not by itself, at least in conjunction with i^vi, has the meaning " to make," " t o create" still we deduce this much from daidyanm, that it is also derivable from da, " to give": unless the y has exercised no aspirating power on the antecedent d, and thus would necessarily come daidyanm. On the roots Mia da, =^\da, " t o give," and AMJ da =1JT dha, " t o place," compare Buruouf's pregnant Note 217 to the Yacna (p. .336), and Fr. Wmdisehmari's 6 excellent critique in the Jena Literar. Zeit. July 1834. p. 143. See
7 . 430. Or, without reduplication, duwa, as the analogue of the singular dumi, together with which, also, a redoubled form, but wanting the mi termination, is extant. " See . 441. '' See . 255. e. 10 See Mielcke, p. 100.18. ' Veda dialect, see . 439. >2 See I3 . 440. Euphonic for dadymy, see Dobrowsky, pp. 39 and 539. ' 4 See . 440, 441.
SECOND PERSON.
443. The Sanscrit pronominal base tva or tvd (. 326.) has, in its connection with verbal themes, split itself into various forms, the t either remaining unaltered, or beinw modified to th or dh, oras in Greek, crv has degenerated into sthe v has either been maintained or removed, the a has either remained unaltered or been weakened to i, or altogether displaced. The complete ss2
620
VERBS.
pronominal form shews itself in the middle voice, as this affects weightier terminations, and therefore has guarded more carefully against the mutilation of the pronoun, upon the same principle as that in which, in Sanscrit, the verbal forms which take Guna admit no irregular mutilations of the roots. For it is natural that a form which loves strengthening should at least, under circumstances which prevent that process, repudiate the contrary extreme of mutilation. Hence we say, for example, asmi, " I am," with the root undiminished, because the latter would accept Guna in the singular, if a would admit of Guna ;* but we say, in the dual svas, in the plural smas, in the potential syam, because the two plural numbers and the entire potential refuse all Guna exaltation, and hence, consistently, all radical mutilation. After the same principle, the pronoun of the second person shews itself in its most complete shape in the
* Upon Guna and Vriddhi see . 26. 29. I may here append, in justification of . 29., what I have already indicated in my Vocalismus (p ix), that I no longer seek the reason why a is incapable of Guna, although it may be compounded into long a with an antecedent o, in the supposition that Guna and Vriddhi were identical in the case of afor a + a, as well as a -\-a, give dbut in this, that a, as the weightiest vowel, in most of the cases in which i and u receive Guna, is sufficient of itself, and hence receives no increment, according to the same principle by which the long vowels ? and in most places remain unaltered where an a precedes ;' or it (Gramm. Grit. . 34.). It is, moreover, only an opinion of the grammarians, that u has no Guna : the fact is, that a in the Guna, as in the Vriddhi degree, becomes it, but on account of its weight seldom uses this capability. Vf hen, however, this happens, I and n for the most part, in the same situation, have only Guna; for instance, bibheda, " he clave," from bhid, together with jat/<hna,u]\c went," from yam. It is, however, natural, that where so great an elevation is required as that i and it become, not c, o ( = + /, a + u), but ii, Cm, in such a case a should exert the only power of elevation of which it is capable: hence, for instance, we have mCumva, ' descendant < l Mann," iVom mnnn, as .1'iivn from siru, and kain-an/a from > kuru.
SECOND PERSON.
621
middle voice, namely, in the plural, where the primary forms end in dhve, and the secondary in dhvam, and, in the imperative singular, where the termination sva has indeed allowed the T sound to vanish intos, but has yet preserved the v of tvam, " thou." As we shall have hereafter to consider the medial forms in particular, we now turn to the transitive active form. This has nowhere completely preserved the semi-vowel of the base tva, yet I believe I recognise a remnant of it in the th, which stands in the primary forms, as well in the dual as in the plural, and, in the reduplicated preterite, also in the singular. On the other hand, the secondary forms, as they generally have blunter terminations, so also they have, in the two plurals, the pure tenuis; hence, for instance, tishthe-ta, io-TatijTe, opposed to tishtha-tha, 'tcnore; and, in the dual, tishthetam, I'cTTatrjTov, opposed to tishtathas, UTTCITOV. We see
from this, that, in Sanscrit, the aspirates are heavier than the tenues or the medials; for they are the union of the full tenuis or medial, with an audible h (. 12.), and tishthatha must then be pronounced tisht-hat-ha ; and I think that I recognise in the h of the termination the dying breath of the v of tvam. 444. The above examples shew that the full termination of the second person, in the dual present, is thas, and, in the plural, tha: we have, however, seen the dual, in the nominative, arise from the strengthening of the plural terminations (. 206.). As, however, the personal terminations, being pronominal, stand in the closest connection with the noun, it might be assumed, that the second person plural in the verb was once thas, and that the dual termination thas had developed itself from this ; but that, in the lapse of time, the s had escaped from the thas, and the long vowel from the dual thas. We must consider that even, in the first person, the s of mas has but a precarious tenure, as, even in the primary forms, we often meet with ma. If,
622
VERBS.
however, in the second person plural, thas originally stood, the Latin Us corresponds well to it, and it would confirm Thiersch's conjecture, derived from the hiatus, that in Homer, instead of re the termination re<r may have stood as analogous to juecr (Third Edition, . 163.). As to the origin of the s of the termination thas, it is without doubt identical with that of mas in the first person: it is thus either to be divided as th-as, and as to be explained as a plural nominative termination, or the s of tha-s is a remnant of the dependent pronoun sma (. 439); as also, in an isolated situation, yu-shme, " you," stands approximate to a-sme, " we." If the latter assumption be correct, possibly in the m of the secondary dual termination tarn we may recognise the second consonant of sma; so that this dependent pronoun has suffered a twofold mutilation, surrendering at one time its m, at another its s. In this respect we may recur to a similar relation in the Lithuanian dual genitives mumu, yurnu, opposed to the plural locatives musttsp, ynsuse (. 176.). As, however, the secondary forms, by rule, are deduced by mutilation from the primary, we might stillwhether the first or the second theory be the true one of the termination thasdeduce the duller m from the livelier concluding s; as also in Greek, in the primary forms, we find TOV, from *nr thas; as, in the first person, /uev from mas, yue?, and, in the Prakrit, 1 h'n) from the Sanscrit fW^ bin's (. 97.). Thus, % also, may the dual case-termination W P bhyi'un have arisen T^ from the plural bhyns originally by a mere lengthening of the vowel (see . 215.), but later the concluding s may have degenerated into m. 415. While the Greek already, in the primary form, has allowed the s of the dual ending thas to degenerate into v, in the Gothic the ancient s has spread itself over primary and secondary forms ; and we are able to deduce from this a, new proof, that where, in Sanscrit, in the second
SECOND PERSON.
623
person dual, a nasal shews itself, this did not arise out of s till after the separation of languages. The a which preceded the s has, however, escaped from the Gothic, and, in fact, in pursuance of an universal law, by which a before a terminating s of a polysyllable is either entirely extinguished, or weakened to i. The first of these alternatives has occurred; and thus ts answers to the Sanscrit thas, as, in the nominative singular of the bases in a, vulfs answers to the Sanscrit vrikas and Lithuanian wilkas.
Compare bair-a-ts with *KH{^ bar-a-thas, (frep-e-rov, and further, bair-ai-ts with rilPT bhar-6-tam, <pep-oi-rov. The Scla-
vonian has been compelled, according to . 225. I., to give up the terminating consonant of the termination in question ; the Lithuanian has been inclined to do so : both, in fact, make ta correspond to the T!J^ thas of the Sanscrit primary forms, as well as to the w^ tarn of the secondary. Comp. the Sclavonic AACTA das-ta (see . 436.), the Lithuanian dus-ta or duda-ta, " you two give," with ^ r ^ dat-thas,
<$I8O-TOV
; AAJRA*>TA dashdy-ta,* "you two should give;" rfHTFT^ dadya-tam, Sidolr/rov; and Lithuanian dudo-ta, " you
two gave," with ^T^!P^ adat-tam, edlSo-rov. 446. In the Zend, I know no example of the second dual person ; but that of the plural runs as in the Sanscrit primary forms, Mbtha,' and in the secondary AJ^ ta. The Greek, Latin, and Sclavonic have everywhere re, TE, te ; the Latin has in the imperative alone weakened its Us to te
* . 442. 13. Dobrowsky does not cite any dual: it is plain, however, from the plural daschdyte, that the dual, if it be used, cannot sound otherwise than as given in the text. t In the Zend we might explain thu aspiration, according to . 47., as a remaining effect of the earlier v : as, however, in Sanscrit, the semi-vowel is entirely free from this influence, we prefer for both .languages the conjecture put forward p. 612, that the h contained in th is the real representative of the v.
624
VERBS.
(. 444.). The Gothic has everywhere th, with the terminating vowel polished away: this th is, however, in my opinion, neither to be identified with the Sanscrit-Zend th of the primary forms, nor to be explained by virtue of the usual law of displacement by which th is required for the older t; but very probably the Gothic personal termination, before it lost the end vowel, was da. The Gothic, in fact, affects, in grammatical terminations, or suffixes between two vowels, a d for the original t, but willingly converts this d, after the suppression of the concluding vowel, into th (see . 91.). On the Gothic d here mentioned rests also the High German t (. 87.), by a displacement which has thus brought back the original tenuis : hence we find, for instance, Old High German, u-py-a-t, answering to the Latin veh-i-tis, Greek ej^-e-re (p. 618. 3.), Lithuanian wez-a-te, Old Sclavonic BEÊTE ve(-e-te, Sanscrit WlfJ vah-a-tha, Zend A<3ASJA>(? vaz-a-iha, and presupposing in Gothic an older viyid for vigith. 447. We now turn to the singular. The primary forms have here, in Sanscrit, the termination ftt si, and the secondary only ^ s. Out of si, however, under certain conditions, frequently comes shi (. 21.), which has also been preserved in the Zend, which has changed the original si to hi.; as J>.MAJJ bavahi and JWM ahi, " thou art," opposed to >T^ftt bhavasi, ^rftf asi (for as-si) ; but J ^ U - ^ / g ^ kerenilishi, " thou makest," opposed to ^pnftfa krinoshi, as kri, according to the fifth class (. 109*. 4.), would form. In the secondary forms, according to . 56 ., the concluding sibilant, with a preceding AJ a, has become \ 6, and, with A <}, JJUJ ad, but M after other vowels has remained; hence ^ 7 ^ frasrdvm/6, " thou spakest," opposed to TnWWI but AW<WA)79 mrads* " thou spakest," opposed to ^fwftr ubros,
* I write MiiiM?^ purposely, ami render k by u, because I now find myself compelled to adopt the renmrks of Buruouf, founded on the best
SECOND PEHSON.
625
for which irregularly ^ra^Nt abravis (Gramm. Crit. . 352.). Among the European cognate languages, the Old Sclavonic takes decided precedence for the fidelity and consistency with which it has preserved the primary termination si or shi, and so distributed them that the first has remained in the archaic conjugation, the latter in all the others. I
and oldest manuscripts (Yacna, pp. lvii. lviii.), that 4i as well as î stands for the Sanscrit ^ft; the first, however, only for the initial and medial, and always accompanied by the new Guna (. 26.)thus always WAJ for an initial and medial ^ft,and the latter only for a terminating ^ft and without the appendage of AJ ; as also before up $ at the end of a word no AJ a is inserted. As a medial letter, ip appears sometimes as the representative of the Sanscrit ^T a, and is then produced by the influence either of an antecedent v or b {v?$$igi) uboyo for ^fcpffar ubhayds, p. 277), or it represents in the diphthong jip Si, the a element of the Sanscrit ij S ( = a + i). As, however, y in the purest texts prefers a penultimate position, it would seem that, in point of origin, it is the solution of the syllable ^ m as, as this terminating syllable, in Sanscrit, becomes 6 only before sonants, in Zend always (. 56b.). Yet I do not believe that it has been the intention of the Zend speech or writing to distinguish the Guna ^ 6, i. e. the 6 which springs from ^ u with a inserted before it, from that which springs from ^sra as, by vocalization of the s to u; for each 6 consists of a + u, and upon the value and the pronunciation the question whether the u or the o element had precedence can have no influence, or whether an a was thrust before the u or a u after the a. The position of a vowel in a word may, however, well have an influence on its value; and it is conceivable that the concluding 6, kept pure from the Guna o, appeared more important than that which, at the beginning or middle of a word, received the accession of an a. If the crude forms in u, in Zend as in Sanscrit, had Guna in the vocative (. 205.), the concluding Guna ^ft would also, as I believe, be represented in Zend by ty and not by AIAJ. I can, however, as it is, discover no reason why a concluding =jft in Sanscrit, produced by Guna out of u, should be represented in Zend in the one way oi* the other.
626
VERBS.
subjoin the verbs of the archaic conjugation, with several examples of the more usual, for comparison with the Sanscrit.
OLD SCLAVONIC. SANSCRIT.
yesi, " es, ^Tre asi. ^Tftt daddsi. dasi,1 "das" yasi,1 " edis," wfw atsi. vyesi,' " novisli," %fw vetsi. niEuiH pieshi, "bibis," ftt^ftT pivasi. q'iErnn chieshi, " quiescis," %^ seshe. srnyeyeshi(sja), "rides" OTli smayasL ii/eyeshi, " flas," Trftf vdsi. IH ^nayeshi, "novisti," TT?nf*< jdndsi. EOHiim boishi(sya), " times," 'f^tfk bibheshi. dyeyeshi, "facis" ^Vlftf dadhdsi. schiveshi, " r i m , " afNftf jwasi. padeshi, " cadis," Mrifw patasi. veêshi, " vehis," ^?ftr vahasi. spishi, " dormis," ^ftrfk svapishi. recheshi, " dicis," ^^ftf vachasi. tryases]u(sja), " fremis," ^^ftf trasasi. byedeshi, "afffigis," fûjftt vidhyasi. HECEUJH w'seshi, "fers," T'llftt nayasi.' 8 gubeshi, " vocas," SHlftl hrayasi. dereshi, " excoris" S'HTTftr drindsi, " laceras." proshishi, "precari?," >j^[ftt prichchhasi, " interrogas." :o gndishi, " vituperas," 7T?fftr gadasi, " loqueris" CAbiuiMinii shjshislii, " audis,"" ^Jjftf^ srinoshi. 1 ^venishi, "sonas,A ^Tftr xriinasi. pudishi, "pellis," qiîrfa pddayasi'.12 vartishi, "verlis," ^"ftl rartasi. hudishi, " crpergefacis," tfttpjftf bodhayasi. smischisi, " nictaris," fcmfa mishasi.
See . 4.';. - Compuiv IliiBu ,,/ TOj " licer." ' A middle
SECOND PERSON.
627
4 Acform, which is replaced in Sclavonic by the appended reflective. cording to the ninth class (. 109". 5.), but with irregular suppression of the n of the root jnd, which in the second class would form jndsi, to which 5 the Sclavonic form approaches more closely. Dha, " to place," obtains, through the preposition vi, the meaning " to make" (compare . 442., Rem. 5). Perhaps the Carniolan root delam, " I work," is based on this root, so that it would stand for dedam (. 17.), retaining the reduplication which is peculiar to the Sanscrit and Greek verb, as also the Lithuanian dedu and demi. Observe the -favourite interchange between v and r or I (. 20. and . 409., Rem. t ) ; on this perhaps rests the relation of the inseparable preposition flAs rawhich in several compounds corresponds in sense to the Latin dis (Dobr. p. 422, &c.)to the Sanscrit ^ffni vahis, " outer," for ^ h is frequently represented by the Sclavonic 2 f, as in Zend by ?%; e.g. in ^jTtfJT vahdmi, JÂXJJAJIJ vazami, BEDS w{u. The Sanscrit vahis, however, is found in Sclavonic in another form besides this, viz. with the v hardened to b; hence BED he{, "without"; in verbal combinations b{ and bo{ (Dobr. p. 413, &c.) 7 I have no doubt of the identity of the Sclavonic root nes and the Sanscrit n?, which agree in the meaning "to bring"; and in many passages in the Episode of the Deluge the Sanscrit ni may be very well rendered by " to carry." With reference to the sibilant which is added in Sclavonic observe, also, the relation of the root slys, " to hear," to the Sanscrit s'ru 8 and Greek KAY. In the infinitive {bati and preterite {bach the
Sclavonic form of the root resembles very strikingly the Zend Jj,}j.\5jf zbayemi, a complex but legitimate modification of the Sanscrit hvaydmi 9 (^. 42. 57.). The root is properly dar, according to the Grammarians ^ dfi, and jjrr nd (euphonic for no) the character of the ninth 10 class (. 109". 5.). Compare Vocalismus, p. 179. Remark the Zend form JWAJJ3C7CQ) pere'sahi. In Russian s-prosity means " to carry." 11 Irregularly for srunoshi, from the root sru, with the character of the !2 fifth class (. 109". 4.), and n euphonicfor n (comp. Rem.7-). The causal form of pad, " to go." The Sclavonic has u for a, according to . 255. /*. The Latin pello appears to me to belong to this root, with exchange of d for / (. 17.), to which a following y may have assimilated itselfas, in Greek, &Kho<; from ahyosas a remnant of the causal character ^(T[ aya (. 374.).
448. The Lithuanian has, in common with the Greek, preserved the full termination si only in the verb substantive, where es-si and the Doric ecr-ai hold out a sisterly hand to
628
VERBS.
each other. In other cases the two languages appropriate the syllable in question so that the Lithuanian retains everywhere the i, the Greek, in concordance with the Latin and Gothic the s. Compare the Lithuanian dud-i with the Sanscrit dadd-si, Sclavonic da-si, Greek 5/w-f, and Latin das. Just as dudh-i has suppressed its radical vowel before that of the termination, so in Mielcke's first and second conjugation is the connecting vowel removed, while the third and fourth form a diphthong of it with i, as in the first person with the u; hence wez-i for weze-i, opposed to the Sanscrit vah-a-si, Zend vaz-a-ki, Sclavonic vez-e-si, Latin veh-is, Gothic vig-ls (. 109\ 1.), Greek e^-eif, and its own plural vez-e-ie, as dtida-te opposed to dudh-i; but yessk-a-i, "thou seekest," analogous to the first person yessk-a-u. In the Greek, however, the i of the second person in the conjugation in ut has hardly been lost entirely, but has very probably retired back into the preceding syllable. As, for instance, yevereipa out of yeverepta = Sanscrit janitri; /xiXaiva out of /xeXavia (. 119.),
/xeio>v, yeipoiv, ajxeivuiv, for /xefjcoi', &c. (. 300.); so also
Tepn-ei-s out of rep-n-e-ai = Sanscrit tarp-a-si. Or are we to assume, that in Greek the i has exercised an attractive force similar to that in Zend (. 41.), and accordingly the antecedent syllable has assimilated itself by the insertion of an i, so that repTtets is to be explained as arising from an older form repiteiai ? I think not, because of the i forms extant now in Greek, no one exhibits such a power of assimilation, and, for instance, we find -yet'ecr;?, repevi, jj.e\avi, not ycveuris, &c. The power which is not attached to the living i is hardly to be ascribed to the dead. 449. The Lithuanian carries over the i of the primary forms also to the secondary, at least to the preterite, or has brought it back by an inorganic path to this place, whicli it must have originally occupied ; so that, for instance, biui'id corresponds to the Sanscrit u-bliav-a,t, "thou wast." On the other hand, in the Sclavonic the secondary forms
SECOND PEKSON.
629
are without any personal sign of distinction, since the terminating s of the cognate languages has been compelled to yield to the universal law of suppression of terminating consonants (. 255. I). Hence, for instance, the imperatives A * * A H dashdi, " give," BEg* ve(ye, " drive," answering to the Sancrit dadyds, vahes, Zend daidyao (. 442., observ. 5, and . 56".), vazois, Greek SiSotys, e%pis, Latin des, vehds, Gothic vigais. 450. There remain two isolated singular terminations which require our consideration, ftj dhi and nj tha. The first is found in Sanscrit in the imperative of the second principal conjugation, which answers to the Greek conjugation in fxt; the latter in the reduplicated preterite of verbs in general. The termination dhi has, however, split itself into two forms; inasmuch as, in ordinary language, consonants alone have the power to bear the full dhi, but behind vowels all that remains of the dh is the aspiration; hence, for instance, bliahi, " shine," pd-hi, " rule," in contrast to ad-dhi, " eat," vid-dhi, " know," vng-dhi, " speak," yung-dhi, " bind." That, however, dhi originally had universal prevalence, may be inferred from the fact, that in Greek the corresponding 6i spreads itself over consonants and vowels, since we find not
only i'(T-di, KeKpa^St, avu>-)(dt, ire-neicrdi, but also <pddi, 't'di, crrfjdi,
&c.: furthermore from this, that in Sanscrit, also, many other aspirates have so far undergone mutilation, that nothing but the breathing has remained; inasmuch as, for instance, the root dim, " to lay," forms hita in the participle passive; and the dative termination hhyam in the pronominal first person, although at an extremely remote period, has been mutilated to hyam (. 215.): finally from this that in more modern dialects also, in many places, a mere h is found where the Sanscrit still retains the full aspirated -consonant, as also the Latin opposes its humus to the Sanscrit bhumi. The opinion I have founded on other grounds, that it is not the ending hi which, as the original, has strengthened itself to dhi after consonants, but, conversely, dhi, which, after vowels, has uiu-
630
VERBS.
tilated itself to hi* has been since confirmed by evidence drawn from the Veda dialect, which I have brought to the aid of the discussion; inasmuch as in this it is true the mutilated form hi is already extant, but the older dhi has not retired so far to the rear as not to be permitted to connect itself also with vowels. Thus, in Rosen's Specimen of the Rig Veda (p. 6) the form shru-dhi, "hear thou," answers remarkably to the Greek K\V6IA The Zend also gives express confirmation to my theory, in that it never, as far as is yet known, admits of the form hi, or its probable substitute 1$ zi (. 97.), but proves that at the period of its identity with the Sanscrit the T sound had never escaped from the ending dhi. In Zend, in fact, wefind,wherever the personal ending is not altogether vanished, either dhi or di; for instance, j ^ j p > stuidhi, " praise thou," for the Sanscrit >> ^jjfir stuhi; JQJ_^)^7^ kerenuidhi, " make thou," for the word, deprived of its personal ending, 'aggkrwu; -*cS-_^ daz-dhi, "give thou" (for \f^dehi), euphonic for dad-hi, inasmuch as T sounds before other T sounds pass into sibilants (compare iTeircKT-di, . 102.): to soft consonants, however, as Burnouf has shewn, the soft sibilants z and <o sch alone cord respond.! For J(2^JA^ dazdhi we find, also, J$JMI$ daidi, for instance, Vend. S. p. 422; but I do not recollect to have met elsewhere with di for dhi. 451. How much, in Sanscrit, the complete retention of the termination fv dhi depends on the preceding portion of the word, we see very clearly from this, that the character of the fifth class (nu, . 109a. 4.) has preserved the mutilated form hi only in cases where the u rests against two antecedent consonants; for instance, in dpnuhi, "obtain," from dp
* See Gramm. Crit. .104. and Addenda to . 315. t Compare Rosen's Remark on this termination, 1. c. p. 22.B. retention of ftj after a vowel is found also in the JSJahabharataas "put away," "discard."Wt Yacna LXXXVI. ff. and CXXI. ff.
The
SECOND PERSON.
631
(compare ad-ipiscor). Where, however, the u is preceded only by a simple consonant, it is become incapable of bearing the hi ending; hence, for instance, chinu, " collect," from the root chi. In this mutilated form the Sanscrit goes along with the corresponding verbal class in the Greek, where deiKvv, according to appearance, is in like manner without personal ending. This coincidence is, however, fortuitous, as each of the languages has arrived independently at this mutilated form subsequently to their separation. Nor is the Greek SeiKvv entirely without termination, but, as I conjecture, the / of the ending 81 lies concealed in the v; for instance, datvvTO, (II. xxiv. 665) from Saivviro. It is not requisite, therefore, to derive SetKvv from the w conjugation, and to consider it as a contraction from SetKvve; and thus, also, ridei, not from TtBee but from Ttderi, the T being rejected, as ivinei from TvnreTi, followed out from TinrreTat, and as Kepa, from Kepari ; thus, also, tori; (for tarri) from "uTa{6)i, as Movar/ from Movcrat, Koyw from \6yoi (compare O'IKOI). If, also, 8(Sou be the contraction of SiSoe, we find near it, in Pindar, the dialectic form of StSoi, which admits very well a derivation from SiSo(8)t.* 452. As the 7 a of the fifth class, where it is not preceded by two consonants, has lost the capacity for supporting the personal ending dhi or hi; thus, also, the short a of the first chief conjugation, both in Sanscrit and Zend, has proved too weak to serve as a support to dhi or hi, and has laid them aside, as would appear, from the remotest period, as the corresponding Greek conjugation, namely, that in OJ, and the Latin and Germanic conjuga-
* The relation of SiSoi to Si'Sov is essentially different from that which exists between rinrrouri, rvirroiaa, and TVITTOV<TI, TVHTOVVO. ; for here, as in fte\aK for ê'Aa?, out of ,ueAavs, and analogous cases, the , represents a nasal, which, in the ordinary language, has been melted down to v, but also, in rifleis for nOen, has become <. On the other hand, SlSov and St'Sot do not rest on different modifications of a nasai.
632
VERBS.
tions, collectively dispense with the personal termination. The Germanic simple (strong) conjugation also surrenders the connecting vowel; hence viy for viga, Sanscrit vah-a, Zend vaz-a, Latin vehê, Greek e%-e. 453. We now turn to the termination *r tha, of which it has already been remarked, that it'is, in the singular, peculiar to the reduplicated preterite. In the Zend I know no certain evidence of this termination; yet I doubt not that there, also, its prevalence is pervading, and that in a passage of the Izeshne (V. S. p. 311), in which we expect a fuller explanation through Neriosengh's Sanscrit translation, the expression AjCuwQjJjjAiJi fra-dadhdtha can mean nothing else than " thou gavest," as the representative of the Sanscrit pra-daddta (. 47.); for in the second person plural, after the analogy of the Sanscrit and the Zend first person dademahi (. 30.), the & of the root must have been extinguished, and I expect here AJÔJJAJ^ dal-ta for AJGJJAJJ das-tha, insomuch as in the root A SC Ithd, U^ M answering to the Sanscrit root WT sthd (compare p. Ill), so universally, in Zend, the Sanscrit îh has laid aside its aspiration after JJ s. Among the European cognate languages the Gothic comes the nearest to the aboriginal grammatical condition, in so far that, in its simple (strong) preterite, it places a t as a personal sign, without exception, opposite to the Sanscrit tha, which t remains exempt from suppression, because it is always sustained by an antecedent consonant (compare . 91.): we might otherwise expect to find a Gothic th answering to the Sanscrit th, yet not as an unaltered continuation of the Sanscrit sound, but because ^ th is a comparatively younger letter (compare p. C:2l), to which the Greek T corresponds, and to this
* Bumouf, in his able collection of the groupes of consonants ascertained to exist in flic Zend, lms not admitted the composite <3M ith (fth), but only ÔJJ st (f<) (Vend. S. p. oxxxviii).
SECOND PERSON.
633
latter the Gothic th. If, however, the Greek, in its termination da, appears identical with the Sanscrit "T tha, this 5 appearance is delusive, for in an etymological point of view 0 = *j dh (. 16.). While, however, this rule holds good elsewhere, in the case above, d is generated by the antecedent s, on the same principle as that which, in the medio-passive, converts every T of an active personal termination, after the pre-insertion of cr, into 6. As to the origin of the a which constantly precedes the ending 6a, I have now no hesitation, contrary to an earlier opinion,* in referring it to the root in rjcrda and otcrda, and in dividing them fj<T-da, oicr-da (for oi$-6a). The first answers to the Sanscrit ds-i-tha, for which we may expect ds-tha, without the connecting vowel, which has perhaps remained in the Veda dialect. If this treatment and comparison, however, be unsound, then is ycr-da also a remnant of the perfect, to which also belongs the first person fja for fjua = Sanscrit asn, and the ending da thus stands in qcrda in its true place: just so, also, in oicr-da, answering to the Sanscrit vet-tha (for ved-thu), "thou knowest," Gothic vais-t for vait-t (. 102.), and very probably to the Zend vaesh-ta (see p. 94). The root ftf^ vid has the peculiarity, demonstrated by comparison with the cognate languages to be of extreme antiquity, of placing the terminations of the reduplicated preterites, but without reduplication, with a present signification: hence, in the first praeterite, veda (not vivedd), answering to the Greek oiSa for FolSa, and Gothic vatt. In ySeivda or tfStjada, I recognise, as in all plusquam perfects, with Pott, a pei'iphrastic construction, and consider, therefore, his eicrda or rjcrda as identical with the simple rjcrda. "Heicrda is, as to form, a plusquam perfect: nevertheless, to the Sanscrit first augmented preterite ayam, dyas, correspond rjiov, ij'ies. In efquda, however, and in dia-
Annals of Oriental Literature, p. 41.

T T
634
VERBS.
lectical forms like edehycrda, the termination 8a appears to me unconscious of its primitive destination, and, habituated by rjada and CUT-da to an antecedent <r, to have fallen back upon the personal sign 2, which was ready to its hand. 454. In the Latin, sti corresponds to the Sanscrit termination tha, with a weakening of the a to i, and the pre-insertion of an s, which has even intruded itself into the plural, where the s is less appropriate. On which account I consider it as a purely euphonic addition. Compare, for example
LATIN. SANSCRIT.
dedi-sti, steti-sti, momord-i'fiti, tuiud-i-sti, peped-i-sti, proposc-i-sti,
dadi-tha or dadd-tha. tasthi-tha or tastha-tha. mamard-i-tha, " thou crushedst." tutod-i-tha, " thou woundedst.1" papard-i-tha. paprachch-i-tha, " thou askedst."
The Latin has preserved the ancient condition of the language more faithfully than the Greek in this respect, that it has not allowed the termination in question to overstep the limits of the perfect. The Lithuanian and Sclavonic have allowed the reduplicated preterite, and, with it, the termination, entirely to perish. 455. We give here a general summary of the points of comparison which we have established for the second person of the three numbers of the transitive active form.
* Compare the Sclavonic proshiti, "precari" (. 447. Tnble). The Sanscrit root prach, whose terminating; aspirate in the case above steps before its tcnuis, has split itself into three forms in the Latin, giving up the p in one, whence mr/o, interrogo, the r in another, whence posco (. 14.), and retaining both in precor.
THIRD PERSON.
SINGULAR.
SANSCRIT. ZEND. GREEK. LATIN. GERMAN.* LITH.
635
OLD SCLAV.
asi,1 tishthasi, daddsi, bharasi, vahasi, (a)syas, tishthes, dadyas, bharSs, vahes, avahas, gdhi, dehi,
n
ahi, hislahi, dadhdhiy barahi, vazahi, hydo, histois, daidhydo, bhardis, vazois, vazo, azdhi ?
12
ea-a-i, IVTIJS, SiSco*;, (pepem, exel?>4 e(<r)ij;?, iVratt/?, <5iSoiV, exi5, eixes> 'la-Bi. ta-8i, SiSaBt,
K\V9I,
es, stas, das, fers,

3
isl, +stds, . . . bairis, vigis, siyais,5 .... .... bairais, vigais, .... ....
. . . .
essi, stowi,2 dudi,2 .... wezi,2 .... stoweki, duki,7 .... wefki,7 tvezei,2 ....
. . . .
yesi. slo'ishi. dasi. .... ve&shi. .... stoi? dasohdy? .... cefi. 10 .... ....
. . . .
vehis, siSs, stes, des, vehas, vehebas, ....

. . . .
<j>epois, feras,
viddhi,
u
vischdi ? 1 3 dazdU,v. . . .
shrudhi,16
vaha, asitha, vettha, tutoditha, bibheditha,
vaza,
^Xe>
vehe, vidisti, tutudisti, fidisti, DUAL.
vig, vaist, slaistaust?0 maimaist20
.... .... .... ....
.... .... .... ....
donhitha ? " ô-fla,18 vaeshta ? 1 9 o i c r S a , 1 8 . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
tishthathas, bharathas, vdliathas, bharetam, vahetam, avahatam,
histathoP1 baratho vuzatho . . . . . . . . . . . . ?21 ?2i
'la-rarov, <f>eperov, e'xerov, (pepoiTovi exiTov, ei'xerov,
.... .... .... .... .... .... PLURAL.
.... bairats, vigats, bairaits, vigaits, ....
stowita, .... wezata, .... wefzhita, wezUa,
sto'Cta. .... ve&ta. .... vetyeta. ....
tishthatha, bharatha, vahatha, tishthetaf dadyata, bharela, vaheta, avahata,
histatha, baralha, vazatha, histaeta, daidhydta, baraeta, vazaUa, vazata,
la-rare, (pepere, eêTe, SiSotyre, (pepoire, e%oire, ei'xTe,
stalls, fertis,22 vehitis, detis, ferdtis, vehdtis. vehebatis,
Xstat, bairith,23 vigith,2z .... .... bairaith,23 vigaith,23 ....
.... .... weiatd, stowekite, diikite, .... wefzkite, wezete,
.... .... ve&te. stoite. daschdite. .... ve^yete. ....
ta-raitjre, stitis,
* See . 442., Rein. *. T T 2
636
1
VERBS.
2 3 A mutilation from as-si. See .448. Corresponds, with regard to the immediate connection of the personal termination with the 4 root, to fswf bibharshi of the third class (. 109". 3.). See 5 . 442. 3. This form is grounded on siy as its root; a is the usual connecting vowel (p. 105), and i the modal expression. More of this hereafter. " Tishthdyds, or, with the a suppressed, tishthyas would correspond with the Greek i<naiv: but the root slhd treats its radical vowel according to the analogy of the a of the first and sixth class (. 109a. 1.), and contracts it, therefore, with i or 7 into e, as in Latin stes out of stats. 7 More of this hereafter. The Lithuanian imperative, also, like the Sclavonic, rests on the Sanscrit potential. The i is thus here not a personal but a modal expression, but is generally suppressed in the second person singular; and Ruhig declares the form with i to be absolute. 8 9 See Dobr. p. 530. See Dobr. p. 539, and the further remarks on 10 See . 255. /. and 433. the imperative of the Archaic conjugation. " Out of ad-dhi, and this euphonic for as-dhi, '!<r-6i (Gramm. Crit. . 100.) ; so, below, de-hi out of dad-dhi. That, however, the form dc-hi has been preceded by an earlier dd-hi or dd-dhi, may be inferred from the Zend form ddi-di (see . 450), the first i of which has been brought in by the retro-active influence of the last (.41.). In Sanscrit, however, I no longer, as I once did, ascribe to the i oiedhi, dehi, an assimilating influence on the antecedent syllable, but I explain the c out of d thus, that the latter element of a +a has weakened itself to i. I shall recur to this hereafter, when I come to the reduplicated preterite. '- As Ijfij erlhi has sprung from ad-dhi the latter leads us to expect a Zend form i<S^Xxi as!-dhU by the same law which has generated J(^<AJj) daz-dhi from dad-dhi. '" The here supposed JQ&>J(J i-ish-dhi, from
vid-dhi, distinguishes itself from j Qî *>$ das-dhi, out of dad-dhi, through the influence of the antecedent vowel; for ejo sch and e s are, as sonant (soft) sibilants, so related to each other as, in Sanscrit, ^T * and $ sh among the mute (hard), see . 21., and compare Burnouf's Yacna, p.cxxi. 14 15 Ul Sec . 450., and above, Nos. 11 and 12. See . 450. Veda 17 form, . 450. I have here, and also . 632, given a short a to the ending tha, although the lithographed Codex, p. 311, presents fradadhdthd with a long u; but in the passage citod of the Izcshne there are many other instances of the short terminating a written long; for which reason I cannot draw from the fashion of writing this word the conclusion that the originally short ending Ilia in Zend has lengthened itself, while in other words the converse has occurred: compare .335. As to what concerns the supposed form Ctouhithu I have elsewhere already cited the
THIRD PERSON.
637
third person Ai^yjju) aonha =?TTO asa, and expect accordingly ^nftni
asitha to be answered by M<3JV> /JJUJ aorihitha. " See pp. 632, C33.
20 See . 102. The Gothic roots staut and mait have permanently substituted the Guna for the radical vowel, and thus saved the reduplication : their concluding t for d satisfies the law of substitution, but the first t of staut is retained on its original footing by the pre-insertion of the euphonic * (.91.). With regard to the m of mait, as corresponding to the bh of bhid, look to . 62. and 215., and to the phenomenon, often before mentioned, that one and the same root in one and the same language has often split itself into various forms of various signification; for which reason I do not hesitate to consider as well bit, " t o bite" (beita, bait), as mait, " to cut off," with its petrified Guna, as corresponding to the Sanscrit bhid, 21 " to split." The dual ending to, of which we have evidence for the third person, leaves scarcely room for doubt that tho is adapted to the 22 second person of the primary forms. Compare faff^T bibhri-tha of 23 the third class, and above, No. 3. Upon th for d see . 446.
THIRD PKRSON.
456. The pronominal base ta (. 343.) has, after the analogy of the first and second person, weakened its vowel, in the singular primary forms, to i, and in the secondary laid it quite aside : the t, however, in Sanscrit and Zend, has, with the exception of the termination in us, nowhere suffered alteration, while, in the second person, we have seen the t of tva divide itself into the forms t, th, dh, and s. The Greek, on the other hand, has left the t of the third person in ordinary language unaltered only in eo-n'=^rfttr asti, JÔJJAJ asti, but elsewhere substituted a c-; so that, for instance, /5cocr/ more resembles the Sanscrit second person daddsi than the third daddti, and is only distinguished unorganically from its own second person SlSuxr, by the circumstance that the latter has dropped the i, which naturally belonged to it. That, however, originally TI prevailed everywhere, even in the conjugation in w, is proved by the medio-passive ending TCH ; for as dtSorai is founded on Sidoart, so also is Tepirercu on Tepir-e-n = Sanscrit larp-a-ti. The form rep-net has, however, arisen from a
638
VERBS.
rejection of r, as above (.451), ridet from riOert, SlSot from SiSodt, Kepq. from Kepart ;* as, also, in Prakrit, bhanai, " dicit," is used together with bhanadiJ In the secondaryforms the Greek, according to the universal law of sound, has given up the concluding T sound, and goes hand in hand, in this respect, with the Prakrit, which, with exception of the Anuswara (. 10.), has repudiated all consonants at the end of words, as in the Gothic, . 433., and the Sclavonic, . 255. I; hence eôi answers better to the Prakrit form vah$, and to the Gothic vigai and Sclavonic BEû vezi, than to the Sanscrit vah.it, Zend Û^JAJI? vazoit, and Latin vehat, vehet. 457. While the concluding T soundwhich in the secondary forms in Sanscrit, Zend, and Latin, has survived the injuries of timehas been abandoned by the i of ti, the more complete termination of the primary forms, it has itself been preserved to the present day in German and in Russian. Nor has the Old Sclavonic allowed the i to escape entirely, but exhibits it in the form of a y + Compare
OLD SCLAVONIC. SANSCRIT.
KCTb yes-ty, " est," lACTb yas-ty,* " edit," BtCTb vyes-ty,* " scit," AACTb das-ty,* " dat," BEÊTb ve^-e-ty, " vehit,"
îftiT as-ti. ^rf% at-ti. %ra vrt-ti^Tflf dadd-ti. ^jrfi* iahu-ti.
* Perhaps O'I'KOI is also no antiquated dative form for OIKM, but a mutilation of O'IKOOI.
t In the second imperative person, also, the Prakrit exhibits an interesting analogy to the Greek riOe(T)i, SiSo(0)i, in the form bhanai, "die," for bhaiKihi from bhanadhi. I According to Dobrowsky, only in the Aivhnic conjugation; to Kopitar, also in the ordinary. He notices, namely (Glagolita, p. (>_'), ' l Tcrtim pcrsuiue Tb tarn sin;/, quam plur. vcte.rvs, id nos hie, jier T b scribebant. Hodierni per T r b." S euphonic for </ (p. C08).
THIRD PERSON.
639
The Lithuanian has, in the ordinary conjugation, lost the sign of the third person in the three numbers; hence wez-d corresponding to the Sclavonic ve-e-ty and Sanscrit vah-a-ti; the same, also, in the dual and plural. Those verbs only, which, in the first person, have preserved the ending mi (. 435.), have, in the third also, partially preserved the full ti, or the t, and, indeed, at the same time, in full connection with the root; hence, esti, " he is," dusti, or dust* u he gives," ht* " he eats," giest* " he sings," dest* " he places," miegt, " he sleeps," sdugf, " he preserves," gelbC, " he helps," sergt, " he protects," liekf, " he lets." This singular ending is also carried over to the dual and plural. The Gothic has, with the exception of ist, where the ancient tenuis has maintained itself under the protection of the antecedent s, everywhere th in the third person of the primary forms. This th, however, is not the usual dislodgement of t, but stands, as in the second plural person (see . 446.), euphonically for d, because th suits the ending better than d (. 91.). In the medio-passive, on the other hand, the older medial has maintained itself in the ending da, which also agrees with the Prakrit ending dl. On these medials rests, also, the Old High German t, by a displacement which has again brought back the original form.' 458. For the designation of plurality, n is inserted before the pronominal character which has been compared with the accusative plural (. 236.). Behind this n, the Gothic, in contradistinction from the singular, has maintained the older medial, since nd is a favourite union.
Compare sind with "%fe santi, -Stf>^jw henti, " sunt," and
* S euphonic for d, in harmony with . 102. and with the Sclavonic, t In this sense is to be corrected what we have remarked on this head in . 90.
640
VERBS.
(ojevn. The Sanscrit observes before the same n the same principle, which we have noticed above (. 437.), with respect to the vowel-less m of the first person of the secondary forms. It pre-inserts, namely, an a when that letter or d does not already precede the pluralizing n in a class or root syllable: hence, tarp-a-nti, like repw-o-vTi, tishta-nti like \'aTavTt, bhd-nti, "they shine," like <pavTi; but chi-nv-anti, " they collect," not chi-nu-nli from chi; y-anti, " they go," not in-li * from i. Thus the Greek acrt out of avri in deiKvv- am, i-din Tide-aai, Sido-dai, acquires a fair foundation ; for it is scarcely to be admitted that so striking a coincidence can be accidental. For even if the forms TiBeavn, StSoavTi, lavri, êiKvvavn, are not maintained in any dialect, yet we cannot doubt that the length of the a in Tididat, &c, as well as in lardcri and rejiKpaui, is a compensation for an extinguished v, and that ai, as everywhere in the third person, stands for n. With regard, however, to the interpolated a, deiKvvdvt and 't'a<ri coincide the most closely with the aboriginal type of our family of language, as in Tideaxn the e, and in didouat the o, stand for the Sanscrit u or a; for Ttdrnxi = dadh('imi and tScdixt = daddmi. These two Sanscrit, words must originally have formed, in the third plural person, dadhd-n-ti, dadd-nti, or, with a shortened a, dadhanti, dada-nti; and to this is related the Doric rtdevn, i<$6i'Tt, as evrt to ifrfcr santi. The forms rtdeacri, StSoucri, however, have followed the analogy of SeiKvvdcn and 't'dai, inasmuch as they
* The Indian grammarians adopt everywhere aiiti, and, in the secondary forms, an, as the full ending of the third person plural, and lay down, as in the first person singular of the secondary forms, as a rule, that a of the class syllable of the first chief conjugation is rejected before the a of the ending; thus, turji'-anti, for tar/nmti, out of tarp-a-anti. The cognate languages, however, do not favour this view; for if the Greek o of <j>t'p-o-vTi is identical with that of cjje'p-o-juet, and the Gothic a of ba!r-a-ml with that oibair-a-m, the a also of the Sanscrit bharauti must be received in a like sense as the long a of hhar-S-mas and the short of bhar-a-tha.
THIRD PERSON.
641
have treated their root vowel as though it had not sprung from a. Thus the Ionicisms, (cn-edcn, earn. 459. The Sanscrit verbs of the third class (. lO9a. 3.), on account of the burthen occasioned by the reduplication, which they have to bear in the special tenses, strive after an alleviation of the weight of the terminations : they therefore give up the n of the third person plural, and shorten a long d of the root, whence ^fif dada-ti, "they give," îfir dadha-ti, "they place," ^fnjaha-ti, " they leave." There is, however, no room to doubt that, in the earlier condition of the language, these forms were sounded dada-nti, dadha-nti, jaha-nti, and that in this respect the Doricisms StSo-vrt, rtde-vrt, have been handed down more faithful to the original type. The Zend also protects, in reduplicated verbs, the nasal; for in V. S., p. 213, we find W<P-&<z_$^ dadentf, " they give," perhaps erroneously for dadenti. If, however, the reading be correct, it is a medial, and not the less bears witness to a transitive dadenti. The Sanscrit, however, in the middle, not only in reduplicated verbs, but in the entire second chief conjugation, which corresponds to the Greek in /j.i, on account of the weight of the personal terminations, abandons the plural nasal; hence chi-nv-aU (for chi-nv-ante) contrasted with the transitive chi-nv-anti. This also proves to be a disturbance of the original construction of the language, which dates from an epoch subsequent to its separation ; for the Greek maintains in the mediopassive, still more firmly than in the active, the nasal as
* That, however, the suppression of the nasal is not foreign to the Zend is shewn in the form JÔJAJW^JJ senhaiti, "they teach," ==Sanscrit 3tl'trffr sasati from the root ^fi^> which, probably on account of the double sibilant, follows the analogy of the reduplicated forms. In Zend, the nasal placed before the h may have favoured the suppression of that of the termination. Upon the p e for e see Burnouf's Ya^na, p. 480.
642
VERBS.
an expression of plurality, and opposes to the Sanscrit tarp-a-nte not only Tepn-o-vrai, but also to the Sanscrit dadate, dadhaie, Stdo-vrai, rlde-vrat. Yet the Greek has, through another channel, found a means of lightening the excessive weight of the medial termination, by substituting vrat where avrat would naturally occur; hence not deiKv-avrou, which latter we might expect from (out of SetKvv-avrt). The Sanscrit form stri-nv-ate, and the Greek dTop-vv-vrai keep their completeness respectively, since the one has preserved the a, the other the nasal. The extrusion of the a from <TTop-vv(a)vTai resembles the r\ of the optative, inasmuch as, on account of the increasing weight of the personal terminations, in the medio passive, we form
from ISOIT]V not BiBotrmrjv, b u t dtdoi'ixrjv. T h e I o n i c i s m has,
however, in the third person plural, sacrificed the a to the v, and in this particular, therefore, harmonizes most strictly with the Sanscrit; in remarking which, we must not overlook that, both in their respective ways, but from the same motive, have generated their ate, arai, out of ante; thus, arop-vva{y)rat as compared with crTop-vv-(a)vTai, the first being analogous to the Sanscrit stri-nv-a(n)te. We do not, therefore, require, contrary to p. 255, to assume that a of iteitavarat, and similar forms in the vowelization of the v of -nenavvrai, but Treirau-vTou and ne-nav-arai are diverse mutilations of the lost aboriginal form Ke-nav-avrai. 460. The Old Sclavonic has dissolved the nasal in Dobrowsky's first and second conjugation into a short u sound, as in the first person singular the m, and contracted the latter with the antecedent connecting vowel, which elsewhere appears as e, but here is to be assumed as 6, to ; so that BE^sTb ve(tlti/* from reôniy has a surprising resemblance to the Greek e%oucr( from k-ôvac for expvn. The Bohemian
* Dobrowsky writes I S E ^ S T nîH, and gives, as in the singular, the y only in the Archaic conjugation (sec p. 638. Rein. {).
THIRD PERSON.
643
wezau has, on the other hand, preserved the old a of the Sanscrit vah-a-nti, and the Gothic vigand, which, in the Latin vehunt, by the influence of the liquids, has become u, in contrast to the i of the other persons (veh-i-s, &c). The u of the Bohemian wezau, however, like the last constituent of the diphthong 4 of BE^sTb veguty, is of nasal origin. In the Archaic conjugation the Old Sclavonic has, with the exception of suty = uf% santi, "sunt,n jysM^v henti, evr't, abandoned entirely the nasal of the termination, but, in its stead, has maintained the a in its primary shape, yet with the pre-insertion of an unorganic y (. 225.); otherwise dadaty, for which A&A^Tb dadyaty, would be nearly identical with the Sanscrit ^ftr dadati: as reduplicated verbs have, in Sanscrit also, lost the nasal (. 459.) BtA^Tb vyedyaty, " they know," accords less with P^fi) vidanti, and lAA^Tb yadyaty, " they eat," with ^r<*far adanti. This analogy is followed, also, by these verbs, which correspond to the Sanscrit tenth class (. 109a. 6.), namely, Dobrowsky's third conjugation, as bud-ya-ty, "they make " = Sanscrit ^turf^T bddh-aya-ntL Here, however, as the division and recomposition shews,, the a preceding the y is not inorganic, but belongs with the a to the character syllable of the conjugation, of which more hereafter. 461. In the secondary forms the vowel has been dropped from the plural ending nti or anti, as from the singular ti, si, mi, and with this in Sanscrit, after the law had established itself so destructive to many terminations which forbids the union of two consonants at the end of a word (. 94.), the personal character t was obliged to vanish, which in Greek, where a simple t is also excluded as a termination, had been already withdrawn from the singular. If thus erepir-e finds itself at a disadvantage opposed to atarp-a-tthus, in erepir-o-v, opposed to atarp-a-n (for atarp-a-nt)the two languages, if not from the same motives, stand on a similar footing of degeneracy. TR<r-av
644
VERBS.
accords still better with ds-an, and aorists like eSeiâv with Sanscrit tenses like the equivalent adikshan, as it would seem that the sibilant of the verb substantive has protected the a of the ending an from degenerating to o; for the usual practice of the language would have given us to
expect rjcrov like erep-nov, or fjcrev like rep-noi-ev. The Zend
goes along with the ev of the latter in forms like j^y^jj anhen, " they were," and ygiiju/Aji barayen, " they might bear " = (pepoiev. We see from this that the Zend also cannot support the weight of the termination nt, although it condescends more than the Sanscrit to concluding sibilants sequent on r, c, f, and n; and has handed down to us nominatives such as -HJ/AJÔAU Mars, " fire," -njdS^Zj druc-s, " a demon," jujij/j:^ kerefs, " body," ,>gj>4ij barans, " bearing." From the Gothic have vanished all the T sounds which existed in the previous periods of the German language (see . 294. Rem. 1.). Hence, if in the present indicative bair-a-nd answer to the Sanscrit bar-an-ti and Greek (pep-o-vTi, we can nevertheless look for no bairaind or bairaiand in the conjunctive answering to <pepotev(r), Zend barayen(t); and we find instead bui-rai-na, as would seem by transposition out of bairai-an, so that an corresponds to the Greek and Zend ev, en, out of an.* In the medio-passive the lost T sound of the active has preserved itself as in the Greek, because it did not stand at the end, but the vowel coming before, and, in Gothic, by transposition, after the n, is removed on account of the increscence of the ending; hence, bairaindan, as in Greek <pepotvro, not (pepoievro (compare p. 642). 462. The ending un of the Gothic preterite, as in haihaitun, " they were named," may be compared with the
* Or might we assume, that, as in the accusative (. 149.), an inorganic a had been appended to the originally terminating nasal ? The supposition of the text, however, accords better with the probabilities of the primitive grammar.
THIttD PERSON.
045
Alexandrine av for avn, ti<ri (eyvo>Kav, elprjKav, &c.) with the
recollection that the Sanscrit also, in its reduplicated preterite, although the primary endings accrue to it, yet, under the pressure of the reduplication syllable, has been unable to maintain the original anti uncorrupted, but puts us in its stead. The s of this form is without doubt a weakening of the original t: with respect, however, to the u, it may remain undecided whether it is a vowelization of the nasal, and thus the latter element of the Greek ov of TVTTTovcrt, or a weakening of the a of anti. The Sanscrit uses the ending us also in the place of an: first, in the potential, corresponding to the Zend-Greek en, ev, hence *ftg*T bhareyus (with an euphonic y, . 43.), jbb*i7MS baray-en, (pepoi-ev; second, in the first augmented preterite of the reduplicated roots, thus, adadhus, " they placed," adadus, " they gave," for adadhan (comp. kridev), adadan ; from which it is clear that its, since u is lighter than a (Vocalismus, p. 227. if.), is more easily borne by the language than an , third, in the same tense, but at discretion together with d-n, in roots of the second class in &, for instance, ayus, or ayan, "they went," from yd; fourth, in some formations of the multiform preterite, for instance, ÎITM
ashr&ushus, " they heard."
463. The Old Sclavonic could not, according to . 255. I, maintain unaltered either the t or the n of the secondary form ant or nt: it sets in their place either a simple a or u, which last is to be derived from on. These two endings are, however, so dealt with by the practice of the language, that a appears only after sh, s only after ch; for instance, Btîf byechu or BliuiA byesha, " they were " (. 255. m.). The secondary form of the Latin has been handed down in most perfect condition, and has everywhere retained the pronominal t after the nasal which expresses plurality ; thus erant outdoes the abovementioned forms ^VS\ dsan, r\aav, and anhen ; and ferant, in respect of the personal sign,
646
VERBS.
is more perfect than the Greek <pepot-ev, Zend barayen, Gothic bairai-na, and Sanscrit >rig^ bharey-us 464. In the dual of the Sanscrit the primary form is tas, and the secondary tarn : to the first corresponds, in Greek, TOV (. 97.)thus rep-n-e-Tov = tarp-a-tas;but the ending tarn has, according to the variety of the & representation (. 4.) divided itself into the forms TY\V and TCOV, of which the former is the prevalent one, the latter limited to the imperative; hence eTepir-e-Trjv, Tepir-oi'-Trjv, against atarp-a-tdm, tarp-e-tam; edeiK-cra-Ttjv against adik-sha-ta.m; but rep-n-e-TU>v against tarp-a-tam. From this remarkable coincidence with the Sanscrit, it is clear that the difference in Greek between TOV on the one hand and TY\V, TU*V on the other has a foundation in remote antiquity, and was not, as Buttmann conjectures (Gr. . 87. Obs. 2.), a later formation of the more modern prose, albeit in four places of Homer (three of which are occasioned by the metre) TOV is found for Tqv. The augment, however, cannot be considered as a recent formation merely because it is often suppressed in Homer, since it is common to the Greek and the Sanscrit. In Zend the primary form is regular, <^jo td:* for the secondary, however, which will run $>&ytafim, we have as yet no instance. The Gothic has lost the third dual person, but the Old Sclavonic has TA ta, feminine Tt tye, as well for the primary
* An instance is found in a passage of the Izeshne (p. 48), the sense of which has been much mistaken by Anquetil:AJ^J^ COJOAI^ J
kaumi maeghemcha vCtrUmchn i/a te krlirpnn vncsayato
barisnus paiti ijrtinnaum, " I praise the clouds and the rain, which sustain thy body on the heights of the mountains." According to Anquetil, "J'arlresse via pricrr a I'amn'c, a la p/nic, au.rquellcs vous aves donne un corps xii.r Ic xommrt des moiitugnes.'' Vacmijato is either the future of tiers-, with an inserted rrthus for vacst/ato = Sanscrit vakshyatasor a derivative from the root mentioned, in the present according to the tenth class ; in cither case, however, a third person dual.
THIRD PERSON.
647
form T f tas (rov) as for the secondary flT^ tarn, rtjv, T&V T^ (compare . 445.); hence BEÊTA vegeta, " they two travel," vahatas; BEÔCTA ve{osta, "they two travelled," avdktdm, euphonic for avakshtdm, p. 98; ^BEM*CTA (venjesta, "they two sounded," =^r^fiTrr*{v asvanishfdm. As to what concerns the origin of the last letters s and m in the personal expressions TJIT tas and TTf? tdm, they rest, without doubt, on a similar principle to those of the second person vrsthas, j^tam; and if one of the explanations given, . 444. be valid, we must then abandon the conjecture elsewhere expressed, that m of tdm sprung indeed originally from s, but through the previous intervention of a v (for u), after the analogy of W^TH dvdm, " we two," TR7JT yuvdm, " you two" (see . 340. Table, Dual, l). 465. The following comparative table presents a summary of the third person in the three numbers :
SINGULAR.
SANSCRIT. ZEND. GREEK. LATIN. GERMAN.* LITH. OLD SCLAV.
asti, tishtati, dudati, atti, barati, vahati, (a)sydt, tishthet,:'

dadyat, bharet, avahat, asvanit,' {a)stas,
tishthatas, baretam, bharatam, asv&nisht&m,
ashti, histati, dadhaiti, .... baraiti, vazaiti, hyat, histoit,
ea-r!, est, "to-raTi, stat, SISWTI, dat, .... est, <pepe(T)c,1 fert,2 exe(r)i,1 vehit, e(<r)ii;, siet, IOWI;, stet,
det, ferat, vehebat,
DUAL.
ist, ^stat, .... itith, bairith, vigith, siyai,* ....

.... bairai, .... ....
esti, stow, dusti, esth,
yesty. stoity. dasty. yasty.
iveza,3 ve{ety. ...

... weie, ...
8
stoi.
daschdy. ' . .... {mnye. yesta.
stoita.
daidhydt, SiSoir/, baroit, <pepoi, vasat, e?xe> .... .... shtoV

histatof .... ....
k<n6v,
TCTTOTOV, cpepotrijv, (peperav, .... ....
{venyesta.
* See p. 618, Rem. *.
648
VERBS.
PLURAL.
SANSCRIT.
ZEND.
GREEK.
LATIN.
GERMAN.
LITU.
OLD SCLAV.
santi, tishthanti, dadati, bharanti, vahanti, tishtheyus,12 bhareyus, asan, atarpishus, asvanishus, alikshan,
3
henti, histenti, dadsnti,11 barenti, vasenti, ttistayin, barayen, anMn, .... .... ....
(o-)evTi, 'imavrt, SISOVTI, <j>epovri, exovri, laraiev, (pepoiev, ri<rav, erep^ra-, .... eXeiâu,
sunt, stunt, dant, ferunt, vehunt, stent, ferant, erant, ... ... ...
sind, Mutant, .... bairand, vie/and, .... bairaina,'3 .... .... .... ....
8 .8 . . 8" .. .
suty. stoyaty. dadyaty. verity.*
.. ... ...
terpyesha.14 ^venyesha, lokasha.
2 ' See . 456. Agrees with f ^ f f bibharti, third class, p. 636, 3. 4 Without personal sign : see . 457See p. 636, 5. '- P. 636,6. 6 6 First person, asvanisham, " I sounded." ' See . 464. As 9 10 in the singular: see .457. See . 225. g. See . 459.
11
See .459.
12
See p. 645.
13
See p. 644.
1J
Tarpyeti
is called " suffering," " bearing," so that the original signification appears to be inverted: compare the Gothic thmirban, "to need" (Vocalismus, p. 170). The Sanscrit root tarp (trip) means, according to the fifth class tripyami, "to be content, satisfied"; according to the first (tarp'.mi), tenth {tarpuyami), and sixth (tripami), "to content," &c.
MEDIAL TERMINATIONS.
166. The medial terminations, in which the passive participates, distinguish themselves throughout from those of the active form by a greater fulness of form, even though the mode of formation be not always the same. Sanscrit, Zend, and Greek accord together in this, that they extend a concluding i, in the primary forms, by the pre-insertion of a: hence, jxai from fxt, aai from the cri which remains uncorrupted only in ecrcr/ of the second person (. 48S.), TCU from TI, and, in the plural, VTOU from VTI. The Sanscrit and Zend make their diphthong v correspond to the Greek at; and this applies to the rare cases in which the <! produced by a + i is represented in Greek by at, as usually the first element of the Indo-Zend diphthong appears, in Greek, in the shape of
649
e or o (see Vocalismus, p. 196). The weightier and original a seems, however, in the extant endings of the middle voice, where the expressive fullness of form of the language comes most into evidence, to have been purposely guarded. The Gothic has lost the i element of the diphthong ai; hence, in the third person, da for dai; in the second, za (euphonic for sa, . 86. 5.) for zui; and in the third person plural, nda for ndai. The first person singular and the first and second of the plural have perished, and are replaced by the third, as our German sind, which pertains properly to the third person plural, has penetrated into the first. The a which precedes the personal ending, as in hait-a-za, " vocaris," hait-a-da, " vocatur" as opposed to the i of haitis, " vocas," haitith, "vocat" appeared formerly mysterious, but has since, to my mind, fully explained itself, by the assumption that all Gothic verbs of the strong form correspond to the Sanscrit first or fourth class (p. 105), and that the i of haitis, haitith, is a weakening of an older a, conformable to rule, and the result of a retro-active influence of the terminating s and th (. 47.). The mediopassive, however, found no occasion for a necessary avoidance of the older a sound, and it therefore continues, in this particular, in the most beautiful harmony with the Asiatic sister idioms. 467. The Sanscrit and Zend have lost in the first person singular, as well of the primary as the secondary forms, the pronominal consonant, and with it, in the first chief conjugation, the a of the class syllable (see . 435.); hence ^t^ bodhe, " I know," for bddh-a-me or bodh-a-me, in the case that the weightier personal ending in . 434. has impeded the lengthening of the class vowel there mentioned. Compare
SANSCRIT. ZEND. GREEK GOTHIC.
. bhar-e, bhar-a-se, bhar-a-te, bhar-a-nie',
^ A J J bair-C p ^ A y bar-a-hi, RjtfWîii bar-ai-te1, H3C^*->-MÛ bar-ai-nte1, v v
<pep-o-fxai, .... (<f>ep-e-(Tai), <f>epri, bair-a-za, (j>ep-e-Tou, bair-a-da, (pep-o-vrai, bair-a-nda.
650
1
VERBS.
2 See . 42. In the passive the third person plural often appears as KSÔ^JJW^ÂJ^JJ; uszayeintd (Vend. S. p. 136), with & for a, through the influence of the antecedent y (. 42.). For the middle I have no instance of this person; we might at best be in doubt whether we might use barSnte after the analogy of the transitive barfnti or barainte. Both are possibly admissible, but barainU appears to me the safest, as in the active transitive, also, ainti is extant as well as Bnti, especially after v, where enti would, perhaps, not be allowed ; hence, jy)jujMj)^jvainti, "they live," =Sanscrit ^fafigjivanti; .5^>5UJ.>AI.MJ bavainti, "they are," = > r ^ i f bhavanti. We find, also, without v preceding, yazainti =yajanti in a passage cited from the Tashter-Yesht by Burnouf (Yai;na, Xotes, p. 74). Or should we here read yazaintc, as yuz is specially used in the middle.
468. In the secondary forms the terminating diphthong in Sanscrit and Zend weakens itself in the same manner as in Gothic already in the primary; the i element, namely, vanishes, but the a remaining appears, in Greek, as o; hence, e<pep-e-To, opposed to 3 TT abhar-a-ta, AJÔAJ^JJ 'W J
bar-a-ta; in the plural, ecpep-o-vro, to 'SftTOT abhnr-n-nta,
M^>MM?Mi bar-a-nta. The Sanscrit-Zend forms have a striking likeness to the Gothic bair-a-da, bair-a-nda. Yet I am not hence disposed, as formerly to accommodate the Gothic primary to the Sanscrit secondary forms, and to make the comparison between bair-a-da, bair-a-nda, and abhar-a-ta, abhar-a-nta, instead of bhar-a-ie, bhar-a-nte. The ending an, in the Gothic conjunctive, is puzzling; for instance, bair-aidau, opposed to the Sanscrit bhar-e-ta, Zend bar-ae-ta, Greek <pep-ot-ro; and thus, in the plural, bair-ai-ndau opposed to <pep-ot-vTo ;t and, in the second person singular, bair-ai-zau
* Conjugation System, p. 131. t In Zend the active bar-tiy-cn would lead us to expect a medial bar-ae-nta (compare .461.). The Sanscrit, departing from the sister languages, has the ending ran, thus hhnr-r-nni, which seems to me a mutilation of IJuir-, -ranta. The root si, " sleep," " lie," inserts anomalously such an r, as here precedes the proper personal ending, in the third person of nil special tenses (. 10!)".), suppressing, however, in the present impe-
651
to <j>ep-oi-((To). It is not probable that this au has arisen out of a by the inorganic addition of a u, as the degenerations of a language usually proceed rather by a wearing off than an extending process. I think, therefore, that the ending au of the imperative, where it has already attained a legal foundation (p. 597), has insinuated itself into the conjunctive; that thus the speakers, seduced by the analogy of bair-a-dau, bair-a-ndau, have used bair-ai-dau, bair-ai-ndau, also in the conjunctive; and that thence the au has made its way into the second person singular, thus bair-ai-zau for bair-ai-za. This ought not to surprise, as the medio-passive in the Gothic has got into confusion in this respect, that the first person, and, in the plural, the second also, has been entirely displaced by the third. 469. In the second person singular of the secondary forms the Sanscrit diverges from the principle of the third and first. Just as ta stands opposite to the primary U and the secondary t of the transitive active, we should expect sd as a counterpart to se and s. In its place, however, we find thds; thus, for instance, abhddh-a-thds, "thou knewest," bhddh-6thds, "thou mightest know." That, however, originally there was a form sa co-existent with this thds is indicated, not only by the Greek, in which edlSo-cro, t<Soi-ao accord exactly with edldo-To, Sidoi-ro, but also by the Zend, which exhibits M> ha in places where, in Sanscrit, ^r sa is to be expected, the h being a regular correspondent to s (. 53.),
imperative and first augment preterite, according to . 459., the nasal of plurality; hence, se-ra{n)M Kei-vrai; potential say-i-ran, imperative s-ra(n)tam, preterite ase-ra(n)ta = eVeivTo. We shall hereafter recognise such an r in the middle of the reduplicated preterite. As to its origin, however, I conjecture it to be the radical consonant of the verb substantive, with au anomalous exchange of s for r (comp. . 22.), so that, for instance, dad-i-ran, for dad-i-runta, would run parallel with the Greek active
BiSo'u)<rav, to which would pertain a medio-passive SiSoiija-avro or SiSoia-avro.
uu 2
652
VERBS.
and AJJÔ sha after such vowels as, in Sanscrit, require the conversion of the s into sh (p. 20). The ending ha has, according to . 56a., an n prefixed, and thus it occurs in my first Zend attempt (Berlin Annual. March 1831. p. 374), in the passive form, hitherto unique, usnyanha, " thou wast born" (Vend. S. p. 42). Anquetil translates the passage, which cannot admit two interpretations, j>p> m> AiwjA/iiAjÂSjj; he turn usazayonlia, "to him thou wast born,"
by " lid qui a eu un fils celebre comme UOMS," and thus con-
ceals the true grammatical value of this remarkable expression, which was perhaps not intelligible even to Anquetil's Parsi instructors. I have since been unable to find a second instance of this form ; but Burnouf (Yacna Notes, p. 33) has brought to light a middle aorist form of no less importance, namely, Mp)Qj2}?) unlrudhusha, " thou grewest," to which we shall recur hereafter. At present we are concerned only with the substantiation of the ending sha, the s of which stands under the euphonic influence of an antecedent u. 470. We return to the Sanscrit ending thus. This stands in obvious connection with the active ending tha, described . 4 53., which probably had, in its origin, an extension in the singular, and from which the form thus arose, by elongation of the vowel and the addition of s; which s, as observed Gramm. Crit. . 301. d., probably stands also to designate the second person. If this be so, then either the first or the second personal expression would designate the person, which sustains the operation of the action or its interest, which in all middle forms is forthcoming at least in the spirit if not in the body. Thus in ddat-tiis, " thou gavest to thee1' (tookest), either "thou" is designated by t<), and "to thee" by s, or the converse. If this be so, and if in the Greek first person the v of the ending yuî- (Doric /xdv) be organic, i. e. not a later nugatory addition, but intentional, and a legacy of the primeval period of our race of languages, then ei6/j.rjv also signifies " I gave to me," whether it be that jj.e (jud) or, as
653
seems to me more probable, the v expresses the subjective relation: in either case, however, fifj-v (fxd-v) stands, even with respect to the length of the vowel, in perfect analogy to the Sanscrit thus. To this we must add, as an analogy for the third person, the ending Hfi^ tdt of the Veda dialect, where the expression of the third person stands doubled. I therefore hold this remarkable ending for a middle, although Panini (VII. 1. 35.) gives it out as a substitute for the transitive imperative endings tu and hi* which precede blessings ; for instance, bhavdn jivatdt, " May your honour live !" (respectful for " mayest thou live !"). It is true the root jiv, and perhaps many others with the ending tdt, is not used in the ordinary language in the middle voice, but the ending may be a remnant of a period in which all verbs had still a middle voice. The middle is, moreover, in its place in blessings, in which some good or advantage is always imprecated for some one. Finally, tdt, in a formal respect, is much nearer to the usual medial imperative ending Mm than the transitive tu; yet I do not believe that tdt has arisen out of tam, but rather that the converse has taken place, perhaps by the intervention of an intermediate tds (compare . 444.). However this may be, the ending tdt, which Burnouf s acuteness has detected also in Zend,^ is of importance, because it affords an ancient foundation for the Oscan imperative in
* Possibly the representation of the ending hi by tdt may be so understood, as that in sentences like bhavdn jivatdt, " May your honour live!" the person addressed is always meant. Examples are not adduced in which the actual second person is expressed by tdt. Should such exist, we should be obliged here to bring back the two t's to the base tva of the second person, while in the tdt of the third person both belong to the demonstrative base ta (. 343.). t Only in one instance of value, iAuêK>7.w>j uz-varstat. (Ya<;na, p. 503, Note).
654
VERBS.
tud* preserved to us in the table of Bantia, as lititu-d for liceto, estu-d for esto, eorw.f To the Greek imperative ending TW a middle origin is otherwise ascribable; for in the plural, repir-o-vTuv accords perfectly with the Sanscrit middle tarp-a-ntdm, and is related to it as repir-e-TOiv to the purely active dual tarp-a-tdm. Should, however, repir-o-vTwv be identical with the transitive tarp-a-ntu, this would be a solitary instance in the entire grammar of the Greek language, in which w corresponded to a Sanscrit u, with, moreover, an inorganic accession of a nasal. We should be more inclined in repTrercoif we accommodate it to the medial tarp-a-tdm to admit the abrasion of a nasal sound, as in eSeiâ, opposed to ^rf^^ adiksham. I now, however, prefer to identify TepTterco with the Veda word tarpatat, for the abandonment of the T were compulsory, that of the nasal an accidental caprice; The relation of repTr-e-rui to tarp-a-tdt would be similar to that of eoYSco, eu>, to adaddt, adut. If, however, Tepir&Tid be identical with tarpatat and Oscan forms like licitud, estitd, the view we have mentioned above, that the Veda ending tdt belongs properly to the middle, acquires a new support; for if TepirovTcov supports itself on tarpantdm, and so far is of middle origin, then its singular counterpart, also, can belong to no other verbal genus, and has asserted to itself a similar origin to that of its Asiatic prototype iarpat&t. 471. The first person singular of the secondary forms ought.
* Compare the ablative in ltd to the Sanscrit-Zend in Cit, tit, and the Old Latin in o-<lt It deserves remark, that Dr. Kuhn, in his work " Conjiigatio in m, lingua? Sans, ratione liabita" (p. 26, obs.), has ascribed to this Oscan form, without recognising its Veda analogue, a passive origin. The Oscan affects a concluding <l for I, but has maintained the old tenuis under the protection of a preceding s; hence the conjunctive forms such as fust, opposed to fiihl (see Mfiller's Etruskcr, p. 37). Compare, in this particular, the Gothic ixt (. 4!i.) with b/iirit/i, buiradn.
655
in Sanscrit, after the analogy of the third in ta, to be ma, so that bharema would be the counterpart of the Greek (pepol/xav ^-/xrjv). This form must also, if not the oldest, have been of long standing in Sanscrit. In the condition, however, of the language as preserved, the m, as everywhere in the singular, of the middle, has given way, and for bhare(m)a we find bhare-y-a, with an euphonic y, which is inserted before all personal endings beginning with vowels, in both active forms of the potential (compare . 43.). In the forms burthened with an augment, the ending a, already much mutilated, has experienced a further weakening by the transition of a to i; hence astri-nv-i, " sternebam," for astri-nv-a, and this from astrinu-ma, or a still older astri-nu-mam, which would answer to the Doric karop- vv-nav. 472. We return to the primary forms, in order to remark, that, in Sanscrit, not merely those forms end in e which, in the transitive active, end in i, and above have been classed opposite the Greek middle forms in at; but also those which, in the transitive active, exhibit no i, and, in the Greek middle, no at. The collective primary forms run
SING. DUAL. PLURAL.
(m)g = fjLou, se = crai. ie, = Tat,
vahi, dthe, ate,
make = /xeda. dhve. nte or ate = vTixt, a.rat (. 4 5 S.)
The Zend follows, as far as evidence exists, the analogy of the Sanscrit, yet the first person plural is not K5Aj^ maze, as would be expected from J?% make, but w>QMi$ maidhe (. 41.) ;* from which it is clear, that as, before I studied Zend, I had inferred from the Greek fj.eda, the Sanscrit make is a mutilation of uv madhe. The Greek fxeda, however, has on its side lost the terminating
* Maidc, also, occurs with the aspiration dropped.
656
VERBS.
i, and thus ranks with the Gothic forms, mentioned . 467. In the secondary forms, H? mah& weakens itself by the loss of the initial element of the diphthong g to mahi; on the other hand it extends itself, in a manner which argues a propensity to the greatest fullness of form, in the first person imperative to ^rm% dmahdi; and analogous to this the dual exhibits together with ^% vahg the forms vahi and dvahdi. The Zend contains, also, in the special forms, the full ending maidhe; at least there is evidence of this last in the potential H J ^ A J ^ ^ ^ ^ J S J buidhydimaidM, " w e might see," (Vend. S., p. 45) repeatedly. 473. If, in Sanscrit, all the endings of the middle primary forms resolve themselves into e, I am not of opinion, therefore, that all these rest on the same principle: as to those to which, in the transitive active, i, and, in the Greek middle, at, corresponds, I am much inclined to assume the dropping of a pronominal consonant between the two elements of the diphthong,* and, indeed, to explain (m)e, pai, out of mami; s&, <rat, out of sasi; te, rat, out of tail; as we have before seen rvTrrei arise out of TvTtren, and, in the Prakrit, bhanai out of bhanadi; and as, also, in the Greek, the medial rvTrTeaat has mutilated itself further into rvirrr], and, in Sanscrit, me into e. In this e the expression of the first person is thus contained in a twofold manner, once out of a for ma, and then out of i for mi; and thus, also, the reduplicated preterite in the third person exhibits 8 opposite the Greek rat for ran, and the Veda dialect gives us, even in the third person for she-t^ = KetTai of the ordinary language, the form shay-e (euphonic for she-e,) and other similar mutilations of the endings of the middle voice, as uduh, "they milked," for aduh-ata; duham, "he should milk," for dug-dhdm, and this last euphonic for duh-tdm (Panini VII. 1. 11.) If we now refer (w)e = /uot/, se = <rai, and te = rat, to
So, also, Kuhn in his Tract (p. :2.i), mentioned at p. 06-1.
657
the probably pre-existing forms mami, sasi, tati, perhaps, also, mdmi, sdti, iati* the question arises which of the two pronouns expressed the subjective, and which the objective relation. Does dat-sa(s)i, $to-<ra((r)i signify " give thee thou," or "give thou thee"? If we assume the former, we obtain the same order as in StSoade, SiSoadov, &c, of which more hereafter; and the remarkable case would occur, that, after the suppression of the second pronominal consonant, the first, which, with its vowel, expressed the pronoun standing in the relation of the oblique case, has obtained the appearance of designating the subjective, or of belonging to the proper personal ending; for, in /5o-/xa(^)/, the feeling of the language would better dispense with the expression of the " to me " or " me " (accusative) than with that of " I." I believe, whichever of the two explanations be the true, that we recognise in lo-fxou the same fx, as in BiSoifjit. That this should so appear is, however, no proof of the real state of the case; for if, as much resembles the case in question, and as has often occurred in the history of language, reduplicated forms undergo interior mutilation, by extrusion of the consonant of the second syllable, the first syllable then acquires the appearance of belonging to the root itself. No one misses, from the point of sight of our current language, from preterites like Melt the initial consonant of the root: every one holds the h of hielt as identical with that of halte; and yet, as Grimm's acuteness has discovered (I. 103, 104.), the syllable hi of hielt has gained this place by reduplication. The Old High German form is Malt, M(h)alt, and the Gothic haihald, whose second, and thus radical h, has escaped from the younger dialects. I now hold, contrary to my earlier opinion, the initial consonants of Sanscrit forms like
Compare . 470. thd-s, td-t, jm-
658
VERBS.
ttpima, " we expiated," for reduplicative, and I assume an extrusion of the base letter t of tatapima, producing tdpima = taapima, and hence, by weakening of the d ( = a + a) to e ( = a + i), tfrpima. In the Sclavonic damy, " I give," also, and in the Lithuanian dumi, the first syllable has sprung from a reduplication, and the radical syllable has entirely vanished. More of this hereafter. 474. Let us now turn to those middle endings in $, to which, in Greek, no at corresponds, and we believe, that we recognise in the plural dhvi a pronominal nominative form in the sense of . 228.; thus dhv& out of dhva-i, of the base dhva for tva. The dual endings dthg, die, accord, on the other hand, with neutral dual forms; such, for instance, as te, "these two." In the secondary forms, dhvam, distributed into dhu-am, may, in regard of its ending, be compared with yu-y-am, " you,11 ray-am, " we ;" but the dual expressions dthdm, dtdm, are related, in regard of their finals, to dhvam, as, by . 206., du (out of ds) is to as, and accord with dvdm, " we two," yumm, " ye two." For the rest, ^ T dthe, "mk dti, ^TqT* dthdm, Îril^ dtdm, TO appear to me mutilations of tdthe, &c. (see Kuhn, 1. c, p. 3l); just as we have found above in the Veda dialect, in the third person singular imperative urn for tarn (p. 6Sl). The syllables (t)hd, (t)d, which express the pronoun residing in the relations of the objective cases, are represented in
Greek by the cr in ldo-<r-dov, ediSo-a-dov, eSido-a-dyv, which cr,
after . 99., explains itself very satisfactorily as out of r. as d with a preceding aspirate, or cr, is a very favourite union. If
we oppose BiSo-cr-dov, &c, to the Sanscrit dadk-(th)<i-the, we
perceive that the two languages, in dealing with their aboriginal form, so divide themselves, that the one has preserved only the consonant, the other only the vowel of the pronominal expression of the oblique ease relation. In the second person plural the Sanscrit has dropped the vowel as well as the consonantal element of the inter-
659
mediary pronoun; but I believe that dhve, dhvam, in the condition of the language immediately anterior, were d-dhve, d-dhvam ; thus bhar-a-d-dhv$, abhar-a-d-dhvam = <f>ep-e-cr-8e, e<pep-e-<r-6e; for T sounds are easily suppressed before tv and dhv: hence we find in the gerund for dattvd, " after giving," bhit-tvd, " after clearing," more commonly da-tvd, bhi-tvd ; and in the second aorist form the second person plural of the middle exhibits both id-dhvam (out of is-dhvam) and i-dhvam; finally, before the ending dhi of the second person imperative singular, a radical s is converted into d: this d may, however, also be suppressed ; hence sa-dhi, as well as sdd-dhi, " reign thou," for ids-di. The root as forms merely &-dhi for ad-dhi, out of as-di. As, then, this e-di is to the Greek i'cr-di, so is bharadhve for bliaraddhve to (pepeade, only that in the latter place the Greek 6 represents, not the Sanscrit dh (. 16.), but the Greek T, through the influence of the antecedent s. Hence, also, in the imperative, <pepe(r8u>, as a medial after growth. For after <f>epeT<*>, a medial itself by origin, had been applied in practice with a purely active signification, the necessity arose of forming from it a new medio-passive on the old principle. Even the infinitives in adai appear to me, by a misdirected feeling, to have proceeded out of this principle; for after the true signification of the o- extant in speech was extinguished, the spirit of the language found it adapted, everywhere by its insertion before a T, and the conversion of the latter into 0, to call forth a medio-passive signification. If, however, we disrobe the form BiBocrdai of its s, and bring back the 6 to r, we arrive at StSoTcu, which admits of comparison with the SclavonicLithuanian infinitive in ti, just as this last may itself be brought back by other channels to abstract substantives in ti
* As I think, immediately from ti-dht, with a weakening of the a to e.
660
VERBS.
in Sanscrit. The Veda dialect also supplies us with infinitives in r dhydi, as dative feminine abstractions in ft| dhi, in which I can only recognise a transposition of the ordinary suffix fnti (Gramm. Crit. .640. Obs. 3.). 475. If we cast a glance back over the attempts we have made to explain the origin of the endings of the middle voice, the theory, that they depend on the doubling of each personal designation as it occurs, will be found to rest principally on the fact, that, in the Greek efpepo/x^v, the Sanscrit abharatds, and Veda dialect bharatdt, one and the same personal expression is doubled, as also on the principle that it is most natural so to express ideas like " I give to me," " I rejoice me "; in such a manner that the " I," as well as the " me," or " to me"the subjective as well as the objective case relationshould find a formal representative in one and the same pronominal base. Apart, however, from e<pep6fxr]v, forms like <pepe<ne, and the supposed Sanscrit bharaddhvi for the existing bharadhvi, would admit yet another exposition, namely, that the Greek cr did not stand euphonically for T, but on its own account, and as the base consonant of the reflective (. 341.); which, although belonging to the third person, yet willingly undertook the functions of both the others. In Sanscrit, the s of the reflective base before the personal endings dhve and dhvam, by the universal laws of sound, would either become d, or be dropped; and so far in this way, also, the Greek <pepe<r6e, e<pepeade, would go along with a Sanscrit bhara(d)dhve, abhara(d)dhvam ; for the above supposed forms, such as bharatathe, opposed to <j>epea-dov, we should have to assume bharasutlu\ out of bharasvathe. Were this assumption founded, as probably a similar principle would have prevailed in all the medial products, the finals (m)<\ U\ pat, rat, would have to be explained as not from mami, lati, but from mitsi, ta.ii, or masvi, tasvi. The
t Influence ot Pronouns in the Formation of Words.
661
second person would remain sasi, but the second s would pertain, not to the second person, but to the reflective, and we should then refer, also, the s of abharathds to the reflective, and necessarily suffer the JXYJV of e<pep6fj.r)v to stand totally isolated, without sympathy with the old principle. 476. With respect to the Latin, it was in the "Annals of Oriental Literature" (London, 1820. p. 62), that it was first observed that the passive r might owe its origin to the reflective. I am now the more decided in giving a preference to this hypothesis over that which resorts to the verb substantive that I have since recognised in the Lithuanian and Sclavonic, which I had not then drawn within the circle of my inquiries into comparative language, a similar, and, in truth, universally recognised procedure ; not, however, necessarily that aboriginal one which, in the remotest aera of the formation of the language, must have governed those medial forms which are common to the Greek and Asiatic sisterhood, but I rather assume a gradual inroad of the reflective of the third person into the second and first, as a substitute for some older and more decided expression of each person, on whom the action works retro-actively. The Old Sclavonic appends the accusative of the reflective to the transitive verb, in order to give it a reflective or passive signification ;
for instance, fra chtil, " lego," becomes chtusya, " legor"'; and thus in the second and third person qTEinnCA chteshisya, qTETfaCM chtetysya, plural qTEMCA chtemsya, &c.
(Dobrowsky, p. 544. Kopitar's Glag. p. 69. xvii.) In the Bohemian, se is not so much as graphically connected with the verb, and may stand as well before as after it, but is used by preference for the expression of the passive only in the third person (Dobr. Bohm. Lehrg. p. 182), which may also be the case with the Old Sclavonic. In the Lithuanian such verbal expressions have merely a reflective signification, but bear more the appearance of a
662
VERBS.
grammatical unity, and therefore more resemble the Latin passive, because it is not a positive case of the reflective pronoun, whose accusative is sawen (p. 477), but only its initial consonant, which is appended to the verb, either immediately, or with an e prefixed. The latter occurs in the persons which end in e or i, the former of which, before the appended es, becomes i. Compare, in this respect, the Old Latin amari-er from amare-er, with forms like wadinnati-es for wadinnate-es. The dual endings wa and ta convert their a into o, and a simple u of the first person becomes u. I annex here the present of " wadinnus, " I name myself," 1 opposite the simple transitive.
SINGULAR.
J. wadinnu, 2. wadinni, 3. wadinna,

