AFGHANISTAN

Kidarite kingdom
The Kidarite kingdom was created either in the second half of the 4th century, or in the twenties of the 5th century. The
only 4th century evidence are gold coins discovered in Balkh dating from c. 380, where 'Kidara' is usually interpreted in a
legend in the Bactrian language. Most numismatic specialists favor this idea. All the other data we currently have on the
Kidarite kingdom are from Chinese and Byzantine sources from the middle of the 5th century. They may have risen to power
during the 420s in Northern Afghanistan before moving into Peshawar and beyond it into part of northwest India, then turning
north to conquer Sogdiana in the 440s, before being cut from their Bactrian nomadic roots by the rise of the Hephthalites in
the 450s. Many small Kidarite kingdoms seems to have survived in northwest India up to the conquest by the Hephthalites
during the last quarter of the 5th century are known through their coinage. The Kidarites are the last dynasty to regard
themselves (on the legend of their coins) as the inheritors of the Kushan empire, which had disappeared as an independent
entity two centuries earlier.

List of Kings of the Kidarite Kingdom

Kidara I was the King of the Kidarite Kingdom around AD 320.
Kungas

was the King of the Kidarite Kingdom during AD 330s.

Varhran I was the King of the Kidarite Kingdom around AD 340.

Grumbat (died AD 380) was the King of the Kidarite Kingdom from c. AD 358 until his death around AD 380.

The Kidarite
king Grumbat mentioned by Ammianus Marcellinus was a cause of much concern to the Persians. Between 353 AD and 358
AD, the Xionites under Grumbat attacked in the eastern frontiers of Shapur II's empire along with other nomad tribes. After a
prolonged struggle they were forced to conclude a peace, and their king Grumbat accompanied Shapur II in the war against
the Romans. Victories of the Xionites during their campaigns in the Eastern Caspian lands are described by Ammianus
Marcellinus: ...Grumbates Chionitarum rex novus aetate quidem media rugosisque membris sed mente quadam grandifica
multisque victoriarum insignibus nobilis, ...Grumbates, the new king of the Xionites, while he was middle aged, and his limbs
were wrinkled, he was endowed with a mind that acted grandly, and was famous for his many, significant victories.
Ammianus Marcellinus, 18.6.22.

Kidara II

was the King of the Kidarite Kingdom around AD 360. The southern or "Red" Kidarite vassals to the Kushans in
the North-Western Indus valley became known as Kermikhiones, Hara Hunaor "Red Huns" from 360 AD after Kidara II led a
Bactrian portion of "Hunni" to overthrow the Kushans in India.

Brahmi Buddhatal was the King of the Kidarite Kingdom around AD 370.
Varhran II was the King of the Kidarite Kingdom around AD 425.
Goboziko

was the King of the Kidarite Kingdom around AD 450.

Salanavira was the King of the Kidarite Kingdom during AD 450s.

Vinayadity
Kandik

was the King of the Kidarite Kingdom in the late 5th century.

was the King of the Kidarite Kingdom in the early 6th century.

Hephthalite Empire
The Hephthalites (or Ephthalites), also known as the White Huns, were a nomadic confederation in Central Asia during
thelate antiquity period. The Hephthalite Empire, at the height of its power (in the first half of the 6th century), was
located
in
the
territories
of
present-day Afghanistan,
Turkmenistan,
Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Pakistan, India andChina. The stronghold of the Hephthalite power
was Tokharistan on the northern slopes of the Hindukush, present-day northeastern Afghanistan. By 479, the Hephthalites
had conquered Sogdiana and driven the Kidarites westwards, and by 493 they had captured areas of present-day
northwestern China (Dzungaria and the Tarim Basin). By the end of the 5th century, the Hephthalites overthrew the
Indian Gupta Empire to their southeast and conquered northern and central India. But later they were defeated and driven
out of India by the Indian kings Yasodharman and Narasimhagupta in the 6th century. In Chinese chronicles, the Hephthalites
are called Yanda or Ye-ti-i-li-do, while older Chinese sources of around AD 125 call themHoa or Hoa-tun and describe them as
a tribe living beyond the Great Wall in Dzungaria. Elsewhere they were called the "White Huns", known to the Greeks
as Ephthalite, Abdel or Avdel, to the Indians as Sveta Huna ("white Huns"), Chionite orTurushka, to the Armenians as Haital,
and to the Persians and Arabs as Haytal or Hayatila, while their Bactrian name is (Ebodalo). According to most
specialist scholars, the spoken language of the Hephthalites was an East Iranian language but different from the Bactrian
language that was utilized as the "official language" and minted on coins. They may be the eponymous ancestors of the
modern Pashtun tribal union of the Abdali, the largest tribal union in Afghanistan.

List of Rulers of the Hephthalite Empire

Khingila I (Firdowsi: Shengil,

Alkhano: Khigi, Chinese: Cha-Li, died around AD 490) was a ruler of the Hephthalite
Empire from AD 430/440 until his death around AD 490, apparently of the Haital tribe (Chinese: or ) from Kushan a
contemporary of Akhshunwar (fl. 484) in Khwarezm. "A great fog arose from the sea scaring people and this was followed by
countless number of vultures descending on the people." In response to the migration of the Wusun (who were hard-pressed
by the Rouran) from Zhetysu to the Pamir region (Chinese:
), Khingila united the Uar (Chinese:
) and
theXionites (Chinese: ) in 460AD, establishing the Hepthalite (Chinese: ) dynasty. According to the Syrian

compilation of Church Historian Zacharias Rhetor, bishop of Mytilene, the need for new grazing land to
replace that lost to the Wusun led Khingila's "Uar-Chionites" to displace the Sabirs to the west, who in turn
displaced the Saragur, Ugor and Onogur, who then asked for an alliance and land from Byzantium.

Toramana (died

around AD 515) was a ruler of the Hephthalite Empire who ruled its Indian region from
around AD 490 until his dath around AD 515. Toramana consolidated the Hephthalite power in Punjab
(present-day Pakistan and
northwestern India),
and
conquered
northern
and
central
India
including Eran in Madhya Pradesh. His territory also included Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthanand Kashmir.
Toramana is known from Rajatarangini, coins and inscriptions. In the Gwalior inscription, written in Sanskrit, Toramana is
described as: A ruler of [the earth], of great merit, who was renowned by the name of the glorious Tramna; by whom,
through (his) heroism that was specially characterised by truthfulness, the earth was governed with justice. In the Kura
inscription, his name is mentioned as Rajadhiraja Maharaja Toramana Shahi Jaula. The Eran Boar Image inscription of his first
regnal year indicates that eastern Malwawas included in his dominion. A Jaina work of the 8th century,
the Kuvalayamala states that he lived in Pavvaiya on the bank of the Chandrabhaga and enjoyed the sovereignty of the
world. The silver coins of Toramana closely followed the Gupta silver coins. The only difference in the obverse is that the
king's head is turned to the left. The reverse retains the fantailed peacock and the legend is almost similar, except the
change of name to Toramana Deva. According to the Risthal stone-slab inscription, discovered in 1983, the Aulikara king
Prakas hadharma of Malwa defeated him. Toramana was succeeded by his son Mihirakula.

Mihirakula (Chinese: ) was one of the most important Hephthalite emperors, whose empire was
in the present-day territories ofAfghanistan, Pakistan and northern and central India. Mihirakula was a son
of Toramana who was a tegin of the Indian part of the Hephthalite Empire. Mihirakula ruled his empire from
around AD 515 until around AD 528. The name "Mihirakula" is most likely of Iranian origin and may have
the meaning "Mithra's Begotten", as translated by Janos Harmatta. Cognates are also known
from Sanskrit sources, though these are most likely borrowed from the neighbouring East Iranian
languages. The 6th-century Alexandrian traveler Cosmas Indicop leustes states that the Hephthalites in
India reached the zenith of its power under Mihirakula. "The Record of the Western Regions" by the 7thcentury Chinese traveler Hsan-tsang describes Mihirakula as: He was of quick tallent and naturally brave. He subdued all
the neighboring provinces without exception. The Gwalior inscription issued in the 15th regnal year of Mihirakula shows his
territory
at
least
included Gwalior in Madhya
Pradesh,
central
India.
Mihirakula
suffered
a
defeat
by
the Aulikara king Yasodharman of Malwa in 528, and the Gupta emperor Narasimhagupta Baladitya who previously paid
Mihirakula tribute. According to Hsan-tsang, Mihirakula was taken as prisoner, and later released, but meanwhile the brother
of Mihirakula had seized power over the Hephthalites. Mihirakula set off for Kashmir where the king received him with honor.
After a few years Mihirakula incited a revolt against the king of Kashmir and seized his power. Then he
invaded Gandharalocated westward, and killed many of its inhabitants and destroyed its Buddhist shrines. But Mihirakula died
shortly afterwards. Mihirakula is remembered in contemporary Indian and Chinese histories for his cruelty and his destruction
of temples and monasteries, with particular hostility towardsBuddhism. He claimed to be a worshipper of Shiva.

Napki Malka

was a Hephthalite king of the 6th-7th century, and possibly the founder of a dynasty
bearing the same name. On his coins, his name appears in Pahlavi script as "npky MLK". He was ruling in
the area of Gandhara (Peshawar), Pakistan. His coins are rather numerous and characteristic of the
Gandharan region, and though they display Zoroastrian fire alters, have also been found
inBuddhist stupas and monasteries in Taxila. His coins have also been found in association with the
Sasanian king Khusrau I in a hoard, suggesting possible contemporaneity. In 557, the Hephthalites were
crushed by a coalition of Turks led by a certain Sinbiju, or Sinzibul, and Sasanians, under their king
Khusrau I. After their defeat, their land was divided between the two victors along the line of the Oxus.
Later, during the Arab invasions of the 7th century, remaining communities of Hephthalites, under a certain Tarkhan Nezak,
are said to have staunchly resisted the invaders. An alternative reading of Napki Malka's name on his coins has been
suggested by Harmatta, which would be Nycky MLK, Nycky being the usual transcription of "Nezak" in Persian, thereby
suggesting a possible identity between Napki Malka and Tarkhan Nezak, or the preservation of the "Napki Malka" title down to
the last Hephthalite rulers. A temple appears on the back of the coins of Napki Malka, and has been interpreted as a depiction
for the worship of Fire, a possible instance before the arrival of Islam. On his coins, Napki Malka wears a characteristic winged
headdress, surmounted by a bull's head.

Farighunids Dynasty
The Farighunids were an Iranian dynasty of Guzgan (modern-day northern Afghanistan) in the late 9th, 10th and early 11th
centuries.

List of Rulers of Farighunids Dynasty

Afrighun Farighun

was a ruler of Farighunids Dynasty of Guzgan (modern-day northern Afghanistan) in the late 9th

century.

Amad ibn Farighun

was a ruler of Farighunids Dynasty of Guzgan (modern-day northern Afghanistan) around 900.
The first Farighunid amir mentioned is Ahmad b. Farighun. Ahmad, together with the Banijurid Abu Dawud Muhammad b.
Ahmad, was compelled to recognize the Saffarid Amr bin Laith as his suzerain. Only a short time afterwards, Amr was
defeated and captured by the Samanids; Ahmad transferred his allegiance to them around this time. The Farighunids would
remain Samanid vassals until the overthrow of the latter at the end of the 10th century. Ahmad was succeeded by his son
Abu'l Haret Muhammad expanded the influence of the Farighunids, collecting tribute from certain parts of Ghor.

Abu l-areth Moammad

was a ruler of Farighunids Dynasty of Guzgan (modern-day northern Afghanistan) around

990. Abu'l Haret Muhammad expanded the influence of the Farighunids, collecting tribute from certain parts of Ghor.

Abu l-areth Ahmad ibn Muhammad

(died 1000) was a ruler of Farighunids Dynasty of Guzgan (modernday northern Afghanistan) from 990 until his death in 1000. Abu'l Haret died probably sometime after 982, and his son Abu'l
Haret Ahmad was drawn into the conflicts that took place within the Samanid amirate during its decline. He was ordered by
his suzerain Nuh b. Mansur to attack the rebel Fa'iq, but was defeated by him. The Farighunids developed marriage alliances
with the Ghaznavids; Abu'l Haret's daughter had married Sebk Tigin's son Mahmud, while Mahmud's sister had married Abu'l
Haret's son Abu Nasr Muhammad. Abu'l Haret assisted Sebk Tigin's forces at Herat against Fa'iq and the Simjurid Abu 'Ali, a
battle in which the Ghaznavids and Farighunids were victorious. The Ghaznavids soon afterwards supplanted the Samanids

in Khurasan, and the Farighunids become Ghaznavid vassals. Abu'l Haret died in c. 1000 and Abu Nasr Muhammad succeeded
him.

Farighun ibn Muhammad

was a ruler of Farighunids Dynasty of Guzgan (modern-day northern Afghanistan) from

1000 until 1005.

Ab Nar Muhammad

(died 1010-1011) was a ruler of Farighunids Dynasty of Guzgan (modern-day northern

Afghanistan) from 1005 until his death in 1010/1011. Abu Nasr enjoyed the confidence of Mahmud of Ghazna; in 1008 he
fought in the center of the Ghaznavid line against the Karakhanids outside Balkh and in the following year escorted Mahmud
during his campaign in India. He also married off a daughter to Mahmud's son Muhammad of Ghazna.

Hasan was a ruler of Farighunids Dynasty of Guzgan (modern-day northern Afghanistan) in 1011.

Badakhshan
Badakhshan was a state in present Afghanistan. Badakhshan (Pashto/Persian: , Chinese: , meaning "Badakh
Mountains") is a historic region comprising parts of what is now northeastern Afghanistan and southeastern Tajikistan. The
name is retained in Badakhshan Province which is one of the thirty-fourprovinces of Afghanistan, in the far northeast of
Afghanistan, and contains the Wakhan Corridor. Much of historic Badakhshan lies within Tajikistan's Gorno-Badakhshan
Autonomous Province located in the in south-eastern part of the country. The music of Badakhshan is an important part of the
region's cultural heritage.

List of rulers of Badakhshan

Shansabanids Dynasty
Fakhr al- Din Masud was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1145 until 1163.
Shams al -Din Muhammad was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1163 until 1192.
Baha al- Din Sam was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1192 until 1206.
Jalal al -Din Ali was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1206 until 1215.
The first Local dynasty
Ali Shah was a ruler of Badakhshan around 1291.
Dawlat Shah ibn Ali Shah was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1291 until 1292.
Sultan Bakhtin was a ruler of Badakhshan in 1303.
Arghun Shah was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1307 until 1311.
Ali Shah II was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1311 until 1318.
The second Local dynasty
Baha al- Din Shah was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1344 until 1358.
Muhammad Shah was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1358 until 1369.
Shaykh Ali was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1368 until 1369.
Bahramshah was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1358 until 1374 or 1375.
Timurid Dynasty
Sultan Muhammad Shah

was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1450 until 1467. He was the last of a
series of kings who traced their descent to Alexander the Great. He was killed by Abu Sa'id Mirza the ruler
of Timurid Empire and took possession of Badakhshan, which after his death fell to his son, Sultan Mahmud.

Abu Bakr ibn Abi Said Mirza was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1460 until 1480.
Abu Said ibn Sultan Mahmud

was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1480 until 1495. He had three sons, Baysinghar
Mirza, Ali Mirza and Khan Mirza. When Mahmud died, Amir Khusroe Khan, one of his nobles, blinded Baysinghar Mirza, killed
the second prince, and ruled as usurper. He submitted to Mughal Emperor Babur in 1504.

Mahmud ibn Mas'ud was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1495 until 1497.
Baysunkur Mirza ibn Mahmud

was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1497 until 1499. When Mahmud died, Amir
Khusroe Khan, one of his nobles, blinded Baysinghar Mirza, killed the second prince, and ruled as usurper.

Sultan Mahmud ibn Ali was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1499 until 1500.
Mubarek Muzaffar Shah was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1505 until 1507.
Nasir Mirza Miran Shah was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1507 until 1520.
Uways Mirza Sultan ibn Sultan Mahmud was a ruler of Badakhshan 1507 until 1520.

Abu Nasr Muhammad ibn Hindal Babur

was a ruler of Badakhshan in 1529 and from 1546 until 1547 (also

ruler in Kunduz from 1545 until 1550).

Mirzah Shah Sulayman ibn Sultan Uways

(died 1589) was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1529 until 1546 and
from 1547 until 1575. After the death of Khan Mirza, Badakhshan was governed for Babur by Prince Humayun, Sultan Wais
Khan (Mirza Sulaiman's father-in-law), Prince Hindal, and lastly, by Mirza Sulaiman, who held Badakhshan till October 8, 1541,
when he had to surrender himself and his son, Mirza Ibrahim, to Prince Kamran Mirza. They were released by
Emperor Humayun in 1545, and took again possession of Badakhshan. When Humayun had taken Kabul, he made war upon
and defeated Mirza Sulaiman who once in possession of his country, had refused to submit; but when the return of Prince
Kamran Mirza from Sindh obliged Emperor Humayun to go to Kabul, he reinstated Mirza Sulaiman, who held Badakhshan till
1575. Bent on making conquests, he invaded Balkh in 1560, but had to return. His son, Mirza Ibrahim, was killed in battle.
When Akbar became Mughal Emperor, his stepbrother Mirza Muhammad Hakim's mother had been killed by Shah Abul Ma'ali.
Mirza Sulaiman went to Kabul, and had Abul Ma'ali hanged; he then had his own daughter married to Mirza Muhammad
Hakim, and appointed Umed Ali, a Badakhshan noble, as Mirza Muhammad Hakim's agent in 1563. But Mirza Muhammad
Hakim did not go on well with Mirza Sulaiman, who returned next year to Kabul with hostile intentions; but Mirza Muhammad
Hakim fled and asked Akbar for assistance, so that Mirza Sulaiman, though he had taken Jalalabad, had to return to
Badakhshan. He returned to Kabul in 1566, when Akbar's troops had left that country, but retreated on being promised
tribute. Mirza Sulaiman's wife was Khurram Begum, of the Kipchak tribe. She was clever and had her husband so much in her
power, that he did nothing without her advice. Her enemy was Muhtarim Khanum, the widow of Prince Kamran Mirza. Mirza
Sulaiman wanted to marry her; but Khurram Begum got her married, against her will, to Mirza Ibrahim, by whom she had a
son, Mirza Shahrukh. When Mirza Ibrahim fell in the war with Balkh, Khurram Begum wanted to send the Khanum to her
father, Shah Muhammad of Kashgar; but she refused to go. As soon as Shahrukh had grown up, his mother and some
Badakhshi nobles excited him to rebel against his grandfather Mirza Sulaiman. This he did, alternately rebelling and again
making peace. Khurram Begum then died. Shahrukh took away those parts of Badakhshan which his father had held, and
found so many adherents, that Mirza Sulaiman, pretending to go on a pilgrimage to Makkah, left Badakhshan for Kabul, and
crossing the Indus went to India in 1575 CE. Khan Jahan, governor of the Punjab, received orders from Emperor Akbar to
invade Badakhshan, but was suddenly ordered to go to Bengalinstead, as Mun'im Khan had died and Mirza Sulaiman did not
care for the governorship of Bengal, which Akbar had offered him. Mirza Sulaiman then went to Ismail II of Safavid Iran. When
the death of that monarch deprived him of the assistance which he had just received, he went to Muzaffar Husain Mirza at
Kandahar, and then to Mirza Muhammad Hakim at Kabul. Not succeeding in raising disturbances in Kabul, he made for the
frontier of Badakhshan, and luckily finding some adherents, he managed to get from his grandson the territory between
Taiqan and the Hindu Kush. Soon after Muhtarim Khanum died. Being again pressed by Shahrukh, Mirza Sulaiman applied for
help to Abdullah Khan Uzbek, king of Turan, who had long wished to annex Badakhshan. He invaded and took the country in
1584; Shahrukh fled to the Mughal Empire, and Mirza Sulaiman to Kabul. As he could not recover Badakhshan for himself, and
rendered destitute by the death of Mirza Muhammad Hakim, he followed the example of his grandson, and repaired to the
court of Akbar who made him a Commander of six thousand. He lived out his life at Akbar's court in Lahore where he died in
1589.

Shah Rukh ibn Ibrahim was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1575 until 1584.
List of Rulers (Mirs) of Badakhshan
Yarid Dynasty
Mir Yari Beg Sahibzada was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from 1657 until 1708.

Mir Yar Beg Sahibzada was a Central

Asian ruler who, in 1651 became chief of the Tajik tribes in Yaftal, as they had invited him to come to them from Samarkand.
However two years later his dissatisfied subjects rebelled against him, built a fort at Lai Aba, and raised the Tajik Shah
Imad as their chief. Mir Yar Beg then retired to the court of Aurungzeb in India via Chitral. He was later invited to return to
Yaftal, and did so, waging war against Shah Imad and defeating him. Mir Yar Beg was then appointed chief of Badakhshan by
Sabhan Kuli Khan of Kunduz. Mir Yar Beg later failed to pay the required tribute to Sabhan Kuli Khan, who then sent Mahmud
Bi Atalik, chief of Balkh and Bokhara, against Mir Beg. Mir Beg, buckling under pressure, agreed to pay tribute for two years.
In 1695, the Sahibzadas (religious group) were conveying Islamic relics to India. They were set upon by Mir Yar Beg's forces,
and the relics carried away to Faizabad, where a shrine was erected. Mir Yar Beg died leaving behind ten sons and dividing
the province of Badakhshan among his nine sons. The eldest son Qazi Arab was settled in Chitral.

Sulaiman Shah was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from 1708 until 1713.
Yusuf Ali was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from 1713 until 1718.
Diya' ad-Din was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from 1718 until 1736.
Sulaiman Beg was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from 1736 until ?
Mirza Kalan I was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from ? until 1748.
Sultan Beg was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from 1748 until 1765.

In 1750, Mir Sultan Shah ruler of Badakhshan rebelled

against Khizri Beg, Governor of Balkh. After consulting Ahmad Shah Durrani, Khizri Beg marched against Sultan Shah and
the Wazir Shah Wali aided the invading column. The pickets of Badakhshan, Chief of Talakan, fled from their postal approach
of enemy and men of Badakhshan disgusted with their Chief because of his partiality to Kalmakand Kashghar foreigners
waited on Wazir Shah Wali and hailed him as deliverer. Sultan Shah finding resistance hopeless fled to Ailu Basit in hills
between Chiab and Pasakoh. The Wazir Shah Wali returned with force to Kabul leaving his country in charge of Afghan
Governor. Sultan Shah returned slew the Governor and regained his country He was attacked by another rival Turrah Baz
Khan who supported by Khizri Beg advanced on Faizabad and besieged it. Sultan Shah was taken prisoner. Kunduz Chief was
unwilling to lose opportunity seized Turrah Baz Khan and sent both captives to Kunduz and annexed Badakhshan. In 1751
Sultan Shah was restored to liberty and his country. He punished marauders of Saki tribe who had desolated Chiab, Takhta
Band, Khalpan in Badakhshan. He slew a large portion and 700 horses were taken Place was marked by 200 heads of raiders
on Kotalof Khoja Jarghatu and Saki gave no more trouble during Sultan Shah's lifetime This Chief built a fortress at Mashad in
which he settled 600 families He made a rest house for travelers at Daryun. In 1756 he made the Chinese recognize Akskal of
Badakhshan at Alti inXinjiang and levied taxes from Badakhshan families in city. In 1759 another enemy appeared led by
Kabad Khan the Kataghans attacked Fayzabad, Badakhshan took and put to death Sultan Shah and Turrah Baz Khan.

Burhan ad-Din was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from 1765 until ?

Mirza Kalan II was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan in the second half 18th century.
Ahmad Shah Khan was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan in the second half 18th century.
Mirza Kalan III was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan in the second half 18th century.
Zaman ad-Din was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from ? until 1792.
Mir Mohammed Shah was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from 1792 until 1822.
Mirza Kalan IV was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from 1822 until 1828.
Mirza Abd al-Ghaful was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from 1828 until 1829.
Murad Beg was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from 1829 until 1832.
Mirza Sulaiman was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from 1832 until 1838
Sultan Shah was

a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from 1838 until 1847 (jointly with Mir Shah Nizam ad-Din from 1844 until

1847).

Mir Shah Nizam ad-Din

(died 1862) was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from 1944 until his death in 1862 (jointly with
Sultan Shah from 1844 until 1847).

Ghahandar Shah was

a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from 1862 until 1869. Jahandar Shah came to power through his
close relations with Muhammad Afzal Khan, who was Governor of Afghan Turkestan from 1852 until 1864. At one point
Jahandar Shah raised forced in Badakhshan and briefly took control of Kunduz in 1866-67. He was ousted from power in 1869
by Sardar FaizMuhammad Khan, an ally of Sher Ali Khan, the Amir of Afghanistan. Faiz Muhammad Khan appointed Jahandar
Shah's nephew, Mizrab Shah, in power.

Mir Mizrab Shah was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan in

1869. He was installed in power by Faiz Muhammad Khan, but his

reign lasted less than a year. He was the nephew of Jahandar Shah.

Andkhui
Andhkui was a Khanate in present north Afghanistan.

List of Khans of Andkhui Khanate

Ali Mardan Khan was a Khan of Andkhui Khanate from 1730/31 until 1736.
Sulaiman Khan (from 1750 Mukhless Khan) was a Khan of Andkhui Khanate from 1736 until 1790.
Rahmatullah Khan was a Khan of Andkhui Khanate from 1790 until 1812.
Yulduz Khan was a Khan of Andkhui Khanate from 1812 until 1830.
Abd'al Aziz Khan was a Khan of Andkhui Khanate from 1830 until 1835.
Shah Wali Khan was a Khan of Andkhui Khanate from 1835 until 1844.
Ghazanfar Khan was a Khan of Andkhui Khanate from 1844 until 1845, from 1845 until 1847 and from 1847 until 1869.
Sufi Khan was a Khan of Andkhui Khanate in 1845 and in 1847.
Daulat Beg Khan was a Khan of Andkhui Khanate from 1869 until 1880.

Ghurian Khanate
Ghurian was a Khanate in present Afghanistan.

List of Khans of Ghurian Khanate

Yusef Ali Khan Qaraei-Torbati was a Khan of Ghurian Khanate from 1803 until 1813.
Sardar Mohammad Khan Qaraei-Torbati (c.1790 - 1850) was a Khan of Ghurian Khanate fro 1813 until 1816.

Konduz (Qonduz)
Konduz (Qonduz) was a state in presenet Afghanistan.