DUAL.
wadinnus. ivadinnies. wadinnas. u-adinnawo*. wadinnatoslike sin-. wadinnamies. iradinnaties. like sing.
1. wadinnawa, 2. wadinnata, 3. like sing. 1. wadinname, 2. wadinnaie, 3. like sing.
PLURAL.
* It would appear, that, together with this sateen, or, in the dative, saw, a kindred form si co-existed, as, in Old Sclavonic si with sebye, and from this si it is plain that the suffix of the verba roflexiva proceeded; and in the third person, instead of a simple s the full s! may stand; for instance, wadinnas or wadinnasi, "he names himself." With verbs, also, beginning with at, ap, and sonic other prepositcs, or the negation ne, the reflective is interposed in the shape of xi, but may also be appended to the end; for instance, issilaihaus (is-si-luikaus), " I sustain mo." t Compare Sanscrit vad, " speak."
663
477. To these forms the Latin passive is strikingly similar, only that here the composition is already obscured, as the sense of independence of the reflective pronoun is not here maintained by its mobility, as in the Lithuanian, where, under the above-cited conditions, it is placed before the verb. By the favourite interchange, also, between s and r, a scission has occurred between the passive suffix and the simple reflective; for the persons ending with consonants, a connecting vowel was necessary towards the adjunction of the r, as such stands in amatur, amantur, as seems to me through the influence of the liquids. The imperative forms amato-r and amanto-r required no auxiliary vowel. In amamur the s of amamus has given way before the reflective, which is not surprising, as the s does not belong to the personal designation, and, in Sanscrit, is given up also in the simple verb, in the secondary forms, and occasionally even in the primary. In amer, on the other hand, the personal character is itself sacrificed to the suffix, for amemr was not possible, and amemur was forestalled for the plural (instead of amemusr). In amaris, ameris, &c, there is either a conversion from amasir, or the personal character s has been unable to withstand the inclination to become r when placed between two vowels (. 22.); and the reflective has protected its original s, like as the comparative suffix in the neuter exhibits ius opposed to ior (. 298.), and i instead of r comes before as a connecting vowel. In the singular im-
* That the i of amaris belongs to the original ending si, as Pott conjectures (Etym. Forsch. p. 135), I cannot admit, because I hold this kind of passive formation far younger than the period when the i of the active expression in Latin was still extant, as it has also vanished in Greek without a trace, except in eaa-i. In the secondary forms, however, it had disappeared before the individualization of the languages here compared, and yet we find amabaris, ameris.
664
VERBS.
perative person ama-re, the reflective, in preference to the other passive forms, has protected its vowel; and if we commute this re for se, we obtain the perfect accusative of the simple pronoun. We have already attended to the old infinitive form amari-er, produced by transposition for amare-re (p. 662). If we prefer, however, which I do not, to exempt the imperative amare from the universal principle of the Latin passive, we might recognise in it a remnant of the Hellene-Sanscrit and Zend construction, and accommodate re as a personal ending to cro, ^ sva, AJW ha, of which more hereafter, 478. That the second person plural amamini steps out of all analogy with the other passive persons is easy to observe, and nothing but the circumstance, that the earlier procedure of grammar did not trouble itself at all with the foundation of lingual phenomena, and that the relationship between the Greek and Latin was not systematically and scientifically traced out, can account for the fact, that the form amamini had so long found its place in the paradigms, without raising the question how and whence it came there. I believe I was the first to bring this under discussion in my Conjugation System (Frankf. a. M. 1S16. p. 105. ff.); and I repeat with confidence the explanation there given, namely, that amamini is a passive participle in the masculine nominative plural ; thus amamini for
amamini estis, as, in Greek, reTv/x/xevo! eicrt. The Latin suffix
is minus, and corresponds to the Greek /xevof and Sanscrit man-as. From the fact, however, that these participles in Latin are thrust aside in ordinary practice, mini has, in the second person pluralwhere it has continued as if embalmed, as far as the practice of the language is concernedassumed the existence of a verbal termination, and has thus also, having lost the consciousness of its nominal nature, renounced its distinction of gender, and its appendage esfis. If wo found nmnmina1 for the feminine
665
and amamina for the neuter, we should be spared the trouble of seeking an explanation for amamini, inasmuch as it would partly be afforded by the language itself. It may be suitable here to bring to remembrance a similar procedure in Sanscrit: this assumes for data (from the base ddtdr, . 144.) properly daturus, the sense of daturus est, without reference to gender; thus, also, of datura and daturum est, although this form of word, which is also a representative of the Latin nomen agentis in tor, has a feminine in tri at its command (see tri-c, . 119.). and the giveress is as little called data as the giver in Latin dator. In the plural, also, ddtdras, used as a substantive, stands for " the givers," and in the character of a verbal person, "they will give;*1 this in all genders; likewise in the dual, datdrdu. The procedure of the Sanscrit is thus still more remarkable than that of the Latin, because its data, datdrdu, ddtdrds, has maintained itself in the ordinary nominal usage of the language. It is therefore due merely to the circumstance, that the language, in its condition as handed down to us, could no longer deal ad libitum with the forms in the sense of future participles, that data, ddtdrdu, ddtdrds, where they signify dabit, dabunt, have lost all consciousness of their adjectival nature, and their capacity for distinction of gender, and have assumed altogether the character of personal terminations. To return, however, to the Latin amamini: the Reviewer of my Conjugation System, in the " Jena Literaturzeitung (if I mistake not, Grotefend), supports the explanation given by the forms alumnus, vertummis, which evidently belong to these participial formations, but have lost the i. This, however, has been pi*eserved in terminus, if, as Lisch, correctly and beyond dispute, lays down, we consider it as expressing " that which is overstepped," and identify its root with the Sanscrit tar (fri). Fe-mina
* Vocalismus, p. J74.
X X
666
VERBS.
(as giving birth, and therefore middle) I had before recognised as a formation belonging to the same category: the root is fe, from which also fetus, fetura, and fecundus. Gemini, moreover, as " the born together," (of the root gen) may be considered as a mutilation of genmini or genimini. 47P. How stands the case now with the imperative amaminor ? Are we to consider its r as identical with that of amor, amator, amantor ? I think not; for it was not necessary to express here the passive or reflective meaning by an appended pronoun, as the medio-passive participial suffix was fully sufficient for this purpose. At most, then, we seek in amaminor for a plural case-ending as in amamini; and this is afforded us, as I have observed in my Conjugation System (p. 106), by the Eugubian Tables, where, for instance, we find subator for the Latin subacti, screhitor for scripti* The singulars, however, of the second masculine declension in the Umbrian end in o: we
find orto for ortus, subato for subavtus. Now it is re-
markable that, in accordance with this singular form in o, there are extant also, in Latin, singular imperatives in mino, namely, famino in Festus, and prafamino in Cato de R. R. To these forms, before described, we can add fruimino, which Struve (Lat. Decl. and Conj. p. 143) cites from an inscription in Gruter, " is eum agrum nei habeto nei fruimino," where the form in question plainly belongs to the third person, by which it still more conclusively proclaims itself to be a participle, in which character it may with equal right be applied to one as to the other person. " Remark.Griife, in his work, ' The Sanscrit verb compared with the Greek and Latin from the point of view of Classical Philology,' remarks, p. 120, that he once considered, as I do, the form in mini as a participle in the
* The lulling or accords perfectly with the Sanscrit as (o + n.v) and Gothic ' > (- 7.); while the Latin i has obtruded itself from the pro' nominal declension (>i.22B.).
667
category of the Greek (xevos, but now considers it, with confidence, as a remnant of an old analogy of the Greek infinitive in efxevat, which, having been originally passive, had first been applied to the imperative in Latin, and thence had been further diffused. How near the imperative and infinitive come together, and how their forms are interchanged, Grafe thinks he has shewn. 1. c. p. 58. ff., where, namely, the Greek second person in ov (jvi\rov) is deduced from the Sanscrit first person singular in dni; but which is followed by the remark, that however tisthdni ('I should stand1) is manifestly and strikingly like the infinitive ia-rdvai, if we, moreover, consider that ai in Sanscrit is only the diphthong nearest to i (in Greek, however, the rarest, see Vocalism. p. 193). We have, however, to remember, that, in icrravat, the a belongs to the root, and that, therefore, for comparison with the Sanscrit imperative, if such be admitted, we can retain nothing but vat, as opposed to dni. Grafe goes on : ' I t would be easy to imagine that the first person plural Prism tishthdma had its counterpart in the other infinitive form ttrra/xev, properly (crrajue,* i.e. stare. Finally, it may not be left unobserved, that the Greek and Sanscrit imperative in 6t, dhi, is again the form of the infinitive in the Sclavonic dialects, and that custom admits the frequent use of the infinitive for the imperative in Greek.' I could hardly have expected that the personal endings of the Sanscrit imperative could lead to so many and various comparisons. It appears, however, to me ill suited to the spirit of classical philology, without necessity to attribute to the Greek, among others, that it has borrowed its second person imperative in ov from any
* I consider the v very essential, just because I deduce /*ev and /jeiai from the medial participial suffix fjevo^. t I explain their ti as identical with the abstract substantive suffix fjf ti.
x x2
668
VERBS.
Sanscrit first person. I find it still less congenial to the spirit of a more universal comparative philology, that Grafe, who has before overlooked, in his comparisons, many laws of sound incontrovertibly established, should give too willing an ear to mere similitudes of sound; for instance, when he explains the root ^char, 'to go,1 by the periphrasis, ' to move scraping along on the ground,' and, p. 32, places together ^n^lap, 'speak,1 lappen, 'topatch,1 schlabbern, 'to slabber,' and KaTTTTco. I was not aware that a German sch anywhere corresponded to a Sanscrit ch, but I knew that it did so to f (or v), in observance of the law of displacement (. 87.), and of the favourite practice of exchange between gutturals and labials. Remark the relation of chatvdras to the Gothic fidvdr and our vier, as also that of panchan to fiinF, and you will be satisfied with the identification of the Sanscrit char, ' go,1 and Gothic farya (preterite fdr), ' go,1 ' wander,1 fahren. If, however, we are to admit that any infinitive has arisen out of any imperative person, it would be the least far-fetched supposition which derived the Sanscrit infinitive and the Latin supine in turn from the third person imperative T 1u, with the addition of m : r for instance, bhatvm, ' to shine,1 from bhdhi, ' let him shine ; pdtum, ' to rule," from pdtit, ' let him rule.1 In kartum,' to make,1 from lcaruht, ' let him make,1 the class vowel only would be thrust aside. As, however, Grafe (1. c. p. 5s) has found a jest in what I have elsewhere said, and mean to repeat, of the first person imperfect, I must take care that he does not take for earnest what I mean as a jest. We do not, in truth, go so far in deriving bhdtum from bhdfu as in deducing \<TTavat from fTOTfa tishthdni (Zend histdni)' ' I should stand1; but I can find no other relationship between bhd-lu and bha-tuw than this, that in the infinitive, as an abstract substantive, the action is personified through a form which comes near the expression of the third person in the imperative. I recognise in the suffix tti, as also in tl
INFLUENCE OF THE PERSONAL TERMINATIONS.
G69
(another class of abstracts, with which the Sclavonic and Lithuanian infinitive is connected), various gradations of one and the same pronoun of the third personas in the interrogative we find the forms ka, hi, ku,and so far a relationship between the nominal classes in question and the endings ti and tu of bhdti, ' he shines,' and bhdtu, ' he may shine.1 The coincidence is thus in any case not quite so fortuitous as that between la-ra-vai and tishthdni. Whosoever derives the former from the latter cannot escape from bringing into this family the Gothic infinitive in an, especially as the a of stand-an does not, like that of tcna-vai, belong to the root. Historically, however, as I doubt not, the German infinitive belongs to the class of the Sanscrit abstracts in ana, as bandh-ana, ' the binding * = Gothic bind-an."
INFLUENCE OF THE WEIGHT OF THE PERSONAL TERMINATJONS.
480. The weight of the personal terminations exercises, in Sanscrit and Greek, and, as far as we have evidence, also in Zend, an influence on the antecedent radical or class syllable, obvious and comprehensive, though till lately unobserved.* Before light terminations extensions are frequent, which, before the heavier, are withdrawn; so that in many anomalous verbs the entire body of the root can only be maintained before the light terminations, but, before the heavy, mutilation occurs. For instance, the root ^r^ as, " be," retains its a before the one, but rejects it before the other, as if it had been overgrown by the augment; hence, asmi, " I am," but smas, " we are," stha, " you are," santi, " they are." We see, however, that this mutilation had not yet established itself
* I was first led to the observation of this interesting phenomenon in my investigation of the origin of the German Ablaut (Berlin Jahrb. Feb. 1827, p. 25'J, and Vocalismus, p. 13).
670
VERBS.
at the period of the unity of the language ; for the Greek protects, in the verb substantive, the radical vowel degenerated to e, even before the heavier terminations, and opposes ecr/ief, ecrre, earov, to the Sanscrit smas, stha, sthas, stas. The Lithuanian and Sclavonic, also, testify to the comparatively recent loss of the Sanscrit a before the weightier terminations. Compare
SINGULAR. GREEK. LITH. SCLAVONIC.
as-mi,
a-si, as-ti,
e/x-fit,* ecr-crl, ecr-Tt,
es-mi, es-si, es-ti,

DUAL.
KMib yes-my. KCH ye-si. i yes-ty.
s-vas, s-thas, s-tas, s-mas, s-fha, s-anli,
. . . ecr-Tov,
es-iva, es-ta,
yes-va.
IECTA yes-ta. KCTA yes-ta. iiZMhiyes-my. KCTE yes-te.
ecr-rov,
ecr-fj.es, ecr-Te, (o-)-ei'T/, r)
like the Sing.

PLURAL.
es-me, es-te,
like the Sing.
(STB s-uty.
" Remark.It is possible that the suppression of the radical vowel may have begun with the third person plural, whose termination anti is also the heaviest of all, and it may have existed in this position even before the migration of the language, and its manifold individualizations; at least, all the languages under comparison exhibit in this case a wonderful harmony scarcely attributable to chance : and, in addition to these, the Latin sunt, as opposed
* By assimilation out of ( VJUI, as, before, aV/ue?, , out of a<r,ue? iiojiie?. VecLi dinlei-t asmf, ynshmS. t Irregular for us si, on which rest tlic Gicek and Lithuanian forms. The Sclavonic, huwever, has likewise dropped one of the sibilants.
671
to estis, as well as the Gothic sind, are in accordance. On the other hand, the dropping of the e in sumus first appears on Roman ground, and, in the singular likewise, sum for esum is quite solitary. After the falling away of the initial and terminating vowels of asmi in the Latin, the appendage of an auxiliary vowel became necessary, and the influence of the liquids prevailed in favour of u. This u remained, also, in the plural, where smus was possible, but not favoured, as the Latin has generally gone out of its way to avoid the immediate connection of the ending mus with roots ending in consonants; whence we have vol-u-mus opposed to vultis; ferimus to fer-tis, fers, fert, (Sanscrit bibhri-mas, bibhri-tha, bi-bhar-si, bibhar-ti from bhri class 3); edi-mus opposed to estis, es, es-t- (Sanscrit ad-mas, cd-tha, at-si, at-ti). To the Greek, in the case of the third person plural, hvrl, if, as I scarcely doubt, it stands for a-evTi ( = Zend h-enti), nothing has remained but the termination, as in the Sanscrit, in the second medial person, se for a(i)-se. The Gothic we have excluded from the above comparison, although i-m, i-s, is-t, rest upon as-mi, a-si, as-ti; but, in the plural, sind alone is organic, for siy-um, siy-uth Dual siy-yd, (see . 441,) siy-uts have the ending of the preterite, and belong to a secondary root siy, which proceeds from a Sanscrit potential sydm, in which sy (=si) has changed itself to siy. 481. All Sanscrit roots of the third class in d (. 109*. 3.) depend, on account of the anterior burthen created in the reduplication syllable, on the influence of the weight of the personal endings, so that they retain their a only before the light endings, but before the heavier either altogether suppress or shorten it, or transpose the length of the d sound into that of the lighter i; and this is one of the evidences, from which I deduce the maximvery important for the history of languagethat the organism of the lingual body sustains a greater weight in the a than in the i
672
YEEBS.
sounds, the long a being heavier than the long i, and the short a heavier than the short i (see Vocalismus, Obser. 12, p. 214). The roots da, " give," and dhd, " place," suppress their & before heavy terminations, with exception of the third person plural, if, as I prefer, we make the division dada-ti, not dad-ati (compare . 458.); for originally dadd-nti certainly stood, out of which we never could obtain dad-nti, but well might dada-nti, and, out of this, a new sacrifice to the reduplication syllable, dada-ti. The Greek only shortens the long vowel before the increasing terminations, and makes SiSo,
n8e, icrja, out of <Siai, rtdrj,
ICTTO..
In the Latin, Sclavonic,
and Lithuanian, the influence of the personal endings on the antecedent, syllable has utterly vanished, and da has also lost the original length of its vowel and the reduplication syllable. The Lithuanian and Sclavonic have, on the other hand, saved their reduplication, but have absolutely suppressed the root vowel, which the Sanscrit only does before heavy terminations. As, however, the d also vanishes before endings which commence with m and s in Lithuanian also with wbut before t passes into s (. 457.), the reduplication in these verbs is almost totally overlooked, and in dumi, A*Mb damy, which are mutilations of du-dh-mi, da-dh-my, the reduplication has, by thrusting out the most essential element of the entire form, acquired the appearance of a radical syllable. It is, however, certain, that in diemi, damy, the syllables dti, da, are identical with those of du-s-ti, da-s-ty, for dii-d-ti, da-d-ty, thus merely reduplicators.*
* We here confirm the observations of . 442., Obs. 7. In dlidu, according to the usual conjugation, dud has constituted itself as root, and the a of dud-a-mi, dud-a-me, has thus nothing more to do with the a of the Sanscrit ihulihui, or the w, o of the Greek SlSa/u, SiSo/uei., but belongs to a
class with tile a of wrz-n-wn, tvez-a-mr.

SINGULAR. SANSlSttiT. ZEND. GKEEK. LITH. OLD SCLAV.
673
LATIN.
dadd-ini, dadhd-mi, dadd-si, dadhd-hi, dudd-ti, dudhdi-ti,
Biûi-/xi, du{d)-mi, du(d)-my, do. io>s, du(d)-i, da(d)-si, das. t$u>-Tt, dus-ti, das-ty, dat.
DUAL.
dad-vas, . . . . dat-thas, das-to ?' dut-tas, das-td?2

3
.... du(d)-wa, dad-e-va, Bto-Tov, dus-ta, das-ta, ISO-TOI>, like Sing, das-tu,
PLURAL.
...
dud-mas, dad-e-mahi, Stdo-fxes, du(d)-mf>, da(d)-rny, da-mus. dat-thu, das-tu?* SiSo-re, dus-te, das-le, da-tin, dada-ti, dade-ntif dido-vrt, like Sing, dad-yaty, da-nt.
In the Greek the influence of the weight of the personal ending over the root syllable has penetrated further than in Sanscrit, in this respect, that even the aorist forms, set free from reduplication, edrjv and eu>v, have shortened their vowel before the increasing ending, while ea-Trjv ( = earav), in accordance with similar Sanscrit aorist forms, allows no influence to the weight of the endings. In Sanscrit, from the first augmented preterite adadd-m comes the plural adad-ma, as, in Greek, eSi'So-ixev from eio)-v; but from addm comes not adma, but the root remains undiminished. It may be convenient to give here in full the two augmented preterites, which are distinguished in the two languages by retaining and laying aside the reduplication syllable.
1 If, also, the second dual person in Zend is not yet identified, it can nevertheless be deduced with tolerable certainty from the third person, which is extant in to (. 464.), for which, in the second person of the primary forms, we may expect thu, the aspirate of which, however, has been forced to vanish in ^^>,A3 dako (see . 453.). Upon M i for^ d see 2 3 J . 102. See . 102. . 30. . 102. and . 453. s P. 459.
674
SINGULAR.
VERBS.
DUAL. PLURAL.
adad-mo, eStSo-fu .... adadd-m, edlBoi-v, adad-va, adat-tam, eSlSo-rov, adat-ta, e<Mo-Te eoioo)-, adodd-s, adadd-t, eoioo)-[Ty), adat-tdm, eSiBo-TYjv, adad-us,* eStSo-v, add-m, adds, add-t,
e$b)-v, e'Sut-r, ada-va, odd-tam, add-tdm, .... eSo-Tov, eSo-rnv,
add-ma, eo-n.es, add-to, eSo-re, ad-us,* eo-v.
482. The Sanscrit roots hd, "leave,"t hd, "go," and md, "measure" (compare /xe-Tpov, /xiixeo/xai, &c.)the two last have the medial, the first only the pure active f o r m weaken, before most of the heavy endings, their d to i, and the two last substitute also, in their reduplication syllable, a short i for short a ; for instance, jahi-mas, " we leave," opposed to jahd-mi, " I leave"; mimS (from mimi-mi), " I measure," mimi-mahe, " we measure." The roots ^rr sthd, " stand," and fnghrd, " smell," follow a peculiar path, inasmuch as a vowel shortening, which probably at its origin, as in the Greek "crra/xi, Ya-rafiev, only obtained before heavy endings, has extended itself to the other persons through which the radical a, thus shortened, would be treated just like the unradical of the first and sixth class (109a. 1.). The Indian grammarians thence reckon these roots as under the first class, although they assume a reduplication syllable, which, however, substitutes an i for a, as I doubt not, on the ground that the reduplication syllable, which is seeking generally for relief from weight, and therefore, converting long into short vowels, may not mix up the heaviest among the short vowels with the length derived from position ; hence, thhthdmi, tishthasl, tisht.hati. &c, Zend histdmi.
* Sco . 4C2. t Compiirc, with Pott, x'VP", " widow," as the " abandoned" or " left." In Sanscrit ri-dh'iva is "the manlvss."
INFLUENCE OF THE PERSONAL TERMINATIONS. 675
histasi, histati; j'ighrami, jighrasi, jighrati, &c. The Greek follows this principle of the weakening of the vowel, also, where there is not, as in the cases of'larrnit,Kixptipt, any immediate reason for it by the doubling of consonants. UifinXr/fu and nlix-nprjfxi are, however, striking and peculiar in appending a nasal, a stranger to the root, to the reduplicating syllable. These forms, however, accord with the Sanscrit intensive verbs, which love a great impression in the repeated syllable, and hence change to the Guna letters the vowels susceptible of Guna, but double the whole root in roots ending with nasals, and, in some cases, also represent the liquids r and I by the nasal liquids which accord with the organ of the chief consonants; for instance, jangam,* from gam, "go";
chanchal, from chal, "totter"; chanchur (for chanchar), from char, " go." In this sense I assume rnl\mpr\\u, irt'fj.TtXijfx.i, for nipirpriixi, -nlXirXrifii: thus, also, (3anf3alvu, with the kindred
form /3a/i/3a\w (compare balbus). 483. The roots of the second class (. 109a. 3.), in Sanscrit do not load themselves with reduplication, neither do they subject a concluding a to the influence of the weight of the personal endings. The Greek, however, has here also again permitted a wider range to that influence, inasmuch as (py/xt ((pafj.1), in this respect, follows the analogy of Compare
SINGULAR. DUAL. PLUKAL.
bhd-mi, bhd-si, bhd-ti,
<j>a-/xi, <f>>j-S, (pa-ri,
bhd-vns, bhd-thas, bhd-tas, abhd-va, abhd-tam, abhd-tdm,
.... bhd-mas, (p (fra-rov, bhd-tha, <pa-re. <f>a-Tov, bhd-nti, (pa-vrt. .... abkd-ma, e<pa-ne$. e<pa-Tov, abhd-ta, ecjyd-Te. eâ-TYjv, abhd-n, ecpa-v.
abhd-m, e(pa-v, ablid-s, e<pas, abhd-t, 6^)-(T),
* Compare with this the Gothic gagga {=ganga\ " I go," where the chief syllable has lost the nasal.
676
VEKBS.
This analogy is followed in Sanscrit, among other roots, by yd, " go," on which the Greek 'L'YJUI, properly " make to go," rests, to which the syllable of reduplication has lent a causative signification, as to the Latin aisto opposed to sto, while the Greek (W^/xi ( = cr/oTî) unites the primitive with the causative signification. While in "-GTY\\XI the spiritus asper, as it so often does, stands for a, in ft]pi it is the representative of the lost semi-vowel y, as among others in o? for n ^ yas, "who " (. 382.); thus, i-rjfu for yt-yrjfxi: on the other hand, compare the future discharged of the reduplication ij-cra) with the Sanscrit ya-sydmi. This "r\\u still bends to the weight of the endings; thus Yefj.es> "ere opposed to yd-mas, yd-tha. To the root yd, I think with Pott (Etym. Forsch. p. 201), we must refer the middle of etfxi, which itself belongs to the root ^ i, " go," which in Greek, by analogy to i'-/uej, should form ijicu, i'acu, irai, opposed to the Sanscrit i-ye (froin i-me), i-she, i-te. The form 'te-/j.ai, however, explains itself out of yd by a vowelization of the semi-vowel, and thinning of the a to e. In duly considering, what I think I have proved, that the personal endings exercise a more comprehensive influence on the preceding syllable in Greek than in Sanscrit, and that roots ending in vowels shorten one originally long before heavy endings, the verbs rjfiai and Ket-fxat might surprise us, since in these the heavy medial endings have not shortened the antecedent vowel. Of Keifiai we shall treat hereafter; but rj-fxai owes the retention of the length of its vowel to the circumstance that its root was originally terminated by a consonant, and I have already, in my glossary, identified it with the Sanscrit <h; " sit," the s of which has remained in the Greek only before T; hence rja-Tat = ÎT^ ds-te, rjcr-To = ds-ta. It accords, however, with the system of
* On the other hand, J-au, &L-., belong to the root "E.i (c'j-,ja), Sanscrit l (compare 1'otf, Etym. Forseli. \>. ^711. and Kiiliner, p. lM'2). The spiritus
677
equilibrium that Kadrjixat cannot bear the a of rja-ro, together with the burthen of the augment; hence KaOfja-To; but 484. The Sanscrit root ^n^ ids, " rule," exhibits a peculiar capability for the weight of the personal endings, inasmuch as its long a remains undisturbed before those heavy endings which begin with the weakest consonants (semi-vowels and nasals); thus sds-vas, " we two rule," sds-mas, " we rule;" but, before the strong consonants of heavy endings, weakens itself to the shortness of the lightest vowel, namely, to i, whence, for instance, sish-tha,
"regitis," opposed to sds-si, "regis," sds-ti, "regit." We may
recognise in this a forerunner of the German conjugation forms, such as binda, bindam, bundum, opposed to the monosyllabic singular preterite band, bans-t, p. 108. 485. The roots of the ninth class (. 109". 5.) are so far in accordance with the principle of the roots hd and md, mentioned in . 482., in that they weaken to i the of the class syllable nd, in the same places in which those roots experience the same relief in their radical syllable. The Greek, on the other hand, shortens the long Doric a (n) to a. Compare
SINGULAR. DUAL.
kri-na-mh lcri-nd-si, kri-nd-ti,
êp-vd-fxi. irep-vas. nep-vd-rt.
kri-ni-vas, Icri-ni-thas, nrep-vd-rov. kri-m-tas, nep-vcj.-Tov. alcri-ni-va, akri-ni-tam, e-nep-vu-Tov. a7cri-ni-tdm, e-nep-va-TYjv.
ahri-nd-m, eirep-vd-v. akri-nd-s, eitep-vas. akri-nd-t, eT:ep-vd-(r).
spiritus of foai is inorganic, i. e. not from a; as, for instance, in

opposed to -^ urla, vvrla.
678
VERBS.
PLURAL.
kri-ni-mas,
irep-vd-fj.es.
kri-ni-tha, kn-na-nti,
Trep-vd-re. (irep-va-vrt).
akri-nl-ma, akri-ni-ta, eitep-va-re. akri-na-n,2 {e-nep-vd-v).

hrinami, " I purchase," has n for n in the middle syllable through the euphonic influence of the antecedent r. The relationship to vepvtiixt rests on the favourite exchange between gutturals and labials, through which the Greek verb has assumed an apparent relationship to Trepaw, "to sail through" (=Sanscrit pdraydmi, where the T is primitive. T 2 If we make the divisions kri-n'-unti, akri-n-an (. 458.), we must assume that the middle syllable suppresses its vowel before all those heavy endings which themselves begin with a vowel; thus, also, in the middle, kri-n'-e from kri-rii-me. For the special purposes of Sanscrit Grammar this rule may hold good; but in considering the historical developement or decay of the language, I am more inclined to the belief that the syllable iia has shortened itself before nti and n (older nt) instead of converting itself into the long form of the lighter i sound, in order to avoid combining length of vowel and pos.tion. The middle-dual endings athe, ate, dthdm, atim did not require the weakening of the nd to ?/?, since without this, by the ordinary rule of sound, two homogeneous vowels melt into one long one ; so that nd + dthe gives a lighter form than ni + dthe, which latter would give n;/-:"itc, while from nd +dte we get merely njte.
486. With Sanscrit verbs of the second and third class, with a radical vowel capable of Guna,* the influence of the weight of the personal endings is shewn in this, that Guna takes place before the light (. 26.), but before the heavy the pure radical vowel reappears. The same law
* The Sanscrit conjugation system only allows the Guna to short vowels before simple consonants, and to long at the end of roots. On the other hand, Guna never takes place in the middle of the roots, where there is length by nature and position.
INFLUENCE OP THE PERSONAL TERMINATIONS.
679
is respected by the Greek, which, however, affords no example, except that of etjxt (. 26.), of a verb with a radical vowel capable of Guna, which, in the special tenses (. 109.a), connects the personal sign directly with the root. Compare
SING. DUAL. PLURAL.
i-mi, el-fit, i-shi, et-f. e-ti, ei-ri.
i-vas, . . . i-mas, i'-/xe?. i-thas, 'I-TOV, i-tha, \'-TE. i-tas, I'TOV, y-anti, i'-dcrt (from t-avn).
That the middle 'le/xat belongs to another root has been already remarked (p. 676). 487. An exception from the law of gravity is found in the root shi, class 2 (" lie," " sleep,") in that, although only used in the middle, despite the weight of the medial endings, it everywhere exhibits Guna; in which respect the Greek Kei/j.ai runs pretty parallel to the Sanscrit: hence
Kei-aai = ii-she, Kei-rat = ii-ie, plural Ket-fxeda = si-mahe. We
might also present se, as the root for the Sanscrit verb, as the pure vowel i nowhere appears, and the construction, also, of the word exhibits no expression, which made a root si necessary, rather than si, unless, perhaps, we assumed sita, " cold," in the sense of resting, motionless, and hence chose to derive it from si. The Old Sclavonic exhibits the old diphthong in the shape presented by the
Greek Kohr), Koi[xaco, in nokow poktii, "requies," "pax."*
On the other hand, qiiio chiju, " quiesco," has undergone a double weakening; first, that of K to i ch, and next the thinning out of the diphthong to its concluding element. It must not be overlooked that pokoi is not the primitive shape of the base, but po-koyo, out of which, in the uninflected nominative and accusative, after suppression of the final vowel of the base (. 257.), po-koi necessarily came :
Kopitar's Glagolita, p. 86.
680
VERBS.
the theme pokoyo, however, accords excellently with Sanscrit saya; as the adjective " lying," " sleeping;" or as the substantive " sleep." 488. The roots of the fifth and eighth class admit the Guna form of the T U of the class syllable nu or u before the light terminations, and, before the heavy, reject the same vowel: the Greek sanctions the same principle, only, instead of extending v into ev, it lengthens the v. Compare
SINGULAR. DUAL.
stri-no-mi,* stri-nn-shi, . stri-no-ti, natn-nnv-nm,

Qstfi-nd-Si
aT6p-vv-/xi. crrop-vv-g. crrop-vv-Tt. earop-vv-v.

(7Top-vv-^.
stri-nu-vas, stri-nu-thm, stri-nu-tas,
.... (TTop-vv-Tov. (rrop-vv-rov.
aatri-nd-t,
earop-vv-^T).
attri-nu-va, .... ast ri-nu-tam, ea-Top-vv-rov. asfri-nu-tnm, ecrrop-vv-rrjv.
PLURAL.
sfri-nu-mas, stri-nu-tha, crrop-vv-Te. stri-ri'v-nnti, arop-vv-vrt. astri-nu-ma, astri-nu-ta, nstri-nv-an,

e<TTop-vv-fxe<;. ea-Top-i'C-re.
4S9. The Sanscrit reduplicated preterite receives guna before the light endings, and restores the pure root vowel again before the heavy. In this the German, and most evidently in the Gothic, stands in closest accordance with the Sanscrit, inasmuch as all verbs, with a root vowel
* Tlip. grammarians assume n root ^ *l>'i and another ^ stri, both of which signify "strew," and have, properly, for their root syllable star = <;ivi>k ETOP, Latin STEJi, tli<- a of whieh is subject to suppression (Voealismus Obs. I. p. 157, and on the root in question, especially, 1. e. P 170.
susceptible of Guna (i. e. with i or ii), insert before this, in the singular of the simple (strong) preterite, the original Guna vowel a ; but before the increasing endings of the plurals, as also in the entire conjunctive, which is burthened by the exponent of the mood, and also in the singular polysyllabic, again reject the foreign strengthening vowel. Compare
SANSCRIT.
BOOT.
GOTHIC.
ROOT.
SANSCRJT.
ROOT.
GOTHIC.
ROOT.
bind," to split." bit, "to bite." bhuj,"to bend." bug, "to bend.'
SINGULAR. SINGULAR. SINGULAR. SINGULAR.
bibheda, bibheditha, bibhida,

DUAL.
bait, baist, bait,

DUAL.
bubhoja, bubhojitha, bubhoja,

DUAL.
baug. baugf. baug.

DUAL.
bibhidiva, bibhidathus, bibhidatus,

PLURAL.
b'du, bituts, . . .
PLURAL.
bubhujiva, bubhujathus, bubhvjatus,

PLURAL.
bugu. bug ids. . . .

PLURAL.
bibhidbna, bibhidoitha), bibhidus.
bitum, bituth, bitun,
bubhujima, bubhuja(tha), bubhujus,
bugum. buguth. bugun.
490. On the law of gravity rests also the phenomenon, that those Gothic roots ending in two consonants, which, without protecting the reduplication, have preserved a radical a in the singular of the preterite, weaken this down to u before the heavy plural and dual endings, and those of the whole conjunctive (Vocalismus, Obs. 16. p. 227) The Sanscrit exhibits a remarkable counterpart to this phenomenon, which had not come under my notice in my earlier treatment of the theory of gravity, and is here for the first time considered in this point of view ;I mean the root kar, " make," whichnot indeed in the redupliY Y
682
VEKBS.
cated preterite, but still in the special tenses before heavy endings, and in the whole potential, which answers to the Gothic conjunctiveweakens its a to u, and only before light endings retains the heavy a sound. Hence karomi, " I make," stands in equal relation to kurumas or kurmas, " we make," and to kurydm, " I might make," as, in Gothic, band to bundum, and hundyau. We place here the Gothic preterite bund in the same category with the Sanscrit babhandha, which everywhere leaves its vowel unaltered, and with karomi as regards the change of vowel.
SINGULAR. SANSCKIT. GOTH. SANSCRIT. SANSCRIT. DU\L. GOTHIC. SANSCRIT.
babandha, band, kardmi, babandhilha, banst, kardshi, babandha, band, kardti.
babandhiva, bundu, kuruias. babandhathus, bunduts, kuruthus. babandhatus, . . . kurutas.

PLURAL.
babandhima, bundum, babandhaitha), bunduth, babandhus, bundun,

POTENTIAL. SINGULAR. DUAL.
kurumas. kurutha. kurranti.
PLURAL.
Sanscrit.
Gothi
Sanscrit.
Gothic.
Sanscrit.
Gothic.
kurydm, bundyaii, kurydva, bundeua, kuryas, bundeis, kurydtam, bundeits, kury&t, bundi, kurydtdm, . . . .
kurydmu, bundeima. kuryata, bundeith. kuryus, bundeina.
" Remark 1.As all verbs which follow the analogy of band have a liquid for their penultimate consonant, and liquids have a preference for the vowel u, we may attribute to them here an influence on the generation of the u : it remains, however, not the less true, that the conditions under which, in the foregoing scheme, a and u are interchanged, rest only on the laws of gravity, and on a
683
maxim sufficiently, as I believe, demonstrated in my Vocalismus (p. 227), that the weight of the u is more easily supported by these languages than that of a. For were this not so, it were difficult to see why exactly, in the monosyllabic singular, the old a was protected; and why the condition of monosyllabism is so enforced in the preservation of the a, that, in Old High German, where the second person singular is designated by i instead of t* and also, in the form which becomes dissyllabic, the lighter u should give way to the heavier a; and thus bundi of the first and third person stands in contrast to band, and to the Gothic second batist. In like sense may, in the Sanscrit form kur, exchanged for kar, a certain share be attributed to the liquid in the generation of the u, while the distribution between the a and u forms depends on the weight of the endings alone. Beyond the range, however, of the special tenses, the root kar, in the forms which seek for alleviation, dispenses entirely with the a, so that the r becomes the vowel ri. The mutilated form krl thus producedas, for instance, in kri-ta, ' made,1 opposed to kar-tum, ' make'is considered by the grammarians as the original, and this holds good in analogous cases;a view which I have, in my Vocalismus, endeavoured to demonstrate as historically unsustainable, in the first Observation of that work. In special Sanscrit grammars, this system may be maintained ; a kar may still pass for a Guna form of kri; as also we may be compelled to treat the a of the Gothic band as the Guna form of i in binda, as we must, if, reversing the real historical course of the language, we recognise, in the singular a of the preterite, a first, and, in the plural, a conjunctive u of the preterite, a second ablaut of the i of the present
binda."
* For the origin of this i I refer to ray Vocalismus, p. 23. Y\ 2
684
VERBS.
" Remark 2.It may appear surprising that these Gothic verbs with a radical a, which, in the preterite, have protected the old reduplication, do not equally weaken their a to u before the heavy endings ; that, for instance, haihald, in the plural, should form, not haihuldum, but haihaldum, although the root has equally a liquid for its penultimate; and we might imagine that the burthening of the root by reduplication would occasion still more susceptibility for the weight of the endings; as we have seen, in Sanscrit, that the reduplicating roots of the third class in & either weaken or totally remove that vowel before the heavy endings (. 181.), but the nonreduplicators experience no diminution. With the Gothic reduplication of the preterite we find in this a peculiar relation: it can only be borne by the strongest radical structure, and has hence only been perpetuated, first, by verbs with a long or diphthongal radical vowel; as huhait, ' I was named,' present haita; hlailaup, ' I ran/ present hlaupa ; secondly, by roots with the heaviest of the short vowels (a), united with length by position; for instance, vaivuld, ' I directed,' present valda* Under these conditions, it was a necessity of the language to retain the reduplication of the root in all its strength, and by this the weakening of the a to u was provided against." 491. The Greek exhibits the Guna modification of the i in two forms, namely, where the original a sound is represented either by e or o, but at never becomes the counterpart of the Sanscrit e in roots in which diphthongs are exchanged with a pure *.t Where, however, ei and ot, next to /, are exchanged
* Faifali, from thi: haaafnh, " to seize," and haihah, from hah, " to hang," m.ike an exception, but a])]ie.n\ on tin- evidence of cognate dialects, to have lost a nasal. t Yocnlisniux, Olis. '2. ]>. lit:!.
with each other in one and the same root, then 01, as the heavier of the two Gunas, takes its place in the perfect, where also frequently the simple o is opposed to the simple e; hence, for instance, AeAoiira opposed to \e'nru>, eAiirov; itenoiQa to ireido), eizidov, as rerpoipa to Tpe<pca. Thus ot answers to the Gothic Guna through a, and ei to that through i (. 27.); and 7re/0u> and TTeTTotda are related to each other, as beita (i.e. hita from biita, p. 105) to bait from the root bit; then, also, Tpe$w to rerpocjxx, as lisa to las from the root LAS (p. 106). It appears, also, thus, that the Greek bears more willingly the burthen of a stronger than of a weaker root syllable. The susceptibility of the weight of endings has, however, almost entirely vanished from the Greek perfect. A remnant of it is still found in ola, opposed to the Sanscrit, veda, " I know," and the Gothic vait * in all three languages a present as to sense, with the terminations of the reduplicated preterite. Yet the Sanscrit verb, in this signification, dispenses with the reduplication, and so does the Greek; for ol<Sa for FolBa is merely the Guna of the root (F)t$. Compare
SANSCRIT. GOTHIC. GREEK.
%^ vM-a, vet-tha, ve-da, vid-i-va, vid-a-thus, vid-a-tus, vid-i-ma,

vid-a-iha,
vait, vais-t, vait,
oiS-a. ol<r-6a (see . 453). ol-e.
vit-u, .... vit-u-ts, 'ia-rov, . . . . 'HT-TOV, vit-u-m, iS-fxev,

vit-u-th, 'IU-TB.
vid-us (see . 462.), vit-u-n,
iV-a-cr*.
* In the case of this verb our present language has preserved the operation of the influence of the endings; hence, wissen, wisset, wissen, against weiss, weisst, weiss ; while elsewhere the plural has everywhere made itself equal in weight to the singular.
686
VERBS.
"Remark.The Sanscrit base vid is not without a proper present%ftr vedmi, the plural of which, vid-mas, vit-tha, vid-anti, might have equally given, in Greek, '/S-fj.ev, 'ta-Te, 'la-aa-i (from 'fiavri, p. 640); as also out of the duals vit-thns, vit-tas, we could hardly obtain in Greek any thing other than 'IG-TOV. The present forms resemble theGreekmuch more than those of the preterite. Nevertheless, I am not of opinion that the Greek plural and dual endings can belong to the present in their origin, for the intermediate vowel a, whose rejection gives to i'Sfxev the appearance of a present (compare ea-fiev), is no essential element of the perfect, and is wanting, among other instances, in BYK-TOV ; which, moreover, through the restoration of the pure radical vowel, bears the same relation to eoiKe, as 'ICTTOV to olSe. We shall recur to this subject." 492. After what we have hitherto remarked on the laws of gravity, it becomes scarcely necessary to quote instances to shew which are the light terminations, and which the heavy. It is self-evident that the dual and plural endings have more body and compass than the singular of the transitive active form, and that in the middle voice the weight of endings communicates itself also to the singular; for pai, <rai, rai, are obviously richer in sound than HI, <J(I), TI : in the same manner, in the secondary forms, jxrjv, <JO, TO, are heavier than v, <r, (T). We have, however, to observe, that several terminations, originally heavy, but which have, in the course of time, become abbreviated, have nevertheless left behind them the effect of their former state. This is the case especially in the Sanscrit, in which the middle abibhr-i (see p. 461) is much weaker in its termination than the transitive abibhar-am; so that, according to the present state of the language, we should rather expect abihln-am answering to ablhhar-i than the reverse. The second person plural of the transitive reduplicate preterite, like the first and third of the singular, has lost the true personal sign, and retained only the
DIVISION OF CONJUGATIONS.
687
intermediate vowel. Nevertheless, we find above vida, " ye know," answering to the singular veda, " I know," " he knows." In the second person plural of the primary forms, tha is, in its present state, heavier than the singular si, as a is heavier than i, and the Sanscrit aspirates are evident combinations of an h with the full tenues or media (. 12.). In Greek, all the terminations (if we except, perhaps, the relation of re to da, as in 'ta-re contrasted with oTa-da), which I reckon heavy have still, in their actual state, more weight than those which, according to the theory which has been brought forward, belong to the light class. Compare
LIGHT END. HEAVY ENDING.
mi, si, ti> m(am), s,

t,
fit. TI. v. f.
vas, mas, &, vahe, make, tha, se, dthe, dve, tas, nti, te, ate, nte, va, ma, a, i, tarn, ta, tkds,
n(an),
/uej, fxcct, /J.edov, fxeda. TOV, re, <rat, crdov, ade. TOV, VTI, crdov, vrai. \xeda.
cr(i).thas,
vahi, dthdm,
mahi, dhvam,
/uej, jjurjv, jxedov,
TOV, r e , <TO, crdov, o-0e. vro.
( T ) . tdm,
ta, dtdm,
nta, (ata), TTJV ( T U V ) , V, TO, Q-QY\V (<rdcov),
493. Sanscrit verbs admit of an easy distribution into two conjugations ; thefirstwhich,if not the oldest, existed before the separation of languages, and is almost alone represented in the European cognate languagescomprehends the great majority of all the verbs, viz. classes 1, 4, 6, 10 (. 109a.), which, in the special tenses, annex to the root a simple a (cl. 1 and 6), or syllables which terminate with a, viz. ya and aya (cl. 4 and 10). This conjugation is followed also, as will hereafter appear, by nearly all derivative verbs and by all denominatives. In Greek, the conjugation in w corresponds to it, in which too much stress must not be laid on the w answering to the Sanscrit mi, for * See .471.
688
VERBS.
if the /xi is restored to the Tepirw, compared above (. 434) with tarp-d-mi; and if rep-nets, Tepnet, are carried back to the forms repn-e-crt, rep-n-e-n, which, in all probability, once existed; still this verb, and all of similar construction, remain sufficiently distinguished from all classes of the so-called pi conjugation, which does not contain any verbs that insert between the root and the personal terminations an e which is interchanged with o, or larger syllables terminating with this vowel. The second Sanscrit conjugation separates, like the Greek, into three divisions. It takes first, those verbs which append the personal terminations direct to the base
(Cl. 2, 3, 7), as e-mi =el-fu; dadd-mi = 5/dco/x/; yunaj-mi, "jungo" plural yunj-mas, "jungimus" (. 109a. 3.), to which
there is no analogy in Greek; secondly, verbs with nu or u, in Greek vv, v, as the intermediate syllable; thirdly, those with nd (weakened ni), in Greek va (vrf), va (see pp. 109, 677). All these divisions are, in Sanscrit as in Greek, subjected to the influence of the weight of the personal terminations, while the first conjugation is free from it. Other peculiarities will be presented hereafter, in which the Sanscrit and Greek second conjugation coincide with one another, and are distinguished from the first conjugation. 494. The Greek first conjugation contains a greater variety of subdivisions than the Sanscrit, which consists of only four classes. This, however, has no influence on the inflection, since repn-o-/j.ev* is inflected just like
BcLK-vo-nev, 1^-avo-fx.ev, Aa/x/3-avo-/uei', Trpatr-ao-fxev,
fxev, u>d-tô-fxev; as it is the same, with regard to the conjugation, whether the formation, which is added to the base, consists simply of one e, which, before nasals, is replaced by o, or of syllables which termiuate with this vowel, as, in San-
* I j;ivc the plural, ;is the abbreviation of the singular primary termination renders the chnraeter of formation not easilv perceptible.
689
scrit, the formations a, ya, and aya are inflected similarly, for this very reason, that they all end in a. It appears to me, however, wrong to separate, in Greek, the consonants from their vowels, and in rv-mojxev to add, first a T and then a conjunctive vowel o; while, according to the course of the development of the language, the base TVTT, in the special tenses, combines with the syllable re or TO, CCK with ve or SC vo, and Act/3 with ave or avo. The addition of a bare consonant, or of a syllable terminating with a consonant, would have been too cumbrous for the conjugation: a rvn-r-fxev or SaK-v-jxev can never have existed. But if we are right in dividing thus, SetK-vv-jj.ev, and do not regard the v merely as the element of formation, and the v as the conjunctive vowel, there is no reason to distribute rvirroixev according to a different principle. What the syllable TO is in the latter verb, the syllable vv is in the former. For this reason I cannot admit that mode of distinguishing the conjugation in w from that in /, which consists in terming the latter " with a conjunctive vowel"; as the fu conjugation also, though not in all the classes of which it consists, has syllables of conjunction, if they are to be so called, that are inserted in etK-vv-fj.ev, SaK-va-fAev, between the base and the personal termination. 495. It is hardly possible to state any thing satisfactory regarding the origin of these syllables. It appears to me most probable that the majority of them are pronouns, through which the action or quality, which is expressed in the root in abstrado, becomes something concrete ; e.g. the expression of the idea " to love " becomes the expression of the person, " who loves." This person, however, is more closely denned by the personal termination, whether it be " I," " thou," or " he." Proceeding from this point of view, we may regard the character of the Sanscrit ninth class nd (. 109\ 5.) = Greek vd, vtj, vd, as the lengthening of the pronominal base, * na, (. 369.) and T
690
nu
VERBS.
= Greek vv, as the weakening of this na, as, in the interrogative, together with ka the forms hi and lei occur. The u of the eighth class is easily perceived to be the abbreviation of the syllable nu, which arises from the circumstance that the few roots of this class terminate with m; thus tan-u-mas for tan-nu-mas. The sole exception is kri, " to make," which, however, as may be deduced from the Zend kere-ndo-mi, likewise had n originally before the appended u. From nd it seems that dn has arisen by transposition, which is further combined with the character a of the first or sixth class, and belongs to the first conjugation ; but it occurs only in the second person imperative singular of the transitive active form of the ninth class, in which the first conjugation is without the personal termination; hence, as-dna, " eat," answering to the first person as-ndni, and the third as-ndtu. This as-dna would lead us to expect a present as-dnd-mi, asdna-si, as-dna-ti, for as-nd-rni, &c. The circumstance that the Veda dialect has not preserved forms of that kind, affords no certainty that they have never existed; for although several other ancient forms of speech have been preserved in the Veda dialect, still it is very far from having retained, in their perfect state, all that existed at the period of the unity of language ; e.g. there are no middle forms in me for the abbreviated e. But if the Sanscrit, in its formations in dim, actually took its departure from the second person imperative, where it also remained, the Greek has completed the formation thus commenced; for I have scarce any doubt that forms like as-dna are the prototypes of the Greek <"coe, apd-a\e, &c Both languages agree in their conjugational addition almost as exactly as possible ; for a Greek d refers rather to a Sanscrit long < than to a short one, as ^ a is ) T more frequently represented by e than by o. For the rest, the original length of quantity is still left in tKavo>. In
691
Lithuanian, verbs in enu and inu, and also those with doubled n, innu, be]ong to this class, though they retain the nasal, also, in the future and infinitive, which verbs in nu, of which hereafter, do not, e. g. gab-enu, " I bring," gad-inu, " I destroy," future gaben m, gadih su (. 10.), infinitive gabenti, gadinti. 496. If, in the Sanscrit seventh class (.109.a3.), that form, which appears before light terminations, is older than that which occurs before heavy ones, e.g. bhi-na-d from bhi-nad-mi, " I cleave," older than bhi-n-d from bhi-nd-mas, " we cleave," then it might be assumed, as I am much inclined to do, that this syllable na is nothing else than the syllable nd of the ninth class, which has been transposed into the interior of the root, and abbreviated ; thus, bhinadmi for bhidndmi, as bhid would form according to the ninth class. In Greek verbs, like Kafxfiavh), fiavdavco, both forms occur together; and in them the nasal of derivation has a second time been reflected into the middle of the root, just as, in Zend, an i or y imparts to the preceding syllable also an i (. 41.) It has been already remarked (. lG9a. 5.), that verbs, like StxK-vo-iJ.ev, Te/x-vo-fiev, by weakening the syllable of derivation, i.e. by changing the organic a of BdiJ.-vix-fj.ev for the unorganic e or o, have entered into the c conjugation. Here o belongs, also, the Latin formation ni (before r : me) of sterni-mus, cer-ni-mus, sper-ni-mus, li-ni-mus, si-ni-mus. Compare, for instance, ster-ni-mus with isreifta^ stri-ni-mas ; but the resemblance must not be rated too high, for the Latin ra is not a shortened form of the Sanscrit ni (see . 485), but a weakened as leg-i-mus for leg-a-mus (. 109a. 1.). In Old Sclavonic, correspond verbs in nu, neshi, which reject this appended syllable in the preterite, e.g. rbiBNS gyb-nu, " pereo," second person gyb-ne-shi, preterite gy-boch (Dobr. p. 355.); in Lithuanian, correspond verbs in nu, plural na-me, which, though sparingly, are retained in roots in
692
VERBS.
au (Mielke, p. 101, 25.); e.g. gdu-nu, " I avow," plural gdn-na-me, preterite gawau, future gausu. Compare
GREEK. OLD SCLAV. LITIIUANLATIN. SANSCRIT.
Sa.K-va>, gyb-nu, gdu-nu? dai<-vet-s, gyb-ne-shi, gdu-n-i, SaK-ve-(T)i, gyh-ne-ty, gdu-nagyb-ne-va, gdu-na-wa, <$aK-ve-Tov, gyb-ne-ta, gdu-na-ta SaK-ve-rov, gyb-ne-ta, gdu-na-
ster-noster-ni-s, ster-ni-t,
stri-nd mi. stri-nd-si. stri-nd-ti. stri-ni-vas. stri-ni-thas. stri-ni-tas.
o-fxev, gyb-ne-m, gdu-na-me, ster-ni-mus, stri-ni-mas. SaK-ve-re, gyb-ne-te, gdu-na-te, ster-nl-tis, stri-ni-tha. daK-vo-VTi, gyb-nu-fy,' gdu-na-'' ster-mi-nt, stri-nu-nti.
Here an entirely legitimate division is impossible, since the personal termination has likewise a share in the u of derivation, its nasal being 2 contained in it: see . 255. g. See p. 609.
1
497. The addition re, TO (rvir-To-fxev, Tinr-re-re), appears peculiar to Greek, which, however, except TTEKTCO, TIKTOI,
occurs only after labials. Its r is, perhaps, a corruption of v, as elsewhere, also, we have seen mutes proceed from nasals of corresponding organ ; e. g. /3poTo? from upoTog; in Lithuanian and Sclavonic dewyni, AEBATb devyaty (. 317.), from newyni, neryaty; and (which comes tolerably near to the case in question) the Greek suffix fxar, used in the formation of words, corresponds to a formation in n in the kindred languages; e. g. 6-VOJIO.T answers to the Sanscrit ndman, Latin nomen, to the Gothic namo, namin-s, and Sclavonic UM/\ imya, genitive IIJIEME imen-e (. 269.). In Sanscrit, also, we must remark that the n is replaced by the tenuis of its organ, since, for instance, from han, " to slay," comes the causal glull-inju-mi for hdn-aya-mh If.
then, the T of Tv-n-ro-fxev, Kpinr-ro-fxev, &c, stands in this
manner for i', then these verbs, just as those in vo-fxev, ve-re
693
(. 109a. 5.), lead back to the Sanscrit ninth class. But if the T is organic, which is less probable, then, according to the principle laid down in . 495., the syllable re, TO, leads to the pronominal base TO = Sanscrit ft ta (. 343.). 498. In Lithuanian there are some verbs which resemble Greek verbs like TVTTTU in this point, that they insert between the root and the personal termination an additional syllable beginning with t and terminating with a vowel, though they reject it again in the preterite, which answers to the Greek imperfect, and in which the class syllables are still retained. Thus klys-tu (euphonic for klyd-tu, compare . 457.), plural klys-ta-me, preterite hlyd-au, future My-su, as epel-crut for epelS-ucd; plus-tu (for plud-tu), " I swim" (compare plu, p. 114), pluralplus-ta-me, preterite plud-au; losz-tu, " I am petulant" plural Idsz-ta-me, preterite Idszau; mirsz-tu, " I forget,"* plural mirsz-ta-me, preterite mirsz-au; plysz-tu, " I tear to pieces," plural plyszta-me, preterite plysz-an. Some verbs prefix to the t a ronradical s also, for which the way is perhaps prepared by cases in which a sibilant, or a d which changes into s, is already in the root, or because st is in general a favourite termination (compare . 94.); as, rim-stu, " I am quiet" (Sanscrit vi-ram, " to rest"), plural rim-sta-me, preterite rimm-au, future rim-su. 499. I believe a pronominal origin must be ascribed, also, to the e, o of verbs like repn-o-ixev, repir-e-Te, which is usually called a conjunctive vowel; for the ^r a, which answers to it in Sanscrit, is deducible from a pronominal base more easily than any other conjugational adjunct, and it proceeds, in fact, from the base from which we have above seen a-smdi, " to this," a-smdt, " from this," a-sya, " of this," and a-smin, " in this," proceed. For a mere conjunctive vowel a, as the heaviest of the three primary
* Compare Sanscrit stnar (smri), "to remember," Vocalismus, p. 164.
694
VERBS.
vowels, appears to me least of all adapted; and I think that the origin of conjunctive vowels, which are inserted between two consonants to facilitate pronunciation, belongs to a later period of the language than that to which the coincidences of the Sanscrit, with its European cognate languages conducts us back. The ^T a in question, however, coincides with the Gothic a which is interchanged with i, with the Greek e interchangeable with o, Old Sclavonic E e, Lithuanian a, and Latin i (. 109a. 1.); e.g. in the second person dual, ^sT^RT vah-a-thas, answering to the Gothic vig-a-ts, Greek e%-e-Tov, Old Sclavonic BEÊTA ve^-e-ta, Lithuanian ivez-a-ta ; second person plural ^ ^ j vah-a-tha, answering to the Greek e^-e-re, Old Sclavonic BEÊTE vei-e-te, Lithuanian wez-a-te, Latin veh-i-th, Gothic vig-i-thThe case is different with the lightest of the primary vowels, i, with which we shall hereafter become acquainted in considering the Sanscrit auxiliary future. No analogous vowel can be assigned to this i in the kindred languages, and we must therefore fix its origin in the period succeeding the division of languages. In Zend, we see some conjunctive vowels arise, as it were, under our eyes, i.e. vowels which enter between two consonants that were formerly combined : this never occurs, however, with an a, but with the unorganic j e (. 30.), for which i is sometimes found ; e.g. us-e-hista, " stand up," in which an i is inserted between the preposition and the verb, which never happens in Sanscrit. 500. The adjuncts of the fourth and tenth classes, T\ ya and WJ aya, must, I believe, be regarded as auxiliary verbs : x( ya is, at the same time, the character of the passive, and we shall recur to it in treating of that voice. In Gothic, we have already found a representative of the Sanscrit fourth class (. 109". 2.): in Latin, verbs in to, of the third conjugation, correspond to it. These, in disadvantageous comparison with the Gothic, have permitted the
695
vowel of the syllable ya to disappear almost everywhere; e.g, in all the cases in which the a of the first and sixth class has been weakened to i, before r to e; hence, spec-i-o, spec-i-unt, contrasted with the Sanscrit pas-yd-mi, pasya-nti, but spec-is, spec-i-t, spec-i-mns, spec-i-tis, contrasted with pas-ya-si, pas-ya-ii, pas-yd-mas, pas-ya-iha. In the participle present, the a of the syllable ya has been retained under the protection of two consonants; hence, spec-ie-ns, spec-ie-nUm, contrasted with pai-ya-n, pas-ya-ntam. Facio, according to its origin, should follow the fourth conjugation, as it is based on the Sanscrit causal form, bhuvaydmi, " I make to be " (. 19.): on account, however, of the trifling difference in form between -ydmi and -aydmi, it cannot surprise us that the said Latin verb has deserted its original class, and migrated to that next adjoining. Thus, vice versa, cupio = kup-yd-mi, " I am angry," has partly changed into the fourth conjugation, which corresponds to the Sanscrit tenth class; and to this conjugation belong cupivi, cupitum, while the present has remained in the class to which this verb originally belongs. In Lithuanian, correspond verbs in iu, yu, of Mielke's first conjugation (p. 96, &c); e.g. liepyu, " I order," which, like similar verbs with a labial termination to the root, rejects indeed the y before the i of the second person, but otherwise retains the class syllable inviolate throughout the whole present. In Sclavonic, Dobrowsky's first conjugation belongs here, which, in the present, with the exception of the first person singular, and third person plural, exhibits the syllable ff ya in the form of K ye, but only after vowels : after consonants, only the e of the K ye is left, as in other parts, also, of grammar, E e is very frequently the remnant of the syllable K ye, as the euphonic product of yo (. 255. ??. and 258.). In the first person singular and third person plural, we find, both after vowels and consonants, yu, yuty, from yo-m, yo-nty (. 255. g.), and, in the gerund (participle) present ya,
696
VERBS.
feminine yushchi, answering to the Sanscrit yan, yanti. Examples are: pi-yu, " I drink," * second person pi-ye-shi,"t third person pi-ye-ty ; (na-yu, " I know " (Sanscrit jnd, " to know") gna-ye-shi, {na-yr-ly; or-yu, "I plough," or-e-slri, ore-ty. Compare
SANSCB1T. LITH. OLD SCLAV. GOTHIC. LATIN.
lubh-yd-mi, Uep-yu, lubh-ya-si, liep-i, htbh-ya-ti, liep-ya-
{na-yu, haf-ya-* cap-io-'. gna-ye-shi, haf-yi-s, cap-i-s. {naye-ty, haf-yi-th, cap-i-t. haf-yo-s, kaf-ya-ts,
liibh-yd-vas, liep-ya-wa. ina-ye-va, lubh-ya-thas, liep-ya-ta, {na-ye-la, lubh-ya-tas, liep-yaina-ye-ta, lubh-yd-mas, liep-ya-me, ^na-ye-m, lubh-ya-thn, liep-ya-te, (na-ye-te, lubh-ya-nti, liep-ya-^ {na-yu-ty,
haf-ya-m, cap-l-mus. haf-yi-th, cap-i-tis. haf-ya-nd, cap-iu-nt.
1 " I desire," compare lubet, libet, Gothic Hubs, '4 dear." " See 3 p. G92, Rem. '. The Gothic haf-ya, our heben, " to raise," is radically identical with the Latin capio, the law of transposition being fo' 4 lowed (. 87.). A completely legitimate division is impossible in this word (see . 255. </.).
501. As the Lithuanian readily assimilates the semi-vowel y to a stronger consonant preceding it (compare p. 353), it need not surprise us if this case occasionally occurs in the class of verbs also under discussion. To this we refer verbs in mmu (according to Mielke, p. 101. 23.), which, in the preterite, again restore their second m to the y, whence it arose,
* The Sanscrit root pi is used only in the middle, but belongs, in like manner, to the fourth class; hence, }>!-!/<', j>i-ynsc\ Ike. t Dobrowsky writes, p. 32], bits/ii, hU't;/, from the root bi, "to cut"; but Kopitar, whom I follow, gives bii/rxlii, ike. If the first reading were correct, it must lie assumed that after i the y of the class syllable would be dropped before r.
697
but, in the future and infinitive, according to the old principle, entirely withdraw the class syllable; as, immu, " I take," preterite emyau, future imsu, infinitive imti. Gemmu, " I am born," has, in the preterite, together with gimyau also the assimilated form gimmau. The root rjirn agrees with the Sanscrit W\jan, which, in the sense of "to be born," is likewise included in the fourth class, but which regularly suppresses the n before the character tf ya, and, in compensation, lengthens the vowel. As, however, jan, " nasci," is used only in the middle, and the passive, on account of its character ya, is identical with the middle of the fourth class, nothing prevents us from regarding Sfj^jdye, " nascor," as passive; and thus, in Lithuanian, gemmu is recognised as a remnant of the Sanscrit passive, with the loss only of the middle terminations. We should also remark the admirable agreement between the Lithuanian luppu, " I peel," " skin," and which is based on assimilation, and the Sanscrit htp-yd-mi, from the root hip, " to cleave," " destroy," " trouble." Hence the transition is close to Greek verbs with double consonants, in the special tenses; for the form aKKos, as contrasted with the Gothic ALYA, has furnished us with the first proof, that, in Greek, the semi-vowel y still exists in the form of a retroacting assimilation,* for comparatives like Kpelacroiv, e\aacru>v, are traced back to this principle (. 300.), to which, also, verbs with <r or \ doubled in the special tenses are subjected;
thus XiGGOjxat from Xiryonai, as Kpe'iacroiv from Kpenyuv or <pptu(ru> from <ppiKyu>, as yKvcrcroiv from y\vKycav ; TTTixrcroi from mvyxjui, as Traomoi' .from itayyuiv
According to this principle, 7 also becomes <r; e. g. racrcrco from rayyoi, to which the comparatives do not supply any analogy, as might have been expected in fxeyag. As, however, jxel&v is used for fxeyi^v from peyyoiv, so also in the of some verbs the retroactive influence of an earlier
Demonstrative Bases, p. 20.
7. 7.
698
VERBS.
y might be conjectured; thus ctfco (with ayiog = Sanscrit T 5 yaj, " t o adore," "to sacrifice,") from ayyo>; <]>p<xo> from TT
<j>payti>; iw from Idyu; /3pau> with fipacraio from fipaByo)
or /Specie*). 502. Most verbs in trcrw are denominatives; and it is here important to remark, that, in Sanscrit also, the syllable *f ya forms denominatives, as chlra-ya-mi, " I hesitate," from chira, "slow"; iabdd-yd-mi, " I tune," from sabda, "sound"; asuya-mi, " I curse," from asu, "life"; namas-yd-mi, " I adore,'' from namas, " adoration." Thus, in Greek, amongst others, ai/xacnrw from alfxaryu from 'AIMAT; Kopvcrau from KopvOyt* from KOPY0; Tapacrau from Tapaî/co from TAPAXH; TTTepviTcroixai from TtTepvyyofiat from nTEPYF; Krjpvaao) from Krjpvyyoi from KEPYF. The numerous denominatives, also, in atd and ifco might be referred to this class, the semivowel ^ y being represented by f.* The question is, whether the a and 1 of forms like evva^w, a/chafed, /Kaa>, ayeAafco, ayojoafa), TroTve/x/fa), ddpotiô), afpptXcd, belong to the primitive noun, or to the verbal derivative. It must be considered an important argument, in favour of the former view, that afco, in that kind of denominatives, for the most part occurs only where an a or r) is already contained in the base noun, but YJ according to its origin = a (. 4.). If, therefore, diKau> comes from SIKY/ (SIKO.), then the final vowel of the base word has only been weakened in the most natural manner, and it would therefore be also only a weakening of the vowel, if 0, springing from short a, should become 1 (. 6.), and e.g. 7roAe/x/-t<> should stand for TxoKefxo-ûi. And it need not surprise us if r\ (d) were at times weakened a stage further than to d, viz. to <, and avAl-ô/xat were derived from avA>], by changing the rj into /. Bnses ending with a consonant
* See .]!). From this intm'.li;i.nj>v an affinity of the Greek fe to the. Snnscrit T\^ynvn, "Imrlcy." may ho ileduoed ; thus fea, for
699
observe, if this opinion be just, a double course of procedure : either the final consonant is suppressed, or an i added to it as a conjunctive vowel. The former occurs principally in words which have already become accustomed, through the nominative (accusative), to the loss of their final consonant; the latter principally in those words that retain their final consonant, or the former of two in the nominative; hence, Xe/,uaa> from XEIMAT; ovojuafw from ONOMAT; 7rai'a> from IIAIA; aa-nitpixai from 'A2IIIA ; but ai/cô-i'-ftw, ya<JTp-w, avyev-l-ôi, aKoi/T-/-iw, aya)i>-/-co, a\oK-i'-fco. Deviations from the prevailing principle are aifxar-l-ô), kpjxaT-i-'Coi, TrapaSetyfiaT-l-ô), Kvâr-l-ûi, <nrepjxaT-i-ôi, Tro$-/-w ; and, on the other hand, fxauri-Û), cra\Tn'-fco, crfjoZ-fa), for (i,a<my-i-o>, &c. The 2 of words like retyps belongs, indeed, as has been before shewn (. 128.), to the base; notwithstanding, no derivations exist like rei-êu-i-û), since the recollection that the 2, which had been dislodged from the oblique cases, belonged to the base at the time when these verbs originated was already extinct. 503. If we proceed on the opinion, that the a and i of denominatives in a and jfco belong to the verbal derivative, then they correspond to the Sanscrit tenth class (. 109a. 6.), which likewise forms denominatives ; and thus, in the second person plural, aê-re would = Sanscrit aga-tha. The / of <w would consequently be, in TroAe/u/fw, not the weakening of the o of IIOAEMO, and in yaaTpifa, ^xaKapt^w, evBat/xoviXo), and others, not a conjunctive vowel, but the weakened form of the old a of ^PrrfH ayd-mi, 'snrftl aya-si, &c. ; but the vowels of the nominal bases would be rejected, as in Sanscrit, in which language, in polysyllabic bases, not only the final vowels are withdrawn, but final consonants also, together with the vowel preceding them; e.g. prit-a-ydmi from priti, "joy," varm-aydmi from varmav, " armour." We might consider in this light the isolated word aeKa'Cojxevo^ in Greek, and, moreover, forms like 6i/ojuaw, aoTn'fw; thus prozz 2
700
VERBS.
perly, aeK(ov)-a6iJ.evos, acnr(tB)-/flu, 6vofi(ar)dô3: on the
other hand, the majority of bases terminating with a consonant, in advantageous contrast with the Sanscrit, preserve the primary word unabbreviated, or only weakened, as before the oblique case terminations: thus, yacrrp-iô) like 7<xcrT|0-o?. If this second view of the matter is, as I am much inclined to think it is, the correct one, then the opposition between forms like dyop'-dlu), iK-aoi, êtp.-aô}, on
the one hand, and such as uoA.e/x'-i'fw, a.(pp'-iu>, adeA<j>-iC<*>, arjS'-lfa,* infr-lfa, on the other, is to be settled thus, that the a of derivation is preserved by a or rj ( = d) of the primitive word, in order that the base and derivative part may not experience too much weakening. For the rest, in bases in o, the forms in ctfw, without i preceding, are not rare, though they are kept in the back-ground by the overwhelming majority of those in /fu; as Yjnr-d&i Ktd-aôi,
u-afco, cr>/K-aa>, <xvcTKOT-ao> (together with O-KOT-/U>\ CTVKaa>, ro^-a^pjxat. Hence, also, the form in / is not entirely foreign to the a declension (Ai/jOi'fco from Xvpa); and what is of more importance, both afa> and io> occur beyond the nominal formations, as pnrr-aû) from p'mru>, arevau> from oTewo.t as ajj.do) together with oafj.dco, ayatTafa with dyairdui, -npoKaXiôi with /cocAeco, aiV/fu) with aireco, a>diu> with wfleco. Such forms are certainly connected with the character ^PT aya of the tenth class. 504. To this class I refer, also, verbs in aco and eco,t whose
* Not from the nominative aijSij?, but from the base 'AHAEZ (compare p. 308). t 'V.p-w-v'Qw from ("pi appears to have been formed by weakening the a to v. ! Of course with tin- exception of those the e or a of which is radical, denominatives in ow, likewise, probably belong here, though the o has the appearance of belonging to the primitive noun. The question appears to have
701
relation to the Sanscrit aya must be this, that (as in the Latin first conjugation and the Gothic second weaker form), after dropping the semi-vowel, the two as of ^siTf aya have combined into a corresponding long vowel (d or rj). This shews itself elsewhere besides in the special tenses, e.g
in <pi\-^-<T(t), ite<pl\-r]-Ka, with which the Molic present </i\.-
rj-fj.1 agrees; whence, by adding the conjunctive vowel of the to conjugation, through which the t] is abbreviated, come <j>t\eco, <f>t\eoixev. The case is similar to the formation of Tt0eco, for T'I8Y]JXI, from the root 0H.* For VIK&W we should expect viK-d-jxi, and such forms must have formerly existed: the VIK-YJ-IIIA however, which has been transmitted to us, as viK-rj-a-o) for viK-d-iro), need not surprise us, as ij, according to its origin, stands everywhere for d, and even the Doric, disposed as it is to adopt the a, has not preserved every d from being corrupted to t]. In this point, verbs in aw maintain a superiority over those in eu> (for J/O>), that they have preserved the length of the a under the protection of a preceding long vowel. The Prakrit, as has been already observed, has, for the most part, contracted the character aya into e
have one issue with that, whether the a or i of aw, iC,a belong to the verbal derivation or to the nominal base. * From the point of view of the Greek it might appear doubtful whether "urraiu, n'eî, StSapu, should be regarded as lengthened forms, or 'iaTa.ii.ev, Ti8en<sv, SiSo/iev, as shortened ones. But the history of languages is in favour of the latter opinion (compare . 481.). t I formerly thought it probable, that in vmaa the Sanscrit preposition ni might be concealed, then va would be the root, and might he compared with ifinf'Ti0"/-a-mi, " I conquer," from, ji, Cl. 1., the medial being irregularly raised to a tenuis. But if, which I now prefer, K is regarded as the root, and dm = aydmi, is the class character; then vmam leads us to the Sanscrit causative nds-aya-mi, " to annihilate," " to slay." The relation of V'IK to nas resembles that of kri-ni-mas to kra-ni-mi in Sanscrit (5.485.). Then the conquering would take its name from the annihilation of the foe combined with it, and vwam would also be akin torexvc,veKpos.
702
VERBS.
by suppressing the final a, vocalizing the y to i, and contracting it, according to rule, with the preceding a to e*and thus it agrees with the weak form of the Latin second, and Gothic third conjugation (p. 110, passim). But in Prakrit the y of aya may also be abandoned, as jan-ad-di = Sanscrit janaya-ti, which serves as countertype to the Latin first and Gothic second weak conjugation (with 6 for a, according to . 69.), and to Greek verbs with the derivative J? or d. 305. The relation of the Latin i of the fourth conjugation to the Sanscrit aya is to be viewed thus, that the first a has been weakened to i, and has then combined with the y dissolved to i, and has thus formed i, which i before a vowel following-sound is again subject to abbreviation. The final a of ^nr aya has been lost or preserved under the same circumstances as those under which the syllable II ya of the fourth class ; e.g. in capio ; is retained or lost (compare . 500.). Thus the to, iunt, of audio, audiunt, correspond with the Sanscrit ayd-mi, aya-nti; e.<j.in chorayd-mi, " I steal " (compare furo, according to . 14), chdraya-nli; the ifa, ids of audifo, audids, with the Sanscrit ^pft? ayes in cMr-ayk-s, " thou mayest steal "; on the other hand, the is, it, imus, itis, of audis, audit, audimus, audifis, with the aya-si, aya-ti, ayd-mas, aya-tha, of chor-aya-si, 8ze. In Sclavonic, Dobrowsky's third conjugation is to be referred here, which, in the present, contrasts ya (from yo-m, . 255*. g.), ya-ty, with the Sanscrit ayd-mi, aya-nti, and Latin in, in-nt, but in the other persons has preserved only the semi-vowel of the Sanscrit aya, resolved to i. Exclusive of the special tenses, these verbs separate into two classes (E and F, according to Dobrowsky), since the Sanscrit wi^ ay,\ shews itself either in the form of "6 ye, or as i. The former, according to . 255. e, corresponds * ( ompare Vocnlismus, p. 202. t Thefinala of ^pi aya remains only in the special tenses (. 109'. (i )
703
exactly with the Prakrit ^ e, and therefore with the Latin 6 of the second conjugation, and with the Gothic ai, Old High German e, of the third weak conjugation (p. 12f). passim); e.g. BHA*"TH vid-ye-ti, "to see,"* answering to the Prakrit ved-i-tun (vM-e-mi), Latin vid-t-re, Sanscrit ved-ayi-tum (ved-ayd-mi). On the other hand, bud-i-ti, " to waken," in analogy with bud-i-shi, " thou wakenest," &c. 506. In Lithuanian we recognise the Sanscrit tenth class, and therefore the German weak conjugation, in Mielke's second and third conjugation. The second, with regard to the present, distributes itself into two classes, of which the one, and the more numerous, has preserved only the a of the character ayaprobably the latter,and hence appears identical with the first, which corresponds to the Sanscrit first or sixth class ; e.g. sten-a-me, " we groan," sten-a-te, "ye groan " = Sanscrit stan-ayd-masj stan-aya-tha, as vez-a-me, vez-a-te = vah-d-mas, vah-a-tha. The other, and less numerous class, has, like Dobrowsky's third conjugation, an i in the present, as a remnant of the Sanscrit aya, e. g. myl-i-me, " we love." In the preterite both classes have gyo throughout the dual and plural; thus, e.g. second person plural, stem-eyo-te, myl-i>yo-te, answering to the Sanscrit astan-aya-ta. The singular has, in the first person, eyan from eya-m (. 438.); second person, <>yei from eya-si; third person, gyo, without an expression for the person. Thus we see here the class character ^R aya retained more exactly tban in any other
* In Sclavonic and Latin the causal in question has the meaning " to see," which is a means of making to know of a particular kind, as, in Sanscrit, the eye, as the organ of guiding, is termed ne-tra and nay-ana. t The Sanscrit verb expresses a louder groaning than the Lithuanian, and signifies "to thunder"; compare tonare and Greek oWwe in the sense of the roaring of the waves of the sea.
704
VERBS.
European cognate language. The &,* andswering to the ^ a, is perhaps produced by the re-active influence of the y, while, in Zend, that semi-vowel, by its assimilative force, changes into < the following a sound ; e.g. srdv-aye? m't, srav-aye-shi, srdv-ayii-ti, " I speak " (" make to hear "), &c. There are some verbs in Lithuanian which, in the present also, have preserved the character ^PT aya in the most perfect form ; e. y. klyd-iyu^ " I wander about," plural klyd-eya-me, preterite singular Myd-tyau. Verbs, also, in oyu, uyu, and iyuplural oya-me, uya-me, iya-mefurnish an exact counterpart to the Sanscrit tenth class, or causal form; e.g. dum-oyu, " I think," plural dum-oya-me, preterite dum-ayau ; wazuyu, " I drive," plural waz-uyu-me = the Sanscrit causal vdh-dya-mas. Verbs in iyu are, as it appears, all denominatives; + e.g. dduadiyu, " I bring into order," from dawddas, " order." Mielke's third conjugation, like the preponderating class of the second conjugation, has, in the present, preserved only the last vowel of the character ^PT aya, and that in the form of an o, with the exception of the first and second person singular, in which the old a remains Compare penu, " I nourish,1" of the second conjugation, with laikau (laik-a-u), " I stop," of the third.
* The Lithuanian grammarians do not write the e with a circumflex, but with a different mark to denote the length of quantity. t Lithuanian y = 1; and thus from the root of this verb comes the substantive klaidunas, ' false believer." with Vriddhi (. 20.), for Lithuanian ai= Si, the i being slightly pronounced ; so baimc, " fear," answering to the Sanscrit root bhi, "to fear," whence bhima, "fearful," and hence the derivative blu'ima. The derivation suffix , in klai-dCina-s, corresponds to the Sanscrit middle participial suffix ana (compare . "256. h.). i lUk-lkc refers verbs in ri/i<, oi/v, ityu, and iyu to his first conjugation, which is, in general, composed of very heterogeneous parts.
DIVISION OF CONJUGATIONS
SINGULAR. DUAL
705
pen-it,, laik-a-u, pen-i, laik-a-i, pen-a, laik-o. pen-a-me, pen-a-te, pen-a,
pen-a-wa, pen-a-ta, pen-a,

PLURAL.
laik-n-wa, lailt-o-ta, laik-o.
laik-o-me, laik-o-te, laik-o.
In the two plural numbers, and in the third person singular of the preterite, laikau has lost the syllable yo of the $yo, which, in the second conjugation, corresponds to the Sanscrit aya, and, in the first and second person singular, it has lost the syllable e: it uses iau for eyau, and iei for eyei. Hence we see clearly enough that this conjugation, though more corrupted, likewise belongs to the Sanscrit tenth class. Compare
SINGULAR. DUAL.
pen-dya-u, pen-dye-i, pen-eyo,
laik-ia-u, laik-ie-i, laik-e.
pen-eyo-wa, laik-e-wa, pen-eyo-ta, laik-e-ta, pen-eyo, laik-e.

PLURAL.
pen-eyo-me, laik-e'-me, pen-eyo-tc, laik-e-te, pen-eyo, laik-e.
It has been already observed with regard to the Sanscrit tenth class, that its characteristic ^m aya is not restricted to the special tenses (. 109a. 6.), but that, with few exceptions, it extends to all the other formations of the root, only laying aside the final a of aya. Thus, in Lithuanian, a part of the corresponding eyo, iyo, &c, is transposed to the general tenses and the other formations of the word. Of eyo, the 6 remains ; of iyo, i; and of aya, uya, 6 : the third conjugation, however, uses y ( = i); e.g. future pen6-su, da-wad-i-su, waz-d-su, laik-y-su.
706
VERBS. FORMATION OF THE TENSES.

PRESENT.
507. The Present requires no formal designation, but is sufficiently pointed out by this, that no other relation
The following Note formed the Preface to the Fourth Part of the German Edition, and, being too important to be omitted, is inserted in the present form, in order to avoil an interruption of the text. THIS Part contains a section of the Comparative Grammar, the most important fundamental principles of which were published twenty six years ago in my Conjugation System of the Sanscrit, Greek, Latin, Persian, and German, and have, since then, been almost universally acknowledged as just. No one, perhaps, now doubts any longer regarding the original identity of the abovementioned languages, with which, in the present work, are associated also the Lithuanian and Sclavonic; while, since the appearance of the Third Part, I have devoted a distinct Treatise to the Celtic language,* and have endeavoured, in a Work which has recently appeared, to prove an original relationship between the Malay-Polynesian idioms, also, and the Sanscrit stem. But even so early as in my System of Conj ugation, the establishment of a connection of languages was not so much a final object with me, as the means of penetrating into the secrets of lingual development, since languages, which were originally one, but during thousands of years have been guided bytheir own individual destiny, mutually clear up and complete one another, inasmuch as one in this place, another in that, has preserved the original organization in a more healthy and sound condition. A principal result of the inquiry instituted in my System of Conjugation was the following:that many grammatical forms, in the construction of verbs, are explained by auxiliary verbs, which are supposed to have attached themselves to them, and which, in some measure, give to the individual languages a peculiar appearance, and seem to confirm the idea, that new grammatical forms were developed, in the later periods of the history of languages, from newly-created matter; while, on closer inspection,
~ In the Transitions of the Phil. Historical Cl. of the Academy of Belles Lcttres for in tne i ransnctions ot the m i l . Historical Cl. of the Academy tKM the year 183G. The separate Eililion of my Treatise is out of nrint. nn.l d n-w Edition Edition mj prir ut of print, and ,. new p.j;>; nn will be struck oil" hereafter, to complete this Comparative Grammar.
FORMATION OF TENSES.
707
of time, past or future, has a sonant representative. Hence, in Sanscrit and its cognate languages, there occurs,
we find nothing in their possession but what they had from the first, though at times its application is new. Thus the Latin, in comparison with the Greek, which is so closely allied to it, shews, in the forms of its tenses and moods in bam, bo, vi, rem, and rim, an aspect which is completely strange. These terminations, however, as has been long since shewn, are nothing else than the primitive roots of the verb " to be," common to all the members of the Indo-European family of languages, and of which one has for its radical consonant a labial, the other a sibilant which is easily converted into r: it is, therefore, not surprising, that bam presents a great resemblance to the Sanscrit abhavam and Lithuanian buwaii, " I was" (see . 522.) ; while forms like amabo, through their final portion, stand in remarkable agreement with the Anglo-Saxon beo and Camiolan bom, " I shall be" (see . 662., &c), and "border on the Irish dialect of the Celtic in this respect, that here also the labial root of " to be," forms an elementary part of verbs implying futurity (see . 256.). In the Latin conjunctives, as amem, ames, and futures, as legam, leges, I have already, through the medium of the Sanscrit, perceived an analogy with the Greek optatives and German conjunctives, and designated, as exponent of the relation of mood or time, an auxiliary verb, which signifies " to wish," " to will," and the root of which is, in Sanscrit, r, which here, as in Latin and Old High German, is contracted with a preceding a to <?, but in Greek, with the a which is corrupted to o, forms the diphthong oi. Thus we meet with the Sanscrit bhares, the Old High German Veres, the Latin fere's, the Gothic bairais, the Zend barois, and the Greek tpepois, as forms radically and inflexionally connected, which excite real surprise by the wonderful fidelity with which the original type has been preserved in so many languages which have been, from time immemorial, distinct from one another. In particular, the mood, which, in . 072.713., I have largely discussed, maybe regarded as one of the lustrous points of the common grammar of the members of the Indo-European languages. All the idioms of this giant family of languages, as far as they are collected in this book, share therein under different names. In Sclavonic, Lithuanian, Lettish, and Old Prussian, it is the imperative in which we re-discover the mood called, in Sanscrit grammar, the potential and precative; and it is most remarkable how closely the Camiolan, as spoken at this day, approximates, in this point, to the Sanscrit, which has so long been a dead
70S
VERBS.
in the present, only the combination of Personal terminations, and, indeed, of the primary ones, with the root, or,
language. In order to set this in a clear point of view, I have, at . 711(last example), contrasted two verbs of the same signification in the two languages, and in them written the Sanscrit diphthong e from ai according to its etymological value. Where differences exist in the languages here discussed, they frequently rest on universal euphonic laws, and therefore cease to be differences. Thus, in the paradigm just mentioned, the Carniolan has lost, in the three persons singular of the imperative, the personal termination, while the dual and plural stand in the most perfect accordance with the Sanscrit. The abbreviation in the singular, however, rests on the euphonic law which has compelled the Sclavonic languages, at least in polysyllabic words, to drop all original final consonants (see . 255. /.). According to this principle, in Carniolan, ddj (=ddi), thrice repeated, corresponds to the Latin dem, des, det (from daim, dais, dait), while in the present dam is more full than do, and dash as full as das, because, that is to say, in the present the pronominal consonants originally had an i after them.* The German languages have renounced the association of the roots of the verb "to be." They are wanting in futures like the Sanscrit ddsyami, Greek Sw-ato, and Lithuanian du-su, and also those with the labial root of " to be," which furnish the Latin dabo, and Irish futures like mealfa-mar, " we will deceive," and Lithuanian conjunctives as dutum-bime, daremus (see . 685.). German is wanting, too, in preterites like the Sanscrit adik-sham, Greek eSeiK-a-a, and Latin dic-si (see .555.); to which belong the Sclavonic tenses like da-ch, "I gave," dachom, "we gave," the guttural of which we have derived from a sibilant.t On the other hand, the German idioms, by annexing an auxiliary verb signifying " to do," have gained the appearance of a new inflexion. In this sense I have already, in my System of Conjugation, taken the Gothic plurals like sokidedum and conjunctives as sokidedyati ("I would make to seek"); and subsequently, in agreement with F. Grimm, I have extended the auxiliary verb just mentioned also to the singular indicative svkiiln, and our forms like mtchte. (See . 020. &c.) I think, too, I have discovered the same auxiliary in the Sclavonic future bCulO, ' I will be" ("Imake to be"), and
* Sanscrit dad.imi, dacliisi, dad.ili, on which the Carniolan dam (for dadm), dd-sh, 'Id, is based, see p. 073. t SIT . 255. m., &c.
709
instead of the root, such an extension of it, as, in the special tenses, falls to the class of conjugation, to which
in the imperative budi (properly "make to b e " ) ; moreover, in Mu, " I go" ("make to go," see . 633.); and finally, in the Greek passive aorists in 6rjv (see . G30.); for the auxiliary verb to which our thun answers, which has been treated of minutely at . 428., &c, signifies, both in Sanscrit and Zend, " to place," and " to make "; and the Old Saxon deda, " I made," resembles surprisingly the Zend reduplicated preterite dadha (see .639.). It is, however, remarkable, that those Sanscrit classes of verbs, to which, as I think, I have proved our weak conjugation answers, always paraphrase that preterite which is the foundation of our German tense (the reduplicated or perfect), either by an auxiliary verb signifying " to do," " to make," or by a verb substantive. Here, therefore, as in so many other things, the apparently peculiar direction which the German languages have taken, was in a great measure pointed out to them by their old Asiatic sister. I cannot, however, express myself with sufficient strength in guarding against the misapprehension of supposing that I wish to accord to the Sanscrit universally the distinction of having preserved its original character : I have, on the contrary, often noticed, in the earlier portions of this work, and also in my System of Conjugation, and in the Annals of Oriental Literature for the year 1820, that the Sanscrit has, in many points, experienced alterations where one or other of the European sister idioms has more truly transmitted to us the original form. Thus it is undoubtedly in accordance with a true retention of the original condition of the language that the Lithuanian diewas, " God," and all similar forms, keep their nominative sign s before all following initial letters, while the Sanscrit devas, which answers to the abovementioned diewas, becomes either devah, or devo, or dgva, according to the initial sound which follows, or a pause ; and this phenomenon occurs in all other forms in as. The modern Lithuanian is, moreover, more primitive and perfect than the Sanscrit in this point also, that in its essi, "thou art," it has, in common with the Doric eaa-l, preserved the necessary double s, of which one belongs to the root, the other to the personal termination, while the Sanscrit asi has lost one: also in this point, that the forms esme, "we are," este, "ye are," in common with the Greek eay/eV, en-re, have retained the radical vowel, which has been softened in the Sanscrit smas, sthas (see . 480.). The Latin erant and bantt of amabant, &c, surpass the Sanscrit asan and abhavan, " they were," as also the Greek ?i<rav and ecpvov, by retaining the t, which belongs to the
710
VERBS.
it belongs (. 109*. 493. &c.) Compare, for the first conjugation (. 493.), the Sanscrit g^Tfa vahami, " I drive,"
third person; and ferens and the Zend barahs are in advance of the Sanscrit bharan and Greek $iPuv, by their keeping the nominative sign; as also the Lithuanian wezans (wezas), in common with the Zend vazans and Latin vehens, put to shame, in this respect, the Sanscrit vahan. It is, in fact, remarkable that several languages, which are still spoken, retain here and there the forms of the primitive world of languages, which several of their older sisters have lost thousands of years ago. The superiority of the Carniolan dam to the Latin do has been mentioned before ; but all other Carniolan verbs have the same superiority over all other Latin verbs, with the exception of sum and inquam, as also over the Greek verbs, as the Carniolan, and, in common with it, the Irish, have in all forms of the present preserved the chief element of the original termination mi. It is, too, a phenomenon in the history of languages, which should be specially noticed, that among the Indian daughters of the Sanscrit, as in general among its living Asiatic and Polynesian relations, not one language can, in respect of grammatical Sanscrit analogies, compare with the more perfect idioms of our quarter of the globe. The Persian has, indeed, retained the old personal terminations with tolerable accuracy, but, in disadvantageous comparison with the Lithuanian and Carniolan, lias lost the dual, and preserved scarce any thing of. the ancient manner of formation of the tenses and moods; and the old case terminations, which remain almost entire in the Lithuanian, and of which the Classical and German languages retain a great part, the Celtic somewhat, have completely vanished in Persian, only that its plurals in An bear the same resemblance to the Sanscrit plural accusatives, that the Spanish in os and a* do to the Latin; and also the neuter plurals in ha, as I believe I have shewn, stand connected with the old system of declension (see .241.). And in the correct retention of individual words the Persian is often far behind the European sisters of the Sanscrit; for while in expressing the number " three" the European languages, as far as they belong to the Sanscrit, have all preserved both the T sound (as t, th, or </) and also the r, the Persian silt is farther removed from the ancient form than the Tahitio torn (euphonic for Ini). The Persian rhehar or char, "four," also, is inferior to the Lithuanian hrtnri, Russian chetyre, Gothic Jidvdr, Welch ]n'(lwar, and even to the c-Jiitni of Madagascar. No one will dispute the relation of the Bengali to the Sanscrit ; but it
711
" carry," with the verbs which correspond to it in the cognate idioms. (Regarding e^w, and the Lithuanian ivezu, see . 442. Rem. 3 and 4.).
has completely altered the grammatical system, and thus, in this respect, resembles the Sanscrit infinitely less than the majority of European languages. And as regards the lexicon, too, the Bengali resembles the abovementioned language far less than its European sisters, in such words, for instance, as have gone through the process of fermentation in a language which has newly arisen from the ruins of an old one, and have not been re-drawn from the Sanscrit at a comparatively recent period, without the slightest alteration, or only with a trifling modification in their pronunciation. We will take as an example the word schwester, "sister": this German word resembles the Sanscrit svasar* far more than the Bengali bohini;^ our bruder, also, is more like the Sanscrit bhrdtar than the effeminate Bengali bhd'i, and our tochter is infinitely closer to the Sanscrit duhitar than the Bengali jhi. Our expressions voter and mutter correspond far better to the Sanscrit pitar (from patar) and matar than the Bengali bap ovbaba\ and ma. Our drei, acht, and neun, are more similar to the Sanscrit tri, ashtan (from aktan), navan, than the Bengali tin, at, nay. Our sieben has retained only the labial of the pt of the Sanscrit saptan; the Bengali sat only the T sound, and dropped entirely the termination an. In general it appears that in warm regions languages, when they have once burst the old grammatical chain, hasten to their downfall with a far more rapid step than under our milder European sun. But if the Bengali and other new Indian idioms have really laid aside their old grammatical dress, and partly put on a new one, and in their forms of words experienced mutilation almost everywhere, in the beginning, or in the middle, or at the end, no one need object if I assert the same of the MalayPolynesian languages, and refer them to the Sanscrit family, because I
* This, and not seas'i, is the true theme; the nominative is svasd, the accusative svasdram. This word, as Pott also conjectures, has lost, after the second s, a t, which has been retained in several European languages. t The initial s is rejected, and the second corrupted to h. The Sanscrit v is, in Bengali, regularly pronounced as 6, and a like o. As regards the termination ini, I lonk upon the i as an interposed conjunctive vowel, and the n as a corruption of r, as in the numeral tin, " three." Properly speaking l/ohini presupposes a Sanscrit svasri (from sva-stri). t i n my opinion, a reduplication of the initial syllable pa.
712
GREEK.
VERBS.
SINGULAR.
SANSCRIT.
ZEND.
LATIN.
GOTHIC.
LITII.
OLD SCLAV
vah-d-mi, vah-a-si, vah-a-ti,
vaz-d-mi, vaz-a-hi, vnz-ai-ti,
e'x--\
veh-o-\
e^-ei-e^,3 veh-i-sf ev-e-(r)(, vch-i-t,^

DUAL.
vig-a-\ wex u,1 5 vig-i-s,' wez-l, vig-i-th,' wez-a-\
vel-v.-veZ-e-shi. ve{-e.-ty.
vah-a-thas, vah-a-tas,
1
vaz-u-tho ? vaz-a-to, ex-e-Tov,1

PLURAL.
vig-6s, wez-a-wa. , vf^-e-va. vig-a-ts, wei-a-ta, vei-e-ta.

H
ve{-eta.
vah-a-mas, vaz-d-mahi,' vah-a-tha, vaz-a-tha, vah-a-nti,10 vaz-g-nti,
5, veh-i-mus, vig-a m, wez-a-me,ve-o-me. , veh-i-tis,11 vig-i-th,4weza-te, vez-ete. <, veh-u-nt, vig-a-rtd, . . . . 8 ve^-iity."
have found in them a pervading relationship in numerals and pronouns, and, moreover, in a considerable number of other'common words.* Philology would ill perform its office if it accorded an original identity only to those idioms in which the mutual points of resemblance appear everywhere palpable and striking, as, for instance, between the Sanscrit dnddmi, the Greek Sida/ji, Lithuanian dumi, and Old Sclavonic damy. Most European languages, in fact, do not need proof of their relationship to the Sanscrit; for they themselves shew it by their forms, which, in part, are but very little changed. But that which remained for philology to do, and which I have endeavoured to the utmost of my ability to effect, was to trace, on one hand, the resemblances into the most retired corner of the construction of language, and, on the other hand, as far as possible, to refer the greater or less discrepancies to laws through which they became possible or necessary. It is, however, of itself evident, that there may exist languages, which, in the interval of thousands of years in which they have been separated from the sources whence they arose, have, in a great measure, so altered the forms of words, that it is no longer practicable to refer them to the mother dialect, if it be still existing and known. Such languages may be regarded as independent, and the people who speak them may be considered Autochthones. But where, in two languages, or families of languages, resemblances, which are perfectly
* Sec mi I',ini])h]ot "On tlic Connection of the Malav-Polvncsian Languages with the liulo-I'luropc.-iii;" as also my own nutiir of the some in the Ann. of Lit. Crit (Mareli 1812); anil oi.nipnrc L. Dii-fpnhacli's judicious review, 1. c. May 1842.
1
713
2 Respecting the lengthening of the clas? vowel see . 434. Wezu from wez-o-m for wez-a-m, as in Old Sclavonic BEDS ve(-u from vc^-o-m: see . 255. g. and 436. The full Lithuanian termination is mi, and the 3 4 Old Sclavonic my (. 436.). See . 448. In Latin the weakening of the a of the middle syllable to / pervades nearly throughout; but, in Gothic, occurs only before s and th final: see . 67. 109a. 1. '" Wei-i for vez-a-i from vez-u-si, compare es-si, " thou art": see . 448., where we should read wez-ai, weiate for wesei, wezete. The Old Prussian has everywhere retained the sibilant, and employs se or sei, and si, as the personal termination; as druw-e-se, " thou believest" (compare Sanscrit dhruva, "firm," "certain"), da-se, "thou givest," wai{d)-sei, "thou 6 knowest," giw-a-ssi (forgiw-a-si), " thou livest," = Sans, fivasi. From 7 8 vig-a-vas, see . 441. From e'x-e-Tos, see . 97. Is supplied
by the singular. see . 439.
10
9 Vazamahi is founded on the Veda form valtdmasi, n See . 458. From vez o-nty, see . 255.0.
evident, or may be recognised through the known laws by which corruptions arise, crowd together into the narrow and confined space of particular classes of words, as is the case in the Malay-Polynesian languages in relation to the Indo-European, in the numerals and pronouns; and where, moreover, we find, in all spheres of ideas, words which resemble one another in the degree that the Madagascar sakai, "friends," does the Sanscrit saklidi; the Madagasc. mica, "cloud," the Sanscrit megha; the New Zealand rdkau, " tree," the Prakrit ruklcha ; the New Zealand pdkau, "wing," the Sanscrit paksha; the Tagalia paa, "foot," the Sanscrit pada; the Tahitian my, "night," the Prakrit rai; the Tongian aho, "day," the Sanscrit aho; the Tongian vdka, "ship," the Sanscritpldvaka; the Tongianfeldu, " t o sail in a ship," the Sanscrit plava, "ship"; the Tongian fufulu, " to wash," the Sanscrit plu (d-plu) ; the Tongian hamo, "wish," the Sanscrit kdma; the Malay putih and Madagasc. futsi, "white," the Sanscrit pita, "pure";*there, certainly, we have ground for being convinced of a historical connection between the two families of languages. If it were desired, in settling the relation of languages, to start from a negative point of view, and to declare such languages, or groups of languages, not related, which, when compared with one another, present a
* Observe the frequent coincidence in Madagasc. and Tongian with the German laws of euphony, of which more is to be found in my Pamphlet on the Malay-Polynesian Languages, p. 5 and Rcm. 13. 3 A
714
VERBS.
508. In the Sanscrit first conjugation the verb firerfa tishtlidmi, " I stand," deserves particular notice. It proceeds from the root sthd, and belongs properly to the third class, which receives reduplication (. 109a. 3.); but is distinguished from it by this anomalous character, that it shortens its radical in the special tenses,* and also
* Where naturally, in the first person, this shortened a is, according to . 434., again lengthened.
large number of words and forms, which appear to he peculiar, then we must not only detach the Malay-Polynesian languages from the Sanscrit stem, hut ^Jso separate them from one another the Madagascar and South-Sea languages from the acknowledged affinity with the Tagalia, Malay, and Javanese, which has been so methodically and skilfully demonstrated by W. von Humboldt; and in like manner divide the Latin from the Greek and Sanscrit; and the Greek, German, Sclavonic, Lettish Lithuanian, Celtic, must be allowed to be so many independent, unconnected potentates of the lingual world; and the coincidences, which the many members of the Indo-European lingual chain mutually offer, must be declared to have originated casually or by subsequent commixture. I believe, however, that the apparent verbal resemblances of kindred idioms, exclusive of the influences of strange languages, arise either from this, that each individual member, or each more confined circle of a great stem of languages, has, from the period of identity, preserved words and forms which have been lost by the others; or from this, that where, in a word, both form and signification have undergone considerable alteration, a sure agreement with the sister words of the kindred languages is no longer possible. That, however, the signification, as well as the form, alters in the course of time, we learn even from the comparison of the new German with the earlier conditions of our motherlangii.ige. Why should not far more considerable changes in idea have arisen in tin- far-longer period of time which divides the European languages from the Sanscrit >. I believe that every genuine radical word, whether German, Greek, or Roman, proceeds from the original matrix, although the threads by which it is retraced are found by us at times cut off or invisible. For instance, in the so-called strong conjugation of the
715
in the syllable of reduplication, where a short a should stand, it weakens this, the gravest of the vowels, to that which is the lightest, i; hence, e. g. in the second and third person singular, tishtha-si, tishtha-ti, for tastha-si, tasthd-ti, as might be expected according to the analogy of dadd-si, dada-ti. As the shortened a of sthd in the conjugation is treated exactly like the class vowel of the first conjugation, this verb, therefore, and ghrd, " to smell," which follows its analogy, is included by the native grammarians in the
German one would expect nothing exclusively German, but only what has been handed down and transmitted from the primitive source. We are able, however, to connect with certainty but very few roots of the strong verbs with the Indian. While, e. g., the Sanscrit, Zend, Greek, Latin, Lithuanian, Lettish, and Sclavonic agree in the idea of " giving" in a root, of which the original form, preserved in the Sanscrit and Zend, is da, the German gab throws us into perplexity as regards its comparison with its sisters. But if we would assume that this verb originally signified " to take," and has received the causal meaning (" to make to take," i. e. " to give"), as the Sanscrit tishthami and Zend histdmi, in Greek '(a-rtj/xi, has arrived, from the meaning of " standing," at that of " taking": we might then trace gab to the Veda grabh, and assume that the r has been lost, although this root has remained in German also, in a truer form and meaning, only that the a has been weakened to i (Gothic greipa, graip, gripum). I have altered the plan proposed in the Preface to the First Part (p. xvii.), of devoting a separate work to the formation of words and comparison of them, and to refer thither also the participles, conjunctions, and prepositions, for this reason, that I intend to treat in the present work, with all possible conciseness, the comparative doctrine of the formation of words, and will also discuss the coincidences of the various members of the Indo-European stem of languages, which appear in the conjunctions and prepositions. For this object a Fifth Number will be requisite. The present Fourth Number will conclude the formation of the tenses and moods; but a little remains to be added regarding the mood which is called Let in the Zend and Veda dialects, as also the imperative, which, for the rest, is distinguished only by its personal terminations, which have been already discussed in the Third Part. 3
A
716
VERBS.
first class; so that, according to them, we should have to divide tishth-a-si, tishth-a-ti, and regard tishth as a substitute for shtha. I consider the occasion of the double weakening, which the roots sthd and ghra undergo in the syllable of repetition and of the base, to be in the two consonants conjoined with it, which give to the syllable of repetition a length by position ; for which reason, in order that the whole should not appear too unwieldly, the vowel weight of the syllable of reduplication is lessened, and the length of the base syllable is shortened. The Zend histahi, " thou standest," histati, "he stands," &c, follow the same principle; and it is important to remark, that the Latin sistis, sisfit, sistimus, sistitis, on account of the root being incumbered with the syllable of reduplication, has weakened the radical a of std-re to i, and apparently introduced the verb into the third conjugation. I say apparently, because the essence of the third conjugation consists in this, that an i, which is not radical, is inserted between the root and the personal termination ; but the i of sisti-s, &c, like the a of the Sanscrit tistha-si, belongs to the l'oot. The Greek "ar^-ixi has so fur maintained itself upon an older footing, that it has not given to the syllable of reduplication, or to the consonants which unite it, an influence on the long vowel of the radical syllable, but admits of the shortening of this vowel only through the operation of the gravity of the personal terminations ; thus, before the grave terminations of the plural numbers, and of the entire middle, according to the analogy of SISIOJJLI, &c. (see . 480. &c). With respect to the kind of reduplication which occurs in the Sanscrit iishthumi, and of which more hereafter, I must notice preliminarily the Latin tcstis, which is the reverse case of sleti, as I believe lest Is is to be regarded as one who stands for any thing. 50!). The Sanscrit, and all its cognate dialects, have two
717
roots for the verb substantive, of which the one, which is, in Sanscrit, *r bhu, in Zend, j>_j bu, belongs to the first conjugation, and, indeed, to the first class, and assumes, therefore, in the special tenses, a class-vowel a, and augments the radical vowel by guna ; while the other, viz. ^rer as, falls to the second conjugation, and, in fact, to the second class. These two roots, in all the Indo-European languages, except in the Greek, where <> has entirely lost JY the signification " to be," are so far mutually complete, that bhu, bit, have remained perfect in the Sanscrit and Zend (as far as the latter can be quoted); but as, on the contrary, in its isolated condition, is used only in the special tenses. In Lithuanian, the root which answers to as is only used in the present indicative, and in the participle present; just as in the Sclavonic, where the present of the gerund is, according to its origin, identical with the participle present. The Gothic forms from as, the a of which it weakens to z, its whole present indicative and conjunctive, only that there is attached to it a further apparent root SIY, which, however, in like manner, proceeds from ^r*r as. The root bhu, in Gothic, does not refer at all to the idea of " to be"; but from it proceeds, I have no doubt, the causal verb bana, " I build " (second person banais), which I derive, like the Latin facio, from *rra*nfa bhdvaydmi, " I make to be " (. 19.). The High German has also preserved remains of the root bhu in the sense of " to b e " : hence proceed, in the Old High German, the first and second person of the singular and plural, while the third persons id and sind (which latter form is now, in the shape of sind, erroneously transferred to the first person) answer to - 1 f asti, TrfJtT santl. For 4 W the rest, from ^T^ as also proceeds the conjugation si (Sanscrit ^ctT^ sy&m, " I may be "), and the infinitive sin. Moreover, also, the Sanscrit root vas, " to dwell," has raised itself, in German, to the dignity of the verb sub-
718
VERBS.
stantive, since, indeed, in Gothic, the present visa (weakened from vasa, see . 109a. 1.) signifies only "to remain;" but the preterite vas, and its conjugation vhyau (our war, ware), the infinitive visan, and the participle present visands, replace the forms which have been, from ancient time, lost by the roots expressing the idea " to be." It may be proper to mention here, that in Sanscrit, the root sthd, " to stand," occasionally receives the abstract meaning " to be," and so, in a measure, has served as an example to the Roman languages, which, for their verb substantive, employ, besides the Latin roots, ES and FU, also STA. And as, " to sit," also occurs in Sanscrit, in the sense of the verb substantive; e.g. Nal. 16. 30. J|ri*MI ^Wlt gatasattva (s) ivadsate, "like senseless are they;" Hitop. 44. 11.
dstdm mdnasatushtaye sukritindm,
"let it be (your good behaviour) to gratify the spirit of the virtuous ; ' Urv. 92. 8. ^Tl^mi^ 'srreTP* WQ^dyushmdn dstdm ay am, " long-lived may this man be." It is not improbable that the verb substantive is only an abbreviation of the root as, and that generally the abstract notion of " being " is in no language the original idea of any verb whatever. The abbreviation of as to as, and from that to a simple s, before grave terminations (see . 480.), is explained, however, in the verb substantive, very easily; as, from its being worn out by the extremely frequent use made of it, and from the necessity for a verb, which is so much employed, and universally introduced, obtaining a light and facile constraction. Frequent use may, however, have a double influence on the form of a verb;in the first place, to wear it out and simplify it as much as possible; and, secondly, to maintain in constant recollection its primitive forms of inflexion, by calling them perpetually into remembrance, and securing them from destruction. Both these results are seen in the verb substantive; for in Latin, sum, together with
719
inqiiam, are the only verbs, which have preserved the old personal sign in the present: in the Gothic and English of the present day, im and am are the only forms of this kind; and in our new German, bin (from Mm) and sind are the only forms which have preserved the character of the first person singular and third person plural. 510. As the Sanscrit root bhil belongs to the first conjugation, we shall next examine its conjugation in the present. As belonging to the first class, it requires Guna and the insertion of the class vowel a between the root and the personal termination (. 109a. 1.). This insertion of the a occasions the bho ( = bhau), for euphonic reasons, to become bhav, in which form the root appears in all the persons of the special tenses. By this bhav, in Zend bav, the Old High German Mr (or pir), in the plural bir-u-mh, bir-u-t, obtains very satisfactory explanation, since, as remarked at . 20., and as has since been confirmed, in the case before us, by Graff (II. 325.), the semi-vowels are often interchanged; and, for example, v readily becomes r or I* The u of bir-u-mes, bir-u-t, is a weakening of the old a (Vocalismus, p. 227. 16.); and the i of the radical syllable Mr rests on the weakening of that vowel, which occurs very often elsewhere ( 6.). The singular should, according to the analogy of the plural, be Mrum, Mrus, birut, but has rejected the second syllable ; so that Mm has nearly the same relation to the Sanscrit bhavdmi, that, in Latin, malo has to the mavolo, which was to have been looked for. The obsolete conjunctive forms fuam, fuas, fuat, fuant, presuppose an indicative fuo, fuis, fuit, &c, which has certainly at one time existed, and, in essentials, has the same relation to the Sanscrit bhavdmi, bhavasz,
bhavati, that veho, vehis, vehit, has to vahami, vahasi, vahati.
* See, also, . 409, Rem. t, and . 447, Rem. 6.
720
VEEBS.
The obsolete form fuvi of the perfect, which is found with the common fui, leads us from fuo to fuvo, in as far as the syllable vi of fuvi is not declared identical with the vi of amavi, according to my opinion, but its v regarded as developed from u, just as, in the Sanscrit reduplicated preterite ^*rg babhuva, in the aorist ^T*R*f abhuvam, and in the Lithuanian preterite buwau. The full conjugation of the present of the root under discussion, in Sanscrit, Zend, Old High German, and Greek, is as follows:
SINGULAR. SANSCRIT. ZEND. OLD SCLAV.
bhav-d-mi, bhav-a-si, bhav-a-ti, bhav-d-vas, bhav-a-thas, bhav-a-tas, bhav-d-mas, bhav-a-tha, bhav-a-iiti,
bav-d-mi, bav-a-hi, bav-ai-ti,

DUAL.
bi-m, bis, ....
(pl-e-(r)t.
bav-a-tho ?
....
lav-a-to,
PLURAL.
.... bir-u-mes, bir-u-t, . ..^
(pu-e-Tov. <pv-e-rov.
bav-d-mahi, bav-a-tha, bav-ai-nti,
(pv-e-Te. (pv-o-vrt.
511. f hold it to be unnecessary to further annex an example of the second conjugation (that in m in Greek), for several examples have been given already, in the
* Also bist. t The forms biri.nl, hirait, birnt, and bint, which occur in Notker in the second person plural, 1 consider as unorganic intruders from the third person, where biriiit would answer admirably to bharanti. The form bint corresponds in its abbreviation to the singular bim, bis. AVith regard to the mutation of the person, notice our siml of the first person.
721
paragraphs, which treat of the influence of the gravity of personal terminations on the preceding root or class syllable, to which we here refer the reader (. 480. &c). We will only adduce from the Gothic the verb substantive (as it is the only one which belongs to this conjugation), and contrast its present with the Sanscrit and Zend (compare p. 670) :
SINGULAR. PLURAL.
as-mi, a-si, as-ti,
ah-mi, a-hi, as-ti,
i-m. is. i-st.
s-mas, h-mahi, siy-u-m. s-tha, s-tha, siy-u-th. s-a-nti, h-enti, s-i-nd.
" Remark 1.It is evident that the plural forms siy-u-m, siy-u-th, if strictly taken, do not belong to this place, as the personal terminations are not conjoined direct with the root; but by means of a u, which might be expected, also, in the second dual person, siy-u-ts, if it occurred, and in which respect those forms follow the analogy of the present. The first dual person which actually occurs is siyu* As regards the syllable siy, which forms, as root, the base of all these forms, and of the conjunctive siy-au, siy-ais, &c, I do not think, that, according to its origin, it is to be distinguished from im (of which the radical s has been lost) and sind. To sind answers siy, in so far as it likewise has lost the radical vowel, and commences with the sibilant, which in Zend, according to . 53., has become h. With regard to the iy, which is added, I think that siy stands connected with the Sanscrit potential sydm, so that to the semi-vowel there has been further prefixed its corresponding vowel i; for the Gothic, as it appears, does not admit of a y after an initial consonant; hence siyau for syau = ^ctPT syrnn, according to the principle
* Regarding the derivation of this form from siy-u-va, and the ground of my giving the long u, see . 441.
722
VERBS.
by which, from the numeral base thri, " three," comes the genitive thriye for thryi (. 310.). If, therefore, in the form siy, properly only the s is radical, and the iy expresses a mood-relation, still the language, in its present state, is no longer conscious of this, and erroneously treating the whole siy as root, adds to it, in the conjunctive, the class vowel a (. 1093. 1.), with which a new i is united as the representative of the mood relation, and, in the indicative, the vowel u, which otherwise, in the preterite, regularly enters between the root and personal termination." " Remark 2.That in the Roman languages, also, the weight of the personal terminations exerts an influence on the preceding radical syllable, and that, in French, the relation of tenons to tiens rests on the same principle on which, in Greek, that of SlSo/xev to StSoofju does, is already remarked elsewhere. The third person plural, in respect to the form of the radical vowel, ranks with the singular, since it, like the latter, has a lighter termination than the first and second person plural, and indeed, as pronounced in French, none at all ; hence, tiennent, answering to tenons, tenez. Diez, however, differing from my view of the Roman terminating sound (ablaut), has, in his Grammar of the Roman languages (I. p. 168), based the vowel difference between Hens and tenons on the difference of the accent which exists, in Latin, between Uneo and tmemus. But it is not to be overlooked, that, in the third conjugation also, although, tjurtrro and qiucrimits have the same accent, still, in Spanish, qiwrimos is used, answering to quiero, and, in French, arqiit'nms, answering to acquiers, as has been already remarked by Fuchs, in his very valuable pamphlet, " Contributions to the Examination of the Roman Lan-
* B e r l i n A n n . , Fcl>. 1!!:27, j>. 2<;i. V o c a l i s m u s , p . l i i .
723
guages," p. 18. It may be, that the i of the French sais, is identical with the i of the Latin sapio ; but, even then, the dislodgement of this i in savons rests on the same law as that which dislodged, in tenons, the i prefixed in tiens; as, e.g., in Sanscrit, the root vas rejects, in the same places, its radical a, where regular verbs of the same class lay aside the Guna vowel which is introduced into the root before light terminations; thus, T^HW usmas, " we will," answering to ^ H vasmi, " I will," as, in French, savons to sais." " Remark 3.I cannot ascribe to the Guna in the conjugation of the Sanscrit and its cognate languages a grammatical meaning, but explain it as proceeding simply from a disposition to fulness of form, which occasions the strengthening of the lighter vowels i and it, by, as it were, taking them under the arm by prefixing an a, while the a itself, as it is the heaviest vowel, does not require extraneous help. If it were desired, with Pott (Etym. Inq. I. 60.), to find, in the Guna of the present and imperfect, an expression of the continuance of an action, we should be placed in the same difficulty with him, by the circumstance that the Guna is not restricted to these two tenses, but in verbs with the lighter base-vowels, i and u accompanies the base through nearly all the tenses and moods, not only in Sanscrit, but also in its European cognate languages, in as far as these have in general preserved this kind of diphthongization; as the Greek Aenru and <j>evya> cannot any more be divested of the e taken into the roots AIII, $Yr, only that the e in \e\oma is replaced by o;* and that the aorists eKiirov, ecf>vyov, exhibit the pure root, which I cannot attribute to the signification of this aorist (as the second aorist has the same meaning as the first, but the Jatter firmly retains the Guna, if it is in general the property of the verb), but to the circumstance that the second aorist is
t E and o, never a, are, with the vowel , the representatives of the Sanscrit Guna vowel a, see Vocalimus, pp. 7, &c, 193, &c.
724
VERBS.
for the most part prone to retain the original form of the base, and hence at one time exhibits a lighter vocalization than the other tenses; at another, a heavier one, as eTpomov compared with eTpe\jsa and erepirov. In this disposition, therefore, of the second aorist to retain the true state of the base, the difference between forms like eKrnov, ecpvyov, erv-ôv, and the imperfects of the corresponding verbs, cannot be sought in the circumstance, that the action in the aorist is not represented as one of duration; and that, on the contrary, in the imperfect and present the continuance is symbolically represented by the Guna. In general, I do not think that the language feels a necessity to express formally the continuance of an action, because it is self-evident that every action and every sort of repose requires time, and that it is not the business of a moment, if I say that any one eats or drinks, sleeps or sits, or that he ate or drank, slept or sat, at the time that this or that action occurred regarding which I affirm the past time. I cannot, therefore, assume, with Pott, that the circumstance that the class-characteristics occur only in the special tenses (i. e. in the present and imperfect indicative, and in the moods thereto belonging), is to be thence explained, that here a continuance is to be expressed. Why should the Sanscrit have invented nine different forms as symbols of continuance, and, among its ten classes of conjugations, exhibit one, also, which is devoid of all foreign addition ? I believe, rather, that the class augment originally extended over all tenses, but subsequently, yet still before the separation of languages, was dislodged from certain tenses, the construction of which induced the semi-vowel. This inducement occurred in the aorist (the first, which is most frequently used) and future, owing to the annexation of the verb substantive; wherefore, d<)syi'tmi and 5w<ro) were used for daddsi/umi and StSuicro); and in the perfect, owing to the reduplication characterising this tense, whence, in Greek, the form emust have gained the preference over the
725
which may have existed. Observe that, in Sanscrit, the loading the root, by reduplication, in the tenses mentioned, has occasioned, even in the second person plural active, the loss of the personal sign; so that, î^t dadrim corresponds to the Greek e6pt<-a-Te"
512. For the description of the present middle, which, in the Greek, appears also as the passive, and in Gothic as passive alone, it is sufficient to refer back to the disquisition of the middle terminations given at . 466. &c. It might, however, not be superfluous to contrast here, as an example of the first conjugation, the Sanscrit bhar$ (for bhar-d-me) with the corresponding forms of the cognate languages; and, for the second, to annex the forms of the Sanscrit tan-v-e (from tan-u-me, from tan, Cl. 8., "to extend," see . 109a. 4.).
SINGULAR. SANSCRIT. ZEND. GREEK. GOTHIC.
bhar-e(hombhur-ci-me'),bair-e,2 bhar-a-se, bar-a-he, bhar-a-te, bar-ai-te,2

DUAL.
<pep-o-/j.ai, . . . . 3 (<pep-e-aai), buir-a-za.* <pep-e-Tat, bair-a-da.* (pep-6-fxedov, (pep-e-a6ov,e <j)ep-e-<rdov,e .... .... ....
bhar-u-vnlw, bhnr-etlie,5 bhnr-etlw,5 bhar-d-mahe, bhar-a-dhve,H bhar-a-nti,

1
.... .... ....

PLURAL.
1
bar-a-maidhe, bar-u-dhwe?9 bar-ai-nte, <pep-o-vrat, bair-a-nda*
See . 467. 473. 2 Regarding the ai of the root see . 41.; and 3 regarding the Gothic ai of bairaza, &c, see >. 82. This is replaced 4 hy the third person. The terminations za, da, nda, are abbreviations of zai, dai, ndai, see . 466. Observe, in bair-a-sa, bair-a-da, that the conjunctive vowel is preserved in its original form (see . 466. close).
5
Bharethe and bharete from bhur-a-dthS, bhar-a-ate, whence bharathe,
bhardte, would be regular; but in this place, throughout the whole conjugation, the a has been weakened to e" ( = o + i ) , or the a of the termina-
726
VERBS.
tion has become i or 7, and been melted down with the class vowel a to e. Regarding the terminations atM, ati, as conjectural abbreviations of tathe, 6 7 tdte, or sdthg, satt, see . 474. 475. See . 474.475. From bhar-a-madhe, see . 472. To the Zend termination maidhe corresponds remarkably the Irish termination muoid; e. g. in dayh-a-maoid, " we B burn," = Sanscrit dah-a-mahe, from dah-a-madhS. Probably from 9 bhar-a-ddhve, see . 474. 475. The termination dhwe can be deduced with tolerably certainty from the secondary form dhwim; see Burnouf "s Yacna, Notes, p. xxxviii.
SINGULAR. SANSCRIT. GREEK.
tan-v-e (from tan-u-mi), tau-u-she, tan-u-te,

DUAL.
Tav-v-fxai. rav-v-crai. -rav-v-rai. rav-v-jxedov. Tav-v-adov. Tav-v-adov.
tan-u-vahe, tan-v-athe, tan-v-dle,

PLURAL.
tan-u-mahe from tan-u-madhe, tan-u-dhvi, tan-v-aie from tan-v-anle*
Tav-v-fieda. Tav-v-crde. Tav-v-vrat.
"Remark.In Zend, we expect, if tan is here employed, according to the same class of conjugation, for the second and third person singular, and first and second person plural, the forms tan-ili-ie (see . 41. 52.), tnn-ui-te (according to the kere-nui-te, ' he makes,1 which actually occurs), tan-u-maidhe, ttm-u-dhne. The third person plural might he tan-v-aiti, or fun-v-ainle, according as the nasal is rejected or not; for that the Zend, also, admits of the rejection of the nasal in places where this is the case in Sanscrit, is proved by the forms JPUAJWJCJJ tli, ' they teach,' medial (vôjAJWjgjj s'enhaite, corre* Sec '.;. .J.")!>. 4.r)l). Sec an example of the active of the corresponding class of conjugation, or one nearly akin to it, at p. l>80.
727
sponding to the Sanscrit $rrafw sdsati, ytmik sdsati (Burnouf, Yafjna, p. 480). In the Sanscrit, also, we sometimes find the nasal retained in the middle of the second conjugation, e.g, achinvanta for the more common achinvata. In the first person singular is formed, in Zend, from . 43., the form tan-uy-8, with euphonic y.
THE PRERERITE.
513. The Sanscrit has for the expression of past time the forms of the Greek imperfect, aorist, and perfect, without, however, like the Greek, connecting with these different forms degrees of meaning. They are, in Sanscrit, all, without distinction, used in the sense of the Greek aorist or imperfect; but the reduplicated preterite, which corresponds in form to the Greek perfect, most frequently represents the aorist. The Sanscrit is entirely deficient in a tense exclusively intended to express the completion of an action : none of the three forms mentioned is used chiefly for this object; and I do not remember that I have anywhere found the reduplicated preterite as representative of the perfect. When the completion of an action is to be expressed, we most commonly find the active expression changed into a passive one; and, in fact, so that a participle which, in form and signification, corresponds to the Latin in tus, is combined with the present of the verb substantive, or the latter is to be supplied, as in general the verb substantive, in Sanscrit, is omitted almost everywhere, where it can possibly be done. Some examples may appear not improperly annexed here. In the episode of the Savitri * it should be said V. 19. "Thou hast gone as far as thou hadst to go," where the latter words are expressed by gafan tvayd (gatan
* I have published it in a collection of episodes entitled " Diluvium," &c, in the original text, and in the German translation under the title " Sundflut." (Berlin, by F. Diimmler.)
728
VERBS.
euphonic for gatam), "gone by thee": in the Nalus, XII. 29., for " Hast thou seen Nala"? we read in the original kachchit drishtas Ivayd Nalo.i.e." an visas a te Nalus"? in Kalidasa's Urvasi (by Lenz, p. 66) " Hast thou stolen her step"? is expressed by gatir asyds tvayd hrild ("the way of her taken by thee"). It happens, too, not unfrequently, that the completion of an action is denoted in such a manner that he who has performed an action is designated as the possessor of what has bee-i done; since, dcMI*^ !lfiH uktavdn asmi, literally "dicto prcpditus sum" signifies " dictum ha6eo," " I have said." Thus in Urvasi (1. c. p. 73) the question, " Hast thou seen my beloved"? is expressed by api drishtnvdn asi mama priydm, i.e. "art thou having seen m. b."?* The modern mode, therefore, of expressing the completion of an action was, in a measure, prepared by the Sanscrit; for the suffix vat (in the strong cases rant) forms possessives ; and I consider it superfluous to assume, with the Indian grammarians, a primitive suffix iavnt for active perfect participles. It admits of no doubt whatever, that j^,H^ iildavat, " having said," has arisen from ukta; in the same way, tPT^ dhancnat, "having riches,"' "rich," proceeds from dhann, "riches."^ The form in tavat,
* The fourth act of Uvvasi affords very frequent occasion for the use of the perfect, as the King I'ururavas on all sides directs the question whether any one has seen his beloved ? This question, however, is never put by using an augmented or even a reduplicated preterite, but always by the passive participle, or the formation in vat derived from it. So, also in Nalus, when Damayanti asks if any one has seen her spouse ( t The Latin divit may be regarded as identical with (Uiannrat, the middle syllable being dropped and compensated for by lengthening the preceding vowel. A similar rejection of a syllable has at one time occurred in ilitior^ rli/ixximnx, just as in malo, from nitwofo, from mtu/isrolo. Pott on the contrary, divides thus, din it, and thus brings " the rich" to the Indian "heaven," iliit, to which also Yarro's derivation of liirus in a certain degree, alludes, as dioiis and ileus are akin to the Sanscrit deva, "God"; and the latter like die, "heaven," springs from div, " to shine."
729
although apparently created expressly for the perfect, occurs sometimes, also, as an action in transition. On the other hand, in neuter verbs the Sanscrit has the advantage of being able to use the participles in fa, which are properly passive, with active, and, indeed, with a perfect meaning; and this power is very often employed, while the passive signification in the said participle of verbs neuter is limited, as in the above example, to the singular neuter in the impersonal constructions. As example of the active perfect meaning, the following may serve, Nalus XII. 13.: hva nu rdjan gatd si (euphonic for gatas asi), " quone, rex! profectus e s ? " 514. The Sanscrit is entirely devoid of a form for the plusquam perfect, and it employs, where that tense might be expected, either a gerund expressive of the relation, " after" which, where allusion is made to a future time, is replaced, also, by the future absoluteôr the locative absolute, in sentences like apakrdnte nale rdjan damayanti . . . . abudhyata, " after Nalas had departed, O king! (profecto Nalo) Damayanti awoke." 515. But if it is asked, whether the Sanscrit has, from the oldest antiquity, employed three past tenses without syntactical distinction, and uselessly expended its formative power in producing them ; or whether the usage of the language has, in the course of time, dropped the finer degrees of signification, by which they might, as in Greek, have been originally distinguished; I think I must decide for the latter opinion : for as the forms of language gradually wear out and become abraded, so, also, are meanings subjected to corruption and mutilation. Thus, the San* Nal. XI. 26. : akrandamanah sahsrutya javena 'bhisasdra, "jtentem postquam aurliverut ('after hearing the weeping') cum velocitate arlvenit." t Nal. X. 22.: katham buddhvd bhavishyati, " how will she feel in spirit, after she has been awakened (after awaking) V 3B
730
VERBS.
scrit has an immense number of verbs, which signify " to go," and " to be," the employment of which must have been originally distinguished by the difference in the kind of motion which each was intended to express, and which are still, in part, so distinguished. I have already noticed elsewhere, that the Sanscrit sarpami, " I go,1' must have had the same meaning as serpo and epirw, because the Indians, like the Romans, name the snake from this verb (qiJM sarpa-s "serpens").* If, then, the nicer significations of each one of the three forms by which, in Sanscrit, the past is expressed, gradually, through the misuse of language, became one, so that each merely expressed time past, I am of opinion, that it was originally the intention of the reduplicated preterite, like its cognate form in Greek, to express an action completed. The syllable of reduplication only implies an intensity of the idea, and gives the root an emphasis, which is regarded by the spirit of the language as the type of that which is done, completed, in contradistinction to that which is conceived to be in being, and which has not yet arrived at an end. Both in sound and in meaning the perfect is connected with the Sanscrit intensive, which likewise has a reduplication, that here, for greater emphasis, further receives a vowel augment by Guna. According to signification, the Sanscrit intensive is, in a measure, a superlative of the verbal idea; for, dedipya-mdna means " very shining." In respect of form, this intensive is important
* I believe I may include here the German root slip, slif (schlci/m); Old High German slifit, slcif, sUfumes ; English " I slip." AW should expect in Gothic s/rlpa, slaip, slipum, preserving the old tenuis, as in slt'pa svapimi, " I sleep." The form slip is founded on a transposition of sarp to srap. The transition of r into I, and the weakening of the a to i, cannot surprise us, considering the very usual exchange of semi-vowels with one another, and the by no means unusual phenomenon, that a root is divided into several, by different corruptions of form. We may include here, too, the root xwip, swif (sclmvifni); Middle High German sWife, siceif, swifrti.
731
for comparison with the European cognate languages, because the moods which spring from its present indicative afford, as it were, the prototype of the imperative and the optative of the Greek perfect, and of the German conjunctive of the preterite; compare preliminarily bubandhyam, " I much wish to bind," with the Gothic bundyau (from baibundyau), " I may bind," and the imperfect vdvagdhi (from vach, " to speak"), with the Greek Kexpaydt, wlaich is connected with it in formation, though not radically. The first augmented preterite of this intensive comes, in respect to form, very close to the Greek plusquam perfect; compare
atdtdpam, plural atotupma, with ereTvcpetv, ereTv<peiixev. As
every completed action is also past, the transition of the vocal symbol of completion approaches very closely to that of the past, and the gradual withdrawal of the primary meaning is not surprising, as we must, in German also, describe the completion of an action in a manner already pointed out by the Sanscrit, while our simple preterite, which is akin to the Greek perfect, and which, in Gothic also, in a certain number of verbs, has preserved the reduplication, corresponds in meaning to the Greek imperfect and aorist. 516. As regards the two augmented preterites, which appear, in Greek, as imperfect and aorist, there is no occasion, in the form by which they are distinguished from one another, to assume a primitive intention in the language to apply them to different objects, unless such aorists asin Greek,
eAnrov, eo>v, contrasted with ehenrov, edliSwv, in Sanscrit, alipam,* adam, opposed to alimpam, adaddmare considered
original, and, in their brevity and succintness, contrasted with the cumbersomeness of the imperfect, a hint be found,
* The Sanscrit root lip is not connected with the Greek ATII, but means " to smear," and to it belongs the Greek MVOT, oKe'upa. But alipam stands so far in the same relation to alimpam that e'Anrov does to ehemov, that it has divested itself of the inserted nasal, as eKnrov has of the Guna vowel. 3 B2
732
VERBS.
that through them the language is desirous of expressing such actions or conditions of the past, as appear to us momentary, from their ranking with other events, or for other reasons. It might then be said that the language unburthens itself in the aorist only of the Guna and other class characteristics, because, in the press of the circumstances to be announced, it has no time to express them; just as, in Sanscrit, in the second person singular imperative, the lighter verbal form is employed, on account of the haste with which, the command is expressed, and, e.g. vid-dhi, " know," yung-dhi, " bind," stands opposed to the first person veddni, " let me know," yunajdni, " let me bind." But the kind of aorist just mentioned is, both in Sanscrit and in Greek, proportionably rarer, and the withdrawing of the class characteristics extends, in both languages, not to the aorist alone, and in both this tense appears, for the most part, in a form more full in sound than the imperfect. Compare, in Sanscrit, adiksham = eSeiâ with the imperfect adisham, which bears the complete form of the aorist abovementioned. In the sibilant of the first aorist, however, I cannot recognise that element of sound, which might have given to this tense its peculiar meaning ; for this sibilant, as will be shewn hereafter, belongs to the verb substantive, which might be expected in all tenses, and actually occurs in several, that, in their signification, present no point of coincidence. But if, notwithstanding, in Sanscrit, or at the time of the identity of the Sanscrit with its cognate languages, a difference of meaning existed between the two augmented preterites, we are compelled to adopt the opinion, that the language began very early to employ, for different ends, two forms which, at the period of formation, had the same signification, and to attach finer degrees of meaning to trifling, immaterial differences of form. It is requisite to observe here, that, in the history of languages, the case not unfrequently occurs, that
733
one and the same form is, in the lapse of time, split into several, and then the different forms are applied by the spirit of the language to different ends. Thus, in Sanscrit, data, from the base ddtar (. 144.), means both "the giver" and " he that will give"; but, in Latin, this one form, bearing two different meanings, has been parted into two ; of which the one, which is modern in form, and has arisen from the old by the addition of an u (daturus), has assumed to itself alone the task of representing a future participle ; while the other, which has remained more true to the original type, appears, like the kindred Greek oTyp, only as a noun agent.
THE IMPERFECT.
517. We proceed to a more particular description of the different kinds of expression for past time, and consider next the tense, which I call in Sanscrit, according to its form, the monoform augmented preterite, in contradistinction to that which corresponds in form to the Greek aorist, and which I term the multiform preterite, since in it seven different formations may be perceived, of which four correspond, more or less, to the Greek first aorist, and three to the second. Here, for the sake of brevity and uniformity, the appellations imperfect and aorist may be retained for the Sanscrit also, although both tenses may in Sanscrit, with equal propriety, be named imperfect and aorist, since they both in common, and together with the reduplicated preterite, represent at one time the aorist, at another the imperfect. That, which answers in form to the Greek imperfect, receives, like the aorist, the prefix of an a to express the past . the class characteristics are retained, and the personal terminations are the more obtuse or secondary (. 430.), probably on account of the root being loaded with the augment. This exponent of the past may bear the same name in Sanscrit also. In Greek it is easily recognised in the e. Thus, in the first conjugation, we may compare atarp-a-m, " I delighted," with erep-nov; in
134
VERBS.
the second, adadd-m, " I gave," with eSlSuv; astri-nav-am (see .437. Rem.), " I strewed," with earop-vv-v; and akrind-m, " I bought," with enep-va-v. As the conjugation of the imperfect of the three last mentioned verbs has been already given (. 481. 485. 488.), where the weight of the personal terminations is considered, I shall annex here the complete
one of atarp-a-m and erepTt-o-v only.
SINGULAR. SANSCRIT. GREEK. SANSCRIT. DUAL. GREEK.
atarp-a-m,* CTep-n-o-v, atarp-d-va, atarp-as, erepTr-es, utarp-a-tam, erepir-e-TOv. utarp-a-t, erepire(r)t aturp-a-tdm, eTep-n-e-rr\v.
PLURAL. SANSCRIT. GREEK.
atarp-d-ma, eTepTrofxev. atarp-a-ta, erepiT-e-Te.
atarp-a-nA " Remark.In the Veda dialect the /, which, according to . 461., has been lost in atarpnn for atarpant, has been retained under the protection of an s, which begins the following word ; thus, in the Rig-Veda (p. 99), 1?lHt " ^ ^H"^
"m avanvant svabhisliHm, "ilium colebant fauste
" According to the same principle, in the accusative plural, instead of the iis, to be expected in accordance with . 236. 239., of which, according to a universal law of sound, only n has remained, we find in the Veda dialect nt, in case the word following begins with s;
I'.IJ. ^TWFif W tT^ fl^'M asmdnt su fatra cluklai/a, " nos bene ibi
(Hr/</r'n (Rosen, 1. c. p. la). I do not hesitate to consider the I of (ismdiit as the euphonic mutation of an s, as also, under other circumstances, one s before another s, in order to make itself more perceptible in pronunciation, becomes
t See . 401.
735
t; as from vas, " to dwell," comes the future vat-syami and the aorist avdt-sam. The original accusative termination in ns appears in the Vedas also as nr, and indeed in bases in i and u, in case the word following begins with a vowel or y, as, in general, a final s, after vowels other than a, a becomes r before all sonant letters. Examples of plural accusatives in nr (for n must become Anusvara before r, as
before s) are fjRJT. ^râ|=fl'ifl girinr achuchyavitana, "nubes excitate" (I. c. p. 72) ; ^ ^7% ^nft. ^ ? ^Tjf 'Snf^qt '3TT I *nn tvam agne vasunr iha rudrdn aditydn uta \ yajd, " tu Agnis! Vasues hie, Rudras atque Aditis jilios sacris cole" (I. c. p. 85).
Bases in a have lost the r in the accusative plural. The circumstance, however, that they replace the n of the common accusative terminations with Anusvara (), as in ^ p rudrdn, ^rrfipqf aditydn, just mentioned, appears to me to evince that they likewise terminated originally in nr: the r has been dropped, but its effectthe change of n into nhas remained. At least it is not the practice in the Rig Veda, particularly after a long d, to replace a final n with Anusvara ; for we read, 1. c. . 219., faf P^ vidvun, " skilful," not f^ft vidvdn, although a v follows, before which, according to Panini, as before y, r, and vowels in the Veda dialect, the termination an should be replaced by an (compare Rosen, p. IV. 2.) ; a rule which is probably taken too universally, and should properly be limited to the accusative plural (the principal case where an occurs), where the Zend also employs an n, and not n (. 239.). The accusative termination nr for ns is, however, explained in a manner but little satisfactory, by Rosen, in his very valuable edition of a part of the Rig-Veda, p. XXXIX, 5.; and the t mentioned above is considered by the Indian grammarians as an euphonic insertion (Smaller Sanscrit Grammar, . S2a. 82b. Rem.). If, however, an initial s, from a disposition towards a t preceding, has such influence as to annex that letter, it appears to me far more natural for it to have had
"736
VERBS.
the power to preserve a /, which actually exists in the primitive grammar, or to change an s into that letter. 518. The Zend, as found in the Zend Avesta, appears to have almost entirely given up the augment, at least with the exception of the aorist mentioned in . 469., and which is remarkable in more than one respect, Aitp)<Qj??h ururudhwha,* " thou growest," and the form mentioned by Burnouf AOAW as, "he was," rxuuDw^jAU aonhdt, " h e would be11;"'' I have found no instances, which can be relied upon, of its retention, unless, perhaps, ya JAJ6.MQ>A> apathayen,* "they went" (Vend. S. p. 43, Z. 4.), must pass as such; and we are not to read, as might be conjectured, in place of it igiiAi(3Jua)Ai apathayen, and the initial vowel is the preposition a, which, perhaps, is contained in some other forms also, which might be explained by the augment. Thus, perhaps, in the first Fargard of the Vendidad, the frequently-recurring forms ^g/ca<ft3Au0dyrdMm?iewi (or frallncaresem), " I made," " I formed," rxsAsô^w^jjjkMji frdkerrnttif, may be distributed into fru and athuereihn and ahrrental. I, however, now think it more probable that their first syllable is compounded of the prepositions fra
* The initial u appears to have been formed from a by the assimilating influence of the ft of the second syllable. I shall recur to this aorist hereafter. t Burnouf (Yacna, p. 434) proposes to read JJAM US for AUAU as. But this form, also, has something uncommon, since the Veda i||H as (of which hereafter) would lend us to expect, in Zend, ao, as a final Sanscrit ?t.?, with a preceding , regularly becomes iio; but ^TW as becomes 6 (see 5J. .5(5''.). Without the augment we find, in the Zend Avesta, both the reading MM .v and I\3A> *> although otherwise this form actually belongs to the verb substantive. t T h u s we should read instead of (CÂsUAtcÂJ apatliaicn; compare the Sanscrit <ii>iiiitli<u/aii, " I h e y went," with an inserted nasal. 'Exm-toi- corresponds in Greek. Hut should we read a/iiilhni/i'n for aimtliai/rn the long a would not be the augment, but the preposition <i.
FORMATION OF TENSES
737
and . The combination of these two prepositions is very generally used in the Zend; as, .MÂ^-WOA fradaya,
" v a l u e " (Vend. S. p. 124), Mw$vf)w y^jujod fr&mann hunvanha, "prize m e " (Vend. S. p. 39), where the prepositions are separated from the verb,* as in the passage, JWSb-&<&) AJ7AJ7> Axsoa y^sôjoo) y^-uy Au "^ frd vayd patann frd urvara ucsyann, " aves volent arbores crescant" + (Vend. S. p. 257), and in AJM>;juîAjyj) AJÔJJAJJ AXJJA
frd zasta snayanuha, " wash the hands" (1. c. p. 457). A form which, if the lithographed codex of the Vend. S. is correct, might appear best adapted to testify to the existence of the augment in Zend, is M^yâxs^MM) usazayanha, " thou wast born," a word which is remarkable in other respects also (see . 469.). But as long as the correctness of the reading is not confirmed by other MSS., or generally as long as the augment is not more fully established in Zend, I am disposed to consider the vowel which stands between the preposition and the root as simply a means of conjunction; and for a I should prefer reading i or e, just as in us-i-hista, "stand up" (Vend. S. p. 458), us-i-histata, "stand ye up" (1. c. p. 459), ui-e-histaiti, "he stands up."
* The comparison of other MSS. must decide whether the accusative of the pronoun is rightly conjoined with this. Anquetil renders this imperative with the word following, HJCÔCASJO kharetee, on account of the eating, "of the nourishing," strangely enough by "qui me mange en m'itivoquant avec ardeur," as he also translates the following words, jjoJ^âjj jm\i$i>Ai<p.3) -j>)5 jj^<Ai aoivi ( = ^rf*T abhi) manm staomaeni (staomaini?} stiddhi, "extol me in praise," by "qui m adresse humblement so. priere." The form hunvanha is the imperative middle, where, as often occurs, the character of the first class is added to that of the fifth. t Patann, " volent," and ucsyann, " crescant," with which the Greek n-erofjai and our Feder and wachsen are to be compared, are imperfects of the conjunctive mood, which, with this tense, always combines a present signification.
738
VERBS.
But a also occurs in this verb, inserted as a conjunctive vowel between the preposition and the root; for, p. 456, 1. 18., we read us-a-histala, " stand up." I would therefore, if the reading us-a-za-yanha, " thou wast born," should prove itself from the majority of MSS. to be genuine, prefer, nevertheless, regarding the a as a conjunctive vowel, rather than as the augment. 519. The following examples may throw sufficient light on the conjugation for the first class of the Zend imperfect active, which admits of tolerably copious citation: uzbar-e-m, " I brought forward" (Vend. S. p. 493); $ M S ( 3 A U O * frdthwares-e-m orfrdthweres-e-m, " I created" (1. c. 117, & c ) ; ^wAjj3Ajjjui)O*frddagsaem, " I shewed," from frada$s-aye-m = Sanscrit flT^Pl^ prddes-aya-m, " I caused to shew" (see . 42.); fradaes-ayo, " thou shewest" (l. c. p. 123); ^yj^3 kere-nvo, " thou didst make";* rttjujjô) peres-a-t, " he asked," = 13PJ53u^ aprichchh-a-t (1. c. p. 123); fAii bav-a-t, " he was," = ^W3T^ abhav-a-t (p. 125); K>MMM^ jas-a-t, " h e came," = ^fJ|ii^ agachchh-a-t, " h e went;" ASÂUWJA/.U JÔJASQ) paili sanh-d-ma, " w e spoke" ' (pp. 493, 494, repeatedly) =TO^TWRpratyasansama; /fM'Jiw anlien, "they were" (p. 1()3 erroneously anhin) =^TTSP^ dsan. I am not able to quote the second person plural, but there can be no uncertainty regarding its form, and from us/histata, " stand ye up," we may infer, also, usihistata, " ye stood up," since, in Sanscrit as in Greek, the imperative in the second person plural is only distinguished from the imperfect by the omission of the augment. Examples of the second conjugation are, ? ^ ( 0 ^ dudhan-m, " I placed" " I made" (Vend. S. p. 116) =^*nT% adadhu-m, ertdrj-v;
* For krreiuws: there is, that is to say, as often happens, the character of the first class added to the class character, which is already present ; as
though, in (Jivek, eSaK-Ku-e-'i were said for cSeiV-rr-v. t Anquctil renders this "/< virus dc vous purler."
GWAJ^
739
mradm,* " I spoke"1 (p. 123); M^M?^ mrad-s, " thou spokest" (p. 226), rxxku/ij mradt, " he spoke" ; occurs very often; IX^M^?^ kere-nao-t, " he made" (p. 135). In the plural I conjecture the forms amru-ma, amru-ta = Sanscrit abru-ma, abru-ta; and kere-nu-ma, kere-nu-ta, like such Greek forms as ecrrop-vv-ixev, etTTop-vv-re = Sanscrit asfri-nu-ma,
astri-nu-ta. The third person plural does not admit of being traced with the same certainty. 520. With respect to the use of the imperfect it deserves to be remarked, that, in Zend, this tense is very frequently employed as the conjunctive of the present, and that the reduplicated preterite also occasionally occurs in the same sense. In such cases, the past appears to be regarded from its negative side as denying the actual present, and to be thus adapted to denote the conjunctive, which is likewise devoid of reality. Here belongs the phenomenon, that, in Zend, the conjunctive, even where it is actually formally expressed, far more frequently expresses the present by the imperfect than by the present; and that, in Sanscrit, the conditional is furnished with the augment; and that, also, in German and Latin, the conditional relation is expressed by past tenses. Examples of the Zend imperfect indicative with the sense of the present conjunctive are, .MÂJO^ /tf>^% fracha kerenten, "they may cut to pieces," = Sanscrit ^r^?n^ akrintan (Vend. S. p. 233); /WJA; XPMI AU(? AJJ
Mil} AJ^JÛI-UQ) dva vd nara anhen pancha vd, " there may be either two persons or five"; jwAs7(iA K
* This form is based on the Sanscrit abravam, for which abruvam: the contraction in Zend is similar to that of T(^flyavam, " wyzam" to CA>AJ^ yaom. Regarding the exchange of b with m in mraom see . 63. t These two persons pre-suppose, in Sanscrit, ah'6-s, ubro-t, for which are used, .with irregular insertion of a conjunctive vowel ?, abrav-i-s, abrav-i-t.
740
VERBS.
anhat dthravd, "if it is a priest";* ezi anhat rathaestdo, "if it is a warrior (stander in a car)";
Û- WJ (? I^-MWJ** %**-* y^zl
ar
J'liat
vdstryo, " if it is a
J^MMI? %mj~^
cultivator";
dog"
AJQ)JJ /WAJWJUU
- ^ . C ^ y^
anhat spd, " if it is a
(1. c. p. 230, 231);
S^j
M^M^M^M^
$-g*$$\s(bk>s7 yezi vasen mazdayasna zanm raddhayanm,'' "if the worshippers of Ormuzd would cultivate the earth (make to grow)" (p. 198). It is clear, that in most of the examples the conjunction yizi has introduced the imperfect in the sense of a conjunctive present, for this conjunction loves to use a mood which is not indicative, whether it be the potential, the conjunctive, or, as in the passages quoted, the imperfect of the indicative, as the representative of the conjunctive present. However, the indicative present often occurs after yezi (Vend. S. pp. 263, &c. yezi paitijasaiti); where, however, the reduplicated preterite stands beside this conditional particle, there it is clear that the past is regarded, as in the imperfect, as the symbol of non-actuality, and invested with a modal application. Thus we read in the second Fargard of the Vendidad (by Olshausen, p. 12), (W>^^(? i^j^y *$->.. J ^ ^ - C !/?~i oi yima ndit viviir, "if thou, \ i i n a ! obeyest me not"; and in the sixth Fargard, AJAJ^Ô J J W ^ yezi tutava, " if he can," or " if they can," "if it is possible"according to Anquetil, "si on le petit"; Vend. S. p. 12, Msutfa J(ijr MM^xiMVîq yezi thwd didvaesa, " if he hates thee," according to Anquetil " si lliomme vous irrite." 521. If we now turn to the European cognate lan-uao-es, it is remarkable that the Lithuanian, Sclavonic, and German, which appear, in a measure, as twins in the
* Regarding the termination of anhat more will be said hereafter, t Tims I n-ad for ^,)(oiiA)7 mMhi/uinii, for which, p. 1711, occurs, with two other faults, ^ ^
FORMATION OP TENSES.
741
great family of languages, which occupies our attention, diverge from one another in respect to the past, and have so divided the store of Sanscrit-Zend past forms, that that of the imperfect has fallen to the lot of the Lithuanian, and the Sclavonic has taken the aorist, and, in fact, the first aorist, while the German has rceived the form of the Greek perfect. The augment, however, has been dropped by the Lithuanian and Sclavonic, and the Gothichas retained the reduplication only in a small number of verbs, while in German it lies concealed in forms like hiess, lief,fiel,of which hereafter. 522. As the imperfect now engages our attention, we must, for the present, leave the Sclavonic and German unnoticed, and first bestow our notice on that Lithuanian preterite, which is called, by Ruhig, the perfect. It might, with equal propriety, be termed imperfect or aorist, as it, at the same time, simultaneously represents these two tenses; and its use as a perfect is properly a misuse; as, also, in the Lettish, which is so nearly allied, this tense is actually called the imperfect, and the perfect is denoted by a participle perfect, with the present of the verb substantive; e.g. es sinnayu, " I did know," es esmu sinnayis " I have known (been having knowledge)." That the Lithuanian preterite answers to the imperfect, and not to the second aorist, is clear from this, that it retains the class characteristics given up by the aorist; for bwwau, " I was," or " have been," answers to the Sanscrit WRT abhavam and Greek e<pvov, and, in the
plural, buw-o-me, to the Zend bav-d-ma, Sanscrit abhav-d-ma, Greek e<pv-o-fxev, not to the aorist ^T*jR abhu-ma, e<pv-jxev ;
although, if necessary, the first person singular buivau might be compared with ^ T ^ abltuvam, to which, on account of the u of the first syllable, it appears to approach more closely than to the imperfect abhavam. I believe, however, that the Lithuanian u of buwau is a weakening
742
VERBS.
of a; and I recognise in this form one of the fairest and truest transmissions from the mythic age of our history of languages; for which reason it may be proper to annex the full conjugation of this tense of the verb, and to contrast with it the corresponding forms of the cognate languages, to which I also add the Latin bam, as I consider forms like amabam, docebam, &c, as compounded, and their bam to be identical with the Sanscrit abhavam, to which it has just the relation which malo has to mavolo, or that the Old High German bim, " I am," has to its plural birumds, from bivumes (see . 20.).
SINGULAR. SANSCRIT. ZKND. LITH.
1
1
>f
abhav-a-m, abhav-a-s, abhav-a-t,
baom from bav-e-m? buw-a-u, -ba-m, e(pv-o-v. buw-a-u -bd-s, bav-6, -ba-t, buw-o, bav-a-t,
DUAL.
abhav-d-va abhav-a-tam, bav-a-tem ? abhav-a-tdm, bav-a-tanm ? abhav-d-ma, bav-d-ma, abhav-a-tha, bav-a-ta, ahhav-a-n, ....
' Prom buw-a-m: see .438 " erasque."
buw-o-wa, bihv-o-ia,
e<f>v-e-Tov.
(j>V--T>]V-
like Sing.
PLURAL.
buw-o-me, -ba-mus, e<pv-o-fxev. buw-o-te, -bd-lis, e<j>v-e-re. like Sing, -ba-nt, ecpv-o-v.
- See . 520.
3
Bavas-cha,
523. For the regular verb, compare, further, kirtnu, " I struck," " I cut" (kirtau szcmu't, literally " I mowed," "cut hay"), with the Sanscrit ^ftPfN akrintam, " I cleft,"* Zend
* The root is Icrit, properly kart, and belongs to those roots of the sixth class which, in the special tenses, receive a nasal. Here belongs, among
743
kerhdhn, find Greek eKetpov, which has lost the t, of the root.
SINGULAR. SANSCRIT. ZEND. LITHUANIAN. GREEK.
akrint-a-m, akrint-a-s, akrint-a-t,
kerent-e-m, kerent-6, kerent-a-l,
kirt-a-u (see . 438.), eKeip-o-v. kirt-a-i (see . 499.), exetp-es. kirt-oeKeip-e-(r).