List of Rulers of Konduz (Qonduz)

Beg Murad was a ruler of Konduz (Qonduz) from 1647 until 1657.
Mahmud Biy was a ruler of Konduz (Qonduz) from 1657 until 1714.
Sohrab Biy was a ruler of Konduz (Qonduz) from 1740 until ?
Yusuf Biy was a ruler of Konduz (Qonduz) from ? until 1740.
Hazara Biy was a ruler of Konduz (Qonduz) from 1740 until 1753.
Mizrab Biy was a ruler of Konduz (Qonduz) from 1753 until 1780.
Kokan Biy was a ruler of Konduz (Qonduz) from 1800 until 1815.

Murad Beg was a ruler of Konduz (Qonduz) from 1815 until 1846.
Sultan Murad was a ruler of Konduz (Qonduz) from 1846 until 1860.
Sultan Ali Murad Beg was a ruler of Konduz (Qonduz) from 1869 until 1888.

Shighnan
Shighnan was the region that occasionally was politically independent and at other times was subservient to Badakhshan,
the Khanate of Kokand, and Afghanistan. The seat of power of the Mir of Shighnan was at Qaleh Barpanjeh () . In 1883
the last Mir of Shighnan, Yusuf Ali Khan, was ousted from power by the Afghan government and Shighnan became
the Shighnan District in the Afghan Province of Badakhshan. In the 1890s Afghanistan transferred control of half of Shighnan
to Russia. This area became the Shughnon District and today is a district in Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous
Province in Tajikistan.

List of mirs of Shighnan

Shah Mir was a ruler (Mir) of Shighnan in 18th century.
Shah Wanji

was a ruler (Mir) of Shighnan in late 18th century. He was son of Shah Mir. The name Wanji is derived from
the fact that his mother was from Vanj. Ney Elias reported seeing a marker stone dating from 1786 commemorating a canal
built by Shah Wanji.

Kuliad Khan was a ruler (Mir) of Shighnan in the first half 19th century. He was son of Wanji.
Abdur Rahim was a ruler (Mir) of Shighnan in the first half 19th century, He was grandson of Shah Wanji.
Yusuf Ali Khan

was a ruler (Mir) of Shighnan in the second half 19th century. He was on of Abdur Rahim. He was
dethroned by the Afghan military in 1883 and imprisoned in Kabul.

Sar-i-Pol (Sar-i-Pul)
Sar- i - Pol, also spelled Sari Pul (Persian: ), was the small state in Afghanistan, located in the north of the country.

List of Rulers (title Beglarbegis) of Sar-i-Pol (Sar-i-Pul)

Zu'l-Faqar Sher Khan was a ruler of Sar-i-Pol (Sar-i-Pul) from 1800 until 1840.
Mahmud Khan was a ruler of Sar-i-Pol (Sar-i-Pul) from 1840 until 1851.
Qilij Khan was a ruler of Sar-i-Pol (Sar-i-Pul) from 1851 until 1862.
Muhammad Khan was a ruler of Sar-i-Pol (Sar-i-Pul) from 1862 until 1864 and from 1866 until 1875.

Khulm (Kholm)
Khulm (Kholm) was a state in present Afghanistan.

List of Rulers of Khulm (Kholm)

Qilij Ali Beg Khan was a ruler of Khulm (Kholm) from 1800 until 1817.
Muhammad Amin Beg was a ruler of Khulm (Kholm) from 1817 until 1849.

Maymana Khanate
Maymana was the independent Uzbek khanate in northern Afghanistan. During the 18th and 19th centuries, Maymana was
the centre of an independent Uzbek khanate and an important centre for commerce, as well as being the gateway
to Turkistan from Herat and Persia. In 1876 the city fell to the Afghans and was put in ruins, and only ten percent of the
population was left.

List of Governors of Maymana Khanate

Haji Khan was the Governor of Maymana Khanate from 1747 until ?
Ghan was the Governor of Maymana Khanate from ? until 1790.
Ahmad

was the Governor of Maymana Khanate from 1790 until 1810.

Allah Yar was the Governor of Maymana Khanate from 1810 until 1826.
Mizrab was the Governor of Maymana Khanate from 1826 until 1845.
Hikmat was the Governor of Maymana Khanate from 1845 until 1853.
Husain Kahn was the Governor of Maymana Khanate from 1853 until 1876 and from 1883 until ?
Dilwar Khan was the Governor of Maymana Khanate from 1879 until 1883.
Kemal Khan was the Governor of Maymana Khanate from ? until around 1900.

Herat
Herat was a city state situated in the valley of the Hari River, which flows from the mountains of central Afghanistan to
the Karakum Desert in Turkmenistan. In 1717, the city was captured by the Hotaki dynasty until they were defeated by
the Afsharids in 1736. From 1725 to 1736 Herat was controlled by the Hotaki Pashtuns until King Nader Shah's
of Persia retook the city and destroyed the Hotakis for good. After Nader Shah's death in 1747, Ahmad Shah Durrani took
possession of the city and became part of the Durrani Empire. Ahmad Shah Durrani's father, Zaman Khan, was the governor
of Herat province before the Ghilzai's conquer of the region. Zaman Khan and several of his family members were killed while
his son Ahmad Khan (Durrani) and Zulfiqar Khan were taken as prisoners to Kandahar in the south. In 1816 the Persians
captured the city but abandoned it shortly after. Two years later a second Persian campaign against the city was defeated at
the Battle of Kafir Qala. In 1824, Herat became independent for several years when the Afghan empire was split between
the Durranis and the Barakzais. Qajarsof Persia tried to take city from the Durranis in 1838 and again in 1856; both times the
British helped to repel the Persians, the second time through the Anglo-Persian War. The city fell to Dost Mohammad Khan of
the Barakzai dynasty in 1863. Most of the Musallah complex in Herat was cleared in 1885 by the British army to get a good
line of sight for their artillery against Russian invaders who never came. This was but one small sidetrack in the Great Game,
a century-long conflict between the British Empire and the Russian Empirein 19th century.

List of Rulers of Herat

Kamran Shah was the King of Herat from 1826 until March 1842 and King of Kandahar (Qandahar)from 1804 until 1805.
Yar Mohammad Khan Alikozay

was Chief Minister (Wazir) of Herat from 1828/1829 until 1842 and Minister
Regent of Herat from March 1842 until June 1, 1851.

Sayyed Mohammad Khan Alikozay

was the Minister Regent of Herat from June 1, 1851 until September 15,

1855.

Mohammad Yusuf Khan Mohammadzay was the Regent of Herat from September 15, 1855 until June 1856.
Isa Khan Bardorani was the Minister Regent of Herat from June until October 1856.
Soltan Ahmad Khan (died May 26 1863) Sultan Jan, also known as Sultan Ahmed Khan was the Emir of Herat Emirate
from July 27, 1857 until his death on May 26, 1863. He was installed by the Persians, as they evacuated Herat on March 4,
1857 in accordance with the Treaty of Paris. Sultan Jan captured Farah soon after, but it was recaptured by Dost Mohammad
Khan, who then went on to lay siege to Herat. During the 10-month siege Sultan Jan died, and at the conclusion of the siege
Herat returned to Afghan control.

List of Chief Ministers (Wazirs) of Herat

Fateh Khan Barakzai was Chief Minister (Wazir) of Herat from 1801 until 1808.
Ata Mohammad Khan was Chief Minister (Wazir) of Herat from 1818 until 1828/1829.

Sheberghn (Shaburghn)
Sheberghn or Shaburghn (Pastho, Persian: ), also spelled Shebirghan and Shibarghan was the small state in
northern Afghanistan.

List of Rulers (Hakims) of Sheberghn (Shaburghn)

Izbasar

was a ruler (Hakim) of Sheberghn (Shaburghn) from 1747 until 1757.

Daulat Khan was a ruler (Hakim) of Sheberghn (Shaburghn) from 1757 until 1800.
Erich Khan was a ruler (Hakim) of Sheberghn (Shaburghn) from 1800 until 1820.

Manwar Khan was a ruler (Hakim) of Sheberghn (Shaburghn) from 1820 until 1829.
Rustam Khan (from 1846 Husain Khan) was a ruler (Hakim) of Sheberghn (Shaburghn) from 1829 until 1851 and from
1859 until 1875.

Hakim Khan was a ruler (Hakim) of Sheberghn (Shaburghn) from 1851 until 1855.
Nizam al Daula was a ruler (Hakim) of Sheberghn (Shaburghn) from 1851 until 1855.
Sardar Wali Muhammad Khan Barakzai was the Afghan military governor of Sheberghn (Shaburghn) from
1855 until 1859.

Kandahar (Qandahar)
Kandahar or Qandahar (Pashto: Kandahr, Persian: Qandahr, known in older literature as Candahar was the city
state in Afghanistan. Ahmad Shah Durrani, chief of the Durrani tribe, gained control of Kandahar and made it the capital of
his new Afghan Empire in October 1747. Previously, Ahmad Shah served as a military commander of Nader Shah Afshar. His
empire included present-day Afghanistan, Pakistan, theKhorasan and Kohistan provinces of Iran, along with Punjab in India. In
October 1772, Ahmad Shah retired and died from a natural cause. A new city was laid out by Ahmad Shah and is dominated
by his mausoleum, which is adjacent to the Mosque of the Cloak in the center of the city. By 1776, his eldest son Timur
Shah had transferred Afghanistan's main capital from Kandahar to Kabul, where the Durranilegacy continued. In September
1826, Syed Ahmad Shaheed's followers arrived to Kandahar in search of volunteers to help them wage jihad against
the Sikh invaders to what is now Pakistan. Led by Ranjit Singh, the Sikhs had captured several of Afghanistan's territories in
the east, including what is now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Kashmir. More than 400 local Kandahar warriors assembled
themselves for the jihad. Sayed Din Mohammad Kandharai was appointed as their leader. British-led Indian forces from
neighboring British India invaded the city in 1839, during the First Anglo-Afghan War, but withdrew in 1842. The British and
Indian forces returned in 1878 during the Second Anglo-Afghan War. They emerged from the city in July 1880 to confront the
forces of Ayub Khan, but were defeated at the Battle of Maiwand. They were again forced to withdraw a few years later,
despite winning the Battle of Kandahar.

List of Kings/Regents of Kandahar (Qandahar)

Solayman Shah was the King of Kandahar (Qandahar) in 1772.
Homayun Shah was the King of Kandahar (Qandahar) from May 18 until June 19, 1793.
Shirdil Khan Mohammadzay was regent of Kandahar (Qandahar) from 1819 until 1826.
Purdil Khan Mohammadzay was regent of Kandahar (Qandahar) from 1826 until 1839.
Shoja` al-Molk Shah was the King of Kandahar (Qandahar) from April 1839 until April 5, 1842.
Safdar Jang Khan Saddozay was regent of Kandahar (Qandahar) in 1842.
Kohandil Khan Mohammadzay

(died 1855) was regent of Kandahar (Qandahar) from 1842 until his death in

August 1855.

Mohammad Sadeq Khan Mohammadzay

was regent of Kandahar (Qandahar) from August until November

1855.

Gholam Haydar Khan Mohammaday (died July 1858) was regent of Kandahar (Qandahar) from November 1855
until his death in July 1858.

List of Emirs of Kandahar (Qandahar)

Mohammad Amin Khan (died 1865) was the Emir of Kandahar (Qandahar) from 1863 until his death in 1865.
Mohammad Afzal Khan was the Emir of Kandahar (Qandahar) from January until October 7, 1867.
Mohammad A`zam Khan was the Emir of Kandahar (Qandahar) from October 7, 1867 until April 1868.
Shir `Ali Khan Barakzay was the Minister Regent of Kandahar (Qandahar) from 1880 until April 21, 1881.

Ghazni
Ghazni (Pashto/Persian: - azn; historically known as / aznn and / azna) was Emirate in Afghanistan.

Emir of Ghazni

Musa Jan Khan was the Emir of Ghazni from December 24, 1879 until April 21, 1880.

Hotaki dynasty
The Hotak dynasty or the Hotaki dynasty was an Afghan monarchy of the Ghilji Pashtuns, established in April 1709
by Mirwais Hotak after leading a successful revolution against their declining Persian Safavids overlords inKandahar. It lasted
until 1738 when the founder of the Afsharid dynasty, Nader Shah Afshar, defeated Hussain Hotak during the long siege of
Kandahar, and started the reestablishment of Iranian suzerainty over all regions lost decades before against the Iranian arch
rival, the Ottomans, and the Russians. At its peak, the Hotak dynasty ruled very briefly over an area which is now Afghanistan,
western Pakistan, and large parts of Iran. In 1715, Mirwais died of a natural cause and his brother Abdul Aziz succeeded the
monarchy. He was quickly followed by Mahmud who ruled the empire at its largest extent for a mere three years. Following
the 1729 Battle of Damghan, where Mahmud was roundly defeated by Ashraf Hotak, Mahmud was banished to what is now
southern Afghanistan. Hussain Hotak became the last ruler until he was also defeated in 1738.

List of Rulers of Hotaki Dynasty

Mir Wais Khan Hotak,

also known as Mir Vais Ghilzai (1673 November 1715), was an

influential tribal chief of the Ghilzai Pashtuns from Kandahar, Afghanistan, who founded the Hotaki
dynasty that ruled a wide area in Persia and Afghanistan and ruled from 1709 until his death in
November 1715. After revolting and killing Gurgin Khan in April 1709, he then twice defeated the
powerful Safavid Persian armies in southern Afghanistan. He is widely known as Mirwais
Neeka ("Mirwais the grandfather" in the Pashto language). Mirwais Hotak was born in a well-known,
rich and political family in the Kandahar area. His family had long been involved in social and
community services. He was the son of Salim Khan and Nazo Tokhi (also known as "Nazo Anaa"),
grandson of Karum Khan, and great-grandson of Ismail Khan, a descendant of Malikyar, the ancient
head of Hottaki or Hotaks. The Hottaki is a strong branch ofGhilzai, one of the main tribes among
the Pashtun people. Hajji Amanullah Hottak reports in his book that the Ghilzai tribe is the original
residents of Ghor or Gherj. This tribe migrated later to obtain lands in southeastern Afghanistan and
multiplied in these areas. Mirwais was married to Khanzada Sadozai, who belonged to the rival Abdali tribe of Pashtuns. In
1707, Kandahar was in a state of chaos, fought over by the Shi'a Persian Safavids and the Sunni Moghuls of India. Mirwais
Khan, a Sunni tribal chief whose influence with his fellow-countrymen made him an object of suspicion, was held as a political
prisoner byGurgin Khan and sent to the Safavid court at Isfahan. He was later freed and even allowed to meet with the
Shah, Sultan Husayn, on a regular basis. Having ingratiated himself with the Persian Court, Mirwais sought and obtained
permission to perform the pilgrimage toMecca in Ottoman empire (after which he was known as Hajji). He has studied
carefully all the military weaknesses of the Safavids while he spent time there in their court. While in Mecca, he sought from
the leading authorities a fatwa against the Shia foreign rulers who were persecuting his people in his homeland. The Pashtun
tribes rankled under the ruling Safavids because of their continued attempts to forcefully convert them from Sunni to Shia
Islam. The fatwa was granted and he carried it with him to Ifahan and subsequently to Kandahar, with permission to return
and strong recommendations to Gurgin Khan. In 1709 he began organizing his countrymen for a major uprising, and in April
1709, when a large part of the Persian garrison was on an expedition outside the city, he and his followers fell on the
remainder and killed the greater number of them, including Gurgin Khan. After Gurgin Khan and his escort were killed, the
Hotaki soldiers took control of the city and then the province. Mirwais entered Kandahar and made an important speech to its
dwellers. "If there are any amongst you, who have not the courage to enjoy this precious gift of liberty now dropped down to
you fromHeaven, let him declare himself; no harm shall be done to him: he shall be permitted to go in search of some new
tyrant beyond the frontier of this happy state." Mirwais Hotak, April 1709.Mirwais and his forces then defeated a large
Persian army that was sent to regain control over the area. Several half-hearted attempts to subdue the rebellious city having
failed, the Persian Government despatched Khusraw Khn, nephew of the late Gurgn Khn, with an army of 30,000 men to
effect its subjugation, but in spite of an initial success, which led the Afghns to offer to surrender on terms, his
uncompromising attitude impelled them to make a fresh desperate effort, resulting in the complete defeat of the Persian
army (of whom only some 700 escaped) and the death of their general. Two years later, in A.D. 1713, an other Persian army
commanded by Rustam Khn was also defeated by the rebels, who thus secured possession of the whole province of
Qandahr. Edward G. Browne, 1924. Mirwais Khan became the Governor of the Greater Kandahar region, which covered
most of present-day southwestern Afghanistan and part of Balochistan, Pakistan. To the northwest was the Abdali Pashtuns
and to the east began the Moghul Empire. Refusing the title of a king, Mirwais was referred to as "Prince of Qandahr
and General of the national troops" by his Afghan countrymen. Mirwais remained in power until his death in November 1715
and was succeeded by his brother Abdul Aziz, who was later killed by Mirwais' son Mahmud, allegedly for planning to give
Kandahar's sovereignty back to Persia. In 1717, Mahmud took advantage of the political weakness of the Persian Shah (Sultan
Husayn) and conquered Persia. Mirwais is buried at his mausoleum in the Kokaran section of Kandahar, which is in the
western end of the city. He is regarded as one of Afghanistan's greatest national heroes and admired by many Afghans,
especially the Pashtuns. Steven Otfinoski referred to him as Afghanistan's George Washington in his 2004 book Afghanistan.
There is a neighborhood called Mirwais Mina as well as a hospital called Mirwais Hospital, a high school and a business
center named after him in Kandahar. Not only in Kandahar but there are also schools and other institutions or places across
Afghanistan built to honor him. A few direct descendants of Mirwais are living today among the Hotak tribe.

Abdul Aziz Hotak (died 1717) (Pashto: ) , was the second ruler of the Ghilzai Hotaki dynasty of Kandahar, in
what is now the modern state of Afghanistan. He was crowned in 1715 after the death of his brother, Mirwais Hotak until his
death in 1717. He is the father of Ashraf Hotaki, the fourth ruler of the Hotaki dynasty. Abdul Aziz was killed in 1717 by his
nephew Mahmud Hotaki.Abdul Aziz was born in a well known, rich and political family in the Kandahar area. His family was
involved in social and community services since long ago. He was the son of Salim Khan and Nazo Tokhi (also known as "Nazo
Anaa"), grandson of Karum Khan and great grandson of Ismail Khan, a descendant of Malikyar, the ancient head of Hottaki or
Hotaks. The Hottaki is a strong branch ofGhilzai, one of the main tribes among the Pashtun people. Hajji Amanullah Hottak
reports in his book that the Ghilzai tribe is the original residents of Ghor or Gherj. This tribe migrated later to obtain lands in
southeastern Afghanistan and multiplied in these areas. In 1707, Kandahar was in a state of chaos due to it being fought for
control by the Shi'a Persian Safavids and the Sunni Moghuls of India. Mirwais Khan, a Sunni tribal chief whose influence with
his fellow-countrymen made him an object of suspicion, was held as a political prisoner by Gurgin Khan and sent to the
Safavids court at Isfahan (now Iran). He was later freed there and even allowed to meet with the Shah, Sultan Husayn, on a

regular bases. Having sown this seed of false trust and having completely ingratiated himself with the Persian Court, Mirwais
sought and obtained permission to perform the pilgrimage to Mecca in Ottoman empire. He has studied carefully all the
military weaknesses of the Safavids while he spent time there in their court. It was in 1709 when Mirwais and Abdul Aziz
began organizing his countrymen for a major uprising, and when a large part of the Persian garrison was on an expedition
outside the city, followers of Mirwais and Abdul Aziz fell on the remainder and killed the greater number of them, including
Gurgin Khan. The Pashtun tribes rankled under the ruling Safavids because of their continued attempts to forcefully
convert them from Sunni to Shia Islam. After Gurgin Khan and his escort were killed during a picnic in April 1709, the Hotaki
tribe took control of the city and the province. The Pashtun rebels then defeated a large Qizilbash and Persian army, sent to
regain control over the area. Several half-hearted attempts to subdue the rebellious city having failed, the Persian
Government despatched Khusraw Khn, nephew of the late Gurgn Khn, with an army of 30,000 men to effect its
subjugation, but in spite of an initial success, which led the Afghns to offer to surrender on terms, his uncompromising
attitude impelled them to make a fresh desperate effort, resulting in the complete defeat of the Persian army (of whom only
some 700 escaped) and the death of their general. Two years later, in. 1713, another Persian army commanded by Rustam
Khn was also defeated by the rebels, who thus secured possession of the whole province of Qandahr. Edward G.
Browne, 1924. Abdul Aziz wanted to make a peace treaty with the Persians but his country men were opposed to this idea so
they forced Mahmud Hotaki to murder him in 1717. In the same year, Mahmud took advantage of the political weakness of
the Persian Shah Husayn and invaded Persia. Abdul Aziz is buried at a mausoleum next to his brother in the Kokaran section
of Kandahar City in Afghanistan.

Mahmud Hotaki, (Pashto, Persian, Urdu, Arabic: ) , also known as Mahmud Ghilzai (1697?
April 22, 1725), was an Afghan ruler of the Hotaki dynasty who defeated and overthrew the Safavid
dynasty to become the king of Persia from 1722 until his death in 1725. He was the eldest son of Mirwais
Hotak, the chief of the Ghilzai-Pashtun tribe of Afghanistan, who had made the Kandahar region
independent from Persian rule in 1709. When Mirwais died in 1715, he was succeeded by his
brother, Abdul Aziz, but the Ghilzai Afghans persuaded Mahmud to seize power for himself and in 1717 he
overthrew and killed his uncle. In 1720, Mahmud and the Ghilzais defeated the rival ethnic Afghan tribe of
the Abdalis. However, Mahmud had designs on the Persian empire itself. He had already launched an
expedition against Kerman in 1719 and in 1721 he besieged the city again. Failing in this attempt and in
another siege on Yazd, in early 1722, Mahmud turned his attention to the shah's capital Isfahan, after first
defeating the Persians at the Battle of Gulnabad. Rather than biding his time within the city and resisting
a siege in which the small Afghan army was unlikely to succeed, Sultan Husayn marched out to meet Mahmud's force at
Golnabad. Here, on March 8, the Persian royal army was thoroughly routed and fled back to Isfahan in disarray. The shah was
urged to escape to the provinces to raise more troops but he decided to remain in the capital which was now encircled by the
Afghans. Mahmud's siege of Isfahan lasted from March to October, 1722. Lacking artillery, he was forced to resort to a long
blockade in the hope of starving the Persians into submission. Sultan Husayn's command during the siege displayed his
customary lack of decisiveness and the loyalty of his provincial governors wavered in the face of such incompetence.
Starvation and disease finally forced Isfahan into submission (it is estimated that 80,000 of its inhabitants died during the
siege). On October 23, Sultan Husayn abdicated and acknowledged Mahmud as the new shah of Persia. In the early days of
his rule, Mahmud displayed benevolence, treating the captured royal family well and bringing in food supplies to the starving
capital. But he was confronted with a rival claimant to the throne when Hosein's son, Tahmasp declared himself shah in
November. Mahmud sent an army against Tahmasp's base, Qazvin. Tahmasp escaped and the Afghans took the city but,
shocked at the treatment they received at the hands of the conquering army, the population rose up against them in January
1723. The revolt was a success and Mahmud was worried about the reaction when the surviving Afghans returned to Isfahan
to bring news of the defeat. Fearing a revolt by his subjects, Mahmud invited his Persian ministers and nobles to a meeting
under false pretences and had them slaughtered. He also executed up to 3,000 of the Persian royal guards. At the same time,
theOttomans and the Russians took advantage of the chaos in Persia to seize land for themselves, limiting the amount of
territory under Mahmud's control. His failure to impose his rule across Persia made Mahmud depressed and suspicious. He
was also concerned about the loyalty of his own men, since many Afghans preferred his cousin Ashraf Khan. In February
1725, believing a rumour that one of Sultan Husayn's sons, Safi Mirza, had escaped, Mahmud ordered the execution of all the
other Safavid princes who were in his hands, with the exception of Sultan Husayn himself. When Sultan Husayn tried to stop
the massacre, he was wounded, but his action led to Mahmud sparing the lives of two of his young children. Mahmud began
to succumb to insanity as well as physical deterioration. On April 22, 1725, a group of Afghan officers freed Ashraf Khan from
the prison where he had been confined by Mahmud and launched a palace revolution which placed Ashraf on the throne.
Mahmud died three days later, either from his illness at it was claimed at the time or murder by suffocation. ...Thereafter
his disorder rapidly increased, until he himself was murdered on April 22 by his cousin Ashraf, who was thereupon proclaimed
king. Mr Mamd was at the time of his death only twenty-seven years of age, and is described as "middle-sized and clumsy;
his neck was so short that his head seemed to grow to his shoulders; he had a broad face and flat nose, and his beard was
thin and of a red colour; his looks were wild and his countenance austere and disagreeable; his eyes, which were blue and a
little squinting, were generally downcast, like a man absorbed in deep thought." Edward G. Browne, 1924.

Ashraf Hotaki,

(Pashto, Persian, Urdu, Arabic: ) , also known as Ashraf Ghilzai (died 1730) was the fourth
ruler of the Hotaki dynasty from 1725 until October 1729. He was son of Abdul Aziz Hotak An Afghan from the Ghilzai
Pashtuns, he served as a commander in the army of Shah Mahmud during their conquest of the Persia Empire. Ashraf
participated in the Battle of Gulnabad against the Persians and became victorious. In 1725, he succeeded to the throne ( Shah
of Persia) after the death of his cousin Mahmud. The nephew of Mirwais Hotak, his reign was noted for the sudden decline in
the Hotaki Afghan Empire under increasing pressure fromTurkish, Russian, and Persian forces. Ashraf Khan halted both the
Russian and Turkish onslaughts. He defeated the Ottoman Empire in a battle near Kermanshah, after the enemy had come
close to Isfahan. This led to peace negotiations with the Sublime Porte, which were briefly disrupted after Ashraf's
ambassador insisted his master should be Caliph of the East and the Ottoman Sultan Caliph of the West. This caused great
umbrage to the Ottomans, but a peace agreement was finally signed at Hamadan in the autumn of 1727. Ultimately, though
it was a little-known Afsharid Turkmen rebel, Nader Shah, who defeated Ashraf's Ghilzai forces at the Battle of Damghan in
October 1729, driving them back to what is now Afghanistan. During the retreat, Ashraf is believed to have been captured
and murdered by Baloch bandits in 1730. This was probably a retaliation for killing Mahmud, and was ordered by Hussain
Hotaki who was ruling from Kandahar at the time.Ashraf, having taken Yazd and Kirmn, marched into Khursn with an army
of thirty thousand men to give battle to ahmsp, but he was completely defeated by Ndir on October 2 at Dmghn.
Another decisive battle was fought in the following year at Mrchakhr near Ifahn. The Afghns were again defeated and
evacuated Ifahn to the number of twelve thousand men, but, before quitting the city he had ruined, Ashraf murdered the
unfortunate ex-Shah Husayn, and carried off most of the ladies of the royal family and the King's treasure. When ahmsp
II entered Ifahn on December 9 he found only his old mother, who had escaped deportation by disguising herself as a
servant, and was moved to tears at the desolation and desecration which met his eyes at every turn. Ndir, having finally
induced ahmsp to empower him to levy taxes on his own authority, marched southwards in pursuit of the retiring Afghns,

whom he overtook and again defeated near Persepolis. Ashraf fled from Shrztowards his own country, but
cold, hunger and the unrelenting hostility of the inhabitants of the regions which he had to traverse
dissipated his forces and compelled him to abandon his captives and his treasure, and he was finally killed
by a party of Balch tribesmen. Edward G. Browne, 1924. Ashraf Khan's death marked the end of Hotaki
rule in Persia, but the country of Afghanistan was still under Shah Hussain Hotaki's control until Nader Shah's
1738 conquest of Kandahar where the young Ahmad Shah Durrani was held prisoner. It was only a short
pause before the establishment of the last Afghan Empire (modern state of Afghanistan) by Ahmad Shah
Durrani in 1747.