DUAL.
akrint-d-va, kirt-o-wa, akrint-a-tam, kerent-a-tem ? kirt-o-ta, akrint-a-tum,kerent-a-tanm?\i^.e Sing.

PLURAL.
eKei'p-e-rov. eKelp-e-rt]v. eKeip-o-fj.ev. eKei'p-e-re.

eKeip-o-v,
akrint-a-mu, kerent-a-ma, akrint-a-ta, kerent-a-ta,

akrint-a-n, kerent-e-n,
kirt-o-me, kirt-o-te,
like Sing.
524. Many Lithuanian verbs, which follow, in the present, the analogy of the Sanscrit of the first class, change, in the preterite, into the tenth, and, in fact, so that they terminate in the first person singular, in ia-u ( = Sanscrit aya-m), but, in the other persons, instead of ia employ an e, which unites with i of the second person singular to ei.
others, lip, " to besmear," whence limpami, alinipam (second aorist alipam), with which the Lithuanian limpu, " I paste on" (preterite lippau, future lipsu, infinitive lipti), appears to be connected. Pott acutely compares the Gothic salbo so that so would be an obscured preposition grown up with the root. The present of kirtau is kertu, and there are several verbs in Lithuanian which contrast an e in the present with the i of the preterite, future, and infinitive. This e either springs direct from the original a of the root kartas, among others, the permanent e of degu, " I burn," = Sanscrit dahamior the original a has first been weakened to i, and this has been corrupted, in the present, to e; so that kertu has nearly the same relation to the preterite kirtau, future kir-sit (for kirt-su), and infinitive kirs-ti (from kirl-ti), as, in Old High German, the plural lesames, " we read," to the Gothic lisani, and its own singular lieu.
744
VERBS.
This analogy is followed, by tvrziau, "1 led,'1 sek'mii, " I followed," whence wezei, sekei; weze, seke; ivezhva, sekewu; wezeta, seketa; wezeme, sekeme; wezete, sekete. Observe the
analogy with Mielke's third conjugation (see . 506.), and compare the preterite laikiau, . 506. 525. In the Lithuanian tense which is called the imperfect of habit, we find dawau; as suk-dawau, " I am wont to turn," which is easily recognised as an appended auxiliary verb. It answers tolerably well to dawyau (from dumi), "I gave," "have given," from which it is distinguished only in this point, that it is inflected like buwau and kirtau, while the simple dawyau, dawei, dawe, dawewa, &c, follows the conjugation of weziau, sekiau, which has just (. 524.) been presented, with this single trifling point of difference, that, in the first person singular, instead of i, it employs a y ; thus, dawyau for dawiau. As in Sanscrit, together with da, "to give," on which is based the Lithuanian dumi, a root V dhd, " to place " (with the preposition T fV vi, " to make ") occurs, which is similarly represented in Lithuanian, and is written in the present demi (" I place"); so might also the auxiliary verb which is contained in suk-dawau, be ascribed to this root, although the simple preterite of demi (from domi = Sanscrit dadhami,
Greek Ttdijfxi), is not dawyau, or dawiau, but dHyau. But
according to its origin, demi has the same claim as dumi upon the vowel a, and the addition of an unorganic iv in the preterite, and the adjunction of the auxiliary verb in suk-dawau might proceed from a period when dumi, " I give," and dnni, " I place," agreed as exactly in their conjugation as the corresponding old Indian forms dadiimi and dadhthni, which are distinguished from one another only by the aspirate, which is abandoned by the Lithuanian. As dtidhami, through the preposition 17, obtains the meaning "to make," and, in Zend, the simple verb also signifies " to make," demi would, in this sense, be
745
more proper as an auxiliary verb to enter into combination with other verbs; and then suk-dawau, " I was wont to turn,1' would, in its final portion, coincide with that of the Gothic sdk-i-da, " I sought," sdk-i-dMum, " we sought," which last I have already, in my System of Conjugation, explained in the sense of " we sought to do," and compared with deds, " deed." I shall return hereafter to the Gothic sdk-i-da, sdk-i-dMum. It may, however, be here further remarked, that, exclusive of the Sanscrit, the Lithuanian dawau of suk-dawau might also be contrasted with the Gothic tauya, " I do" (with which our thun is no way connected); but then the Lithuanian auxiliary verb would belong rather to the root of " to give," than to that of " to place"; for the Gothic requires tenues for primitive medials, but not for such as the Lithuanian, which possesses no aspirates, opposes to the Sanscrit aspirated medials, which, in Gothic, appear likewise as medials. But if the Gothic tauya, " I do," proceeds from the Sanscrit root, dd, " to give," it then furnishes the only example I know of, where the Gothic au corresponds with a Sanscrit d; but in Sanscrit itself, du for a is found in the first and third person singular of the reduplicated preterite, where ^ daddu, " I " or " he gave," is used for dadd (from dadd-a). The relation, however, of tau to dd (and this appears to me better) might be thus regarded, that the d has been weakened to u, and an unradical a prefixed to the latter letter; for that which takes place regularly before h and r (see . 82.) may also for once have occurred without such an occasion. 526. The idea that the Latin imperfects in bam, as also the futures in bo, contain the verb substantive, and, in fact, the root, from which arise fid, fore, and the obsolete conjunctive fuam, has been expressed for the first time in my System of Conjugation. If it is in general admitted, that grammatical forms may possibly arise through composi3c
746
VERBS.
tion, then certainly nothing is more natural than, in the conjugation of attributive verbs, to expect the introduction of the verb substantive, in order to express the copula, or the conjunction of the subject which is expressed by the personal sign with the predicate which is represented by the root. While the Sanscrit and Greek, in that past tense which we term aorist, conjoin the other roots of the verb substantive, viz. AS, ES, with the attributive roots, the Latin betakes itself, so early as the imperfect, to the root FJJ; and I was glad to find, what I was not aware of on my first attempt at explaining the forms in bam and bo, that this root also plays an important part in grammar in another kindred branch of language, viz. in Celtic, and exhibits to us, in the Irish dialect of the Gaelic, forms like meal-fa-m, or meal-fa-mar, or meal-fa-moid, " we will deceive," meal-fai-dhe, or meal-fa-har, " ye will deceive," meal-fai-d, " they will deceive," meal-fa-dh me, " I will deceive" (literally " I am who will deceive "'), menl-ful-r, " thou wilt deceive," meal-fai-dh, " he will deceive." The abbreviated form fam of the first person plural, as it is wanting in the plural affix, answers remarkably to the Latin bam, while the full form fa-mar (r for s) comes very near the plural ha-mus. The circumstance, that the Latin bam has a past meaning, while that of the Irish fam is future, need not hinder us from considering the two forms, in respect to their origin, as identical, partly as 6am, since it has lost the augment, bears in itself no formal expression of the past, nor fun any formal sign of the future. The Irish form should be properly written fam or bkun, for by itself bind me signifies " I will be " (properly " I am what will be "), biodh-maod, " we will be," where the character of the third pei-son singular has grown up with the root, while the conditional expression ma bhiom, " if I shall be," is free from this incumbrauce. In these forms, the exponent of the future relation is the /, with which, there-
747
fore, the Latin i of ama-bis, ama-bit, &c, and that of era, erit, &c, is to be compared. This characteristic i is, however, dislodged in composition, in order to lessen the weight of the whole form, and at the same time the b is weakened to f; so that, while in Latin, according to the form of the isolated fui, fore, fuam, in the compound formations, farm, fo, might be expected, but in Irish bam the relation is exactly reversed. The reason is, however, in the Roman language, also an euphonic one ; for it has been before remarked (. 18.), that the Latin, in the interior of a word, prefers the labial medial to the aspirates ; so that, while the Sanscrit bh, in the corresponding Latin forms, always appears as f in the initial sound, in the interior, b is almost as constantly found: hence, ti-bi for l^T^T tu-bhyarn; ovi-bus, for 'sjf^wRr avi-bhyas ; ambo for Greek a/n(co, Sanscrit 3 ^
ubhdu; nubes for 'spra^ nabhas, ve<pos; rabies from X^rabh,
whence MT& sanrabdha, " enraged," " furious"; lubet for <gwrfir lubhyati, " he wishes '^; ruber for epvdpos, with which it has been already rightly compared by Voss, the labial being exchanged for a labial, and the e dropped, which letter evinces itself, from the kindred languages, to be an unorganic prefix. The Sanscrit furnishes for comparison rudhira, " blood," and, with respect to the root, also rohita for rodhita, " red." In rufus, on the contrary, the aspirate has remained; and if this had also been the case in the auxiliary verb under discussion, perhaps then, in the final portion of ama-fam, ama-fo, derivatives from the root, whence proceed fui, fuam,, fore,fio,facio, &c., would have been recognised without the aid of the light thrown upon the subject by the kindred languages. From the Gaelic dialects I will here further cite the form ba, " he was," which wants only the personal sign to be the same as the Latin bat, and, like the latter, ranks under the SanscritZend imperfect abhavat, bavat. The Gaelic ba is, however, deficient in the other persons; and in order to say " 1 3c2
748
VERBS.
was," for which, in Irish, barm might be expected, ba me is used, i. e. " it was I." 527. The length of the class-vowel in the Latin third conjugation is surprising: as in leg-i-bam, for the third conjugation, is based, as has been remarked (. 109a. 1.) on the Sanscrit first or sixth class, the short a of which it has corrupted to t, before r to e. Ag. Benary believes this length must be explained by the concretion of the class vowel with the augment.* It would, in fact, be very well, if, in this manner, the augment could be attributed to the Latin as the expression of the past. I cannot, however, so decidedly assent to this opinion, as I have before done,^ partly as the Zend also, to which I then appealed as having occasionally preserved the augment only under the protection of preceding prepositions, has since appeared to me in a different light (. 518.). There are, it cannot be denied, in the languages, unorganic or inflective lengthenings or diphthongizations of vowels, originally short; as, in Sanscrit, the class vowel just under discussion before m and v, if a vowel follows next, is lengthened (vah-a-mi, vah-d-vas, vah-d-mms); and as the Gothic does not admit a simple i and u before r and h, but prefixes to them, in this position, an a. The Latin lengthens the short final vowel of the base-words of the second declension (which corresponds to the Sanscrit a and Greek o) before the termination rum of the genitive plural lupd-rum), just as before bus in ambd-bus, duo-bus ; and it might be said that the auxiliary verb bam also felt the necessity of being supported by a long vowel, and
* System of Latin sounds, p. 20. It being there stated that the coincidence of the Latin bam with the Sanscrit abhavam had not as yet been noticed, F must remark that this had been done in my Conjugational System, p. 97. t Berlin Jahrb. January 1838. p. 13.
749
that, therefore, leg-e-bam, not leg-e-bam, or leg-i-bam, is employed. 528. In the fourth conjugation, the & of audidbam corresponds to the final a of the Sanscrit character of the tenth class, aya, which a has been dropped in the present, with the exception of the first person singular and third person plural; but in the conjunctive and in the future, which, according to its origin, is likewise to be regarded as a conjunctive (audiam, audids, audies), has been retained in concretion with the mood exponent (see . 505.). As the Latin e frequently coincides with the Sanscrit diphthong e, ( = a + i), and, the future tunde's, tundemus, tunditis, answers to the Sanscrit potential tudis, tudima, tud&la (from tudais, &c), so might also the < of tund-i-bam, aud-ie-bam, ? be divided into the elements a + i: thus, tundebam might be explained from tunddibam, where the a would be the class vowel, which in the present, as remarked above (. 109a. 1.), has been weakened to i; so that, tund-i-s, tund-i-t, answers to the Sanscrit tud-a-si, tud-a-ti, The i contained in the e of tund-e-bam would then be regarded as the conjunctive vowel for uniting the auxiliary verb ; thus, tundebam would be to be divided into tunda-i-bam. This view of the matter might appear the more satisfactory, as the Sanscrit also much favours the practice of uniting the verb substantive in certain tenses with the principal verb, by means of an i, and, indeed, not only in roots ending in a consonant, where the i might be regarded as a means of facilitating the conjunction of opposite sounds, but also in roots which terminate in a vowel, and have no need at all of any such means; e.g. dhav-i-shydmi, " I will move," and adhdv-i-sham, " I moved ",- dhd-shydmi and adhdu-sham might be used, and would not be inconvenient to pronounce. 529. In favour of the opinion that the augment is contained in the e of audie"bam, the obsolete futures of the
750
VERBS.
fourth conjugation in ibo might be adduced (expedibo, scibo, aporibo, and others in Plautus), and the want of a preceding e in these forms might be explained by the circumstance, that the future has no augment. But imperfects in ibam also occur, and thence it is clear, that both the i of -ibo, and that of -ibam, should be regarded as a contraction of ie, and that the difference between the future and imperfect is only in this, that in the latter the full form (ie) has prevailed, but in the former has been utterly lost. In the common dialect ibam, ibo from eo, answer to those obsolete imperfects and futures, only that here the i is radical. From the third person plural emit (for hint), and from the conjunctive earn (for iam), one would expect an imperfect iebam. 530. Let us now consider the temporal augment, in which the Sanscrit agrees with the Greek, just as it does in the syllabic augment. It is an universal principle in Sanscrit, that when two vowels come together they melt into one. When, therefore, the augment stands before a root beginning with a, from the two short a a long is formed, as in Greek, from e, by prefixing the augment for the most part, an rj is formed. In this manner, from the root of the verb substantive w^ as, E2, arise ?rr^ as, H2, whence, in the clearest accordance, the third person plural man, fjcrav; the second wrer dstct, rjcne; the first dsma, rijêv, the latter for r/anev, as might be expected from the present eufxev. In the dual, TJCTTOV, rj(TTr]v, answer admirably to ^TTCP^ ds-tam, 'JUWIH, ds-tam. The first person singular is, in Sanscrit, dsrtm, for which, in Greek, rjaav might be expected, to which we are also directed by the third person plural, which generally is the same as the first person singular (where, however, v stands for VT). The form >)v has passed over a whole syllable, and is exceeded by the Latin cmni (from csam, see . 22.) in true preservation of the original form, as in general the Latin has, in the
751
verb substantive, nowhere permitted itself to be robbed of the radical consonant, with the exception of the second person present, but, according to its usual inclination, has weakened the original s between two vowels to r. It is highly probable that eram was originally eram with the augment. The abandonment of the augment rests, therefore, simply on the shortening of the initial vowel. 531. In the second and third person singular the Sanscrit introduces between the root and the personal sign s and t an i as the conjunctive vowel; hence dsis, asit. Without this auxiliary vowel these two persons would necessarily have lost their characteristic, as two consonants are not admissible at the end of a word, as also in the Veda dialect, in the third person, there really exists a form ^rmds, with which the Doric 7 ? agrees very 7 well. But the Doric ^?, also, might, with Kriiger (p. 234), be deduced from r\r, so that s would be the character of the third person, the original r of which, as it cannot stand at the end of a word, would have been changed into the cognate ?, which is admissible for the termination. According to this principle, I have deduced neuters like rervipos, repas, from rervfpoT, repar, as TTJOOJ- from apart = Sanscrit prati (see . 152. end). If r/g has arisen in a similar manner from r\r, this form would be the more remarkable, because it would then be a solitary example of the retention of the sign of the third person in secondary forms. Be this how it may, still the form % is important for this reason, as it explains to us the common form fjv, the external identity of which with the f\v of the first person must appear surprising. In this person r\v stands for r^x. (middle r\\xx\v); but in the third, r)v has the same relation to the Doric r\$ that "rv'mo^.ev has to TinrTOfieg, or that, in the dual, repnerov, Tepirerov have to the Sanscrit tarprithas, tarpatas (. 97.); and I doubt not, also, that the v of r\v, "he was," is a corruption of y. "Remark.In Sanscrit it is a rule, that roots in s, when
752
VERBS.
they belong, like as, to a class of conjugation which, in the special tenses, interposes no middle syllable between the root and personal termination, changes the radical s in the third person into t; and at will in the second person also, where, nevertheless, the placing an s and its euphonic permutations is prevalent (see my smaller Sanscrit Grammar, . 291.): ^ T t sds, " to govern," forms, in the third person, solely TC asdt; in the second dsds (^TT: asaJi), or likewise asdt. As regards the third person asdt, I believe that it is better to regard its t as the character of the third person than as a permutation of the radical s. For why else should the t have been retained principally in the third person, while the second person prefers the form asds? At the period when the Sanscrit, like its sister languages, still admitted two consonants at the end of a word, the third person will have been asds-t, and the second asdt-s, as s before another s freely passes into t (see . 517. Rem.): in the present state of the language, however, the last letter but one of asds-t has been lost, and asdt-s has, at will, either in like manner dropped the last but one, which it has generally donehence, asd(l)sor the last, hence asdics)." 532. With 'srrcftw dsi-s, " thou wast," ^T*ftrTx dsi'-t, " he was," the forms asas, a sat, may also have existed, as several other verbs of the same class, in the persons mentioned, assume at will a or i; as arddis, arudit, " thou didst weep," " he did weep"; or arodas, arodat, from rud (the Old High German riu-u, " I weep," pre-supposes the Gothic riufa, Latin rudo). I believe that the forms in as, at, are the elder, and that the forms in is, it, have found their way from the aorist (third formation), where the long /' of abu'dlu's, abddhit is to be explained as a compensation for the sibilant which has been dropped, which, in the other persons, is united with the root by a short i (abmlh-i-sham, abodh-i-shva, abodh-i-shma). The pre-supposed forms dsas, that, are confirmed by the Zend,
753
also, where, in the third person, the form rAAswpJ anhat * occurs, with suppression of the augment (otherwise it would he donhat) and the insertion of a nasal, according to . 56a. I am not able to quote the second person, but it admits of no doubt that it is anhd (with cha, " and," anhascha.) The originality of the conjunctive vowel a is confirmed also by the Latin, which nevertheless lengthens the same unorganically (but again, through the influence of a final m and t, shortens it), and which extends that letter, also, to those persons in which the Sanscrit and Greek, and probably, also, the Zend, although wanting in the examples which could be desired, unite the terminations to the root direct. Compare
SINGULAR. SANSCRIT. GREEK. LATIN.
dsam, dsis, dsit (Zend anhat, ds,* Veda ds),

DUAL.
r/v, fjs, m, f/v, ....

TJCTTOV,
eram. eras, erat. ...

. . .
dsva,
dstam,
dstdm,
* I cannot, with Burnouf (Yacna, Notes, p. CXIV.), explain this anhat, and its plural anhen, as a conjunctive (Let) or as an aoriat; for a Let always requires a long conjunctive vowel, and, in the third person plural, ahn for an. And Burnouf actually introduces as Let the form donhat (Ya?na, p. CXVIII.), which is superior to anhat in that it retains the augment. But it need not surprise us, from what has been remarked in . 520., that anhat and anhen occur with a conjunctive signification. And Burnouf gives to the form niparayanta, mentioned in . 536. Rem., a conjunctive meaning, without recognising in it a formal conjunctive. The difference of the Zend anhat from the Sanscrit dsit, with regard to the conjunctive vowel, should surprise us the less, as the Zend not unfrequently differs from the Sanscrit in more important points, as in the preservation of the nominative sign in bases ending with a consonant (dfs, drucs, see .138.). t See .518.
754
SANSCRIT.
VERBS.
PLURAL. GKEEK.
LATIN.
dsma, dsta, dsan,
rj(<r)ixev,
r/a-re, rjcrav,
erdinus. erdtis. erant.
" Remark.-The analogy with bam, has, may have occasioned the lengthening unorganically of the conjunctive vowel in Latin, where the length of quantity appears as an unconscious result of contraction, since, as has been shewn above (see . 365), bam, Ms, &c, corresponds to the Sanscrit abhavam, a-bhavas. After dropping the v, the two short vowels coalesced and melted down into a long one, in a similar manner to that in which, in the Latin first conjugation, the Sanscrit character ay a (of the tenth class), after rejecting the y has become d (. 504.); and hence, amds, amdtis, corresponds to the Sanscrit kdmayasi, " thou lovest," kdmayatha, " ye love." The necessity of adjusting the forms eram, eras, &c, to those in bam, bds, and of placing throughout a long a, where the final consonant does not exert its shortening influence, must appear so much the greater, as in the future, also, eris, erit, erimus, eritis, stand in the fullest agreement with bis, bit, bimus, bitis; and for the practical use of the language the diflFerence of the two tenses rests on the difference of the vowel preceding the personal termination. A contrast so strong as that between the length of the gravest and the shortness of the lightest vowel makes its appearance, therefore, here very desirably. That the i of the future is not simply a conjunctive vowel, but an actual expression of the future, and that it answers to the Sanscrit ya of -yasi, -yati, &c.; or, reversing the case, that the d of the imperfect is simply a vowel of conjunction, and has nothing to do with the expression of the relation of time, this can be felt no longer from the particular point of view of the Latin. 533. In roots which begin with /, /, u, it, or ri, the Sanscrit augment dors not follow the common rules of
755
sound, according to which a with i or i is contracted into ('> ( = a + i), and with u or u to 6 ( = a + u), and with ri (from ar) becomes ar, but for Tr$i*di is employed ; for ^ft o, ^ t du; and for ^KZâr, ^KQ^dr: as from ichh, "to wish" (as substitute of ish), comes dichham, " I wished"; from uksh, " to sprinkle," comes duksham, " I sprinkle." It cannot be ascertained with certainty what the reason for this deviation from the common path is. Perhaps the higher augment of the vowel is to be ascribed to the importance of the augment for the modification of the relation of time, and to the endeavour to make the augment more perceptible to the ear, in roots beginning with a vowel, than it would be if it were contracted with i, i, to e, or with u, u, to 6, thereby giving up its individuality. Perhaps, too, the preponderating example of the roots of the first class, which require Guna before simple radical consonants, has operated upon the roots which possess no Guna, so that dichham and duksham would be * to be regarded as regular contractions of a-echham, a-oksham, although ichh, as it belongs to the sixth class, and uksh to class one, on account of its length by position, admits of no other Guna. 534. In roots which begin with a, the augment and reduplication produce, in Sanscrit, an effect exactly the same as if to the root ^n^ as (" to be ") a was prefixed as the augment or the syllable of reduplication; so in both cases from a-as only as
* As e consists of a + i, and 6 of a + u, so the first element of these diphthongs naturally melts down with a preceding a to a, and the product of the whole is di, du. In roots which begin with ri, we might regard the form dr, which arises through the augment, as proceeding originally not from ri, but from the original ar, of which ri is an abbreviation, as, also, the reduplication syllable of bibharmi has been developed not from bhri, which the grammarians assume as the root, but from the proper root bhar (see Vocalismus, p. 158, &c), by weakening the a to i, while in the reduplicated preterite this weakening ceases, and babhara or babhdra means " I bore."
756
VERBS.
can arise, and dsa is the first and third person of the perfect. In roots, however, which begin with i or u the operations of the augment and of reduplication are different; for ish, " to wish," and ush, "to burn" (Latin uro), form, through the augment, dish* dush, and, by reduplication, ish, ush, as the regular contraction of i-ish, u-ush. In the persons of the singular, however, with Guna, the i and u of the reduplication syllable before the vowel of the root, which is extended by Guna, passes into iy and uv ; hence, iy-esha, " I wished," uv-dsha, " I burned," corresponding to the plural ishima, ushima, without Guna. 535. In roots beginning with a vowel the tenses which have the augment or reduplication are placed, by the Greek, exactly on the same footing. The reduplication, however, cannot be so much disregarded, as to be overlooked where it is as evidently present as in the just-mentioned (. 534.) Sanscrit ishima, ushima ( = i-ishima, u-ushima). When from an originally short t and v a long 7 and v arise, as in ~txereovv, 'iKerevKa, vfipityv, vfiptcrixcu, I regard this, as I have
already done elsewhere,f as the effect of the reduplication,

* Aorist uisldsham ; the imperfect is formed from the substitute ichh. t Annals of Oriental Literature (London, 1820. p. 41). When, therefore, Kriiger (Crit. Gramm. . 99.) makes the temporal augment consist in this, that the vowel of the verb is doubled, this corresponds, in regard to iKerEovi1,
vppfov, vfipio-fiai, upiAeov, wfxiKijKa, with the opinion expressed, 1. c. by me ;
but M. Kriigcr's explanation of the matter seems to me too general, in that, according to it, verbs beginning with a vowel never had an augment; and that therefore, while the Sanscrit asan, ''they were," is compounded of a-asan, i.e. of the augment and the root, the Greek ô-au would indeed have been melted down from e-ecra., but the first e would not only be to the root a foreign element accidentally agreeing with its initial sound, but the repetition or reduplication of the radical vowel. Then ijo-av, in spite of its exact agreement with the Sanscrit atrav would have to be regarded, not as one of the most remarkable transmissions from the primitive period of the language, but the agreement would be mainly forUiitous, as Ctsau contained the augment, r)crar, however, a syllable of reduplication
757
and look upon the long vowel as proceeding from the repetition of the short one, as, in the Sanscrit, ishima, dshima. For why should an 7 or v arise out of e +1 or v, when this contraction occurs nowhere else, and besides when et is so favourite a diphthong in Greek, that even e + e, although of rare occurrence in the augment, is rather contracted to et than to i), and the diphthong en also accords well with that language? As too becoming w in the augmented tenses, one might, if required, recognise therein the augment, since e and o are originally one, and both are corruptions from a. Nevertheless, I prefer seeing in wv<fy*aov the reduplication, rather than the augment, since we elsewhere find e + o always contracted to on, not to co, although, in dialects, the w occurs as a compensation for ov (Doric TO i/o/iza>, TW? VOÛMC). 536. The middle, the imperfect of which is distinguished from the regular active only by the personal terminations, described in . 468. &c, exhibits only in the third person singular and plural a resemblance between the Sanscrit, Zend, and Greek, which strikes the eye at the first glance: compare
e<j>ep-e-ro, eipep-o-vro, with the Sans, abhar-a-ta, abhar-a-nta,
and the Zend bar-a-ta, bar-a-nta. In the second person singular, forms like edetK-vv-cro answer very well to the Zend, like hu-nu-sha, "thou didst praise " (. 469.); while in the first conjugation the agreement of the Greek and Zend is somewhat disturbed, in that the Zend, according to a universal law of sound, has changed the original termination sa after a preceding a to ha (see . 56a.), and attached to it a nasal sound (), but the Greek has contracted e-cro to ov; thus, ecpepov from eif>ep-e-cro, answering to the Zend bar-an-ha, for which, in Sanscrit, a-bhar-a-thds (see . 469.). In the first person sinplication. I should certainly, however, prefer recognising, in all Greek verbs beginning with a vowel, the reduplication alone rather than the augment alone; and from the Greek point of view, without reference to the Sanscrit, this view would appear more correct.
758
VERBS.
gular wHabhari from abhar-a-i for abhar-a-ma (see . 471.), appears very disadvantageously compared with e(pep-6-/j.t]v. In the first person plural, kfyep-o-peda answers, in respect to the personal termination, better to the Zend bar-a-maidM than to the Sanscrit abhar-a-mahi, the ending of which, mahi, is clearly abbreviated from madhi (see . 472.). In the second person plural, ecpep-e-ude* corresponds to the Sanscrit abhar-a-dhvam* and Zend bar-a-dhwem : in the dual, for the Greek e<pep-e-crdov, eêp-e-a-d^v (from etyep-eTTOV, e<pep-e-TT>]v, see . 474.), stand, in Sanscrit, abharetham, abharetdm from abhar-a-dtdm, abhara-d-tdm (according to the third class abibhr-dthdm, abibhr-dtdm), and this, according to the conjecture expressed above (. 474.), from abhara-thdthdm, abar-a-ldtdm. " Remark.I can quote in Zend only the third person singular and plural, the latter instanced in nipdrayanta, which occurs in the Vend. S. p. 484 in the sense of a conjunctive present^ (nipdrayanta dpem, ' transgrediantur aquam'') which, according to what has been remarked at . 520., need not surprise us. The third person singular can be copiously cited. I will here notice only the frequently recurring AjpxSî'Aj auvta, ' he spoke," Ajô<3îi)Ajj^)jA)(>) paiti-adda, ' he answered,1 the a of which I do not regard as the augment, as in general the augment has almost disappeared in Zend (see . 518.), but as the phonetic prefix mentioned in . 28. But how is the remaining drtn related to the Sanscrit ? The root T ^ rnch is not used in the middle ; but if it were, it would, in the third person
* From e<f>ep-e-TTe, al>har-a-ddhvam, bhar-a-ddhwrm ? see . -i'-i.
t Compare Burnouf, Yacna, p. 518. In Sanscrit the verb pdrayami, mid. jmrai/c, corresponds, which I do not derive with the Indian grammarians from the root rs i>ri, " to fulfil," but regard as the denominative of jkirn, "the farther shove": this para, however, is best derived from para, " the other."
759
singular of the imperfect, form uvakta, without the augment vakta; and hence, by changing va to a + u (for a + v), the Zend Aip<5î> octa might be deduced, with the regular contraction of the a+u to 6* As, in Sanscrit, the root vach, in many irregular forms, has laid aside a, and vocalized the v to u,^ we might, also, for a-vakta,
* On the value of <a as long 6 see . 447. Note. t As regards my explanation of the u which takes the place of va in the root vach, and many others, in certain forms devoid of Guna, Professor Hofer (Contributions to Etymology, p. 384), finds it remarkable that we so often overlook what is just at hand, and thinks that in the case under discussion the u is not to be deduced from the v of va, but that from va vu has been formed ; and of this, after rejecting the v, only the u has remained. In this, however, M. Hofer has, on his part, overlooked, that the derivation of u from vu cannot be separated from the phenomena which run parallel thereto, according to which i proceeds from ya and ri from ra. It is impossible to deduce grihyate, " capitur," for grahyate, in such a manner that from ra rri can be derived, as from va vu, and thus pre-suppose for grihyaU a grrihyate, and hence drop the r. But what is more natural than that the semi-vowels should at times reject the vowel which accompanies them, as they themselves can become a vowel ? Is not the relation of the Old High German ir, " ye," to the Gothic yus founded on this? and even that of the Gothic genitive i-zvara to the to be expected yu-zvara ? Or may not from yus be next formed yir, and hence ir by rejecting the y? Can it be that the Gothic nominative thius, " the servant," has arisen from the theme thiva, not, which is the readiest way of deriving it, by the v becoming u after the a has been rejected, but by forming from thiva first thivu, and then, by dropping the v, in the nominative thius, and in the accusative thiu ? I fully acknowledge M. Hofer's valuable labours with regard to the Prakrit, but believe that, in the case before us, he has suffered himself to be misled by this interesting and instructive dialect. It is true that the Prakrit is more frequently founded on forms older than those which come before us in classic Sanscrit. I have shewn this, among other places, in the instrumental plural (. 220.), where, however, as usual, the Prakrit, in spite of having an older form before it, has nevertheless been guilty of admitting, at the same time, a strong corruption. This is the case with the Prakrit vachchadi, " dicitur." I willingly concede to M. Hdfer, that this form is based
760
VERBS.
suppose a form a-ukta (without the euphonic contraction), and hence, in Zend, deduce, according to the common contraction, the form oda, to which oda then, according to . 28., an a would be further prefixed; so that in >&$<S&>s aoda an augment would in reality lie concealed, without being contained in the initial a. This special case is here, however, of no great importance to us; but this alone is so, that aSda, in its termination, is identical with the Sanscrit, and comes very near the Greek TO of e<pep-e-TO, eeiK-vu-TO. To the latter answers the often recurring hu-nu-ta, 'he praised' (compare Greek v-/xvos), with an unorganic lengthening of the u. From the latter may, with certainty, be derived the abovementioned second person hu-nu-sha, after the analogy of the aorist ururudhusha (see . 469.). In the first person plural I have contrasted the form bar-a-maidhe, which is not distinguishable from the present, with the Greek e-(pep-6ne0a; for it is clear, from the abovementioned (. 472.) potential ^(oJAj^jÛiQ^yLJ buidhyoimaidhe, that the secondary forms are not distinguished, in the first person plural, from the primary ones; after dropping the augment, therefore, no difference from the present can exist. The form bar-adhwem of the second person plural follows from the imperative quoted by Burnouf (Yacna, Notes, p. XXXVIII.), as f(OAJi,}.M zayadhwem, ' live ye,' and the precative yadliuhi), 'may he give.'"*
based on some other older one than the present Sanscrit uchyatc, but I do not thence deduce a vuchyatc, but merely vachyatc, for which the Prakrit is not at all required. The Prakrit, like many other languages, has, in very many places, weakened an original a to it (see p. 363.): why, then, should it not have occasionally done so after the i>, which is homogeneous to the u, as the Zend, according to Burnouf s conjecture, has sometimes, through the influence of a r, changed a following a, to 6 ? * In my opinion, this form (of which move hereafter) must be taken for a precative, not for an imperative.
ORIGIN OF THE AUGMENT.
761
537. I hold the augment to be identical in its origin with the a privative, and regard it, therefore, as the expression of the negation of the present. This opinion, which has been already brought forward in the " Annals of Oriental Literature," has, since then, been supported by Ag. Benary * and Hartung (Greek Particles, II. 110.), but opposed by Lassen. As, however, Professor Lassen will allow of no explanation whatever of grammatical forms by annexation, and bestows no credit on the verb substantive, clearly as it manifests itself in many tenses of attributive verbs, treating it like the old " everywhere" and " nowhere," I am not surprised that he sees, in the explanation of the augment just given, the culminating point of the agglutination system, and is astonished that the first ancestors of the human race, instead of saying " I saw," should be supposed to have said " I see not." This, however, they did not do, since, by the negative particle, they did not wish to remove the action itself, but only the present time of the same. The Sanscrit, in general, uses its negative particles in certain compounds in a way which, at the first glance and without knowing the true object of the language, appears very extraordinary. Thus, uttama-s, "the highest," does not lose its signification by having the negative particle a prefixed to it (which, as in Greek before vowels, receives the addition of a nasal) : an-uttamas, is not " the not highest," or " the low," but in like manner " the highest," nay, even emphatically " the highest," or " the highest of all." And yet it cannot be denied that, in anuttama-s, the particle an has really its negative force, but anuttama-s is a possessive compound, and abala-s (from a and bala), " not having strength," means, therefore, "weak"; thus, anuttama-s signifies properly " qui altissimum non habet," and
* Berlin Jahrb. July 1833, pp. 86, &c. 3 D
762
VERBS.
hence, " quo nemo altior esV It might be expected, that every superlative or comparative would be used similarly, that also apunyatama-s or apunyatara-s would signify " the purest"; but the language makes no further use of this capability; it does not a second time repeat this jest, if we would so call it; at least I am unacquainted with any other examples of this kind. But what comes much nearer this use of the augment, as a negative particle, than the just cited an of anuttaina, is this, that eka, " one,' by the prefixing negative particles, just as little receives the meaning not one (oue/c), "none," as %Pff ved-mi, " I know," through the a of a-vM-am, gets that of " I know not." By the negative power of the augment, vedmi loses only a portion of its meaning, a secondary idea, that of present time, and thus &ka-s, " one," by the prefix an or na (rinika, ndika), does not lose its existence or its personality (for eka is properly a pronoun, see . 30S.), nor even the idea of unity, inasmuch as in 6, 7, 8, &c, the idea of " one " is also contained, but only the limitation to unity, as it were the secondary idea, " simply.1" It would not be surprising if aneka and ndika expressed, in the dual, " two," or, in the plural, " three," or any other higher number, or also, " a few," " some "; but it signifies, such is the decision of the use of language, " many/" * It cannot, therefore, be matter of astonishment, that avedam, through its negative a, receives the signification " I knew,"
* When Vorl'ander, in his Treatise, which I have just seen, entitled "Basis of an organic acquaintance with the human soul," p. 317, says, " Negation of the present is not past," he is in the right; but it may be said with equal right, "negation of one is not plurality" (it might, in fact, be two, three, or nothing), and yet the idea ' many " is clearly expressed by the negation of unity, or limitation to unity; and in defence of the language it may lie said, that though the negation of present time is not past time, and that of unity not plurality, still the past is really a negation of the present, plurality a negation, an overleaping of unity; and hence both ideas are adapted to be expressed with the aid of negative
763
and not that of " I shall know." For the rest, also, the past, which is irrevocably lost, forms a far more decided contrast to the present, than the future does, to which we approach in the same degree the farther we depart from the past. And in form, too, the future is often no way distinguished from the present. 538. From the circumstance that the proper a privative, which clearly manifests a negative force, assumes, both in Sanscrit and Greek, an euphonic n before a vowel initial sound, while the a of the augment, in both languages, is condensed with the following vowel (. 530.), we cannot infer a different origin for the two particles. Observe, that svadu, " sweet," as feminine, forms, in the instrumental, svddv-d, while in the masculine and neuter it avoids the hiatus, not by changing u into v, but by the insertion of an euphonic n (compare . 159.). And the augment and the common a privative are distinguished in the same way, since they both apply different means to avoid the hiatus.
negative particles. Vice versa, in certain cases negation can also be expressed by an expression for the past: " Besen, Besen, Seid's gewesen!" where gewesen means the same as "no more." Language never expresses any thing perfectly, but everywhere only brings forward the most conspicuous mark, or that which appears so. To discover this mark is the business of etymology. A "tooth-haver" is not an " elephant," a "hair-haver" does not fully express a "lion"; and yet the Sanscrit calls the elephant dantin, the lion kesin. If, then, a tooth, danta, is derived from ad, "to eat" (dropping the a), or from dans', "to bite" (dropping the sibilant), we may again say, " an eater or biter is not exclusively a tooth (it might also be a dog or a mouth);" and thus the language revolves in a circle of incomplete expressions, and denotes things imperfectly, by any quality whatever which is itself imperfectly pointed out. It is, however, certain that the most prominent quality of the past is what may be termed the " non-present," by which the former is denoted more correctly than the elephant is expressed by " tooth-haver." 3 n 2
764
VERBS.
The division may have arisen at a period when, though early (so early, in fact, as when the Greek and Sanscrit were one), the augment was no longer conscious of its negative power, and was no more than the exponent of past time; but the reason why was forgotten, as, in general, the portions of words which express grammatical relations then first become grammatical forms, when the reason of their becoming so is no longer felt, and the s, which expresses the nominative, would pass as the exponent of a certain case relation only when the perception of its identity with the pronominal base sa was extinguished. 539. From the Latin privative prefix in, and our German un, I should not infereven if, as is highly probable, they are connected with the a privativethat the nasal originally belonged to the word ; for here three witnesses three languages in factwhich, in most respects, exceed the Latin and German in the true preservation of their original state, speak in favour of the common opinion, that the nasal, in the negative particle under discussion, in Sanscrit, Zend, and Greek, is not a radical. It cannot, however, surprise us, if a sound, which is very often introduced for the sake of euphony, has remained fixed in one or more of the cognate dialects, since the language has, by degrees, become so accustomed to it that it can no longer dispense with it. We may observe, moreover, as regards the German languages, the great disposition of these languages, even without euphonic occasion, to introduce an unorganic n, whereby so many words have been transplanted from the vowel declension into one terminating with a consonant, viz. into that in i>. or, as Grimm terms it, into the weak declension ; and the Sanscrit vidhavd, " widow," Latin viihia, Sclavonic rdoia (at once theme and nominative), in Gothic is in the theme viduvdn (genitive ridmiin-s), whence is formed, in the nominative, according to . UO., by rejecting the n, viditvd. If an was,
765
in Sanscrit, the original form of the prefix under discussion, its n would still be dropped, not only before consonants, but also before vowels; for it is a general rule in Sanscrit, that words in n drop this sound in the beginning of composites; hence, r&jan, " king," forms, with putra, rdja-putra, " king's son," and, with indra, " prince," rdjdndra, " prince of kings," since the a of rdjan, after dropping the n, is contracted with a following i to 6 ( = a + i). The inseparable prefixes, however, in respect to the laws of sound, follow the same principles as the words which occur also in an isolated state. If an, therefore, were the original form of the above negative particle, and of the augment identical with it, then the two would have become separated in the course of time, for this reason, that the latter, following strictly the universal fundamental law, would have rejected its n before vowels as before consonants ; the former only before consonants. 540. In . 317. we have deduced the Sanscrit negative particles a and na from the demonstrative bases of the same sound, since the latter, when taken in the sense of "that," are very well adapted for the putting off of a thing or quality or the removing it to a distance. If an were the original form of the a privative and of the augment, then the demonstrative base ^ P ana, whence the Lithuanian anas or an-s, ST and the Sclavonic on, " that," would aid in its explanation. The identity of the augment with the privative a might, however, be also explained, which, indeed, in essentials would be the same, by assuming that the language, in prefixing an a to the verbs, did not intend the a negative, nor to deny the presence of the action, but, under the a, meant the actual pronoun in the sense of " that," and thereby wished to transfer the action to the other side, to the distant time already past; and that it therefore only once more repeated the same course of ideas as it followed in the creation of negative expressions. According to this explanation, the augment and the a
766
VEEBS.
privative would rather stand in a fraternal relation than in that of offspring and progenitor. The way to both would lead directly from the pronoun, while in the first method of explanation we arrive, from the demonstrative of distance, first to the negation, and thence to the expression of past time, as contrary to present. According to the last exposition, the designation of the past through the augment would be in principle identical with that in which, through the isolated particle **? sma, the present receives a past signification. I hold, that is to say, this sma for a pronoun of the third person, which occurs declined only in certain cases in composition with other pronouns of the third person (. 165. &c), and in the plural of the two first persons, where asme means (in the Veda dialect) properly " l a n d she" ("this, that woman"), yu-shme, " thou and she" (.333.).* As an expression of past time, sma, which also often occurs without a perceptible meaning, must be taken in the sense of " that person," " that side," " there," as W. von Humboldt regards the Tagalish and Tongian expression for past time na, which I have compared with the Sanscrit demonstrative base na, and thus indirectly with the negative particle na ,-t where I will further remark that I have endeavoured to carry back the expression for the future also, in Tongian and Madagascai'ian, to demonstrative bases; viz. the Tongian te to the Sanscrit base jf to (which the languages of New Zealand and Tahiti use in the form te as article), and the Madagascar ho to the base ^r .so (. 345.), which appears in the Tongian he, as in the Greek 6, as the article.!
* To the derivation of sma, given at p. 464, Rera. t. it may be further added, that it may also be identified with the pronominal base sva (see . 341.), either by considering its m as a hardened form of v (comp. p. 114), or virr ri'rsd the v of sra a weakening of the m of sum. t See my Treatise "On the Connection of the Malay-Polynesian Languages with the Indo-European," pp. 100, &c. I L. e. pp. 101,104.
767
541. No one would consider the circumstance that, in Greek, the augment appears in the form e, hut the negative particle in the form a, which is identical with the Sanscrit, as a valid objection against the original identity or relationship of the two particles; for it is extremely common in Greek for one and the same a to maintain itself in one place, and be corrupted in another to e; as TeTtxâ and Tervipe both lead to the Sanscrit tutdpa, which stands both in the first and in the third person, as the true personal termination has been lost, and only the conjunctive vowel has remained; which in Greek, except in the third person singular, appears everywhere else as a. It is, however, certain, that, from the point of view of the Greek, we should hardly have supposed the augment and the a privative to be related, as the spiritual points of contact of the two prefixes lie much too concealed. Buttmann derives the augment from the reduplication, so that GTVIITOV would be an abbreviation of rervrrTov. To this, however, the Sanscrit opposes the most forcible objection, in that it contrasts with the imperfect ETVTtTov its atopam, but with the really reduplicated rerv(pa its tutdpa. The Sanscrit augmented tenses have not the smallest connection with the reduplicated perfect, which, in the repeated syllable, always receives the radical vowel (shortened, if long), while the augment pays no regard to the root, and always uses a. If i were the vowel of the augment, then in the want of a more satisfactory explanation, we might recognise in it a syllable of reduplication, because the syllables of reduplication have a tendency to weakening, to a lightening of their weight; and i, as the lightest vowel, is adapted to supply the place of the heaviest a, and does, also, actually represent this, as well as its long vowel, in the reduplication-syllable of desideratives,* and,
* Hence pipas, "to wish to drink," for papas or papas, from pa; pipatish, "to wish to cleave," for papatish, from pat; so, also, bibharmi, " I cany,"
768
VERBS.
in a certain case, supplies the place of the vowel u too, which is of middling weight, viz. where, in the second aorist in verbs beginning with a vowel, the whole root is twice given; e. g. 'iflftH1^ duninam for ^hj|M^ aununam, from un, " to diminish." I cannot, however, see the slightest probability in Pott's opinion (Etym. Forsch. II. 73.), that the a of the augment may be regarded as a vowel absolutely, and as the representative of all vowels, and thus as a variety of the reduplication. This explanation would be highly suitable for such verbs as have weakened a radical a to u or i, and of which it might be said, that their augment descends from the time when their radical vowel was not as yet u or i but a. But if, at all hazards, the Sanscrit augment should be considered to be the reduplication, I should prefer saying that a radical i, i, u, u has received Guna in the syllable of repetition, but the Guna vowel alone has remained; and thus
aveclam for Jcedam ( = aivaidam), this from revedam : abddham for obodham ( = anbnudham), and this from bob6dham.
" Remark.According to a conjecture expressed by Hofer (Contributions, p. 388), the augment would be a preposition expressing ' with,' and so far identical with our ge of participles like gesagf, gemacht, as the German preposition, which, in Gothic, sounds ga and signifies ' with,' is, according to Grimm's hypothesis, connected with the Sanscrit T sa, W^ T sam (Greek avv, Latin cum). Of the two forms *f sa, f&^sam, the latter occurs only in combination with verbs, the former only with substantives.* In order, therefore, to arrive from sam to the augment , we must assume that, from the earliest
" I cany," for babhnnni, from hhnr {lihri) ; tishthami, '' I stand," for tashUJmi, see . 508. ; in Greek, 3 < U for BOSW/JI (Sanscrit (fadami) ; and i O< 3 | others. * This seems to require qualification. Sam is found constantly in combination with substantives, as in W^WT., tffwfw, W^K. &e. In some cases the form may be considered as derived through a compound verb, but not in all, as in the instance of suntanta.H. II. W.
769
period, that of the identity of the Sanscrit and Greek, the said preposition, where used to express time, has laid aside its initial and terminating sound, like its body, and only preserved the soul, that is, the vowel; while, in the common combination with verbs the s and m of sam has lived as long as the language itself, and while, in German, we make no formal distinction between the ge which, merely by an error, attaches itself to our passive particles, and that which accompanies the whole verbs and its derivatives, as in gebaren, Geburt, geniessen, Genuss. If, for the explanation of the augment, so trifling a similarity of form is satisfactory, as that between a and sam, then other inseparable prepositions present themselves which have equal or greater claim to be identified with the expression of past time; for instance, ^Pl apa, " from," " away," and ^ ava, " from," " down," "off"; wfaafo "over" (atikram, " t o go over," also "to pass," "to elapse," used of time). We might also refer to the particle w sma, mentioned above, which gives past meaning to the present, and assume the rejection of its double consonant. It is certain, however, that that explanation is most to the purpose, by which the past prefix has suffered either no loss at all, or, if an is assumed to be the original form of the negative particle, only such as, according to what has been remarked above (. 539.), takes place regularly at the beginning of compounds. It is also certain that the past stands much nearer to the idea of negation than to that of combination, partly as the augmented preterites in Greek stand so far in contrast to the perfect, as their original destination is, to point to past time and not to express the completion of an action. We will not here decide how far, in Gothic and Old High German, an especial preference for the use of the particle ga, ge, is to be ascribed to the preterite ; but F. Grimm, who was the first to refer this circumstance to the language (II. 843, 844), adds to the examples given this remark: ' A number of passages in Gothic, Old
770
VERBS.
High German, and Middle High German, will exhibit it (the preposition under discussion) as well before the present as wanting before the preterite, even where the action might be taken as perfect. I maintain only a remarkable predilection of the particle for the preterite, and for the rest I believe that, for the oldest state of the language, as in New High German, the ge became independent of temporal differences. It had then still its more subtle meaning, which could not be separated from any tense.' This observation says little in favour of Hofer's opinion, according to which, so early as the period of lingual identity, we should recognise in the expression of the past the preposition sam, which, is hypothetically akin to our preposition ge. Here we have to remark, also, that though, in Gothic and Old High German, a predominant inclination for the use of the preposition ga, ge, must be ascribed to the preterite, it never possessed per se the power of expressing past time alone; for in gavasida,' he dressed,' gavasidedun, ' they dressed' (made to dress), the relation of time is expressed in the appended auxiliary verb, and the preposition ga, if not here, as I think it is, entirely without meaning, and a mechanical accompaniment or prop of the root, which, through constant use, has become inseparable, can only at most give an emphasis to the idea of the verb. At all events, in gavasida the signification which the preposition originally had, and which, however, in verbal combinations appears but seldom (as in ga-gri-mnn, ' to come together'), can no longer be thought of."
Til K AORIST.
542. The second Sanscrit augmented-preterite, which, on account of its seven different formations, I term the multiform, corresponds in form to the Greek aorist, in such wise, that four formations coincide more or less exactly with the first aorist, and three with the second. The forms which coincide with the first aorist all add s to the root, either
771
directly, or by means of a conjunctive vowel i. I recognise in this s, which, under certain conditions, becomes 'tf sh (see . 21. and Sanscrit Grammar, . 10 l a .), the verb substantive, with the imperfect of which the first formation agrees quite exactly, only that the of dsam, Sec, is lost, and in the third person plural the termination us stands for an, thus sus for dsan. The loss of the d need not surprise us, for in it the augment is contained, which, in the compound tense under discussion, is prefixed to the root of the principal verb: the short a which remains after stripping off the augment might be dropped on account of the incumbrance caused by composition, so much the easier, as in the present, also, in its isolated state before the heavy terminations of the dual and plural, it is suppressed (see p. 670). Thus the sma of akshdipsma, " we did cast," is distinguished from smas, " we are," only by the weakened termination of the secondary forms belonging to the aorist. In the third person plural, when us stands for an, this happens because us passes for a lighter termination than an; and hence, in the imperfect also, in the roots encumbered with reduplication, regularly takes the place of an; hence, abibhr-us, " they bore," for abibhr-an; and, according to the same principle, akshdip-sus for akshdip-san, on account of the encumbering of the root of the verb substantive by the preceding attributive root. 543. Before the personal terminations beginning with t, th, and dh, roots which end with a consonant other than n, reject the s of the verb substantive in order to avoid the harsh combination of three consonants; hence, akshdip-ta, " ye did cast," for akshdip-sta, as in Greek, from a similar euphonic reason, the roots terminating with a consonant abbreviate, in the perfect passive, the terminations <rdov, ade, to
dov, 6e; reTvcfrde, reraxê, for rervipade ; rera^de: and in
Sanscrit, from a similar reason, the root sthd, " to stand," loses its sibilant, if it would come directly in contact with the preposition ut; hence ut-thita, "up-stood," for ut-sthita.
772
VERBS.
544. For a view of the middle voice, we here give the imperfect middle of the verb substantive, which is scarcely to be found in isolated use
SINGULAR. DUAL. PLURAL.
dsi, dsthds, dsta,
dsvahi, dsdthdm, dsdtdrn,
dsmahi. dddhvam or ddhvam. dsata.
545. As an example of the aorist formation under discussion, we select, for roots terminating with a vowel, ft ni, " to lead;" and, for roots ending with a consonant, ft^ kship, " to cast." The radical vowel receives, in the former, in the active, Vriddhi; in the middle, only Guna, on account of the personal terminations being, on the average, heavier; in the latter, in the active, in like manner, Vriddhi; in the middle, no increase at all,
ACTIVE. SINGULAR. DUAL. PLURAL.
andisharn,akslidipsum, anaishva, akshdipsva, andishma, akshdipsma. andishh, ctlcshdipsi.i, anuishtam, akshdiptam, andishta, akshdiptaandialu't, akshdipsit, andishldm, akshdlptdm, andishus, akshdipsus.
MIDDLE.
aneshi, aksht'psi, anvshvahi, akshipsralii, ancshmahi. akshipsmahi. aneshtlids, aksliiplhds, aneslidtlidin,akshipxdthdm, aneJcJhram, akshibdhram. aneshta, akshipta, ani'shdlum, akxhijisdtdm. aneshatn, akshipsata.
Regarding the loss of the s see . 543- Sh for , see . 21. Or anetlhram, also mirdhratn, for s before the dh of the personal terminations either passes into rf, or is rejected; and for dliram, in this and the third formation, <jhvam also may be used, probably from the earlier ddvam, for shdnini. ' Regarding the loss of the ti, which belongs to the personal termination, see . 4.10.
3 1
516. The similarity of the middle aksliipsi to Latin perfects like srripsi is v e r y s u r p r i s i n g ; for only the a u g -
773
ment is wanting to complete a perfect countertype of the Sanscrit form. The third person scripsit answers better to the active form akshdipsit, which, without Vriddhi, would sound akshipsit: the Latin vex (we- sil) answers to the Sanscrit 'sr^nsfh^ avdkshit of the same import; and again, vexi corresponds to the middle avakshi. The two languages have, from a regard to euphony, changed their h before the s of the verb substantive into the guttural tenuis, and U requires, in Sanscrit, ^ sh for ^ s (see p. 2l). The comparison of vexi with avakshi may appear the better substantiated, as the second person also vexisti can be traced back to a middle termination ; viz. to thds of akship-thds (for akshipsthds); so that the final s would have been dropped, and d have been weakened to i. I now prefer this explanation to that according to which I have formerly identified the termination sti with the Sanscrit perfect termination tha; and in general I consider the Latin perfect, which, according to its meaning, might just as well have been called aorist, entirely independent of the Greek and Sanscrit perfect, in order that, in all its forms, I may refer it to the aorist. In this no great obstacles stand in our way; for while perfects in si, at the first glance, shew themselves to be aorists, although not so readily by comparison with the Greek as with the Sanscrit, even cucurri, momordi, cecini, and similar forms, in spite of their reduplication, do not oppugn the theory of the aorist formation, and very well admit of being placed beside forms like achuchuram, middle achuchure (from achuchurai), from chur, " to steal," and Grecian forms, as eTre<f>paSov, eireipvov, of which more hereafter. They would, therefore, like the imperfect and the aorists, as scripsi, vsxi, mansi, have merely lost the augment, and have thus been associated with the Sanscrit and Greek perfect. 547. Perfects like scdbi, vidi, ttgi, fugi, fodi, exclusive of the lengthening of their vowel, might be compared with
774
VERBS.
Sanscrit aorists like ^rf^tiH alipam, middle alipd (from alipai), and Greek as e\nrov. On account of the lengthening of the vowel, however, this comparison appears inadmissible; and I believe that, in their origin, they agree with forms like scripsi, vexi, or with such as cucurri, tutudi. In the first case, the lengthening of the vowel must pas3 as compensation for the s of the verb substantive, which has been dropped, on the same principle as that on which divisi, from dividsi, on account of the loss of the d, has lengthened its short radical vowel, or as in
Greek, forms like [xeAas, lends, d/Souf, oetKvvs,
TTOVS,
rtdeis,
in compensation for the loss of a consonant, have received an indemnification in preceding vowel. Still closer lies the comparison with aorists like ecpyva, ei/Âa, ev(ppava, ecrretKa, e/xetva. It is certain that the liquids, also, must, in the aorist, have originally admitted the combination with <r, and that forms like ecpavcra. (as in Sanscrit, amansi, in Latin, mansi), eâKcra, eareAcra, have existed, and that in these aorists the length of the vowel is in consequence of the suppression of the cr. But if Latin perfects like lecju fugi, according to their origin, should fall to the Sanscrit seventh aorist formation {achuchuram, ashilam, or asisilam from lit), they then contain a concealed reduplication, as, according to Grimm, do our preterites, as kiefs, Old High German h\a~, ( = Gothic halhalf), and legi, sedbi, fwji, fdd't, le.-ecjl, sca-abi, fu-iuji, fo-od'i, for lelegi, scacabl, &c, with suppression of the consonant of the second syllable, by which that of the first loses the appearance of a consonant affixed by reduplication, as is the case in the Greek
yivoficu from yiyvofxou (for yi-yev-o-^xai), where, after re-
moving the y of the base syllabic, the syllable ylv receives the appearance of a radical syllable, while in fact only the v represents the root.*
* A Uonnvy, .also (Systi'in of Roman Sounds, pp. 41, ite.), explains forms
775
548. I must decidedly pronounce forms like cepi, freyi, fed, to be reduplicated, and I have already done this, when I recognised in them true perfects.* As perfects, they would be analogous to Sanscrit forms like Tfftw tipima, " we atoned," of which hereafter. As aorists, they have w ^ p ^ aneiam, " I was ruined," for their prototype, which I deduce from ananisam, by dropping the n of the second syllable; and I refer it to the seventh aorist formation, while the Indian grammarians regard it as an anomaly of the sixth. Therefore, like '3PTJ[PTi anesam from ana(n)isam, I regard cepi as a contraction of cacipi, as the Latin e as a colliquidation of a + i frequently answers to the Sanscrit e; e.g. in levir, corresponding to the Sanscrit devar (devri). With regard to the second syllable of the pre-supposed forms like cacipi, fqfici, we may compare such perfects as cecini, tetigi, which in like manner, on account of the root being loaded with the reduplication, have weakened the radical a to i. The forms cepi, flci, &c, must, however, have arisen at a period where the law had not as yet been prescribed to the syllables of reduplication of replacing the heaviest vowel a by e, but when as yet the weakening of the radical vowel in the syllable of the base was sufficient. But if the previous existence of forms
like cacipi, fa fid, is not admitted, and cecipi, fefici, are
made to precede the present cepi, fed, we must then

forms \ikefddi,fudi, from reduplication, but assumes the dropping of the syllable of reduplication and the lengthening of the radical syllable in compensation for its loss, against which I have expressed my opinion in the Berlin Jahrb. (Jan. 1838, p. 10); since this explanation, unlike the re-active effect of a suppression, by compensation in the preceding syllable, has no other analogous case to corroborate it. * In my Review of Benary's System of Roman Sounds (Berlin Jahrb. I. c. p. 10). Since then, Pott, also, in his Review of the same book (in the Hall. Jahrb.) has mentioned this case, but declared himself, without sufficient grounds in my opinion, against my view of the matter.
776
VERBS.
deduce dpi from c'e'ipi, fici from fe'ici, in such wise that the first vowel absorbs the second, and thereby becomes long, just as I have already, in my System of Conjugation, deduced conjunctives like legds, legdmus, from legais, kgaimus. The form egi has this advantage over other perfects of the kind, that it has not lost a consonant between the two elements of which its e is composed, i.e. between the syllable of repetition and that of the base : it is the contraction of a-igi or e-igi, and therefore, together with edi, emi, if the latter are likewise regarded as reduplicated forms (from e-edi, e-emi), deserves particular notice. As we ascribe an aoristic origin to the Latin perfects, we might also see in egi, edi, emi, a remnant of the augment. 549. I return to the second person singular in sti. If
in ti, of serpsvrti, vexisti, cucurristi, cepisti, we recognise the
Sanscrit medial termination thds, and in the whole an aorist, then serpsisti does not answer so exactly to akshipthds for akshipstds as to the fourth aorist formation, which, indeed, is not used in the middle, and in roots ending with a consonant, not in the active also, but which originally can scarcely have had so confined a use as in the present state of the language ; and, together with the active aydsisham (from yd, " to go "), we might expect the previous existence of a middle, whence the second person would be ayd-sishthds, in which forms like serpsisti are, as it were, reflected. The Sanscrit ?r^ srip (from sarp), would, according to this formation, if it were used in the middle, produce (isnp-sishlhds. We may notice, also, with regard to the s which precedes the t in the forms srrpsisfi, serpsistis, which, in . 45 1., has been explained as an euphonic addition, that the Sanscrit preeative, which in the middle likewise unites the s of the verb substantive with the root (either directly, or through a conjunctive vowel ;'), prefixes another .s, which if, perhaps, merely euphonic, to the personal terminations beginning with t or th, which s,
777
through the influence of the preceding i, becomes sh. The second person singular of the root srip, if it were used in the middle, would be sripsishthds, to which the Latin serpsisti approaches closely, where, however, it is to be observed, that the i of the Latin serp-s-i-sti is only a conjunctive vowel, while the i of WJ-fhfTCt sripsishthds expresses the relation of mood. The third person singular is sripsishta, the second and third person dual, sripsiydsthdm, sripsiydstdm; but the second sibilant does not extend farther; e. g,. the first person plural is no more sripshhmahi, than, in Latin, serpsismus, but sripsimahi, like serpsimus. Yet the Sanscrit readily admits the combination shm; for it uses, according to the third aorist formation,
abddhishma, " we knew," middle, abSdhishmahi.
550. In support of the opinion, that, in the second person singular of the Latin aorists, which are called perfects, a middle termination is contained, which, however, has lost sight of this origin, and passes as a common active, I will call attention to the fact, that even in Greek, in spite of its possessing a perfect middle voice, an original middle form has, in a particular case, taken its position in the active voice; for, in the third person plural imperfect, TepTtovTcov corresponds almost as exactly as possible to the Sanscrit middle tarpantdm. In languages in which the middle, as a voice, is wanting, individual formal remnants of that voice can have been only maintained, where they fill up the place of any hiatus, which has arisen in the active, or stand beside an active termination, which has been likewise retained, bearing the same meaning as it does, and being, as it were, a variation of it; as in Irish, in the first person plural, together with the form mar = Sanscrit mas, Latin mus, Greek pes), a maoid exists, which at will assumes its place, and which I have already elsewhere compared with the Zend maidhe, and Greek 3E
778
VERBS.
, for which the Sanscrit gives mah&, as an abbreviation of madhe (. 472.). 551. As regards the Latin first person singular in si, in spite of the striking resemblance of forms like avakshi, amansi, the coincidence may so far be said to be accidental, as their i may be explained as a weakening of a, so that the termination si of Latin perfects would correspond to the Greek era of eAu-cra, eivn-cra. I am really of opinion, that the Latin forms in si do not correspond to the Sanscrit first aorist formation, but, at least for the majority of persons, to the second, which, like the Grecian first aorist, inserts an a between the s of the verb substantive and the personal terminations. This a is treated nearly as, in the special tenses, the a of the first and sixth class (see . 109a. 1.), viz. lengthened, in the first person dual and plural, before va and ma. As, then, the a of vaha-si, vah-a-ti, vah-a-tlia, appears in the Latin veh-i-s; veh-i-t, veh-i-tis, as i, in like manner the d of vah-d-mus appears as i in veh-i-mus ; so that we soon arrive at the conjecture that the i of dic-si-sti, dic-si-t, d'w-si-mus, dic-si-stis, is a weakening of a, and that therefore si corresponds to the Greek era, the Sanscrit sa, sd (euphonies/;a, sh<}); thus, dicsi-mus = eBeiK-aa-iJiev, adik-s'ul-ma ; dic-si-sfis= eeiK-cra-7e,
adik-sha-ta. The connection, therefore, between vec-si-t and the Sanscrit ardk-sht'-t would not be so close, as I before assumed, and for avdk-shi-t we should have to imagine a form of the second formationthus avak-sha-tin order to compare with it vec-si-t, as dic-si-t actually answers to adik-sha-t (Greek cSeiK-ae from ceiK-aa-T, compare edeiK-<ra-To). In the second person, dic-si-sti answers to the Sanscrit middle adiA-slia-ihds, " thou she west," if the s, which precedes the /, is only of a euphonic nature, and introduced by the inclination of the / to a preceding s. 552. But even if the Latin perfect forms in si are
779
allotted to the Sanscrit second and Greek first aorist formation, still it remains most highly probable that the first person singular belongs to the middle voice; for the vowel a of the aorist formation under discussion is rejected in Sanscrit before the termination i of the first person middle; and while, according to the analogy of the imperfect, adikshe ( = adik-sha-i) might be expected, instead of it is found adik-shi in most exact accordance with the Latin dic-si. From the active form adiksham it is a difficult step to the Latin dixi; for although, in Greek, a final m is sometimes entirely lost, and, for example, eSeiâ corresponds to the Sanscrit adiksham, and, in the accusative singular of bases ending with a consonant, a answers to the Sanscrit am (iroSa, padam, pedem); yet, in Latin, the final m of the Sanscrit has, in similar cases, always been retained; for example, in the first person the blunt termination of the secondary forms has been, without exception, maintained, in preference to the more full mi of the primary forms ; thus, dicebam, dicam, dicerem, dixerim: and so it is highly probable that, in the perfect also, dixim would be said, if the first person was based on the Sanscrit active adiksham, and not on the middle. It is certain that, at the period of the unity of the languages, the abbreviated forms adikshi could not as yet have existed, but for it, perhaps, adikshama or adikshamdm ( = eSei^d/xtjv, see . 471.). But even these forms conduct us more readily than adiksham to the Latin dixi, since the first person singular in Latin has lost its termination exactly where another vowel stood after the m. 553. In the third person plural, the Latin dixerunt apparently corresponds to the Sanscrit and Greek adikshan, edei!-av. It scarcely admits of any doubt, that the r has proceeded from s (as is common between two vowels), and that, therefore, in dic-s&rwnt for die-shunt (as eram, ero, for esam, eso), the auxiliary verb is twice contained, or is 3E 2
780
VERBS.
reduplicated, whether this form belongs to the Sanscrit fourth formation, where a-yd-sishiis has proceeded from a-yd-sishant, or, as is more probable, the third person, first on Roman ground, and after the aim and origin of the s of dic-si had been forgotten, felt the necessity for being clearly invested with the verb substantive. This distinctness, however, subsequently became indistinct. As regards this superiority of the third person plural to the other persons, it is in accordance with the phenomenon, that, in Greek, erlde-cra-v, ede-cra-v, are used, but
not eride-aa-nev ; eTide-aa-re, not ede-cra-iJLev, Ide-ua-re. The
short termination not forming a syllable may have favoured the annexation of the auxiliary verb: this reason, however, did not exist in the middle passive ; hence, ertde-vro, not ertde-a-a-vTo. The Prakrit regularly annexes, in the first person plural of the present and imperative, the verb substantive, without extending it to the second and third person, as, J|sd>^gachchhamha {mha from FT sma\ " we go. * 554. To return to the Latin diierunt, we might, instead of it, expect diierunt, with short e, as i before r is readily replaced by e: the long e, however, is just as surprising
* Seep. 110; and comp. Lassen Institntiones Ling. Pracr., pp. 102, 325; Essai stir le Pali, p. 181; Hofer Dc Praer. Dial. p. 184. As Professor Lassen has, in this place, recognised the verb substantive, and been the first to remark it, although it is in like manner represented only l>v a single letter, it is difficult to conceive why he prefers to recognise in the s, which, in several Sanscrit, Greek, and Latin tenses, extends to all the persons of the three numbers, rather the old "everywhere" and "nowhere," than the verb substantive (Ind. Bililioth. III. p. 76). Such contradiction must appear to me more flattering than to hear that the verb substantive was so palpable in the places mentioned, especially in Sanscrit, that it could not escape even the most short-sighted eye. I must certainly consider it honourable to me to have perceived so long ago as the year K'.IG that which astonishes Professor Lassen in 1830, whose acuteness lias been so abundantly testified in other departments of Sanscrit philology.
781
as that of dic-e-bam for dic-i-bam ; and it may be added to what was remarked in . 527., that the e of lecje-bam and that of leg^-runt probably rest on the same principle, that in both forms the originally short vowel has been lengthened, that the whole might gain more power, to bear the appended auxiliary verb. From this principle may also be explained the Vriddhi increase of ^r^Pl akslxdipsam, which does not prevent the assumption, that on account of the preponderating weight of the middle terminations, this vowel increase has been withdrawn, in order not to make the whole too unwieldy. Remark the case already mentioned, that the imperative termination fV dhi has preserved its full form only under the protection of a preceding consonant; and in the Gothic preterite all verbs which have a long vowel or diphthong in the root, and a part of those with a before a doubled consonant, on account of this powerful formation can bear the syllable of reduplication. But if only powerful forms can bear certain burthens, it need not surprise us, if the language, in order to extend to its vocables the requisite capacity, introduces a lengthening of vowels, or diphthongizations, which have this object alone. It is probable that, in Sanscrit, a middle also, with ai for i, corresponded to the abovementioned akshdipsam (. 544.), and the abbreviation may have commenced, through the re-acting influence of the personal terminations of the middle, which were heavy at the time when no abbreviation existedat a period when the language was no longer conscious that the great vowel fulness of akshdipsam was occasioned for this very reason, in order to afford a more powerful support for the burthen of the auxiliary verb. 555. The formation of the aorist under discussion, in spite of its wide diffusion in Greek and Latin, is, in Sanscrit, of only limited use, and has been retained only in roots in s, sh, and h, without, however, necessarily
782
VERBS.
belonging to those letters, or extending to all roots with these terminations, as before s they all pass into k. On account of the k, according to . 21., the s of the auxiliary verb is changed into sh , and thus ksh of adiksham, adikshi, " I shewed," corresponds to the Greek and Latin x ( = ks) of ee/ee, dixi* I annex a general view of the complete conjugation of the two active forms
SINGULAR. SANSCRIT. GREEK. LATIN.
adik-sha-rn, adik-sha-s, adik-sha-t,
adik-shi, adik-sha-thds, adik-sha-ta,
eSeiK-aa, e5e//c-cra-f, eSeiK-cre,

DUAL.
eSetK-ad- (xrjv, eSeiK-crco, edeiK-cra-ro,
dic-si. dic-si-sti. dic-si-t.
adik-shd-va, adik-shd-vahi, adik-sha-t am, adik-shd-thdm,1 adik-sha-tdm, adik-shd-tdm,2
. . . . eSe//c-cra-|ue0oi/, eSetK-cra-TOv, eSeiK-a-a-crdov, e S e t K - a a - T ^ v , eetK-crd-(T8r]v,

PLURAL.
.... .... ....
adik-shd-ma, adik-filut-tn, adik-sha-n,

1
adik-shd-malii, adisk-sha-dhvam, adik-sha-nta,
edeiK-cra-fxev, e$aK-crd-iJ.e6a, dic-si-mus. eSeiK-<ra-Te, e<SetK-(ra-<Tde, dic-si-stis. eSetK-cra-v,

2
edetK-cra-vTO,
dic-se-runt-
From adik-sha-atham.
From adik-sha-atam.
556. As the Sanscrit, in its periphrastic formation of the reduplicated preterite, of which we will speak more in detail hereafter, together with kri, " to make." applies the two roots of " to be," since chSrai/dm-dsa, like choraydmhabliuva, signifies " I " and " he stole;" so the Latin, also, for its aorist perfects, has called in the aid both of ES and FU. From FIT I have already, in my System of Conjugation, derived the syllable ri, ah of ama-ri, audi-vi, and mtm-iii. I think, however, I have been wrong in com* The connection of iliro with mode of expression die is nnisii. i is unacknowledged : remark the
783
paring the v and u of vi, ui, with the / oifui. It appears better, instead of rejecting the u oifui, to assume that the / has been dropped; just as in duo the d, in viginti, bis, bi (bi-pes), has been lost, or as, in Tongian, ua corresponds to the New Zealand dua, " two " ( = Sanscrit dva). 557. The u of (f)ui, according to the prevailing principle, has been changed between two vowels into v, but with a consonant preceding it is retained; hence amavi, audivi, contrasted with monui. Fui found occasion for abbreviation in the incumbrance of the preceding principal verb, according to the same principle as that by which the first syllable of the Latin decem, decim (undecim, duodecim), has escaped the French contractions like douze, treize, or as the d of the number " ten," in several Asiatic and European-Sanscrit dialects, is weakened to r or /.* 558. The most convincing proof that in amavi, audivi, monui, is contained the verb substantive, is furnished by pofui; for this form belongs to a verb, throughout which the combination with the verb substantive prevails. The tenses from ES, which are in use, select this root; thus, possum
(from pot-sum), pot-eram, pot-ero, pos-sim, pos-sem; but the
perfect must betake itself to FU,fui; hence pot-ui, for potfui, which would be inadmissible. Pof-fui might have been expected, but the language preferred abandoning one of the irreconcileable consonants; and it would be difficult for any one, on account of the loss of the/, to declare the form pofui, contrary to the analogy of all the other tenses, to be simple. But if pot-ui is compounded, then the application of this unmistakeable hint of the language with regard to mon-ui, amavi, audi-vi, se-vi, si-vi, md-vi, is apparent of itself. We may observe, that this vi, also, just as bam and runt (lege-bam, legS* P. 435, &c. From the same come the Mai. and Javan. las and Maldivian los of forms like dua-b-las (Mai.), ro-las (Jav.), ro-los (Maldiv.), " twelve."
784
VERBS.
runt, scripse-runt), feels the necessity of being supported by a long vowel; and hence, in place of the short vowel of sero, salurn, sino, situm, moveo, mo turn, exhibits a long one (compare . 527. 554.). 559. In order that the perfects in ui, vi, may, from their origin, appear as aorists, we must carry back the simple fui itself to an aorist, and this is easily done. It is only necessary to observe the close connection between fait and the Sanscrit and Greek aorist a-bhut, etyvir). On account of its personal sign t,fuit answers less to babhuva, -nefyiKe, if the loss of the syllable of reduplication is admitted as readily as that of the augment. I shall return hereafter to this subject. 560. The third Sanscrit aorist formation is distinguished from the second in this, that the auxiliary verb is connected with the root of the attributive verb by means of a conjunctive vowel i. Through the influence of this i the s is changed into sh, but is, at the same time, preserved from suppression in those cases where the first formation, to avoid the accumulation of three consonants, drops the sibilant (see . 543.). While kship, in the second person plural, exhibits alcshdipta for aksh&ipsta, from budh, " to know," comes, in the same person, abddh-i-stha. On the other hand, in the third formation in the second and third person singular active, the sibilant is lost, and the conjunctive vowel is lengthened in compensation, as it appears to me, for this loss; hence, ubodh-i-s, " thou knewest," abudh-i-t, " he knew,'' in contrast with abddh-i-sham, and all the other persons. I believe I perceive the ground of this isolation in this, that, as the second and third person singular have a simple s and t for their terminations, the retention of the sibilant would occasion the forms abijdldksh (euphonic for abodhish-s), ubudhisht; whence, according to a universal law of sound (see . 94.), the last consonant would have to be rejected. In the case before us, however, the language preferred, for the sake of perspicuity, rather to give up the auxiliary verb than the personal sign,
785
although, in the imperfect, the case frequently occurs that the second and third person singular are of the same sound, because they have lost their distinguishing mark; hence, abibhar, avak, signify both " thou didst carry," " thou didst speak," and " he did carry," " he did speak"; in the first case for abibhur-sh, avalc-sh (s after r and k becomes sh), in the second for abibhar-t, avak-t. I annex the full formation of abodh-i-sham and its middle, with the remark, that the radical vowel in roots ending with a consonant receives Guna in the two active forms; while roots ending with a vowel, as in the first formation, have in the active, Vriddhi, in the middle, Guna ; e. g. anavisham, anavlshi, from nu, " to praise."
abddh-i-sham, abodh-i-s, abodh-i-t,
abodh-i-shva, abddh-i-sh tarn, abodh-i-shtdm,

MIDDLE.
abddh-i-shma. abddh-i-shta, abodh-i-shus,
abodh-i-shi, abddh-i-sh (has, abodh-i-shtha,

1
abddh-i-shvahi, abddh-i-shdthdm, abddh-i-shdtdm,
abodh-i-shmah i. abodh-i-ddhvam. abodh-i-shata.
2 According to the law of sound for aborfisdhvam. Regarding the rejection of n, see . 459., and compare Ionic forms like -KeiraiaTai.
561. The contrast of abddhis, abodhit, with abddhisham
and all other forms combined with the verb substantive is very remarkably in accordance with the phenomenon, that the Old Sclavonic preterite, in which we have recognised the Indo-Greek aorist (see . 255. m.), has likewise, in the second and third person singular, dropped the verb substantive, but retained it in all the other persons. But from forms like ^TsfN^ abddhis, 13nfofl"i^ abodhit, the final consonant also, in Sclavonic, must be dropped, because the Sclavonic generally, according to the conjecture expressed in . 255. /., has
786
VERBS.
lost all the originalfinalconsonants; hence BAH budi, " thou didst wake," answers to îtvfaâbddh-i'S,'' thou didst know," or "didst awake"; ESAK budi, "he did awake," to ^relvld abodhH,"he did know," "he did awake"; and on the other hand, ESAHCTE, bud-i-ste, " ye did awake," to ^r^tf^JT abddhi-nhta, " ye did know," " ye did awake." I annex the whole for comparison, in which, however, the remarks of the following paragraph are not to be overlooked.
SINGULAR. SANSCRIT.
OLD SCLAV.
DUAL. SANSCRIT.
OLD SCLAV.
tibihlli-i-sham, abtidh-i-s, abddh-i-t,
bud-ikh, bud-i-. bud-i-.