Hussain Hotaki,(Pashto, Persian, Urdu, Arabic:

, died 1738) was the fifth and

final ruler of the Hotaki dynasty from 1725 until his death in 1738. He was son son of Mirwais
Hotak.
An
ethnic Pashtun (Afghan) from the Ghilzai tribe, he succeeded to the throne after the death of
his
brother Mahmud Hotaki in 1725. While his cousin Ashraf ruled Greater Persia from Isfahan,
Hussain ruled
the Afghanistan region from Kandahar. Ashraf Khan's death marked the end of the Hotaki
rule in Persia
(Iran), but the country of Afghanistan was still under Hussain' control until 1738 when Nader
Shah conquere
d it. It was only a short pause before the establishment of the last Afghan Empire (the
modernstate of Afghanistan) in 1747.

Durrani Empire
The Durrani Empire (Pashto: , also referred to as the Last Afghan Empire) was founded in 1747 by Ahmad Shah
Durrani with its capital at Kandahar, Afghanistan. The Durrani Empire encompassed present-day Afghanistan,
northeastern Iran, eastern Turkmenistan (around the Panjdeh oasis), the Kashmir region, the modern state of Pakistan and
northwestern India. With the support of various tribal leaders, Ahmad Shah Durrani extended Afghan control from Mashhad in
the west to Kashmir and Delhi in the east, and from the Amu Darya in the north to the Arabian Sea in the south. In the second
half of the 18th century, after the Ottoman Empire the Durrani Empire was the second-largest Muslim empire in the world.
The Afghan army began their conquests by capturing Ghazni and Kabul from the local rulers. In 1749 the Mughal ruler ceded
sovereignty over what is now Pakistan and northwestern India to the Afghans. Ahmad Shah then set out westward to take
possession of Herat, which was ruled by Shahrukh Afshar. He next sent an army to subdue the areas north of the Hindu
Kushand in short order all the different tribes began joining his cause. Ahmad Shah and his forces invaded India four times,
taking control of the Kashmir and the Punjab region. Early in 1757, he sacked Delhi, but permitted the Mughal dynasty to
remain in nominal control as long as the ruler acknowledged Ahmad Shah's suzerainty over the Punjab, Sindh, and Kashmir.
After the death of Ahmad Shah in about 1772, his son Timur Shah became the next ruler of the Durrani dynasty who decided
to make Kabul the new capital of the empire, and used Peshawar as the winter capital. The Durrani Empire is considered the
foundation of the modern state of Afghanistan, with Ahmad Shah Durrani being credited as "Father of the Nation".

List of Rulers of Durrani Empire

Ahmad Shah Durrani (c. 17221773) (Pashto/Persian: ) , also known as Ahmad Shh Abdl

(Pashto/Persian:
) and born as Ahmad Khn, was the founder of the Durrani Empire (Afghan Empire) in 1747 and is regarded by
many to be the founder of the modern state of Afghanistan and ruled until his death in 1773. Ahmad Khan enlisted as a young
soldier in the military of the Afsharid kingdom and quickly rose to become a commander of four thousand
Abdali Pashtun soldiers. After the death of Nader Shah Afshar of Persia in June 1747, Abdali became the Emir of Khorasan.
Rallying his Pashtun tribes and allies, he pushed east towards the Mughal and the Maratha Empire of India as well as west
towards the disintegrating Afsharid Empire of Persia and north toward the Khanate of Bukhara. Within a few years he had
conquered all of today's Afghanistan and Pakistan, including much of northeastern Iran and the Punjab region in the Indian
subcontinent. He decisively defeated the Marathas at the 1761 Battle of Panipat which was fought north of Delhi in India.
After his natural death in 1772-73, his son Timur Shah took control of the empire. Ahmad Shah's mausoleum is located
at Kandahar, Afghanistan, adjacent to the famous Mosque of the Cloak of the Prophet Mohammed in the center of the city.
The Afghans often refer to him as Ahmad Shah Bb (Ahmad Shah the "Father"). Durrani was born as Ahmad Khan between
1722 and 1723 in either Multan, Mughal India, or the city of Herat in modern-day Afghanistan. Some claim that he was born in
Multan (now in Pakistan) and taken as an infant with his mother (Zarghuna Alakozai) to the city of Herat where his father had
served as the governor. On the contrary, several historians assert that he was born in Herat. One of the historians relied on
primary sources such as Mahmud-ul-Musanna's Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi of 1753 and Imam-uddin al-Hussaini's Tarikh-i-Hussain
Shahi of 1798. Durrani's father, Mohammed Zaman Khan, was chief of the Abdalis Pashtuns. He was killed in a battle with
the Hotakis between 1722 and 1723, around the time of Ahmad Khan's birth. His family were from the Sadozai section of
the Popalzai clan of the Abdalis. In 1729, after the invasion ofNader Shah, the young Ahmad Khan fled with his family south to
Kandahar and took refuge with the Ghilzais. He and his brother, Zulfikar, were later imprisoned inside a fortress by Hussain
Hotaki, the Ghilzai ruler of southern Afghanistan. Shah Hussain commanded a powerful tribe of Pashtun fighters, having
conquered the eastern part of Persia in 1722 with his brother Mahmud, and trodden the throne of the Persian Safavids. In
around 1731, Nader Shah Afshar, the rising new ruler of Persia, began enlisting the Abdali Pashtuns from Herat in his army.
After conquering Kandahar in 1738, Ahmad Khan and his brother were freed by Nader Shah and provided with leading careers
in his administration. The Ghilzais were pushed eastward while the Abdalis began to re-settle in and around the city of
Kandahar. Nader Shah favored Abdali not only because he came from a well respected noble Afghan family but also due to his
handsome features as well as both being Khorasanians. Ahmad Khan proved himself in Nader Shah's service and was
promoted from a personal attendant (yaswal) to command a cavalry of Abdali tribesmen. He quickly rose to command a
cavalry contingent estimated at four thousand strong, composed chiefly of Abdalis, in the service of the Shah on hisinvasion
of India.Popular history has it that the brilliant but megalomaniac Nader Shah could see the talent in his young commander.
Later on, according to Pashtun legend, it is said that in Delhi Nader Shah summoned Ahmad Shah, and said, "Come forward
Ahmad Abdali. Remember Ahmad Khan Abdali, that after me the Kingship will pass on to you. "Nader Shah used to say in
admiration that he had not met in Iran, Turan, and Hindustan any man of such laudable talents as Ahmad Abdali possessed."
Nader Shah's rule abruptly ended in June 1747 when he was assassinated by his own guards. The guards involved in the
assassination did so secretly so as to prevent the Abdalis from coming to their King's rescue. However, Ahmad Khan was told
that Nader Shah had been killed by one of his wives. Despite the danger of being attacked, the Abdali contingent led by
Ahmad Khan rushed either to save Nader Shah or to confirm what happened. Upon reaching the King's tent, they were only to
see Nader Shah's body and severed head. Having served him so loyally, the Abdalis wept at having failed their leader, and
headed back to Kandahar. On their way back to Kandahar, the Abdalis had decided that Ahmad Khan would be their new
leader, and already began calling him asAhmad Shah. After the capture of Qandahar, Nadir Shah sent him
to Mazandaran where the young Pashtun became governor. At the time of Nadir's death, he commanded a contingent of
Abdali Pashtuns. Realizing that his life was in jeopardy if he stayed among the Persians who had murdered Nadir Shah, he
decided to leave the Persian camp, and with his 4,000 troops he proceeded to Qandahar. Along the way and by sheer luck,

they managed to capture a caravan with booty from India. He and his troops were rich; moreover, they
were experienced fighters. In short, they formed a formidable force of young Pashtun soldiers who were
loyal to their high-ranking leader. In October 1747, the chiefs of the Abdali tribes met near Kandahar for
a Loya Jirga to choose a leader. For nine days serious discussions were held among the candidates in the
Argah. Ahmad Shah kept silent by not campaigning for himself. At last Sabir Shah, a religious figure from
the area, came out of his sanctuary and stood before those in the Jirga and said, "He found no one worthy
for leadership except Ahmah Shah. He is the most trustworthy and talented for the job. He had Sabir's
blessing for the nomination because only his shoulders could carry this responsibility". The leaders and
everyone agreed unanimously. Ahmad Shah was chosen to lead the Afghan tribes. Coins where struck
after his coronation as King occurred near the tomb of Shaikh Surkh, adjacent to Nader Abad Fort. Despite
being younger than other claimants, Ahmad Shah had several overriding factors in his favour: He was a
direct descendant of Sado, patriarch of the Sadozai clan, the most prominent tribe amongst the Pashtuns at the time; he was
unquestionably a charismatic leader and seasoned warrior who had at his disposal a trained, mobile force of several thousand
cavalrymen and Haji Ajmal Khan, the chief of the Mohammedzais (also known as Barakzais) which were rivals of the
Sadodzais, already withdrew out of the electionOne of Ahmad Shah's first acts as chief was to adopt the title Padshah durr-i
dawran ('King, "pearl of the age"). Following his predecessor, Ahmad Shah Durrani set up a special force closest to him
consisting mostly of his fellow Durranis and other Pashtuns, as well as Tajiks, Qizilbash and others. Durrani began his military
conquest by capturing Ghazni from the Ghilzais and then wresting Kabul from the local ruler, and thus strengthened his hold
over eastern Khorasan which is most of present-day Afghanistan. Leadership of the various Afghan tribes rested mainly on
the ability to provide booty for the clan, and Durrani proved remarkably successful in providing both booty and occupation for
his followers. Apart from invading the Punjab region three times between the years 17471753, he captured Herat in 1750
and both Nishapur (Neyshbr) and Mashhad in 1751. Durrani first crossed the Indus River in 1748, the year after his
ascension his forces sacked and absorbed Lahore during that expedition. The following year (1749), the Mughal ruler was
induced to cede Sindh and all of the Punjab including the vital trans Indus River to him, in order to save his capital from being
attacked by the Afghan forces of the Durrani Empire. Having thus gained substantial territories to the east without a fight,
Ahmad Shah and his Afghan forces turned westward to take possession of Herat, which was ruled by Nader Shah's
grandson, Shah Rukh of Persia. The city fell to Ahmad Shah in 1750, after almost a year of siege and bloody conflict; Ahmad
Shah and his forces then pushed on into present-day Iran, capturing Nishapur and Mashhad in 1751. He then pardoned Shah
Rukh and reconstituted Khorasan, but a tributary of the Durrani Empire. This marked the westernmost border of the Durrani
Empire as set by the Pul-i-Abrisham, on the Mashhad-Tehran road. Meanwhile, in the preceding three years, the Sikhs had
occupied the city of Lahore, and Ahmad Shah had to return in 1751 to oust them. In 1752, Ahmad Shah with his forces
invaded and reduced Kashmir. He next sent an army to subdue the areas north of the Hindu Kush. In short order, the powerful
army brought under its control the Turkmen, Uzbek, Tajik and Hazara peoples of northern, central, and western Afghanistan.
In 1752, Kashmiri nobles invited Ahmad Shah Durrani to invade the province and oust the ineffectual Mughal rulers. Then in
1756-57, in what was his fourth invasion of India, Ahmad Shah sacked Delhi and plundered Agra, Mathura, and Vrndavana.
However, he did not displace the Mughal dynasty, which remained in nominal control as long as the ruler acknowledged
Ahmad's suzerainty over the Punjab, Sindh, and Kashmir. He installed a puppet emperor, Alamgir II, on the Mughal throne,
and arranged marriages for himself and his son Timur into the imperial family that same year. He married the daughter of the
Mughal emperor Muhammad Shah. His de facto suzerainity was accepted by the East India Company. Leaving his second son
Timur Shah (who was wed to the daughter of (Alamgir II) to safeguard his interests, Durrani finally left India to return to
Afghanistan. On his way back he attacked the Golden Temple in Amritsar and filled its sacred pool with the blood of
slaughtered cows. Durrani captured Amritsar in 1757, and sacked theHarmandir Sahib at which point the famous Baba Deep
Singh and some of his loyalists were killed by the Afghans. This final act was to be the start of long lasting bitterness between
Sikhs and Afghans. The Mughal power in northern India had been declining since the reign of Aurangzeb, who died in 1707. In
175152, the Ahamdiyatreaty was signed between the Marathas and Mughals, when Balaji Bajirao was the Peshwa. Through
this treaty, the Marathas controlled virtually the whole of India from their capital at Pune and Mughal rule was restricted only
to Delhi(Mughals remained the nominal heads of Delhi). Marathas were now straining to expand their area of control towards
the Northwest of India. Ahmad Shah sacked the Mughal capital and withdrew with the booty he coveted. To counter the
Afghans, Peshwa Balaji Bajirao sent Raghunathrao. He succeeded in ousting Timur Shah and his court from India and brought
Lahore, Multan, Kashmir and other subahs on the Indian side of Attock under Maratha rule. Thus, upon his return to Kandahar
in 1757, Amidst appeals from Muslim leaders like Shah Waliullah, Ahmad Shah chose to return to India and confront the
Maratha Confederacy. He declared a jihad (Islamic holy war) against the Marathas, and warriors from various Pashtun tribes,
as well as other tribes such as the Baloch, Tajiks, and Muslims from South Asia answered his call. Early skirmishes ended in
victory for the Afghans against the smaller Maratha garrisons in northwest India. By 1759, Durrani and his army had reached
Lahore and were poised to confront the Marathas. By 1760, the Maratha groups had coalesced into a big enough army under
the command of Sadashivrao Bhau. Once again, Panipat was the scene of a battle for control of northern India. The Third
battle of Panipat (January 1761), fought between largely Muslim armies of Abdali and Nawabs and largely Hindu Maratha
army was waged along a twelve-kilometre front, and resulted in a decisive victory for Ahmad Shah. Ahmad Shah sought to
aid the muslim city of Kashgar which was being conquered by the expanding Qing dynasty, artempting to rally Muslim states
to check Qing expansion. Ahmad Shah halted trade with Qing China and dispatched troops to Kokand. However, with his
campaigns in India exhausting the state treasury, and with his troops stretched thin throughout Central Asia, Ahmad Shah did
not have enough resources to check Qing forces. In an effort to alleviate the situation in Kashgaria, Ahmad Shah sent envoys
toBeijing, but the talks did not yield favorable prospects for the people of Kashgar. During the Third Battle of
Panipat between Marathas and Ahmad Shah, The Sikhs did not support either side and decided to sitback and see what would
happen. The exception was Ala Singh of Patiala, who sided with the Afghans and was actually being granted and crowned the
first Sikh Maharajah at the Sikh holy temple. The victory at Panipat was the high point of Ahmad Shah's and Afghan power,
this situation was not to last long; the empire soon began to unravel. As early as by the end of 1761, the Sikhs had begun to
rebel in much of the Punjab. In 1762, Ahmad Shah crossed the passes from Afghanistan for the sixth time to crush the Sikhs.
He assaulted Lahore and Amritsar. Within two years, the Sikhs rebelled again, and he launched another campaign against
them in 1764, resulting in an even battle. During his 8th invasion of India, the Sikhs vacated Lahore, but faced Abdali's army
and general, Jahan Khan. The fear of his Indian territory falling to the Sikhs continued to obsess the Durrani's mind and he let
out another campaign against Sikhs towards the close of 1766, which was his eighth invasion into India. Ahmad Shah Durrani
died in 1772-73 in Kandahar Province. He was buried at a spot in Kandahar City, where a large mausoleum was built. It has
been described in the following way: Under the shimmering turquoise dome that dominates the sand-blown city of Kandahar
lies the body of Ahmad Shah Abdali, the young Kandahari warrior who in 1747 became the region's first Durrani king. The
mausoleum is covered in deep blue and white tiles behind a small grove of trees, one of which is said to cure toothache, and
is a place of pilgrimage. In front of it is a small mosque with a marble vault containing one of the holiest relics in the Islamic
World, a kherqa, the Sacred Cloak of Prophet Mohammed that was given to Ahmad Shah by Mured Beg, the Emir of Bokhara.
The Sacred Cloak is kept locked away, taken out only at times of great crisis but the mausoleum is open and there is a
constant line of men leaving their sandals at the door and shuffling through to marvel at the surprisingly long marble tomb

and touch the glass case containing Ahmad Shah's brass helmet. Before leaving they bend to kiss a length of pink velvet said
to be from his robe. It bears the unmistakable scent of jasmine. In his tomb his epitaph is written:
The King of high rank, Ahmad Shah Durrani,
Was equal to Kisra in managing the affairs of his government.
In his time, from the awe of his glory and greatness,
The lioness nourished the stag with her milk.
From all sides in the ear of his enemies there arrived
A thousand reproofs from the tongue of his dagger.
The date of his departure for the house of mortality
Was the year of the Hijra 1186 (1772 A.D.)
Ahmad Shah's victory over the Marathas influenced the history of the subcontinent and, in particular, British policy in the
region. His refusal to continue his campaigns deeper into India prevented a clash with the East India Company and allowed
them to continue to acquire power and influence after their acquisition of Bengal in 1757. However, fear of another Afghan
invasion was to haunt British policy for almost half a century after the battle of Panipat. The acknowledgment of Abdali's
military accomplishments is reflected in a British intelligence report on the Battle of Panipat, which referred to Ahmad Shah
as the 'King of Kings'. This fear led in 1798 to a British envoy being sent to the Persian court in part to instigate the Persians
in their claims on Herat to forestall an Afghan invasion of British India. Mountstuart Elphinstone wrote of Ahmad Shah: His
military courage and activity are spoken of with admiration, both by his own subjects and the nations with whom he was
engaged, either in wars or alliances. He seems to have been naturally disposed to mildness and clemency and though it is
impossible to acquire sovereign power and perhaps, in Asia, to maintain it, without crimes; yet the memory of no eastern
prince is stained with fewer acts of cruelty and injustice.
His successors, beginning with his son Timur and ending
with Shuja Shah Durrani, proved largely incapable of governing the last Afghan empire and faced with advancing enemies on
all sides. Much of the territory conquered by Ahmad Shah fell to others by the end of the 19th century. They not only lost the
outlying territories but also alienated some Pashtun tribes and those of other Durrani lineages. Until Dost Mohammad Khan's
ascendancy in 1826, chaos reigned in Afghanistan, which effectively ceased to exist as a single entity, disintegrating into a
fragmented collection of small countries or units. This policy ensured that he did not continue on the path of other conquerors
like Babur or Muhammad of Ghorand make India the base for his empire. In Pakistan, a short-range ballistic missile Abdali-I, is
named in the honour of Ahmed Shah Abdali. Ahmad Shah wrote a collection of odes in his native Pashto language. He was
also the author of several poems in Persian. The most famous Pashto poem he wrote was Love of a Nation:
By blood, we are immersed in love of you.
The youth lose their heads for your sake.
I come to you and my heart finds rest.
Away from you, grief clings to my heart like a snake.
I forget the throne of Delhi
when I remember the mountain tops of my Afghan land.
If I must choose between the world and you,
I shall not hesitate to claim your barren deserts as my own.

Timur Shah Durrani,

(Pashto, Persian, Urdu, Arabic: ; 1748 May 18, 1793) was the
second ruler of the Durrani Empire, from October 16, 1772 until his death in 1793. An ethnic Pashtun, he was
the second and eldest son of Ahmad Shah Durrani. Timur Shah was born in Mashhad in 1748 and had a quick
rise to power by marrying the daughter of the Mughal Emperor Alamgir II. He received the city of Sirhind as a
wedding gift and was later made the Governor of Punjab, Kashmir and the Sirhind district in 1757 (when he
was only 9 years old), by his father Ahmad Shah Durrani. He ruled from Lahore under the regency of his
Wazir, GeneralJahan Khan, who administered these territories for approximately one year, from May 1757
until April 1758. Adina Beg Khan, Governor of the Julundur Doab, along with Raghunath Rao who was leading
the Maratha Empire, forced Timur Shah and Jahan from Punjab and put in place their own government under Adina. When
Timur Shah succeeded his father in 1772, the regional chieftains only reluctantly accepted him, and most of his reign was
spent reasserting his rule over the Durrani Empire. He was noted for his use of the Bala Hisar Fort in Peshawar, as the winter
capital of his Empire. In 1776, Timur Shah compelled his uncle Abdul Qadir Khan Durrani to leave Afghanistan. Abdul left
Afghanistan and sent his family including his: wife Zarnaab Bibi, sisters Azer Khela and Unaar Khela, brother Saifullah Khan
Durrani, nephews Mohammad Umer Durrani, Basheer Ahmad Khan Durrani and Shams ur Rehman Durrani and two sons,
Faizullah Khan Durrani and Abdullah Khan Durrani to Akora Khattak, in present day Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. He himself went
to Damascus (Syria), where he (Abdul Qadir Khan Durrani) died in 1781. During his reign, the Durrani Empire began to shrink.
In an attempt to move away from disaffected Pashtun tribes, he shifted the capital from Kandahar to Kabul and chose
Peshawar as the winter capital in 1776. His court was heavily influenced by Persian culture and he became reliant on
the Qizilbash bodyguard for his personal protection. Timur Shah died in 1793, and was then succeeded by his fifth son Zaman
Shah Durrani.

Zaman Shah Durrani,

(Pashto, Persian, Urdu, Arabic: ) , (c. 1770 1844) was ruler of the Durrani
Empire from 1793 until 1800. He was the grandson of Ahmad Shah Durrani and the fifth son of Timur Shah Durrani. An
ethnic Pashtun like the rest of his family and Durrani rulers, Zaman Shah became the third King of Afghanistan. Zaman Shah
Durrani was the grandson of Alamgir II and a nephew of Shah Alam II. He seized the throne of the Durrani Empire on the
death of his father, Timur Shah. He defeated his rivals, his brothers, with the help of Sardar Payenda Khan, chief of the
Barakzais. He extracted an oath of allegiance from the final challenger, Mahmud, and in return relinquished the governorship
of Herat. In so doing, he divided the power base between Herat and his own government in Kabul, a division which was to
remain in place for a century. Kabul was the primary base of power, while Herat maintained a state of quasi-independence.
Kandahar was fought over for the spoils. During his reign he tried to combine his dispersed relatives together who were
deported by his father Timur Shah. His uncle Saifullah Khan Durrani, his sons Mohammad Umar, Bashir Ahmad Khan and
Shams Ur Rehman, his cousins Faizullah Khan and Abdullah Khan lived in Akora Khattak in present day Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.
They were contacted to come back to Afghanistan but without success. Saifullah Khan died in 1779 and after that the family
was led by Faizullah Khan but he disliked the bad habits of Abdullah Khan and Bashir Ahmad Khan and left Akora Khattak and
went to Bannu without informing his relatives. Later on, after the death of his wife, Abdullah Khan Durrani migrated
to Kohat in 1791 where he married a widow, Pashmina. Zaman Shah tried his best to recombine his family members and
relatives so as to gain power but many of them were living an unknown life. Some of them have even been forgotten their
identity. He attempted to repeat his father's success in India, but his attempts at expansion brought him into conflict with
the British. The British induced the Shah of Persia to invade Durrani, thwarting his plans by forcing him to protect his own
lands. In his own lands things went well for Zaman, at least initially. He was able to force Mahmud from Herat and into
a Persian exile. However, Mahmud established an alliance withFateh Khan, with whose support he was able to strike back in
1800, and Zaman had to flee toward Peshawar. But he never made it; on the way, he was captured, blinded and imprisoned

in Kabul, in the Bala Hissar. Little information about the rest of his life is available, but he was probably
imprisoned for nearly 40 years, until his death, during which time Afghanistan continued to experience much
political turmoil.

Mahmud Shah Durrani (1769

April 18, 1829; Pashto, Persian, Urdu, Arabic:

)was born Prince and ruler of theDurrani Empire (Afghanistan) between 1801 and 1803, and
again between 1809 and 1818. An ethnic Pashtun, he was the son of Timur Shah Durrani and
grandson of Ahmad Shah Durrani. Mahmud Shah Durrani was the half-brother of his
predecessor, Zaman Shah.On July 25, 1801, Zaman Shah was deposed, and Mahmud Shah
ascended to
ruler-ship. He then had a chequered career; he was deposed in 1803, restored in 1809, and
finally
deposed again in 1818. His son Shahzada Kamran Durrani was always in trouble with Amir
Fateh
Khan
Barakzai, the brother of Dost Muhammad Khan. After the assassination of Fateh Khan Barakzai
the fall of the Durrani Empires begun. King Mahmud Shah Durrani died in 1829. The country was then ruled by Shuja Shah
Durrani; another of his half-brothers.