SANSCRIT.
abddh-i-shva, bud-i-chova.2 abddh-i-shtam, bud-i-sta. abudh-ish tdm, bud-i-sta.

PLURAL.
OLD SCLAVONIC.
abddh-i-shma, abddh-i-shta, abodli-i-shus,

i See . 255. m.
bud-i-khom.' bud-i-ste. bud-i-sha.

See . 255. m. 563.
562. The preceding comparison furnishes one of the fairest parallels which can be anywhere drawn between the Sanscrit and its European sister idioms. The agreement of the two languages, however, if we go back to their original forms, is not quite so perfect as might be at first glance believed. The I of the Sclavonic bitd-i-kh is, for instance, in its derivation, different from the i of the Sanscrit abodh-i-sham; for bml-l-ti, " to wake," does not correspond to the Sanscrit primitive verbs, whence proceeds abddh-islium, but to the causal budhni/dmi, " I make to know," " bring to consciousness," " wake " ; on which account we have above compared (.117.) the second person present Iwd-i-s-i with btklli-ayah-.si, and in . 505. identified the middle /, of bml-Hi with the character ai/a of the Sanscrit tenth
787
class, with which the causal forms agree. In spite of this, the circumstance that the Sclavonic verbs in general retain their class syllables in the tense under discussion, produces, in the preterite, a remarkable similarity between such verbs as have i as the derivation vowel and the Sanscrit third formation of the aorist, although, in fact, the Sclavonic preterite belongs to the first Sanscrit aorist formation. Compare A*^ da-kh, " I gave," A^CTE da-ste, " ye gave," with Sanscrit forms like anai-sham, andi-shta: ^ da, " to give," follows the fourth formation, but would form addsam, addsta, according to the first. 563. In the first person dual and plural the Old Sclavonic inserts between the auxiliary verb and the personal character an o, as a conjunctive vowel, so that in this respect da-kh-o-va, da-kh-o-m, agree more with the Sanscrit second and Greek first aorist formation (adiksh-d-va, adiksh-d-ma, e<?e/f-a-/uei/) than with andishva, andishma; but the o is not an old hereditary possession brought from the East, but a subsequent insertion to avoid the combination khv, khm. The Servian, also, which has in its preterites (in the imperfect and in the socalled simple preterite) left the sibilant of the verb substantive (where it has not been entirely dropped) in its original form, has kept free from the conjunctive vowel; as, igrasmo, " we played." For the most part, the aorist, in Old Sclavonic, is corrupted by the gutturalization of the sibilant in the first person of the three numbers. The relation to the Sanscrit in this manner becomes similar to that of the plural locative in kh to the Sanscrit in su or shu, as in
vdova-kh = r=)V=<l*J vidhavd-su, " i n the widows"; snokha-kh
= T|m?j snushd-su, " in the daughters-in-law ": also similar to that of the pronominal plural genitives in kh to the Sanscrit in sdm or sham, so that T"fe; tye-kh, has the same relation to ifaj te-shu, in respect of its mutation and abbreviation, as bud-i-kh has to abodh-isham. 564. In the third person plural, in Old Sclavonic, instead
7 88
VERBS.
of sha, khu also is used, but only in the case where the preceding vowel is an a or 'Jk ye, and then both sha and khu (regarding u from on see . 463.) are used at pleasure; e.g. maasha, or MAÂ^S ma{akhu, "they anointed"; byekhu or KtuiA byesha, " they were."* 565. In the second and third person singular, according to Dobrowsky, instead of the forms without termination, ending with the class or root vowel, those in IUE she also occur. He gives, indeed, in his first conjugation (p. 524) from glagolakh, " I spoke," glagola as second and third person ; but from MAsA^; ma(akh, " I anointed," he gives MAgAuiE ma(ashe as second and third person, for which, in both persons, we find in Kopitar MAaA maa. From the special point of view of the Sclavonic we might easily fancy we saw the personal sign in the HIE she of M 3 1 1 magashe, " thou didst anoint," AA1E compared with the present MAAEIUH maskheshi, "thou anointest," with the slight alteration of shi to she ; and then assume an unorganic transfer from the second to the third person, as our German sind has made its way, from its proper place, into the first person, or, in Old and Anglo-Saxon, the termination of the second person plural has been imparted both to the first and third, and in the Gothic passive the third person plural has replaced both the second and first. But if, in the Old Sclavonic preterite, we have recognised the Sanscrit aorist and the euphonic law, which has destroyed all original final consonants (. 255. /.), we easily perceive that the she of MAÂUIE ma&she, " thou didst anoint," stands for shes, and that of MAÂUIE ma^nshe, " he anointed," for shet; and
* The difference of writing the third person plural between Kopitar and Dobrowsky had escaped me in 5j. 40S. and 40o.; the former (Glagolita, pp. 01,02) writes ill A xlii/n, the latter, whom I have followed, 111A sha. Though Kopitar, as I doubt not, is right, still the form sha, if it never occurs even, or very rarely, is so far the elder, as the y of shya is to be considered an unorganic prefix, as in many other forms (see . t2o5. 11.).
789
that this $he(s), she(f), of the second and third person rests on the Sans, sis, sit, of the abovementioned akshdipsis, akshdipsit (. 544). I do not say on shas, shat, of adik-shas, adik-shat = eetK-(Tns, eeiK-<re (p. 782); for although the termination of M 3 1 1 maâ-she is nearly identical with that of eeiK-ae, AA1E still the second person plural MAgACTE maâste (not MAÂIUETE mugashete) teaches us that the Sclavonic aorist formation belongs to the Sanscrit first, not to the second ( = Greek first). 566. I believe, too, that forms like the abovementioned hudi, "thou didst wake," "he did wake," originally had another syllable she; thus budi from budishe; nese, "thou didst bear," "he bore," from neseshe; as in Servian all imperfects in the second and third person singular actually terminate in she. But in the said dialect the Sanscrit aorist has split into two tenses, of which one is called in Wuk's Grammar (translated by F. Grimm) " imperfect," the other " simple preterite." The former carries the sibilant of the verb substantive, in the form of m sh or t s, through all the persons, with the exception of the first person singular and third plural ; the latter has entirely lost it in the singular, but exhibits it in the plural also, in the third person. I annex for comparison the two tenses of HFÂM igram, " I play," in full.
IMPERFECT.
SINGULAR. PLURAL.
SIMPLE PRETERITE.
SING. PLUKAL.
igra, tgrashe, igrashe,
igrasmo, tgraste, igrau,
igra, Igra, Igra,
igrasmo. Igraste. tgrashe.
567. The Bohemian has a remnant of the preterite
* The sign n occurs, according to Wuk, in syllables " in which the tone terminates roundly." Remark that in the first person singular and second person plural the simple preterite is distinguished from the imperfect simply by the absence of this tone.
790
VEEBS.
corresponding to the Sanscrit aorist, in the tense designated by Dobrowsky as the imperfect of the optative, in which bykh, which is distinguished from the Old Sclavonic B *X> byekh, " I was," only by a different form of the radical vowel, in combination with the past participle byl; thus, byl-bykh expresses the idea " I were," or " would be." If the participle preterite follow a second time this byl-bykh, this forms the pluperfect of this mood, and bylbykh byl signifies " I had been," or " would have been." Compare the conjugation of byl-bykh (feminine byla-bykh, neuter bylo-bykh), or rather that of bykh alone, with that of the Old Sclavonic Bt^ byekh, " I was."
BOHEMIAN. SING. PLURAL. OLD SCLAVONIC. SING. PLURAL.
bykh, bys, by
bykhom, byste, by,
byekh, bye, bye,
byekhom. byeste. byeshu (byeshya).
" Remark.The second person singular bys has the advantage over the Old Sclavonic bye of retaining the sibilant of the auxiliary verb, while in the third person plural, EtiuA byeslia has, in this respect, the advantage over by. From the Bohemian, as our point of view, the * of bys can only mark a personal termination, partly as s in Bohemian actually expresses the second person. According to that, however, which was previously remarked regarding the she which occurs in Servian, and occasionally, also, in Old Sclavonic, in the second and third person singular, it can admit of no doubt that the s of bys is identical with that of the second person plural, and that it has preserved the first, and not the second sibilant of Sanscrit singular persons. The root v^bhu, 'to be/ according to the first aorist formation, would, in the second person singular, form abhdusht's. and, without Vriddhi,
791
abhushis, the middle part of which is contained in the Bohemian bys." 568. The Old Sclavonic dalch, " I gave,11 and analogous formations, remind us, through their guttural, which takes the place of a sibilant, of the Greek aorists eSooKa, sdrjKa, rjica. That which, in Old Sclavonic, has become a rule in the first person of the three numbers, viz. the gutturalization of an original s, may have occasionally taken place in Greek, but carried throughout all the numbers. No conjecture lies closer at hand, than that of regarding ESCOKO. as a corruption of eSucra, whether it be that the cr has with one step passed into K, or that a K has placed itself beside the sibilant of the verb substantive, as in the imperfect ecrKov, eaKe, in the old Latin future escit, and in the imperfects and
aorists in eaKov, eaKoiJ.t]v, aaKov, aaKo^xriv, as SiveveaKe, KaKeetJKov, KaKecrKBTo, eAaaxe, SaadaKero, in which the accession
of the verb substantive is not to be overlooked, which therefore is doubly contained in the forms in cra-aKov, aa-aKo)xr}v. But in e5coof, edrjKa, f]Ka, it being pre-supposed that they were formerly'eduxTKa,&c, only the euphonic accompaniment of the cr would have remained, and thus an original ecWa would have next become ecW/cot and then eBuiKa. Perhaps, also, a K may have originally been prefixed to the cr of the pre-supposed ec?a>cra, as in !-vv from avv = Sanscrit sam, " with"; so that thus ec^wxa would be an abbreviation of e$o>l-a, as perhaps a form xum preceded the Latin cum if it
is akin to l-vv, avv, Tfp^ sam.
569. The Lithuanian also presents a form which is akin to the Greek and Sanscrit aorist, in which, as it appears to me, k assumes the place of an original s; I mean the imperative, in which I recognise that Sanscrit mood which agrees with the Greek optative aorist, and through which, therefore, the k of duh "give," dukite, " gi y e y e " (Sanscrit ddsidhvam, " ye may give," precative medial), is connected with the K of the Greek e'Jwxa. But
792
VERBS.
if, then, the K of e'Sw/ca, edrjKa, rjix, has either, as I prefer to assume, directly, or through the medium of CTK or , proceeded from a-,* then there is no difficulty in deducing also the K of perfects like $eSo>Ka from <r, and therefore from the verb substantive, although the Sanscrit in this sense refrains from combining with the root as. But fundamentally all tenses have an equal claim to this root, to express the copula, and if, in Greek, imperfects like I5/6W, and aorists like edwv, in the third person plural, combine with the verb substantive, while the Sanscrit forms adadam, addm, remain simple ; and if, further, the Greek dialectically combines the imperfect BUKOV with the imperfects of attributive verbs, and the Latin here uses its bam, while the Sanscrit imperfects nowhere receive the verb substantive, it cannot surprise us if the Greek restores that in the perfect which the Sanscrit has neglected. The incumbrance of the root, which occurs in the perfect through reduplication, is not favourable to the reception of the verb substantive; and the Greek also admits the addition of the K only there where the least difficulty exists, viz. after vowels and the lightest consonants, the liquids; thus, SeBcdKa, indeed Ttecj>iKrjKa, s<pdapKa, saraAm, irecpayKa, but not rerv-nKa, -ne-nXeKKa: but, in order
to avoid the harshness of this combination, the K of the auxiliary verb is changed to h, somewhat in the spirit of the German law for the mutation of sound.t and this, with the preceding tenuis or medial, is changed to an aspirate;
* Regarding the reverse case, the transition of gutturals into <r, see .501. t Sec .87. In the Malay-Polynesian languages, also, mutations of tenues into aspirates occur; for example, h for k and f for h. In the Madagascar, also, ts for 1, as in German z instead of the aspirate of t; as fitt.ti; " white," corresponding to the Malay putih and Sanscrit pitta, '* pure," of tlie same meaning. See my Treatise on the ('onnection of the MalayPolynesian Languages with the Indo-European, Remark 13.
793
thus, T&Tvipa for reTvira from rervrr-Ka, ireirKeya for from TrenXeKKa. On the other hand, in T-sounds the language has preferred dropping these entirely before K, and leaving the K in its full right and possession; thus, e-^sevica, TreireiKa for ei/reuJ/ca, iteTceidKa. The passive, on account of its heavy terminations, is less favourable to the reception of the auxiliary verb. And as, together with edidocrav, edocrav, no forms eîSocravro, eS6(rai>To, exist, so to the active perfects in xa no passives in Ka/xai (or vaât, with the original sound preserved) correspond. It might, however, be assumed, that the cr, which has remained in forms like TereAecrixat, ewnacrjiai, rjwtrnai, especially after short vowels, sometimes also after long ones {rjKovajxai), is not euphonic, but belongs to the verb substantive; for it is assuredly treated precisely like the cr which takes the place of a radical T-sound {eêvcr-jxai, Treneicr-ixai), and is only dropped before another cr (7re7re/(TOCI, rjKov-crai). In verbs in v the v and cr, in a certain measure, contend for the honour of being retained: -ne<pavcr\j.ai would be an impossibility in the present state of the language, but Tre<pa-tJ[j.ai has obtained currency in preference to Tretpafj.-iJ.at (as ei/|oceju/uai and others); while in the third person Ttetpav-Tai has carried off the victory from Trecpa-arat, perhaps under the protection of itetpav-crai, which must gain the preference over Trecpa-acrat, which would have been contrary to all custom, and over Ttefpa-aat, in which the v would have been unnecessarily abandoned. The circumstance that verbs of this kind exhibit the cr also in the formation of words, before suffixes which begin with fx or r (reXeafxa, TeAecrT^f), is no argument against the opinion that the cr in the perfect passive has more than a euphonic foundation ; for without deriving such words from the perfect passive, still the custom of writing <rn, err, which might have good foundation in the perfect passive, may have exerted an influence on such forms, in which the cr before /x and T can only appear as an idle or euphonic accompaniment.
3 v
794
VERBS.
570. That aorist formation, to which, in my Sanscrit grammar, I have assigned the fourth place, is of less importance for comparison with the European cognate languages, but deserves notice on this account, that it makes the verb substantive so broad that it cannot be overlooked; for in forms like aydsisham, " I went," it receives the word in its broadest extent, and exhibits its radical consonants in a double form; and so in the other persons, with the exception of the second and third singular, in which we have aya-sis, agd-sit, for ayasik-s, aydsisht, on the same ground on which, in the third formation, are used abodhis, abddhit, completely passing over the auxiliary verb (see . 560.). The full conjugation of aydsisham is as follows:
SINGULAR. DUAL. PLURAL.
aydsisham, ayd-sis, ayd-sit,
aya-s'ishvu, ayd-sishtam, ayd-sishtam,
ayd-shhma. aydsishta. ayd-sishus.
571. This aorist formation is not used in the middle, or has fallen into disuse; probably because the broad form of the auxiliary verb accorded just as little with the heavier middle terminations, as in Greek the syllable era of eStSo-era-v, eSo-ua-v, with the passive ESISO-VTO, eSo-vro. The active also, in Sanscrit, avoids this formation in roots which are encumbered with a final consonant, with the exception of three roots in m: ram, "to play," nam, "to bend," yam, " to restrain." As, however, m before s must pass into the very weak nasal sound of Anusvara (), which, in comparison with other consonants, is almost nothing, the forms, therefore, ann'i-sisham, anaii-sisham, ayan-sisham, come, in respect to the weight of the root, very near to forms like aydsisham. " Remark.If it is asked, in what way the language has arrived at the form sis/mm, two modes of deriving it present themselves. Either, as I have before assumed, si
795
is a syllable of reduplication, and sham (properly sam, the s of which, through the influence of a preceding i, becomes sh) the principal syllable ; or sisham was originally sasam ;
sishva, pasva or sdsva; and sishma, sasma or sdsma, &c. ;
and these forms have been developed from the second aorist formation, corresponding to the Greek first (see . 555.) ; so that the verb substantive, which already existed accompanied by a, attached itself a second time, preceding the personal terminations (probably at a time when the auxiliary verb was no longer recognised as such); just as in Latin third persons plural, as serpserunt from serpsesunt. From sdva, sdma (adikshdva, adikshdma, eBet'âfxev), would consequently next be formed sdsva, sdsma ; from satam, sata (adikshatam, adikshata, eSeH-arov, edetâre), sastam, sasta. But subsequently, after the a and a of the first syllable had, in order to lighten the weight, become i, the following s must have become sh ; thus, dual sishva, sishtam, sishtdm, from sdsva, sastam, sastdm; and, in the first and second person plural, sishma, sishta, from sdsma, sasta. The root ^n^ sds, ' to rule,' in some persons affords us an excellent prototype or counterpart of this process of corruption. It weakens, viz. before the heavy personal terminations beginning with mutes (not, however, before the weak v and m) its d to i, and must also change its final s into sh, and a following t, th, into t, th; and exhibits, therefore, in the dual, sishtam, sishthdm, instead of sustain sdstdm, in the plural, sishtha for sasta. In the third person plural the appended auxiliary verb under discussion exhibits the termination us for an; thus, aydsishus for aydsishan, as might be expected according to the analogy of adikshan, eet!-av. The replacing of the termination its by an is easily explained by considering that us passes as a lighter termination than an (. 462.), and that, on account of the doubling of the auxiliary verb, occasion ai-ises for lighteningthe word in every other manner possible. 3F2
796
VERBS.
The root sds, too, which is so liable to be weakened, selects, in the third person plural of the imperfect, the termination us for an; thus asds-us, corresponding to the second person asish-ta. If, then, as I scarce doubt, the aorist form in sisham, &c, has arisen in this way, that the auxiliary verb has been re-attached to itselr, being first simply combined with the root; then this form in principle corresponds with the Ionic aorist forms like eAacraovce (for Âacre from tjAacrar), SacracnceTo for eSaa-aro. The dropping of the augment in these aorists and similar imperfects is clearly occasioned by the new burthen which has been attached; and we might therefore, in Latin, also ascribe the dislodgement of the augment to the circumstance (or find it promoted thereby), that all imperfects and perfects (aorists) of attributive verbs, according to what has been before remarked, are or were encumbered with an auxiliary verb (6am, si, vi, ui), or a syllable of reduplication, either visible or concealed by subsequent contraction (cucurri, c&pi). In the isolated and unsupported eram for ram = wraT dsam, the augment was laid aside by the simple abbreviation of the vowel." 572. In Zend, those aorist forms which unite the verb substantive with the root, are of rare use, but are not entirely wanting. The only instance which I can cite is, however, the form AJÔJJJ^^ mansta, " he spoke " (Vend. S. p. 132), a middle of the first formation, corresponding to the Sanscrit ûrer amansta, " he thought," from the root man, which, in Zend, has assumed the meaning " to speak," and has also produced the substantive AS^S*^ manthra, " speech." The frequently occurring AJÔJJA^ dasta, " he gave," is not, as might be imagined, an aorist, but is based as the imperfect on the Sanscrit ^ ( ^ adatta (from adad-ta for adadd-ta = eStSoTo), since, according to . 102. (end), the first t must be changed into s. 573. We now pass on to those formations of the San-
797
scrit aorist, which are known, in Greek under the name of the second. Here belong, according to the arrangement of my Sanscrit grammar, the fifth, sixth, and seventh formations. The fifth annexes the personal terminations direct to the root, and is distinguished from the imperfect only by the removal of class characteristics; thus as, in Greek, eSoiv is distinguished from eSio>v; so, in Sanscrit, addm is distinguished from adaddm (see p. 674); and in Zend, where, too, this kind of aorist formation is in like manner found, 5w_3 damn from ^ ^ ( 2 ^ dadhanm (regarding dh for d, see . 39.). To the Greek ea-rrjv, ea-rrj^, eartj, correspond ^T^rt^ asthdm, ^r^TPST asthds, ^zffiT asthdt, in opposition to the reduplicated atishtham, atishthas, atishthat (see . 508.). The relation of the Greek edrjv to eTtdrjv corresponds to that of adhdm to adadhdm (from dhd, " to lay," " to place." The relation of the Greek ecpu-v,
etpv-s, e<pv-(j), to ecpv-o-v, ecpv-e-g, k(f>v-e, answers to that of
the Sanscrit abhuv-am, " I was" (not abhu-m, see . 437.

Rem.); abhu-s, abhu-t, to abhav-a-m, abhav-a-s, abhav-a-t,
since bhu, as belonging to the first class, assumes, in the special tenses, an a, but withdraws it in the aorist, as the Greek does its o, e. 574. The Latin fui, which, like all perfects, according to what I have before remarked (see . 546. &c), I regard as originally an aorist, is removed from the corresponding form of the Sanscrit and Greek, by the assumption of a conjunctive vowel i, and thus corresponds to the sixth formation; hence fu-i-sti for abhu-s, e-<pv-s, or rather for the Sanscrit middle form a-bhu-thds; for although the fifth formation is not used in the middle, and no add-ta, as-thd-ta, adhd-ta, correspond to the Greek eSo-To, eara-To, ede-To, still it may be presupposed that they were originally in use. In the third person, fu-i-t stands for * Respecting the s of fu-i-sti, fu-i-stis, see .549.
798
VERBS.
abhu-t, e<j>v ; in the p]ural,/w--ms for abhu-ma, e^v-fiev; fu-
i-stis for abhu-ta, e<pv-Te. If this aorist formation were employed in Sanscrit in the middle also, the first person singular would be abhuv-i* and, without euphonic permutation of sound, abhu-i- To the former corresponds the obsolete fuvi; to the latter, fu-i. I do not, however, place any weight on this surprising accordance; for although/i is based on a middle form (theTOof abhuvam would probably have been retained, see . 431.), still it is certain that, in Sanscrit, the termination of the first person singular middle, before the division of languages, had not yet fallen into the abbreviated condition in which we now see it ; and, according to the analogy of the presupposed third person, abhu-ta, abhu-ma (from abhumam or -mdm, see . 552.), must have existed in place of abhuv-i. I do not, therefore, regard the i of fu-i as identical with the Sanscrit i of the pre-supposed abhuvi, but as identical with the conjunctive vowel i of fu-i-sti, fu-i-t, &c. Consequently, the form fu-i is entirely deficient in a personal termination, just as present forms like VPII-O = vah-d-mi. 575. The sixth Sanscrit aorist formation is distinguished from the fifth simply by this, that the personal terminations are united with the root by a conjunctive vowel a, and this a is treated in conjugation exactly like the class vowel of the first and sixth class (. 109 a. 1.). This aorist, therefore, is distinguished from the imperfect of the first class simply by the withdrawal of the Guna; e. g. the imperfect of rish, " to injure," class 1, is aresh-a-m ( = araishmn), and the aorist arish-a-m. We have, therefore, here the relation of the Greek eAeiir-o-v to the aorist eAtir-o-v, which is without
* The common rule would require abhuri (with a short ), but bhC, has this property, that before vowels it becomes bhtir: hence, in the first person singular, abhiii'-am, and in the third plural abhiir-an; in the first and third person singular of the reduplicated preterite bubhura stands irregularly for biibliuv-a.
799
Guna. From budh, " to know," class 1, comes the imperfect abodh-a-m ( = abaudh-a-m), and the aorist abudh-a-m, just as, in Greek, from $Yr, ecpevy-o-v opposed to e<f>vy-o-v. 576. In the Sanscrit sixth class, which has a as its class vowel in common with the first, but does not admit of Guna in the special tenses, which would have to be withdrawn in the aorist, the formation under discussion is possible only in a small number of irregular verbs, which, in the special tenses (see . 109a. 1.) insert a nasal, and again reject it in the aorist, as generally in the common tenses. Thus lip, which has been repeatedly mentioned, " to smear " (compare ahei<pa>), forms, in the imperfect, alimpam, and in the aorist alipam. Another form of this kind is ahipam, " I did cut off," in contradistinction to alumpam (compare the Latin rumpn, rupi, ruptum). The same is the relation of Greek aorists like e\a/3ov (Sanscrit labh, " to take"), ej(aBov, e\adov, to their imperfects eKafiâvov, e^dvSavov, eKavdavov, only that these, besides the inserted nasal, have also another external addition, which is likewise rejected, as, in Sanscrit, the fifth and ninth classes reject their intermediate syllable nu, nd. As to the imperfect asak-nav-am and the aorist asak-a-m, which, in Sanscrit, come from sale, " to be able," class five, these two forms stand in a relation to one another similar to that in which the Greek passive aorists ktpyrjv, kjjiiyrjv, stand to their imperfect actives eêvyvvv, e/xiyvvv, ; and as for the imperfect aklis-nd-m, and the aorist aklii-a-m, which come from Mis, class nine, this corresponds exactly to the relation of the Greek edajx-vrj-v to eda.fj.-o-v. From svid, "to sweat," class four, come the imperfect asvidya-m, and the aorist asvid-a-m: here the relation is similar to the correspondence of an aorist efSaWov, in Greek, to the imperfect efiaXKov, it being pre-supposed that the gemination of /37\Aco * is the consequence of an assimilation (see
* If we assume in ftaAXa the mutation of an original tenuis to its middle
800
VERBS.
. 501.), and that therefore /SaAAco has arisen from as ccAAo? from ccAyoj. 577. In roots which end with vowels this aorist formation is, in Sanscrit, little used, and where it occurs the radical vowel is rejected before the vowel of conjunction, with the exception of ^ ri and ^r ri, of which the former becomes ar, the latter ir -, e. g. asar-a-m, ajir-a-m, from ^ sri (originally sar), "to go," ^jfi (properly jar, jir), " to grow old," asv-a-m, from svi, " to grow." Roots in u and u do not occur in this aorist formation ; otherwise from bhu, " to be," if it followed this formation, and in like manner rejected its vowel, would come abham, abhas, abhat, which would approach the Latin bam of ama-bam very closely ; or, if the u were not rejected, but, according to . 574, was changed into iiv, or, according to the general law of sound, into m; then, in respect to the conjunctive vowel, in the third person singular the Latin fu-i-t, and, in the first person plural, fu-i-mus, would have the same relation to abhur-n-t, abhuv-a-ma, or abhuv-a-t, abhiii-u-mo, that, as above (. 507.), veh-i-t, veh-i-mus have to vah-a-ti, vah-d-mtis. 578. In Zend it is hardly possible to distinguish everywhere with certainty the aorist formation under discussion from the imperfect, at least not in examples of the kind like the frequently-occurring zunat, " he struck." This form may be regarded as an aorist, because the root ^ ^ him, to which the Zend yAj^ zan (for which also /Mg^jan) corresponds, belongs to the second class ; and therefore, in the second and third person singular, the imperfect forms
media), as, vice rcrsJ, in IIY0 =;budh, " to know," a tenuis stands in place of ;i medial, then pdAAm would be referable to the Sanscrit root pad, whence jut.'li/t', " I K"" (middle), assuming a causal meaning. As regards the weaken ing of the (/ to /, 1SA,\ answers, in this respect, to the Prakrit pal. The same may lie said of TTA.A.W, where the initial sound presents no difficulty.
801
ahan for ahans, ahant, according to . 94. In Zend, also, this root prevails chiefly in the second class. We find in the Vend. S. p. 158. &c. repeatedly jainti, " he beats," also zainte (p. 157, perhaps erroneously for zainti, or it is a middle) ;. but at p. 177 we find jyMfxs^janaiti, according to the first class, and therefore iwAyjuj zanat also may be allotted to the first class, and regarded as the imperfect. But although zanat should be explained as belonging to the class to which this verb is principally referable, it may be still regarded as the imperfect, and, in fact, as following the analogy of the Sanscrit ^rc)^ arddat, " he wept," and the Zend <*>AJWJW anhat, " he was" (see . 532.). 579. The Sanscrit seventh aorist formation is distinguished from the sixth by a syllable of reduplication preceding the root, and therefore answers to the Greek
aorists, as eTre<pvov, eTre<ppadov, eK&KXero, and such as have dropped the augment, as TBTVKOV, tikiziBov. We have already
adduced above (. 546) Latin perfects like cucurri, tutudi, cecini, and remarked, that such as cepi, fregi, fed, and probably also such as legi, fddi, scdbi, vidi, fugi, (if in the latter the length of the vowel is not to be regarded as compensation for an s, which has been dropped after the final consonant of the root,) contain a concealed reduplication (see . 547, 548). The Sanscrit apaptam, " I fell" (*), for apapatam, from pat, "to fall," corresponds exactly to the above-mentioned Greek eTie<j)vov in its entire structure, and therefore, also, in the rejection of the radical vowel. While the Greek reduplicates this root in the present and imperfect, and withdraws the reduplication in the aorist, so that the Doric eTrerov (commonly e-nea-ov) has the same
relation to eirnrrov that ecJcov, edrjv, ecnrjv, have to ecStBwv, eridrjv, "<JTY)V, the Sanscrit, with this verb, adopts the reverse
method, and opposes to the imperfect apatam an aorist

See my lesser Sanscrit Grammar, . 382., Remark.
802
VERBS.
apaptam. The Greek imperfect, therefore, ennrrov, corresponds most surprisingly with this aorist apaptam, and the Greek aorist eireTov with the Sanscrit imperfect apatam. 580. In Sanscrit all verbs of the tenth class follow this seventh aorist formation, and, what is the same, all causal forms, for these are in their formation identical with the tenth class. And here the rhythmical law is valid, that either the syllable of reduplication, or the base-syllable, must be long, whether by natural length of the vowel or by position, as in apaptam. Both kinds are often at will admissible in one and the same root, but in most cases the use of language has exclusively decided for one or the other kind, and, in fact, most frequently for the length of the syllable of reduplication; e. g. from sil, " to make," comes asisilam or asisilam; from chur, " to steal," comes achuchuram. 581. Besides the verbs of the tenth class and causal forms, as the above-mentioned apaptam, and some others to be given in the following paragraphs, only four other roots ending with a vowel belong here, viz. sri, " to go," svi, " to grow," " to go," * dm, " to run," sru, " to hear," snu, " t o flow,"^ whence a&isriyam, a&isviyam, adudruvam, asusruvam, asusnuvam. 582. I have already remarked (. 54S) that anes'am, " I went to ruin," from nas, in my opinion contains a concealed syllable of reduplication, and has arisen from ananisam (for ananas-a-m) by rejection of the second n: and, moreover, that Latin perfects like cepi rest on the same principle. In *ii=fH*^ avocham, also, " I spoke,' I
* These two roots may lie originally identical, as semi-vowels are easily interchanged (see . 20.), and the Latin rrcs-co may be referred to one or the other. t This is connected with xni, " to flow." by the affinity of the b'quids :
c o m p a r e t h e G r e e k veto, vcv-o-opai; ('>{>, peC-a-opai.
803
recognise a reduplication, though it appears that the 6 is only an alteration of the a of the root. The root vach has, however, a tendency to suppress its radical vowel and vocalize its v: hence, in the participle present, ukta, and in the plural of the reduplicated preterite uch-i-ma, from u-ucldma. If, then, it is assumed that in the aorist formation under discussion the root vach has been contracted to uch, then vdch may very satisfactorily be deduced from va-uch for vavach. The syllable of reduplication, therefore, has in this form, with regard to gravity, carried off the superiority over the base-syllable, in forms like achuchuram, " I stole." Whether the Zend Gfîwl? vadchem, " I spoke," the third person of which, vaSchat, occurs very frequently, is identical with the Sanscrit avdcham, and therefore, in like manner, reduplicated, cannot be decided with certainty, for this reason, that, as Burnouf has shewn, the Zend has a tendency to change an a, through the influence of a preceding v, into < 6, and * thus to make it more homogeneous to the nature of the v; but, according to . 28., an a is prefixed to the A 6. A pre> sent middle, also, RÂwt? vadche, occurs in Zend*, and a potential (optative) IX>J^YA>AJ(? vadchdit (Vend. S. p. 163), which might, however, also be regarded as aorist of the potential, from the root radh. 583. In arandham, also, " I injured," " I slew," I think I discover a reduplication,^ assuming an exchange of the
* Vend. S. p. 83 : tat vacho vaoche, " this speech I speak." Or should vaoche be considered a reduplicated preterite ? It is certain that Anquetil is wrong in regarding it as the imperative, and translating the passage by
" prononcez Men cette parole."
t This root may be akin to vadh, " to heat," " to slay " (see . 20.), to which A. Benary has referred the Latin laedo, which, therefore, would be also connected with radh, and stands nearer to the latter, as r and / are almost identical.
804
VERBS.
liquids; thus, arandham for arurdham, from araradham, as apaptam from apapatam. With regard to the exchange of the r for n, it may be proper to advert to the Tongian nima, " five," in opposition to rima, lima, of the dialects near akin. Observe, also, that in the intensive forms ^W N chanchal and ' ^ t . chanchur* the nasal of the syllable of reduplication is the representative of the I and r of the root, just as of the /u of the Greek -nlfi-nXr)^, miix-npr\\xi, where, therefore, \x for A stands in the reverse relation of the Latin flare for the Sanscrit wn dhmd.^ 584. In verbs which begin with a vowel in Sanscrit, in this aorist formation, the whole root is twice employed, and the first time, indeed, uniting the radical vowel with that of the augment, according to the principle of . 530, in accordance, therefore, with the Greek aorists with Atticreduplication, as rjyayov, copopov. The Sanscrit, however, requires, in the second position of the root, the lightest vowel of all, i, as the representative of all the rest. Not only, therefore, are / and the diphthong e (a + i) shortened to i, and from iday (causal from id, " to praise,'") dididam formed, but a and d also are weakened to i, after the principle of Latin forms like tetigi, conlingo, where the encumbrance of the root by the syllable of reduplication or the preceding preposition is the occasion of the vowel being weakened. Hence, in Sanscrit, from af/iy (causal from at, " to go,") comes the aorist d/Jt/un, and from dpay (causal from dp, " to reach,") dpipam, with which the Latin adipiscor for (idaj)iscur may be compared, and the
* From chal, char ; see lesser Sanscrit Grammar, . 500. 507. t Pott (Etym. Forsch. II. GOO.) properly derives the Lett, dimdiirin, "hornet," from r/ur-t, "to stick"; it lias, therefore,in the repeated syllable likewise an exchange of liquids : thus, also, the Greek SevSpov is to be derived from ,V,,,V'', and is akin to SpO? and the Sanserit druma, "tree' 1 (compare Pott, IF. 2.V>.).
805
Greek reduplicated forms ariTaWco, 6vlvt]iJii, ommevci), for aTaraXKio, ovovrj/xi, oTTOTtTevo) (compare Pott. II. 690.). And
7 u, also, and gi u, and the diphthongs in which u is contained, are changed into i; hence dundidam from unday (caus. of und, " to make wet,11 compare Latin undo), duninam from un, class ten, " to abate." It was first from these formations, and the analogous forms of desideratives, that I perceived that the weight of the u is borne less readily by the language than that of the i; for otherwise it would not be replaced by i in syllables, where the whole attention of the language is directed to make them as light as possible. But in the whole of Sanscrit Grammar no other case exists where u, to lighten the syllabic weight, becomes i: for while in roots beginning with a consonant desideratives in the syllable of reduplication weaken a radical a to i (e. g. pipatish from pat, " to cleave,11), u remains unaltered (yuyuts, from yudh, " to struggle,11), which serves as a proof that n is lighter than a, because, were it heavier than it would have a better right to be changed into i. 585. In roots which end with two consonants, of which the first is a liquid, this is rejected, in order the more to relieve the weight in the base syllable, but it is retained in the syllable of repetition ; hence above (. 584.), dundidam for dundundam; so, also, drjijam for drjar jam, from arj, class ten, " to earn." According to this principle, in Latin also, pungo, if encumbered by reduplication, loses its nasal; thus, puptcgi, not pupungi. The loss of the nasal in tetigi, tutudi, surprises us less, because in these verbs it in general belongs less strictly to the root, and is dropped also in the supine and analogous formations. But if, in Sanscrit, the first of two final consonants is a mute, and the second a sibilant, then the syllable of repetition receives only the first of the two consonants, and the base-syllable retains them both; as from ikshay (causal from iksh, "to see"), comes dichiksham, for
806
VERBS.
uikiksham or dikshiksham.* This principle is followed by the Greek d\a\Kov, for which, according to the principle of the abovementioned dundidam, aXxaKov, or, with the augment, YIKKOLKOV would be used. 586. In the few verbal bases which, exclusive of the causative affix ay, contain more than one syllable, the Sanscrit receives, in the syllable of repetition, only as much as can be contained in one syllable; as from avadhir, class ten, "to-despise," t comes dv-avadhiram. The Greek follows the same principle in forms like aX-r/Aupa, ay-rjyepKa, 6p-o>pu%a. 587. The Zend supplies us with an excellent aorist form of the seventh formation, which has been already several times mentioned, and which was first brought to light by Burnouf, viz. Mtp2$)ty) ururudusha, "thou growest" (see . 469.), from the root rudh, "to grow," which, in the Sanscrit ^ ? ruh, has preserved of the dh only the aspiration. With respect to the length of the syllable of reduplication this form answers to those in Sanscrit like achuchuram (see . 580.). The initial u of MZQ)$yp) ururudusha is regarded above (. 518.) as the representative of the a of the augment, through the assimilating influence of the il of the following syllable. But it now appears to me more correct to recognise, in the initial vowel of the form spoken of, only the original accompaniment of the augment, which has been dropped, and that,therefore, from arurudhusha,hy the retro-active influence of the M of the second syllable, next arose aururudhmha, as, in .46., I have endeavoured to derive A}ÂJ> Iiaurta from the Sanscrit aarva, through the euphonic influence of the v; and as the base word dUuirrmi, " priest," in the weak cases, in which the final syllable van is contracted to un, adds,
* Gutturals in the syllables of repetition are always replaced by palatals. t 1 explain ava as the preposition which has grown up with the base, and regard the termination as akin to <!hi/,u, " to think," dhiru, "sage. "
FOBMATION OF TENSES.
807
through the influence of the u of this syllable, a u to the preceding a, thus athaurun,* from which, by dislodging the a, is formed the more common athurun.t as for the Sanscrit taruna, " young," we find in Zend both tauruna and iuruna. The u of the penultimate of ururuhdh-u-sha corresponds to the conjunctive vowel a of Sanscrit forms like achuchur-a-s, achuchur-a-thds, and may have proceeded from a by an assimilating influence of the u of the preceding syllable. If the older a had been retained, we should then find, according to
. 56 a .), ururudhanha.
THE PERFECT.
588. It has been already remarked, that that Sanscrit preterite which agrees in form with the Greek perfect is, according to its signification, not a perfect, but is most frequently used in the sense of the Greek aorist (. 513.).
* I find the initial a of the strong cases abbreviated in the examples I have before me of the weak cases. The strong cases change the proper theme atliarvan to athravan; hence the nominative dthrava (Vend. S. p. 55). Without transposition, an <?, or some other auxiliary vowel, must have been inserted between the r and v, because r can neither stand at the end, nor in combination with a consonant. * Thus Vend. S. p. 65, the genitive athuruno, and p. 234 twice, the dative athuntne: on the other hand, p. 65, Z. 13, the accusative plural athauru-nans-cha. The view I now take of the phenomenon under discussion differs from that in . 46. in this, that I there represented the u of the second syllable of athurun as proceeding directly from the a of the original form, in consequence of an assimilation, while I now regard it as a remnant of au, and look upon the a no longer as a prefixed vowel, but as the original one, by the side of which a u has been placed through the influence of the u of the following syllable; as frequently happens with an i, through the influence of a following i or y (see . 41.). I fully agree in this point with the opinion expressed by Burnouf in his review of the First Part of this book (Journal des Savans, 1833, in the separate impression, p. 8), where, also, the Zend aurvat," horse," is in this way compared with the Sanscrit arvan.
808
VERBS.
Our German unparaphrased preterite, which, in its origin, coincides with the Greek perfect and Sanscrit reduplicated preterite, has likewise renounced the perfect meaning, but in Gothic represents both the Greek imperfect and the aorist, as well as the perfect, and, in the earliest Old High German authorities, besides these tenses, the pluperfect. In the ninth, and, as Grimm remarks, perhaps so early as the eighth century, begin the circumlocutory forms of the perfect by the passive participle with the auxiliary verb haben, and, in neuter verbs, with the verb substantive, in which respect we must advert to the practice of the Sanscrit language, in expressions like
gato smi (for gatas asm'i), " ich bin gegangen," " I went'
(see . 513.); as also to the circumstance, that, in the forms in im\ tavat (tavani), the idea, of possession is contained, and that iiklnvdn asrni, " dixV properly means, " I am gifted with having said " (therefore " having said"1) (see . 513.)- The Old High German uses, beside the verb corresponding to our haben, also eigan, which has the same import, for its paraphrase of the perfect; in the indicative, only in the plural; but, in the conjunctive, in the singular also (see Grimm, IV. 149). 589. As regards the formation of the German unparaphrased preterite, the Gothic has. in the strong conjugation, under certain circumstances, regularly preserved the reduplication, which, from the earliest period, belongs to this tense ; viz. first, in all verbs (their number is, it must be allowed, but small) which have a long vowel in the root (not, perhaps, merely in consequence of a Guna in the present, and the forms thereto belonging) ; secondlv, in those verbs which exhibit unchanged, in the present, an ,i long by position ; as, from the roots sh'-p, " to sleep," vo, " to blow " (S mserit r,i\ Jmil, " to be called,11 auk, " to incivaso," fh/d, " to fold" (present fahlo), the first and third person singular arc sahttp, mini, hnihait, ninuh
FORMATION OF TENSES
809
faifalth (for faifald, see . 93a.) The form saizUp (regarding z for s, see . 86. 5.) stands so far isolated, as all other verbs, which exhibit an $ in the present, replace this in the preterite by 6. They are the following: teka, " I touch," taitdk, " I touched," grUa, " I weep " (Sanscrit krand, " to weep"), gaigrot, " I wept," leta, " I leave," lailot, " I left," pica, " I lament" (Latin plango), faiflok, " I lamented," redo, " I advise," rairdth, " I advised." This change of the vowel cannot surprise us, as e and 6 are the common representatives of the original long a (see . 69.), as, in Greek, e and o are the usual representatives of the short a: taitok, therefore, has the same relation
to teka, that, in Greek, reTpo<pa has to Tpe<po>, XeAotna to XetTtw, irsTroida to ireida; or, more strictly, as epptoya to
priywfj.1; for in Greek, both r\ and w are representatives of the long a. I believe that the reason of this exchange of vowels in both languages is to be found in this, that the quality of O is heavier than that of E, and that the tense under discussion, on account of its being encumbered with reduplication, feels a necessity to appear heavier in its root than the unencumbered present; as also, in Gothic, the reduplication has in general maintained itself only in roots of strong construction.* 590. Vahsya, " I grow " (Zend JW<5$) ucs, " to grow"), from the root vahs, with the character of the Sanscrit fourth class (see . 109a. 2.), and standa, " I stand," are the only verbs which, notwithstanding that they exhibit in the present an a long by position, have nevertheless permitted the reduplication to disappear. They form, in the first and third person singular preterite, vohs, sidth. The dropping of the class syllable ya of vahsya is regular, as this syllable belongs only to the special tenses (sse . 109aA
* I hereby retract the conjecture I formerly made that the a which follows the root of the Greek perfects exercises an influence in changing the e of the root (Vocaliamus, p. 40). 3 G
810
VERBS.
In this respect, therefore, vdhs has the same relation to vahsya, that, in Sanscrit, nandsa has to nasydmi, " I go to ruin"; and the 6 of vdhs and stdth corresponds as the regular long vowel of the a (see . 69.) to the Sanscrit d of forms like nandsa. While the Old High German contrasts with its present stantu a preterite stuont (see . 109b. 1. p. 112) stdth, which has abandoned the unorganic nasal of standa, presents, moreover the irregularity that the th, which, according to . 93a., has assumed the place of the (/, is preserved also in the terminations which are annexed; thus, first person plural, sthdthum for stddum, as the analogy of bauth, budum, from the root bud, would lead us to expect. 591. The difficulty that, in Gothic, there are two verbs with a radical a in the present, which, in spite of their length by position, have nevertheless lost the reduplication of the preterite, is again, in a certain degree, obviated by the existence of two preterites, which have preserved the reduplication without their vowels being long naturally or by position ; viz. haihah, " I hanged," faifah, " I seized (present Jiahn, faha). But if it is considered that these verbs, in the other German dialects, have really length by position, and probably originally had it in Gothic also, the violation of the proposition expressed above, that the reduplication is borne in Gothic only by roots with long syllables, appears, through this consideration, less important.*
* In Old High German the preterite is hiang, fiang {hiane,fianc), which would load us to expect a present Iuin/;u, fangu, for which, however, occur InViu., fi'i/ui, infinitive hdliau, jWhnn. Graff gives only to the former a long a, to the latter a short one; but the quoted examples confirm also the length of the former, not by circumflex or doubling of the a. It is highly probable, however, that the same quantity belongs to both verbs: thus they are either hnliaii and fnhan, or hCihnn and Jlthan. As they have no preterite, if the length of the n is not proved, it cannot be decided from the point
81L
592. J. Grimm first acutely remarked, that the other German dialects, in those classes of verbs which in Gothic clearly exhibit the reduplication, continue it in like manner, although scarcely perceptibly. The syllables of reduplication lose the appearance of a syllable of reduplication, when the following syllable is either quite passed over, or only loses its consonant, and unites its vowel with that of the syllable of reduplication. The former is the case in some Sanscrit desiderative forms, as lips, pits (Lat. Sanscrit, Greek, . 490.), for which, according to rule, we should have Maps, pipats; wherefore it appears to me far more proper to assume the suppression of the second syllable, than that of reduplication, together with the change of a into i, for which no reason at all could exist, because the form would have been already sufficiently weakened by the suppression of the syllable of reduplication. A simple consonant is suppressed in the Greek ytvojiai from yl-yvofxai, which is, however, itself an abbreviation of yiyevofiat: moreover, in the Sanscrit aorist, anesam ( = anaisam) from ananisam, and, in the Latin perfects analagous with it, as cepi (see . 548.): finally, in the Old High German preterites, as Matt (our Melt) from Mhalt, for which, in Gothic, haihald. 593. It must, perhaps, be regarded as a dialectic peculiarity in Gothic, that the syllable of reduplication has always ai. It was the custom, perhaps, at the time when all Gerpoint of view of the Old High German, whether they are to bo allotted to Grimm's fourth class (with long a in the present), or to the seventh (witli short a in the present). The Middle High German hdhe, vuhe, fuehest, vcehest, preterite hie, vie (for hieh, vieh), speaks in favour of the fourth class, to which they are ascribed by Grimm also, who writes htVni, faint. In Gothic, then, instead of the existing haha, faha, we should expect htha, feha, as slepa, leta, answering to the Old High German slafu, laxu. * I consider, also, dhiksh, " to kindle," which is held to be a primitive root, as a desiderative of this kind, and I derive it from di{dha)ksh from dull, " to Irani." 3 o2
812
VEEBS.
man languages were still one, that the heaviest vowel, a, was weakened in the syllable of repetition to the lightest, i, as is the case in Sanscrit in the syllable of repetition of desideratives, where from dah, " to burn," comes didhaksh, not dadhaksh; and as in Latin reduplicated forms like cecini, the a in the syllable of repetition becomes e, and in the base i, while a radical o and u in both places remain unchanged (momordi, tutudi). For the diphthong ai of HAIT, "to be called," i would be, in the syllable of repetition, quite as much in its place, as, in Sanscrit, of the diphthong ^ ( = a + i) ; and generally of diphthongs only the last element enters the syllable of repetition; wherefore the reduplicated preterite of kit ( = kait), "to invite," is chiketa (first and third person singular). If an infringement of the law for the mutation of sounds, by preserving the old tenuis in the initial sound (as in stepa ^fvfasvapimi, " I sleep "), be assumed, it might be said that the Gothic HAIT would correspond to this Sanscrit ket, and therefore haihait (for hihaii) with the abovementioned f^RftiT chiketa. But if au also is, in Gothic syllables of reduplication, represented by ai, as ai-auk, " I increased,'1 while, in Sanscrit, 6 ( = a + u) becomes */, as, puprotha from prdth, " to satisfy;" then the i of this ai may be regarded as a weakening of u, as we have seen above, in Sanscrit, from 7 ^ und proceeds the reduplicated aorist dundidam for attndudam (. 584.). We might also regard the i of ai-auk as a weakening of the a of the base syllable, which, however, appears to me less probable, as in diphthongs the second element always has the etymological preponderance, and the first is a mere phonetic prefix; on which account I prefer recognising in the syllable of repetition of the Latin cecidi, of cevdo ( = caido), the second element of the diphthong <p, rather than the first, although a in the Latin syllables of repetition is regularly replaced by e. Be this as it may, I consider this, however, as certain,
813
that the ai in Gothic syllables of reduplication was formerly a simple i, and that this ai is a dialectic peculiarity limited to the Gothic, like that which, according to . 82., the Gothic employs instead of a simple i before h and r; which latter, in the other dialects also, is alone represented. We miss, therefore, in the Old High German Matt for Gothic haihald (from hihalct), only the h of the second syllable; and in the old Northern idk, " I " or " he increased," nothing is wanting of the Gothic ai-aufc, as far as the latter is an unorganic extension of i-auk; but au has, according to the Sanscrit principle, been contracted to 6, while in the participle passive aukinn it has remained open, and in the present, by a doubled umlaut* become ey. 594. The old Northern reduplicated preterites of verbs with a radical a (Grimm's first conjugation) appear to me to stand upon a different footing from the Gothic like hai-hald, in so far as the latter have weakened the a in the syllable of repetition to i, and have prefixed to the latter an a, while the former (the old Northern), quite in accordance with the Sanscrit principle, have left the a of the syllable of reduplication unaltered and without addition, but, on the other hand, (like the Latin perfects tetigi, cecini) have weakened the a of the base to i, and, in agreement with the Sanscrit law of sound, have contracted the latter with the a of the syllable of repetition to L In this way only, in my opinion, can we explain it, that as, in old Northern, from the root HALD, " to hold," (whence the present is, by the umlaut, held, and the participle passive haldinn), comes the preterite hilt (the tenuis for the medial at the end of the word, as in Middle High German, see . 93"), plural heldurn ; therefore he.lt from hahilt for hahalt, as the reverse case of the Old High German hi-alt from hihalt for hahalt. So also in roots with a long a, for which the Gothic
* By the umlaut the a becomes d = e, and the u, ii=iy tor's ATote. Transla-
814
VERBS.
uses e (.69); e.g. from GRAT, "to weep," and BLJS, " to blow," come gret, blh, as the contraction of gra(gr)it, bla(bl)is* in contradistinction to the Old High' German blias (blies) from bliblas. The Old Saxon stands on the same ground as the Old Northern; hence, from fallu, " I fall,"/?//, "I fell," from fafill; and from sldpu, "I sleep," slip, " I slept" from slunlip ; just as, in Sanscrit, plurals like ndmima, from nanimima, correspond to singulars like nandma, " I bent myself," of which more hereafter. 595. Verbs which, in Gothic, have the diphthong at as the radical vowel, lay aside, in Old High German, in the base syllable, the last element of the said diphthong, and retain only the first, either unaltered, or corrupted to e, which, indeed, happens in most of the received authorities ; hence, to the Gothic preterite haihait, " I was called," in Otfrid hiaz (for hihaz from hihaiz,) corresponds, in the other authorities quoted by Graff, Inez ; which latter, in respect to its e, answers better to the present liehu ( = Gothic haita), where, however, the ie is not yet to be regarded as one sound ( = /), as in our New German hiess. Of the Gothic diphthong aw, we find, according as authorities vary, either the first or the second element preserved, and the former, indeed, either unaltered or changed to e, and also the latter either unchanged or corrupted to o (see .77); e.g. from hlaupa comes, in Gothic, the preterite halhlaup (see . 59S), for which, in Old High German, we find in Graff the forms
tifif (from Uhif for Mihlauf), lief, lluf, liof.
596. In Sanscrit the syllable of reduplication always has the radical vowel, only shortened, if long; and, as has been already remarked, of diphthongs only the last ele* Present, with umlaut, yrtrt, blws, participle passive grStinn, h/Jsiun. With respect to the rejection of a double consonant in the reduplicated preterite, compare the relation of the Old High Germane/or, "four," for Gothic /u/vm:
815
ment (see . 593); hence, babandh* from bandh, " to bind 1 '; babhds, from bhds, " to strive"; bibhid, from bhid, " to
cleave"; didip, from dip, " to shine"; tutud, from tud, " to beat, push"; pupur, from pur, "to fill." If for the vowel r the syllable of reduplication contains an a, this proceeds from the primitive form ar; e. g. mamarda, " I and he crushed,"''' comes not from mrid, but from mard, which in the dual and plural is contracted to mrid; hence first person plural mamridima. Roots which begin with vowels we have already discussed (see . 534); only this may be here further mentioned, that roots which begin with a and end with two consonants proceed in a very peculiar and remarkable way, since they first contract the vowel of repetition with that of the root to a long a, then add an euphonic u, and thefl annex the whole root a second time, so that thus the radical vowel occurs three times; as, a-n-anj, from aa-n-anj, from anj, " to anoint" (Latin ungo). 597. The Greek pays no regard, in its syllables of reduplication in roots beginning with a vowel, to the vowel of the base, but always replaces it by e, which the Latin does in its perfects, which are reduplicated and carried back to the Sanscrit seventh aorist formation only in the case, in which the root exhibits the heaviest of all vowels, viz. a, which appears too heavy for the syllable of reduplication, as it is found inadmissible in Sanscrit, in the syllables of reduplication of desideratives, and is replaced by the lightest vowel, i. Thus in Greek the perfect rera^pa corresponds to the Sanscrit tatapa or tatdpa, " I burned," just as Tervtpa.
to the Sanscrit tutdpa (pi. tutupima = rerv<pajJLev) " I beat,
* I give the theme without any personal termination whatever. t Compare the Latin momordi, although this is based on the aorist of the seventh formation, where amamardam, middle amamarde might have been expected.
816
VERBS.
wounded, slew," -necptXrjKa* to the Sanscrit pipraya or piprdya, from pri, " to rejoice, to love " (compare the Gethie friycj, " I love "). It is certain, that originally the Greek, also, must, in the syllable of reduplication, have had regard to the radical vowel; that however, in the course of time, all vowels in this place were weakened to e, as is the case in New German in the final syllables of polysyllabic words ; as we contrast binde, salbe, gaben, with the Gothic binda, salbo, gabum, and Gdste, Glisten, with the Gothic gasteis, gastim. A similar weakness or vitiation to that" which has overtaken our final syllables might easily have befallen a Greek initial syllable not belonging to the base itself. 598. As regards the laws to which the consonants in the syllables of reduplication are subjected, the Sanscrit replaces the gutturals by corresponding palatals, and, in agreement with the Greek, the aspirated consonants by corresponding non-aspirates; e.g. chakas, from Ms, " to give light";t jagam, from gam, " to go"; dadhd, from dha, " to set, lay"; as, in Greek, redr;, from the corresponding root H. Of two consonants combined in the initial sound in Sanscrit, the first is usually repeated ; hence chakrand, from kranil, "to weep"; chikship, from kship, "to cast." The Gothic follows the same principle, if the second of the combined consonants is a liquid ; hence gaigrot, '' I wept," corresponds to the Sanscrit word of the same import, chaknindn; and snixlep (see . S6. 5.), "I slept," to the Sanscrit su\livdpn.t We might hence infer that the preterite
* Regarding the origin of the /. and the aspirate of rervtpa, see . 5C8. &e. t I refer the Gothic liahii, " torch "(;. a softened ., see . 86. .5.) to this root. j. The root snip is irregular in this, that it is contracted before the heavy terminations into XIIJ, (xlntp); and on this form is founded the syllahle of reduplication, through the a of which the . following becomes sh. <
817
which nowhere occurs, of hlaupa is haihlaup, not hlaihlaup. But if, in Gothic, the second of the combined consonants is a mute, this finds its way into the syllable of reduplication also; hence skaiskaith, " I separated," the third person plural of which, skaiskaidun, occurs in Luke ix. 33 : hence might be deduced, also, staitaut, from STAUT. The other German dialects have, unrestrictedly, left two combined consonants together in the syllable of repetition ; hence, in Old High German, sliaf, " I slept," spialt, " I cleft," from slislaf, spispalt; unless in the second syllable one of the two consonants be rejected, as in the Latin
spopondi, steti, for spospondi, stesti. But the Gothic skai-
skaith speaks against the latter. 599. It remains to be remarked, with respect to the Sanscrit syllables of reduplication, that if a root begins with a sibilant before a mute, the syllable of repetition, according to the general law, does not contain the first consonant but the second, respect being had to the rules of sound before mentioned ; e. g. from sthd comes tasthdu, " I, he stood;" from spris (spars); pasparsa, " I or he touched," in opposition to the Latin steti, spopondi. The Zend, closely as it is allied to the Sanscrit, does not recognise this rule. I cannot, indeed, quote the perfect of -usêro std, nor any other perfect of roots with an initial sibilant before a mute, but as sthd in Sanscrit has a syllable of reduplication in the special tenses also, and forms, in the present, tisthdmi, we see, from the Zend jÂujejo-stv histdmi, that the law of reduplication under discussion, at the time of the identity of the Zend with the Sanscrit, was not yet in force, or at least not in its full extent. Of the Latin it deserves further remark, that in its sisto, which is properly the counterpart of the Sanscrit tisthdmi, Gr. larrjui, and Zend histdmi (see . 50S), it follows the general law for syllables of reduplication, while analogically with stete a present stito might have been expected.
818
VERBS.
600. With respect to the Greek, as soon as we recognise in the i of "(rrrnxi, as in the Zend hi of histdmi, a syllable of reduplication, to which we are compelled, by its analogy with SiSujjit, Tidrj/jii, /3//3>?^/, &c, and by the circumstance that < in the initial sound is easily weakened to the rough breathr ing, it must be allowed, that in the perfect BO-T^KO. the rough breathing stands for <r, and that, therefore, we have in this form a more perfect syllable of reduplication than is usually the case in roots which have in the initial sound a heavier consonant combination than that of a mute before a liquid. We cannot place earrjKa on the same footing with e"/xaprat, which we would suffer to rest on itself; for the latter has just as much right to the rough breathing as the Latin sisto to its s: and when Buttmann says (Gr. Res. . 83. Rem. 6.), "The often-occurring cupeaTakKa (pre-supposing euraKKa) in the Milesian inscription given by Chishull, p. 67, furnishes a proof that the rough breathing instead of the reduplication of the perfect went further in the old dialects than the two cases to be met with in the current language (eo-TrjKa, e"/j.apTCLI)," it is important to observe, that here, also, the root begins with a, which has been preserved in the syllable of repetition as the rough breathing. In eVr^Koc this phenomenon has been preserved in the language as commonly used, because, in my opinion, the analogy of the present and imperfect has protected the breathing which belongs to the perfect reduplication. 601. For the rest, if, in other consonant combinations than that of a mute before a liquid, the syllable of repetition has usually dropped the consonant to be repeated, this clearly happened because a greater weight of sound in the base syllable rendered a lightening of the syllable of repetition
desirable; hence, eâAxa, e(pdopa, from Treyp-aKxa, -necpOopa.
In these and similar forms the coincidence of the initial syllable with the augment is only casual; and if in the e a remnant of a syllabic of reduplication is recognised, we are
819
thereby compelled to explain the e of eâXKov, ecpdetpov, also as the syllable of reduplication, as in the imperfect and aorist (and this appears from the Sanscrit), a simple vowel, independent of the root, has just as much a primitive foundation, as in the perfect, in roots beginning with a consonant, a syllable beginning with the radical consonant or its representative has. It cannot, however, be denied, that in some cases, through an error in the use of language, the example of the augmented preterites has operated on the perfect. It may be, that the e of eayu, eovptjKa, is just as much the augment as that of eal-a,* eovpovv : but it also admits of being regarded in the perfect as the reduplication, since e and o are originally identical with a, and have proceeded from it by corruption (see . 3.); and since both a and o easily become e, as the final e of eBeiâ (ss^tyltyi^ adikshat) is, according to its origin, identical with the a of eSeiâ, eet!-a-<;, &c, and the e of the vocative, as \vKe ( = "wan vrlkd), is only a weakening of the o concluding the base-word, and corrupted from the older a (see . 204.). 602. To pass over, then, to the alterations, to which the radical vowel in the Sanscrit reduplicated preterite is subjected, we will consider first the roots with a. This is lengthened before a simple consonant in the third person singular active, and at pleasure, also, in the first; hence, from char, " to go," to which the Gothic root FAR, "to wander," corresponds; chachdra or chachara, " I went," chacfrdra,
" he went." This analogy is followed by those Gothic verbs which have preserved a radical a before simple consonants in the present, but replace it in the preterite with 6 ; asfara, the preterite of which, fdr, in respect to its vowel, corresponds as exactly as possible to the Sanscrit char of chachdra,
* The digamma, which belongs to this verb, which rests on the Sanscrit bh of bhanj, " to break," leads us to expect an aorist, e'Faifa, and in the most ancient time a perfect FeFaya for the Sanscrit babhanja.
820
VERBS.
for 6 is, in Gothic, the regular representative of the long d, and takes the place of the short a, where the latter is to be lengthened, as, vice versa, 6, in case of abbreviation, becomes a; on which account feminine bases in 6 (= Sanscrit a) exhibit in the uninflected nominative an a, since long vowels at the end of a word are the easiest subjected to abbreviation (see . 137.). The relation, therefore, of for to fara is based originally not on an alteration of quality, but only on that of quantity; and the vowel difference has here just as little influence in the designation of the relation of time, as, in the noun, on that of the case relation. As, however, in fdr the true expression of past time, viz. the reduplication, has disappeared, and/dr stands for faifdr, the function performed by the difference of the vowel of the root, in common with that of the personal terminations (or of the absence of terminations, as in fdr as first and third person singular), is, for the practical use of language, the designation of time. Thus, in our German conjunctive preterite in the plural, the umlaut is the only sign by which we recognise the relation of mood, and which, therefore, is to be held as the exponent of the modal relation, since the true expression of the same, viz. the vowel e (e. g. of wdren, waret), which was formerly an I (Old High German warimh, wdrii), and, as such, has produced the umlaut by its assimilative power, is no longer, in its corrupted form, distinguishable from the termination of the indicative. 603. The Gothic for is distinguished from the Sanscrit char of chachara by this, that it retains its long vowel through all persons and numbers, while in Sanscrit it is necessary only in the third person singular, and is found or not, at will, in the first person singular. To the Gothic, however, answers the Greek second perfect in the case where a radical d is lengthened to d, or its representative, rj. The relation of /cpafco (eKpayov) to KeKpdya, of 0aAAw (0a\w) to redriXa, corresponds exactly to the relation of the Sanscrit chanhni and Gothic fara to chachdra, for. In Greek verbs which have changed
821
a radical a, in the present, to e, the change of this e into the heavier o compensates for its being lengthened (see . 589.). 604. In verbs which end with two consonants the lengthening of the a to d is, in Sanscrit, quite omitted, and to, in Gothic, that of a to 6; as, in Sanscrit, mamaniha, " I or he shook," mamanthima, "we shook," from manth; so, in Gothic, vaivald, " I or he ruled," vaivaldum, "we ruled," from vald. Those Gothic verbs which weaken, in the present, a radical a before a double consonant to i (see . 116.), replace the same in the plural numbers of the preterite, and in the whole conjunctive preterite, by u\ hence, BAND, "to bind" (from which the present binda); forms in the singular of the preterite band, bans-t (see . 102.), band, answering to the Sanscrit babandha, babandh-i-tha, babandha: in the second person dual, however, bund-u-ts for Sanscrit baband-a-thus; and in the plural, bund-u-m, bund-u-t, bund-u-n, for Sanscrit babandh-i-ma, babandh-a-(tha), babandh-us. The conjunctive is bundyau, &c. The Old High German, which has an i for its termination in the second person singular instead of the Gothic t, which, in my opinion, corresponds to the Sanscrit conjunctive vowel i, exhibits, before this i, also the alteration of the a t o i i ; hence, in the first and third person singular bant corresponding to the Sanscrit babandha and Gothic band; but in the second person bunt-i, answering to the Sanscrit babandh-i-tha and Gothic bans-t. Hence we perceive that the change of the a into u depends on the extent of the word, since only the monosyllabic forms have preserved the original a. We perceive further, that the weight of the u appears to the German idioms lighter than that of the a, otherwise the u would not unbind the a in the same way as we saw above ai and au replaced by i in the polysyllabic forms, or before heavy terminations (see . 489.); and as, in Latin, the a of calco and salsus, under the encumbrance of a preceding preposition, is represented by u (conculco, insulsus).
822
VERBS.
605. Where, in Gothic, a radical a is weakened before simple consonants, in the present, to i, but retained in the singular of the preterite, we find instead of it, in both the plural numbers and in the whole conjunctive preterite, in all the polysyllabic past forms, an &, and for that in the Old and Middle High German an a, which here, however, occurs as soon as in the second person singular indicative, because it is polysyllabic: in Middle High German, however, it is changed to a. The present of the root LAS, " to read," is, in Gothic, lisa, in Old High German lim, in Middle High German Use; the preterite in Gothic is las, las-t, las, lesum, lesut, lesun; conjunctive Ihyau, &c.: in Old High German las, last, las, Idsumes, Idsut, Idsun; conjunctive lasi, &c.: in Middle High German las, Icese, las, Idsen, laset, l&sen; conjunctive Icese. This phenomenon stands in contradiction to all other strong verbs, because here the polysyllabic forms have a heavier vowel than the monosyllabic; but the reverse naturally appears everywhere else. Even in the Sanscrit we find this apparent contradiction to the law of gravity, and the surprising, although, perhaps, accidental, coincidence with the Gothic, that in both languages in similar placesviz. before the heavy terminations of the dual and plurala radical a is changed into e, in both languages only in roots which terminate in a simple consonant; to which is further added, in Sanscrit, the limitation, that the initial consonant, also, must generally be simple, and cannot be v or the like, which, in the syllable of repetition, according to . 598., experiences a change. The syllable of repetition, however, is suppressed in the cases in which the a is changed into e. This is the practical view of the rule, which we shall subsequently endeavour to elucidate theoretically. Let the root tan, " to stretch out," serve as example.
823
tatdna or tatana,
teniva for tataniva,
tenima for tatanima,
> Unalhus for tatanathus, Una for tatana. or tenitha for tatamtha,) tatana, Unatus for tutanatm, tenvs for tatanus.
MIDDLE.
<*?w? f o r tatane, tenishe for tatanishe, tent for fafcm^.
tenivahe for tatanivahe, Unimahe for tatanimahe. tendthe for tatandthe, tenidhve for tatanidhve. <?id^ for tatandU, tenire for tatanire.
It appears, therefore, from this paradigm,- that the form ien used for fafan, though far the most common, is adopted only before heavy terminations, or in such persons as, in their full form, would appear to consist of four syllables; for although, in the second person plural, Una stands for tatana, and in the third person plural, tenus for tatanus, still us in this place is an abbreviation of anti (compare . 462.), and a is clearly only the remnant of an original termination atha: the a of Una, for Un-a-tha, corresponds merely to the conjunctive vowel of the Greek Terv^-a-re and of the Gothic vaivald-u-th, fdr-u-th, les-u-th.* The reason of the abbrevia-
* I have already, in my System of Conjugation, and in the Annals of Oriental Literature (London, 1820) called attention to the fact, that the Sanscrit tutupa in the second person plural is an abbreviated form, and in the former parts of this book the fact has often been alluded to, that the Sanscrit, in particular cases, appears in disadvantageous contrast with its European sister idioms. It has therefore surprised me that Professor Hofer, in his Treatise " Contributions," &c, p. 40, has made so general an assertion, that recent investigators have not been desirous " of keeping perfectly free from the unfortunate error of believing in the imaginary inviolability and pristine fidelity and perfection of the Sanscrit." For my part I have never conceded to the Sanscrit such pristine fidelity; and it has always given me pleasure to notice the cases in which the European sister languages surpass it, as the Lithuanian does in this day, in everywhere
824
VERBS.
tion is clearly apparent in the second person singular; for if here the termination tha is joined directly to the root, the full reduplication remains ; but if the number of syllables is increased by a conjunctive vowel, then ten is used for tatan; thus tenitha (from tatanitha) answering to tatantha. I recognise, as has been already observed (see . 548.), in forms like ten a concealed reduplication; thus tin from tatin (as in Latin cecini for cacani), and this from tatan, whence, by rejecting the second t, tan (for ta-an) may have been formed, and so, in earlier times, have been used for ten; and I think that the Gothic e, in forms like lesum, is not found there because the Sanscrit, in analogous forms, has an e, but for this reason that the Sanscrit e was formerly an , but the Gothic e represents the a (. 60.) The Old High German has preserved the original sound, and exhibits lasumes (from lalasumes), which, in contrast with the Gothic lesumes, appears like a Doric form contrasted with an Ionic one. While, in the second person singular, the Gothic las-t, on account of its monosyllabic nature, is based on Sanscrit forms like tatantha, the Old High German Idsi answers to the contracted form tenitha. It must be assumed that the Gothic las, last, was formerly lailas, lailast ; and then, too, the plural lesum stood in the proper relation to lailas Qnlas), i. e. in the relation of the weaker to the stronger radical form. We give, for a complete general view of the analogies existing between the Sanscrit and the German in the case before us, the
expressing the idea "who?" by kas, while the Sanscrit kas, according to fixed laws of sound becomes at one time kali, at another K at another ka, and appears in its original form only before t and th. * Regarding the Latin forms like ccpi (see . 548.), it may be here further remarked, that Ag. Hcuary, also (Doctrine of Latin Sounds, p. 270, &c), traces back the Latin perfect in all its formations to the Sanscrit aorist.
825
reduplicated preterite of u?N sac?, " to sit," " to place oneself," corresponding to the Gothic sat and Old High German saz, " I sate," connected with it in form and sense.
SINGULAR. SANSCRIT. GOTHIC. OLD HIGH GERM
sasdd-a or sasad-a, sasat-tha or sM-i-tha, sasdd-a,
(saijsat, (sai)sas-t (sai)sat,

DUAL.
(si)saz. sdz-i-\ (si)saz-
sed-i-va, se'd-a-thus, sed-a-tus,
s&u ? (see . 441.) set-u-ts, ....

PLURAL.
. . . . . .
sM-i-ma, s&d-a-\ sed-us,
set-u-m, set-u-th, set-u-n,
sdz-u-mes. sdz-u-t. sdz-u-n.
" Remark 1.That in the example here given, as generally in Grimm's tenth, eleventh, and twelfth conjugations, the a of the preterite is the real radical vowelthat in the present it is weakened to i, and that the i of the present has not, vice versa, been strengthened in the preterite to aI infer, not only from this, that the Sanscrit, where it admits of comparison, everywhere exhibits a as the unmistakeable radical vowel, but especially from the circumstance that the Gothic causal verb where any such corresponds to the primitive verb, everywhere uses the a in the present even, which the primitive verb has retained merely in the preterite; for instance, from SA T, " to sit," comes the causal satja, " I set = Sanscrit sddaydmi. If it were merely the object of the language to gain in the causal a vowel connected with the primitive verb, but
3H
82G
VERBS.
strengthened, then if SIT were the root, from it would perhaps have proceeded seitya ( = sitya) or saitya ; and in reality the verbs, to which I ascribe i as the radical vowel, exhibit, in the causal, ai, as those with a radical u employ au; in exact agreement with the Sanscrit, where i and u receive Guna in the causal, i. e. prefix a. Thus in Gothic, from ur-BIS, 'to stand up,' (ur-reisa, nr-rais, ur-risum) comes ur-raisya, ' I raise up': from DBUS, ' to fall1 (driusa, dram, drumm), ga-drausya, ' I plunge'; as, in Sanscrit, from vkl and budh, 'to know,' vedayami ( = vaidayami), bddhaydmi ( = bandhaydmi), ' I make to know.' The circumstance, that Sanscrit verbs with a radical a correspond to the Gothic sat, ' I sate,' band, ' I bound,' would not alone furnish any sufficient ground for assuming that the said and analogous Gothic verbs exhibit the root in the singular of the preterite ; for it might certainly be allowed that binda proceeds from the Sanscrit bandh, sit a, from sad, and that an original a has here been corrupted to i; but it might still be maintained that the a of the pronoun band, sat, is not a transmission from the period of identity with the Sanscrit, but that it has been newly developed from the i of the present, because the change of sound of i to a is the symbol of the past. I object to this view, however, first, because not only does sat answer to sasada or sasada, but also the plural setum from sdtum, Old High German sdzmncs, to sedhna from sddima (sa(s)adima), and it is impossible to consider this double and surprising coincidence as fortuitous ; secondly, because, as has been above remarked, the causals too recognise the a of the verbs under discussion as a radical vowel; thirdly, because substantives also, like bund, sat.-, which have nothing to do with the expression of past time, or any other temporal relation, conform to the vowel of the preterite ; fourtlilv, because generally, in the whole Indo-European family of languages, no case occurs of grammatical relations bein-
827
expressed by the change of the radical vowel; fifthly, because the reduplication, which is the real expression of the past, is still clearly retained in Gothic, in the verbs mentioned above, and is therefore adequate ground for assuming that sat is an abbreviation of saisat, but that setum for satum is a contraction of sa(s)tum." " Remark 2.The Sanscrit roots which begin with a consonant which must be replaced by another cognate one, refrain from the contraction described above; for if the g of the base syllable of jagam dropped out, and the two a were melted down to <, then ji>m would assume ? an appearance too much estranged from the root; and this is certainly the reason why the contraction is avoided. It is omitted, also, in roots which begin with two consonants, and, indeed, for the same reason; for if the st of the second syllable of tastan was dropped, the contracted form would be ten, in which the root stan would no longer be recognised. There are, however, a few exceptions from the restriction specified; as, babhaj from bhaj, ' to pay homage,1 is always contracted to >H^ bhej, as far as is yet known, though ^*^ tej might be expected; but the aspiration of the base-consonant, which has been dropped, has been carried back to the syllable of repetition, according to the principle of the above mentioned fv^ dhiksh for didhaksh, from dah, ' to burn' (see . 593.). It is more difficult to account for the fact of some roots, which begin with two consonants having permitted themselves to be contracted, and having retained both consonants in the syllable of repetition, since to the reduplicated perfect theme tatras a contracted form trfe corresponds, while from satras, by rejecting the tr of the second syllable, should come Us. Either, then, in tres the r, which is suppressed in the full reduplicated form (tatras for tratras), is aâin restored, in order to comply with the requirement that the form of the root be not too much disfigured, or
3 H2
828
VERBS.
the forms like trfo proceed from a period when the syllable of repetition still combined the two consonants, as in the Latin spopondi, steti, and in the Gothic skaiskaith ; or, lastly, and this is most probable, forms like tres proceed from a period when the language had completely forgotten the ground of their origin in contraction, and when in forms like sediraa reduplication was no longer perceived, but only the change of a radical a into e, and it was believed that the true exponent of the relation of time was therein recognised. Thus, in a measure, the Gothic frehum, ' we asked ' (Sanscrit paprichchhima, not prfchhima, from prachh, ' to ask 1), was prepared by Sanscrit forms like trfaima, ' we trembled,1 bhremima, ' we wandered,' and some similar ones. The Sanscrit and German in this agree most admirably, that roots which end with two consonants have not permitted the combination to make its way ; certainly because, through their stronger construction, they had more power to bear the full reduplication (compare . 5S9.), which has at last disappeared in Gothic in those verbs with a radical a, which weaken that vowel, in the present, to i; so that band, bundum, correspond to the Sanscrit babandha, bnbandhhna. To a Gothic present handa, would correspond a preterite hatband." 606. It is not requisite to assume that forms like ^f^H srdima, " we sate," which has been compared above (p. 825) to the Gothic set inn and Old High German sdzinn, existed so early as the period of the unity of language. I rather hold the Sanscrit srdhna and Gothic setnm, besides being identical in their root, to be connected only in this point, that they both, independently of each other, have, in consequence of a contraction, lost the semblance of a reduplicated form ; that in both the r stands for an older <\, which is preserved in the Old High German sihnmrs; that the Sanscrit srd for *<< has sprung from // sasud, as the Gothic .s<7 for st'it from sasaf, the latter natu-
829
rally at a time when the syllable of repetition was still faithful to the radical syllable as regards the vowel. The contraction of polysyllabic forms into monosyllabic, by rejecting the consonant of the second syllable, or the consonant together with its vowel (as above in lips for Maps, . 592.) is so natural, that different languages may easily chance to coincide in this point; but such an omission might most easily occur in reduplicated forms, because the expression of the same syllable twice running might be fatiguing, and therefore there would be a direct occasion for the suppression of the second syllable or its consonant. In verbs with a radical a the occasion is the more urgent, because a is the heaviest vowel, and hence there is the more reason to seek for a diminution of weight. Latin forms like cecini, tetigi (compared with such as tutudi, momordi), comply with the requisition after being weakened by reducing the a to i in the base-syllable, and to e in the syllable of repetition, while perfects (aorists) like dpi, fici, in their process of diminishing the weight, coincide with the Sanscrit sedima and Gothic setum, which does not prevent the assumption that each of the three languages has arrived at the contracted form in its own way, as the Persian em and English am ( = em), " I am," approach so closely, because they both, but quite independently of each other, have abbreviated the primitive form asmi in the same way, while in the third person the Persian and Latin est coincide, through a similar corruption of the old form asto; or as the Old High German fior, vior, stands in the same relation to the Gothic fidvdr that the Latin quar of quar-tus does to the to-be-presupposed quatuor-tus. In conclusion, I shall further observe that the Gothic man, " I mean," though a form according to the preterite, and based on the Sanscrit mamana or mam&na,* still
* The root man, " to think," is indeed, in the present condition of the language, used only in the middle (thus mine, " I, he thought"), which, however,
830
VERBS.
in the plural forms not memum, after the analogy of menima, but munum, which leads us to conjecture an older maimunum for mamnnum, as bundum for baibundum, babundum. Similarly, skuhm, " we should," not skelum (singular skal). From mag, " I can," comes mayum, without weakening the a to u. In respect to this and similar verbs it may, however, be observed, that in the Sanscrit v$da, " I know," and Greek olSa ( = Gothic vail, see . 191.), the reduplication is lost, and perhaps, also, all German verbs, which associate the sense of the present with the terminations of the preterite, have never had reduplication, on which account there would be no reason to expect a mhium for manum from mamanum. 607. Verbs with a radical i or u before a simple final consonant have Guna, in Sanscrit, before the light terminations of the reduplicated preterite, and, therefore, only in the singular of the active. This Guna, is the insertion of an a before the radical vowel, just as in Gothic (Grimm's eighth and ninth conjugations). As, however, with the exception of the few verbs which belong to the Sanscrit fourth class (see . 109 a. 2.), all strong verbs belong only to the Sanscrit fourth class, which, in the special tenses, has Guna pervading it; so also, in the German verbs with a radical i and u, Guna must be looked for in the present and the moods dependent thereon. The Guna vowel a has, however, in the present, been weakened to i, and is only retained as a in the monosyllabic preterite singular. While, therefore, the Sanscrit root budh, el. 1, "to know," forms, in the present, bodhdmi, pi. bodhumus ( = baudhdmi, baudlulmas), and, in the reduplicated preterite, bubodha ( =bubaudha), plural bubudluma, the corresponding Gothic root BUD (" to offer," "to order,") forms, in the present, biuda* plural
however, does not prevent the assumption that originally an active also has existed. * Gratt, who lias in general supported with his assent my theory of the German W< (change of sound), which I first submitted in my Review of Grimm's
831
biudam, and in the preterite bauth (see . 93n.), plural budum. In verbs with a radical i the Guna vowel i is melted down in German with the radical vowel to a long i, which, in Gothic, is written ei :* hence the Gothic root BIT," to bite," forms, in the present, beita (= bita, Old High German bizu), and in the singular of the preterite bait, plural bitum, answering to the Sanscrit bibheda (from bibhaida), " I and he cleft," bibhidima, " we cleft." In the present, fas bhid, if it belonged to the first class, would form bheddmi, to which the Gothic beita (from biita) has the same relation as above biuda to bddhdmi. The relation of the Gothic beita from biita to the Sanscrit bheddmi from bha'iddmi, is like that of the plural nominative fadei-s (from the base FADI) to the Sanscrit patay-as from pati, " lord," only that in patay-as the e,a + i, is resolved into ay on account of the following vowel. 608. We give here, once more, the Gothic bait, " I bit," and bang, " I bowed," over against the corresponding Sanscrit forms, but so that, varying from . 489. and our usual method, we express the Sanscrit diphthongs ^ e and ^ft 6, according to their etymological value, by ai and au, in order
Grimm's German Grammar, differs in this point from the view above taken, that he does not recognise in the i of biudu and in the first i of beita (=bita, from biita) the weakening of the Sanscrit Guna vowel a, but endeavours in three different ways to gain from the radical i and u, in the present i (written ei in Gothic) and iu (Old High German Thesaurus I. pp. 21, 22), of which modes, however, none is so near and concise as that, according to which the i of biudu is the weakening of the a of the Sanscrit baudhdmi (contracted, bodhami), to which biudu has the same relation that the Old High German dative suniu, " to the son," has to the Gotliic sunau and Sanscrit sunav-e, from the base sunu, the final u of which receives Guna in the dative singular and nominative plural. In the former place the Gotliic has retained the old Guna a; and it is not till several centuries later that we first see this in Old High German weakened to i: in the latter place (in the nominative plural) the Gotliic even has admitted the weakening to i, but changed it to y; hence sunyu-s for Sanscrit sunav-as. * See . 70., and Vocalismus, p. 224, Remark 13.
832
VERBS.
to make the really astonishing agreement of the two languages more apparent. We also annex the Old High German, which replaces the Gothic diphthong at by ei, and au by ou (before T sounds, s and h by 6). In the Old High German it is especially important to remark, that it replaces by the pure vowel of the root the diphthong in the second person singular, on account of the dissyllabic form, which here corresponds to the Gothic monosyllabic one, as a clear proof that the vowel opposition between singular and plural depends on the extent of the word or the weight of the terminations, as we have already perceived by the opposition between a in monosyllabic and the lighter u in polysyllabic ones {bant, bunt, buntumes, see . 604.).
Sanscrit. Gothic. O. H. Germ. Sanscrit.
ROOT.
Gothic.
O. H. Germ.
bhid, "split," bit, "bite," biz, "id." bhuj, "bend," bug,"id," bug, "id."
SINGULAR.
bibhaid-a, bait, bibhaid-i-tha, bais-t,1 bibhaid-a, bait, bibhid-i-m, bit-u, bibhid-a-thus, bit-u-ts, bibhid-a-tm, . . . . bibhid-i-ma, bibhid-a-, bibhid-us, bit-u-m, bit-u-th, bit-u-n,]
2
beiz. biz-i. beiz.
bubhauj-a, baug, bubhauj-i-tha, bang-t, bubhauj-a, b<mg,

DUAL.
boug. bug-i. boug.
. ..
bubhuj-i-va. bug-u,2 bubhuj-a-thus, bug-u-ts, bubhuj-a-tus, ....

PLURAL.
biz-u -Dies, hubhuj-i-ma, bug-u-m, bug-u-mes. biz-it -t. bubhuj-a-\ bug-u-th, bug-u-t. biz-i -n. bubhuj-us, bug-u-n, bug-u-n.
2
See . 102.
Sec .441.
609. The Greek second perfects like Tte-noida, \e\onra, eotKa, netpevya in respect to their Guua answer to the Sanscrit word just discussed, bibludda (biblu'da), bubhauja {bublwja), and Gothic bail, bang. The circumstance, however, that the
833
Greek retains the Guna in the dual and plural, and uses not
TieTrldaixev, ire^vyaêv, but ireTroida/jiev, iretyeuyaijiev, raises a
suspicion against the originality of the principle followed by the Sanscrit and German. We will therefore leave it undecided whether the Greek has extended unorganically to the plural numbers the Guna, which was created only for the singular, or whether the vowel strengthening of the reduplicated preterite was originally intended for the three numbers of the active; and the coincidence of the Sanscrit and German in this point is only accidental, that they have, in the tense under discussion, accorded to the weight of the terminations, or extent of the word, an influence in shortening the base-syllable. This influence is so natural, that it need not surprise us if two languages, in the course of time, had admitted it independently of each other, and then, in the operation of this influence, coincided;. as, on one side, the Gothic biturn, bugum, answering to bait, bang, and, on the other side, the Sanscrit bibhidima, bubhujima, answering to bibhaida bubhauja. The German obtains a separate individuality in that the Old High German, in the second person singular, employs bizi, bugi, and not beizi, bougi, on account of their being dissyllabic; while the Sanscrit, in spite of their being of three syllables, uses bibhaidifha, bubhanjitha. It is certain that the Sanscrit, in its present state, has given to the weight of the personal terminations a far greater influence than could have existed at the period of the unity of language; and that the Greek e6pKa.fx.ev, with reference to the singular deBopKa, stands nearer to the primitive condition of the language than the Sanscrit dadrisima, which has abbreviated the syllable ar of the singular dadarsa to ri. Observe, also, what has been remarked above regarding the retention of the Gothic 6 and Greek a or -q in the dual and plural, while the Sanscrit exhibits the lengthening of a radical a to d only in the first and third persons singular (. 603.)
834
VERBS.
610. As to the personal terminations of the reduplicated preterite, they deserve especial consideration, as they do not answer exactly to the primary endings, nor to the secondary. The ground of their varying from the primary terminations, to which they most incline (in Greek more clearly than in Sanscrit), lies palpably in the root being encumbered with the syllable of reduplication, which in various places has produced an abbreviation or entire extinction of the personal terminations. The first and third person singular have the same sound in Sanscrit, and terminate with the vowel, which should properly be only the bearer of the personal termination. The Gothic has even lost this vowel; hence, above,
baug, bait, answering to bubhauja (bubhoja), bibhaida (bibheda).
The Greek, however, has, in the third person, corrupted the old a to e, just as in the aorist, where we saw eBet!-e answer to the Sanscrit adikshat. In the same way, in the perfect, TeTV<pe, SedopKe, &c. answer to the Sanscrit tutopa ( = tutaupa) dadarka ; while in the first person, Terv<j>a, BeSopKa, stand on the same footing with the Sanscrit tutopa, dadarsa (from dadarka). As three languages, the Sanscrit, Greek, and Gothic, and a fourth the Zend (where dadarsa appears in the form MM^M^XS^ dadaresa), agree with one another in this, that in the first and third person of the sense under discussion they have lost the personal designation, it might be inferred that this loss occurred as early as the period of the unity of language. But this inference is not necessary; for in the incumbrance of the root by the syllable of reduplication there lies so natural an occasion for weakening the termination, that the different cognate languages might well have followed this impulse independently of each other. And the three languages (the Zend, whose long sojourn with the Sanscrit is evident, may remain unnoticed) do not stand quite on the same footing with respect to the disturbing influence which they have permitted to the syllable of reduplication: the Sanscrit has yielded more to this influence than
835
its Greek and German sisters; and our forms like ihr bisset, " you bit," ihr boget, " you bent," are more perfect in their termination at this day than what we can draw from the Sanscrit, in contrast to them, from the oldest period of its literature. The Sanscrit reduplicated preterite has, for instance, lost the termination of the second person plural from the oldest time; and this person is therefore either completely the same with the first and third person singular, or distinguished from it only by the removal of the Guna, or by an abbreviation in the interior of the root from which the singular has remained free; e.g. the first and third person singular and second person plural of krand, " to weep," are chakranda : in the two former places the Gothic gaigrcH corresponds to it, and, indeed, shews to disadvantage through its loss of the final vowel: in the second person plural, however, gaigrdt-u-th surpasses the Sanscrit chakrand-a, which has evidently been preceded by a form chakrand-a-tha or chakrand-a-ta. To the Greek reTixpa-re, SeSopK-a-re, correspond, in Sanscrit, tutup-a, dadrii-a, for tutup-a-tha, dadris-a-tha. 611. The Sanscrit reduplicated preterite stands in disadvantageous comparison with the Greek perfect in this point also, that in the middle and passive it has not only, like the present, lost the m of the first person, but also the t of the third; thus, tutupe stands for tutup-me and tutup-te, and in the former case is surpassed by rervfjL-fxai, in the latter by rerv-nTCU, as respects the correct preservation of the termination. From reTV[jL-fj.at, renm-rat, it may be inferred that the active was formerly Te.jvita\u, rerv-nart, or rervcpaixi, TeTvfy-a-Ti, and in Sanscrit tutop-a-mi (or tutop-d-mi, see . 434.), tutop-a-ti. The conjunctive vowel is suppressed in Greek before the weightier terminations of the middle passive, according to the principle by which the rj of the optative, and the corresponding a of the Sanscrit potential, is dropped in the middle, and e.g. 5tcW/ue0a, dadimahi, correspond to the active Stv, dadydma. The Sanscrit, in the middle and the
836
VERBS.
passive, which in this tense is fully identical with the middle, prefixes to the personal terminations beginning with a consonant a conjunctive vowel i (see . 605.); hence tutup-i-she answering to the Greek rerviz-aat. Yet in the Veda dialect the form tutup-sS might be expected, as this dialect often suppresses the conjunctive vowel of the common language, and, in the Rig Veda (XXXII. 4.), from vid, class 6, " to find," occurs the form vivit-st, " thou didst find," for the common vivid-i-she. 612. The third person plural of the middle passive exhibits in Sanscrit the termination re, which, in the common language, always precedes the conjunctive vowel i, which, however, may be withdrawn in the Veda dialect, where, dadris-re, " they were seen," occurs for dadrikire (Rig Veda, XXXIV. 10.). It is hardly possible to give a satisfactory explanation of this termination. I have elsewhere (Lesser Sanscrit Grammar, . 372. Rem. 4.) remarked, that its r is perhaps a corruption of an original s, which otherwise, in Sanscrit, occurs only in the initial sound, and regularly, indeed, before sonant letters, in case a vowel other than a or precedes the s. This being the case, this r would belong to the verb substantive; and we should remark, that in Greek, also, this verb, in certain tenses, is found only in the third person plural, while the rest are simple (eSiSoaav, eSoaav). The Sanscrit intended probably, in the case before usif the r really stands for sby this change to lighten the sound, as occurs in the Old High German, where, in all roots in is and MS, and in part of the roots in as, the radical sibilant in the preterite is retained only in the monosyllabic forms, but in the polysyllabic is weakened to r; hence, from RIS, " to fall " (Sanscrit bhrans), reis, riri, reis, rlrumcs, &c.; from LUS, " to lose," 1,1a, luri (see . 60S.), Ids, hirumes, &c.; from was, " I was," " he was," comes the second person ivari, the plural wartimes, ike.
6la. With the r f the Sanscrit termination re is
837
clearly connected that of the termination ran of the third person plural, middle, potential, and precative, where ran, in my opinion, is an abbreviation of ranta; and also the r, which the root si, " to lie" (Greek KelfMai), adds, in the third person plural of all special tenses (serate, " they lie," aserata, " they lay," seratdm, " let them lie"). The root vid, " to know," Class 2, in combination with the preposition sam, admits at will the addition of such an r in the present, imperfect, and imperative; hence, sanvidrate or sanvidati, " they know " (Panini VII. 1. 7.). The Veda dialect gives to the addition of this enigmatical r, in the middle and passive, a still wider extension (Panini VII. 1. 8.), and exhibits aduhra, " they milked," for aduhrata, instead of the common aduhata. Remarkable, also, are the forms ^T^j adrisran and ^ 4 asrigran* from
^ ^ R T adrisranta, ^n^n?T asrigranla, for adrisanta, asrijanta.
The Anusvara of this Veda termination ran, which may have been formerly rans (with s from t, compare p. 754.), passes into m before vowels; hence, Rig. Veda IX. 4., ^raj3?*^
^ 5 ^ fTO asrigram Indra te giraK " effusi surd, Indra ! tibi
hymnV; L. 3. ^g^f^ ^TPT %iT^f f *3T*ff PTt ^PJ % adrisram
asya ketavo vi rasmayd jandn arm " conspiciuntur ejus collustrantes radii inter homines." ~
* The former is an aorist of the sixth formation, from the root dris, which is not used in the special tenses; but asrigran, in which the retention of the original guttural instead of the palatal of the common language is to be noticed, does not, in my opinion, admit of being explained as an aorist, as Westergaard makes it, but appears to me as an imperfect; as the roots of the sixth class, when they do not insert a nasal in the special tenses, are incapable of the sixth aorist formation, because they could not be distinguishable from the imperfect. Why should not the imperfect, as well as the aorist, be capable of replacing the termination anta by rah P t Compare Westergaard, Radices, p. 269. Rosen takes adrisran actively, and, in the first passage, asriyram, as the first person singular active, which, however, will not do. Preterites with a present signification are very common in the Vedas.
838
VERBS.
61J. The conjunctive vowel i, which the middle uses in almost all persons, may formerly have been an a; and it is still more probable that the active, as in Greek, everywhere had an a as conjunctive vowel; that therefore the form tutup-i-ma was preceded by a form tulup-a-ma (or tulup-a-ma, see . 434.), as analogous to the Greek TETvcfr-a-nev;an opinion which is also corroborated by the Gothic u-m, as in gaujrdt-u-m, " we wept,1 which leads us to expect a Sanscrit chakrand-a-ma or d-ma for chalcrand-ima, as the Gothic u very often occurs as the weakening of an original a, but not as the increase of an original i. 615. In the second and third person dual the Sanscrit has firmly retained the old conjunctive vowel a ; but the a of the primary terminations thas, tas, has been weakened to u, probably on account of the root being encumbered by the syllable of reduplication; hence, (ittup-a-thus. hdup-atus, correspond to the Greek reTiKp-a-Tov, reTixp-a-Tov from -TOS, rof, see . 97.) ; and chakrand-a-thus, " ye two wept," to the Gothic gaigrdt-u-ts of the same import. The ^T a of these dual forms is never suppressed, and hence is regarded by grammarians as belonging to the termination itself, while the terminations va and ma of the first person dual and plural occasionally occur also, in direct combination with the root; as from sidh, " to stop," come
both sisliidhiva, sishidhima, and sishidhva, sishidhma. Thus
we find in Greek, also, the a occasionally suppressed before the heavier terminations of the dual and plural. Here
belong, besides, 'tcrfxev for oiSa/xev (see . 191.), eoiyjxev, eiKTov,
avoiyfxev, SeStfxev. But on these forms no special relationship is to be based, but only a coincidence of principle ; for in the operation of the law of gravity it is so natural that two languages should, independently of one another, free themselves before heavy terminations of a semi-vowel, not indispensable for the idea to be conveyed,
839
that it is quite unnecessary to assume here an old transmission. 616. With regard to the termination ntha of the second person singular, we direct attention to . 453. It may be here additionally remarked, that if the Greek ycr-6a-which is there referred to ^TTftrr ds-i-tha, for which would stand, without the vowel of conjunction, aa-thais not a remnant of the perfect, but actually belongs to the imperfect, the Sanscrit middle imperfect ^TTWR^ dsthds would admit of comparison with it. But I prefer referring this ycrda to the perfect, and placing it on the same footing with olcr-da, which, with respect to its termination, corresponds well with $tfQvet-tha and the Gothic vais-t. The Old High German also, which, in its strong preterites, has preserved only the conjunctive vowel of the Sanscrit i-tha, and hence opposes to the Sanscrit bubauj-i-tha (buboj-i-tha) and Gothic baug-t, " thou didst bow," the form bug-i, has in preterites, which, like the Sanscrit vedn, Greek ola, and Gothic vait, have present signification, retained the old t in direct combination with the root; as, weis-t (euphonic for weiz-i) corresponds to the Gothic vais-t, Greek ola-da, and Sanscrit vet-tha (vait-tha). Here belong also muos-t, " thou must," tdh-t, "thou art fit,"* mah-t, " thou canst," scal-t, " thou shouldst," an-s-t, " thou art inclined," "dost not grudge" (with euphonic s, see . 95.: the form cannot be cited, but cannot be doubted), chan-s-t, " thou canst," " thou knowest," getars-f, " thou venturest," t darf-t, " thou didst require."
* Does not occur, but can be safely deduced from the third person touk and the preterite toh-ta. t The s is not, as I formerly assumed, euphonic (.94.), but belongs to the root, which, before vowels, assimilates its s to the preceding r (as Greek Bappoq, 8ap'p'em), rejected when in the terminating sound, but preserved before t: hence, in the first and third person singular ge-tar, third person plural ge-turrun, ge-turren. In the Sanscrit corresponds dharsh (dhrish), " t o venture," in Lithuanian, drys-tij comp. Pott, I. 270, Graff, V. 441.
840
VERBS.
617. It deserves further to be remarked with respect to the Gothic, that the roots terminating with a vowel prefix an sto the t of the second person: at least the second person of saisd, " I sowed," is saisd-st (Luc. xix. 21.); from which we may also infer vaivd-st, from the root VO, " to blow" (Sanscrit va), and laild-st, from LO, " to laugh." As to the relation of the ai of the present (vaia, laia, saia) to the d of the preterite and of the root, it resembles that of bindn, " I bind," to BAND ; i. e. as the a of this and similar roots has weakened itself in the present to i, the same has been done by the latter half of the 6 = a, or a + a. In +he same way, in Sanscrit, a long u is sometimes weakened to e=ai ; e.g. in the vocative of the feminine bases in a (see . 205.). But to return to the Gothic root SO, I am not inclined to infer from the third person present saiy-i-th, which actually occurs (Mark iv. 14.), a first person saiya, but believe, that only before i ay is added to the diphthong ai, and that the third person singular and second person plural of vaia and laia also must be vaiyith, laiyith, and the second person singular vah/is, laiyis. But if the root SO had, in the first person singular, formed saiya, then the third person plural would certainly have been sab/and, the infinitive saiyan, and the present participle saiyands ; on the other hand, at Matth. iv. 26. occurs srdfind, " they sow " ]. c. 4, 5, saiands, " the sower," and saian, " to sow." 618. The Sanscrit roots in d (the analogy of which is followed by those also with a final diphthong, which are, for the most part, dealt with in the general tenses as if they ended with a) employ in the first and third persons au for a or a, for the a of the root should be melted down with the a of the termination to A, or be dropped as before the other terminations beginning with a vowel. Instead of this, however, (in, is used ; e.g. ^ r dadt'm, " I gave," " he gave," from (W; H^t tasthiiu, " I stood," "he stood," from slhn. If du was found only in the first person, I should not hesitate
84 I
recognising in the u the vocalization of the personal character m, as in the Gothic siyau, " I may be," answering to the Sanscrit T&U*{ sydm, arid in Lithuanian forms in au (. 438.) This view of the matter, however, appears less satisfactory, if we are compelled to assume that the termination du, after its meaning had been forgotten, and the language had lost sight of its derivation, had found its way unorganieally into the third person, though such changes of person are not unheard of in the history of language; as, in the Gothic passive, where the first and third persons have likewise the same termination, but reversed through the transposition of the ending of the third person to the first, and, in the plural, also into the second (. 466.). But if the termination du of daddu, ded'i, dedit, stands with the same right in the third person that it does in the first, and no personal ending is contained in it, then the u of the diphthong du may be regarded as the weakening of the common termination, or conjunctive vowel a; so that the u, according to the principle* of Vriddhi, would have united with the preceding d into du (see . 29.) ; while in the ordinary contractions an d is shortened before its combination with u or i to a, and then, with u, becomes 6 = an, and with i, e = ai. 619. The Sanscrit verbs of the tenth class, and all derivative verbs, periphrastically express the reduplicated preterite by one of the auxiliary verbskri, " to make," as and bhu, "to be"the reduplicated preterites of which are referable to the accusative of an abstract substantive in a, which is not used in the other cases, before which the character ay of the tenth class and of the causal forms is
retained ; e. g. choraydnchakdra (euphonic for choraydm-ch-), " he made stealing," or chdraydrndsa, or choraydmbabliuva,
* The root bhu irregularly contains in the syllable of repetition an a instead of the shortened radical vowel, omits in the first and third 3i person
842
VERBS.
" he was to steal." The opinion expressed in the first edition of my Sanscrit Grammar, that the form in dm must be regarded as the accusative of an abstract substantive, I have since found is supported by the Zend, where the corresponding occurs as an infinitive in the accusative relation, as I have already shewn by citing the following lucid passage ("Vend. S. p. 198.) : /.MAS(? J $ M ^ iÂS(o<yAs7 5^MJ As/j3A)îAsÂ)9 yezi vasen mazdayasna zatim raodhayanm* " If the worshippers of Mazda wish to make the earth grow (cultivate)" The Sanscrit, instead of kri, occasionally uses another word of similar import, to paraphrase the reduplicated preterite. Thus we read in the Mahabharat (1.1809.) : ^ J W S ^ <HMIH JHriiHi vapushtamdrtham varaydrn prachalcramuh, " they solicited Vapushtama.;" literally, " they made solicitation on account of Vapushtama," or " they went to a solicitation;" for praIcram means, properly, " to go ;" but verbs of motion frequently take the place of those of making, since the completion of an action is represented as the going to it.
person singular the Guna or Vriddhi augment, and changes irregularly its before vowels into tic instead of uv. t Thus I read for the 1. c. occurring raodhyahm, for which, p. 299, occurs raodhayen: the two forms guided me in restoring the right reading which has since been confirmed by Burnouf, by comparing MSS. Anquetil translates thus, ulorsque les Mazdelesnans veulent crenser des rufcseaiu dedans et autour d'une terre ;" in accordance with which I before rendered the expression raodhayanm by "perforare." It is, however, probably the causal form of raudh, "to grow" (compare Burnouf's Ya<;na, Notes, p. xxxv.), which is based on the Sanscrit ruh from riidh (see . 23.), and with which the Gothic LVD, " t o grow," lanths, laudh; "man" (our Leute), is connected. It is possible that this causal form may have assumed, in Zend, the meaning " to bury," as one of the means of growth. This, however, is of not much importance to us here : it suffices to know, what is very important, that rawlhaya km supplies the place of an infinitive, has an accusative termination, and confirms my explanation of the Sanscrit form under discussion.
843
620. It is very important to observe, that it is the verbs of the tenth class, causal forms, and other derivative verbs, which particularly employ this periphrastic formation of the reduplicated preterite, and do not admit the simple formation; for hereby the way is, in a manner, prepared for the German idioms, which, without exception, paraphrase their preterite by an auxiliary verb signifying " to do," precisely in that conjugation in which we have recognised the Sanscrit tenth class in three different forms (see . 109a. 6. 504.). I have asserted this, as regards the Gothic, already in my System of Conjugation (p. 151. &c), where I have shewn, in plurals like sdkidedum, " we sought," (made to seek), and in the conjunctive in the singular also (sdkidedyau, " I would make to seek ") an auxiliary verb signifying " to do," and a word related to deths, "the act,"* (Theme dedi). Since then, Grimm, with whom I fully coincide, has extended the existence of the auxiliary verb also to the singular sdkida, and therefore to the other dialects ; for if in sokida the verb " to do" is contained, it is self-evident that it exists also in our suchte. I had before derived the singular sdkida from the passive participle sokiths (theme sokida). But since I now recognise the verb (thun) " to do " also in sokida, " I sought," I believein which I differ from Grimmthat we must, in respect to their origin, fully separate from one another the passive participle and the indicative preterite/ great as the agreement of the two forms is, which, in Gothic, amounts to complete identity ; for the theme of sokiths, " the sought," is sokida (see . 135.), thus fully the same as sdkida, " I sought;" and salbdda, the theme of scdbdths, " the anointed," is in
* It is preserved only in missa-dgths, " misdeed," but is etymologically identical with our that, Old High German tat, Old Saxon dad. t Compare my Vocalismus, pp. 51, &c. 3 i 2
844
VERBS.
form identical with salboda, " I anointed.11 This circumstance, too, was likely to mislead, that participles in da (nominative ths) occur only in verbs which form their preterites in da, while in strong verbs the passive participle terminates in na (nominative ns), and, e.g. bug-a-ns, " bent" (theme bug-a-na), corresponds to the Sanscrit bhug-na-s. In Sanscrit, however, passive participles in na are comparatively rare, and the vast majority of verbs form them by the suffix ta, on which the Latin tu-s, Greek TO? (irAe/cro?, notrjTog,) Litth. ta-s (suk-ta-s, " turned ") are based. This suffix has, however, nothing in common with the verb thun, " to do," under discussion; and therefore, also, the Gothic suffix da of SOK-I-DA, sdkiths, can have nothing to do with the da of sdkida, " I sought," when elsewhere this da signifies " I did," just as dedum in sdkidedum means " we did," and de-ths, " the deed." 621. The just mentioned de-ths,^ to which the Old Saxon dad and Old High German tai correspond, is, in the theme, dedi, the i of which is suppressed in the nominative (see . 135.): the genitive is dedai-s, the accusative plural dedi-ns. The final syllable of the base dt'dl corresponds to the Sanscrit suffix //', which forms abstract substantives, and, in the Gothic, occurs under the form of ti, Ihi, or dl, according to the measure of the letter preceding
* Compare tyak-tn-s, "forsaken," kri-ta-s, "made," bri-ta-s, "borne." I remark, en p/ixxnnt, that the Latin la-tiis might become connected with britas, from bltarttis, in the same way as lutus, " broad," with prithu-s, n-AaTus: thus, the labial being lost, r being exchanged with /, and al transposed to la=nt, as, in the Greek, eSpaKov for eoapiror. t I write the non-occurring nominative ihtlix, not tlcds, since // after vowels, before a final *, and at the end of words, generally becomes th; hence, also, xd/athx, " sought," from the base soku/a, and manimscths, " world," literally " human-seed," from the base xc'-'li and the root so, " to HOW" (xiiia, xalxo, see . 017). Sali has the same relation to x,l, in regard to its radical vowel, that trim, " I touch," lias to the preterite tuitok.
845
it (see . 91.). There remains, therefore, de, in Old Saxon dd, in Old High German td, as the root, and this regularly corresponds to the Sanscrit Zend vr dhd JM^ da, " to set," " to make" (see p. 112); from which might be expected an abstract substantive vrfir^ dhd-ti-s, MijvoM^ dd-ti-s, which would answer to the Greek decrts (from dens). It is a question, then, whether, in the Gothic dedum of sokidedum, the first syllable is fully identical with that of DE-DI, " the deed"? I think it is not; and consider dedum, and the conjunctive dedyau, plural dedeima, as reduplicated forms ; so that thus the second syllable of didum, dedyau, would be to be compared with the first of DEDI, " deed." The de of dedum, " we did," de-dyau, " I would do," considered as the syllable of reduplication, is distinguished from the common reduplicated preterites like vai-vo-um, " we blew," sai-so-um, " we sowed," taitdleum, " we touched," by its e for at. It may be, then, that this e, which has proceeded from ai, is the contraction of a + i to a mixed sound, according to the Sanscrit principle (see . 2.); or that, according to an older principle of reduplication, the 6 of de-dam, just like that of DEDI, represents the original long d of the Sanscrit root dhd (see . 69.), which is retained unchanged in the Old High German tat, and Old Saxon dad. In the last syllable of de-dum, de-dyau, we miss the radical vowel: according to the analogy of vaivo-um, sai-so-um, we should expect dM6-um. The abbreviation may be a consequence of the incumbrance owing to composition with the principal verb : however, it occurs in Sanscrit even in the simple word ; since, in the reduplicated preterite, da-dh-i-ma, " we did set," da-dh-us, " they did set," are correctly said for da-dhd-i-ma, dadhd-us. Even in the present, the root dhd, which, as a verb of the third class, has reduplication in the special tenses also, with dd, class 3, " to give," irregularly reject the radical vowel before the heavy terminations of the dual and
846
VERBS.
plural; thus, dadh-mas for dadhd-mas; just so, in the whole potential mood, where dadh-yam (for dadhd-ydm), jwnam, answers remarkably to the Gothic ded-yau (from sokidM-yau), " I would do," for dedo-yau. 622. The singular of sokidMum, sdkidMuth, sokidHdun, is sokida, sdkides, sokida, with the loss of the syllable of Yet des is perhaps an abbreviation of dest, i -eduplication. as, in the preterite, t, answering to the Sanscrit vj tha, is properly the character of the second person (see . 453.), before which a radical T sound passes, according to . 102., into s; as, bais-t, bans-t, for bait-t, band-t. So, also, des might have proceeded from dSs-t, and this from ded-t. In the simple state, the auxiliary verb under discussion is wanting in Gothic; at least, it does not occur in Ulfilas ; but in Old Saxon, dd-m, do-s, dd-t (or do-d), correspond admirably to the Sanscrit dadhd-mi, dadhd-si, dadhd-ti, with 6 for a, according to the Gothic principle (see . 69.), and with the suppression of the syllable of reduplication, which, as has been already remarked, the Sanscrit verb, according to the principle of the third class, exhibits, like the Greek rldrjfxt, in the present also. The preterite in Old Saxon, as in all the other German dialects, has preserved the reduplication, and is, deda, dedu-s, d'e'da, plural di'-dun, also dndun* properly the third person, which, in the Old Saxon preterite, as in the Gothic passive (. 466.), represents both the first and second person. In this ded-u-n or diid-u-n, therefore, the radical vowel, as in the Gothic sokhtedun (for tsokidvd<i-v-ii), is dropped before the conjunctive vowel. The e of deda, &c, has arisen from /', which has been actually retained in Anglo-Saxon. Here the preterite under discussion has dide, didest, dide, plural didun, in the three persons. These forms, therefore, in ivspect to their reduplication syllable, answer to the pre* See- Sdnnellci-'si Glossurium Saxonicuni, p. 2;".
847
terites with concealed reduplication, as Old High German hi-alt for hihalt (see . 592.). The Old Saxon dddun, which occurs in the plural, together with dedun, as also in the second person singular dddi is found together with dedd-s (see Schmeller's Gloss.), is unorganic, and follows the analogy of Grimm's tenth and eleventh conjugations ; i.e. it is produced in the feeling, as if dad was the root and first and third person in the singular preterite, and the present didu. Thus, also, in the conjunctive* with d'e'di exists the form dddi. In Old High German, also, the forms which have a long A in the conjugations named, employ this letter in the auxiliary verb under discussion, and, indeed, without a dissentient authority,* without, however, in a single one, the first and third person singular being tat, as might have been expected from the second person tdti (like sdzi answering to saz, see the second table in . 605.). I annex the preterite in full, according to Grimm; teta, tdti, teta; tdtumes, tdtut, tdtun; conjunctive tdti, tdtis, tdti; tdtimes, tdtit, tdtin. The present is tuo-m, tuo-s, tuo-t, tuo-mes, tuo-t, tuo-nt ; which, in its way, answers to the Sanscrit da-dhdmi, just as well as the Old Saxon d6-m, &c.; as uo, in Old High German, is the most common representative of the Gothic and Old Saxon 6, and therefore of the Sanscrit d ; as, in fuor, answering to the Gothic for and Sanscrit char, from chachdra, " I went," "he went." The Middle High German is, in the present,
tuon, tuo-st, tuo-t; tuo-n, tuo-t, tuon-t: in the preterite, fete, tate, fete * plural tdten, tdtet, tdten: conjunctive taste, &c.
Our German that, tha'te, follows exactly the analogy of forms like trat, tr'dte, las, Idse (Grimm's tenth conjugation), and would lead us to expect a present thete from thite ; the
* See Graff, V. 287, where, however, remark that very few authorities distinguish graphically the long a from the short. t Also tU and tete, the latter unorganic, and as if the first e had not heen produced from i, but, through umlaut, from a. See Grimm, I. p. OG^.
848
VERBS.
recollection of a reduplication which is contained in that is completely destoyed, but just as much so the possibility of connection with the weak preterites like suchte, to which recourse must be had, if we wish to reject the opinion first given by Grimm (I. p. 1042), but not firmly held by him, that the Old Saxon deda, Anglo-Saxon dide, Old High German teta, Middle High German fete, rest on reduplication.* The passive participle gi-td-ner, ge-tha-ner, answers to the Sanscrit like mld-na, " withered," from rnldi (mid), or dd-na, " gift" (properly " that given"), from da, of which the common participle is datta (from daddta), the reduplication being irregularly retained. The Sanscrit tenth class agrees with the German weak conjugation (the prototype of which it is) in this point, that it never forms its passive participles in no, but always in ta ; on which is based the Gothic da of SO KID A, nominative masculine sukiths, " sought." 623. To return to the Gothic sdkida, "I sought," "made to seek," after acknowledging in the ya of sdkya, " I seek," the character of the Sanscrit tenth class ^HT nya, and in soki-da, " I make to seek,1' a copy of the Sanscrit clwraydn-chakdra (or chukura), " I made to steal," we now consider the i of so kid a as the contraction of the syllable ya, in which we agree with Grimm. The i of sdklda, therefore, represents the Sanscrit aydm of chdraydm-chah'ira (j^ n euphonic for m), " I made to steal"; or, in order to select kindred verbs, the I of tlie Gothic sati of sati-da, " I made to place," corresponds to
* The substantive <l,'-ths (tlieme tlc-di), td-t, cannot stand in our way, since its formation has nought to do with tho.reduplication, nor with the weak conjugation; but here tic, td, is the root, and tit, ti, the derivationsuffix mentioned in . 91. Nor can tho participle tfi-ta-ncr, ki-td-ner, getlm-iicr, induce us to look lor passive participles in the weak conjugations
liku i/i-stilliv-ti'iufr instead of tji-salliutcr, i/c-xnlhtcr, because we make this
participle independent of the auxiliary" verb tlinn (compare Yocalismus, p. 77).
849
the Sanscrit aydm (or rather, only its y) of sddaydn-chakdra, " I made to sit"; the Gothic thani, of thani-da, " I extended," corresponds to the Sanscrit tdnaydm of tdnaydn-chakdra, " I made to make extend"; the Gothic vasi, of vasi-da, " I made to clothe," corresponds to the Sanscrit vdsaydm of vdsaydnchakdra, " I made to cause to be clothed" (vdsaydmi, " I cause to clothe," as causal of vas, "to clothe"). It might be conjectured that the first member of the Gothic compounds under discussion originally, in like manner, carried an accusative-termination, just as in idea it is an accusative. As, that is to say, in the present state of the language, Gothic substantives have entirely lost the accusative sign, it would not surprise us to find it wanting in these compositions also. At an earlier period of the language, satin-da, thanin-da, casin-da, may have corresponded to the Sanscrit sddaydm-, tdnaydm-, vdsay, im-, the m of which before the ch of the auxiliary verb must become >^n. The selection of another auxiliary verb in German, but which has the same meaning, cannot surprise us, as the Sanscrit also, occasionally, as has been already shewn, employs another verb for the idea of doing" (see p. 842), or sets in its place the verb substantive as or bhu. 624. Grimm's second conjugation of the weak form, of which salbo is given as example, has, as has already been observed, cast out, like the Latin first conjugation, the semivowel which holds the middle place in the Sanscrit aya of the tenth class, and the two short a then coalesce, in Gothic, into i) a + a, as, in Latin, into a. Hence, in the preterite, Gothic forms like salbd-da, " I made to anoint," correspond to the Sanscrit like choraydn-chakdra, " I made to steal"; as la'ujo, from laiyd-da, " I made to lick," answers to the Sanscrit lehaydm ( laihaydm) from lehaydn-chakdra, " I made to cause to lick." It must not be forgotten that the Sanscrit tenth class is at the same time the form of causal verbs, which admit of being formed from all roots; hence, also, in
850
VERBS.
Grimm's third class of the weak conjugation (which has preserved the two first syllables of the Gothic aya in the form of ai, in accordance with the Latin & of the second conjugation, and the analogous Prakrit forms*), the Gothic preterites munai-da, " I thought," banai-da, " I built," ga-jukai-da, " I subjected to the yoke," correspond to the Sanscrit causal preterites mdnaydn-chakdra, "I caused to make to think," buvaydn-chakdra, " I caused to make to be," " I produced, created." t 625. In Sanscrit, besides the tenth class and derivative verbs, there are verbs which paraphrase the reduplicate preterite by forming directly from the root an abstract substantive in a, and combining with its accusative one of the abovementioned auxiliary verbs. All roots, for instance, do this, which begin with vowels which are long either naturally or by position, with the exception of an a long by position and the root dp, "to reach"; as isdn-chakdra, "I made to rule," from is, " to rule." Compare with this the Gothic brah-ta, " I brought," answering to the strong present brigga (bringd). Moreover, the paraphrased preterites, to which, instead of the present, a simple preterite with present meaning corresponds (see . 616), and which, in the preterite, just like brah-ta, combine the auxiliary verb thun direct with the root, in which junction its T sound is governed by the final consonants of the principal verb ; and in Gothic appears at one time as t, at another as th, at another as d (compare . 91.), and after the t of 1 IT, "to know," as s (see . 102.): hence, mns-ia, "I must," preterite {mot, "I must," present); iiiimIha, " I meant" (man, "I mean"); ukul-da, " I should" (skul, "I should," present); vis-sa for vis-ta."l knew" (init, " I
* Sec p. 110. I The Gothic verb, also, is, according to its meaning, a causal from a " lo.st primitive, which, in Old High German, in the first person present, is him, sec . 5Id.
851
know," see . 491). A few weak verbs, also, with the derivation ya, suppress its representative i, and annex the auxiliary verb direct to the root. They are, in Gothic, but four, viz. thah-ta, " I thought" (present, thagkya); bauh-ta, "I bought" (with au for u, according to . 82., present bugya); vawh-ta, " I made" (present vaurkya); thuh-ta, "it appeared" (thugk, "it appears"). The Old High German, however, usually suppresses the derivative i after a long radical syllable, and with the cause disappears also the effect, viz. the umlaut produced by the i (see . 73.), in as far as the original vowel is ana: hence,nan-ta,* "Inamed"; wan-taA "Iturned"; Ur-ta, " I taught;" answering to the Gothic nanmi-da, vandi-da, laisi-da. These, and similar verbs, have also, in the present and the forms depending on it, lost the y or i of the derivation ya,\ but have preserved the umlaut, whence it is clear, that the y or i must have here adhered much longer than in the preterite (nennu, wendu, Uru). 626. The passive participle in Gothic, with respect to the suppression or retention of the derivative i, and with regard to the euphonic change of the final consonant of the root, always keeps equal pace with the preterite active: hence may be inferred from the Gothic dh-ta, " I feared," a participial base of similar sound, oh-tu, " feared," nominative ohts, though this participle cannot be cited as occurring. Toge* For nann-ta, see . 102. t For wand-ta, see . 102. I consider this verb as identical with the Sanscrit vart (vrit), "to go," "to be" (with the preposition n, "to return"), and the Latin verto, with exchange of the liquids r and n. This does not prevent our werden being referred to the root vart, as it often happens that a root separates into different forms with distinct meanings. I As the Old High German does not distinguish the y from < it cannot ' be known whether the neriu, neriamcs, which corresponds to the Gothic nasya, " I save," nasyam, " we save," should be pronounced neryu, neryames or neriii, neriamcs, though at the oldest period y would certainly have been used.
852
VERBS.
ther with vaurh-la, " I made," from vaurkya, exists a participle vaurhts, "the made" (theme vaurhta), Mark xiv. 58.; and with fra-bauh-ta, " I sold," from frabugya, is found fra-bauhts, " the sold," John xii. 5. From such euphonic coincidences, however, we cannot deduce an historical descent of the passive participle from the preterite active, or vice versa; just as little as it could be said, that, in Latin, the participles in tus and turns, and the nouns of agency in tor, really proceed from the supine, because from doctum, munitum, may be inferred
doctus, monitus, docturus, mrmiturus, doctor, monitor. It is na-
tural that suffixes which begin with one and the same syllable, even if they have nothing in common in their origin, should still, in external analogy, approach one another, and combine similarly with the root. In German, indeed, the auxiliary verb thun, and the suffix of the passive participle, if we recur to their origin, have different initial sounds, as the former rests on the Sanscrit \(] dhd, the latter on the suffix but inasmuch as the latter, in Gothic, instead of becoming tha, according to the law for the changing of sounds, has, with the preceding derivative vowel, assumed the form da, it is placed on the same footing with the auxiliary verb, which* regularly commences with d, and is consequently subject to the same fate. The same is the case with the suffix of abstract substantives, which is, in Sanscrit, ti, but in Gothic, after vowels, di, and after consonants, according to their nature, either ti, thi, or di; and thus may also, from the preterite mah-ta, " I could," be deduced a substantive mah-ts (theme mah-ti), " might," without the latter proceeding from the former. 627. We must therefore reject the opinion, that, in Gothic, sdkhla, " I sought," and su'kilhs (theme sukiduX " the sought," sdk'nhi (theme sokidii), " the sought" (fern.) stand
* The iSaii.scrit <lh ieails us to expect, the Greek 6 and Gothic </.
853
to one another in the relation of descent; and I still persist in my assertion, already made in my System of Conjugation, and in my Review of Grimm's German Grammar (Vocalismus, p. 72), that in Persian, preterites like bur-dem, " I bore," bes-tem, " I bound," purs-i-dem, " I asked," are derived from their corresponding participles, which have both an active and a passive signification. While, in Sanscrit, bri-ta (nominative masculine britas) has merely a passive meaning, and only verbs neuter use the forms in ta with an active signification, in Persian, bur-deh means both borne and, actively, having borne ; and the perfect is expressed in Persian by using the verb substantive with the participle just mentioned; thus hurdeh em, " I have borne," or, literally, " I am having borne." I consider, however, the aorist burdem as a contraction of burdeh em, which need not surprise us, as the Persian very generally combines its verb substantive with both substantives and adjectives; e.g. merdem, " I am a man," buzurgem, " I am great." In the third person singular herd, or berdeh stands without the addition of the auxiliary verb, as, in Sanscrit,
bartd " laturus " is used in -'the sense of laturus, a, um, est;
while the first and second persons' of the three numbers combine the singular nominative masculine with the verb substantive, bhartdsmi, " I shall carry," &c. If we choose to recognise the verb substantive in the Persian aorist burdem, because in the present, with the exception of the third person est, it is so much compressed that it is nowise distinguished from the terminations of other verbs,t we must conclude that the simple annexation of the personal terminations to the participle, which is robbed of its end-
* Comp. gata-s, "qiri ivit"; so bhuta-s, " the having been" (masculine). t Compare em, " I am," 7, " thou art," im, " we are," id, " ye are," end, "they are," with berem ( " I bear"), bert, Iienm, In-rid, berend. To cud corresponds the Doric evrl for aevn; to em the English am ( = ) .
854
VERBS.
ing eh forms the tense under discussion. This, however, is not my opinion; and it seems to me far more natural to explain burd'-em as literally meaning " having borne am I," than to raise burd to the rank of a secondary verbal root, and, as such, to invest it with the personal terminations, as they appear in the present. 628. The Sclavonic languages, with the exception of the Old Sclavonic and Servian (see .561. &c), present, in the formation or paraphrasing of the preterite, a remarkable coincidence with the Persian. The participle, which, in Persian, terminates in deh or teh, and in Sanscrit, in the masculine and neuter theme, in ta, in the feminine in ta, ends, in Old Sclavonic, in the masculine-neuter base in lo, in the feminine in la ; and [ consider the I of this participial suffix as a weakening of d; as, in Latin, lacryma, levir, from dacryma, devir (see . 11.), and, in Lithuanian, Uka, " ten," at the end of compounds, for dika (see .310. Rem.). And I am hence of opinion, that, both with reference to their root and their formation, byl, byln, bylo, "the having been" (masculine, feminine, and neuter), may be compared with the Sanscrit words of the same import, buta-s, buta, bitta-m, and Persian bildeh. In Polish, byt means "he was," byta, "she was," byto, "it was," hyft, byty, " they were,"* without the addition of an auxiliary verb, or a personal termination: and as in general the forms in /, la, In, li, ly, do not occur at all as proper participles, but only represent the preterite indicative, they have assumed the complete character of personal terminations.t They resemble, therefore, only with the advantage of the distinction of gender like nouns, the Latin amamini, nmabimini, in which words the
* The masculine form bt/li belongs only to the masculine persons : to all the other substantives of the three genders belongs the feminine from t And no notice is taken in Grammars, that, according to the gender alluded to, they arc the nominatives of a former participle.
855
language is no longer conscious that they are masculine plural nominatives, see . 478. Still more do the above Polish forms resemble the persons of the Sanscrit participial future, which uses for all genders the masculine nominatives of the three numbers of a participle corresponding to the Latin in turus; so that bhavitd, "futurus," stands instead of futurus, a, nm, est, and bhavitdras, "fuhiri,"''' instead offuturi, ce, a, sunt. But byl, " he was," corresponds most exactly to the Persian word of the same meaning, bud or budeh, " the having been," in the sense of " he was." In the first person singular masculine, bytem (by-tem) answers admirably to the Persian budem, which I render in Sanscrit by bhutd 'smi (euphonic for bhutas asmi) i.e. "the man having been am I." In the feminine and neuter, the Polish bytam (byta-ni) corresponds to the Sanscrit bhuta 'smi, " the woman having been am I," and in the neuter, bytom (byto-m) to the Sanscrit bhikam asmi, " the thing having been am I." In the second person, in the three genders, the Polish bytes (bytes) corresponds to the Sanscrit masculine bhutd- 'si (for bhutas asi); bytas (byta-s) to the Sanscrit feminine bhutd 'si; bytos (byto-s) to the Sanscrit neuter bhutam asi. In the plural, the masculine byti-smy, and feminine byty-smy, correspond to the Sanscrit feminine and masculine bhutas smas; and so, in the second person, bytyscie, bytyscie,' to the Sanscrit bhutas stha. " Remark 1.I have no doubt that the syllable em of the Polish byt-em, and the simple m of the feminine byta-m and neuter byto-m belong to the verb substantive, which, therefore, in byta-m, byto-m, and so in the feminine and neuter second person byta-sh, byto-sh, has left merely its
* See p. 854, Remark *. t The Polish c is like our , and has the same etymological value as t; for instance, in the second person plural' the termination tie corresponds to the Old Sclavonic TE te; and, in the infinitive, the termination c to the Old Sclavonic T H ti.
856
VERBS
personal termination, just as in our contractions, im, zum, am, be'im, from in, dem, &c, the article is represented only by its case termination. In the first and second person plural, however, the radical consonant has remained ; so that smy, kie, are but little different from the Sanscrit smas, stha, and Latin sumus (for SWIMS). But if smy, scie, be compared with the form exhibited by the Polish verb substantive in its isolated state, some scruple might, perhaps, arise in assenting to the opinion, that byt-em, ' I (a man) was,1 bytismy, ' we (men) were,1 or the present of the verb substantive is contained in czytat-em, ' I read, czytatismy, ' we read '; for ' I am 1 is yestem, and ' we are,1 yesfpsmy. It would, in fact, be a violent mutilation, if we assumed that byt-em, byti-smy, have proceeded from bylyestem, bytl-yeste.smy. I do not, however, believe this to be the case, but maintain that yestem, ' I am,1 yestesmy, ' we are,1 yestes; ' thou art,1 and yesteUie, ' ye are,1 have been developed from the third person singular yesf. For this yest answers to the language nearest akin to our own, the Old Sclavonic yesty, Russian esty, Bohemian gest (rj = y), Karniolan ye (where the st has been lost), as, to the old sister languages, the Sanscrit asti, Greek ecrri, Lithuanian e.s^', and Latin est. But yestem, yestesmy, Sze.. do
not admit of an organic comparison with the corresponding forms of the languages more or less nearly connected. On the other hand, the last portion of yestesmy, ' we are," answers exactly to the Russian esmt/; and it must be assumed, that the concluding part of i/est-em, ' I am,1 has lost an s before the m, just as the m of byt-em, ' the having been am I.1 It cannot be surprising that the superfluous yrst is not conjointly introduced in the compound with the participle. At the period of the origin of this periphrastic preterite it did not, perhaps, exist in the
* llryuNliiiL; the initial //, see . 2.V>. )(.
857
isolated present, or the language may still have been conscious of the meaning of the yest of yest-em, and that the whole properly expressed, ' it is I,1 ' cest moi.'' Thus, in Irish-Gaelic, is me properly means ' I am'according to O'Reilly, ' i t is I1and ba me or budh me is literally ' i t was I ' (budh, 'he was,1 = Sanscrit abhut, see .573., ba, 'he was ' = ahkavat, . 522); and in the future, in my opinion, the character of the third person regularly enters into the first person, and, in the verb substantive, may also grow up with the theme in such a manner that the terminations of the other persons may attach themselves to it.* Moreover, the Irish fitili in, ' I am,1 fullir, ' thou art, full, 'he is,' fuilmid ' we are,1 &c, deserve especial remark. Here, in my opinion, the third person has again become a theme for the others ; but the I offuil, 'he is,1 appears to me to be a weakening of an original d, like the Polish byt, ' he was': the difference of the two forms is, however, that the I of the Irish form is a personal termination, and that of the Polish a participial suffix ; and therefore byl-em signifies, not ' it was I,1 asfuilim, ' it is I,1 but clearly ' the person having been am I.1 But from the procedure of the Irish language this objection arises, that the Persian bud, ' he was,1 just like the previously mentioned Irish budh, might be identified with the Sanscrit aorist abhut; and it might be assumed that this third person has been raised into a theme for the rest, and has thus produced budem, ' I was,1 budi, ' thou wast,1 &c, like the Irish fuilim, ' I am,1 fuilir, ' thou art.1 But this view of the matter is opposed by the circumstance, that together with bud exists also the full participial form budeh, which serves, in some degree, as a guide to the understanding of the former form. If
* Biad or beid, " I shall be," biadhalr or bcidhir, " thou wilt be," beidlt, "he will be"; beim or beidh-mur or beidh-mid or biorth-maoid, " wo shall be." See my Treatise " On the Celtic Languages," pp. 44, 46. 3K
858
VERBS.
it were wished to regard the d of burd, ' he bore,1 as the sign of the person, the whole would be to be referred to the Sanscrit imperfect abharat. But in very many cases objections arise to the referring of the Persian aorist to the Sanscrit imperfect, or first augmented preterite, since the latter has always a common theme with the present, while the Persian lamed, ' he makes,1 which is based on the Veda krindti (from karnoti, with loss of the r), does not answer to the theme of herd, ' he made.1 On the other hand, this herd, like the participle kerdah, admits very easily of being compared with krita-s (from karta-s), ' made.1 Just so bast, bastah, ' he bound,1 bastah, ' bound,1 and ' having bound,1 does not answer to the present bandad, ' he binds,1 but to the Zend passive participle basta, ' bound'; for which, in Sanscrit, stands baddha, euphonic for badh-ta, the dh of which, in Zend and Persian, has become s (see . 102.)." " Rem. 2.In Persian exists, together with em, ' I am,1 a verb hastem of the same signification, which exhibits a surprising resemblance to the Polish yestem, as the third person CwA hast does to the Polish yest. If it were wished to assume that the third person "< Iiast is akin to CL*+*\ ast, and has arisen from it by prefixing an h, as the y of the Polish yest and Old Sclavonic yesty, is only an unorganic addition (see . 255. .), I should then derive the Persian hastem, hasti, &c, also, just as the Polish yestem* yestes, from the third person. With regard to the prefixed h, we may consider as another instance the term used for the number ' Eight,' hasht, contrasted with the forms beginning with a vowel in the kindred languages. It appears to me, however, better to compare liasltnn with the Zend histdmi, ' I stand1 (from sisldmi); as, so early as the Sanscrit, the root of ' to stand n frequently supplies the place of the verb substantive, as also in the Roman dialect it aids in completing the conjugation of the old verb. Compare, therefore,
REEK. ZEND. PERSIAN
859
1'aTafj.i,*
ford 9,
"(TTOLTl,
histami, hisfahi, histaiti, histdmahi, hislatha, hinii'nti,
haslam. hasti, hast. Iiasfim. hastid. hastand.
lora/uer, "(rrare,
tCTTaVTl,
Observe, that the third person singular hast is devoid of the personal sign ; otherwise we should have in its place hastad, according to the analogy of barad, ' he bears," pursad, ' he asks,' dihad, ' he gives.'T and others.1 With respect to the suppression of the personal terminations, the form hast resembles our wird, halt, for wirded, hdltet. Pott's opinionwho, in the derivation of the forms under discussion, has likewise referred to the root of ' to stand' (Etym. Forsch. I. 274.), but prefers recognising in the t Of the Polish yestem, as of the Persian hastam, the t of the passive participleis opposed by the consideration, that neither in Sanscrit has the root as, nor in any other cognate language has the kindred root, produced or contained the participle mentioned. There is, in Sanscrit, no participle asta-s, but for it bhuta-s ; in Persian no astah, but budeh; in Sclavonic no yesl, but byl; in Lithuanian no esta-s, in Latin no estus, in Gothic no ists. Hence there is every reason for assuming, that if there ever existed a participle of the
* Sanscrit tishthami, see . 508. t The h of diham, " I give," appears to me a remnant of the Zend aspirated dh of dadhami (>. 39.) ; and as I have already traced back elsewhere the h oinihaden, "to place" (present niham), to the Sanscrit dh of dha, and recognised in the syllable ni, an obscured preposition (the Sanscrit ni, " down," Wiener Jahrb. 1828, B. 42. p. 258). The form diham resembles the Old Sclavonic damy for da-dmy (. 4360 and our preterites like hiefs, hielt (. 592.) herein, that the reduplicate syllable has gained the semblance of the principal syllable. 3 K 2
860
VERBS.
other roots of ' to be,1 analogous to *?K bhuta, ' been/ it must have been lost at so early a period, that it could not have rendered any service to the Polish and Persian in the formation of a preterite and present of the indicative." 629. The Bohemian, in its preterites, places the present of the auxiliary verb after the past participle, and separated from i t ; the Carniolan prefixes i t ; and the Russian leaves it entirely out, and distinguishes the persons by the pronouns, which are placed before the participle. "I was," in Bohemian, is, according to the difference of genders, byl sent, byla sem, bylo sem ; in Carniolan, sim bil, sim bila, sim bilo; in Russian, ya byl, ya byla, ya bylo. But the present of the Carniolan verb substantive is very remarkable, on account of the almost perfect identity of the three persons of the dual, and of the two first of the plural, with the Sanscrit; where, according to a general law of sound, the forms svas, " we two are," stas, " ye two are," reject their final s before vowels (short a excepted), and hereby coincide entirely with the Carniolan, in which sva signifies " we two are," sta, " they two are." In Sanscrit, sva iha means " we two are here, sta iha, " they two are here." In the plural, the Carniolan smo answers to the Sanscrit *ir*r sinus (before vowels smo), ste to î stha, so to *tff(f sanli. It is, however, to be observed, that the two languages have, independently of each other, lost the initial vowel, which belongs to the root, which has remained in the Old Sclavonic with the prefix of a y, excepting in the third person plural (see . 4S0.). 630. If our auxiliary verb Ihui} is contrasted, as above (. 621.), with the Sanscrit root dha, " to place,1" " make,'1 then preterites like the Gothic sul.-uhi and our suchte appear, in respect to their composition, like cognate forms to the Greek passive and aorists and futures ; as, eTv<p-8r)v, in which I recognise the aorist and the future
FORMATION OF TENSES. middle of ridrj/ju = Sanscrit dadhdmi.*
861
The concluding por-
tion of TV(j>-dco, Tvty-deitjv, rv(f>-6rj(jo[jiai, is completely identical
with the simple 6u>, deirjv, dijo-ofuxt, in conjugation; and ervcp6rjv is distinguished from edrjv by this only, and, in fact, advantageously, that it gives the heavier personal terminations of the dual and plural no power of shortening the vowel of the root, which the Sanscrit ^TUT^ adham = edrjv, in its simple state, does not; since, in this language, adhd-ma answers to the Greek edepev for edrjfjtev, as the Greek ea-njv, also, does not admit of the length of its root being shortened in the dual or plural. Thus the imperative Tv(p-dr)Ti, also, is distinguished from 6e$ by preserving the length of the root, as also by its more full personal termination. From the future Tv<p-dr'j<Toixai should an aorist eTV(p8rjfj.r]v be looked for ? or, vice versa, should we suppose that the future would be contented with active terminations, as well as the aorist? Perhaps originally eriKpdrjv and Tv<j>-drj<Tu> simultaneously existed, and thus also erv<j>-drj-jj.r]v (or eTvtpdefxrjv) and-Tu<6t]uofj.ai, as periphrastic active and passive tenses. In the present state of the language, however, the aorist has lost the passive form, and the future the active; and when the syllable Qr\ was no longer recognised as an auxiliary verb, it received the meaning of a passive character; just as our language no longer perceives an auxiliary verb in the te of suchte, but only an expression for the past; or as we have ceased to recognise in the ie of hevte the word tacj, and in lieu (Old High German hiu) a demonstrative, but regard the whole as a simple adverb formed to express the present day. 631. As to the form of the Greek second aorist and future passive, I consider eTvmjv and rvirrjcronat as abbreviations of eTv<pdr]v, Tvcpdr/tTofxai. The loss of the 6 resembles, therefore, that of the cr in the active aorists of verbs with liquids
* Compare Jahrb. for Lit. Crit. 1827, Feb., pp. 285, &c.; Vocalismus, pp. 53, &c.; and Pott's Etym. Forsch. 1.187.
862
VERBS.
(. 547.): it need not, however, surprise us, that, as the (f> of ervfydrjv, from regard to the 6 following, assumes the place of the radical ir, after this 8 is dropped the original sound again makes its appearance, and therefore erv(pdr;v, Tvcprjaofxau, are not used. The case is similar to that of our vowel Ruck-umlaut, (restored derivative sound), since we use the form Icraft as corresponding to the Middle High German genitive and dative krrfte, because, after the dissolution of the vowel which had generated the umluut, the original vowel also recurs, while we, in the plural, say krrifte, like the Middle High German krefte. Various objections oppose the opinion that the verb substantive is contained in hrrv-nr\v, much as the appended auxiliary verb agrees in its conjugation with that of rjv. But the double expression of past time in krintrjv, once in the principal verb and once in the auxiliary, if the verb substantive be contained in it, cannot fail of surprising us ; while the Sanscrit, in combining its dsam, " I was," with attributive verbs, withdraws the augment, and, with it, also the radical vowel a of the auxiliary verb (. 542.). Still more objectionable must appear the augment in the future rvTrrjaofxai, and in the imperative TVTirjdt. Why not rvneuofxai, Tinriadi, or, perhaps, the cr being dislodged, TVIUQI, and, in the third person, rv-necmo or Tvireru) ? The termination e<? in the participle TUTTEIS has no hold whatever in the conjugation of the verb substantive. 632. The Latin vendo, if we do not refer the auxiliarv verb contained in it to do = lco/j.i, ^rfa daddmi, but to TIQY\[XI, ^trrfa dadhdmi, must be regarded as a cognate form to the German formations like sukida, sokideditm, " I sought," " we sought," and the Greek like erv<pQrjv, rv^driaofxat. The Sanscrit da, "to give," and dim, " to place," are distinguished only by the aspiration of the latter; and in Zend these verbs are scarce to be distinguished at all from one another, because d, according to . 39., in the inner sound frequently becomes dh, but dh even lays aside the aspiration in the initial sound. In Latin, also, ^t do and V dint might easily be combined in T
863
one form, since that language generally presents its d as answering to the Sanscrit dh and Greek 6, especially in the inner sound, as b to the Sanscrit bh.* But the circumstance that the root vr dhd, 11, in Latin, has not remained in its simple form, does not prevent us from recognising it in the compounds credo, perdo, abdo, condo, and vendo, just as in pes-
sundo, pessumdoA The form venundo answers, in respect to the accusative form of the primary word, to Sanscrit compounds like is'an-chaJmra (. 619. 625.). 633. In order to trace out in its full extent the influence that the Sanscrit root dhd has obtained in the European cognate languages in the formation of grammatical forms, I must further remark, that I believe I may here refer also the last portion of the future and imperative of the Sclavonic verb substantive. In Old Sclavonic budu means " I will be," literally, as it appears to me, " I make to be." The first portion of this compound answers very well to the Sanscrit root bhu, and is identical with the Zend j>_j bu- As, however, the Sclavonic u usually answers to the Sanscrit diphthong ^Pt 6 ( = a + u, see .255./.), so must we in the Sclavonic bu recognise the Sanscrit Guna form bhS. And ^bhu itself receives Guna in the future, and exhibits here, in combination with the other root of " to be," the form bhav-i-shy&mi, of
* . 18., and compare medium with the Sanscrit madhya-m, meditari with medhas, '' understanding," fido with veidw. t A. W. von Schlegel has been the first to recognise in Latin the Sanscrit srat, "belief," and has found in credo a similar compound to that of the Sanscrit srad-dadhami, which signifies the same (literally " I place faith"), without, however, identifying the Latin expression also, in regard to its concluding portion, with the Sanscrit comp. (Bhagavad-Gita, p. 108). Credo might certainly also mean " I give faith," but it is more natural to place this verb both in its second and in its first portion on the same footing with its Indian prototype, as I have already done in the Vienna Jahrbuch (1828, B. 42, p. 250), where I have also compared the do of abdo and condo with the Sanscrit root dhd.
864
VERBS.
which we shall treat hereafter. The second portion of the Old Sclavonic ESA* hu-du (from bu-do-m, see . 255. rj.) corresponds in its conjugation exactly to the present veu;* thus second person bu-deshi, third, budety; only the e and o of BEÊUIH veg-e-shi, BEÊTb ve(-e-ty, BEÔM ve-om, &c, is the class vowel, or vowel of conjunction, while that of de-shi, de-ty, do-m, is the abbreviation of the a of the Sanscrit root dhd; for e and o are the usual representatives, in Old Sclavonic, of the Sanscrit short a (see . 255. a.). We must here direct attention to the Sanscrit root sthri, the of which is irregularly shortened as though it were the conjunctive vowel of the first class (. 508.). Hence, also, in the imperative the Old Sclavonic ' ye of BA*M bu-dye-m, " we should be" ("should make to be"), BSA*TE bu-dye-te, "be ye," to the Sanscrit t: of tishthe-ma, ' we may stand," tishthr-ta, " ye may stand" (. 255. e.). 634. There is, in Old Sclavonic and Russian, also a verb which occurs in an isolated state, which signifies "to do," " to make," and which is distinguished from that which is contained in bu-du only by the circumstance that it exhibits A* dye instead of AE de as root, which does not prevent me from declaring it to be originally identical with it. Its present is A'bio dyeyu,^ and it is rightly compared by Kopitar with our thwi and the English do. From it comes the neuter substantive dyelo, " deed," as thing done, which, in its formation, answers to the participles mentioned above (. 628.), and has, in advantageous contrast with them, preserved the original passive meaning, while they have erroneously been assigned to the active voice.
* l-icc . 5117. where, however, in the first person plural, we should read rc{-o-m instead of ne-o-nif. t Analogous with xi/r-yii, " I sow"; as, in (Jothic, di'-tlis, "deed," and sr'-l/ix, "seed," rest on a like formation, and roots which terminate similarly.
865
635. Analogous with hudu, " I shall be,11 is the Old Sclavonic idi'i, " I go," which is placed by Dobrowsky also (p. 350) in the same class with hudu. Idu, therefore means literally " I make to go," and springs from the widelydiffused root i (infinitive l-ti), whence, in Gothic, the anomalous i-ddya, " I went," plural i-ddyedum, " we went." I believe that these forms have proceeded from i-da, i-dedum, simply by doubling the d and annexing an i; and I regard them, therefore, in the sense of " I made to go," " we made to go" ; and I compare with them the Sclavonic i-du as present. The d of shedu, however, which is used in completing the conjugation of idu, I consider as belonging to the root, and look upon the whole as akin to the Sanscrit *j<* sad, " to go," to which belong also ckoditi, and the Greek 66;. The forms W A * * A S o-dyeshdu, " I put on," " dress," na-dyesh-dusya, " I hope," ga-dyeshdii, " angario, onus impono," which Dobrowsky, 1. c, likewise compares with hudu, remarking that they stand for odyeyu, &c, I consider as reduplicate forms of the root dye, " to make," mentioned above ; for d gladly assumes, and under certain circumstances regularly, the prefix of ;k sh, for which reason dashdy, " gi y e," and yasahdy, "eat" (for dady, yady), correspond to the Sanscrit dadyds, " thou mayest give," adyds, "thou mayest eat" (see Kopitar's Glagolita, pp. 53 and 63). The conjecture, however, that o-dyeshdu, na-dyeshdu, ga-dyeshdu, are reduplicate forms, is strongly supported by the circumstance that the corresponding Sanscrit and Greek verbs also (dadhdmi, Ti6r}fj.t) are reduplicated in the special tenses, as daddmi, SlSwfii; and to the two last forms a reduplicate verb corresponds in Sclavonic likewise (see . 436.). 636. The Lettish possesses some verbs which are combined, throughout their whole conjugation, with the auxiliary verb under discussion. Of this class is dim-deh-t, " to ring" (deht =de-f), together with dim-t, id. nau-deh-t, "to mew,"
866
VERBS.
with nan-t, id. In bai-deh-t, "to make afraid," with bi-t, " to fear" (Sanscrit >fl bhi), fskum-deh-t," to disturb," i. e. " to make mournful," withfskum-t, "to be mournful," the meaning of the auxiliary verb makes itself clearly perceptible, and replaces the causal formation. In other cases the appended deh-t may be rendered by thun (compare Pott I. 187). Regarding the Lithuanian imperfect of custom, in which we have recognised the same auxiliary verb, see .525. 637. It deserves to be noticed, that, in Zend also, the verb under discussion of " placing," " making," " doing," occurs as an appended auxiliary verb. Thus, Msy&iwj^ yaosh-dd, " to purify," literally " to make purify," from which the present middle HS^WJ <JAêJA>.u,C. yadsh-dathente, "they make to purify" (regarding the extended form dath, see p. 112), the precative middle M$>j(3js2&b*s$$j/Md pairiyadsh-daithita, " they may purify " (Vend. S. p. 266), the imperative j/AiumystoAiAj/^ yadsh-dathdni, " let me make to purify" (I.e. p. 500). The form ddlli of yadsh-dditi, "the purification " (1. c. pp. 300, 30l), corresponds, in radical and derivative suffix, to the above-mentioned Gothic deths (theme di;di). For the frequent expression ygwjui; fffUxyibbMj^ yadah-dayann rnihen, "they are purified, we ought perhaps to read ytioshduyahm anhen, in which case the former might be regarded as the locative of yaushdd, so that the whole would signify " they are in purification." * But if
* I formerly thought, that in this and similar expressions the root da, " to give," was contained (Gramm. Crit. p. 322), which might very well be the case, and is also Burnouf 's opinion, who, however, assent?, at Yacna, p. 356, Rem. 217, to Fr. Windischmann's explanation, who was the first to recognise in this and similar compounds the Sanscrit root dhd instead of ild. To the remark made by Burnouf (1. c. Note E. p. xi.), that the initial sound till in Zend is not permissible, it may be added, that in the middle also, after a consonant, il is necessarily used for the original dh: hence, the Sanscrit imperative termination <//</, which in Zend, after vowels, appears as tl/ii, is, aI'ter a consonant, <li: thus dti:-di, " give," opposed to xnU-t/lii, 'hear," krn'iitii-dhi, "make."
867
the reading yaoshdayann is correct, then it may be taken as the accusative plural in the sense of jmrificatos; so that the verb substantive would be construed as in Arabic with the accusative. 638. We return to the reduplicated preterite, in order to consider its formation in Zend. Examples have been given in . 520., which, in their principle of formation, correspond, for the most part, with the Sanscrit. Thus, ASMMMHJJJ didvaesa answers to the Sanscrit didvisha, " he hated," with the prefix of an a before the Guna vowel e, according to . 20. The forms MM^^ viv'ise and AJAÔ^>Ô tutava shew that the Zend, in departure from the Sanscrit, admits long vowels in the syllable of repetition. Vivis-i, from the root vil, " to obey," is the second person singular middle, and wants the personal sign; thus, e for the Sanscrit se, and Greek crai. Here, from want of adequate examples, we must leave it undecided whether this suppression, which makes the second person the same as the first and third, takes place merely after sibilants, or principally after consonants. The form jWAipvpô tutava, " he could," from the root tav* should be, according to the Sanscrit principle, tatdva, as a radical a, in the third person singular, is necessarily lengthened; but the Zend form above has transferred the long quantity to the syllable of reduplication, and, as it appears, through the influence of the v of the root, has replaced the a sound by u. On the other hand, the- root vach, " to speak," which, in Sanscrit, in the syllable of repetition suppresses the a, and vocalizes the v to u (uvacha or uvdchd), in Zend regularly forms vavacha, which, Vend. S. p. 83., occurs as the first person, and is rendered by Anquetil, "fed prononce." That the Zend does not par* Compare IV>JASÔ J<*>,CL 2/^S* tavahn, "if they can," Vend. S. pp. 209 and 332, as third person plural of the imperfect subjunctive in the sense of the present.
868
VERBS.
ticipate in lengthening the a, which, in Sanscrit, before simple consonants enters at will into the, first person singular, and of necessity into the third person, is proved also by the form ASÂSÔASÔ tatasa, " he formed " (see Burnouf, Yacna, p. 104), the root of which is referred by Burnouf, and with justice, to the Sanscrit iraf taksh, and, as it appears to me, fitly compared with the Greek rocrcra). 639. The passage of the Vend. S. (p. 3), which has furnished us with the form AJ-HJAJÔASÔ tatasa (in the lithographed Codex erroneously tatas), supplies us also with two other reduplicate preterites, which have, too, (and this deserves notice,) a perfect meaning, while the corresponding Sanscrit tense refuses the function of a perfect (. 513.). We read 1. c. \\5M)J(>)<p "V-C^ ASAUAJÔAJÔ .Cl MQM^ <iy >fC
yd no dadha yd tatasa yd tuthruye, " who has made (us),
who has formed (us), who has sustained (us).'1 The form dadha, which Neriosengh renders by ^ f daddu, r instead of dadhdu* is, in my opinion, of special importance, on account of the remarkable manner in which it coincides in root and formation with the abovementioned (. 622.) Old Saxon deda, " I did," "he did.1' The Zend dadha stands for dadha from dadlu'i-a (. 618. \ the long having been shortened, as commonly happens at the end of polysyllabic words (. 137.). It does not admit of doubt that the first person is likewise dadha , as we have seen from the abovementioned AJ^SA)AJ9 vavacha, " I spoke," that in Zend, as in Sanscrit and German, it is the same as the thirl person, i.e. it has a personal termination as little as the latter. In the second person I conjecture the form dadhdtha (. 453.).
* The root (Ai, "to give," might like-wise form dadha (.80.); but in the passage above, as everywhere where mention is made of creating, making, it is clear we must understand the verb corresponding to the Sanscrit VT *"', " to place" (with ri. " to make").
869
640. I am unable to quote the Zend perfect active in the dual and plural, unless the form JJO^WJWJJ.UJ donhenti, which has been already mentioned elsewhere,* is the plural of donha, "fuit," which latter regulai'ly corresponds to the Sanscrit dm (. 56 a. and 56 \), and occurs in the following passage of the Vend. S. (p. 40l): 9JÔ4<A5 <&-i\f
9f?jA}<? '^J'V/ -ww^J-UJ noit aotem donha noit gharemem,
" there was neither cold nor heat." We find the form donhenti 1. c. p. 45, where are the words
) A 5 haomo taechit ydi katayo naslcd 5 frasdonho donhenti spdno mastimcha bacsaiti, " Horn assigns
to those, whoever recite the Nasks, excellence and grandeur."' Perhaps, too, donhenti, if it really is a perfect, is more correctly translated by " have been"; but we cannot be surprised at its having a present meaning also, as a real present is not intended, according to what has been remarked in . 520. We must not attach too great weight to the circumstance that in Neriosengh's Sanscrit translation the form donhenti is rendered by friMl^fcr nishidanti, " sedent ";I for Neriosengh interchanges with one another the roots da, " to give," and dd, " to set," " place," " make," which belongs to the Sanscrit dhd; and why should he not have fallen
* Jahrb. fur Wiss. Crit. Deer. 1831. p. 816. t Anquetil, who seldom renders all the forms in a sentence according to their real grammatical value, here makes the third person plural the second of the imperative, and changes the assertion into a request, by translating thus : " O Horn, accorrfez I'excellence et la grandeur a celui qui lit dans la maison les Naks!" + See Burnouf's valuable Review of the First Part of this Book, Journal des Savans, 1833, in the separate impression, p. 47. There is an error in it, however, in the remark, that I have represented the form donhenti as the imperative of the verb substantive. I meant the reduplicate preterite or perfect.
870
VERBS.
into a similar error with the roots ^m as, " to be," and ÎTH as, " to sit," which both exist in Zend, particularly as the form donhenti, taken as the perfect, stands, perhaps, quite isolated in the remains of Zend literature which have been preserved to us, but, as the present, has numerous analogous forms ? But if donhenti really belongs to the root ^rra US, " to sit," then we cannot, in my opinion, take it, with Neriosengh, in this sense, but as representing the verb substantive, which, as has been shewn (. 509.), occasionally, in Sanscrit also, supplies the place of the verb substantive. Two of the Paris MSS. give, as has been remarked by Burnouf, for donhenti the middle form ^ôîjwjfAu donhentr; and if this is the correct reading, it speaks in favour of the root of "to sit"; for this, like the kindred Greek verb (fi(<r)-fiat, fja-raiX is used only in the middle. But if donlienli is the right reading, and belongs, as perfect, to the verb substantive, it is, in respect to its termination, more. ancient than the Sanscrit dsus (. 462.). 641. In the middle we find as the third person plural of the verb substantive the form JÂSW^JAU uonhare (Vend. S. p. 222), with which, in regard to termination, the form <$M<i)$i iririthare, " they are dead," agrees (Vend. S. p. 179). If the reading of the two mutually corroborative forms is correct, we then have the termination nrr for the Sanscrit in'; and it would be a circumstance of much importance that the Zend should have left the old conjunctive vowel a in its original form, in a position where, in Sanscrit, it has been weakened to i. The final e of the Sanscrit termination is suppressed in Zend ; but as r cannot stand (. 44.) at the end of a word, the addition of an e became necessary, as in vocatives like c.lupuKy duture, " creator," answering to the Sanscrit M T dhulur. If the e of TR the forms JÂJWÂXJ t'wijharr, j7At<jj^Z> in'rilhnn; was an error in writing, for which I ought to stand, then an ;
871
would necessarily stand beside the a of the preceding syllable. But as this is not the case we find some evidence of the correctness of the final e, at least for the fact, that this form among others is admissible; for beside the JZMWJJAW donhare which has been mentioned, we find, in another passage of the Vend. S. (p. 45), the form JjMW^Mi donhairi, in which the final i, according to . 41., has introduced an i also in, the syllable preceding. The form donhairi, for which, perhaps, one or two MSS. may read donhairi, assures us, however, in like manner, of the proposition, which is of most importance, viz. that the conjunctive vowel is properly an a, and not, as in Sanscrit, an i. 642. The form J7A6J^7J iririthare is remarkable, also, with regard to its syllable of reduplication : it springs from the root GJ7J irith* from which a verb of the fourth class frequently occurs; in " iriritfa" therefore, ir is the syllable of reduplication, after which the short initial i has been lengthened, in order, as it were, to gain strength for bearing the reduplication (compare the Gothic in . 589.). In iririthare, however, the countertype of the Greek forms with Attic reduplication is easily recognised. We must not, however, seek for the reason of this lengthening of the vowel of the second syllable of forms like ekrjkuda, eix-fêxa, 6p6pv%a, in the temporal augment, which I also avoid doing. For, though, by concretion with the augment, an e might become rj, an o become a>, this gives no reason for supposing the augment to exist everywhere where an initial vowel of a
* Probably a secondary root, with the addition of a th, as in dath for da (see p. 112). Irith, therefore, might, stand for mirith, the initial m having been lost, and might be connected with the Sanscrit root mri {war), whence, as Burnouf has shewn in his frequently-mentioned Review (p. 37), has arisen the form merench, "kill," with another affix, from which occurs the noun agent, in the plural merectaro, " the murders."
872
VERBS.
verb is lengthened. I content myself, in forms like e\rj\v6a, with the reduplication ; and in the vowel following I find only a phonetic lengthening for the sake of the rhythm, or to support the weight of the syllable of reduplication ; as in the Zend iririth, or as (to keep to Greek) in aywyor, wyuyyevs, ayioyr/, in which the w, as is commonly the case, is only the representative of the long a (. 4.), and where there is no ground for searching for the augment. In general it would be unnatural that the augment, being an element foreign to the root, should interpose itself in the middle of the word between the syllable of reduplication and the proper root; and unless a necessity exists, one must not suppose the existence of such a ph<>nomenon in a language. 643. In a passage of the Izeshne (Vend. S. p. 63.), which I understand too little to ground on it, with confidence, any inference, while I am without the light which might perhaps be thrown on it by Neriosengh's Sanscrit translation, I find the expressions M<PJJM$M ^ / J A J C mahiyil mnmnnitv. It does not, however, admit of any doubt that waiw/it is the nominative dual of the base maim/n, "spirit" (see . 210.); and hence, even without understanding the whole meaning of the passage alluded to, it appears to me in the highest degree probable, that mauvnute is the third person dual of the perfect. Perhaps we ought to read manunid/lth so that, through the influence of the final (\ the Sanscrit termination die would have become dlh\ But if the reading mamanite is correct, and the form is really a perfect, an original d would have been weakened to i. The whole form would, however, in my opinion, be of great importance, because it might furnish ground for the inference, that the contraction of the reduplication, in Sanscrit forms like nuhu'ile (from mamiudlr for nrimiiiidlr), did not exist before the Zend became separate from the Sanscrit (compare . 603.).
873
PLUPERFECT.
644. It has been already remarked (. 514.), that the Sanscrit possesses no pluperfect, and the substitute it uses for it has been noticed. The Zend, also, is undoubtedly deficient in this tense. In the Zend Avesta, however, no occasion occurs for making use of it, or supplying its place in another way. The Latin pluperfect is easily perceived to be a form compounded of the perfect base with the imperfect of the verb substantive. The only point which can admit of doubt is, whether the whole eram is to be considered as existing in fueram, amaveram, as I have done in my System of Conjugation (p. 93.), so that the perfect base, to which the i of fui, fui-sti, &c, belongs, would have lost its vowel; or whether we should assume the loss of the e of eram, and therefore divide thus, fue-ram amave-ram. Now, contrary to my former opinion, I believe the latter to be the case, and I deduce fueram from fui-ram, through the frequently-mentioned tendency of the i to be corrupted before r to e, whence the conjunctive vowel i of the third conjugation appears in the second person of the passive, as also in the imperfect subjunctive and in the infinitive, as e (kg-e-ris opposed to legi-tur, leg-i-mur). For this reason fue-ram also is opposed to the subjunctive fui-ssem, in which, as r does not follow the i, that letter remains in its original form. It would seem much more difficult to discover a reason why fu-essem should have become fu-issem, than why fui-ram should become fue-ram. In general, in Latin, there exists, without reference to a following r, many an e which has arisen from an older i: I am not acquainted, however, with any i used for an older e, as in general the e is an unorganic and comparatively more recent vowel, but the i is as old as the language itself: for though i as well as u has very frequently arisen from the weakening of the 3L
874
VERBS.
most weighty vowel a, still no epoch of the language can be imagined when there existed no vowel but a. If, however, the auxiliary verb in fue-ram fui-ssem, has lost its vowel, it shares in this respect the same fate as the Sanscrit mm and Greek era contained in the aorist. Where the verb substantive enters into composition with attributive verbs, sufficient reason exists for its mutilation. 645. As the Greek pluperfect is formed from the base of the perfect, as the imperfect is from that of the present, by prefixing the augment, by which the completion of the action is in this sense transferred to past time, we should expect in it the terminations ov, ej, e, &c.; thus, erervepov, which would come very near the Sanscrit imperfect of the intensiveatdtdpam. But whence is the termination etv of ereTvcpetv? Landvoigt and Pott recognise in it the imperfect of the verb substantive, so that erervipeiv would stand for eTerv^rjv. There would, therefore, be a pleonasm in this form, as erervcp already of itself combines the idea of the imperfect with that of the perfect. If, then, the verb substantive be added, it must serve merely as the copula, and not itself express a relation of time, and therefore lays aside the augment, as the Sanscrit foam in aorists like akshdip-sam. But it being premised that the verb substantive is contained in eTTv<petv, it is not requisite to derive its ei from the >j of rjv. Advert to the analogy of eiv with elfil, which latter would become eiv, if its primary personal termination were replaced by the more obtuse secondary one. It may be said that the radical <r is contained in the t of el-jxl, which sibilant, having first become, by assimilation, fj. (Doric e/z/i/), has then, as often happens to v (as ndeis for ridevs), been vocalized to t. The analogy of e'cjxl is followed in the compound form (if eTTV(peiv is really compounded as has been stated) by the dual and plural; thus, eTervcpeiixev for the more cumbrous cTCTvcpea-fjiev. Here let the Ionic form eifxev for eo-juev be noticed. In the third person plural eTerv(pe<rav (unorganic
875
the composition with the auxiliary verb is evident ; but this person cannot be adduced as evidence for the composition of the other persons, since in general a kind of privilege is accorded to the third person plural active in respect to the appending of the verb substantive, which also extends to the imperfect and aorist of the conjugation in fxt
(eSlSo-cra-v, eo-(ra-v, opposed to eoY5o-juev, eo-fj.ev); and in
like manner in the Latin perfects (fuerunt from fuesunt). But if the syllable ei of eTeTv<p-ei-v is identical with the et of ei-fil, still I am not shaken by this in my opinion that the K of KeKvKa and the aspiration of rervtpa belong to the consonant of the auxiliary root, and that the K is an intension of the cr, the aspiration a weakening of the K (. 569.); that, therefore, in ekehvueiv, ereTiKpeiv, the verb substantive is twice contained, as is the case in Sanscrit forms like aydsisham (.570.). I believe, however, that at the time when the forms e\e\vK-ei-v, eTeTv(j>-ei-v, developed themselves from the to-be-presupposed forms erervipov, eXeXvKov, the remembrance of the origin of the K and of the aspiration had been long lost, and that these forms were generated by the necessity for restoring the missing verb substantive; just as in Old Saxon the form sind-un, "they are,"* may first have arisen, when, in the more simple and likewise employable sind, the expression of the relation of time and person was no longer perceivable; and hence another personal termination, and, in fact, that of the preterite, was annexed.f The Greek medio-passive has admitted neither the first nor the second annexation of the verb substantive: from e\ekv-Ket-v we might expect e\e\v-Keifxrjv, but e\e-\v-jxr}v has arisen
* At the same time with unorganic transfer to the first and second person, wir sind, ihr seid. t With the preterite coincide also the forms of recent origin, siy-u-m, " we are," siy-u-th, " ye are": and s-ind, " they are " (from s-ant), is alone a transmission from the period of the unity of language. 3 L2
876
VERBS.
directly from the reduplicate root, by prefixing the augment, and descends from a period when the active was not as yet
kXeXvKetv, but probably e\eKvv.
THE FUTURE.
646. The Sanscrit has two tenses to express the future, of which one, which is more rarely employed, consists of the combination of a future participle with the present of the verb substantive, the root as; in such a manner, however, that (and this has been already noticed as remarkable) the masculine nominative of the three numbers of the participle has assumed the complete nature of a third person of a verb, and this per se without annexation of the verb substantive, and without regard to the gender of the subject; e. g. ^ r T data, " daturus," is used in TT the sense of " he, she, or it will give," and thus <jlr1H.Ux ddtdras, " daturi," in the sense of " they will give." Observe here what has been said above of the Latin amamini instead of amamini, -as, -a, estis (. 478.); and remark also the third person of the Polish and Persian preterite (. 628.). In the other persons the Sanscrit combines the masculine nominative singular of the participle mentioned with the said person of the present of the auxiliary verb;
thus, ddtdsi (from ddtd-asi) = daturus, datura, daturum est.
I annex the full conjugation of the two active forms of the adduced example, with the remark, that in the third person no difference can exist between the active and middle, since the participle which is employed makes no distinction between the two forms.
SINGULAR. ACTIVE. MEDIAL. ACTIVE. DUAL. MEDIAL.
ddtdsmi, ddtdsi, data,
ddtdlieddld.sr. diiti'i.
ddldsvas, ddtdsthas, ddtdrdu,
ddtdsvahe. ddtdsdtM. ddtdrdu.
PLURAL. ACTIVE. MEDIAL.
877
ddtdsmas, ddtdstha, ddtdras,
ddtdsmahe. ddtddhve. ddtdras.
" Remark.It is very surprising, that, although the compound nature of this tense is so distinctly evident, none of the grammarians, my predecessors, have remarked it; and the first mention of it that has been made was in my System of Conjugation, where it was noticed, without meeting with any opposition from the strongest opponents of my System of Agglutination. As regards the first person singular middle, it must be remarked, that the root, as in this person, changes its s into h, although in Sanscrit this exchange is to be met with nowhere else, but it occurs frequently in Prakrit, and before m and n regularly takes place in the middle of a word, where mh, nh, are commonly used by transposition for hm, hn; hence, amhi or mhi (resting on a preceding vowel) " I am " (see Lassen, p. 267, &c, Hofer, p. 77.). As the Sanscrit h (=yh not dt) is usually represented in Greek by %, sometimes also by 7, and even by K* in ddtdhe, therefore, may be found a confirmation of the opinion expressed in . 569., that the K of forms like e'5o)/<a, $$a>/ca, belongs to the verb substantive as a thickening of the cr.'1 647. In the third person singular, also, the verb substantive sometimes occurs combined with the participle, as vaktdsti, " he will speak," for vaktd; ^ on the other hand, we occasionally find, in the other persons also, the verb substantive omitted, and the person expressed by a separate
* Compare eyw, /uevas, KTJP, KapSia, with afiam, mahat, hrid, hridaya.
t See my collection of the Episodes of the Mahabharata (Draupadi, III. 2), published under the title of " Diluvium."
878
VERBS.
pronoun*, as is done in Russian in the preterite (see . 629.). Sometimes the participle is separated from the auxiliary verb belonging to it by one or more words; as, karld lad asmi U, "fadurus hoc sum tihV (Mahabh.). I do not, however, think that such departures from the usual practice of the language could occur where the subject was not a masculine singular; at least it is probable, if kartd referred to a feminine, that kartri would be used instead of it. Except in these' constructions, however, formations in tdr (in the weak cases tri, . 144.) very seldom occur as future participles; ^ but their usual function is that of a noun agent, like the corresponding forms in Greek and Latin in rrjp, ru>p, tSr; as, Sorr/p, dafor, dator-is, answer to the Sanscrit ddtdr (i*TfT ddtri, nominative data, . 144.). The Latin, however, as has been already observed (. 576.), formed from the shorter form in tdr a longer one in turn, and has allotted to this exclusively the functions of the future participle. In Zend, the formations in tdr, in my opinion, occur only as nouns of agency; as, ddtdr, " creator" ( = Sanscrit dhdtar) nominative AJ^CUJ^ ddta (see . 144.), accusative ^^MU^MS^ ddtdrem, vocative J^MÔAUJ ddtare (. 44.). To this class belong in Sclavonic the formations in tely (theme telyo, . 259.), the r being exchanged for /, and the syllable yo added: as, dyetely, "factor," corresponds to the just-mentioned Zend ddtdr and Sanscrit dhdtdr (compare . 634.). This dyetely, however, does not occur in its simple form, but only in combination with the preposition s, and with dobro, " good," s-dyetly, " condilor" dobro-dyetehj, " benefactor." For other
* Compare 1. c. p. 114, SI. 31, bliac'UCi 'utas team for bhacitasy antas, " thou willsfc be the cur!." t An example occurs in the Raglm-Vansa, VI. 52, by Stenzler, nripan turn . . . vjititynyiid anyavadhfir bhuritri, "regent ilium preeteriit alius iLiorJutura."
879
examples in tely, see . 259.* From the Gothic we may here adduce the word Mds-treis (theme blds-trya), which is quite isolated in its formation, and is connected with blStan, " to honor," the t of which, according to . 102., has passed into s before the t of the suffix. With respect to the Sanscrit suffix tar (tri), it remains to be remarked, that in vowels capable of Guna it requires Guna, and that it is not always united with the root direct, but frequently by a conjunctive vowel i; in the latter respect, jan-i-td, jan-itaram, correspond to the Latin gen-i-tor, gen-i-t&rem, while paktd, paktdram, answer to coctor, coddrem.
648. In my Sanscrit Grammar I term the future tense just considered, and which is peculiar to the Sanscrit, the participial future, in accordance with its formation, to distinguish it from that which belongs to the Sanscrit, in common with the Zend, Greek, Lithuanian, and Latin, and which I call the auxiliary future, because, in its character ^tr sya, I recognise the obsolete future of the root as, " to be." I imagine, thei'efore, that in dd-syati, " he will give," only the syllable ya expresses the future, but that the s is the root of the verb " to be," with loss of its vowel, which is not surprising, as, even when uncompounded, the a of the root as is frequently lost (. 480.). The final part of dd-sydmi resembles vei y closely the potential sydm, " I may be," which actually exists in isolated use. Compare
* With regard to the formations in ary, mentioned at . 259., it is requisite to observe, that the preceding t does not belong to the suffix under discussion, but to the primary word: /atary, " goldsmith" (in Russian, also, {olotary), comes from {oloto, "gold," and brutary, "porter," from brata, " door." Mytary, " toll-gatherer," is related in its primary word, which does not appear to occur, with our mauth : compare the Gothic mitareis (theme motarya), "toll-gatherer," mota, "mauth," "toll."
B U W
SINGULAR. FUTURE. POTEN. FUTURE.
VERBS.
DUAL. POTEN. PLURAL FUTURE. POTEN
sydrni, syasi, syuti,
si/dm.
syds. sydt.
sydvas, syathas, syatas,
sydva. sydtam. sydtdm,
sydmas, syatha, syanti,
sydma sydta. syvs.
649. We see that the principal difference of the forms here compared is, that the potential has a long d pervading it, but the future a short a, which, according to the principle of the class syllables of the first conjugation (. 434.), is lengthened before m and v of the first person. And besides this, the future has the full primary terminations, but the potential has the more obtuse secondary endings, with that of MS in the third person plural, which occurs occasionally also in the imperfect. 650. The Latin has this great superiority over the Sanscrit, that its ero, eris, &c, has been preserved in isolated use, and in fact retaining the initial vowel of the root, in which respect eris, erit, &c. (from esis, esit, . 22.), is as advantageously distinguished from syasi, syati, as es-tis from stha, or as, in Greek, etr/uef from smas, earov from sthas, stas (. 480.). 651. The i of eris, erit, &c, I have already, in my System of Conjugation, represented (p. 9l) as a contraction of the true future character ya; and I have since been supported in this opinion by the Prakrit, where, for the Sanscrit sya or sya, we occasionally find hi; for instance, in the first person, lihni for sydmi, and in the second person hisi for syasi (Latin eris). Some examples have been already given above (p. 401 Rem.).* It may be further remarked, that the Sanscrit, also, sometimes abbreviates the syllable ya, as also va and ra, by suppressing the vowel and changing the semi-vowel into its correl'uin]uiv llofw "De Praia-. Dial." p. 199.
881
sponding vowel (see p. 759); and moreover (which, in the case before us, is still more important to observe with regard to the formal connection of the future and potential), the syllable yd of the mood just mentioned is contracted in the middle to i, by which sydt, " he may be," becomes, in the middle, sita. 652. The Lithuanian has likewise contracted the future character ya to i in the persons most correctly preserved; thus the sime, site, of du-si-me, du-si-te (dabimus, dabitis), eri-mus, eri-tis, and the whole word, to the Sanscrit dd-sydrnas, dd-sya-tha; and in the dual du-si-wa, du-si-ta, correspond to the Sanscrit dd-syd-vas, dd-syu-thas. But in its simple state si has been no more retained in Lithuanian than sya has in Sanscrit, but the verb substantive, in the future, in the two cognate idioms, combines the two roots of " to b e " with one another: hence, in Lithuanian, bu-si-wa, bu-si-ta, bu-si-me, bu-si-te, answering to the Sanscrit bhav-i-shyd-vas, bhav-i-shya-thas, bhav-i-shyd-mas, bhavi-shya-tha, which are furnished with Guna and a conjunctive vowel i. Compare, in regard to the combination of the two roots of " to be," the Latin fue-runt, for which a simple fui-nt might be expected; or (which is here more in point) the future perfect, fuero, which I distribute, not into fu-ero, but into fue-ro for fui-ro (compare . 644.). 653. In the singular, the Lithuanian has almost entirely lost the future character i, and only the s of the auxiliary verb has remained ; at least, I believe that in the second person du-si, "thou willst give," the personal termination, which, in the second person singular, terminates in all tenses in i, has more claim to the i than the expression of the future has. In the third person, du-s stands for all numbers (. 457.); and to the form bus of the verb substantive corresponds remarkably a word bhus, in Irish, of the same signification, but which is quite isolated (see O'Reilly's Lex., s. v. bhus). The Sanscrit bhav-i-shyati and
882
VERBS.
Zend bu-syeiti, however, form the medium between the Lithuanian bus and Irish bhus. 654. In the first person singular I regard the u of forms like du-su, " I will give," as in all the first persons singular, as the vocalization of the personal character m (see . 436. 438.) : in the Latin era, however, for which eris ought to stand, the second element of the Sanscrit yd of sydmi has been preserved in preference to the first; and in this ero has the same relation to sydmi that veho, abovementioned, has to vahdmi (. 733.). The same is the case with the third person plural, in which erunt for eriunt corresponds to the Sanscrit syanti from asyanti, and in respect to its u for a answers to vehnnt = vahanti. 655. To the Latin ero, erunt, from eso, esunt, correspond, exclusive of their middle terminations, the Greek ecro/xai, euovTat, the active of which is lost, as far as its simple use. "EGOVTOU from edtovrai answers to the Sanscrit -syante for asyanti, and in the singular eaerai to the Sanscrit -syate ( = syatai) from asyate. The form ecnai is originally nothing else than the middle of ecrr/; and ecrre-rai also appears, from the point of view of the Greek, like a present, with the conjunctive vowel of the conjugation in u> (\ey-e-Tou). The epic forms with double cr (ecrcro/xa/, oAecnra)) can scarcely have been formed from a consideration of metre, but have been used in the construction of verse only because they were already in existence, and had a grammatical claim to that existence. I derive euaofxat, oAecrcrto, by assimilation, from
eaijoiJi.au, oAeayo),* as /xecraos from jxecryoc; for fxeSyos (Sanscrit widlnja, Latin medium), and as d'AAoc from a\yos = alius,
Prakrit uiuin, Sanscrit anya.
The Prakrit regularly assi-
* The .Doric form co-o-oDjuai from ia-creoftai i'ov ea-a-ioftai consequently contains the character of the future doubled (. (io(i.) ; which cannot be surprising, as, when these words were produced, the reason of the duplication of the a was no longer perceived by the language.
883
milates, as has been already remarked (. 300.), the weaker consonant to the stronger, whether this precedes or follows it; and according to this principle it produces also futures in ssan,* ssasi, sadi, &c.; e.g. karissadi, answering to the Sanscrit kamhijati, " he will make." Forms of this kind, which are the countertypes of the Greek ea-aoâi, are in far more frequent use than those abovementioned in himi. 656. In composition the Greek loses the vowel of the root of the auxiliary verb; hence, dco-crw, Bcd-a-o/xev, eiK-(ro>, SetKcrofjLev, as in Sanscrit dd-sydmi, dd-sydmas, ddk-sydmi (. 21.),
dek-shydmas, only with the loss of the y, for which i might be expected, and which, too, it is very remarkable, has remained in some Doric forms, which Koen compares at Greg. Cor. p. 230. They are the following: irpagtonev, xaPôfxe6a,
(Twia<pv\aîofj.e8a, fioadrjcrlo), npoKef^rla>.'\ To this class be-
long the common Doric futures in a>, aovêv, from crew, (reofxev, for tn'co, alofiev, since the i has been first corrupted to e, and then contracted with the following vowel, as in the declension of bases in /, as -nohets proceeded from 7roAeey, noKeas, and this from iroAies, -noKias; as to the Old High German genitives like balge-s (palkes) correspond the Gothic like balgi-s, or as, in the feminine i bases, the Old High German form krefti precedes the Middle High German like krefte. In the genitive plural we have, in Old High German even, in different authorities, together with kreftio, which must originally have been kreftyo, the form krefteo, and, suppressing the e or i, krefto (chrefto). These genitives, therefore, in their gradual process of corruption, coincide exactly with that of the Greek future; for from yo we arrive first at
* The first person, in this formation, loses the i of the termination, which the forms in himi have retained. t I agree with Pott (I. p. 115) in thinking /?oa<Voo and irpoAe,^ should be written for /3o70/;o-r3, TrpoAeii/fica : as the form in S, has arisen first by contraction from ecu for ia, the < would be twice represented in (<S.
884
VEEBS.
io, thence at eo, and in the farthest corruption at o ; just as from the Sanscrit future in sydmi sydmas, in Greek at first we come to cn'u>, criofxev; thence to crew, creofiev, which we must suppose to have existed before uw, aov/xev; finally to the common future forms like S-crw, SeiK-cru>, in which the semivowel of the Sanscrit dd-sydmi, ddk-shydmi, has entirely disappeared. In the Greek second future, however, the second element of the Sanscrit shya has been retained in preference to the sibilant; and as the liquids have expelled the < of the r first aorist, and eore/\a is said for eoreAcra, so also comes (7Te\w from CTTeKeco for oreî'to, and this from arehtrm, according to the analogy of the abovementioned (Boad 657. It is not probable that the Sanscrit future-character ya should have originally occurred only in the root as of the verb substantive; but I have scarce any doubt that, at a very early epoch, extending back beyond the period of the separation of languages, the attributive verbs likewise might form their future by annexing directly the syllable ya ; that therefore forms like dd-yati have existed before or contemporaneously with such as dd-syati = So>-crei, " he will give." In the present state of the language, however, the attributive verbs always require the verb substantive in order to denote the future, as the Sclavonic languages also apply the newly constructed future of the verb substantive (. 633.) to paraphrase the future, without, however (the Servian language excepted), forming with it a compound. The Carniolan and Polish employ with the future of the auxiliary verb that participle in /, la, lo, which we have seen above used to express the past (. 628. &c.): the Russian, however, and Bohemian, and sometimes, also, the Old Sclavonic, use the infinitive. Thus, in Carniolan we find, in the various genders, bom*
* The moiv complete form of bom is bodem, " I make to be," after the
885
igral, bom igrdla, bom igrdlo, " I will play," literally, " I will be he that plays," " she that plays," " it that plays." In Polish, bedej czytat, czytata, czytato, means " I will be reading"), " I will read " ; in Russian, 6"yAy ABuramb budu dvigaty, " I will move," literally, " I will be moving"; so, in Bohemian, budu krasti (from Icradti), " I will steal." The Servian, however, has this advantage over the other Sclavonic dialects, that it does not require a periphrasis of the future by the verb substantive, but combines the auxiliary verb signifying " to do " with the themes of the attributive verbs, just as with that of the verb substantive : thus, igradyu means " I will play," as bidyu does " I will be." 658. Several Sclavonic languages may or must, under certain circumstances, express the future by a preposition prefixed to the present, which signifies " after," and is pronounced po. We refer the reader to Dobrowsky's Bohemian Instructions, pp. 160, &c, respecting the difference in signification of the Bohemian futures which are expressed with po, from those which are conveyed by a periphrasis, where both are used simultaneously, as po-kradu and budu lcrasii. In Carniolan there are not more than ten verbs which express the future by prefixing po; aspo-rezhem, " I will say." *
the analogy of the O1J Sclavonic bu-du (.633.). The contraction of bodem to bom is like that of gleday, "behold" (gledam, " I behold"), to gley (see Kopitar's Cr. Gr. p. 334). The contracted form bom resembles fortuitously, but in a surprising degree, the Prakrit present homi, " I am,'' an abbreviation of bhomi, and contraction of the Sanscrit bhavami. In the kindred languages, however, a historical fact lies for the most part at the bottom of fortuitous coincidences, which, in the case before us, consists in this, that bom and homi, like our bin, Old High German bim, have the same root and the same personal termination. * Bedg bendeh, from bendem, . 255. g. t Compare the Old Sclavonic reku, recheshi, and Sanscrit vach (see p. 627, Rem. 6.).
886
VERBS.
The rest all express an emotion, as pobeshim, " I will fly," pojesdim, " I will ride" (Kopitar, p. 332). The Old Sclavonic employs other prepositions besides po, in order to give a future meaning to the present. After po the most in use are oy (4), "by," and B'bg (v{), "outwards"; as u-vidit, " videbit," u-boyu-sya, "timebo" (Sanscrit bhi, "to fear," bhaya, "fear"), vo^-rastu, "crescam" (Dobr. p. 377). 659. The periphrasis by budu, "I will be," is rare in Old Sclavonic: on the other hand, imam, " I have," frequently occurs in the translation of the Evangelists as a future auxiliary verb in combination with the infinitive; as imyeti imashi, "habebis" (" thou hast to have"); priiti imaty syn, " veniet filius"; ne imaty byti, " non eriV; ne imaty piti,"non blbet" (Dobrowsky, p. 379). Observe the coincidence of idea with the Roman languages, the future of which, though it has completely the character of a simple inflexion form, is nothing else than the combination of the infinitive with the present of the auxiliary verb. This would perhaps have been with difficulty discovered, or not at all, on account of the contraction which the auxiliary verb experiences in the plural, but for the clear indication of it we receive from the language of Provence, which at times separates the auxiliary verb from the infinitive by a pronoun; as, dar vos riai, "je vous
en donnerni"; dir vos at, "je vous dirai"; dir vos em, "nous vous dirons"', gitar metz, "vous me jetere~." It is remark-
able that the Old Sclavonic occasionally paraphrases the future of the verb "to have" itself by "to have," which the Roman languages are always compelled to do, because they possess no other means of expressing the future: thus the French tu auras (from avoirns) corresponds to the abovementioned Sclavonic imynli imashi. 660. The Gothic, also, sometimes paraphrases the future by the auxiliary verb ''to have"; thus, 2 Cor. xi. 12, taw/an
Imba for iron/acd; John xii. 26, visan habaith for karat (see
Grimm IV. 93).
The German languages have, that is to
887
say, like their Sclavonic cognate idioms, from the earliest antiquity lost their primitive future inflexion, which the Lithuanian and Lettish share to this day with the Sanscrit and Greek. As, however, the Sanscrit future sydmi is almost identical with the potential sydm, " I may be," and the future character Tfya springs from the same source with the potential ^yd, it deserves notice that Ulfilas frequently expresses the Greek future by the Gothic conjunctive present, which is in form identical with the Sanscrit potential and Greek optative. Examples are, Mark ix. 19, siyau and thulan for eaofiai and ; Mark ix. 35, siyai for earai; x. 7, bileithai for ; x. 8, siyaina for ecrovTOU. In the reverse case the Persian uses the only ancient future that it has preserved, viz. *&[> bdshem ( = Sanscrit bhavishydmi) also in the sense of the present subjunctive. The attributive verbs in Persian, to denote the future, prefix to the present a particle beginning with b, which, with regard to its vowel, is guided by that of the initial syllable of the verb; so that for u (dhamma) the prefix also contains an u, but for other vowels an e ;* as be-berem, " I will carry," be-bdzem, " I will play," but bupursem, " I will ask." These futures stand in an external analogy with those of the Sclavonic languages, which are formed from the present by prefixing the preposition po (. 658. &c). We must, however, leave it undecided whether the Persian prefix of the future, which may also precede the imperative, is identical with the inseparable preposition be, or whether, as appears to me far more probable, it is connected with Jo(j bayed, " oportet,"" and has, therefore, our ideal relationship with the periphrasis of the future, which is formed by the auxiliary verb sollen, and which still remains in several more ancient and more recent German
* Kesra, properly i, which, however, is usually pronounced like fatha, i. e. originally a, commonly e.
888
VERBS.
dialects (Grimm IV. 179, &c.). If this is the case, it may be here further remarked, that, in Zend, the imperative is occasionally used in the sense of the future. Thus we read in
V. S. p. 82, wy*)^,jAj7AJu>Aj0i 5_p"Aj ^ftenj-SWAis? $/JIM7> p
he urvanem vahistem ahum fraharayeni, " whose soul I will
make to go to the best world."
Anquetil translates, "je
ferai aller librement son ante mix demeures celestes."*
661. We return to the Gothic, in order to remark that it employs most commonly the present indicative instead of the future, in which it is deficient, as is the case also in Old High German very frequently. The periphrasis, however, begins gradually by sollen and wollen, the latter only in the first person : that by means of werden is peculiar to the New German; in a certain degree, however, the Gothic paves the way for it, as in this language wairtha sometimes occurs in the sense of the future of the verb substantive. Grimm (IV-177. 178.) quotes the following passages: Matt.viii. 12. Luke i. 1-1. 2 Cor. xi. 15., where eorai is rendered by vairthith ; moreover, 2 Cor. vi. 16, where vairtha vairthand answer to the Greek eao/xcu, e<rovrai. In fact, werden, " to become," is the most natural and surest expression of future being, and far better adapted to represent it than the auxiliary verbs " to will" and " to owe ;" for he who is becoming will certainly arrive at being, and is one who will be hereafter; the willing and the owing, however, may be incapable or be prevented from doing what he would or should. The
* Librement is clem-ly the translation of the preposition contained in fra-paraycne, as Anquetil also, in the page preceding, renders fravaocPm (thus I read it for Jravaucim) by "je park clairement;" while in both expressions, and especially very often in Zend, as in Sanscrit, the prepositions have no perceptible meaning, which admits of translation, though the Indian Scholiasts also, in the derivation of verbs compounded with prepositions, lay too much stress on the prepositions. We will treat hereafter of the middle imperative termination in ne. As the causal form the verb under discussion corresponds to the Sanscrit pra-sarayami.
889
willing person may also alter his will, and hence not do what he intended. The Old Northern language, in paraphrasing the future, uses the anomalous mun, "I think," which employs the preterite form as the present; e.g. munt vera, " eris," mun slitna, " rumpetur," koma muvu, " venient." To this head belongs the circumstance, that occasionally the Gothic weak verb munan represents, not, indeed, the proper future, but the Greek construction with /ueAAco, for which, however, haban is also applied (Grimm, IV. 93,178); thus
John xiv. 22, munais gabairhtyan /jieA'Keis, kjxfpavtêw. Ulfilas,
however, could scarcely have imagined that his munan and the Greek /xeAAco are radically akin, which is the case if I mistake not. I believe that fxeWw stands in the same relation to the Sanscrit manye (only that the latter is a middle verb), "I think," " I mean," as ccAA.o? does to anya-s, "the other" (. 655.). The circumstance that we have the Sanscrit root in Greek also, in a truer form, and one which retains the original n {e.g. fjLevos = manas), does not prevent the assumption that besides this the favourite exchange of liquids takes place, and consequently jueAAw might become estranged from the forms with v. 662. Latin futures like amabo, docebo, have already, in my System of Conjugation, as compounds with the root fu (the/ of which in the interior of a word becomes b, see . 18.), and bo, bis, bit, &c, been compared with the Anglo-Saxon beo, " I will be," bys, " thou willst be," bydh, " he will be." Bo, a sister form of the bam of amabam, docebam, mentioned before (. 526, &c), answers in conjugation exactly to ero; bo, therefore, stands
for bio, bunt for Hunt, and the i of bis, bit, bimus, bitin, is a con-
traction of the Sanscrit future character ya (. 651.). From the root bhu would come the forms bhuydmi, bhuyasi, bhuyati, &c, or with Guna, bhoyami, bhdyasi, &c, if the said root were not combined in the future with the root as, but annexed the syllable ya direct (before m and v, yd). To this would correspond in Latin, in its isolated state, fuyo,fuis,fuit, in which, however, 3 M
890
VERBS.
fait would be distinguished from the perfect (aorist) fuit in this, that the i in the latter form is nothing but a conjunctive vowel and the weakening of an original a, but in the future the contraction of ya and expression of the relation of time. In bo, bis, bit, the u of the root fu is passed over, as in fio, fis, fit, which is properly the passive of fu, and corresponds to the Sanscrit passive bliu-ye, bhu-ya-se, bhu-ya-te, only with active terminations like the Prakrit, which preserves the characteristic syllable ya of the Sanscrit passive (of which we will speak hereafter), but has replaced the middle terminations by active ones. 663. The question may be raised, whether the Latin bo is really based on a presupposed Sanscrit bhuydmi or bhdydmi; and thus, whether this form existed at the time of the division of languages, and if alone, or, together with that, compounded with the other root of " to be," on which the Zend bmyimi, the Greek (j)v-cru>, the Lithuanian bu-su, and the Irish bhus, " erit," mentioned above are founded ; or whether the Latin bo likewise, at an earlier period, was combined with the other auxiliary verb ; whether, therefore, in an isolated state, a furo from an earlier fuso, for fusio, existed, like the Greek <pv-<jia from <pv-uiu>? This question cannot be decided with certainty; but the latter, according to which amabo, amabis, &c, would appear as contractions of amaburo, amaburis, appears to me the more probable particularly as the forms, which are incumbered by the composition, have most cause to be weakened. It may be observed, that, even without any external occasion for being weakened, the Old High German, in the vei*y same root, contrasts with its plural birumes, " we are " ( = Sanscrit bhavdmas, . 20.), a singular b'nn for birum. The Carcriolan exhibits, as we have seen (. 657.), together with ho'dem, " I will be " (" make to be "), corresponding to the Sclavonic cognate idioms, a contracted form bom, to which the Latin bo approaches very closely, though with a different kind of
89L
contraction. The Anglo-Saxon beo, mentioned above (also beom), " I will be," is properly not a formal future, but a present, answering to our bin, Old High German bim, and to the Sanscrit bhavdmi, which is principally used with a future meaning, while eom = asmi, Gothic im, remains devoted to the present. It might, also, be disputed whether the Latin bo of amabo is actually a future, for then it would be necessary to identify the i of bis, bit, &c, with the conjunctive vowel a of the Sanscrit bhav-a-si, bhav-a-ti, and to place it on the same footing with the i of veh-i-s, veh-i-t = vah-a-si, vah-a-ti (see .507.). Remark the obsolete subjunctive fuam, which presupposes a present indicative fun, fuis (. 510.). However, that opinion appears to be most probably the true one, that bo, bis, rest on the same principle of formation with ero, eris, and that, therefore, there is a reason why amabo, monebo, have a future, and not a present signification. It appears certain, that the third and fourth conjugations, did all form their futures in bo (compare . 529.) ; futures in am, however, are, according to their origin, of the subjunctive mood,* and we shall return to them hereafter. We have already (. 526.) noticed the remarkable coincidence which exists between the Latin and the Irish, in the circumstance that the latter combines all attributive verbs in the future with the labial root of the verb substantive. The Irish, however, is superior to the Latin in this, that, in the simple state of the verb substantive, it forms the future not from the root, which is, in Sanscrit, as, but from that which has the labial initial sound (see . 526.). 664. It remains to be remarked with regard to the Sanscrit future, that the syllable sya, which proceeds from the verb substantive, is combined viith the root either directly or by means of a conjunctive vowel /,
* Compare System of Conjugation, p. 3 M2
892
VERBS.
after the manner of the third aorist formation (. 560.), so that the s, through the influence of this i, again becomes sh ; as in tan-i-shydmi, " extendam." Radical vowels, capable of Guna, receive i t ; * hence, dek-shydmi = BeiK-uo) from dis, " t o shew"; leJc-shydmi XeiK-cro) from lih, " to lick"; ydlcshydmi = {evK-cru> from yuj, " t o combine" (. 19.); bhav-ishydmi from bhu, " t o be." The Greek has Guna only where the present, also, has a Guna vowel, as in the examples adduced; it contrasts, however, \v-tru>, (pv-cru>, j6nr-crcd, with the Sanscrit lav-i-shydmi from lu, " t o cut off," bhav-i-shydmi from bhu, " to be," hsMp-sydmi from kship, " to cast." The Zend, also, in respect to the Guna, does not agree exactly with the Sanscrit; hence, busy$.mi, " ero" (. 665.), both in not employing the Guna, and also in the direct annexation of the auxiliary verb, corresponds more to the Greek <t>6-(ro) and Lithuanian bii-su than to the Sanscrit bhav-i-shydmi. We subjoin the full conjugation of this future, and append to it the Latin fac-so, which is very isolated, and which agrees'with <j)6-cru, bii-su, not only in the formation, but is also radically akin to it (. 19.).
SINGULAR. SANSCRIT. ZEND. LITH.
1
LATIN.
bhav-i-shydmi, bhav-i'shyasi, bhav-i-shyati,
bu-syemi, bu-sy$lii} bu-syiiti,1
bii-su,
bu-si,
bu-s,
DUAL.
fac-so, fac-sis, fac-sit.
bhav-i-shydvas bhav-i-shyalhas, bhav-i-shyata.s, bu-syatlw ? bu-syatn,
bu-siwn, bu-sita, like Sin <pv-creTov. <pv-<reTov.
* Where Guna is prescribed in Sanscrit Grammar we are to understand that in the middle of roots only short vowels receive Guna before simple consonants, but at the end of roots long- vowels also.
PLURAL. ZEND. LITH.
893
bhav-i-shydmas, bil-sydmahi, bu-sime, fac-simus, <pv-crofxev. bhav-i-shyatha, bu-syatha, bit-site, fac-sitis, <f>v-aere, bhav-i-shyanti, bu-syanti, like Sing, fac-sunt. (pv-crovn.
2 . 42, From tj>vîa>, . 650. mination : see . 418. 1 3
The i is the personal ter-
On account of the perfect agreement between ddsydmi, Jcotrw, and the Lithuanian dusu (duo-su), this future, also, may be here fully conjugated, and the Latin dabo subjoined, as it agrees with the Lithuanian i and Sanscrit ya, though not in the auxiliary verb, still in respect to the future characteristic i of dabis, &c.
ACTIVE. SINGULAR.
Sanscrit. dd-sydmi, dd-syasi, dd-syati, dd-sydvas, dd-syathas, dd-syatas, dd-sydmas, dd-syatha, dd-syanti,
SINGULAR.
Greek.
5G>-CTCO,
Lithuanian.
dusu,
Jw-creif, (Su-crei,
du-si, du-s,
DUAL.
Latin. da-bo. da-bis. da-bit. . . . . .... .... da-bimus. da-bitis. da-bunt.