Shuja Shah Durrani (also known as Shah Shujah, Shoja Shah, Shujah al-Mulk) (c. November 4, 1785
April 5, 1842) was ruler of theDurrani Empire from 1803 to 1809. He then ruled from 1839 until his death on
April 5, 1842. Shuja Shah was of the Sadozai line of the Abdaligroup of Pashtuns. He became the fifth Emir of
Afghanistan. Shuja Shah was the son of Timur Shah Durrani of the Durrani Empire. He ousted his
brother, Mahmud Shah, from power, and ruledAfghanistan from 1803 to 1809. He had seven wives: daughter
of Fath Khan Tokhi, Wafa Begum, daughter of Sayyid Amir Haidar Khan; Amir of Bokhara, daughter of Khan
Bahadur Khan Malikdin Khel, daughter of Sardar Haji Rahmatu'llah Khan Sardozai; Wazir, Sarwar Begum and
Bibi Mastan; of Indian origin. Shuja Shah was the governor of Herat and Peshawar from 1798 to 1801. He
proclaimed himself as King of Afghanistan in October 1801 (after the deposition of his brother Zaman Shah),
but only properly ascended to the throne on July 13, 1803. Shuja allied Afghanistan with the United Kingdom in 1809, as a
means of defending against a combined invasion of India by Napoleonand Russia. On May 3, 1809, he was overthrown by his
predecessor Mahmud Shah and went into exile in India, where he was captured by Jahandad Khan Bamizai and imprisoned
at Attock (18112) and then taken to by Atta Muhammad Khan Kashmir (18123). WhenMahmud Shah's vizier Fateh
Khan invaded Kashmir alongside Maharaja Ranjit Singh's army, he chose to leave with the Sikh army. He stayed
in Lahore from 1813 to 1814. In return for his freedom, he handed the Koh-i-Nor diamond to Maharaja Ranjit Singh and gained
his freedom. He stayed first in Punjab and later in Ludhiana with Shah Zaman.The place where he stayed in Ludhiana is
presenly occupied by Main Post Office near Mata Rani Chowk and a white marble stone inside the building marking his stay
there can be seen.(s.s.sidhu,8860025800) In 1833 he struck a deal with Maharaja Ranjit Singh of the Punjab: He was allowed
to march his troops through Punjab, and in return he would cede Peshawar to the Sikhs if they could manage to take it. In a
concerted campaign the following year, Shuja marched on Kandahar while the Sikhs, commanded by General Hari Singh
Nalwa attacked Peshawar. In July, Shuja Shah was narrowly defeated at Kandahar by the Afghans under Dost Mohammad
Khan and fled. The Sikhs on their part occupied Peshawar. In 1838 he had gained the support of the British and
the Sikh Maharaja Ranjit Singh for wresting power from Dost Mohammad Khan Barakzai. This triggered the First Anglo-Afghan
War (183842). Shuja was restored to the throne by the British on August 7, 1839, almost 30 years after his deposition, but
did not remain in power when the British left. He was assassinated by Shuja ud-Daula, on April 5, 1842.

Ali Shah Durrani was

ruler of the Durrani Empire from 1818 to 1819. He was the son of Timur Shah Durrani, and the
penultimate Durrani Emperor. He was deposed by his brother Ayub Shah.

Ayub Shah, a son of Timur Shah, ruled Afghanistan from 1819 to 1823. The loss of Kashmir during his reign opened a new
chapter in Indian history. In 1823, he was deposed and imprisoned by the Barakzai, marking the end of the Durrani dynasty.
He fled to Punjabafter buying his freedom and died there in 1837.

List of Chief Ministers (Wazir-i-azam) of the Durrani Empire

Haji Jamal Khan Barakzai was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Durrani Empire from 1747 until ?
Shah Wali Khan was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Durrani Empire from before 1757 until 1772.
Payinda Khan Mohammadzai was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Durrani Empire from ? until 1793.
Wafadar Khan was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Durrani Empire from 1793 until 1900.
Shir Mohammad Khan was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Durrani Empire from 1803 until 1808.
Nawab Mohammad Usman Khan was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Durrani Empire from 1808 until
1809.

Fateh Khan was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Durrani Empire from 1809 until 1818.
Mohammad Azim Khan was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Durrani Empire from 1818 until 1823.
Habibullah Khan was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Durrani Empire in 1823.
Yar Mohammad Khan Alikozay was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Durrani Empire from 1823 until 1824.
Sultan Muhammad Khan Telai was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Durrani Empire from 1824 until 1826.

Emirate of Afghanistan

The Emirate of Afghanistan (Pashto: , Da Afghanistan Amarat), began with the decline of the Durrani dynasty and
succession of the Barakzai dynasty. This period was characterized by the expansion of European colonial interests in South
Asia. The Emirate of Afghanistan continued the war with the Sikh Empire, which led to invasion of Afghanistan by British-led
Indian forces who were completely defeated in 1842 while retreating to Peshawar (now Pakistan). However, during
the Second Anglo-Afghan War, Afghanistan's foreign affairs were controlled by the British until Emir Amanullah Khan regained
them after theAnglo-Afghan Treaty of 1919 was signed.

List of Rulers (Emirs) of the Emirate of Afghanistan

Dost Mohammad Khan (Pashto: ,

December 23, 1793 June 9, 1863) was the founder

of the Barakzai dynasty and one of the prominent rulers of Afghanistan during the First Anglo-Afghan
War. With the decline of the Durrani dynasty, he became Emir of Afghanistan from 1826 to 1839 and then
from 1845 until his death on June 9, 1863. An ethnic Pashtun, he was the 11th son of Sardar Payendah
Khan (chief of the Barakzai tribe) who was killed in 1799 by Zaman Shah Durrani. Dost Mohammad's
grandfather was Hajji Jamal Khan. Dost Mohammad Khan was born to an influential family on December 23,
1793. His father, Payandah Khan, was chief of the Barakzai tribe and a civil servant in the Durrani dynasty.
They trace their family tree to Abdal (the first and founder of the Abdali tribe), through Hajji Jamal Khan,
Yousef, Yaru, Mohammad, Omar Khan, Khisar Khan, Ismail, Nek, Daru, Saifal, and Barak. Abdal had Four
sons,Popal, Barak, Achak, and Alako. Dost Mohmmad Khan's mother is believed to have been a Shia from
the Persian Qizilbash group. His elder brother, the chief of the Barakzai, Fatteh Khan, took an important part in
raising Mahmud Shah Durrani to the sovereignty of Afghanistan in 1800 and in restoring him to the throne in 1809. In 1813
he accompanied his elder brother and then Prime Minister of Kabul Wazir Fateh Khan to the Battle of Attock, Maharaja Ranjit
Singh of Sikh Empire sent his general Diwan Mohkam Chand to lead the Sikh armies. Mahmud Shah repaid Fatteh Khan's
services by having him assassinated in 1818, thus incurring the enmity of his tribe. After a bloody conflict, Mahmud Shah was
deprived of all his possessions but Herat, the rest of his dominions being divided among Fatteh Khan's brothers. Of these,
Dost Mohammad received Ghazni, to which in 1826 he added Kabul, the richest of the Afghan provinces. From the
commencement of his reign he found himself involved in disputes with Ranjit Singh, the Sikh ruler of the Punjab region, who
used the dethroned Sadozai prince, Shah Shujah Durrani, as his instrument. In 1834 Shah Shujah made a last attempt to
recover his kingdom. He was defeated by Dost Mohammad Khan under the walls of Kandahar, but Ranjit Singh seized the
opportunity to annexPeshawar. The recovery of this fortress became the Afghan amir's great concern. Rejecting overtures
from Russia, he endeavoured to form an alliance with Great Britain, and welcomed Alexander Burnes to Kabul in 1837.
Burnes, however, was unable to prevail on the governor-general, Lord Auckland, to respond to the amir's advances. Dost
Mohammad was enjoined to abandon the attempt to recover Peshawar, and to place his foreign policy under British guidance.
He replied by renewing his relations with Russia, and in 1838 Lord Auckland set the British troops in motion against him. In
March 1839 the British force under Willoughby Cotton advanced through the Bolan Pass, and on April 26 it reached Kandahar.
Shah Shujah was proclaimed amir, and entered Kabul on August 7, 1839, while Dost Mohammad sought refuge in the wilds of
the Hindu Kush. For some time he sought refuge with an influential local resistance leader, Mir Masjidi Khan. Closely followed
by the British, Dost Mohammad was driven to extremities, and on 4 November 1840, surrendered as a prisoner. He remained
in captivity during the British occupation, during the disastrous retreat of the army of occupation in January 1842, and until
the recapture of Kabul in the autumn of 1842. He was then set at liberty, in consequence of the resolve of the British
government to abandon the attempt to intervene in the internal politics of Afghanistan. On his return from Hindustan, Dost
Mohammad was received in triumph at Kabul, and set himself to re-establish his authority on a firm basis. From 1846 he
renewed his policy of hostility to the British and allied himself with the Sikhs. However, after the defeat of his allies
at Gujrat on February 21, 1849, he abandoned his designs and led his troops back into Afghanistan. In 1850 he
conquered Balkh, and in 1854 he acquired control over the southern Afghan tribes by the capture of Kandahar. On March 30,
1855 Dost Mohammad reversed his former policy by concluding an offensive and defensive alliance with the British
government, signed by Sir Henry Lawrence, Chief Commissioner of the Punjab, first proposed byHerbert Edwardes. In 1857 he
declared war on Persia in conjunction with the British, and in July a treaty was concluded by which the province of Herat was
placed under a Barakzai prince. During the Indian Mutiny, Dost Mohammad refrained from assisting the insurgents. His later
years were disturbed by troubles at Herat and in Bukhara. These he composed for a time, but in 1862 a Persian army, acting
in concert with Ahmad Khan, advanced against Herat. The old amir called the British to his aid, and, putting himself at the
head of his warriors, drove the enemy from his frontiers. On May 26, 1863 he re-captured Herat, but on June 9, 1863 he died
suddenly in the midst of victory, after playing a great role in the history of Central Asia for forty years. He named as his
successor his son, Sher Ali Khan. We have men and we have rocks in plenty, we have everything." - Dost Mohammad Khan
to John Lawrence.

Amir Akbar Khan (18161845; Pashto: ) ,

born as Mohammad Akbar Khan (Pashto:

) and famously known asWazir Akbar Khan, was an Afghan prince, general, and Emir of the Emirate of
Afghanistan from 1842 until his death in 1845. He was militarily active in the First Anglo-Afghan War, which
lasted from 1839 to 1842. He is prominent for his leadership of the national party in Kabul from 1841 to
1842, and his pursuit of the retreating British-led Indian army from Kabul to Gandamak near Jalalabad in
1842. Previously, in the 1837 Battle of Jamrud, he killed Sikh General Hari Singh Nalwa while attempting to
re-gain Afghanistan's second capital Peshawar from the invading Sikh army of Punjab. Akbar was born as
Mohammad Akbar Khan in 1816 to Amir Dost Mohammad Khan of
Afghanistan and Mirmon
Khadija Popalzai. Amir Dost Mohammad Khan had 2 wives, 8 sons (including Amir Akbar Khan) and 2
daughters Akbar Khan led a revolt in Kabul against the British Indian mission of William
McNaughten, Alexander Burnes and their garrison of 4,500 men. In November 1841, he besieged Major-General William
Elphinstone's force in Kabul. Elphinstone accepted a safe-conduct for his force and about 12,000 camp followers to flee to
neighboring India; they were ambushed and massacred in January 1842. It was claimed in at least one set of British war
memoirs that, during the retreat, Akbar Khan could be heard alternately commanding his men, in Persian language to desist
from, and in Pashto language to continue, firing. Historians think it unlikely that Akbar Khan wished for the total annihilation
of the British force. An astute man politically, he would have been aware that allowing the British to extricate themselves
from Afghanistan would give him the time to consolidate his control of the diverse hill tribes; whereas a massacre of 16,500
people, of which only about a quarter were a fighting force, would not be tolerated back in London and would result in
another, larger army sent to exact retribution. This was in fact what happened the following year. In May 1842, Akbar Khan
captured Bala Hissar in Kabul.[1] Many believe that Akbar Khan was poisoned by his father, Dost Mohammed Khan, who feared
his ambitions. The historical figure Akbar Khan plays a major role in George MacDonald Fraser's novel Flashman.

Sher Ali Khan (1825 February 21, 1879) was a Emir of the Emirate of Afghanistan from 1863 until 1866 and from 1868
until his death on February 21, 1879. He was the third son of Dost Mohammed Khan, founder of the Barakzai
Dynasty in Afghanistan. Sher Ali Khan initially seized power when his father died, but was quickly ousted by his older
brother, Mohammad Afzal Khan. Internecine warfare followed until Sher Ali defeated his brother and regained the title of Emir.

His rule was hindered by pressure from both Britain and Russia though Sher Ali attempted to keep
Afghanistan neutral in their conflict. In 1878, the neutrality fell apart and theSecond Anglo-Afghan
War erupted. As British forces marched on Kabul, Sher Ali Khan decided to leave Kabul to seek political
asylum in Russia. He died in Mazar-e Sharif, leaving the throne to his son Mohammad Yaqub Khan. Sher Ali
was closely affiliated to the modern day region of Potohar in Pakistan. He married one of his daughters to a
prominent Tribal Chief of Gakhars, Khan Bahadur Raja Jahandad Khan. After independence, Gakhars are now
part of Pakistan.

Mohammad Afzal Khan (1811

October 7, 1867; Pashto: ) was the Emir of the Emirate of

Afghanistan Afghanistan from 1865 until his death on Ovtober 7, 1867. The oldest son of Dost Mohammed Khan,
Afzal Khan seized power from his brother Sher Ali Khan three years after their father's death. Following Afzal
Khan's death the following year, Mohammad Azam Khan was reinstated as Amir of Afghanistan. He was an
ethnic Pashtun and belong to the Barakzai tribe. Khan's third son Abdur Rahman Khan was to himself become
Emir from 1880 to 1901.[

Mohammad Azam Khan (Pashto: ,

died February 21, 1868) was the Emir of the Emirate of

Afghanistan Afghanistan from October 7, 1867 until his death on February 21, 1868. He was the second sons
of Dost Mohammed Khan, Azam Khan heir power from his brother Mohammad Afzal Khan after his death on
October 7, 1867. Following Azam Khan's death the following year, Sher Ali Khan was reinstated
as Amir of Afghanistan. He was an ethnicPashtun and belong to the Barakzai tribe.

Mohammad Yaqub Khan (1849 November 15, 1923) was Emir of the Eemirate of Afghanistan from
February 21 until October 12, 1879. He was the son of the previous ruler, Sher Ali Khan. Mohammad Yaqub
Khan was the governor of Herat province in Afghanistan and decided to rebel against his father in 1870 but
was imprisoned in 1874. The Second Anglo-Afghan War erupted in 1878, leading Sher Ali Khan to flee the
capital of Afghanistan, and eventually die in February 1879 in the north of the country. As Sher Ali's successor,
Yaqub signed the Treaty of Gandamak with the British in May 1879, relinquishing control of Afghanistan
foreign affairs to the British Empire. An uprising against this agreement led by Ayub Khan in October of the
same year ended the rule and abdicated of Yaqub Khan. He was succeeded by the new ruler, Amir Ayub Khan.
During the Second Anglo-Afghan War, the British defeated the Amir Sher Ali's forces, wintered in Jalalabad,
waiting for the new Amir Yakub Khan to accept their terms and conditions. One of the key figures in the negotiations
wasPierre Louis Napoleon Cavagnari. A half-Irish, half-Italian aristocrat, descended from the royal family of Parma on his
father's side, he had been brought up in England, with schooling at Addiscombe. He served with the East India Army in the
1st Bengal Fusiliers and then transferred into political service, becoming Deputy Commisssioner at Peshawar, and was
appointed as envoy by the Viceroy Lord Lytton in the 1878 mission to Kabul which the Afghans refused to let proceed. This
refusal was one of a series of events which led to the Second Afghan War. In May 1879, Yakub Khan travelled to Gandamak, a
village just outside Jalalabad and entered into negotiations with Cavagnari as a result of which the Treaty of Gandamak was
signed whereby the Amir ceded territories to the British and accepted a British envoy in Kabul. Cavagnari took up the post of
British Resident in Kabul in July 1879. He was known to be reckless and arrogant rather than discreet and his role as envoy
was viewed as injudicious even by some of the British. The situation in Kabul was tense and eventually some Afghan troops
who had not been paid by the Amir rebelled and attackled the Residency, killing Cavagnari and his mission in September
1879. The war was far from over despite the treaty and British troops were recalled over the mountains to occupy Kabul,
secure it and launch punitive action against the Afghans. Yakub Khan abdicated, taking refuge in the British camp and was
subsequently sent to India in December. I would rather work as your servant, cut grass and tend your garden than be the
ruler of Afghanistan. Yaqub Khan, to a British viceroy in the 19th century.

Ghazi Mohammad Ayub Khan (Pashto:

( ) 1857 April 7, 1914) was also known

as The Victor of Maiwand or The Afghan Prince Charlie and was, for a while, the governor of Herat
Province in Afghanistan. He was Emir of the Emirate of Afghanistan from October 12, 1879 until May 31,
1880 and was also the leader of Afghans in the Second Anglo-Afghan War. He is today remembered as
National Hero of Afghanistan and is buried in Peshawar (formerly Kingdom of Afghanistan). His father
was Sher Ali Khan and his mother was the daughter of an influential Mohmand chief of Lalpura, Saadat Khan.
On July 27, 1880, with the help of Malalai of Maiwand he defeated the British Army of George Burrows at
the Battle of Maiwand. This was the biggest defeat for the Anglo-Indian army in the second Anglo-Afghan
war. He went on to besiege the British forces at Kandaharbut did not succeed. On September 1, 1880, he was defeated and
routed by General Frederick Roberts at the Battle of Kandahar, which saw the end of the Second Anglo-Afghan War. A year
later Ayub again tried to take Kandahar, this time from Amir Abdur Rahman Khan but again failed. "Ayub Khan had an
opportunity of realizing his strength as an independent ruler in Afghanistan [sic]. Certain tribes in Kushk district having
revolted, he desired to send a force from Herat to punish them; but when he asked his men to march they refused, because
he had not paid them for a long time." From The Twillingate Sun, Thursday, February 3, 1881. In 1888 Ayub Khan
left Persia (now Iran), where he had escaped to, and became a pensioner in British India until his death in 1914. He is today
remembered as National Hero of Afghanistan and his body was interred near the shrine of Sheikh Habib at Durrani graveyard
in Peshawar. His mausoleum was unfortunately vandalized and his tomb tablet stolen. Efforts are being made by one of his
family members, Asim Khan Effendi to reconstruct and restore the monument in consultation with cultural conservationalist of
International repute Hameed Haroon and leading Architect Mujeeb Khan. One of his grandsons namely Brigadier Sardar
Hissam Mahmud el-Effendi was later a Brigadier General in the Pakistan Army, commanding a division in the 1965 War.
Effendi also raised the Pakistani border police "Rangers" and served as its first Director General, besides being an
avid polo player.

Abdur Rahman Khan (Pashto:

( ) between 1830 to 1844 October 1, 1901) was Emir of the Emirate of

Afghanistan from 1880 until his death on October 1, 1901. He was the third son of Mohammad Afzal Khan, and grandson
of Dost Mohammad Khan. Abdur Rahman Khan was considered a strong ruler who re-established the writ of the Afghan
government after the disarray that followed the second Anglo-Afghan war. He became known as The Iron Amir. Before his
death in Herat, on June 9, 1863, Dost Mohammad Khan had nominated as his successor Sher Ali Khan, his third son, passing
over the two elder brothers, Afzal Khan and Azam Khan. At first, the new Amir was quietly recognized. But after a few months
Afzal Khan raised an insurrection in the north of the country, where he had been governing when his father died. This began a
fierce contest for power between Dost Mohammad's sons, which lasted for nearly five years. In this war, Abdur Rahman
became distinguished for ability and daring energy. Although his father, Afzal Khan, who had none of these qualities, came to
terms with the Amir Sher Ali, the son's behavior in the northern province soon excited the Amir's suspicion, and Abdur
Rahman, when he was summoned to Kabul, fled across the Oxus into Bukhara. Sher Ali threw Afzal Khan into prison, and a
serious revolt followed in southern Afghanistan. The Amir had scarcely suppressed it by winning a desperate battle when
Abdur Rahman's reappearance in the north was a signal for a mutiny of the troops stationed in those parts and a gathering of

armed bands to his standard. After some delay and desultory fighting, he and his uncle, Azam Khan, occupied Kabul (March
1866). The Amir Sher Ali marched up against them from Kandahar; but in the battle that ensued at Sheikhabad on May 10, he
was deserted by a large body of his troops, and after his signal defeat Abdur Rahman released his father, Afzul Khan, from
prison in Ghazni, and installed him upon the throne as Amir of Afghanistan. Notwithstanding the new Amir 's incapacity, and
some jealousy between the real leaders, Abdur Rahman and his uncle, they again routed Sher Ali's forces, and occupied
Kandahar in 1867. When Afzal Khan died at the end of the year, Azam Khan became the new ruler, with Abdur Rahman as his
governor in the northern province. But towards the end of 1868 Sher Ali's return, and a general rising in his favour, resulted in
Abdur Rahman and Azam Khan's defeat at Tinah Khan on January 3, 1869. Both sought refuge in Persia, whence Abdur
Rahman placed himself under Russian protection at Samarkand. Azam died in Persia in October 1869. Abdur Rahman lived in
exile in Tashkent, then part of Russian Turkestan, for eleven years, until the 1879 death of Sher Ali, who had retired from
Kabul when the British armies entered Afghanistan. The Russian governor-general at Tashkent sent for Abdur Rahman, and
pressed him to try his fortunes once more across the Oxus. In March 1880, a report reached India that Abdur Rahman was in
northern Afghanistan; and the governor-general, Lord Lytton, opened communications with him to the effect that the British
government were prepared to withdraw their troops, and to recognize Abdur Rahman as Amir of Afghanistan, with the
exception of Kandahar and some districts adjacent to it. After some negotiations, an interview took place between him
and Lepel Griffin, the diplomatic representative at Kabul of the Indian government. Griffin described Abdur Rahman as a man
of middle height, with an exceedingly intelligent face and frank and courteous manners, shrewd and able in conversation on
the business in hand.At the durbar on July 22, 1880, Abdur Rahman was officially recognized as Amir, granted assistance in
arms and money, and promised, in case of unprovoked foreign aggression, such further aid as might be necessary to repel it,
provided that he align his foreign policy with the British. The British evacuation of Afghanistan was settled on the terms
proposed, and in 1881, the British troops also handed over Kandahar to the new Amir. However, Ayub Khan, one of Sher Ali
Khan's sons, marched upon that city from Herat, defeated Abdur Rahman's troops, and occupied the place in July 1880. This
serious reverse roused the Amir, who had not at first displayed much activity. He led a force from Kabul, met Ayub's army
close to Kandahar, and the complete victory which he there won forced Ayub Khan to fly into Persia. From that time Abdur
Rahman was fairly seated on the throne at Kabul, and in the course of the next few years he consolidated his dominion over
all Afghanistan, suppressinginsurrections by a sharp and relentless use of his despotic authority. The powerful Ghilzai tribe
revolted against the severity of his measures several times. In that same year, Ayub Khan made a fruitless inroad from Persia.
In 1888, the Amir's cousin, Ishak Khan, rebelled against him in the north; but these two enterprises came to nothing. In 1885,
at the moment when the Amir was in conference with the British viceroy, Lord Dufferin, in India, the news came of a skirmish
between Russian and Afghan troops at Panjdeh, over a disputed point in the demarcation of the northwestern frontier of
Afghanistan. Abdur Rahman's attitude at this critical juncture is a good example of his political sagacity. To one who had been
a man of war from his youth, who had won and lost many fights, the rout of a detachment and the forcible seizure of some
debatable frontier lands was an untoward incident; but it was not asufficient reason for calling upon the British, although they
had guaranteed his territory's integrity, to vindicate his rights by hostilities which would certainly bring upon him a Russian
invasion from the north, and would compel his British allies to throw an army into Afghanistan from the southeast. His interest
lay in keeping powerful neighbours, whether friends or foes, outside his kingdom. He knew this to be the only policy that
would be supported by the Afghan nation; and although for some time a rupture with Russia seemed imminent, while
the Government of India made ready for that contingency, the Amir's reserved and circumspect tone in the consultations with
him helped to turn the balance between peace and war, and substantially conduced towards a pacific solution. Abdur
Rahman left on those who met him in India the impression of a clear-headed man of action, with great self-reliance and
hardihood, not without indications of the implacable severity that too often marked his administration. His investment with
the insignia of the highest grade of the Order of the Star of India appeared to give him much pleasure. In the 1880s, he
perpetrated a population transfer against the rebellious Ghilzai Pashtuns from their homes in the southern Afghanistan to the
North. From the end of 1888, the Amir spent eighteen months in his northern provinces bordering upon the Oxus, where he
was engaged in pacifying the country that had been disturbed by revolts, and in punishing with a heavy hand all who were
known or suspected to have taken any part in rebellion. Shortly afterwards (in 1892) he succeeded in finally beating down the
resistance of the Hazara people, who vainly attempted to defend their independence, within their highlands, of the central
authority at Kabul. In the late 1880s many of the Hazara tribes revolted against Abdur Rahman, the first ruler to bring the
country of Afghanistan under a centralized Afghan government. Consequent on this unsuccessful revolt, numbers of Hazaras
fled to Quetta in Balochistan,to the area around Mashhed in northeastern Iran, Russia, Iraq, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan,
Azerbaijan,China and India. Most active in the revolt were the Uruzgani, the southernmost of the Hazara tribes. Following
their defeat, a considerable number of Uruzgani left the country, as did many Jaghori, their nearest neighbors to the
northeast. In the Shikhali district an estimated 7,000 head of cattle were taken away from Hazaras and 350 men and women
of the Jaghori district had been sold at Kabul markets each at the price of 2021 Afs. Abdur Rahman's brutal suppression
compelled a large number of Hazaras to seek refuge in Iran, India, and Russia. Abdur Rahman could only succeed in
subjugating Hazaras and conquering their land when he effectively utilized internal differences within the Hazara community,
co-opting sold-out Hazara chiefs into his bureaucratic sales of the enslaved Hazara men, women and children in 1897, the
Hazaras remained de facto slaves until King Amanullah Khan declared Afghanistan's independence in 1919. In 1895, the
Amir found himself unable, by reason of ill-health, to accept an invitation from Queen Victoria to visit England; but his second
son Nasrullah Khan went instead. Abdur Rahman died on October 1, 1901, being succeeded by his son Habibullah Khan. He
had defeated all enterprises by rivals against his throne; he had broken down the power of local chiefs, and tamed the
refractory tribes; so that his orders were irresistible throughout the whole dominion. His government was a military despotism
resting upon a well-appointed army; it was administered through officials absolutely subservient to an inflexible will and
controlled by a widespread system ofespionage; while the exercise of his personal authority was too often stained by acts of
unnecessary cruelty. He held open courts for the receipt of petitioners and the dispensation of justice; and in the disposal of
business he was indefatigable. He succeeded in imposing an organized government upon the fiercest and most unruly
population in Asia; he availed himself of European inventions for strengthening his armament, while he sternly set his face
against all innovations which, like Railwaysand Telegraphs, might give Europeans a foothold within his country. His
adventurous life, his forcible character, the position of his state as a barrier between the Indian and the Russian empires, and
the skill with which he held the balance in dealing with them, combined to make him a prominent figure in contemporary
Asian politics and will mark his reign as an epoch in the history of Afghanistan. The Amir received an annual Subsidy from the
British government of 1,850,000 rupees. He was allowed to import munitions of war. In 1896, he adopted the title of Zia-ulMillat-Wa-ud Din ("Light of the nation and religion"); and his zeal for the cause of Islam induced him to
publish treatises on jihad. Today, his descendants can be found in many places outside of Afghanistan, such as in America,
France, Germany,and even in Scandinavian countries such as Denmark and carry the surname of Ziyaee, which is itself a
derivative of the King's title. His two eldest sons, Habibullah Khan and Nasrullah Khan, were born at Samarkand. His youngest
son, Mahomed Omar Jan, was born in 1889 of an Afghan mother, connected by descent with the Barakzai family. Persecution
of Hazara people refers to systematic discrimination, ethnic cleansing and genocide of Hazara people, who are primarily from
the central highland region of Hazarajat in Afghanistan. The persecution of Hazara people dates back to the late 19th century
during the notorious reign of Emir Abdur Rahman (1880-1901), who killed, expelled and enslaved many thousands.[1] It is
believed that at least half of the population of Hazarajat were killed by Abdur Rahman's forces, which also resulted in mass

exodus of these people to neighbouring Balochistan of British India[2] and Khorasan in Eastern Iran. The
persecution continued throughout the 20th century in various forms. Many Hazara were coerced into
hiding their identities and surrendering their lands to Pashtun tribes. Hazara people have also been the
victims of massacres by Taliban in Afghanistan since 1995. In 1893 Mortimer Durand negotiated with
Abdur Rahman Khan, the Durand Line Treaty for the demarcation of the frontier between Afghanistan,
the FATA, North-West Frontier Province and Baluchistan Provinces of Pakistan the successor state of British
India. This line, the Durand Line, is named after Mortimer Durand and which still remains as an
unrecognized boundary by the Government of Afghanistan. In 1893, Mortimer Durand was deputed to
Kabul by the government of British India for this purpose of settling an exchange of territory required by
the demarcation of the boundary between northeastern Afghanistan and the Russian possessions, and in
order to discuss with Amir Abdur Rahman Khan other pending questions. Abdur Rahman Khan showed his
usual ability in diplomatic argument, his tenacity where his own views or claims were in debate, with a sure underlying insight
into the real situation. In the agreement, the relations between the British Indian and Afghan governments, as previously
arranged, were confirmed; and an understanding was reached upon the important and difficult subject of the border line of
Afghanistan on the east, towards India. In the year 1893, during rule of Amir Abdur Rahman Khan, a Royal Commission for
setting up of Boundary between Afghanistan and British Governed India was set up to negotiate terms with the British, for the
agreeing to the Durand line, and the two parties camped at Parachinar, now part of FATA Pakistan, which is near Khost,
Afghanistan. From the British side the camp was attended by Mortimer Durand and Sahibzada Abdul Qayyum, Political
Agent Khyber. Afghanistan was represented by Sahibzada Abdul Latif and the GovernorSardar Shireendil Khan representing
Amir Abdur Rahman Khan.

Habibullah Khan (June

3, 1872 February 20, 1919) was the Emir of the Emirate of Afghanistan from
1901 until his death on February 20, 1919. He was born inSamarkand, Uzbekistan, the eldest son of the
Emir Abdur Rahman Khan, whom he succeeded by right of primogeniture in October 1901. Habibullah was a
relatively secular, reform-minded ruler who attempted to modernize his country. During his reign he worked to
bring Western medicine and other technology to Afghanistan. In 1904, Habibullah founded the Habibia school
as well as a military academy. He also worked to put in place progressive reforms in his country. He instituted
various legal reforms and repealed many of the harshest criminal penalties. But one of his chief advisors Abdul
Lateef was sentenced to death in 1903 for apostasy. He was stoned to death in Kabul. Other reforms included
the dismantling of the repressive internal intelligence organization that had been put in place by his father. He strictly
maintained the country's neutrality in World War I, despite strenuous efforts by the Sultan of the Ottoman Empire, spiritual
ruler of Islam, and a German military mission to enlist Afghanistan on its side. He also greatly reduced tensions with British
India, signing a treaty of friendship in 1905 and paying an official state visit in 1907. Habibullah was assassinated while on a
hunting trip at Laghman Province on February 20, 1919.[3] His brother Nasrullah Khan briefly succeeded him as Emir and held
power for a week between February 21 and February 28, 1919, before being ousted and imprisoned by Amanullah Khan,
Habibullah's third son.

Nasrullah Khan (18741920),

sometimes spelt as Nasr Ullah Khan, was shahzada (crown prince) of Afghanistan and
second son of Emir Abdur Rahman Khan. He was Eemir of the Emirate of Afghanistan for one week, from February 21 to
February 28, 1919. Nasrullah was born at Samarkand in 1874, the second of three sons of Abdur Rahman Khan. His brothers
were Habibullah Khan and Mohammed Omar Khan. Nasrullah's birth occurred during a period in which his father Abdur
Rahman Khan was living in exile inRussian Turkestan. On July 22, 1880, Nasrullah's father was recognised as Emir following
the end of British occupation of Afghanistan, on the condition that he align Afghanistan's foreign policy with that of Britain. As
a consequence of his father's ascension of the throne, Nasrullah (and his elder brother Habibullah) became Shahzada (crown
princes) of Afghanistan. In 1895 the Emir Abdur Rahman Khan had intended to undertake a state visit to England to pay his
respects to the ageing Queen Victoria. However, his health prevented him from making the trip, and so he instead sent his
son the Shahzada Nasrullah Khan. Nasrullah departed Bombay on April 29, 1895, with an entourage of over 90 dignitaries,
including "five or six" high-ranking Afghan nobles and a group of priests for the observance of religious functions. On May 23
the Shahzada landed at Portsmouth inEngland. On 27 May 1895 the Shahzada was received by the Queen at Windsor. During
his trip he also visited the Liverpool Overhead Railway, and went toAscot, Glasgow, and the Elswick Company Gun Range at
Blitterlees Banks. He made a gift of 2,500 to Abdullah Quilliam to support the work of the Liverpool Muslim Institute. At the
time of his visit, the Shahzada was 20 years of age. He reportedly did not speak English well, and did not make a good
impression on the local press. A reporter from the Cumberland Pacquet described him as "a stolid, impassive, and greatly
bored youth". On September 3, 1895 he left England for Paris, and from Paris went on to Rome and Naples, and arrived in
Karachi on October 16, 1895. He returned to Kabul through Quetta, Chaman and Kandahar. The National Geographic
Magazine believed this to be the longest journey ever undertaken by an Afghan. In 1895, Nasrullah and his brother Habibullah
received the Knight Grand Cross of St Michael and St George from Queen Victoria in recognition of their services to the British
Commonwealth. On October 3, 1901 Nasrullah's father Abdur Rahman died, aged 57, and Nasrullah's brother Habibullah
peacefully ascended the throne of Afghanistan by right of primogeniture. Prior to his death, Abdur Rahman had sought to
totally subdue any sources of opposition to his reign and the stability of Afghanistan with strict laws and restrictions. Among
those affected by Abdur Rahman's restrictions was the religious establishment. Upon Abdur Rahman's death, the religious
establishment sought to regain its power, and saw in Nasrullah a potential ally. Nasrullah was by this stage deeply religious
and had qualified as a Hafiz, or "Repeater of the Qur'an", one who has memorised a substantial portion of the Islamic
regligious texts. Throughout his adult life he advocated an Afghan policy strongly aligned with Islamic principles. Recognising
his brother as a potential contender for the throne, Habibullah went to lengths to placate and gain the support of Nasrullah.
Upon Habibullah's succession to the throne he named Nasrullah commander-in-chief of the Afghan army, and also gave him
the title of President of the State Council. Later in his reign, Habibullah named Nasrullah his heir to the throne in preference
to Habibullah's own sons. By contrast, Nasrullah's younger brother Mohammed Omar Jar, and Mohammed's mother the
Queen Dowager Bibi Hallima, both of whom were powerful political forces potentially of danger to Habibullah, were kept by
Habibullah as "practically state prisoners" confined in private quarters under the guise of protection by a strong detachment
of the Imperial Bodyguard (Mohammed Omar Jar having been stripped of his own personal bodyguard and state positions by
Habibullah in 1904). The level of influence Nasrullah enjoyed led Angus Hamilton in his 1910 book Afghanistan to describe
Habibullah as a "weak-willed" ruler, and the possibility of Nasrullah making an attempt on the throne caused Hamilton to
describe him as a "stormy petrel in the Afghan sea of domestic politics". Despite his earlier trip to England, Nasrullah
demonstrated little sympathy for British foreign policy towards Afghanistan. When Abdul Rahman Khan took the throne of
Afghanistan in 1880, he inherited the terms of the 1878 Treaty of Gandamak, which made Afghanistan a British protectorate.
The treaty, amongst other provisions, surrendered control over Afghan foreign relations to the British and allowed for a British
mission, with European members, to reside in Kabul. Abdul Rahman Khan was able to alter the terms of the treaty to provide
that all members of the British mission be Indian Muslims but was otherwise stuck with the treaty in its entirety. The Treaty of
Gandamak also required that Afghanistan sever its relationships with the independent tribes of the tribal regions of
Afghanistan, those lying on the far side of theDurand Line. These tribes had previously been a substantial source of military

power for the Afghanistan throne. When Habibullah became Emir he was pressured by the British
government to ratify the Treaty of Gandamak and, although he did so by proclamation in 1905, he would
not commit to withdraw Afghan influence from the British side of the Durand Line, or to sever Afghanistan's
relationship with the tribes in that area. The significance of the tribal areas was that they formed a natural
military barrier against the British, who periodically threatened to invade the region to counter Russian
advances from the north. Nasrullah Khan actively agitated his brother Habibullah to make use of
Afghanistan's influence with the tribes to strengthen Afghanistan's position against the British, and at
Nasrullah's urging Hasbibullah continue to pay allowances to the Durand Line tribes despite the Treaty of
Gandamak. At around the same time, during 190405, Sir Louis Dane (later governor of the Punjab region
of India) attempted to establish a new British mission at Kabul in line with the terms of the Treaty. This was
a plan which Nasrullah unsuccessfully opposed. When the First World War broke out in 1914, the Young
Afghan political movement, headed by journalist Mahmud Tarzi and Habibullah's son Amanullah, advocated that Afghanistan
enter the war on the German-Turkish side, in direct opposition to Britain. In this they had the support of Nasrullah and the
religious factions he represented, who were sympathetic towards the Ottomans because of what they saw as unwarranted
infidel aggression towards Islamic states. Despite this, the Emir Habibullah Khan judged Afghanistan too poor and weak to
realistically take part in the war, and declared Afghanistan's neutrality, to the frustration of Nasrullah and the Young Afghans.
Nevertheless Nasrullah actively used his political power to assist the German-Turkish efforts. When the TurkoGerman Niedermayer-Hentig expedition was welcomed to Kabul in 1915 (despite promises to the Viceroy of India that the
expedition would be arrested), Nasrullah provided a friendly ear to the mission after Habibullah reaffirmed Afghanistan's
neutrality. Nasrullah was involved in introducing the expedition to journalist Mahmud Tarzi, whose papers began taking an
increasingly anti-British stance. He also continued to entreat the mission to remain in Kabul despite Habibullah's
unwillingness to offer them a solid alliance. Finally in 1916 Nasrullah offered to remove Habibullah from power and take
charge of the frontier tribes in a campaign against British India, but by then the mission realised such action would be
fruitless and declined. The Turko-German embassy withdrew in 1916, but not before it had convinced Habibullah that
Afghanistan was an independent nation which should not remain beholden to the British. Following the closure of the World
War, Habibullah petitioned the British for favours resulting from Afghanistan's alleged assistance to the British during the war.
These favours included the recognition of Afghanistan's independence and a seat at the Versailles Peace Conference. Britain
refused both these requests. Habibullah sought to open further negotiations but before these could progress he was
assassinated. In February 1919, Emir Habibullah Khan went on a hunting trip to Afghanistan's Laghman Province. Among
those in his retinue were Nasrullah Khan, Habibullah's first sonInayatullah, and Habibullah's commander-in-chief Nadir Khan.
On the evening of February 20, 1919, Habibullah was assassinated while in his tent by persons unknown, leaving Nasrullah
the heir successor to the Afghan throne. The remainder of Habibullah's party journeyed south-east to Jalalabad, and on
February 21, 1919 reached that city, whereupon Nasrullah immediately declared himself Emir, supported by Habibullah's first
son Inayatullah. Upon receiving the news, Amanullah Khan, third son of Habibullah by Habibullah's first wife, immediately
seized control of the treasury at Kabul and staged a coup. He took control of Kabul and the central government and
imprisoned Nasrullah's supporters. On February 28, 1919, Amanullah proclaimed himself Emir and on March 3, 1919
Nasrullah was arrested by Amanullah's forces. On April 13, 1919, Amanullah held a Durbar (a royal court) in Kabul which
inquired into the death of Habibullah. It found a colonel in the Afghanistan military guilty of the crime, and had him executed.
It also found Nasrullah complicit in the assassination. Nasrullah was sentenced to life imprisonment, and was assassinated
approximately one year later while in the royal jail.

List of Chief Ministers (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan

Mirza Sami Khan was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan from 1826 until 1839.
Mulla Shakur Ishakzai was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan from 1839 until 1840.
Mohammad Usman Khan Sadozai was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan from 1840
until 1841.

Aminullah Khan Logari was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan in rebellion with
Mohammad Zaman Khan from 1841 until May 1842.

Mohammad Akbar Khan was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan from June 1842 until
September 1842.

Gholam Mohammad Khan Bamizai was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan jointly
with Khan Shirin Khan Jawansher from October until December 1842.

Khan Shirin Khan Jawansher was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan jointly with
Mohammad Akbar Khan from October until December 1842.

Mohammad Akbar Khan (died around 1848) was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan
from 1842 until his death around 1848.

Gholam Haydar Khan (died 1858) was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan from around
1848 until 1855.

Mohammad Rafiq Khan was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan from 1863 until ?
Sayyid Nur Muhammad Khan was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan from around
1869 until March 1878.

Mirza Mohammad Hasan Khan was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan from around
1878 until 1880.

Mir Abdul Kasim

was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan from 1892 until 1901.

Sardar Abdul Kuddus Khan

was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan from 1905 until

1916 and from 1919 until 1927.

Ali Ahmad Ghan Barakzay

was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan from 1906 until

1916.

Sirdar Mohammad Sulayman Khan was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan from
1906 until 1916.

Sardar Nasrullah Khan

was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan from 1916 until 1919.

Kingdom of Afghanistan
The Kingdom of Afghanistan (Pashto: D Afnistn wkmann; Persian: Pdeh-ye Afnistn)
was a constitutional monarchy in southern central Asia established in 1926 as a successor state to the Emirate of
Afghanistan. It was proclaimed by its first king, Amanullah Khan, seven years after his accession to the throne. Amanullah
Khan was keen on modernizing the country, resulting in conservative forces causing social upheaval on a number of
occasions. When he was on a trip to Europe in 1927, rebellion broke out again. He abdicated in favour of his
brother Inayatullah Khan who only ruled for three days before the tribal leader Habibullah Kalakani took power and reinstated
the Emirate. After 10 months, Amanullah Khan's Minister of War, Mohammed Nadir, returned from exile in India. His Britishsupported armies sacked Kabul, forcing Habibullah Kalakani to discuss a truce. Instead, Mohammed Nadir's forces
apprehended and subsequently executed Kalakani. Mohammed Nadir reinstated the kingdom, was proclaimed King of
Afghanistan in October 1929, and went on to revert the reformist path of the last king, Amanullah Khan. He was succeeded by
his son, Mohammed Zahir Shah, whose rule started in 1933 and lasted for 39 years. Mohammed Zahir Shah, the last King of
Afghanistan, was eventually overthrown by his own cousin Mohammed Daoud Khan who successfully ended the centuries old
monarchy and established a republican Afghan government. It was under the leadership of Zahir Shah that the Afghan
government sought relationships with the outside world, most notably with the Soviet Union, United Kingdom and the United
States. On September 27, 1934, during the reign of Zahir Shah, the Kingdom of Afghanistan joined the League of Nations.
During World War II, Afghanistan remained neutral and pursued a diplomatic policy of non-alignment. Mohammed Daoud
Khan, Prime Minister of Afghanistan at the time, worked hard for development of modern industries, and education in the
country.

List of Kings of the Kingdom of Afghanistan

Amanullah Khan (Pashto, Persian, Urdu, Arabic: )

(June 1, 1892 April 25, 1960) was

the Sovereign of the Kingdom of Afghanistan from 1919 until 1929, first as Emir and after 1926
as Malik (King). He led Afghanistan to independence over its foreign affairs from the United Kingdom, and
his rule was marked by dramatic political and social change. He was the first Afghan ruler who attempted
to modernize Afghanistan on western designs. However, he did not succeed in this because of a popular
uprising byHabibullah Kalakani and his followers. On January 14, 1929, Amanullah abdicated and fled to
then neighboring British India while Afghanistan fell into a civil war. From British India he went
to Europe where he died in Zrich, Switzerland, in 1960. Amnullh Khn was born on June 1, 1892,
in Paghman near Kabul, Afghanistan. He was the third son of the Amir Habibullah Khan. Amanullah was
already installed as the governor of Kabul and was in control of the army and the treasury, and gained
the allegiance of most of the tribal leaders. Russia had recently undergone its Communist revolution,
leading to strained relations between the country and the United Kingdom. Amanullah Khan recognized the opportunity to
use the situation to gain Afghanistan's independence over its foreign affairs. He led a surprise attack against
the British in India on May 3, 1919, beginning the third Anglo-Afghan war. After initial successes, the war quickly became a
stalemate as the United Kingdom was still dealing with the costs of World War I. An armistice was reached towards end of
1919, and Afgha nistan was completely free of British influence. Amanullah enjoyed quite a bit of early popularity within
Afghan istan and he used his influence to modernize the country. Amanullah created new cosmopolitan schools for both boys
and girls in the region and overturned centuries-old traditions such a strict dress codes for women. He increased trade
with Europe and Asia. He also advanced a modernist consti tution that incorporated equal rightsand individual freedoms with
the guidance of his father-in-law and Foreign Minister Mahmud Tarzi. His wife, Queen Soraya Tarzi played a huge role in regard
to his policy towards women. This rapid modernization created a backlash and a reactionary uprising known as the
Khost rebellion was suppressed in 1924. He also met with many Bah's in India and Europe where he brought back books
that are still to be found in the Kabul Library. This association later served as one of the accusations when he was
overthrown. At the time, Afghanistan's foreign policy was primarily concerned with the rivalry between the Soviet Union and
the United Kingdom. Each attempted to gain the favor of Afghanistan and foil attempts by the other power to gain influence
in the region. This effect was inconsistent, but generally favorable for Afghanistan; Amanullah was even able to establish a
limited Afghan Air Force consisting of donated Soviet planes.After Amnullh travelled to Europe in late 1927, opposition to
his rule increased. An uprising in Jalalabad culminated in a march to the capital, and much of the army deserted rather than
resist. In early 1929, Amanullah abdicated and went into temporary exile in thenBritish India. His brother Inayatullah
Khan became the next king of Afghanistan for a few days until Habibullah Kalakani took over. However, Kalakani's nine
months rule was soon replaced by Nadir Khan on October 13, 1929. Amanullah Khan attempted to return to Afghanistan, but
he had little support from the people. From British India, the ex-king traveled to Europe and settled in Italy, and later
inSwitzerland. Meanwhile, Nadir Khan made sure his return to Afghanistan was impossible by engaging in a propaganda war.
Nadir Khan accused Amanullah Khan of kufr with his pro western policies. Amanullah Khan died in Zurich, Switzerland, in
1960. His body was brought to Afghanistan and buried in the eastern city of Jalalabad. Very few of his many reforms were
continued once he was no longer in power.

Inayatullah Khan Seraj (October

20, 1888 August 12, 1946) was the King of the Kingdom of Afghanistan from
January 14, 1929 until January 17, 1929. He was the son of former Afghan King, Habibullah Khan. Inayatullah's brief reign
ended with his abdication. In the middle of the night, on January 14, 1929, Amanullah Khan handed over his kingship to his

brother Inayatullah Khan Seraj and tried to secretly escape Kabul towards Kandahar. However, Habibullh
Kalakni and his followers chased Amanullah's Rolls Royce on horseback but Amanullah managed to escape.
With the King gone, Habibullah Kalakani wrote a letter to King Inayatullah to either surrender or prepare for
war. Inayatullah's response was that he had never sought nor wished to be king and agreed to abdicate and
proclaim Habibullah Kalakani as king on January 18, 1929. Inayatullah was airlifted out of Kabul by the Royal
Air Force and spent the remainder of his life in exile.

Habibullah Kalakani (1890s

November 1, 1929), (Persian: ) , also

known as Bache Saqaw, was Emir of Afghanistan from January to October 1929 after
deposing Amanullah Khan with the help of various Afghan tribes who opposed
modernization
of Afghanistan. After gaining power in Kabul, he named himself Habbullh Khdem-e
Dn-e
Raslallh ("The servant of the religion of the messenger of God"). He was himself
defeated and
overthrown nine months later by Mohammed Nadir Khan. Kalakani, a Kohistani Tajik,
was born in the
1890s in the village of Kalakan, north of Kabul. His father Aminullah delivered water
to
people's
houses, and Kalakani became known as "Bache Saqqaw" (Son of a Water Carrier). It
is believed that
he ran into an oldSufi man who told him that he would one day become an amir and
then
handed
him an amulet to keep for good luck. During his adolescence, Kalakani ventured out
of his village and traveled to the city of Kabul where he joined the Afghan National Army. It is reported that he deserted the
army with his rifle and fled to Peshawar in neighboring British India (now Pakistan). He performed odd jobs there, including
selling tea on the streets. He also spent 11 months in prison at Parachinar after breaking into a house. By 1924 Kalakani
became a highway robber and a member of a rebel group in his village. To his Kohistani Tajik followers he became some what
of a Robin Hood figure, stealing mostly from wealthy highway travellers. "To his opponents, he was regarded as a bandit and
a common criminal." King Amanullah had returned from Europe in 1928 and brought with him many Western ideas, including
social and cultural changes. His aim was to rapidly modernize the country. These ideas upsetted the ultraconservative Shinwari tribe of eastern Afghanistan, who began calling for the banishment of Amanullah from Afghanistan.
With support from fellow Tajik forces Kalakani took advantage of the tribal revolt by the Shinwaris and others. While
the Afghan National Army was engulfed in severe battle in Laghman and Nangarhar, Kalakani and his Tajik forces began to
attack Kabul from the north. The revolt caught steam and right away the country was in civil war. Tribes from Waziristan had
the southern areas of Kabul surrounded, and Kalakani's rebels were moving into the heart of Kabul from the north. At first he
was repelled but after taking refuge in Paghman for several days he and his forces managed to tak over Kabul. In the middle
of the night, on 14 January 1929, Amanullah Khan handed over his Kingdom to his brother Amir Inayatullah Khan and escaped
from Kabul towards Kandahar in the south. Two days later, on 16 January 1929, Kalakani wrote a letter to King Inayatullah
Khan to either surrender or prepare to fight. Inayatullah Khan's response was that he had never sought nor wished to be king
and agreed to abdicate and proclaim Kalakani as the King on 17 January. After he took over of the Arg (Presidential Palace) in
Kabul, he discovered 750,000 British pounds and began to use that to pay the salaries of his soldiers. Kalakani's first order
was to remove all the flowers from the presidential grounds and plant vegetables instead. He closed down schools for women
and all western education centres. By September 1929, Amanullah Khan had stopped in Kandahar to regroup his followers
and recalled his top general, Nadir Khan, from Europe. General Nadir Khan's army breezed through the west and southern
Afghanistan. They had better weapons and the support of the people as many volunteers joined the army. Nadir Khan
furnished with troops consisting of thousands of men from various parts of Pashtunistan, including southern Afghanistan. The
troops fast approached Kabul and slowly began defeating the forces loyal to Kalakakani. By late October 1929, Kabul was
surrounded by Nadir Khan's army. It included Shah Wali Khan, brother of Nadir Khan and brother-inlaw of Amanullah. The two
brothers re-captured Arg and arrested Kalakani along with his followers. Kalakani was hanged to death on 1 November 1929
along with his brother and ten other rebel leaders. His place of burial is unconfirmed but it is probably his home village,
Kalakan.

Mohammed Nadir Shah (Pashto: born Mohammed Nadir; April 9, 1883 November 8, 1933) was King of
the Kingdom of Afghanistan from October 15, 1929 until his assassination in November 8, 1933. Previously, he served as
Minister of War, Afghan Ambassador to France, and as a general in the military of Afghanistan. He and his son Mohammed
Zahir Shah, who succeeded him, are sometimes referred to as theMusahiban. Nadir Khan was born on April 9, 1883 in Dehra
Dun, British Raj, into the Telai branch of the then Royal dynasty of Afghanistan (of the Mohammadzai section of Barakzai
Pashtuns). His father was Mohammad Yusuf Khan and his mother was Sharaf Sultana. His paternal grandfather was Yahya
Khan and his great grandfather was Sultan Muhammad Khan Telai, the brother of Dost Mohammed Khan.Sultan Mohammad
Khan Telai was his grandfather. Nadir Khan entered Afghanistan at the age of when his grandfather Mohammed Yahya was
authorized to return from exile by the Britishand Abdur Rahman Khan. He became a general under King Amanullah Khan and
led the Afghan National Army in the Third Anglo-Afghan War. After the war, Nadir Khan was made Minister of War and Afghan
Ambassador to France. Shortly after a rebellion by some Pashtun tribesmen and forces of Habibullah Kalakani began against
the monarchy, Nadir Khan was exiled due to disagreements with King Amanullah. After the overthrow of Amanullah Khan's
monarchy by Habibullah Kalakani, Nadir Khan returned to India and acquired military support from the British. He later
returned to Afghanistan with his British supported armies and took most of Afghanistan from Habibullah Kalakani. By October
13, 1929, Nadir Khan captured Kabul and subsequently sacked the city. He captured Kalakani and executed him
by hanging on November 3, 1929, along with some of the members of his inner circle. As Shah of Afghanistan Nadir quickly
abolished most of Amanullah Khan's reforms, but despite his efforts to rebuild an army that had just been engaged in
suppressing a rebellion, the forces remained weak while the religious and tribal leaders grew strong. In 1930, there were
uprisings by the Pashtun Shinwari tribes of the south as well as byTajiks of Kabul province and north of Kabul. The same year,
a Soviet force crossed the border in pursuit of an Uzbek leader whose forces had been harassing the Soviets from his
sanctuary in Afghanistan. He was driven back to the Soviet side by the Afghan army in April 1930, and by the end of 1931
most uprisings had been subdued. Nadir Shah named a ten-member cabinet, consisting mostly of members of his family, and
in September 1930 he called into session a loya jirga of 286 which confirmed his accession to the throne. In 1931, the King
promulgated a new constitution. Despite its appearance as a constitutional monarchy, the document effectively instituted a
Royal oligarchy, and popular participation was merely an illusion. Although Nadir Shah placated religious factions with a
constitutional emphasis on orthodox denominational principles, he also took steps to modernize Afghanistan in material ways,
although far less obtrusively than Amanullah. He improved road construction, especially the Great North Road through
the Hindu Kush, methods of communication, and helped establish Afghanistan's first university in 1931; however, this
university (Kabul University) didn't admit any students until 1932. He forged commercial links with the same foreign powers
that Amanullah had established diplomatic relations with in the 1920s, and, under the leadership of several prominent
entrepreneurs, he initiated a banking system and long-range economic planning. Although his efforts to improve the army did
not bear fruit immediately, by the time of his death in 1933 Nadir Shah had created a 40,000-strong force from almost no
national army at all. On November 8, 1933, Nadir Shah was shot and killed by a teenager named Abdul Khaliq Hazara during
a high school graduation ceremony. Khaliq Hazara was apprehended immediately after the assassination. Khaliq was
executed by being cut into pieces, and members of his immediate family were hanged including his father and uncle.