DUAL.
doct-creTov, Su>-aeTov, u>-crofxev, u>-<reTe,
du-siwa, du-sita, like Sing. du-sime, du-site,
PLURAL.
Sco-own,
like Sing.
MIDDLE.
Sanscrit. dd-syi, dd-syasi, dd-syate,
Greek. dcd-cro/xat. (w-crecraz). w-creTa/.
Sanscrit. dd-sydvaM, dd-syetM, dds-yete,
Greek. Su-o-oiiedo Su-creadov

5w-crecr0oi>
894
VERBS.
MIDDLI-:. PLURAL.
Sanscrit.
dd-sydmahS, dd-syadhvQ, dd-syante,
Greek. 6-(Toneda ci)-(re(T6e.

Std-crovTOU.
665. The Zend future agrees, in essentials, with the Sanscrit, as we have already seen from the relation of busyemi to bhavishydmi. Still this example shews that the Zend, in respect to the Guna and introduction of a conjunctive vowel i, does not everywhere keep pace with the Sanscrit, and in the case before us resembles more closely the Greek <pv<ro) and Lithuanian bum than nfefmiFn bhavishydmi. I cannot, however, adduce the form busyemi even from the Zend-Avesta, but from the frequently occurring participle busyantem, " the about to be " (Vend. S. p. S9); we may, with the more certainty, infer busyimi, busyehi, &c, than we can, in Greek, ecro/icci from
eaofxevos, and, in Sanscrit, bhavishydmi from bhavishyan. The form in emi, Shi, eiti, is apparent from . 42.; for the y invariably exerts an assimilating influence upon the d or a, which precedes the terminations mi, hi, ti, through which those vowels become &. That, however, the y of the future makes no exception to this rule is proved, if proof be required, among other proofs, by that of jyjn$$MS($i*s(j vacsyeiti (Vend. S. p. 83), " he will say," * answering to the Sanscrit valcshyati from vach. In the dual and plural, the y abstains from its assimilating influence, and, in the third person plural, as generally before n, it protects the a following from being weakened to c e, as occurs elsewhere. 666. The third person dual would give the ^ X P I
* Anquctil (p. 139), " void cc que dit maintenxnt."
895
vacsayatd, mentioned at . 464, Rem. *, if it corresponded to the Sanscrit WJ i S vakshyatas from vah, " to carry," " to ^TT f bear." I now, however, prefer regarding it as the causal of the Sanscrit root vaksh, " accumulaTe," which may perhaps also signify " to grow," and with which the Gothic root JAHS regularly agrees; whence, vahsya, " I grow," vohs, " I grew," with h for k, according to a general law for the change of sounds. The Zend ucsyemi, " I grow," appears to be a contraction of vacsyemi (compare . 536. Rem.), as, in Sanscrit, such contractions occur only in forms devoid of Guna; and from vach, " to speak," the gerund, indeed, is uktvd, but the infinitive, which requires Guna, is not uktum, but vaktum. As, then, in the causal verb the vowels capable of Guna receive it, it need not surprise us if, in Zend, the root vacs, as a verb of the fourth class, to which Guna does not belong, were contracted to uss, but, in the causal, retained the full form vacs, as, in Sanscrit, the root vyadh of the fourth class forms, in the present, vidhyami for vyadhydmi, but, in the causal, vyddhaydmi. 667. That the Zend, also, occasionally uses the conjunctive vowel i in its future is proved by the form J$>MMH->M>JSJM2 daibisyanti, "they will disturb," from the root dab, which corresponds to the Sanscrit dambh, " to deceive," and in the preceding and several other forms, which occur in the Vend. S., has, through the influence of the i of the following syllable, received an i in the root (. 41.). It is translated by Anquetil in various passages by affliger and blesser. The future form mentioned occurs Vendidad Sade, p. 215, JAU^ jy/^ j^MM^Mi^M^ y6i vdo daibisyanti* " which will disturb you both." Anquetil renders this strangely enough " vous deux,
affligez ceux qui me tiennent dans Voppression." In another
passage (p. 223) we find the third person plural of the future
* I believe it is to be written thus, instead of ti.
896
VERBS.
middle of the same verb, viz. daibisyanU, which Anquetil likewise regards as the second person imperative, and renders by hlessez. 668. In the Zend future forms hitherto considered, the sibilant of the verb substantive appears in the form of a JM s, because it follows letters which, in Sanscrit, according to . 21., require the change of the s into sh, for which, in Zend, j s o r t) sh is regularly written. After such letters, however, as, in Sanscrit, leave the s unaltered, an h must be expected in the Zend future, according to . 53., instead of the sibilant; and this we find, also, in the passive participle zanhyamana, " the man about to be born " (Vend. S., p. 28), from which we may safely infer an indicative zanhye, " I am about to be born." Anquetil, indeed, renders the words
Ai^^yAJvjyAsÂJiiwjA^ Ajfi^wjyAsôAuj A S ^ X ^ U / naranmcha zd-
tananmcha zanhyamanananmcka, "and to the person born and about to be born,"* by "les homines qui naissent et engendrent," according to which M)\s$xi$$>3xi zanhyamana must be considered as a middle present participle; but it is impossible that the root zan, = Sanscrit sp^ jan, can arrive at an h without thereby expressing the future. At most we might be in doubt, whether zanhyamana should be regarded as of the middle or of the passive voice, as these voices in the general tenses, as also in the special tenses of the fourth slass, are not distinguished from each other. The Indian grammarians take ji'iye, " I am born," as a middle, so that ya passes as the characteristic of the fourth class (see . 109a. 2.); but as the passive, also, in the special tenses, annexes the syllable ya and may reject the n in the root jan, by which the a is lengthened, so there is nothing to prevent us from regarding the verb jdyt], also, as a formal passive on account of its passive meaning. Thus I consider the Zend participle zanhyamana as passive. As regards the
* ('(.impure Burnout's Yacna, Note O., p. 71.
897
j n, however, I do not believe it to be the transferred radical y n of the root JM$ zan, but I assume that the radical n is dropped, and I explain the n as euphonic, as in usazayanha, "thou wast born" (. 56a.), where the n of the root zan has likewise been lost. But if we are to suppose that this root retained its nasal in the future, then we should expect either the form |A5,}iA.y.M zanisye, with a conjunctive vowel, or zansye, without the vowel, as the Sanscrit sound ans regularly makes its appearance in Zend in the form
.*> ans.
669. From the roots da, "to give," and da, "to place," might, according to . 56b., be expected the future form ddonhyemi: as, however, in Zend, sometimes also khy occurs as the representative of the Sanscrit sy (see p. 280), we must be prepared for a form ddkhyemi; and the passive participle of this we find in Vend. S., p. 89, where, in like manner, the passive participle, uz-ddtananm, " of these held up," precedes the genitive plural of the future participle uzddkhyamnananm ( = Sanscrit uddhdsyamdndndm), " of those about to be held up,"* as above we have seen zdtananm-cha and zanhyamanananm-cha, "close together." As we have, therefore, the sibilant of the verb substantive here before us in the shape of a guttural, we will again draw attention to what has been said above of the probable origin of the K of eSwKa, deSw/ca, from <r (. 568. &c). As the Zend root di\, " to place," "lay," "make,"t corresponds to the Greek Ttdrjfxt, consequently the ddkh of the ddkhyamnananm, which has been mentioned, would be identical with the Greek 6>]K of 670. As respects, however, the origin of the exponent of
* With a perhaps erroneous rejection of the a of the participial suffix. Anquetil's translation, also, "qu'ilfant toujours tenir eleves," is evidence that this may be regarded as expressing the future. t The corresponding Sanscrit dha, means also " to hold."
898
VERBS.
the future, yu, with which that of the potential and precative yd is to be ranked, I am still of the opinion already expressed in my System of Conjugation, that these syllables proceed from the root ^ t, " to wish." Consequently the Greek optative, which is founded on the Sanscrit potential and precative, would, according to its signification, have its name from the same verb to which it owes its formal origin. If the conjunctive vowel of the first and sixth class be added to the root ^ i, it would make ya, according to the same phonetic principle by which the root i, " to go," forms, in the third person plural, yanti. From this yanti, therefore, the termination of dd-s-yanti, " they will give," cannot be distinguished. It cannot be denied, too, that the root i, "to go," to which Wiillner (Origin of Lingual Forms, . 46, 47.) has betaken himself in explaining the future, is, in respect of form, just as suitable as i. But the meaning " to wish," " to will," is certainly more adapted to express the future and the optative than that of " to go." This is also confirmed by the use of language, as several idioms, quite independent of one another, have simply, through internal impulse, come to the decision of expressing the future by " to will." It is certain that the New Grecian and Old High German (. 661.), nay, even the various German dialects, have, in this respect, borrowed nothing from one another nor imitated each other. The Old Sclavonic, also, sometimes employs an auxiliary verb, signifying " to will," to express the future. It is not, however, to be overlooked, that the examples which Dobrowsky (p. 380.) adduces from the translation of the Bible are all preceded by /*eAAw in the Greek text; for which reason, unless other instances occur where this is not the case, we must conjecture that the wish of keeping as close as possible to the Greek text must have suggested to the Sclavonic translator his ôuis choshchil ; thus Luke xxi. 7,
yegda chotyat siya byti, orav neKXy ravja yeveadat; Matt. xi. 11, nhotyai priili, 6 ^tu'AAcov kpêadat. Respecting the conjectural
899
relationship of the Greek /ueAAw with the Indian manye, " I think," see p. 889. 671. The Sanscrit sometimes uses its desiderative form to denote the future, as in the episode of the Draupadi mumurshu, " wishing to die," occurs in the sense of " about to die ;" and, conversely, in different languages, the expression of the future is occasionally used to denote that of " to will:" and the Latin forms its desideratives from the future participle in turns, abbreviating the u, and adding the characteristic of the fourth conjugation, the i of which, however, has nothing to do with the Sanscrit future suffix ya, but, as has been shewn, is founded on the characteristic of the tenth class aya, which is frequently used in Sanscrit to form denominatives. The Greek forms desideratives from the future in crw, or perhaps from the older form in o-/co; so that in forms like TrapceJwcre/w, -yeAacre/w, the i would be strengthened only by an e, which would give the Guna augment. These desideratives, however, and the future, may be regarded as cognate forms, so that both, independently of each other, but by a similar formation, would have proceeded from the verbal theme, as there are in Sanscrit also desideratives, which have the form of the future but have not proceeded from it, but, following its analogy, have sprung from a nominal base ; e. g. vrisha-sydmi, " to desire the bull," madhvasydmi, " to ask for honey." In the latter example the a of the root of the verb substantive is perhaps contained. But usually in denominative desideratives the verb substantive is quite omitted, or has become obsolete, and they only contain the syllable ya, i.e. the auxiliary verb "to wish," which is characteristic of the future ; e. g. pati-yami, " I wish for a spouse," from pati, " spouse." It is not improbable that the desideratives which have been formed from primitive roots by the addition of a sibilant, and which are furnished with a syllable of reduplication, had originally a y after the sibilant, and therefore, likewise, the root of "to wish" alluded to;
900
VERBS.
thus, e.g. pipd-sdmi, "I wish to drink," from pipd-sydmi, agreeing with pd-sydmi, " I will drink." If this is the case, then pipdsdmi has the same relation to the pre-supposed pipdsydmi that the Greek 5w-<rw, from Sacria, has to the Sanscrit ddsydmi. The root being burthened with the reduplication might, perhaps, produce a weakening in the final portion of the word, similar to that through which the reduplicated verbs in the third person plural have lost the nasal belonging to this person; and bibhrati " they carry," is said for bibhranti (. 459.). We shall recur hereafter to the desideratives. FORMATION OF THE MOODS.
POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.
672. The Sanscrit potential, which, with several peculiarities of use, combines in itself the Greek subjunctive and optative, but in form adheres to the latter, is, in that conjugation which corresponds to the Greek in fxt, formed by the syllable yd, which is prefixed to the personal terminations. The class peculiarities are retained; e.g. vidydm " sciam," from vid, class 2 ; bibhriydm " feram," from bhri, class 3 ; strinuydm, " sternam," from stri, class 5 ; sydm for asydm " sim," from as, class 2. We easily recognise the modal exponent yd in the Greek irj, in which the semi-vowel has become a vowel, according to the Greek system of sounds; the i, however, always forms a diphthong with the preceding radical vowel, as there are no present forms like efyu (Sanscrit admi, Lithuanian edmi), and therefore no optatives also like kSfyv, which would resemble the Sanscrit adyihn. But didoirjv corresponds tolerably well to the Sanscrit dadyam, especially if its radical vowel is restored, which, through a particular irregularity, it has lost. According to rule, daddydm would correspond to the Greek SiSoirjv; but the root da, under the retro-active influence of the heavy personal terminations and of the modal characteristic under discussion, suppresses its radical
FORMATION OF MOODS.
901
vowel according to the same principle by which the Greek verb