Muhammad Nader Shah

of Britain in Afghanistan.

was

criticised

by

some

Afghan

historians

as

an

agent

Mohammed Zahir Shah (October 15, 1914 July 23, 2007) was the last King (Padishah) of Afghanistan,
reigning for four decades, from 1933 until he was ousted by a coup in 1973. Following his return from exile
he was given the title 'Father of the Nation' in 2002 which he held until his death. Zahir Shah was an ethnic
Pashtun who was born on October 15, 1914, in Kabul, Afghanistan. He was the son of Mohammed Nadir
Shah, a senior member of the Barakzai royal family and commander in chief of the Afghan army under
former king Amanullah Khan. Nadir Shah assumed the throne after the execution of Habibullah Ghazi on
October 10, 1929. Mohammed Zahir's father, son of Sardar Mohammad Yusuf Khan, was born
in Dehradun, British India, his family having been exiled following the second Anglo-Afghan war. Nadir
Shah was a descendant of Sardar Sultan Mohammed Khan Telai, half-brother of Amir Dost
Mohammad Khan. His grandfather Mohammad Yahya Khan (father in law of Amir Yaqub Khan)
was in
charge of the negotiations with the British leading to the Treaty of Gandamak. After the British invasion
following the killing of Sir Louis Cavagnari in 1879, Yaqub Khan, Yahya Khan and his sons, Princes Mohammad Yusuf Khan and
Mohammad Asef Khan, were seized by the British and transferred under custody to the British Raj, where they forcibly
remained until the two princes were invited back to Afghanistan by Emir Abdur Rahman Khan in the last year of his reign
(1901). During the reign of Amir Habibullah they received the title of Companions of the King (Musahiban). Zahir Shah was
educated in a special class for princes at Habibia High School in Kabul. He continued his education in France where his father
had been sent as a diplomatic envoy, studying at the Pasteur Institute and the University of Montpellier. When he returned to
Afghanistan he helped his father and uncles restore order and reassert government control during a period of lawlessness in
the country. He was later enrolled at an Infantry School and appointed a privy counsellor. Zahir Shah served in the
government positions of deputy war minister and minister of education. Zahir Shah was fluent in Pashto, Persian, and French.
Zahir Khan was proclaimed King (Shah) on 8 November 1933 at the age of 19, after the assassination of his
father Mohammed Nadir Shah. Following his ascension to the throne he was given the regnal title "He who puts his trust in
God, follower of the firm religion of Islam". For the first thirty years he did not effectively rule, ceding power to his paternal
uncles, Sardar Mohammad Hashim Khan andSardar Shah Mahmud Khan. This period fostered a growth in Afghanistan's
relations with the international community as in 1934, Afghanistan joined the League of Nations while also receiving formal
recognition from the United States. By the end of the 1930s, agreements on foreign assistance and trade had been reached
with many countries, most notably Germany, Italy, and Japan. Zahir Shah provided aid, weapons and Afghan fighters to the
Uighur and Kirghiz Muslim rebels who had established the First East Turkestan Republic. The aid was not capable of saving the
First East Turkestan Republic, as the Afghan, Uighur and Kirghiz forces were defeated in 1934 by the Chinese Muslim 36th
Division (National Revolutionary Army) led by General Ma Zhancang at the Battle of Kashgar and Battle of Yarkand. All the
Afghan volunteers were killed by the Chinese Muslim troops, who then abolished the First East Turkestan Republic, and
reestablished Chinese government control over the area. Following the end of the Second World War, Zahir Shah recognised
the need for the modernisation of Afghanistan and recruited a number of foreign advisers to assist with the process. During
this period Afghanistan's first modern university was founded. During his reign a number of potential advances and reforms
were derailed as a result of factionalism and political infighting. Zahir Shah was able to govern on his own in 1963 and
despite the factionalism and political infighting a new constitution was introduced in 1964 which turned Afghanistan into a
modern democratic state by introducing free elections, a parliament, civil rights, women's rightsand universal suffrage. At
least 5 of Afghani little Pul coins during his reign bore the Arabic title: , "AlMutawakkil 'ala Allah
Muhammad Zhahir Shah" which means "The leaner on Allah, Muhammad Zhahir Shah". The title "AlMutawakkil 'ala Allah",
"The leaner on Allah" is taken from the Quran, Surah 8, verse 61. By the time he returned to Afghanistan in the twenty-first
century, his rule was characterized by a lengthy span of peace, but with no significant progress. In 1973, while Mohammed
Zahir Shah was in Italy undergoing eye surgery as well as therapy for lumbago, his cousin and former Prime
Minister Mohammed Daoud Khan staged acoup d'tat and established a republican government. As a former prime minister,
Daoud Khan had been forced to resign by Zahir Shah a decade earlier. In August 1973, Zahir abdicated rather than risk an allout civil war. Zahir Shah lived in exile in Italy for twenty-nine years in a modest four-bedroom villa in the affluent community
of Olgiata on Via Cassia, north of the city of Rome where he spent his time playing golf and chess, as well as tending to his
garden. He was barred from returning to Afghanistan during Soviet-backed Communist rule in the late 1970s. In 1983 during
the Soviet war in Afghanistan, Zahir Shah was cautiously involved in plans to head a government in exile. Ultimately these
plans failed because he could not reach a consensus with the powerful Islamist factions. In 1991, Zahir Shah survived an
attempt on his life by a knife-wielding assassin who pretended to be a Portuguese journalist. In April 2002, while the country
was no longer under Taliban rule, Zahir Shah returned to Afghanistan to open the Loya Jirga, which met in June 2002. After the
fall of the Taliban, there were open calls for a return to the monarchy. Zahir Shah himself let it be known that he would accept
whatever responsibility was placed on him by the Loya Jirga. However he was obliged to publicly step aside at the behest of
the United States as many of delegates to the Loya Jirga were prepared to vote for Zahir Shah and block the US-backed
Hamid Karzai. While he was prepared to become head of state he made it known that it would not necessarily be as monarch:
"I will accept the responsibility of head of state if that is what the Loya Jirga demands of me, but I have no intention to
restore the monarchy. I do not care about the title of king. The people call me Baba and I prefer this title." He was given the
ceremonial title "Father of the Nation" in the current Constitution of Afghanistan symbolizing his role in Afghanistan's history
as a nonpolitical symbol of national unity. The title of the 'Father of the Nation' dissolved with his death. Hamid Karzai, a
prominent figure from the Popalzai clan, became the president of Afghanistan and Zahir Shah's relatives and supporters were
provided with key posts in the transitional government. Zahir Shah moved back into his old palace. In an October 2002 visit
to France, he slipped in a bathroom, bruising his ribs, and on June 21, 2003, while in France for a medical check-up, he broke
his femur. On February 3, 2004, Zahir was flown from Kabul to New Delhi, India, for medical treatment after complaining of
an intestinal problem. He was hospitalized for two weeks and remained in New Delhi under observation. On May 18, 2004, he
was brought to a hospital in theUnited Arab Emirates because of nose bleeding caused by heat. Zahir Shah attended the
December 7, 2004 swearing in of Hamid Karzai as President of Afghanistan. In his final years, he was frail and required a
microphone pinned to his collar so that his faint voice could be heard. In January 2007, Zahir was reported to be seriously ill
and bedridden. On July 23, 2007, he died in the compound of the presidential palace in Kabul after prolonged illness. His
death was announced on national television by President Karzai. His funeral was held on 24 July. It began on the premises of
the presidential palace, where political figures and dignitaries paid their respects; his coffin was then taken to a mosque
before being moved to the royal mausoleum on Maranjan Hill. He married Humaira Begum (19182002) on November 7, 1931
and had six sons and two daughters: Bilqis Begum (born 1932), Mohammed Akbar Khan (August 10, 1933 - November 26,
1942), Ahmad Shah Khan (b. 1934), Crown Prince, Maryam Begum (born 1936), Mohammed Nadir Khan (b.1941), Shah
Mahmud Khan (November 15, 1946 December 2002.), Mohammed Daoud Khan Pashtunyar (born 1949) and Mir Wais Khan
(b. 1957). In January 2009 an article by Ahmad Majidyar of the American Enterprise Institute included one of his
grandsons, Mostafa Zaher, on a list of fifteen possible candidates in the 2009 Afghan Presidential election. However Mostafa
Zaher did not become a candidate.

List Presidents and Prime Ministers of Afghanistan

Kingdom of Afghanistan
Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Afganistan

Sardar Shir Ahmad

January 1929.

(c. 1885?) was first Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Afganistan from October 25, 1927 until

Emirat of Afghanistan
Prime Minister of the Emirate of Afganistan

Shir Giyan

(died November 1, 1929) was the Prime Minister of the Emirate of Afganistan from January 1929 until his
death on November 1, 1929.

Kingdom of Afghanistan
List of Prime Ministers of the Kingdom of Afganistan

Mohammad Hashim Khan (1885-1953)

was Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Afghanistan from

November 14, 1929 until May 1946. He was the uncle of Mohammad Zahir Shah and the elder brother
of Sardar Shah Mahmud Khan and Sardar Shah Wali Khan. Hashim put into effect the policies already
orchestrated by his brothers. Internal objectives of the new Afghan government focused on strengthening the
army and shoring up the economy, including transport and communications. Both goals required foreign
assistance. Preferring not to rely on the Soviet Union or Britain, Hashim turned to Germany. By 1935 German
experts and businessmen had set up factories and hydroelectric projects at the invitation of the Afghan
government. Smaller amounts of aid were also offered by Japan andItaly. He governed Afghanistan as
Royal Prime Minister from November 14, 1929 until May 1946.

Shah Mahmud Khan (Pashto:

, 1890 - 1959) was the Prime Minister of the

Kingdom of Afghanistan from May 1946 until September 7, 1953. He was from the Pashtun tribe
of Mohammedzai. He was a brother of Nadir Khan, who ousted Habibullah Kalakani(also known as Bacha-ye
Saqqow), and uncle of Zahir Shah, the King of Afghanistan, from 1933 to 1973, and uncle of President
Mohammed Daoud Khan. His other two brothers are Sardar Mohammad Hashim Khan and Sardar Shah Wali
Khan.

Mohammed Daoud Khan or Daud

Khan (July 18, 1909 April 28, 1978) was Prime Minister of the Kingdom of
Afghanistan from September 7, 1953 until March 10, 1963, and later became the President of Afghanistan from July 17, 1973
until April 28, 1978. He overthrew the monarchy of his first cousin Mohammed Zahir Shah and declared himself as the
first President of Afghanistan from 1973 until his assassination in 1978 as a result of the Saur Revolution led by
the Communist People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA). Daoud Khan was known for his progressive policies,
especially in relation to the rights of women and for initiating two five-year modernization plans which increased the labor
force by about 50 percent. However, he was also criticized for heavy repression of dissent, and for promoting nepotism. HRH
Prince Mohammed Daoud (also spelled Daud) was born in Kabul, the eldest son of the diplomat HRH Prince Mohammed Aziz
Khan (18771933) (an older half-brother of King Mohammed Nadir Shah). He lost his father to an assassination in Berlin in
1933, while his father was serving as the Afghan Ambassador to Germany. He and his brother Naim Khan (191178) then
came under the tutelage of their uncle HRH Prince Hashim Khan (18841953). Daoud proved to be an apt student of politics.
Educated in France, he served as the Governor of the Eastern Province from 193435 and in 193839, and was Governor
of Kandahar from 193538. In 1939, Daoud was promoted to Lieutenant-General and commander of the important Kabul
Army Corps until 1946. From 1946 to 1948, he served as Minister of Defense, then Minister of the Interior from 1949 to 1951.
In 1948, he served as Ambassador to France. In 1951, he was promoted to General and served in that capacity as
Commander of the Central Forces in Kabul from 1951 to 1953. Daoud was appointed Prime Minister in September 1953 in an
intra-family transfer of power that involved no violence. His ten-year tenure was noted for his foreign policy turn to the Soviet
Union, the completion of the Helmand Valley project, which radically improved living conditions in southwestern Afghanistan,
and tentative steps towards the emancipation of women. Daoud supported a nationalistic and one-sided reunification of
the Pashtun people with Afghanistan, but this would have involved taking a considerable amount of territory from the new
nation of Pakistan and was in direct antagonism to an older plan of the 1950s whereby a confederation between the two
countries was proposed. The move further worried the non-Pashtun populations of Afghanistan such as the
minority Tajik and Uzbek who suspected Daoud Khan's intention was to increase the Pashtun's disproportionate hold on
political power. During that time, the Pashtuns (or Afghans) represented over 80 percent of the government and held all
important ministries, such as the Ministries of the Interior, Foreign Affairs, Economic Affairs, Defense and even most of the
banks. With the creation of an independent Pakistan, the Durand line conflict with the British colonialists was inherited by the
two countries. In 1961, as a result of Daoud's antagonistic policies and support to militias in areas along the Durand Line,
Pakistan closed its borders with Afghanistan causing an economic crisis and greater dependence on the USSR. The USSR
became Afghanistan's principal trading partner. Within a few months, the USSR had sent jet airplanes, tanks, heavy and light
artillery for a heavily discounted price tag of $25 million. In 1962, Daoud sent troops across the international border into the
Bajaur region of Pakistan in an attempt to manipulate events in that area and to press the Pashtunistan issue, but the Afghan
military forces were routed by Pakistani military. During this period, the propaganda war from Afghanistan, carried on by
radio, was relentless. The crisis was finally resolved with the forced resignation of Daoud Khan in March 1963 and the reopening of the border in May. Pakistan has continued to remain suspicious of Afghan intentions and Daoud's policy has left a
negative impression in the eyes of many Tajik tribesmen who felt they were being disenfranchised for the sake of Pashtun
Nationalism. In 1964, King Zahir introduced a new constitution, for the first time excluding all members of the royal family
from the council of ministers. Daoud had already stepped down. In addition to having been prime minister, Daoud had also
held the portfolios of Minister of Defense and Minister of Planning until 1963. On July 17, 1973, Daoud seized power from his
cousin (and brother-in-law) King Zahir in a bloodless coup. Departing from tradition, and for the first time in Afghan history,
Daoud did not proclaim himself Shah, establishing instead a republic with himself as President. In 1974, Daoud signed one of
two economic packages that would enable Afghanistan to have a far more capable military because of increasing fears of
lacking an up-to-date modern army when compared to the militaries of Iran and Pakistan. Zahir Shah's democratic
constitution with elected organs and the separation of powers was replaced by a now largely nominated Loya Jirga. A new
constitution backed by a Loya Jirga was promulgated in February 1977, but failed to satisfy all political factions. In 1976,

under pressure from the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) and to increase domestic
Pashtun support, he took a stronger line on the Pashtunistan issue and promoted a proxy war in
Pakistan. Trade and transit agreements with Pakistan were subsequently severely affected. Soon after
Daoud's army and police faced a growing Islamic fundamentalist movement, the Islamic fundamentalist
movement's leaders fled to Pakistan. There, they were supported by Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali
Bhutto and encouraged to continue the fight against Daoud. Daoud was successful is suppressing the
movement, however. Later in 1978, when Daoud was promoting his new foreign policy doctrine, he
came to a tentative agreement on a solution to the Pashtunistan problem with Ali Bhutto. In 1977,
Daoud Khan presented a new constitution to the National Assembly, which wrote in several new articles
and amended others. He also began to moderate his socialist policies. In 1978, there was a rift with the
PDPA. Internally, Daoud attempted to distance himself from the communist elements within the coup.
He was concerned about the tenor of many communists in his government and Afghanistan's growing
dependency on the Soviet Union. These moves were highly criticized by Moscow, which feared that
Afghanistan would soon become closer to the West, especially the United States; the Soviets had always feared that the
United States could find a way to influence the government in Kabul. A coup against Daoud, which may have been planned
before he took power, was repressed shortly after his seizure of power. In October 1973, Mohammad Hashim Maiwandwal, a
former prime minister and a highly respected former diplomat, was arrested in a coup plot and died in prison. This was at a
time when Parchamis controlled the Ministry of Interior under circumstances corroborating the widespread belief that he had
been tortured to death. One of the Army generals arrested under suspicion of this plot with Maiwandwal was Mohammed Asif
Safi, who was later released. Daoud personally apologized to him for the arrest. Daoud wanted to lessen the country's
dependence on the Soviet Union and attempted to promote a new foreign policy. He went to Egypt, India, Saudi Arabia,
and Iran for aid. Surprisingly, he did not renew the Pashtunistan agitation; relations with Pakistan improved thanks to
interventions from the US and Iran. The following year, he established his own political party, the National Revolutionary
Party, which became the focus of all political activity. In January 1977, a Loya Jirga approved the constitution establishing a
presidential one-party system of government. President Daoud met Leonid Brezhnev on a state visit to Moscow from April 12
until 15, 1977. Daoud had asked for a private meeting with the Soviet leader to discuss with him the increased pattern of
Soviet actions in Afghanistan. In particular, he discussed the intensified Soviet attempt to unite the two factions of the Afghan
communist parties, Parcham andKhalq. Brezhnev described Afghanistan's non-alignment as important to the USSR and
essential to the promotion of peace in Asia, but warned him about the presence of experts from NATO countries stationed in
the northern parts of Afghanistan. Daoud bluntly replied that Afghanistan would remain free, and that the Soviet Union would
never be allowed to dictate how the country should be governed. After returning to Afghanistan, Daoud made plans that his
government would diminish its relationships with the Soviet Union, and instead forge closer contacts with the West as well as
the oil-rich Saudi Arabia and Iran. Afghanistan signed a co-operative military treaty with Egypt and by 1977, the Afghan
military and police force were being trained by Egyptian Armed forces. This angered the Soviet Union because Egypt took the
same route in 1974 and distanced itself from the Soviets. The April 19, 1978 funeral of Mir Akbar Khyber, the
prominent Parchami ideologue who had been murdered, served as a rallying point for the Afghan communists. An estimated
1,000 to 3,000 persons gathered to hear the stirring speeches by PDPA leaders such as Nur Muhammad Taraki, Hafizullah
Amin and Babrak Karmal. Shocked by this demonstration of communist unity, Daoud ordered the arrest of the PDPA leaders,
but he reacted too slowly. It took him a week to arrest Taraki, Karmal managed to escape to the USSR, and Amin was merely
placed under house arrest. According to PDPA documents, Amin sent complete orders for the coup from his home while it was
under armed guard using his family as messengers. The army had been put on alert on April 26 because of a presumed "antiIslamic" coup. On April 27, 1978, a coup d'tat beginning with troop movements at the military base atKabul International
Airport, gained ground slowly over the next twenty-four hours as rebels battled units loyal to Daoud Khan in and around the
capital. Daoud and most of his family were assassinated during a coup by the communist People's Democratic Party of
Afghanistan. The coup happened in the presidential palace on April 28, 1978. His death was not publicly announced after the
coup. Instead, the new government declared that President Daoud had "resigned for health reasons." (In 1979, Taraki was
killed by Amin, who, in turn, was killed by the KGB; Karmal died in 1996 of cancer in Moscow). In neighboring Pakistan,
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was hanged to death on April 4, 1979, at the central jail in the city of Rawalpindi. On June 28, 2008, the
body of President Daoud and those of his family were found in two separate mass graves in the Pul-e-Charkhi area, District 12
of Kabul city. Initial reports indicate that sixteen corpses were in one grave and twelve others were in the second. (Source:
Azadi Radio/BBC News). On December 4, 2008, the Afghan Health Ministry announced that the body of Daoud had been
identified on the basis of teeth molds and a small golden Quran found near the body. The Quran was a present he had
received from the king of Saudi Arabia. On March 17, 2009 Daoud was given a state funeral. In 1934, Daoud married HRH
Princess Zamina Begum (1917 26 April 1978), sister of King Zahir Shah. The couple had four sons and four daughters:
Zarlasht Daud Khan, Khalid Daud Khan (19471978), Wais Daud Khan (19471978), Muhammad 'Umar Daud Khan (k. 1978).
Dorkhanai Begum, Zarlasht Khanum (k. 1978), Shinkay Begum (k. 1978) and Torpekay Begum.

Mohammad Yusuf Khan (1917 - January 23, 1998) was the Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of the
Kingdom of Afghanistan from March 10, 1963 to November 2, 1965. He was a technocrat who served under the
reign of Mohammed Zahir Shah. He was the first Afghan prime minister not to be part of the royal family. He
resigned on October 29, 1965. Yusuf's predecessor, Mohammed Daoud Khan, had made him Minister of Mines
and Industries in the 1950s.
Mohammad Hashim Maiwandwal (Pashto:

- 1919 - 1973) was Prime Minister of the Kingdom

Afghanistan from November 2, 1965 until October 11, 1967. He was an Afghan politician during the reign of Zahir Shah. After
graduating from high school, Mohammad Hashim became a journalist, editing several newspapers. During the 1950s, he was
appointed as an Afghan ambassador to Britain, the United States and Pakistan alternately from 1955 to 1963. In October
1965, following the election of the new legislature, an impasse over its approval of the new cabinet brought rioting and the
intervention by the army, leading to the death of at least three student demonstrators. The proposed cabinet was withdrawn,
and the constitution of a new one under the leadership of Muhammad Hashim Maiwandwal, a senior diplomat, was approved
with little opposition. Nominated by the King, he quickly established friendly relations with the students, while making it clear
that he was in charge and there were going to be limits to student political activity. He served as Prime Minister of
Afghanistan from November 2, 1965 until October 11, 1967. He resigned due to ill health. Maiwandwal had no children, and
he left all his property to the state. In 1966 he founded the Jamiat Demokrate-ye Mottaraqi (Progressive Democratic Party), a
leftist monarchist party. It advocated evolutionary socialism and parliamentary democracy. Maiwandwal, who was elected in
1965, lost his seat when the government selectively influenced the elections. The rise of Daud to power after the 1973 coup
was galling to other would-be successors, such as Sardar Abdul Wali who was quickly put behind bars. A coup attempt, which
may have been planned before Daoud took power, was subdued shortly after his coup. Whether Maiwandwal was in on the
plot from the start is open to question, but his pro western reputation may explain why he was chosen for its leadership. This

led

to the arrest of Hashim Maiwandwal and 20 others, including the newly promoted chief of air staff, two serving
lieutenant generals, five colonels and one member of the now defunct Wolesi Jirga. In October 1973, he was
said to have committed suicide while awaiting trial. He died in prison at a time when Parchamis controlled the
Ministry of Interior under circumstances corroborating the widespread belief that he had been tortured to
death. That is the main reason the international community in Kabul believes that he was killed when third
degree methods were used to obtain a confession. He actually died from internal haemorrhages resulting
from being kicked in the abdomen by the chief Parchami in charge of his interrogation, while lying on the
floor as a result of previous blows. His body was secretly buried by the police department in the graveyard at
south-east of the city [shuhada-i-salehin],which was discovered in 2004 by Daoud Malikyar.

Mohammad Nur Ahmad Etemadi (February

22, 1921 - August 10, 1979) was

Prime Minister of the
Kingdom of Afghanistan from November 1, 1967 until June 9, 1971. Etemadi was born
in Kandahar,
Afghanistan. He served as ambassador to Pakistan for the first time from 1964 to 1965.
He
was
appointed foreign minister in 1965 and became Prime Minister of Afghanistan on
November 1, 1967.
Due to a failure to improve the stagnating economy, he lost both positions on June 9,
1971 and became
ambassador to Italy. Unlike many politicians who were prominent under the rule
of Zahir
Shah,
Etemadi remained in the government after the 1973 coup in which a republic was
established under the
rule of Mohammed Daoud Khan. Etemadi left Italy and served as ambassador to
the Soviet
Union until
1976. He then served as ambassador to Pakistan until the Communist coup of 1978.
Etemadi
returned
to
Afghanistan and was arrested by the Communist government. In 1979, along with many
other officials in the Zahir Shah and Daud Khan governments, including several other former prime ministers, Etemadi was
executed.

Abdul Zahir (1910

- 1983) was Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Afghanistan from June 9, 1971 until
December 12, 1972, during the reign of King Zahir Shah. An ethnic Pashtun, he was born in the Laghman
Province of Afghanistan. He attended secondary school in Kabul and university in the United States, earning
an MD from Columbia University and a Master's degree in public health from Johns Hopkins University. Zahir
became a medical doctor and returned to Afghanistan to practice medicine, but eventually entered politics.
His political positions included terms as Minister of Health, President of the Parliament, and Ambassador
to Italy and Pakistan. Most prominently, he served as Prime Minister of Afghanistan from June 1971 to
December 1972. A few months after he resigned from that post, King Zahir Shah was overthrown and Abdul
Zahir had to retire from politics. Zahir was married to Quraisha and had four children. His son, the
late
Ahmad Zahir, was a popular musician who died in a car accident in 1979. His daughter, Zahira Zahir, is
a hairdresser in Washington, DC. His eldest son, Asif Zahir (1932-2000) was also politically active during his lifetime as
Minister of Rural Rehabilitation and Development in 1980s and he remained ambassador inKuwait (1989-1992) and Italy
(1992-1993). He resigned from his post and lived in Peshawar, Pakistan, where he started a campaign for peace in
Afghanistan by setting up a political group called the Afghan National Movement (ANM).