shortens its w ; thus dadydm = SiSot'rjv, as dadmas = BiSo/xev
(see . 481. Table). The Sanscrit root as, " to be," loses, by a special anomaly (which is, nevertheless, founded on the law of gravity, which acts with such astonishing consequences), its initial a in those places where da drops its final vowel; hence sydm, " I may be," answering to the Greek e'l'qv, because cr between two vowels very easily admits of being dislodged, but the root E2 firmly protects its vowel; hence, also, in the present indicative, eff/xev, eare, are more full than the^Sanscrit cognate forms smas, " we are," stha, " ye are." 673. The agreement of the Greek and Sanscrit is very remarkable in this point, that both languages have, in the middle, entirely lost the long vowel of the modal exponent
yd, irj; hence, IO?TO, StSotfxeda, for didolrjTO, dtBoirj/xeda, as in Sanscrit dadita, dadimahi, for dadydta, dadydmahi. The
cause clearly lies in the weightier personal terminations of the middle; but I would not maintain, that- the wound inflicted by them, in both languages, in one and the same place, on the preceding modal exponent took place so early as the period when Greek and Sanscrit were still one. The principle of the form-weakening retro-active influence of the weight of the personal terminations must, however, have existed at that time; and several circumstances in our European circle of languages point to this, that at the time of the identity of the languages, which are now separated, several convulsions took place in the organization of each family of languages. In the preceding case, however, the Greek SISOITO by its accent shews itself to be a comparatively recent contraction; for if the rejection of the t] was primitive, and had taken place before the separation of languages, SISOITI would be accented like Xeyono. The Greek shews itself, too, in the suppression of the r\, independent of the Sanscrit, in this, that it admits this vowel in the two plural numbers of the active, and for cSiBotrmev also i$difxev, while the San-
902
VEBBS.
scrit together with dndyama has not a form dadima, but both in this and in all verbs of the second conjugation the modal syllable yd is left unweakened in both the plural numbers of the active voice, although in other respects these two numbers follow the analogy of the middle, as their terminations are heavier than those of the singular. 674. The Latin subjunctive coincides in form with the Greek optative and Sanscrit potential. Its agreement with the former might have been perceived, without the intervention of the Sanscrit, from sim, velim, edim, and duim, the modal i of which coincides with the Greek / of StBolrjv. But these Latin forms resemble the Sanscrit still more closely than the Greek; for instance, edim answers admirably to the Sanscrit adydm, the ya of which, in the middle, if ad were used in that voice, must be contracted to i, so that adi-mahi would correspond to the Latin edimus. Thus sim, for sim, answers to syam, and sim us still more exactly to the middle simahi. The obsolete form siem, sies, siet, corresponding to the Sanscrit syam, syds, sydt, is so far a grammatical jewel, that the full modal characteristic t(T yd, Greek irj, is contained in it, and it may thence be inferred, that edim, also, &c., was preceded by an older ediem, edies, ediet = adydm, adyds, adydt, and vplim, duim, &c, by a more full veliem, dnyem (from dayem). The more weighty terminations of the plural have, by their retro-active shortening influence, effected the suppression of the e before them earlier than before the more light terminations of the singular. It may, however, be reasonably assumed, that the forms siemus, s'wtis, sient = sydma, sydta, syus (from sydnt), have existed in some other more early epoch of the language ; and to them, stlmus, &c, has the same relation that, in Greek, the abbreviated StSoijxev has to SiSoirj/xev. 675. The German, in which the subjunctive is likewise based on the Sanscrit potential and Greek optative, forms
FORMATION OF MOODS.
903
the preterite of this mood according to the principle of the Sanscrit second conjugation of the second, third, and seventh class, and of the Greek conjugation in fju, i.e. by attaching the modal element to the root direct; and, in fact, in Gothic, the first person in yau resembles very strikingly the Sanscrit yam, only that the a has been shortened, and the m vocalized to u (. 432.). Compare, after removing what belongs to the relation of time, etyau, " I ate,"* with the Sanscrit adyam, " I may eat." In the other persons, the Gothic follows the analogy of the Sanscrit and Greek middle ; i. e. in suppressing the a of ya, while the y, as in Sanscrit, becomes long {, for which, in Gothic, ei is written; hence, et-ei-ma, Old High German dzirnh, resembles the Sanscrit ad-i-mahi and Latin ed-imus; et-ei-th, Old High German &zit, the Sanscrit ad-idhvam, and Latin ed-i-tis; in the second person singular, et-ei-s (et-i-s) is almost identical with the Latin ed-i-s. In the third person, however, the personal sign has been lost (. 432.), and in consequence of this loss the long i sound, which comes to stand at the end, is shortened ; thus eti answering to the Sanscrit adita and Latin edit. 676. It scarcely requires to be remarked, that I do not understand the resemblance between the Gothic et-ei-ma and Sanscrit ad-i-mahi, as though the Gothic subjunctive preterite, with exception of the first person singular, was really referable to the Sanscrit middle; the contraction of ya to ei = i is rather a pure Gothicism, which was probably preceded by a weakening of ya to yi, according to the principle
* Ita, " I eat," from the root at, is so far the most remarkable verb of its class, because etum, " we ate" (for atum from a-atum, Old High German azumes), contains a reduplication without having experienced abbreviation like setum and similar forms (. 605.). The Old High German assumes corresponds almost exactly to the Sanscrit reduplicated dd-i-ma from a-adima.
904
VERBS.
by which nominal bases in ya exhibit in the nominative singular yi-s for yu-s, in case' this syllable is preceded by only one syllable, and, in fact, a short one. But if a vowel long by nature or by position, or more than one syllable precedes, the syllable ya is not only weakened to yi, but is contracted to long i (ei), and at the end of a word to short i; hence, andeis "end," for andyis from andyas, accusative andi for andya. Before a final nasal or ns the syllable ya remains in its original state; hence, in the dative plural, andya-m, accusative andya-ns. On the same phonetic law is based the phenomenon that the u of the first person singular of our modal-form, which has arisen from m, has preserved the syllable ya in its complete form; and hence, etyau from etyam, "I ate," may be compared with the dative plural andyam; iteis, " thou atest," with the nominative and genitive singular andeis; and the third person singular iti, which terminates with short i, with the accusative andi. 677. In Old Sclavonic there are some remains of the Greek conjugation in fu, or the Sanscrit second conjugation. These have preserved the personal termination in the first person singular of the present, and in the imperative (which I believe I must in its formation identify with the SanscritZend potential, the Latin-German subjunctive, and Greek optative) annex the exponent of the modal relation direct to the root. The modal characteristic, however, has preserved only the semi-vowel of the Sanscrit yd, and as in the second person singular the s of yds, since from the oldest period it has stood at the end, must, according to a universal law of sound, disappear, so lA*At> yashdy (euphonic for yady), " eat," corresponds to the Sanscrit adyus, " thou mayest eat," and Latin edis; B'b*Ab vyeshdy (for vyedrj) " know," to the Sanscrit vidyds ; and AA2kA*> dashdy (for dady), " give," to the Greek BiSolrjs, and still more to the Sanscrit dw'ym, since, like it, it has lost the radical vowel. The Sclavonic forms which have been cited pass also as third persons; for trm yds and
FORMATION OF MOODS.
905
nr ydt cannot be distinguished in Sclavonic, because the rule for the extirpation of final consonants has spared the t as little as the s, while the Greek admits the 2 at the end, there also, where, in the lingual epoch preceding that of the Greek, it stood as the last pillar of the word; and thus StBoi^g can be distinguished from SiBotr}, which is deprived of the personal sign. 678. In the first person plural, ia;ft,s,bMbi yashdymy, vyeshdymy, AAibAbMbi dashdymy, answer to adydmas, edimus, f^?TPT^ vidydmas, ^ T T dadydmas, STW duimus; and in the second, lAJkAbTE ynshdyte, vijeshdyte, AAÂbTE dashdyfe, to ^renw adydta, editis, faiinr vidydta, <S T dadydta, SiSotre, duitis. The se*T H cond person plural represents, in the Old Sclavonic imperative, also the third person; a misuse which may have been favoured by the fact, that in the singular the third person is not distinguished from the second, from reasons connected with the law of sounds; and in the dual, also, the terminations rW tarn, Km tdm, for which the Greek uses rov, TYJV, have both become ta; for though the Sclavonic a generally represents the long Sanscrit a, still it sometimes stands for the short a also; and therefore ta has as good a foundation in the second person dual as in the third; but through the elsewhere very common corruption of a to e the dual second person has become like that of the plural. For the rest, the second person is most used in the imperative, and this may have been an additional cause why, in the plural, the third person has been entirely removed from lingual existence, which is therefore less surprising than that, in Old and AngloSaxon, the second person plural should represent the other two in the present indicative also. But if, in the Old Sclavonic imperative, the genuine third person plural had remained in use, it would, in my opinion, be the same as the second and third of the singular; for the final consonant sounds of the Greek-Zend ev, dim, or en, and Latin nf, would
3N
906
VERBS.
have given way, and as the vowel of the modal expression yu has, in general, disappeared, only dashdy could have corresponded to the Zend daidhyann, Greek StSoiev, and Old Latin duint. This apparent identity with two persons of the singular might have accorded less with the language than the actual exchange for one of the same number. 679. I refer, also, the Lithuanian imperative, in its origin, to the department of the mood here discussed ; for in all verbs, without exception, the vowel i is its characteristic, which admits of no other comparison than with the Sclavonic y, just mentioned, the Greek i of of all optatives, the Latin i of sim, edim, velirn, duim, and the Sanscrit-Zend yd, or 1. The Lithuanian imperative, however, gains a peculiar appearance, and one estranged from the corresponding sound of the cognate languages, in that it conceals the true exponent of the modal relation behind a k, which is always prefixed to the i; only that, if the root itself ends with k, for two Ar's only one is used. As in the second person singular, in which the i ought to conclude the form, this final vowel is generally suppressed, but the k is extended to all persons of the imperative, with the exception of the third, of which hereafter,' we may be easily tempted to regard this k as the true imperative suffix, and thus quite disengage the Lithuanian in this mood from its otherwise close union with the other cognate languages. From the root bu, " to be," proceed
the forms bukl, or bilk, " be," biikite, " be ye," fnikime, " let
us be," biikhra, " let us two be," biikita, " let them two be." So dfiki, or diik, " give thou," dttkiie, " give ye," &c. In most cases it happens, that the k appears between two vowels : for, in the preceding examples, the root, and in Mielke's three last conjugations, the class syllable, corresponding to the Sanscrit aya (. 506.), end with a vowel: and as the verb sukh, " I turn," given as example of the first conjugation, on account of the k, which terminates
FORMATION OF MOODS.
907
the root, abstains from the affix under discussion, Mielke's Grammar, therefore, is utterly deficient in an instance exhibiting the combination of the k of the imperative with a consonant. But Ruhig gives, from laupslnii, " I praise," the imperative laUpsinlc1 (laupsinki), and, according to Mielke's rule, given at p. 78, we must expect from infinitives like ras-ti, " to find " (euphonic for rad-ti), imperatives like ras-k\ or ras-Jci, since a k should take the place of the infinitive suffix. 680. As respects the origin of the k, which is peculiar to the Lithuanian imperative, it is probably, as has been already observed, a corruption of the s of the verb substantive, and consequently ditki, " give thou," is doubly related to the Old Sclavonic dach, " I gave," and to the Greek eSoiKa, SeSoiKa (see . 568. 569.), as also to the Zend J^wîÂu^ dukhyemi, " I will give "( = Sanscrit ddsydmi), which I am unable to quote, but I believe I may safely deduce it from the above mentioned participle of the root da, " to lay," which has the same sound with da " to give " (see . 669.). The same relation that the Zend future ddkhyemi has to the Sanscrit ddsydmi is held, as respects the employing a guttural instead of an original sibilant, by the Lithuanian duki to the Sanscrit precative middle ddsiya. In the dual, the Lithuanian dukiwa answers to the Sanscrit ddsivahi, and, in the plural, dukime to ddsimahi. The Sanscrit precative is, however, in fact, nothing else than a modification of the potential, and has, in essentials, the same relation to it that the Greek aorist optative has to the present optative ; i. e. the class differences are removed.
Compare deyds, deydt for ddyds, ddydt * Zend ddydo, ddynl,
with Sotys, Soiq. In all the other persons, the Sanscrit adds
* A radical a passes into t, in most roots, through the assimilating influence of the y following, but not in Zend. 3 N2
908
VERBS.
an s, i.e. the verb substantive, to the modal exponent yd, and thus de.ynmm resembles the Greek third person plural Sotyo-av. This dissimilar introduction of the verb substantive may be regarded as a phenomenon, which first made its appearance after the separation of the languages; for which reason the Zend, though it continued with the Sanscrit much longer than the European cognate idioms, does not share in it, and in the plural contrasts JUÂUÂU^ ddydma,
ddyata, / f t ^ y ^ ddyanm, with the Greek Bot'rjfjLev, e, $o?ev, and Sanscrit deydsma, deydsta, deydsus. In
the first person singular I find ^ ^ ^ dyanm (probably erroneously for ddyanm) in a passage already cited with a different object (see p. 277), a form in good analogy with the Greek Sotrjv, for which in Sanscrit deydsam. 681. In the middle, the Sanscrit, in the precative, commits to the verb substantive the function of denoting the modal relation, exactly as, in the future of the two active forms, the relation of time. As, therefore, in dd-sydmi dubo, the last portion is the future of the verb substantive, so in dd-si-yaj " I may give," its precative or potential aorist is contained, and the Lithuanian du-kl, " give" (without any personal termination), is rightly analogous to ddsi, the sibilant being hardened to k, which alone distinguishes the imperative from the future. Compare du-kite, " give ye," with du-sife, " ye will give." In spite, however, of the great agreement between du-ki and da-si, it is still requisite to assume that the Lithuanian has brought with it from its Asiatic place of origin the preceding form of its imperative, and that du-ki-tr, " give ye," is the transmission of the Sanscrit dd-si-dlivmn, dct'/s, with the substitution only of an active personal termination for a middle one ; but the very natural accession of the verb
* Compare Burnouf s Ya<;na, Note, pp. el. clii. t The y is a euphonic insertion, and a, for ma, the termination.
FORMATION OF MOODS.
909
substantive may be admitted in both languages independently of one another. The firm adherence to the ancient modal character, the original yd of which has been contracted in the Sanscrit middle, precative, and potential, to i, in the Lithuanian imperfect to i, has, in the preceding case, effected a surprising similarity in the languages, which have been from time immemorial distinct, and subject to their own separate destiny. The conjecture, however, that the k of the Lithuanian imperfect has arisen from s, is supported by the Old Prussian, which is most intimately connected with the Lithuanian, and which furnishes us with an optative or subjunctive, in which s is contrasted with the Lithuanian k; at least, I have no doubt that forms like da-se, " he may give," galb-se, " he may help," bm-se, " he may be," bou-sei, " they may be," tussi-se, " he may be silent" (Sanscrit tushnim, " still," " silent"), are to be looked upon as cognate forms of the Lithuanian imperative and Sanscrit precative; and thus da-se (without a personal termination, like the Greek dotrj) may be contrasted with the Sanscrit dd-si-shta, " he may give." 682. In support of my assertion that the Lithuanian imperative is based on the Sanscrit precative, not on the potential, may be specially adduced the circumstance that, in the latter case, in those verbs which correspond to the Sanscrit first class, it would necessarily retain the vowel inserted between the root and the personal termination; e.g. the inserted a of wez-a-me, "we carry," ivcz-a-te, "ye carry," would not be lost, but most probably we should have in their place wez-ai-me, wez-ai-te, which would be analogous to the Gothic vig-ai-ma, vig-ai-th, to the Greek
v, e-^-oi-re, and Sanscrit vah-e-ma, vah-e-ta (from
* See Vatcr's Language of the Old Prussians, pp. 104 and 107.
910
VERBS.
vahaima, vahaita). But according to the view just developed, wefz-ki-me, wefz-ki-te, is founded, not on vah-S-ma, vah-i-ta, but on vak-sM-mahi, vak- shi-dhvam, apart from the middle terminations. The Lettish, however, in its imperatives, has retained, of the two modifications of the Sanscrit mood under discussion, the first, i.e. the form called potential, corresponding to the Greek optative present; and, in the second person plural, always uses ai or ee in the place of the indicative a ; and thus darrait, " do ye " (facialis), corresponds, in its relation to darrat, " ye do,"* admirably to the Gothic subjunctives like lis-ai-ts, " ye two may read," as contrasted with the indicative lis-a-ts. I give the dual, as this has the advantage of having, in the indicative, retained the old a in its original form; while in the plural lisith, as in general before a final tit, that letter has become I. The two twin sisters, therefore, the Lithuanian and Lettish, complete one another's deficiencies in the imperative admirably, since the one supplies us with the Sanscrit potential, and the other with its aoi'ist form, or the precative, and, in fact, furnishes us with the same method of formation (which is the more important) that is to be assigned peculiarly to the middle, and does not occur elsewhere in any other European cognate idiom; while, as has been said, the
* Though the form in ait or cct occurs in the indicative also, still here that in at is the prevailing and general one : in the imperative, however, that in cct or ait is the only one, and therefore characteristic of the mood. The true pronunciation of the Lettish diphthong <r is hard to be perceived from the description given hy Rosenberger, p. 0 : it is sufficient, however, for our purpose here, that this diphthong is etymologically only a corruption of in', and, like this, corresponds to the Sanscrit c ( = + (); as, in ifccicx, "(!od," = ^ ^ ' Iera -a, from fi*^ ilir, *' to shine"; cct, '' he goes," --^fif'/', IVom ^ / ; miivc-l, "to laugh," in the root answers to the Sanhi-vit niiti, whence liy Guiui, through insertion of an a, sine:
FORMATION OF MOODS.
911
active process of formation in the Greek second aorist optative is reflected, where, in the third person plural, Solrja-av is contrasted with the Sanscrit deydsus for ddyumnf, and Soiev with the Zend / ^ i ^ S ddyann. 683. The second person singular of the Lettish imperative is always identical with the corresponding person of the indicative, and here requires no further discussion; and thus, that which in Lithuanian, was adduced as the third person imperative, is nothing else than the third person of the indicative present, which receives its modal function, corresponding more with the subjunctive than the imperative, by the prefix of the conjunction te. There are, however, some anomalous verbs, which have a form differing from the indicative, and this is in reality an unmistakeable brother of the Sanscrit potential of the second conjugation, or of the Greek optative present of the conjugation in fxi. The personal character has (as usually happens in all tenses of the indicative) been dropped; and thus ie corresponds to the Greek tr/, Latin iet from siet, and the Sanscrit-Zend yat, yat. For example, essie corresponds to the Greek elrj (from evii)), to the Latin siet, and Sanscrit sydf, but exceeds the Latin and Sanscrit in preserving the radical vowel (as in esme, contrasted with s-mas, sumus), and the Greek e'lr], in retaining the consonant of the root, which is, however, doubled, as occurs in Lettish, also, in several persons of the indicative; e.g. in essam, " we are," essat, " ye are." 684. The Lithuanian dudye, " he may give," answers to the Greek SiSotr/, Sanscrit dadydt, and Zend daidhydt. The agreement with the two last forms, however, is the greater, as the radical vowel is lost in the base itself; thus du-die for dMuye, as in Sanscrit da-dydt for daddydt, and in Zend daidhydt for dadhdydt. The relation of dudie to the other unreduplicated persons of the imperative, as dfiki, dukime, &c, is exactly that of the potential in
5)12
VERBS.
Sanscrit and Zend to the precativc, and in Greek that of the present optative to the aorist of that mood ; thus, as ^?rnr diulydt is related to ^zmr^ de-ydt (for ddydt, middle dd-mhta), or as in Zend r^Mi^^^jM^ daidhyat to (X>AM^,JAU^ ddydt, and in Greek SiSolrj to <ioir}, so is dudie, " he may-
give," to diiki, " give." In this lies a new, and, in fact, very strong proof, that the Lithuanian imperative in the third person of anomalous verbs belongs to the potential or optative present, but in the other persons to the precative or optative aorist; and that the k of diiki is identical with the K of e'ScoKoc and the s of ddsiya. It is proper here to recall attention to the division of the Sanscrit tenses and moods into special and general. The latter, to which belongs the precative, as, in Greek, the aorist, have the class-sign removed, which, in daddmi, SiSio/xi, and the Lithuanian ditdu, consists in the reduplication : this, therefore, is wanting in deydsam, dd-siya, Soi'rjv, diiki, according
to the same principle by which the verb under discussion forms, in the three languages, the future dd-sydm, <Jc5-<rw, dti-su. The Lithuanian root bu, " to be " ( = Sanscrit bhu), in consonance with this principle, forms, in the plural of the future, bii-si-me, and in that of the imperative, bu-ki-me; with which latter we would compare the corresponding Sanscrit precative form bhav-i-shi-viahi : on the other hund, buwa-ii, " I was," belongs to the special theme abhamm (. 522). With regard, however, to Mielke's second, third, and fourth conjugations preserving the class character in the imperative, this proceeds from their belonging to the Sanscrit tenth class, which extends its ay also to the general tenses; and from ^ chur, " to steal," the precative middle is -4~UfqKlq clwr-ayl-shiya, plural chiir-ayi-slumiihi. The / of ayi is a conjunctive vowel, which in other classes, also frequently enters between the attributive root and the verb substantive. After rejecting this conjunctive vowel, uy would he of necessity
FORMATION OF MOODS.
913
contracted to i1, and then chdr-e-shicahl, dwr-i-shimahi would be identical with Lithuanian forms like pen-e-kiwa, " let us two nourish," pen-e-kime, " let us nourish," as regards the class-syllable. 685. The Lithuanian offers, beside the imperative, another mood, which we must bring into comparison with the Sanscrit precative;I mean the subjunctive, which has only an imperfect to exhibit, which we append in full from the root dti, " to give," with the addition of the corresponding form of the Lettish, which is requisite in this place, in order to understand the Lithuanian.
SINGULAR. LITHUAN. LETTISH. LITHUAN. PLURAL. LETTISH. DUAL. LITHUAN.
dhcldau, es dohlu. dutumbime, metis dolitum. dulumbiwu. didumbei, tu dohtn. dutumbite, yuhs dohtut. dutumbita. dldu, winsch dohtu. diitu, winynyi dohlu. didu.
1
Feminine winynya.
Feminine winynyas.
The third person singular, which, as is universally the case in Lithuanian and Lettish, represents, at the same time, the plural, and, in Lithuanian, also the dual, would^ considered of itself, lead us to the Sanscrit imperative, in which daddtu, " let him give," is identical in termination with dldu, dohtu; and the phenomenon, that the Lettish dohtu also passes as second and first person, might be regarded as the consequence of an erroneous use of language ; like that, by which, in Old and Anglo-Saxon, the second person plural of the present, and the third of the preterite, have made their way into the other persons also. Still I hold the tu under discussion, not as a personal termination, but as identical with the turn of the other persons, and I regard dtdu as an abbreviation of dutumbi, particularly as, in the first person plural, dtdum may be used for dtdumbime (Mielke, p. 143, b), in which case the m
914
VERBS.
is to be regarded as the character of the first person, and is not to be confounded with that which precedes the b in the full form dulumbime. I deduce this from the Lettish, which has everywhere dislodged the syllable hi, together with the m preceding, but which combines the tu, which remains in the plural with the personal sign, but in the singular, as this number. has in general lost the consonants of the terminations, leaves it without any addition ; thus, es, tu, winsh doldii. A clear intimation is thus given us, that also in the Lithuanian first person singular the form duchiau, and such as resemble it, must be regarded as strongly mutilated; and I have no doubt that duchiau has arisen from dutumbiau, by suppressing the umb. Thus the t came into direct contact with several combined vowels, and therefore was necessarily changed into eh, according to a universal law of sound. The abbreviation of didumbiau to dfichiau (for dtdiau) is not greater than that before mentioned of dutu(mbf)me to dutum, for didume. In both cases three letters have been omitted; in the first, mb, with the preceding vowel; in the second, with the vowel following. 686. The Lithuanian subjunctive is very important to me, as I recognise in the syllable bl the true exponent of the modal relation, and in this a more than casual coincidence with the expression of the Latin future of the first and second conjugation, which is in form completely the same. Compare dn-bimiis with dfitum-bimc, da-bilis with dfdiiiH-bilr, da-bis with dutum-bei, from did um-bi-i, da-bo for dabio, with the didum-Jnau presupposed above, and dabit with the dutum-bl abbreviated to dfitu, likewise only supposed. The identification, however, of a Latin future form with the subjunctive of a cognate language will surprise us the loss, as the Latin itself, within its own lingual province, places the future and subjunctive on the same footing in this point, that futures like leges, legrt,
FORMATION OF MOODS.
1)15
leyemus, legetis, coincide in form with the subjunctives of the first conjugation. 687. The i of the Lithuanian bi corresponds, there is scarce any doubt, to the Sanscrit-Zend modal character yd, which, in combination with hhu, " to be," forms, in the third person of the precative, ^ m ^ bhuydt, IXSAU^JJ buydt. The Lithuanian has dropped the u of its root hu, whether on account of its appearing in a contraction, or because the u stood before a vowel, while everywhere else it appeared before consonants: the syllable yd, however, is retained pretty perfectly in the first person singular in iau, and in the other persons, on the contrary, it is contracted to i. Compare biau (from biam, see . 438.) with the Zend VVJ,J,)II buyanm (from buydm), and bime, bite, from buyame, buyate, with A>^jw^^2i buydma, AjÔAj^yjj buyata. As regards the first part of the Lithuanian compound dutum-bei, &c, we easily recognise in it the Sanscrit infinitive and the accusative of the Latin supinec[THJ^ datum, datum. In its isolated state the Lithuanian supine ends in tu, but the lost sign of the accusative has in the contraction been preserved in its original form under the protection of the auxiliary verb following, and principally of the labial initial sound answering to m, while everywhere else, in Lithuanian, the accusative m has become n (.149.). 688. The Sanscrit first conjugation suppresses the a of the potential character yd both in the active and in the middle,*
* This suppression would be favoured by the facility with which the y vocalized to i, becomes a diphthong witli a preceding it. The prime inducement for it, however, was the effort to lighten the modal element in combination with a verbal theme, which, without that, was of two, or, in the tenth class, of three syllables; thus, bo-dhes, " thou mayest know," for bodh-a-yds; kdmayes, " thou mayest love," for kdm-aya-yds. In the second conjugation the combination of the modal syllable yd with radical a (there are no roots in short a) occurs only in monosyllabic verbal themes; c. y. bhd-yam. Roots of the third class, however, as they become polysyllabic
916
VERBS.
and the y vocalized to i is contracted, with the preceding a of the class syllable, to <?; e.g.tfe^bhares, " thou mayest bear,"
for bhar-a-yun, as, in Greek, Repots for <pepoitjg (<pep-o-tt]s).
I am not, however, of opinion, that the diphthong, which is expressed, in Sanscrit by TT, and now spoken as &, had in the earliest time, before the separation of languages, a pronunciation in which neither a nor i was perceptible; but it is most probable that the two elements were heard in combination, and spoken as ai, which ai may have been distinguished from the Vriddhi diphthong ^ Ai by this, that the same breadth was not given to the pronunciation of the a sound that it has in ai. The same must have been the case with the 6 : it was pronounced like au, and its Vriddhi (. 29.), like du. For to keep to the T t, if this diphthong was from the early period of the language taken as e, then the i sound, which had become utterly extinct as a whole, would scarcely, after the separation of languages, have again been restored to life in single members, and thus the whole make its appearance in Greek, at one time as at, at another as et or ot (see Vocalismus, pp. 193, &c.); in Zend at one time as e (or
polysyllabic by reduplication, lighten the roots by suppressing the , as dad-yam for dadd-yam, jah-ydm for jahd-ydm (compare .482.). The ninth class weakens its class syllable nd to nl, as before heavy personal terminations (.485.); thus, yu-ni-ydm for yu-nd-t/dm; and therefore the combination of the full modal exponent yd with the heaviest kind of vowel is, in polysyllabic themes, entirely avoided. The roots which annex a a or II do not suffer any weakening either in the base or in the modal character, for the d of yd cannot here be lost, since the i cannot become a diphthong with the u preceding: the u of the class syllable, however, is not necessarily weakened, since u is itself one of the lighter vowels; hence, Sji-nti-yiim, " I may reach." To this would correspond, in (ircek, forms like 3ei>mV, which, however, as it appears, are avoided cm account of the difficulty of pronouncing them, and carried into the w ioiijugation ; while the remains of forms, which have remained true to their own conjugation, have suppressed the i, and, in compensation, lengthened the v; thus t'7rnkiki'0/u>ji' for CvititiKwlpiiv.
FORMATION OF MOODS.
917
ae, . 28.), at another as Si; in Lithuanian in one place as ai, in another as e; in Lettish now as ai, now as ^ or ee (see . 682., Rem.); in Latin sometimes as ae, as the next descent from ai, sometimes as e. But if before the separation of languages the diphthong still had its right pronunciation, then each particular individual of the family of languages which arose after the separation may have either always or occasionally preserved in its full value the ai which had been brought with it from the land of its origin; or invariably or occasionally contracted it to e; and as it is natural to derive e from ai many of the cognate languages coincide in this process of melting down. While, however, the Sanscrit, according to the pronunciation which has been received by us, causes the diphthong ai, when in a position before consonants, to be invariably taken as i, the Greek exhibits the opposite extreme, and displays to us the Sanscrit diphthong as at, et, or ot, and, in fact, as oi in the preceding case, since the class vowel, which, in the indicative, appears as o only before nasals, in combination with the modal exponent / invariably assumes the o quality. The rj, however, of the full modal exponent trj, as in Sanscrit the d, is suppressd;
thus Tepn-ot-s, Te(rn-oi-(r), answering to tarp-e-s, tarp-e-t; TepTr-oi-Tov, TepTT-ot-rrjv, to tarp-8-tam, tarp-^-tdm ; repn-oi-nev, TepTT-ot-re, to tarp-e-ma, tarp-3-ta.
689. It has been already remarked (. 430.) that the first person singular in oifxt is an unorganic form, and that TVTTTOI/j.t]v points to an active form TVTTTOIV. When I first advanced this conjecture I was not aware that the form arrived at by theory has been actually transmitted to us, though but in the single case of Tpe<potv. Besides this, Matthiae (. 198. 2.) proposes to read ajxaprow instead of a/iapTeiv in Suidas. We will leave it undecided here, whether the forms olr\v, olrjs, &c, which occur in contracted verbs, have preserved the original form, and are thus more genuine than those in Sanscrit like tarp-e-s for tarp-a-yAs, or whether, as is more pro-
918
VERBS.
bable, they are carried back by the analogy of the fxt conjugation. The Sanscrit interposes a euphonic y between the diphthong t, and, in the second conjugation, between the i shortened from yd, and the personal terminations commencing with a vowel (. 43.); hence, tarpe-y-am, answering to the Greek repnoifxi for rep-now. Regarding the termination am for simple m, which would make the euphonic y superfluous, and attest a form tarpem for tarpeyam, see . 437. 690. The Latin, in its subjunctives of the first conjugation, exhibits, like the Sanscrit in the form of i, the diphthong which has arisen from the class syllable and the modal vowel i; but in the first and third person singular, through the influence of the final m and t, this is shortened; thus, amerm, arnel, in opposition to ames, amemus, ametis. The kindred formation of these words with the Greek, like repiroifju, repito<f, Tepitotnev, repTrone, would perhaps never be discovered without the medium of the Sanscrit. But if ame.i, amet, amemus, ametis, be compared with the Sanscrit forms of the same meaning, kdmayes, kdmayet, kdmnyema, kdmaye.ta, it must be assumed that the last a of the class character ^p* aya (whence we have deduced the Latin d ( = a + a) of amd-re (. 109a. 6.), by the dislodgement of the y), has combined with the modal i, while in the d of amds, amdmus, amdtis, the two a of kdm-n(y)a-si, kdm-a(y)d-mus, kdm-n(y)nIha, are united. The v, therefore, of nines, ike, corresponds to the Greek oi in forms like T//uao/f, <pi\eoig, <$t]\6ois (. 109". 6.), and the preceding short vowel is passed over. In the obsolete forms verberit, temper'mt (Struve, p. 146), also, the first part of the diphthong e ( = a + j) has been lost, and only the pure modal element has been left. They may have arisen from the consciousness that an i was bound up in tlie e of vcrberct, lempc.rent, or they may have followed the principle of .s/7, vrlit, edit (. 674.). On the other hand, do really belongs to the Sanscrit second conjugation and to the Greek in JXI, and therefore didin, perduim, are regular forms,
FORMATION OF MOODS.
919
the i of which corresponds to the Sanscrit y of dad-yam and to the Greek / of SiSofyv. The weakening of the a to u in duim rests, perhaps, on the circumstance, that ui is a more favourite combination than a'i. 691. In moneas, mone&mus, &c, is contained the whole of the Sanscrit causal theme mdn-aya, " to make to think " (see p. 110), only that the properly long e (from a + i = Sanscrit ay) is, on account of its position, shortened before a vowel, the i of the modal expression has disappeared, and, in compensation, the preceding vowel is lengthened, according to the principle of Greek optatives with v for vt. As, therefore,
entSeiKvvfxrjv for eTucieiKvvintjv, Salvvro, irriyvuTO for datvviTO,
ntjyvv?TO, so moneas for monenais.
On the other hand, the
case is the same with carint (Struve, p. 146), for carednt from carea'int, as with the beforementioned verberit, temperint. 692. The same relation that moneas has to mones is held by audids, from audiais, to audis (. 190a. 6., 505.). The future, however, which in the third and fourth conjugation is, in fact, nothing else than a subjunctive, as was first remarked in my System of Conjugation (p. 98), with which Struve agrees (pp. 145, 146), has preserved the modal element, and has been contracted with the a of the class character to e, with the exception of the first person singular, in which legem, audiem, should stand for legam, audiam. In the older language dicem, faciem, are actually transmitted to us by Quintilian, as forms used by Cato Censor (compare Struve, p. 147); and thus, in the fourth conjugation, forms like audiem may well have existed. As, however, in the proper subjunctive the last element of the diphthong ai has cast itself upon the a, and lengthened that letter, but in the future has been contracted with the a to e, two forms have arisen from that which was originally one, of which each has received a portion of that meaning, to represent which properly belongs to the two together; as, in the history of language, similar cases have often arisen, and daturi and datores (I use
920
VERBS.
the plural intentionally) both conduct us to the Sanscrit ddtdras, which unites the meaning of the two Latin forms in itself. The use of the subjunctive in the sense of a future reminds us of the periphrasis for the future by means of auxiliary verbs which signify " to be requisite," or " to will," as also of the occasional use of the Zend imperative in the sense of the future (see . 660.). It is clear, however, that the expression of the future, from the most ancient period, has bordered with surprising closeness on the relation denoted by the Latin subjunctive, since the two are distinguished, in Sanscrit, only by the quantity of the vowelya in the future, and yd in the potential. 693. The future and subjunctive of the Latin third conjugation may perhaps require a little further consideration, though what is most important to be observed respecting them is already deducible from what has been remarked regarding the second and fourth conjugations. Future forms like vehfc, vehemus, have already appeared in my System of Conjugation as akin to the Sanscrit potentials like vahes, vahema, and Latin subjunctives as ames, amemus. But in the first conjugation the $ was firmly planted; for even if in its a a contraction of the Sanscrit aya of the tenth class were not recognised, still the d is clear to every one's eyes, and also the possibility of melting it down with the i of the subjunctive expression which follows to e. But the 4 of vches, vehemus, appeared incomprehensible, or as a transmission from the third conjugation to the first, as long as the i of velt-i-s, veh-i-mus, passed as the original form of the class vowel of the third conjugation. Through the observation, however, made above (p. 101), according to which the intermediate vowel of the third conjugation is only a secondary i weakened from a, forms like vrltcs, rchvmus, must now appear ! in a totally different light. Their < contains the primitive a, which has become weakened in the indicative, as it occurs elsewhere also, that a word in composition has maintained
FORMATION OF MOODS.
921
itself in a form more close to its original state than when isolated and unprotected.* Before the forms veh-a-s, veh-d-mus, had become corrupted to veh-i-s, veh-i-mus, in the indicative, veh-i-s, veh-i-mus, had arisen from them, and, in the subjunctive, vehds, vehdmus; and the corruption of the class vowel of the indicative could have had no influence over that which was melted down with the modal character.t 694. The Latin third conjugation leads us to the Gothic, in which all the twelve classes of Grimm's strong conjugation coincide with the Latin third (. 109a. 1.). The Gothic has, however, this advantage over the Latin, that it has not admitted the corruption of the old a of the indicative, throughout, but only before a final s and th ; otherwise it has retained the a. We must, therefore, carefully avoid deriving the forms bairais "ferasr bairai, "ferat," bairaith, "feratis," from the indicative bairis, bairith, bairith, by the insertion of an a, which would imply a principle of formation quite unknown in the Indo-European family of languages ; but the said subjunctive forms must be regarded as the creations of a period in which their indicative prototypes were still bairas, bairath, to which also the passive forms bair-a-za, bair-a-da, as regards the intermediate vowel, refer us (. 466.). In the second person of the dual and the first of the plural bair-ai-ts, bair-ai-ma have the same relation to the indicative bair-a-ts, bair-a-m, that in Sanscrit bhar-e-tam, bhar-e-ma (from bhar-ai-tam, bharai-ma), have to bhar-a-thas, bhar-d- mas ; in the third person
* Thus the guttural of the Latin facio has been retained in the French magnifique, while iafais,faisons, it has been corrupted to s, or, according to the pronunciation, has been lost entirely "mfais. t I have brought forward this theory for the first time in the Berl. Jahrb., Jan. 1834, pp. 97, 98 (see Vocalismus, p. 200), to which A. Benary assents (Doctrine of Roman Sounds, pp. 27, 28), who, however, derives the modal vowel i from /, " to go." (Compare . 670.) 3 o
922
VERBS.
plural bair-ai-na (transposed from bair-ai-an), "ferantr has the same relation to bair-a-nd, "ferunt," that the Zend / ^ A A U bar-ay-en has to bar-a-nti, and the Greek <pep-oi-ev to (j>ep-o-vTt. In the first person dual the relation of bairai-va to bair-os, from bair-a-vas (. 441.), rests on the same principle on which, in Sanscrit, that of bhar-8-va to bhard-vas is founded. In the first person singular bairau, " I may bear," the modal vowel i is wanting, but the u is the vocalization of the personal character m; bairau, therefore (from bairaim), has the same relation to bairais, bairai, &c, that, in Latin, the future feram (for ferem) has to feres, feret, from ferais, ferait* The Old High German exhibits the Gothic diphthong at ( = &, see . 78.) graphically in the form e, but shortens it at the end of a word; hence, here (for beri), "fernm," " feraV has the same relation to beres ( = Sanscrit bharis, " feras,'"' ber&mes, "feramus") that, in Latin, amem, amet, bear to ames, amemus. 695. The Old Prussian, a dialect which resembles the Lithuanian very closely, employs imperatives like hnmais, " take thou," immaiti, " take ye," which stand in a clearer relation to their indicative forms imm-a-se, imm-a-ti, than, in Gothic, nim-ai-s, " sumas" nim-ai-th, " sumatis," to nimi-s, nim-i-th. Compare, on the other hand, the Lettish imperatives like darrait, " do ye," contrasted with darraf, " ye do " (. 862.). Dais, " give," daiti, " give ye " (in Old Prussian), contrasted with dase, " thou givest," dati,
* Respecting the length of the a, see . 434. t With regard to the suppression of the / of bairau, compare, in Gothic, Grimm's third class of the weak conjugation, in which the i of the conjugational character ni ( = Sanscrit ^ni nya, Latin c) is everywhere lost, where a final nasal, or one standing hefore a consonant, follows, or ought to follow; thus, first person singular, haba for habai, Old High German haln'tii; plural, litihtnn for hahahn, Old High German habemes; third person plural, htibaml for habttind, Old High German habent; in opposition to habaii, Imlmith, &c.
FORMATION OF MOODS.
923
" ye give," which furnish a commentary on the relation of the Latin des, d&tis, to das, datis, as the contraction of a + i to the g, which is not perceived in Latin, is evident in Old Prussian. More usually, however, the Old Prussian exhibits, in the indicative, an e or i as the conjunctive vowel, and in the imperative the diphthong ei; e. g. dereis " see " = BepKots, ideiti, " esset " * = eSone, editis, WITT adyata. The two moods, however, do not everywhere agree, since tickinnaiti, " make ye " (Katech. p. 54), does not answer to tickinnimai, " we make " (1. c. p. 5), but leads us to expect instead of it tickinnamai. The simple i, also, or, in its place, y, is found in Old Prussian imperatives, as, mylis, " love thou," endiris, " regard thou." 696. The Old Sclavonic has retained only the last element of the original diphthong at in the second and third person singular in its imperative in the regular conjugation, which, as has been before shewn, corresponds partly to the Sanscrit first class with a annexed (. 499.), partly to the fourth in *( ya (. 500), partly to the tenth in ^HT aya (. 505.); as, BE^H vei, " carry," and " let him carry," corresponds to the Sanscrit vahfo, vahet (. 433.), Latin vehes, vehet, and vehds, vehat, Gothic vigais, vigai, Greek eô/f, e%o/. In the dual and plural, however, where the diphthong is protected by the following personal termination, * ye (from e with y prefixed, . 255. n.) corresponds to the Indo-Roman & Gothic ai, and Greek oi; thus, BEgtMii vegyemy = ^*{ vahema, vehemus, vehdmus, vigaima, eô//xei/; BE^tTE ve^yete^ = ^J( vaheta, vehitis, vehatis, vigaith, e%o<Te ; dual BE^tTa ve(yeta = "îF{ vaMtam, ^TTT^ vahetdm, exotrov, exoiTrjv, vigaits. 697. Among the other Sclavonic languages, the Carniolan especially deserves, with respect to the mood under
* 1st, " he eats," euphonic for idt, corresponds to the Latin est. t This represents the third person also, see . 470. 3o 2
924
VERBS.
discussion, a closer consideration, as its imperative in those verbs which have a as the class syllable is distinguished from the present indicative by the placing a y ( = i) beside the a; so that thus ay is opposed to the Sanscrit $ = a + i of the potential, to the Gothic ai of the subjunctive, and to the Latin e of the subjunctive and future. The singular, which, in Carniolan also, in advantageous contrast with the other Sclavonic dialects, has a first person, ends in the three persons in ai, since the pronominal consonants, which, from the most ancient period, have stood at the end of words, must give place according to the rule for the extirpation of final consonants, which extends to all the Sclavonic idioms (. 255. I.); hence, del-ay, " I may," " thou mayest," " he may work," for del-ay-m, del-ays, del-ay-t, opposed to the indicative del-a-m (from del-a-mi), del-a-sh (from del-a-shi), del-a (from del-a-ti), and, in accordance with Gothic forms like bair-ai-s, bair-ai, Sanscrit like
bhar&s, bharit, Latin like amem, ames, amet, vehes, vehct, Greek like (pepoifxt, <pepois, <f>epoi. In the dual, del-ay- wa
answers to the indicative del-a-wa, in the most perfect accordance with the Gothic bairaiva and Sanscrit bhar&ia ; in the second person dual, del-ay-ta has the same relation to the indicative del-a-ta, that, in Gothic, bair-ai-ts, " feratis," has to bair-a-ts " fertis y" and, in the plural, del-ay-mo is to del-a-mo as, in Gothic, bair-ai-ma to bair-a-m, or, in Greek, (pep-01-ij.ev to (pep-oi-re ; in the second person, del-ay-te bears the same relation to del-a-te that, in Gothic, bair-ai-th to that which we must presuppose as the original form of the indicative bair-a-th, whence the corruption bair-i-th : hence the Old High German ber-e-t (from ber-ai-i), contrasted with its indicative brr-a-t, is better compared. The third person dual and plural is wanting in the Carniolan imperative, and is expressed by a periphrasis of the indicative with the conjunction nay; thus, nay delata,
iim/ (lehtijo.
FORMATION OF MOODS.
925
698. The analogy, however, of the Carniolan forms like del-ay-mo, " we may work," with the Gothic like bair-aima and Sanscrit like bhar-$-ma, must not be so far extended as to identify the vowel of derivation of verbs like del-a-m with the conjunctive vowel of the Sanscrit first and sixth class, and with that of the Gothic strong verbs. I rather see in del-a-m, as in the Polish first conjugation czyt-a-m, " I read," czyt-ay, " read thou," czyt-ay-my, " we may read," the Sanscrit tenth class,* the character of which, aya, has separated into various forms in the Sclavonic idioms as in Latin and the German weak conjugation. The Carniolan del-a-m and Polish czyt-a-m are brought much nearer to the Sanscrit like chint-ayd-mi, " I think," through the Russian sister forms : A*Aaio dyelayu, Miimato chitdyu (from dyel-ayo-m, chit-ayo-m; see
. 255. g.). In the third person plural the Carniolan delayo and Polish czytaya approaches nearer to the Sanscrit chint-aya-nti: on the other hand the Carniolan yedo, " they eat," corresponds to the Sanscrit adanti, from the
* I now, also, refer Dobrowsky's first Conjugation in Old Sclavonic, (contrary to . 500.), at least principally, to the Sanscrit tenth class; so that I assume the suppression of the first a of the character aya ^PT, aa in Grimm's first conjugation of the weak form, which, by this loss, has become similar to the Sanscrit fourth class (see . 109a. 6.). The Old Sclavonic, however, has also not unfrequently retained the first a of the character aya; as in padayn, " I fall," chitayu, " I read" (Dobr. 522). In some roots ending with a vowel the y may be a euphonic addition, and inayu, " I know" (Sanscrit jnd, "to know"), piyii, " I drink" (Sanscrit pa, "to drink"), may belong neither to the Sanscrit fourth nor to the tenth class, but to the first, with the insertion of a y between the root and the conjunctive vowel (compare . 43.). I take this opportunity to remark further, that in . 506. Mielke's fourth conjugation in Lithuanian has remained by mistake unnoticed. It includes but very few words, but belongs, in like manner, to the Sanscrit tenth class, and exhibits the character of that class, aya, clearly in its preterites, as yeskoyau (yesk-6ya-a). In the present, together with yeszhau is found, also, the form yesxkoyu.
926
VERBS.
root ad, the d of which in Carniolan is retained unchanged only in the third person plural, hut before t has been changed to s, and elsewhere is dropped : thus yis-te, " ye eat," as in Latin es-tis, for the Sanscrit at-tha; yes-ta, "ye two eat," "they two eat,1' for 3rrn^ at-thas. W W W at-tas. In the imperative, yiy for yedy answers to the Sanscrit adydm, adyds, adydt; dual yeyva, yeyta = adydva, adydtam ; plural yeymo, yeyte for adydma, adydta. 699. The Zend appears to us, in its potential and in the first conjugation, to use the expression, in a half Greek half Indo-Roman dress, since it exhibits the primitive diphthong ai at one time in the shape of 6i, at another in that of t? (. 33.), to which latter, however, according to . 28., another a is prefixed. Thus Mtitym barois agrees admirably with <pepois, and ij<yîi bardit with <pepoi(T) : on the other hand, in the middle voice the third person AJ$>AJ&SJ baraeta agrees better with the Sanscrit bhareta, and, after withdrawing the middle a, with the Latin feret, than with <pepono. The first and second persons plural active in the first conjugation I am unable to quote, but I have no doubt that here again ASCMAÂM baraima, Ajôx>Aj&a baraeta, run parallel to the Sanscrit bharema, bharfra, and Latin feremus, feretis, and that we should not look for the more Greek form bardima, baraita. For I imagine I have found that in selecting between 6i and a$ the Zend is guided by what follows the diphthong, according as it is a final consonant, or one accompanied by a vowel. How much the selection falls upon 6i, in the former position, to the rejection of a$, is seen from this, that bases in i in the genitive and ablative regularly exhibit the forms dis and ult, answering to the Sanscrit es. Through this, therefore, we may explain
* Remark, also, the frequently-occurring rpjyt net. wV," not," = Sanscrit
FORMATION OF MOODS.
927
the misrelation in form between the middle baraeta and the active bardit in the third person singular of the potential. But when we find in the first person
plural middle the form ys<oJMi}J^M<o$i buidhydimaldhe "videamus'n = Sanscrit ^rafaf? bhudy^mahi, " sciamus"* here
the exceedingly broad termination, which in the lithographed Codex is even separated from the preceding part of the word by a point, may have the effect of a distinct word ; and thus it may be observed, that in the final sound, also, the diphthong 6i is admissible, and in this position is especially favoured by a preceding y : hence J^^C^ you
" which" (w) = ^f ye, j\>biQyu$ maidhyoi, " in medio " (. 196.) =Jrsq madhye; but also j ^ $ mdi, " t o me," j^p> tdi and jâxfCa' thwdi, " t o thee," jyw hoi, " t o him," with RJ^ m$, wô te, wario thwS, MW M. I would, therefore, not deduce from buidhydimaidhg forms like baroimaidM, still
less an active baroima ; for in both forms the y, which favours the 6i, is deficient, and in the latter, also, the breadth of termination giving the appearance of a separate word, for which reason, in the third person singular,
not buidhyoita but buidhya&ta answers to the buidhydimaldhe
which has been mentioned (Vend. S. p. 45.). 700. In the third person plural the old a of the original diphthong ai has been retained unaltered, but the i has, on account of the following vowel of the termination, passed into its corresponding semivowel y; and thus, ftmi?Mi barayen answers to the Greek (pepotev ; and thus, for the one oi of the Greek optative in Zend, we have, according to the quality of the termination following, three forms, viz. 61, ae, and ay. Frequently, however, as the third person plural in the mood under discussion of the first active form can be quoted, the first person singular is,
* Vend. S. p. 45, twice; once, erroneously, buidhioimaidkS; and once, biMhyoimaede.
928
VERBS.
on the contrary, of extremely rare occurrence, though it ought properly to be our point of starting. It must excite our curiosity to learn whether it resembles more the <f>epoiv which is to be pre-supposed in Greek, and which, . 689, we have found supported by rpe<poiv, or rather Latin forms like amem, or Sanscrit as bhard-y-am (. 43.). As in the third person plural barayen answers to the Sanscrit bhare-y-us (from bhare-y-ant), so in the first person singular bara-y-em might be expected for bhareyam. As, however, in Zend, if a y precedes the termination em, the e is regularly suppressed, after which the semivowel becomes a vowel, so might baraem or bardim be anticipated : neither of these forms, however, occurs, but one with the personal character suppressed, and otherwise corresponding to the second person .MW$>2UJ barois, and to the third t^j^>?MS bardlt, if the .s^?/ nemoi, which twice occurs Vendidad Sade p. 359. is the correct reading; and there t'&S J Y 9 ? / ^ 3 kanm nemoi zanm (which Anquetil translates " quelle terre invoquerai-je") really means literally (in all probability) " qualem invocem terram ?" f After this follows jywîAj J ^ j y MS9<3)$ kuthrd nemoi ayeni, &c,
according to Anquetil " quelle priere choisirai-Je,"1' perhaps
literally, "whither shall I go (J^^M ayeni = ^mf^ aydni), that I may adore ?" We look with eagerness for the light which may be thrown on this passage by the aid of Neriosengh^s Sanscrit translation. Among the other potentials of the first conjugation which occur in the Vend. S., we may here further mention the frequently-occurring vpa-zuit, "he may beat," from the root zan = Sanscrit
* According to the analogy of racm, " we," for the Sanscrit rayam ; for at'UT rejecting the a preceding the in the preceding aij must be melted down to <r, and, according to . 2iS., an <i must be prefixed to the c. t Compare with iirimil the Sanscrit naiinm, "adoration," from the root
FORMATION OF MOODS.
929
han, which, after rejecting the n of the preceding radical vowel, is treated as though it were the annexed vowel of the first class; in which respect may he observed what has been before remarked regarding the Sanscrit root wr sthd (. 508.). And Aj^x>Ajyj7^jj kerenaeta, "he may strew" (Vend. S. p. 377) deserves special notice, since in this word the class syllable nd (ninth class), after abbreviating the d, follows the analogy of the short a of the four classes of the first conjugation ; and thus, in this respect, .wôxi.uyj/gÔvM sterenaeta, after withdrawing the middle final a, becomes similar to the Latin future sternet (. 496.)701. In the second conjugation the Zend answers in its potential tolerably well to the Sanscrit, with the exception of the third person plural, in which the termination mentioned in . 462. does not occur; and also in the middle the somewhat enigmatical termination ran (. 613.) is represented by a form which corresponds better to the general principle for the designation of the person, regarding which we shall treat hereafter. In the first person singular of the active, according to . 61., yanm corresponds to the Sanscrit yam and Greek IY\V ; i. e. the daidhyanm, " I may place, make," already mentioned above (. 442. 5.) corresponds to the Sanscrit <UT f dadhydm and Greek TC v. In the second person, according to . 56a, is found J ydo for *n^ yds, itjs; e.g. jAu^jÂsoa fra-mruydo " dicas"* = V^VX\ pra-hruyds (Vend. S.p. 451.); and in the
third, iAUii ydt = ~qu{ ydt, ?(T)> e.g. K>MH)^9^ Icerenuydt
"faciaf" (Vend. S. p. 457.) = ^ m i T krinuydt of the Veda dialect (p. 117). I am unable to quote the plural in the proper potential, though I can do so in the precative, which has completely the same signification, and which occurs far more frequently in Zend than in Sanscrit, and is distinguished from the potential only by the removal of the class characteristics, so that the form of the potential
930
VERBS.
may be safely inferred from the precative. In the first person plural ydma stands for the Sanscrit ydsma and Greek ir]fj.ev, e.g. M^M^JI buydma* = Sanscrit bhuydsma (Vend. S. p. 312.); and hence I deduce the potential daidhydma from the above-mentioned daidhyanm. In the second person, yata (with the vowel of the modal character shortened) stands for the Sanscrit ydsta and Greek irjre;
e.g. *i$>MMs)l buyata, " sitis " ^ = Hi\| bhuydsta ; ASÔASÂM^ ddyata " detis " J = ^^TCT d$-ydsta, Boirjre. Hence I deduce,
in the potential, the form daidhyata = Sanscrit dadhydta, Greek Stdotyre. Here the shortening of the syllable yd is remarkable in comparison with the length of quantity preserved before the termination ma of the first person; and as this contrast can hardly be fortuitous, we must perhaps assume that the termination ta, on account of the mute with which it begins, is sustained with more difficulty by the language than the termination ma, which begins with the lightest consonants; and hence occasion has arisen for weakening the preceding syllable, in the sense of . 480. 702. In the third person plural the combination of the modal syllable yd with the personal termination en, originally an, produces the form yann for ydn, according to the analogy of the first person singular in yaiim for yam. Before the final nasal, therefore, the latter half of the long a =a + a has been weakened to the nasal sound of the Sanscrit Anusvara. We may take as an example /î^^jjJy nidithyaiin, "they may lay down" (Vend. S. pp. 203, 204), for which I should have anticipated nidaitliyann, as, in the third person singular
* The root bu shortens its vowel in the precative, compare Burnouf 's Yacna, Note S., p. 152. t Vend. S., pp. 115, 457, 459, and, according to Burnoufs Yafna, Note S. p. 152, in the still unedited part, p. 556. + According to Burnouf, 1. c , in the still unedited part of the Vend. S., pp. 542, 543, .r) 48.
FORMATION OF MOODS.
931
of the middle, AjÔjAjjjy J$JM6 paiti ni-daithita, " he may lay down" (Vend. S. p. 282, ZZ. 2, 7,12, 17), is found from the root dath, from da extended by the addition of a th (see p. 112), which, through the influence of the y following, has received the addition of an i, which in ni-dithyann above has remained alone. From the root da, " to give," we should anticipate ffibbJ^ dayann, or perhaps, with the radical vowel shortened, dayann, which comes very near to the Greek Sotev, while the Sanscrit diydsus (from d&ydsant) agrees more with Solrj<rav. The Sanscrit annexes, as has been already remarked, in its precative the verb substantive to the root, with the exception of the second and third person singular of the active, in which properly deydss, deyast, would be required, which, in the present state of the language, according to a strict law of sound (. 94.), is impossible, and the language has therefore preferred rather to drop the auxiliary verb than the personal character; thus, d&yds, diydt, answering to the Zend duydo, dayat. It is, however, very worthy of remark, that the Zend abstains entirely from employing the verb substantive, and thus sides completely with the Greek, only that the latter agrees in doirjvav with the Sanscrit, and in Soiev with the Zend. 703. In the middle voice, also, the Zend precative abstains from annexing the verb substantive; and on the contrary, according to the principle which the Sanscrit follows in the potential (. 673.), contracts the syllable yd to i, and in the plural, at least in the third person, to short i. While, therefore, the Sanscrit and Lithuanian make common cause through forms like dd-si-dhvam, du-M-te ("detis,"" "date"), the previously-mentioned Zend form paiti-nidaithita ranks with the Greek detro, since in both a simple i sound is combined with the root. I view the form yaSsh-daithita,* which
* The last portion of this verb is radically identical with the just-mentioned paiti ni-claitMta: see . 637.
932
VERBS.
often occurs in the Eighth Fargard, as of more importance: it is everywhere regarded by Anquetil as singular, and we should be the more easily led to suppose him in the right, as the Sanscrit gives us no direct information regarding this form; and, in fact, it has more the appearance of a singular than a plural, and if once recognised as a precative would rather lead us to the Greek delro than to deivro. The Sanscrit supplies us with no direct information regarding the form Ajôj(5jAy)oi>AJ^ yadshdaithita; for, according to the theory of Sanscrit, we must have expected, instead of the termination itha, hiran (from siran), and for the abovementioned singular ita, hista. But as the Zend precative, in the active, renounces the verb substantive, we may be prepared for the like in the middle; and as, in the third person singular in the potential, ita is formed from ydt, a similar ita in the precative cannot surprise us. It is clear, however, that daithita is a precative, and not a potential,* since the root dath, which is extended from da, in its conjugation follows the first class, and not the second, and therefore, in the potential, forms dathaeta, and not daithita. The third person plural, daithita, however, answers neither to the Sanscrit potentials middle like dadhiran, ndelvTo, nor to the precatives like dluhiran, deivro; but perhaps to the universal principle of formation of the third person plural middle, and, in particular, to that form which, according to . 459., rejects the n, which belongs to the plural. Thus, MpjCtjAsy daithita, " they should lay," agrees with the Sanscrit forms like dadhata, " they lay," and Ionic like StdoaTou, rtdearat. As this rejection of the n in the Sanscrit middle special tenses has become the rule of the whole class of the second conjugation, and the precative agrees with the potential of the second
* I retain the terms derived from the Sanscrit, though it is unsuitable to distinguish various forms of one and the same mood, as if they were of different inoud*.
FORMATION OF MOODS.
933
class, we are the less surprised at finding the Zend daithita deficient in the n. This daithita, however, appears to me to be a contraction of daith-yata, since the modal element, which we have seen above (. 702.). in the singular daithita, in the form of an i, must in the plural become y before the termination ata, which the Sanscrit requires in the secondary forms: from yata, however, by casting out the a, would easily be formed ita (Compare p. 760.). But if the termination of the third person plural had always been ita, we should be unable to perceive any reason why the modal vowel should be long in the singular and short in the plural before the same termination. " Remark.It remains further to be shewn that the word M^MjM^ôiiMj^ yadsh-daithifa, which has hitherto appeared isolated, but which occurs perhaps seven times in the Eighth Fargard of the Vendidad, is (in spite of Anquetil's or his Parsi teacher's opinion that it is a singular) actually a plural. We read in Vendidad Sade pp. 266, &c, juuTjuy JUJÔ <AJ^
<> * Mil
kat td nard yaoshdayann anhen . . . yd nald (nasvd?) ava bereta sund vd para-iristahe mashyehe vd dat mraot ahuro mazddo yaoshdayann anhen . . kava (kva?) yeva yezi aesha nasus diwighnicta suno vd kerefs-khard vayd vd kerefs-kharo dat hvanm tanum pairi-yaoshdaithita geus maesmana apdcha
paiti avatha yadshdayann. According to Anquetil (II. p. 336), " L'homme sur le quel on a porte quelque chose du cadavre d'un chien ou de celui d'un homme, est il pur? Ormuzd repondit, il est pur; comment ? Lorsque (le mort) a ete regarde par le chien qui mange les corps, ou par l'oiseau
934
VERBS.
qui mange les corps. II se lavera ensuite le corps avec de l'urine de boeuf, avec de l'eau, et il sera pur." So much is certain, that mention is here made, not of one man, but of several (id nara yd, "those men who," see . 231.), and that yadsh-daijann anhen signifies, not "he will be pure," but "they are purified," or "they become purified."* Hence, it is self-evident that yaoshdaithila, also, must be a plural. I translate verbatim, " How do those men become (are) purified who are touched by the carcase t either of a dead dog or of a man? To this Ormuzd said, They become purified where, or how (by what means ? so that yeva would stand for yd-vd = Sanscrit Sfa ^T yena vd) ? If that carcase touches them (?), either that of a body-devouring dog or of a body-devouring bird, then they (those men) should purify their bodies with cow urine and with water: so (avatha)
* It may here be added to what has been remarked in . 637. regarding the expression yaoshdayahn, that it might also be the third person plural of the precative, the a of the root da, " to make," being shortened, and the analogy of buyahn, " they may be," being followed (see . 702. and Burnouf's Yacna, Note S., p. 152). The placing together of two verbs in the third person plural would consequently rest on a syntactical peculiarity, andyauxhdayahn anhen, "they are purified," would literally signify " they are (that) they purify." The passive signification would be expressed by a periphrasis, in which the verb substantive would be combined with the active expression of the attributive verb. To this opinion I give the preference above that delivered in . 637.; and I remind the reader, that, in Arabic, the imperfect is expressed by a circumlocution, in which the preterite of the verb substantive is prefixed to the present of the attributive verb, without the intervention of a conjunction; e.g. l_^~i==>. ^tf kana yajlisu, "he sate," properly " h e was he sits," for "he was that he sits." At the end of the passage quoted above
f^^Xiy&ikMj^yiiushdiiya.iin
(to which the preposition paiti = San-
scrit prati, belongs) is indisputably the precatire. t I will not affirm that nva-birHa (from brreta, "borne," in combination with the preposition am) here signifies " touched"; but hitherto I have not discovered any more suitable meaning for the whole sense.
FORMATION OF MOODS.
935
must they purify them.
At pp. 268, L. 9, &c, we read
(A5A
ASÂWyjjASO*
5ôjOjA5ê)oi)AsiiA5
;?yAjp>
9^N)W
dat
hvanm
tanum pairi-yadshdaithita dpo (?) noit mak'smana zalia he padirim fralnddhayen dat yat he zasta noit frasndta dat vispanm hvanm tanum ayaoshdaithita kerendita, i. e. " Then they should purify their bodies with water, not with urine: they should first purify their hands, for if their hands are not purified, then they make impure their whole bodies." Here it is plain, from the palpable plural frasnddhayen, that yaoshdaithita also is no other than a plural, AiôjCajAjîtbJjAjîAs ayaoshdaithita is likewise the third person plural of the precative in combination with the negative particle a. But as above, in a peculiar construction (yaosh dayann anhen, see p. 944, Rem. *) we saw the passive expressed by a circumlocution of an active expression in combination with the verb substantive, so in AJôj^yj^j xsyjGjM^doi/MHAs ayaoshdaithita herendita we see the active expressed by means of the auxiliary verb " to make.1" Ayadshdaithita kerendita, " they make impure, they make" (properly contaminent faciant) should signify nothing else than " they make impure," and is the opposite to the abovementioned passive yaoshdayann anhen, where anhen ( = ^rreP^ dsan, " they were,") has a modal function, and replaces the potential (see . 520.). The present henti would scarcely be admissible here, though we could exchange anhen for the present indicative. In ayaoshdaithita kerenSita both verbs are in the
* From this he, " sui" we see that the Zend reflexive, like the kindred Latin, German, Lithuanian, and Sclavonic, unites with the form of the singular the meanings of the plural numbers.
936
VERBS.
same mood, as the precative and potential have the same relation to one another, that, in Greek, the aorist and the present optative have. As regards the form kerenoita, if the reading is correct we should perhaps consider the 6 to be the Guna of the class syllable ; then the remaining ita would rest on the same principle as the termination of yadshdaithita. We might, however, explain kerendita also in this way, that the u of the class syllable nu is replaced by a, and the verb in this way brought into the first conjugation: but I see less probability in this view of the matter ; for then the frequently-occurring barayen, " they may carry," must, in the middle, be baroita, which, as long as such forms are not traced back with certainty, I do not believe, as I should rather conjecture barayanta. In respect to syntax, the use of the precative and potential in the passage in question is to be noticed in a conditional conclusion; while, according to the method of other languages, the indicative would be looked for. With regard to syntax I will here further mention, that in another passage of the Vendidad (in Olshausen, p. 1.) the potential follows yedhi if in the sense of the pluperfect of the subjunctive yedhi noit daidhyanm, " If I had not made:" on the other hand, the present after yezi is generally expressed by the mood called Let, which corresponds to the Greek subjunctive. It need not surprise us that each individual language, in the syntactical application of its moods, follows its own course in certain points: the grammatical identity of forms in the different languages is not, however, destroyed by such syntactical discrepancy. 704. In a still unedited portion of the Zend-Avesta occurs the form ^^QM^M^ dayadlnvem, "ye may give," which Burnouf (Yacna, Note D. p. 38), as it appears, regards as an imperative, and renders by donnez. In order, however, to regard dayadhinm as the imperative, we must be able to prove that the root dd, in Zend, is inflected according to the fourth class, of which I entertain
FORMATION OV MOODS.
987
doubts. I look upon âsfgAJi^ dayadhwhn as the second person plural of the precative middle, and, as such, there is nothing surprising in it (after our having already seen that the Zend precative, in both active forms, abstains from annexing the verb substantive), except that the modal character yd is not contracted, as in the third person singular middle, and in all persons in the Sanscrit, to i, but has merely shortened its d, as in the corresponding person of the active, to which Burnouf has shewn the form ddyata belongs. The middle dayadhwem has shortened the vowel of the root, on account, as it appears, of the greater weight of the termination ; and in this respect, therefore, da-ya-dhivem has the same relation to dd-ya-ta, that, in
Greek, Sidonai has to Sidco/xi.
705. In the Sanscrit and Zend potential there is no distinction of tenses, except that, as has been before observed, the precative stands in the same relation to it that, in Greek, the optative of the second aorist does to that of the present. De-yds, de-ydt, for dd-yds, du-ydt, has the same relation to adds, addt, that, in Greek, Sotqs, Soirj (for Sooirjs, doiirj), have to e'5wf, eo). For precatives like budhyds, budhydt, there are no corresponding indicative forms, as the fifth formation of the Sanscrit aorist is limited to roots terminating with a vowel (see . 573.) : it may, however, originally have occurred also in roots ending with a consonant; so that there would have existed multiform preterites like abudh-am, abhut (for abhut-s), abhut (for abhid-f), abudhma, &c., to which belong precatives like budh-ydsam. Veda forms like videyam " sciam," sakeyam, " passim," yameyam, "earn'' vochima, " dicamus" (Panini, III. 1. 86.), do not need to be regarded as potentials of the first class, to which the roots of these forms do not belong ; but they are, as it were, the prototypes of Greek aorists of the optative mood, like rtrnoip.1, and must be regarded as derivatives of the aorists of the sixth formation (avidam,
3 p
938
VERBS.
asakam, agamam, avdcham), the conjunctive vowel of which has combined with the modal vowel i; just as the Greek o of Tvnotfxi has united the conjunctive vowel of errwn-o-v (which is interchanged in the indicative with e) with the modal vowel. In proof of the correctness of this opinion may be particularly adduced the abovementioned vochema, " dicamus"/ for there is no other root voch, which, if it existed, could be assigned to the first class, from which might be formed vdchema, according to the analogy of tarpema, repitotêv there is, indeed, an aorist avdcham, which we have explained above as a reduplicate form from a-va-ucham (for a-vavacham). 706. In the Veda dialect also exist traces of modal forms, which exhibit the construction of the Greek optative of the first aorist. For example, tarushema, according to the sense = fftiPf tarema, " transgml/amur " (Panini, III. 1. 85.), but, according to form, a derivative from an indicative aorist like adik-sham, e5e<a (. 555.), only not with the direct adjunction of the auxiliary verb, but with the insertion of a conjunctive vowel u. But this cT^r^R tarushema can hardly be an isolated attempt of the language at a modal formation, which now appears to us abnormal : but it is probable, rather, that, in an earlier state of the language, which has in this point been transmitted to us more correctly by the Greek, these forms extended to all aorists of the second formation (. 551.). We may suppose, therefore, that, in an earlier period of the language, a precative of adikslunn existed, dik-shryam, plural dik-shema = 5ei'a//^, 5e/a/yuei/, in which the modal element yd, contracted to i, became a diphthong with the preceding vowel, in the same manner as above in bhar-e-y-am, bhar-e-ma, <pep-ot-fxi, (pep-oi-jjiev. 707. In Latin, the imperfects of the subjunctive admit of comparison with the principle of formation of Greek aorists like Jei'fa/juev, and Sanscrit like the presupposed
FORMATION OF MOODS.
939
dik-shaima, and the Veda tarmhema. In fact, sta-remus is surprisingly similar to the Greek artja-oufiev, in so far as its r, like that of eram, is a corruption of s, and its e\ like that of amemus, legemus, a contraction of ai. As, however, sta-bam is a new compound, I cannot but recognise in its subjunctive, also, a new formation; and in this respect I adhere to the opinion, which I have already expressed in my System of Conjugation (p. 98). A subjunctive sta-bem from sta-bairn would be in conformity with the indicative sta-bam, and sta-ram from sta-eram would be analogous as an indicative to sta-rem. The language, however, divides the two roots of to be at its disposal between the indicative and subjunctive, and thus brings sta-bam and sta-rem into a certain degree of false relation, where it appears as if the r of starem had a share in the expression of the modal relation, which is nevertheless confined to the i alone that is contained in the diphthong e1. It will be readily admitted that possem (from potsem) contains the combination of the verb substantive with pot, just as much as pos-sum and pot-eram. But if pos-sem is a new and genuine Latin formation, the es-sem, " I ate," which is analogous to it, from ed-sem, is so also; and with this agrees, too, the obsolete fac-sem, which, in form at least, is an imperfect, as fac-sim is a present; for if these forms had arisen from the perfect fed, they would be fexem, fexim. While, then, after consonants, the old s is either retained or assimilated to a preceding r or I (fer-rem, vel-lem), between two vowels if has passed into r; and this is usually the case, as the imperfect preserves the class-syllable ; thus, leg-e-rem, due-rem (from leg-i-rem, dic-i-rem, see . 554.). But if the
imperfect subjunctive were, in its origin, connected with the Greek optative aorist, then for dic-e-rem we should anticipate dixem = $et'gcufjLt. The forms es-sem ("I ate") and fer-rem are established by the circumstance that these verbs, as is shewn by their affinity with the Sanscrit, dis3 p2
940
VERBS.
tinctly belong to the conjugation without the conjunctive vowel; so that es-sem agrees with e-s, es-t, es-tis = Sanscrit at-si, at-ti, at-tha; fer-rem with fer-s, fer-t, fer-tis Sanscrit bibhar-shi, bibhar-ti, bibhri-tha. Hence we see that it is in no way admissible to derive fer-rem from fer-e-rem, by rejecting an e. We should rather be compelled to explain fer-e-rem, if this form existed, by including it in the principal conjugation with the conjunctive vowel, as from es-sem has been developed ed-e-rem. 708. But how stands it with es-sem, " I would be,1' for which we should have conjectured erem, corresponding with the indicative eram ? But eram stands for esam = Sanscrit dsam (. 532.); and from this primitive form esam has arisen the form esem (from esem), through the commixture of the modal i, which is contracted with a to e, according to the same principle by which amem has been formed from the theme ama. If esem had once been formed from esam, then, in the course of time, the indicative parent form may have followed its disposition to change the s, on account of its position between two vowels, into r, without there being hence a necessity that the derivative form esem, also, should follow this impulse ; for it is not a general rule in Latin that every s between two vowels must be changed into r. Through the firm retention, therefore, by the subjunctive, of the old, and subsequently doubled sibilant, eram and esem, essem, stand in the same opposition as, conversely, in Old High German, was, " I was," does to wtiri, " I would be," in which the weakening of the s to r has its foundation in the increase of syllables (see . 612.). The doubling of the s in essem I believe may be explained according to the same principle by which, in Greek, in the epic language, the weakest consonants (the liquids and <r)occasionally, and under certain circumstances, pare, in the common dialect, regularly doubled. The Sanscrit doubles a final n
FORMATION OF MOODS.
941
after a short vowel, in case the word following begins with a vowel. If, then, which I believe to be the case, the doubling of the s in the Latin essem, and in the infinitive ease, is likewise purely of a euphonic nature, it may be compared especially with Greek aorists like ereKeaaa, since the (TCT of these tenses likewise belong to the verb substantive : observe, also, the Lithuanian essie, " he may be " (. 474.). Regarding e<r<rofjLou, see . 655. But should the double s in essem have its foundation in etymology, which I do not believe, then it must be assumed, that when the esem, which arose from esam, had firmly attached itself to attributive verbs in the abbreviated form of sem, or, more generally, rem, and in this position was recognised as nothing else than it really is, so that the whole se, re, was considered as the modal exponent, then the root es combined with itself ; according to which, essem would properly mean " I would be," in analogy with es-sem, " I would eat," and pos-sem, " I would be able." And the analogy of es-sem, " I ate," and possem, " I could," as also that oiferrem and veUem, might have so far operated on essem, " I would be," that, according to their example, without the languages furnishing any particular reason for it, the consonant preceding the e was doubled. Be this as it may, essem, and the esem preceding it, remain in so far a new formation, as in the Sanscrit no mood whatever proceeds from the imperfect, any more than in Greek. The Latin subjunctive, therefore, of the imperfect meets with its nearest point of comparison only in the Greek optative aorist; since esem (eram) is produced from esam, just as rv-^-atfii
from eTvtjsa.
709. No trace of the production of moods can be shewn to attach to the Sanscrit reduplicate preterite or perfect.*
I do not agree with Westergaard in regarding Veila forms like
942
VERBS.
As, however, the potential of the second and sixth aorist formation in the Veda dialect is, as it were in its moment of extinction, still to be met with in its remnants as
turushSma, gameyam, vocheyam (. 705.), it might be assumed
that the extirpation of the moods, which have arisen from the reduplicate preterite, only made its appearance somewhat earlier, or that the relics of them, which have remained to the period when the Vedas were composed, may be lost to us, together with the memorials in which they occurred. But if there existed a potential of the perfect, it is a question whether the conjunctive vowel a (see . 614.) was retained before the modal element or not ? In the former case, forms like tu-tupey-am, tutupe-s, tutupe-t, would have arisen, to which would correspond the
Greek reTV(poifj.i (from rerixpoiv, see . 689.), TeTv<f>ois, TETVÔI
(whence might be expected, also, reTvâifxt, &c.): in the latter case, forms like tutupydm would have existed, as prototypes of the Gothic subjunctives of the preterite like haihaityau, " I might be called," or with the loss of reduplication, as bundynu, " I might bind," which would lead us to expect Greek forms like Terucplrjv, which must afterwards have been introduced into the co conjugation. The close coincidence of the Greek and German forms makes the origin of such modal forms in the time of the unity of language very
msrijyat as potentials of the perfect, but of the intensive (comp. . 515.), which, in the Veda dialect, presents several deviations from the classical language, and in roots with middle ri (from ar) exhibits in the syllable of repetetition , more frequently if, and also, in conformity with the common dialect, ar: thus vnrridhati (Rig V. 33. 1.) is the Lt of the intensive, and vavridhasva (Rig V. 3J. 18.) its imperfect middle. Westergaard also refers the participle present middle tJtris/iana, "thirsting" (Rig V. 31. 7.), to the intensive, though it might be ascribed to the perfect with the same justice as msriji/ftt and vCwridhasva.
FORMATION OF MOODS.
943
probable; the Gothic forms, also, like haihaityau, are too classical in their appearance to allow of our ascribing to them a comparatively recent origin. But if, nevertheless, they are specially German, and the Greek, as is known of a few like Tervtyotfjit, specially Greek, then the two sister languages have, in fortuitous coincidence, only accorded a wider extension to a principle of modal production, which already existed in the period of their unity with the Sanscrit and Zend. 710. Latin perfect subjunctives like amave-rim, from ama-vi-sim, are nevertheless new productions, viz. the combination of the base of the perfect with sim, " I may be," the s of which, in its position between two vowels, has been corrupted to r ; and, on account of this r, the i of amavi, amavi-sti, has been corrupted to e (compare p. 967.). We might also, if necessitated, divide thus, amav-erim* as sim stands for esim, like sum for esum. But in composition there was still more reason to withdraw the e of esim, than in the uncompounded state ; and the corruption of the i to e before an r is too much in rule not to admit of it here. 711. We here give a general view of the points of comparison, which have been obtained in treating of the Sanscrit and Zend potential and precative, and of the moods corresponding to them of the European sister languages.
SINGULAR. SANSCRIT. ZKKD. GREEK. LATIN. LITH. OLD SCLAV.
dadyam , daidhyanm dadyds, dadydt, dadita\ daidhydo, daidhyat daidita1,
, SiBotrjv, <<W>7f> BiSolr], hôho
duim , duis, duit, .... dudie dashdy. dashdy.
* So in my System of Conjugation, p. 100.
944
VERBS.
DUAL.
SANSCRIT.
ZEND.
GREEK.
LATIN.
L1TH.
0L SCLAV.
dadydva, dadydtam, dadyutdm
. . . . StSoirjrov BttSottjTrjv,
PLURAL.
dashdyva. dashdyta. dashdyta.
dadydma,
daidhydma,
SiSot^/xev, Si$olt]Te, SiScnev, I$O?VTO,
duimus, duitis, duint
. . . . . . . . . . . .
dashdymy. dashdyte. like 2d p .
dadyuta, daidhyaia", dadyus, daidhyannW, dadiran12 daidita13,

1
2 For dadaydm, see . 072. . 442., Remark 5, and . 701. 4 5 . 674. . 677. 684. '; T give only the third person singular and plural of the middle, and for the rest I refer the reader to the doctrine of middle terminations, . 466. &c, and to the conjugation of r 8 9 adiya. .703. .701. .462. " .702. > 11 2 13 .470. i .613. .703.
SINGULAR. SANSCRIT. LATIN. GOTHIC. O. H. G. OLD SCLAV.
adydm, act. adiyn, mid. adi/ris, act. adithds, m i d . fidi/dt, act. adita, mid.
edim, edis, edit,
Myau, eteis, tti,
<tei, azis, (hi,
. . . . yashdy? yashdy.
DUAL.
adydva, act. adivahi, mid. . . . adyiilarn, act. udiydtluhn, mid. . . . adydtthn, act. ndiyutdm, mid. . . .
PLURAL.
etcivn, cteits,
. . . . .
yashdyva. i/ashdyta. yashdyta.
adyuma, act. udimalii, mid. edi'mns,dteima, dzimes,yashdymu. (itlydla, act. adidhvam, mid. edi'lis, eteith, dxit, yashdyte. mlifiis, act. udirmi, mid. cd'uit, tfeina, d~ln, like 2d p. Tho middle of ad is not used in the present state of the language which, however, does not prevent us from annexing it here on account of 2 3 the theory. . 674. . 67r>. 076. * . 077.
1
FORMATION OF MOODS.
SINGULAR. SANSCRIT. ZEND. GREEK. DUAL. SANSCRIT. GREEK
945
deydsam,1 deyds,3 deydt?
ddyamn,2 Bolrjv. ddydu, ddydt, Soirj,

PLURAL.
deydsva, deyastdm,
deyastdm,
.... BolrjTo\
oirjT>]]
SANSCRIT.
ZEND.
OREEK.
deydsma, deydsta, deydsus,

1 2
ddydma, ddyata,A day arm,
SoTev,
doitjcrav.
For daydsam, see . 680. I believe I am right in giving this form instead of the dyahm mentioned in . 680. 3 . 703., conclusion. 4 For dayata, see . 701.
SINGULAR. SANSCRIT. LITH. . . . SANSCRIT.
DUAL. LITH.
ddsi-y-a, ddsi-shthds, 2 ddsi-shtha,2
dtiki.
ddsi-vahi, ddsi-y-ddhdm? ddsi-y-dstdm,2

PLURAL.
duki-wa? dukl-ta.
SANSCRIT.
LITH.
ddsi-mahi,, ddsi-dhvam, ddsi-ran,

i
duki-me. duki-te. ....

2
See SS. 699. 680.
. 549.
94G
VERBS.
SINGULAR.
SANSCRIT.
1
ZEND.
2
GliEEK.
LATIN.
i
GOTHIC.
b
O. H. G.
bhare-y-am, baroi, bhare-s, bhare-t,

bhare-ta,
bar u is,1 bardi-t,

barae'-ta,
(cf>epoi-v,) feram, baira-u, c feres? ) d>epoi-g, \ , . ' } bairais, If eras, ) <pepoi-{r), y

{. jera-t, (pepot-ro,
DUAL.
bere,6 bert-s, bere,6

....
'
ibairai,
} bairai-dau?
bhare-va, bhare-tam, bhare-tam,
<pepoi-Tov <pepot-rrjv,
PLURAL.
bairai-va, bairai-ts,
.... .... ....
bhare'-ma, bhare-ta,
bhare-y-us,
J
barae-ma? barae-ta,s
baraii-en,
J
Aepot-uevA I bairai-ma, (fera-mus,) (pepoi-re, \ .' I fera-tis,

C jp'ffi'nf
( lGY 6~ 7TVU S "1
bere-mes, bere-t,
bere-n, ....
[ bairai-th, )
i
bhare-ran,
baray-anla?
<j>epoi-ev, \ Ifera-nt, <pepot-VTo,
( bairai-na, > bairai-ndnu,^
FORMATION OF MOODS.
SINGULAR. SANSCRIT. ZEND. GREEK. LATIN.
3
947
OLD SCLAV.
vahe-y-am, vazoi, oi
7-1 . 7 >'
-v,)
veham, f vehe-s, )
viga-u, .
valie-s, vahe-t, vahe-ta,
vazoi-s, vazdi-t, vazae-ta,
eyoi-s,
e
X'<
< , , I vends, (vehe-t, ) , , Iveha-t,

DUAL.
> viqm-s, J ) \ viyai J )
ve?i,
. 10
o. 10
viyai-dau,
viyai-va, viyai-ts, ....
PLURAL.
. ..
ve^ye-va. veye-ta. ve^ye-ta.
vahe-va, vahe-tam, vahe-tdm,
,* valie-ma, i A.
vahe-ta,
, 9 ' j vehe-mus, } vazae-ma, eyoi-jxev, \ ) viqai-ma, [vena-mus,) , , o " (vehe-tis, ) . . ,,

vazae-ta, 6%o<-Te, ' . . . )viqai-th, J
J
n vePye-m, *
vePye-te,
(veha-tis, vahe-y-us, vahe-ran,

1
vazay-en, vazay-anta?
e-^pi-ev, e%oi-vTo,
vehe-nt, . . . .
viyai-na, vigain-dau,
l i k e 2d p . . . . .
2 3 l . 688. 689. .700. . 689. . 691. 692. 5 7 8 693. . 694. . 694. conclusion. . 699. . 468. 9 Io .706. .696. >' .696., in which we ought to read [ ve^yem for BED'bMbI velyemy.
SINGULAR. SANSCRIT. LATIN.
PLURAL. SANSCRIT. LATIN.
tishthe-y-am, tishthe-s, tishthe-t,
ste-m, ste-s. ste-t.
tishthe-ma, tislithe-ta, tishthe-y-us,
ste-mus. ste-tis. ste-nt.
948
VERBS.
SINGULAR. PRESENT. POTENTIAL IMPERFECT.
Sanscrit.
H . I
Caridolau.
v
Sanscrit, smayui-y-am,' smayais, smayai-t,

DUAL.
Camiolan. smeyay-(m). smeyayis). smeyayit).
smaya-mi, smaya-si, smaya-ti, smaya-vas, smaya-thas, smaya-tas,
smeya-m, smeya-sh, smlya-if), smeya-va, smeya-ta. smeya-ta,
smayal-va, smayai-tam, smayai-tdm,

PLURAL.
smeyay-va. xmeyay-ta.
smayd-mas, smaya-iha, smaya-nti,

1
smeya-mo, smeya-te, smeyay-o,
smayai-ma, smayai-ta, smayai-y-us,
smvyay-mo. smeyay-te.
The active of smi, " to laugh," which, by Guna, forms SHIC, and hence, with a the class vowel, smaya, is not used in the present state of the language, and stands here only on account of the surprising resemblance between smayCimi (=smayami) and the Carniolan vord of the same meauing, smtyam (see, however, N. 5), as also between the potential smayajam =smaiyaiyam and the Carniolan imperative snieyay{in), Ike. 2 I here express the Sanscrit diphthong <, according to its etymological ? value, by /, in order to exhibit the more clearly the remarkable analogy of the Sanscrit potential to the Carniolan imperative (see . GlJ7.). 3 The diphthong ai is expressed in Carniolan by ay. Regarding the loss of the personal terminations and the similarity of the three persons singular which proceeds from it, see . GUV. 1 Is expressed by a periphrasis formed of the present indicative with the particle imy. 5 Regarding the y preceding the termination o see . G98.; but if the i/ of smeyay-o is connected with ai/n, the characteristic of the Sanscrit tenth class, as is usually the ease in verbs in am, then unity-am is properly based, not on sninyCimi of the first class, but on xwiii/ayomi of the tenth; according to which smi, also, is inflected (also in the middle only), and smtya-yo is therefore =smii//<iy(m/i. Hut if this is really the ease, as I believe it is, thin for our present objectviz. in order to place in a clear light the analogy of the Carniolan imperative to the Sanscrit potential in a verb of
FORMATION OF MOODS.
949
kindred root, it would be better to contrast with the Carniolan smeyam the word smayami, which is more similar to it than smayayami, though the affinity of the latter is greater. For the rest, the Carniolan in the third person plural present extends the termination yo, by an abuse, even to verbs which have not the y; e. g. most verbs of Kopitar's third example* correspond to Dobrowsky's third conjugation in Old Sclavonic, and therefore to the Sanscrit first class. The third person plural, therefore, should not be griseyo but griso = Sanscrit gras-a-nti; and, in fact, many verbs of this class may, in the third person plural, employ o instead of eyo (Kopitar, p. 337); as nesd, "they carry" (for neseyo or neseyo) = Old Sclavonic nesuty from nes-o-nty (see .255. <?.). The y of forms like griseyo may also be regarded as a euphonic insertion to avoid a hiatus, as, in Sanscrit, bhare-y-am, " I may carry" (. C89.); but even with this explanation, which I prefer, griseyo, " they bite," remains an unorganic form, since then the conjunctive vowel of the Sanscrit first class remains contained in it doubled, once as e, as in gris-e-te, " ye bite,"=gras-afha, and next as o, which, in Carniolan, appears as the termination of the third person plural, but ought properly only to be the supporter of the dropped termination, and which corresponds to the Greek o of Key-a-vri, while the e of gris-e-te coincides with the Greek e of Xey-e-re. In both languages the nasal of the termination, retained or dropped, exerts an influence on the colouring of the conjunctive vowel (see . 255. g.). We must further notice here the Carniolan verb dam, " I give," since it is clear that in the third person plural ddyo (or dayo) the y is a euphonic insertion, which is dropped in the more genuine dado (=Sanscrit dadati for dadanti, " they give"), since, in this word, the d prevents the meeting of the a and o, and thus the insertion of a foreign letter is rendered unnecessary. In das-te, " y e give," das-ta, " y e two give," "they two give," we have forms exactly coinciding with the Sanscrit dat-tha, dat-thas, dat-tas (see .436.). With the form das-te, "ye give," may be compared, in Zend, the form das-ta, which perhaps does not occur, but may be safely conjectured to have existed (see . 102.).
712. It remains to be remarked, with respect to the Gothic subjunctive, that those weak verbs which have contracted the Sanscrit class character aya to 6 ( = a + )
* Grisem, " I bite," is perhaps akin to the Sanscrit gras, " to devour "; therefore gris-e-m, gris-e-sh, gras-a-mi, gras-a-si.
950
VERBS.
(see . 109 a. 6.) are incapable of formally denoting the modal relation, since i in Gothic does not combine with an 6 preceding it, but where 61 would occur, the i is swallowed up by the 6 ; hence friyos means both amas and, amen, and, in the latter case, stands for friyois ;* so in the plural friyoth means both arnatis and ametis. In the third person singular friyo, "amef (for friyfMh) is only unorganically distinguished from friyoth, since the subjunctive, according to . 432., has lost the personal character. The Old High German subjunctives like salboe, salboes, salboemes, are unorganic, since the e of salbofo, &c. (which is shortened in the auslaut) is a contraction of ai (see . 78.), of which the a must belong to the class character. But in the o, therefore, which is equivalent to a + a, the whole of the primitive form ^PT aya is contained, with the exception of the rejection of the semi-vowel : there does not, therefore, remain any other a, which might, had it existed, have been contracted with the modal-vowel I to p. Hence we must assume that the e has found its way into this class of verbs only through a mal-introduction from those verbs where it has a legitimate ground for entering, at a time when the language was no longer conscious that the last half of the e = ai belongs to the modal designation, but the former half to the derivation. Such is the case,
for example, with forms like habeas, " habeas." hnbeenu'-i.
" habeamm" in which the first e contains the two first elements of the class syllable ^PJ aya (which are alone represented in the indicative liab-e-m, hab-e-s, see p. lio);
* I am not of opinion that in the indicative, also, wo should derive salbvs
from .ifilltnix, and, in tho first person, vnlbo from t-ti!!>,:,< ; for as in virj-a-'.
riy-i-s, vly.i-th (see . 507., Table), tho n and / belong, not to the personal sign, but to the derivation or class syllable, so in siilb-ii-', .in/b-i'i-s, salliu-fli, the "i only represents then of the strong conjugation, which is interchanged with /: the personal terminations, however, are as complete as in the strong conjugation.
FORMATION OF MOODS.
951
but the second e contains the last a in contraction with the modal vowel i; so that, therefore, in var-mawses the second coincides with the Sanscrit e of manay&s and the Latin d of moneds (from moneais, see . 691.), and the first, with the Latin e and Sanscrit ay, which we have seen above (p. llo) also, in the Prakrit mdnemi, contracted to e. The Gothic does not admit the diphthong ai twice together uninterruptedly; hence, habais, "habeas," stands in disadvantageous contrast with the Old High German hdbefc, and is not distinguishable from its indicative. 713. The Veda dialect possesses a mood which is wanting in the classic Sanscrit, and which occurs in the Vedas even only in a few scanty remnants : it is called, by the Indian Grammarians, Let, and is rightly identified by Lassen with the Greek subjunctive. For as Key-a-fiev, \ey-rj-re, Aey-ia-fiat, Xey-rj-rat, Xey-w-vrai, are distinguished from the corresponding indicative forms \ey-o-fiev, Aey-e-Te, Xey-o-fiai, Xey-e-rai, Xey-o-vrt, only by the lengthening of the vowel of the class-syllable, so, in the Veda dialect, pat-d-ti, " cadatr is in like manner distinguished from pat-a-ti, " cadit"; grihyd-rd-di, "capiantur,'n from grih-ya-nte, " capiuntur'1''; only that in the latter form the tendency of the mood under discussion to the utmost possible fulness of form is manifested in this also, that the final diphthong e ( ai) is augmented to di, in agreement with the first person imperative, which in general accords more with the mood Lei than with the other persons of the imperative, since the person of the imperative which corresponds to the first person plural middle bibhrimahe, " we carry," is bibhardmahdi. 714. In Greek, neither the subjunctive nor any other mood is derived from the imperfect, but in Vedic Sanscrit the mood Let comes from i t ; as also in Zend, which uses this mood very commonly, and, indeed, principally in the imperfect tense, but with the meaning of the
952
VERBS.
subjunctive present; as, char-d-t, " eat," from I^M?M^S chnra-t, " Hat"; van-d-t, " destruat,'" from rA>yAs(? van-a-t, " destruehaV; y^^JAse)pat-an-n, " volent" (forpat-d-n, see . 702.), /ft>^JJ bar-an-n, "ferant," from pat-e-n, bar-e-n, or rather
from their primitive forms pat-arn, bar-a-n.
Thus in the
Veda dialect, pat-d-m, " cadcim," from apat-a-m, " cadebam "; prachodaydt, " incitet," from prdchod-aya-t, " incitabai."
715. I am of opinion that the Sanscrit potential and precative, and the moods in the kindred languages which may be classed with them, are connected with the principle of formation of the Let, or Greek subjunctive, in so far as the auxiliary verb contained therein, which these moods share with the future (see . 670.), has a long d as the conjunctive vowel, while the future has a short a. Consequently the Sanscrit dad-ydt and de-yat, the Zend daidh-yat and dd-yat, the Greek StSo-lrj and So-lrj, would properly signify, " he would give," and thus this mood would be only a more polite form of the Let, or subjunctive, as our expression, " Ich bitte, mir dies gestattcn zu wollen," " I pray you
to be willing to allow me this," is more polite than the abrupt "mir dies zugestatten, "to allow me this." On the other hand, the future da-s-yati signifies " he will give," or, literally, " he will be giving ;" and the " willing "' is here not an expression of politeness, but the symbol of the time not being the present ; or it denies the present in a less decided manner than is the case in the augmented preterites by the a of negation.
KNJ> O F P A R T
II.

A Comparative Grammar

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

A Comparative Grammar

Uploaded by

Document Information

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

A Comparative Grammar

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Cambridge Library CoLLeCtion

Books of enduring scholarly value

TBANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN

LIEUTENANT EASTWICK, M.R.A.S.

CONDUCTED THROUGH THE PRESS

BY H. H. WILSON, M.A. F.R.S.

LONDON: MADDEN AND MALCOLM,

PART II. PRONOUNS.

eydv, rovv, fie,

ego, tu, me, te,

ik, thu, mih,x tliuk,

asz, tit, manen, tawen,

az. ty. mya. tya.

^ mam, ma, ma.nm, via,

*! ( tvdm, tva, thwanm, thivd, T4,

l mayd, ,3 t tvayd, mahyam,

mild, mis,3 tibi, thus*

manhni, innoyu. taivimi toboyu. man, mnye, mi.

j tubhyam, . . . . ' thve, te,. thwoi, te, toi, mat, . . . .

-g $ avabhyam, -1 t yuvabhyam, , avabhyam, . . . . . . j^ I nau, R | yuvabhyam, . . .

mum dwiem, yum. droiem,

nama, vama, nama? nama? vama? vama?

which, in Lithuanian, is reThe dis-

veis, veis,* yus* unsisf izvis,5

my. vy. ny. vy.

yds, .... no, ....

iwies,' a^e, we,

nas. ... vas. nas. vas. See . 335.

See . 332. See 174.

t h e first a n d s e c o n d p e r s o n ; S a n s c r i t H mt, ft tt, j ^ fie, Z e n d

sya, soboyu.1 sebye, si.1 sebe.1 sebye.1

i Compare . 330. It is not, however, necessary to assume, that, in the

N. sa, sah, so, ho, Ac. tarn, Lvm,

6, is-TE, set, T6V, is-TUM, tliuna,

tt,, dnui, *tyem.

D. tasmdi, Ab.tasmdt, G. tasya, L. tasmm?

The rest like the Masculine.

N. sd, Ac. tdm, I. tayd, D. tasydi,19 Ab.tasyas, G. tasyds,10 L. tasydm,19

ta. I.D. *tyema.4 toyu.6

The rest like the Masculine.

N.Ac. U? I.D.Ab. tdbydm, tayos, G.L.

(fe), (tabya), ....

TO., tie, D. rcav, torn,3 G. rouv, G. tu,

ti/e." * tye ma.4 toyu.

.... D.Ab.tebhyas, taiibyo, s. Loc. G. tishdm,9 (tae'shanm),10 L. tishu, (taishva), D. roicrt,

Greek. TOI, ol,1 Tovg,

Latin. is-TV is-TOS, ....

is-TIS,s thaim,6 *tiem(u)s,7 is-TORUM?thizt* M, fuse,

N. Ac. tdni,td, td,

The rest like the Masculine.

N. tds, Ac. tds, I. tdbhis, D.Ab.tdbhyas, G. tdsdm9 L. tdsu,

ty.'5 t!/-ls *tyemi. *tyem.8 tyekh.11 tyekh.11

* See Vocnlismus, p. 247.

OM H. G. der, den, demu, d'e's,

Nominative, Accusative, Dative, Genitive,

syas, {yam, tyasmdi, tyasya,

tye, tydn, tyebhyas, tyeshdm,

die. die. diim dero. diu.

H.Gdio. dio. diem. d'ero.

Nominative, Accusative, Dative, Genitive,

is-TIS,s thaim,6 tiem(u)s,7 is-TORUM?thizt M, fuse,

ty.'5 t!/-ls tyemi. tyem.8 tyekh.11 tyekh.11