Mohammad Musa Shafiq (19321979) was Prime Minister of the

Kingdom of Afghanistan from

December 12, 1972 until July 13, 1973. He was an Afghan politician and poet. He became Foreign
Minister in 1971 and Prime Minister in December 1972. He lost both positions when Mohammed Zahir
Shah was overthrown on July 17, 1973. He survived throughout the regime of Mohammed Daoud Khan,
but was arrested after the 1978 communist coup d'tat and executed along with many other noncommunist politicians in 1979. Mohammad Musa Shafiq was born in Kama district, Nagarhar province,
Afghanistan in 1932. Son of prominent Afghan politicians and civil servants. Mohammad Musa Shafiq
was graduated from Kabul Arabic Religious High School. He earned his Master's degree from Al-Azhar
University in Egypt. "He earned an additional Master's degree from Columbia University in New York,
United States of America." As prime minister, Shafiq sought closer ties with the United States and
promised a crack-down on opium growing and smuggling. Shafiq was only seven month prime minister.

Chairman of the Revolutionary Council of the Armed Forces of Afghanistan

Abdul Qadir Dagarwal (born 1944) was a colonel, and the leader of the

Afghan Air Force squadrons that attacked the

Radio-TV Station during the 1978 Coup that started the Saur Revolution. Ironically, he also participated in the 1973 Coup that
created the Daoud Republic of Afghanistan under the Presidency of Mohammad Daoud Khan. He served as the leader of the
country for 3 days from April 27 until April 30, 1978 when the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan took power and
declared the foundation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. He was born in 1944 in Herat and trained as a pilot in
the USSR. Former Prime Minister Mohammad Daoud Khan led the coup with General Abdul Karim Mustaghni, who had
been Chief of Staff of the armed forces. Daoud promised radical land reform, the legalisation of political parties and other
reforms. The Parcham was offered four minister posts in Daoud's government. As a Parcham member, Qadir was nominated
vice-commander of the Afghan air force, while another Parcham supporter, Major Zia Mohammadzi Zia, was appointed head
of the Afghan army. However, by 1974 Daoud removed and downgraded many of the Parcham ministers in the government.
Qadir was thus downgraded to head of Kabul's Military abattoir. Many Parcham supporters, including Major Qadir, shifted
allegiance to Khalq. Suddenly in April 1978, Daoud and his hardline interior minister, General Abdul Qadir Khan Nuristani,
launched a sharp government crackdown on the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA). It proved to be a
miscalculation. Major Qadir and Colonel Mohammad Aslam Watanjar, another leading PDPA member in the military, narrowly
escaped arrest and early on April 27 Hafizullah Amin was able to smuggle out the order to restart the coup. He also ordered
the attack against the Arg, and against the Royal Palace of President Mohammad Daoud Khan. The tank commander on the
ground was Colonel Aslam Watanjar, of the first battalion of the 4th tank brigade. Together, the troops under their command
tookKabul. The government fell, and Daoud was killed. At 7:00 P.M. on April 27, Qadir made an announcement over Radio
Afghanistan, in the Dari language, that a Revolutionary Council of the Armed Forces had been established, with himself at its
head. The council's initial statement of principles, issued late in the evening of April 27, was a noncommittal affirmation
of Islamic, democratic, and nonaligned ideals: " For the first time in the history of Afghanistan, the radio declared, the last
remnants of monarchy, tyranny, despotism... has ended, and all powers of the state are in the hands of the people of
Afghanistan." The Revolutionary Council was formed by himself, Hafizullah Amin, and Major Mohammad Aslam Watanjar, it
assumed the control of the country until a civilian government was formed. On April 30 the newly created PDPA's
Revolutionary Council (with Nur Mohammad Taraki and Babrak Karmal in its leadership) issued the first of a series of fateful
decrees. The decree formally abolished the militarys revolutionary council. A second decree, issued on May 1, named the
members of the first cabinet that included Qadir as Minister of Defense. He became minister of defense, for three months
starting in May, 1978. On May 6, Qadir asked the Soviet commanders for advice on how to deal with all the people under
arrest. On August 17, Qadir, still defense minister, was arrested for his part in a conspiracy that allegedly had been organized

by the Parchams exiled abroad. Since Qadir remained popular in the military, President Taraki didn't dare
to kill him. Instead he was sentenced to fifteen years in jail. The policy of Taraki and Hafizullah Amin to get
rid of people they considered unsuitable in order to concentrate all power in their own hands became very
apparent. Prime MinisterAmin later reported: The party was unable to make Qadir a true Marxist-Leninist,
prepared to withstand any negative influence. That was our mistake." After the Soviet invasion of
Afghanistan in 1979 which assassinated Hafizullah Amin, Qadir was released from jail under the new
regime of Babrak Karmal, the political posts he held in the PDPA before being sent to jail were restored. He
served once again as Minister of Defense (1982- 1985) during the Babrak Administration. After the Soviet
Invasion, Kabul was put in a state of siege. The bridges were blocked, barriers and hidden ambushes were
set up on all the roads leading into the city. Qadir was made commander of the city. As part of the changes
in the leadership of the country, he resigned from the Politburo in November, 1985, a year later was
appointed Ambassador toWarsaw, Poland by President Mohammad Najibullah. He was recalled to Afghanistan in 1988, were
he got elected to Parliament. After the Soviet withdrawal in 1989 it was believed he fled to Bulgaria and sought
political asylum.

Democratic Republic of Afghanistan

List of Chairmans of the Presidium of the Revolutionary Council , Chairmans of the Council of
Ministers and Chairmen of the Revolutionary Council of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan

Nur Muhammad Taraki (July 15, 1917 September 14, 1979) was the

Chairmen of the Revolutionary Council of the

Democratic Republic of Afghanistan from April 30, 1978 until September 14, 1979. Taraki was born near Kabul and educated
at Kabul University, after which he started his political career as a journalist. He later became one of the founding members
of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) and was elected as the party's General Secretary at its first congress.
He ran as a candidate in the 1965 Afghan parliamentary election but failed to secure himself a seat. In 1966 he published the
first issue of Khalq, a party newspaper, but it was closed down shortly afterwards by the Afghan Government. The
assassination of Mir Akbar Khyber led Taraki, along with Hafizullah Amin (the organiser of the revolution) and Babrak Karmal,
to initiate the Saur Revolution and establish the communist Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. The presidency of Taraki,
albeit short-lived, was marked by controversies from beginning to end. Taraki launched a land reform on 1 January 1978
which proved to be highly unpopular and, along with his government's other reforms, led to a popular backlash which
initiated the Afghan civil war. Despite repeated attempts throughout his reign, Taraki proved unable to persuade the Soviet
Union to intervene in support of the restoration of civil order. At the beginning of his rule, the Government was divided
between two PDPA factions: the Khalqists (which Taraki was the leader of), the majority, and the Parchamites, the minority. In
1978, shortly after his rule began, Taraki started a purge of the government and party which led to several high-ranking
Parchamite members being sent into de facto exile by being assigned to serve overseas as ambassadors. His reign was
marked by a cult of personality centered around himself that had been cultivated by Amin. His relationship with Amin turned
sour during his rule, ultimately resulting in Taraki's murder on September 14, 1979, upon Amin's orders. Taraki was born to a
rural Ghilzai Pashtun peasant family in Naawa district, Ghazni Provence on July 15, 1917. He was the oldest of three
children and attended a village school in Nawa before leaving in 1932, at the age of 15, to work in the port city
of Bombay,India. There he met a Kandahari merchant family who employed him as a clerk for the Pashtun Trading Company.
Taraki's first encounter with communism was during his night courses, where he met several Communist Party of
India members who impressed him with their discussions on social justice and communist values. Another important event
was his encounter with Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, a Pashtun nationalist and leader of the Red Shirt Movement in neighboring
India, who was an admirer of the works of Vladimir Lenin. In 1937 he started working for Abdul Majid Zabuli, the Minister of
Economics, who introduced Taraki to several Russians. Later Taraki became Deputy Head of the Bakhtrar News Agency and
became known throughout the country as an author and poet. His best known book, the De Bang Mosaferi, highlights the
socio-economic difficulties facing Afghan workers and peasants. His works were translated into Russian; in the Soviet Union,
where his work was viewed as embodying scientific socialist themes, Taraki was hailed by the government as
"Afghanistan's Maxim Gorky". During a visit to the Soviet Union Taraki was greeted by Boris Ponomarev, the Head of
the International Department of the Central Committee, and other Communist Party of the Soviet Union members. Under
Mohammad Daoud Khan's prime ministership, suppression of radicals was common. However, because of his language skills,
Taraki was sent to the Afghan embassy in the United States in 1952. Within several months Taraki began denouncing the
Afghan regime and accused it of being autocratic and dictatorial. His denunciation of the Afghan Government earned him
much publicity in the United States. It also attracted unfavorable attention from authorities back home, who relieved him of
his post and ordered him repatriated but stopped short of placing him under arrest. After a short period of unemployment
Taraki started working for the United States Overseas Mission in Kabul as a translator. He quit his job in 1958 and established
his own translation company, the Noor Translation Bureau. Four years later. Taraki started working for the American Embassy
in Kabul, but quit in 1963 to focus on the establishment of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA), a communist
political party. At the founding congress of the PDPA, held in Taraki's own home, Taraki won a competitive election
against Babrak Karmal to the post of general secretary on January 1, 1965. Karmal became second secretary. Taraki ran as a
candidate for the PDPA during theSeptember 1965 parliamentary election but did not win a seat. Shortly after the election,
Taraki launched Khalq, the first major left-wing newspaper in Afghanistan. The paper was banned within one month of its first
printing. In 1967, less than two years after its founding, the PDPA split into several factions. The largest of these included
Khalq (English: Masses) led by Taraki, and Parcham (English: Banner) led by Karmal. The main differences between the
factions were ideological, with Taraki supporting the creation of a Leninist-like state, while Karmal wanted to establish a
"broad democratic front". On April 19, 1978 a prominent leftist named Mir Akbar Khyber was assassinated and the murder
was blamed on Mohammed Daoud Khan's Government. His death served as a rallying point for the Afghan communists.
Fearing a communist coup d'etat, Daoud ordered the arrest of certain PDPA leaders, including Taraki and Karmal, while
placing others such as Hafizullah Amin under house arrest. On April 27, 1978 the Saur Revolution was initiated, reportedly by
Amin while still under house arrest. Khan was killed the next day along with most of his family. The PDPA rapidly gained
control and on May 1, 1978 Taraki became Chairman of the Revolutionary Council, a role which subsumed the responsibilities
of both president and Chairman of the Council of Ministers (literally prime minister in Western parlance). The country was
then renamed the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan (DRA), installing a regime that would last until April 1992. Taraki was
appointed Chairman of the Presidium of the Revolutionary Council and Council of Minister chairman, while he retained his
post as general secretary of the PDPA. Taraki was appointed Chairman of the Revolutionary Council and Chairman of
the Council of Minister, and retained his post as PDPA general secretary. Taraki initially formed a government which consisted
of both Khalqists and Parchamites; Karmal became Deputy Chairman of the Presidium of the Revolutionary Council while Amin
became Minister of Foreign Affairs and Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers. Internal problems soon arose and several
prominent Khalqists accused the Parcham faction of conspiring against the Taraki government. A Khalqi purge of the Parcham
then began with the faction's most prominent members being sent out of the country: Karmal became the Afghan
ambassador to Czechoslovakia and Mohammad Najibullah became the Afghan ambassador to Iran. Internal struggle was not
only to be found between the Khalqist and Parchamites; tense rivalry between Taraki and Amin had begun in the Khalq faction

with both vying for control. Karmal was recalled from Czechoslovakia but rather than return to
Afghanistan he went into hiding with Anahita Ratebzad, his friend and former Afghan ambassador to
Yugoslavia, as he feared execution if he returned. Muhammad Najibullah followed them. Taraki
consequently stripped them of all official titles and political authority. Taraki's Government initiated
a land reform on 1 January 1979 which attempted to limit the amount of land a family could own. Those
whose landholdings exceeded the limit saw their property requisitioned by the government without
compensation. The Afghan leadership believed the reform would meet with popular approval among
the rural population while weakening the power of the bourgeoisie. The reform was declared complete
in mid-1979 and the government proclaimed that 665,000 hectares (approximately 1,632,500 acres)
had been redistributed. The government also declared that only 40,000 families, or 4 percent of the
population, had been negatively affected by the land reform. Contrary to government expectations the
reform was neither popular nor productive. Agricultural harvests plummeted and the reform itself led to
rising discontent amongst Afghans. When Taraki realized the degree of popular dissatisfaction with the
reform he quickly abandoned the policy. However, the land reform was gradually implemented under the later Karmal
administration, although the proportion of land area impacted by the reform is unclear. In the months following the coup,
Taraki and other party leaders initiated other radical Marxist policies that challenged both traditional Afghan values and wellestablished traditional power structures in rural areas. Taraki introduced women to political life and legislated an end to
forced marriage. However, Taraki ruled over a nation with a deep Islamic religious culture and a long history of resistance to
any type of strong centralized governmental control, and consequently many of these reforms were not actually implemented
nationwide. Popular resentment of Taraki's drastic policy changes triggered surging unrest throughout the country, reducing
government control to only a limited area. The strength of this anti-reform backlash would ultimately lead to the Afghan civil
war. Under the previous administration of Mohammad Daoud Khan, a literacy program created by UNESCO had been
launched with the objective of eliminating illiteracy within 20 years. The government of Taraki attempted to reduce this time
frame from 20 to four years, an unrealistic goal in light of the shortage of teachers and limited government capacity to
oversee such an initiative. The duration of the project was later lengthened to seven years by the Soviets in the aftermath of
the Soviet intervention. The cultural focus of the UNESCO programme was declared "rubbish" by Taraki, who instead chose to
introduce a political orientation by utilizing PDPA leaflets and left-wing pamphlets as basic reading material.
We believe it would be a fatal mistake to commit ground troops. [...] If our troops went in, the situation in your country would
not improve. On the contrary, it would get worse. Our troops would have to struggle not only with an external aggressor, but
with a significant part of your own people. And the people would never forgive such things" Alexei Kosygin, the Chairman
of the USSR Council of Ministers, in response to Taraki's request for Soviet presence in Afghanistan
Taraki signed a Twenty-Year Treaty of Friendship with the Soviet Union on 5 December 1978 which greatly expanded Soviet aid
to his regime. Following the Herat uprising, Taraki contacted Alexei Kosygin, chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers, and
asked for "practical and technical assistance with men and armament". Kosygin was unfavorable to the proposal on the basis
of the negative political repercussions such an action would have for his country, and he rejected all further attempts by
Taraki to solicit Soviet military aid in Afghanistan. Following Kosygin's rejection Taraki requested aid from Leonid Brezhnev,
the general secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and Soviet head of state, who warned Taraki that full Soviet
intervention "would only play into the hands of our enemies both yours and ours". Brezhnev also advised Taraki to ease up
on the drastic social reforms and to seek broader support for his regime. In 1979, Taraki attended a conference of the NonAligned Movement in Havana, Cuba. On his way back he stopped inMoscow on 20 March and met with Brezhnev, foreign
minister Andrei Gromyko and other Soviet officials. It was rumoured that Karmal was present at the meeting in an attempt to
reconcile Taraki's Khalq faction and the Parcham against Amin and his followers. At the meeting, Taraki was successful in
negotiating some Soviet support, including the redeployment of two Soviet armed divisions at the Soviet-Afghan border, the
sending of 500 military and civilian advisers and specialists and the immediate delivery of Soviet armed equipment sold at 25
percent below the original price. However the Soviets were not pleased about the developments in Afghanistan and Brezhnev
impressed upon Taraki the need for party unity. Despite reaching this agreement with Taraki, the Soviets continued to be
reluctant to intervene further in Afghanistan and repeatedly refused Soviet military intervention within Afghan borders during
Taraki's rule as well as later during Amin's short rule. In the first months after the revolution, Hafizullah Amin and Taraki had
a very close relationship. Taraki reportedly remarked, "Amin and I are like nail and flesh, not separable". Amin set about
constructing a personality cult centered on Taraki. In party and government meetings Amin always referred to Taraki as "The
Great Leader", "The Star of the East" or "The Great Thinker" among other titles, while Amin was given such titles as "The True
Disciple and Student". Amin would later come to realize he had created a monster when the Kim Il-sung-like personality cult
he had created inspired Taraki to become overly confident and believe in his own brilliance. Taraki began discounting Amin's
suggestions, fostering in Amin a deep sense of resentment. As their relationship turned increasingly sour, a power struggle
developed between them for the control of the Afghan Army. Their relations came to a head later that year when Taraki
accused Amin of nepotism after Amin had appointed several family members to high-ranking positions. Taraki could count on
the support of four prominent army officers in his struggle against Amin: Aslam Watanjar, Sayed Mohammad
Gulabzoy, Sherjan Mazdoryar and Assadullah Sarwari. These men had joined the PDPA not because of ideological reasons, but
instead due to their lofty political ambitions. They also had developed a close relationship with Alexander Puzanov, the Soviet
ambassador in Afghanistan, who was eager to use them against Amin. After the Herat city uprising on March 17, 1979,
the PDPA Politburo and the Revolut ionary Council established the Homeland Higher Defence Council, to which Taraki was
elected its chairman while Amin became its deputy. At around the same time, Taraki left his post as Council of Ministers
chairman and Amin was elected his successor. Amin's new position offered him little real influence, however; as Chairman of
the Council of Ministers, Amin had the power to elect every member of the cabinet, but all of them had to be approved by the
head of state, Taraki. In reality, through this maneuver Taraki had effectively reduced Amin's power base by forcing him to
relinquish his hold on the Afghan army in order to take on the supposedly heavy responsibilities of his new but ultimately
powerless post. During Taraki's foreign visit to the non-aligned conference in Havana, his Gang of Four had received an
intelligence report that Amin was planning to arrest or kill them. This report, it turned out, was incorrect. Nonetheless, the
Gang of Four were ordered to assassinate Amin, its leader Sarwari selecting his nephew Aziz Akbari to conduct the
assassination. However, Akbari was not informed that he was the chosen assassin or that it was a secret mission, and he
confided the information to contacts in the Soviet embassy. The Soviet embassy responded by warning Amin of the
assassination attempt, thereby saving him from certain death. Taraki was greeted by Amin at the airport on his return to
Kabul. The flight was scheduled to land at 2:30 but Amin forced the delay of the landing by an hour as a demonstration to
Taraki of his control over the government. Shortly afterward, Taraki sought to neutralize Amin's power and influence by
requesting that he serve overseas as an ambassador. Amin turned down the proposal, shouting "You are the one who should
quit! Because of drink and old age you have taken leave of your senses." The following day Taraki invited Amin to the
presidential palace for lunch with him and the Gang of Four. Amin turned down the offer, stating he would prefer their
resignation rather than lunching with them. Soviet ambassador Puzanov managed to persuade Amin to make the visit to the
Presidential Palace along with Sayed Daoud Tarun, the Chief of Police and Nawab Ali (an intelligence officer). Upon arriving at
the palace, unknown individuals within the building opened fire on the visitors. Tarun was killed, while Ali sustained an injury

and escaped with an unharmed Amin. Shortly afterward, Amin returned to the palace with a contingent of Army officers and
placed Taraki under arrest. The Gang of Four, however, had "disappeared" and their whereabouts would remain unknown for
the duration of Amin's 104-day rule. After Taraki's arrest, Amin reportedly discussed the incident with Leonid Brezhnev in
which he said, "Taraki is still around. What should I do with him?" Brezhnev replied that it was his choice. Amin, who now
believed he had the full support of the Soviets, ordered the death of Taraki. Taraki was subsequently suffocated with pillows.
The Afghan media would report that the ailing Taraki had died, omitting any mention of his murder. [

Hafizullah Amin (August 1, 1929 December 27, 1979) was Chairman of the Presidium of the Revolutionary Council of
Afghanistan from September 14 until December 27, 1978. Amin was born in Paghman and educated at Kabul University, after
which he started his career as a teacher. After a few years in that occupation, he went to the United States to study. He would
visit the United States a second time before moving permanently to Afghanistan, and starting his career in radical politics. He
ran as a candidate in the 1965 parliamentary election but failed to secure a seat. Amin was the only Khalqist elected to
parliament in the 1969 parliamentary election, thus increasing his standing within the party. He was one of the leading
organisers of the Saur Revolution which overthrew the government of Mohammad Daoud Khan. Amin's short-lived presidency
was marked by controversies from beginning to end. He came to power by ordering the death of his predecessor Nur
Muhammad Taraki. The revolt against communist rule which had begun under Taraki worsened under Amin, and was a
problem that his government was unable to solve. The Soviet Union, which alleged that Amin was an agent of
the CIA, intervened in Afghanistan on behalf of the Twenty-Year Treaty of Friendship between Afghanistan and the Soviet
Union. Amin was assassinated by the Soviets in December 1979 as part of Operation Storm-333, having ruled for slightly
longer than three months. Hafizullah Amin was born to a Ghilzai Pashtun family in Paghman on August 1, 1929. His father, a
civil servant, died when he was still very young. Thanks to his brother Abdullah, a primary school teacher, Amin was able to
attend both primary and secondary school, which in turn led him to be able to attend Kabul University (KU). After studying
mathematics there, he also graduated from the Darul Mualimeen Teachers College in Kabul, and became a teacher. Amin
later became vice-principal of the Darul Mualimeen College, and then principal of the prestigious Avesina High School, and in
1957 left Afghanistan for Columbia University in New York City, from which he graduated with an M. A. in education. It was at
Columbia that Amin became attracted to Marxism, and in 1958 he became a member of the university's Socialist Progressive
Club. When he returned to Afghanistan, Amin became a teacher at Kabul University, and later, for the second time, the
principal of Avesina High School. During this period Amin became acquainted with Nur Muhammad Taraki, a communist.
Around this time, Amin quit his position as principal of Avesina High School in order to become principal of the Darul
Mualimeen College. It is alleged that Amin became radicalised during his second stay in the United States in 1962, when he
enrolled in a work-study group at the University of Wisconsin. Amin studied the doctoral programme at the Columbia
University Teachers College, but started to neglect his studies in favour of politics; in 1963 he became head of the Afghan
students' association at the college. When he returned to Afghanistan in the mid-1960s, the route flew to Afghanistan by way
of Moscow. There, Amin met the Afghan ambassador to the Soviet Union, his old friend Ali Ahmad Popel, a previous
Afghan Minister of Education. During his short stay, Amin became even more radicalised. Some people, Nabi Misdaq for
instance, do not believe he travelled through Moscow, but rather West Germany andLebanon. By the time he had returned to
Afghanistan, the Communist People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) had already held its founding congress, which
was in 1965. Amin ran as a candidate for the PDPA in the 1965 parliamentary election, and lost by a margin of less than fifty
votes. In 1966, when the PDPA Central Committee was expanded, Amin was elected as a non-voting member, and in the
spring of 1967 he gained full membership. Amin's standing in the Khalq faction of the PDPA increased when he was the only
Khalqist elected to parliament in the 1969 parliamentary election. When the PDPA split along factional lines in 1967, between
Khalqists led by Nur andParchamites led by Babrak Karmal, Amin joined the Khalqists. As a member of parliament, Amin tried
to win over support from the Pashtun people in the armed forces. According to a biography about Amin, he used his position
as member of parliament to fight against imperialism, feudalism, and reactionary tendencies, and fought against the "rotten"
regime, the monarchy. Amin himself said that he used his membership in parliament to pursue the class struggle against
the bourgeoisie. Relations between Khalqists and Parchamites deteriorated during this period. Amin, the only Khalq member
of parliament, and Babrak Karmal, the only Parcham member of parliament, did not cooperate with each other. Amin would
later, during his short stint in power, mention these events with bitterness. Following the arrest of fellow PDPA
members Dastagir Panjsheri and Saleh Mohammad Zeary in 1969, Amin became one of the party's leading members, and
was still a pre-eminent party member by the time of their release in 1973. From 1973 until the PDPA unification in 1977, Amin
was second only to Taraki in the Khalqist PDPA. When the PDPA ruled Afghanistan, their relationship was referred to as a
disciple (Amin) following his mentor (Taraki). This official portrayal of the situation was misleading; their relationship was
more work-oriented. Taraki needed Amin's "tactical and strategic talents"; Amin's motivations are more uncertain, but it is
commonly believed that he associated with Taraki to protect his own position. Amin had attracted many enemies during his
career, the most notable being Karmal. According to the official version of events, Taraki protected Amin from party members
or others who wanted to hurt the PDPA and the country. When Mohammed Daoud Khan ousted the monarchy, and
established the Republic of Afghanistan, the Khalqist PDPA offered its support for the new regime if it established a National
Front which presumably included the Khalqist PDPA itself. The Parchamite PDPA had already established an alliance with
Daoud at the beginning of his regime, and Karmal called for the dissolution of the Khalqist PDPA. Karmal's call for dissolution
only worsened relations between the Khalqist and Parchamite PDPA. However, Taraki and Amin were lucky; Karmal's alliance
actually hurt the Parchamites' standing in Afghan politics. Some communists in the armed forces became disillusioned with
the government of Daoud, and turned to the Khalqist PDPA because of its apparent independence. Parchamite association
with the Daoud government indirectly led to the Khalqist-led PDPA coup of 1978, popularly referred to as the Saur Revolution.
From 1973 until the 1978 coup, Amin was responsible for organising party work in the Afghan armed forces. According to the
official version, Amin "met patriotic liaison officers day or night, in the desert or the mountains, in the fields or the forests,
enlightening them on the basis of the principles of theworking class ideology." Amin's success in recruiting military officers
lay in the fact that Daoud "betrayed the left" soon after taking power. When Amin began recruiting military officers for the
PDPA, it was not difficult for him to find disgruntled military officers. In the meantime, relations between the Parchamite and
Khalqist PDPA deteriorated; in 1973 it was rumoured that Major Zia Mohammadzai, a Parchamite and head of the Republican
Guard, planned to assassinate the entire Khalqist leadership. The plan, if true, failed because the Khalqists found out about it.
The assassination attempt proved to be a further blow to relations between the Parchamites and Khalqists. The Parchamites
deny that they ever planned to assassinate the Khalqist leadership, but historian Beverley Male argues that Karmal's
subsequent activities give credence to the Khalqist view of events. Because of the Parchamite assassination attempt, Amin
pressed the Khalqist PDPA to seize power in 1976 by ousting Daoud. The majority of the PDPA leadership voted against such a
move. The following year, in 1977, the Parchamites and Khalqists officially reconciled, and the PDPA was unified. The
Parchamite and Khalqist PDPAs, which had separate general secretaries, politburos, central committees and other
organisational structures, were officially unified in the summer of 1977. One reason for unification was that the international
communist movement, represented by the Communist Party of India, Iraqi Communist Party and the Communist Party of
Australia, called for party unification. On 18 April 1978 Mir Akbar Khyber, the chief ideologue of the Parcham faction, was
killed; he was commonly believed to have been assassinated by the Daoud government. Khyber's assassination initiated a
chain of events which led to the PDPA taking power eleven days later, on 27 April. The assassin was never caught,

but Anahita Ratebzad, a Parchamite, believed that Amin had ordered the assassination. Khyber's
funeral evolved into a large anti-government demonstration. Daoud, who did not understand the
significance of the events, began a mass arrest of PDPA members seven days after Khyber's funeral.
Amin, who organised the subsequent revolution against Daoud, was one of the last Central Committee
members to be arrested by the authorities. His late arrest can be considered as proof of the regime's
lack of information; Amin was the leading revolutionary party organiser. The government's lack of
awareness was proven by the arrest of Taraki Taraki's arrest was the pre-arranged signal for the
revolution to commence. When Amin found out that Taraki had been arrested, he ordered the
revolution to begin at 9am on 27 April. Amin, in contrast to Taraki, was not imprisoned, but instead
put under house arrest. His son, Abdur Rahman, was still allowed freedom of movement. The
revolution was successful, thanks to overwhelming support from the Afghan military; for instance, it
was supported by Defence Minister Ghulam Haidar Rasuli, Aslam Watanjar the commander of the
ground forces, and the Chief of Staff of the Afghan Air Force, Abdul Qadir Dagarwal. After the Saur
revolution,
Taraki
was
appointed
Chairman
of
the
Presidium
of
the Revolutionary
Council and Chairman of the Council of Ministers, and retained his post as PDPA general secretary. Taraki initially formed a
government which consisted of both Khalqists and Parchamites; Karmal became Deputy Chairman of the Revolutionary
Council while Amin became Minister of Foreign Affairs and a Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers, and Mohammad
Aslam Watanjar became a Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers. The two Parchamites Abdul Qadir
Dagarwal and Mohammad Rafi became Minister of National Defence and Minister of Public Works respectively. According to
Angel Rasanayagam, the appointment of Amin, Karmal and Watanjar as Deputy Chairmen of the Council of Ministers led to
the establishment of three cabinets; the Khalqists were answerable to Amin, the Parchamites were answerable to Karmal, and
the military officers (who were Parchamites) were answerable to Watanjar. The first conflict between the Khalqists and
Parchamites arose when the Khalqists wanted to give PDPA Central Committee membership to the military officers who
participated in the Saur Revolution. Amin, who had previously opposed the appointment of military officers to the PDPA
leadership, switched sides; he now supported their elevation. The PDPA Politburo voted in favour of giving membership to the
military officers; the victors (the Khalqists) portrayed the Parchamites as opportunists, implying that the Parchamites had
ridden the revolutionary wave, but not actually participated in the revolution. To make matters worse for the Parchamites, the
term Parcham was, according to Taraki, a word synonymous with factionalism. On June 27, 1978, three months after the
revolution, Amin managed to outmaneuver the Parchamites at a Central Committee meeting. The meeting decided that the
Khalqists had exclusive rights to formulate and decide policy, a policy which left the Parchamites impotent. Karmal was
exiled, but was able to establish a network with the remaining Parchamites in government. A coup to overthrow Amin was
planned for September. Its leading members in Afghanistan were Qadir, the defence minister, and Army Chief of Staff
General Shahpur Ahmedzai. The coup was planned for 4 September, on the Festival of Eid, because soldiers and officers
would be off duty. The conspiracy failed when the Afghan ambassador to India told the Afghan leadership about the plan. A
purge was initiated, and Parchamite ambassadors were recalled; few returned, for example Karmal andMohammad
Najibullah both stayed in their assigned countries. The Afghan people revolted against the PDPA government when the
government introduced several socialist reforms, including land reforms. By early 1979, twenty-five out of Afghanistan's
twenty-eight provinces were unsafe because of armed resistance against the government. On March 29, 1979, the Herat
uprising began; the uprising turned the revolt into an open war between the Mujahideen and the Afghan government. It was
during this period that Amin became Kabul's strongman. Shortly after the Herat uprising had been crushed, the Revolutionary
Council convened to ratify the new Five-Year Plan, the AfghanSoviet Friendship Treaty, and to vote on whether or not to
reorganise the Council of Ministers and to enhance the power of the executive (the Chairman of the Revolutionary Council).
While the official version of events said that all issues were voted on democratically at the meeting, the Revolutionary Council
held another meeting the following day to ratify the new Five-Year Plan and to discuss the reorganisation of the Council of
Ministers.
"As one of our slogans is 'to everyone according to his capacity and work', therefore as a result of past performances and
services he has won our greater trust and assurances. I have full confidence in him and in the light of this confidence I
entrust him with this job..." Taraki telling his colleagues why Amin should be appointed Chairman of the Council of
Ministers.
Alexander Puzanov, the Soviet ambassador to Afghanistan, was able to persuade Aslam Watanjar, Sayed Mohammad
Gulabzoyand Sherjan Mazdoryar to become part of a conspiracy against Amin. These three men put pressure on Taraki, who
by this time believed that "he really was the 'great leader'", to sack Amin from office. It is unknown if Amin knew anything
about the conspiracy against him, but it was after the reorganisation of the Council of Ministers had taken place that he
talked about his dissatisfaction. On 26 March the PDPA Politburo and the Council of Ministers approved the extension of the
powers of the executive branch, and the establishment of the Homeland Higher Defence Council (HHDC) to handle security
matters. Many analysts of the day regarded Amin's appointment to the Chairmanship of the Council of Ministers as an
increase in his powers at the expense of Taraki. However, the reorganisation of the Council of Ministers and the strengthening
of Taraki's position as Chairman of the Revolutionary Council, had reduced the authority of the Chairman of the Council of
Ministers. The Council of Ministers chairman was, due to the strengthening of the executive, now appointed by the Chairman
of the Revolutionary Council. While Amin could appoint and dismiss new ministers, he needed the consent of Taraki to
actually do so. Another problem for Amin was that while the Council of Ministers was responsible to the Revolutionary Council
and its chairman, individual ministers were only responsible to Taraki. When Amin became Chairman of the Council of
Ministers, he was responsible for planning, finance and budgetary matters, the conduct of foreign policy, and for order and
security. The order and security responsibilities had been taken over by the HHDC, which was chaired by Taraki. While Amin
was HHDC Deputy Chairman, the majority of HHDC members were members of the anti-Amin faction. For instance, the HHDC
membership included Watanjar the Minister of National Defence, Interior Minister Mazdoryar, the President of the Political
Affairs of the Armed Forces Mohammad Iqbal, Mohammad Yaqub, the Chief of the General Staff, the Commander of
the Afghan Air Force Nazar Mohammad and Assadullah Sarwari the head of ASGA, the Afghan secret police. The order of
precedence had been institutionalised, whereby Taraki was responsible for defence and Amin responsible for assisting Taraki
in defence related matters. Amin's position was given a further blow by the democratisation of the decision-making process,
which allowed its members to contribute; most of them were against Amin. Another problem for Amin was that the office of
HHDC Deputy Chairman had no specific functions or powers, and the appointment of a new defence minister who opposed
him drastically weakened his control over the Ministry of National Defence. The reorganisation of ministers was a further blow
to Amin's position; he had lost control of the defence ministry, the interior ministry and the ASGA. Amin still had allies at the
top, many of them in strategically important positions, for instance, Yaqub was his brother-in-law and the Security Chief in the
Ministry of Interior was Sayed Daoud Taroon, who was also later appointed to the HHDC as an ordinary member in April. Amin
succeeded in appointing two more of his allies to important positions; Mohammad Sediq Alemyar as Minister of
Planning and Khayal Mohammad Katawazi asMinister of Information and Culture; and Faqir Mohammad Faqir was appointed
Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers in April 1978. Amin's political position was not secure when Alexei Yepishev, the
Head of the Main Political Directorate of the Soviet Army and Navy, visited Kabul. Yepishev met personally with Taraki on April

7, 1978 but never met with Amin. The Soviets were becoming increasingly worried about Amin's control over the Afghan
military. Even so, during Yepishev's visit Amin's position was actually strengthened; Taroon was appointed Taraki's aide-decamp.
"Our homeland's enemies, the enemies of the working class movement all over the world are trying to penetrate into the
PDPA leadership and above all woo the working class party leader but the people of Afghanistan and the PDPA both take
great pride in the fact that the PDPA and its General-Secretary enjoys a great personality which render him impossible to
woo." Amin in a speech were he warned againstsectarianism in the PDPA.
Soon after, at two meetings of the Council of Ministers, the strengthening of the executive powers of the Chairman of the
Revolutionary Council was proven. Even though Amin was Chairman of the Council of Ministers, Taraki chaired the meetings
instead of him. Amin's presence at these two meetings was not mentioned at all, and it was made clear that Taraki, through
his office as Chairman of the Revolutionary Council, also chaired the Council of Ministers. Another problem facing Amin was
Taraki's policy of autocracy; he tried to deprive the PDPA Politburo of its powers as a party and state decision-making organ.
The situation deteriorated when Amin personally warned Taraki that "the prestige and popularity of leaders among the people
has no common aspect with a personality cult." Factionalism within the PDPA made it ill prepared to handle the
intensified counter-revolutionary activities in the country. Amin tried to win support for the communist government by
depicting himself as a devout Muslim. Taraki and Amin blamed different countries for helping the counter-revolutionaries;
Amin attacked the United Kingdom and the British Broadcasting Corporation(BBC) and played down American and Chinese
involvement, while Taraki blamed American imperialism and Iran and Pakistan for supporting the uprising. Amin's criticism of
the United Kingdom and the BBC fed on the traditional anti-British sentiments held by rural Afghans. In contrast to Taraki,
"Amin bent over backwards to avoid making hostile reference to", China, the United States or other foreign
governments. Amin's cautious behavior was in deep contrast to the Soviet Union's official stance on the situation; it seemed,
according to Beverley Male, that the Soviet leadership tried to force a confrontation between Afghanistan and its enemies.
Amin also tried to appease the Shia communities by meeting with their leaders; despite this, a section of the Shia leadership
called for the continuation of the resistance. Subsequently a revolt broke out in a Shia populated district in Kabul; this was the
first sign of unrest in Kabul since the Saur Revolution. To add to the government's problems, Taraki's ability to lead the
country was questioned he was a heavy drinker and was not in good health. Amin on the other hand was characterised in
this period by portrayals of strong self-discipline. In the summer of 1979 Amin began to disassociate himself from Taraki. On
27 June Amin became a member of the PDPA Politburo, the leading decision-making body in Afghanistan. In-mid July the
Soviets made their view official when Pravda wrote an article about the situation in Afghanistan; the Soviets did not wish to
see Amin become leader of Afghanistan. This triggered a political crisis in Afghanistan, as Amin initiated a policy of extreme
repression, which became one of the main reasons for the Soviet intervention later that year. On 28 July, a vote in the PDPA
Politburo approved Amin's proposal of creating a collective leadership with collective decision-making; this was a blow to
Taraki, and many of his supporters were replaced by pro-Amin PDPA members. Ivan Pavlovsky, the Commander of the Soviet
Ground Forces, visited Kabul in mid-August to study the situation in Afghanistan. Amin, in a speech just a few days after
Pavlovsky's arrival, said that he wanted closer relations between Afghanistan and the People's Republic of China; in the same
speech he hinted that he had reservations about Soviet meddling in Afghanistan. He likened Soviet assistance to Afghanistan
with Vladimir Lenin's assistance to the Hungarian Soviet Republic in 1919. Taraki, a delegate to the conference held by
the Non-Aligned Movement in Havana, met personally with Andrei Gromyko, the Soviet Minister of Foreign Affairs, to discuss
the Afghanistan situation on 9 September. Shah Wali, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, who was a supporter of Amin, did not
participate in the meeting. This, according to Beverley Male, "suggested that some plot against Amin was in preparation".
Within hours of his return to Kabul on September 11, 1978 Taraki convened the Council of Ministers "ostensibly to report on
the Havana Summit". Instead of reporting on the summit, Taraki tried to dismiss Amin as Chairman of the Council of Ministers.
This was a miscalculation, and all but the Gang of Four (consisting of Watanjar, Mazdoryar, Gulabzoi and Sarwari), supported
retaining Amin as the Chairman of the Council of Ministers. Taraki sought to neutralise Amin's power and influence by
requesting that he serve overseas as an ambassador. Amin turned down the proposal, shouting "You are the one who should
quit! Because of drink and old age you have taken leave of your senses." The following day Taraki invited Amin to the
presidential palace for lunch with him and the Gang of Four. Amin turned down the offer, stating he would prefer their
resignation rather than lunching with them. Soviet ambassador Puzanov persuaded Amin to make the visit to the Presidential
Palace along with Taroon, the Chief of Police and Nawab Ali (an intelligence officer). Upon arriving at the palace, unknown
individuals within the building opened fire on the visitors. Taroon was killed, while Ali sustained an injury and escaped,
together with Amin, who was unharmed. Shortly afterward, Amin returned to the palace with a contingent of Army officers,
and placed Taraki under arrest. The Gang of Four, however, had "disappeared" and their whereabouts would remain unknown
for the duration of Amin's 104-day rule. After Taraki's arrest, Amin reportedly discussed the incident with Leonid Brezhnev,
and indirectly asked for the permission to kill Taraki. Brezhnev replied that it was his choice. Amin, who now believed he had
the full support of the Soviets, ordered the death of Taraki. Taraki was subsequently suffocated with pillows. The Afghan
media would report that the ailing Taraki had died, omitting any mention of his murder. Following Taraki's fall from power,
Amin was elected Chairman of the Presidum of the Revolutionary Council and General Secretary of the PDPA Central
Committee by the PDPA Politburo. The election of Amin as PDPA General Secretary and the removal of Taraki from all party
posts was unanimous. The only members of the Council of Ministers replaced when Amin took power were the Gang of Four
Beverley Male saw this as "a clear indication that he had their [members of the Council of Ministers] support". Amin's rise to
power was followed by a policy of moderation, and attempts to persuade the Afghan people that the regime was not antiIslamic. Amin's government began to invest in the reconstruction, or reparation, of mosques. He also promised the Afghan
people freedom of religion. Religious groups were given copies of the Quran, and Amin began to refer to Allah in speeches. He
even claimed that the Saur Revolution was "totally based on the principles of Islam". The campaign proved to be
unsuccessful, and many Afghans held Amin responsible for the regime's totalitarian behavior. Amin's rise to power was
officially endorsed by the Jamiatul Ulama on 20 September 1979. Their endorsement led to the official announcement that
Amin was a pious Muslim Amin thus scored a point against the counter-revolutionary propaganda which claimed the
communist regime was atheist. Amin also tried to increase his popularity with tribal groups, a feat Taraki had been unable or
unwilling to achieve. In a speech to tribal elders Amin was defensive about the Western way he dressed; an official biography
was published which depicted Amin in traditional Pashtun clothes. During his short stay in power, Amin became committed to
establishing a collective leadership; when Taraki was ousted, Amin promised "from now on there will be no one-man
government..." Attempting to pacify the population, Amin released a list of 18,000 people who had been executed, and
blamed the executions on Taraki. The total number of arrested during Taraki's and Amin's combined reign number between
17,000 and 45,000. Amin was not liked by the Afghan people. During his rule, opposition to the communist regime increased,
and the government lost control of the countryside. The state of the Afghan military deteriorated; due to desertions the
number of military personnel in the Afghan army decreased from 100,000 in the immediate aftermath of the Saur Revolution,
to somewhere between 50,000 and 70,000. Another problem Amin faced was the KGB's penetration of the PDPA, the military
and the government bureaucracy. While Amin's position in Afghanistan was becoming more perilous by the day, his enemies
who were exiled in the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc were agitating for his removal. Babrak Karmal, the Parchamite
leader, met several leading Eastern Bloc figures during this period, and[Mohammad Aslam Watanjar, Sayed Mohammad

Gulabzoy and Assadullah Sarwari wanted to exact revenge upon Amin. When Amin became leader, he tried to reduce
Afghanistan's dependence on the Soviet Union. To accomplish this, he aimed to balance Afghanistan's relations with the
Soviet Union by strengthening Afghan relations with Pakistan and Iran. The Soviets were concerned when they received
reports that Amin had met personally with Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, one of the leading anti-communists in Afghanistan. His
general untrustworthiness and his unpopularity amongst Afghans made it more difficult for Amin to find new "foreign
patrons". Amin's involvement in the death of Adolph Dubs, the American Ambassador to Afghanistan, strained his relations
with the United States. He tried to improve relations by reestablishing contact, met with three different American charg
d'affaires, and was interviewed by an American correspondent. But this did not improve Afghanistan's standing in the eyes of
the United States Government. After the third meeting with Amin, J. Bruce Amstutz, the American Ambassador to Afghanistan
from 1979 to 1980, believed the wisest thing to do was to maintain "a low profile, trying to avoid issues, and waiting to see
what happens". In early December 1979, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs proposed a joint summit meeting between Amin
and Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, the President of Pakistan. The Pakistanti Government, accepting a modified version of the offer,
agreed to send Agha Shahi, the Pakistani foreign minister, to Kabul for talks. In the meanwhile, the Inter-Services
Intelligence (ISI), Pakistani's secret police, continued to train Mujahideen fighters who opposed the communist regime.
"Any person and any element who harms the friendship between Afghanistan and the Soviet Union will be considered the
enemy of the country, enemy of our people and enemy of our revolution. We will not allow anybody in Afghanistan to act
against the friendship of Afghanistan and the Soviet Union." Amin reassuring the Soviets about his intentions.
Contrary to popular belief, the Soviet leadership headed by Leonid Brezhnev, Alexei Kosygin and the Politburo, were not eager
to send troops to Afghanistan. The Soviet Politburo decisions were guided by a Special Commission on Afghanistan, which
consisted of Yuri Andropov the KGB Chairman, Andrei Gromyko the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Defence Minister Dmitriy
Ustinov, and Boris Ponomarev, the head of the International Department of the Central Committee. The Politburo was
opposed to the removal of Taraki and his subsequent murder. According to Brezhnev, the General Secretary of the Central
Committee of theCommunist Party of the Soviet Union, "Events developed so swiftly in Afghanistan that essentially there was
little opportunity to somehow interfere in them. Right now our mission is to determine our further actions, so as to preserve
our position in Afghanistan and to secure our influence there." Although AfghanSoviet relations deteriorated during Amin's
short stint in power, he was invited on an official visit to Moscow by Alexander Puzanov, the Soviet ambassador to
Afghanistan, because of the Soviet leadership's satisfaction with his party and state-building policy. Not everything went as
planned, and Andropov talked about "the undesirable turn of events" taking place in Afghanistan under Amin's rule. Andropov
also brought up the ongoing political shift in Afghanistan under Amin; the Soviets were afraid that Amin would move
Afghanistan's foreign policy from a pro-Soviet position to a pro-United States position. By early-to-mid December 1979, the
Soviet leadership had established an alliance with Babrak Karmal andAssadullah Sarwari.
"Those who boast of friendship with us, they can really be our friend when they respect our independence, our soil and our
prideful traditions." Amin stressing the importance of Afghan independence.
As it turned out, the relationship between Puzanov and Amin broke down. Amin started a smear campaign to discredit
Puzanov. This in turn led to an assassination attempt against Amin, in which Puzanov participated. The situation was
worsened by the KGBaccusing Amin of misrepresenting the Soviet position on Afghanistan in the PDPA Central Committee
and the Revolutionary Council. The KGB also noted an increase in anti-Soviet agitation by the government during Amin's rule,
and harassment against Soviet citizens increased under Amin. A group of senior politicians reported to the Soviet Central
Committee that it was necessary to do "everything possible" to prevent a change in political orientation in Afghanistan.
However, the Soviet leadership did not advocate intervention at this time, and instead called for increasing its influence in
the Amin leadership to expose his "true intentions". A Soviet Politburo assessment referred to Amin as "a power-hungry
leader who is distinguished by brutality and treachery". Amongst the many sins they alleged were his "insincerity and
duplicity" when dealing with the Soviet Union, creating fictitious accusations against PDPA-members who opposed him,
indulging in a policy of nepotism, and his tendency to conduct a more "balanced policy" towards First World countries. By the
end of October the Special Commission on Afghanistan, which consisted of Andropov, Gromyko, Ustinov and Ponomarev,
wanted to end the impression that the Soviet government supported Amin's leadership and policy. The KGB's First Chief
Directorate was put under orders that something had to be done about Afghanistan, and several of its personnel were
assembled to deal with the task. Andropov fought hard for Soviet intervention, saying to Brezhnev that Amin's policies had
destroyed the military and the government's capabilities to handle the crisis by use of mass repression. The plan, according
to Andropov, was to assemble a small force to intervene and remove Amin from power and replace him with Karmal. The
Soviet Union declared its plan to intervene in Afghanistan on 12 December 1979, and the Soviet leadership
initiated Operation Storm-333 (the first phase of the intervention) on December 27, 1979. Amin trusted the Soviet Union until
the very end, despite the deterioration of official relations. When the Afghan intelligence service handed Amin a report that
the Soviet Union would invade the country and topple him, Amin claimed the report was a product of imperialism. His view
can be explained by the fact that the Soviet Union, after several months, finally gave in to Amin's demands and sent troops
into Afghanistan to secure the PDPA government. Contrary to common Western belief, Amin was informed of the Soviet
decision to send troops into Afghanistan. General Tukharinov, Commander of the 40th Army, met with Afghan Major General
Babadzhan to talk about Soviet troop movements before the Soviet army's intervention. On December 25, 1978 Dmitriy
Ustinov issued a formal order, stating "The state frontier of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan is to be crossed on the
ground and in the air by forces of the 40th Army and the Air Force at 1500 hrs on 25 December" . This was the formal
beginning of the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan. Concerned for his safety, Amin moved from the Presidential Palace, in the
centre of Kabul, to the Tajbeg Palace, which had previously been the headquarters of the Central Army Corps of the Afghan
military. The palace was formidable, with walls strong enough to withstand artillery fire. According to Rodric Braithwaite, "Its
defences had been carefully and intelligently organised." All roads to the palace had been mined, with the exception of one,
which had heavy machine guns and artillery positioned to defend it. To make matters worse for the Soviets, the Afghans had
established a second line of defence which consisted of seven posts, "each manned by four sentries armed with a machine
gun, a mortar, and automatic rifles". The external defences of the palace were handled by the Presidential Guard, which
consisted of 2,500 troops and three T-54 tanks. Several Soviet commanders involved in the assassination of Amin thought the
plan to attack the palace was "crazy". Several soldiers hesitated, claiming, in contradiction of what their commanders Yuri
Drozdov and Vasily Kolesnik had told them (they in turn had been informed by the Soviet leadership), it seemed strange that
Amin, the leader of the PDPA government, was an American sympathiser (accused of being a "CIA agent" by the Soviets)
[78]
and betrayed the Saur Revolution. Despite several objections, the plan to assassinate Amin went ahead. Before resorting
to killing Amin by brute force, the Soviets had tried to poison him (but nearly killed his nephew instead) and to kill him with a
sniper shot on his way to work (this proved impossible as the Afghans had improved their security measures). They even tried
to poison Amin just hours before the assault on the Presidential Palace. Amin had organised a lunch for party members to
show guests his palace and to celebrate Ghulam Dastagir Panjsheri's return from Moscow. Panjsheri's return improved the
mood even further; he boasted that the Soviet divisions had already crossed the border, and that he and Gromyko always
kept in contact with each other. During the meal, Amin and several of his guests lost consciousness as they had been
poisoned. Luckily for Amin, but unfortunately for the Soviets, he survived his encounter with death. Mikhail Talybov,

a KGB agent, was accused of responsibility for the poisonings. The assault on the palace began shortly afterward. During the
attack Amin still believed the Soviet Union was on his side, and told his adjutant, " The Soviets will help us," The adjutant
replied that it was the Soviets who were attacking them; Amin initially replied that this was a lie. Only after he tried but failed
to contact the Chief of the General Staff, he muttered, "I guessed it. It's all true." There are various accounts of how Amin
died, but the exact details have never been confirmed. Amin was either killed by a deliberate attack or died by a "random
burst of fire".Amin's son was fatally wounded and died shortly after. His daughter was wounded, but survived. It was
Gulabzoy who had been given orders to kill Amin and Watanjar who later confirmed his death.

Babrak Karmal (Pashto:

, born Sultan Hussein; January 6, 1929 December 1 or 3, 1996) was General

Secretary of the Central Committee of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan from December 27, 1978 until May 4,
1986, Chairman of the Presidium of the Revolutionary Council of Afghanistan from December 27, 1978 until November 24,
1986 and Chairman of the Council of Ministers of Afghanistan from December 27, 1978 until June 11, 1981. Karmal was born
in Kamari and educated at Kabul University, after which he started his career as a bureaucrat. Before, during and after his
career as a bureaucrat Karmal was a leading member of the Afghan movement. He was introduced to Marxism by Mir Akbar
Khyber during his imprisonment for activities deemed too radical by the government. When the People's Democratic Party of
Afghanistan (PDPA) was formed, Karmal became one of its leading members, and eventually became the leader of the
Parcham faction. When the PDPA split in 1967, the Parcham-faction established a Parcham PDPA, while their ideological
nemesis, the Khalqs, established a Khalqist PDPA. Under Karmal's leadership, the Parchamite PDPA participated in Mohammad
Daoud Khan's rise to power, and his subsequent regime. While relations were good at the beginning, Daoud began a major
purge of leftist influence in the mid-1970s. This in turn led to the refoundation of the PDPA in 1977. The PDPA took power in
the 1978 Saur Revolution. Karmal was appointed Deputy Chairman of the Revolutionary Council, synonymous with vice head
of state, in the communist government. The Parchamite faction found itself squeezed by the Khalqists soon after taking
power and shortly after, in June, a PDPA Central Committee meeting voted in favour of giving the Khalqist faction exclusive
right to formulate and decide PDPA policy. This decision was followed by a failed Parchamite coup, which in turn led Hafizullah
Amin, a Khalqist, to initiate a purge against the Parchamites. Karmal survived this purge, probably due to his contacts with
the Soviets, and was sent to exile in Prague. Karmal would remain in exile until December 1979, when the Soviet Union
intervened in Afghanistan (with the consent of the Afghan government) to stabilise the situation in the country, they killed
Amin, the leader of the PDPA and the Afghan government. Karmal was made Chairman of the Revolutionary Council
and Chairman of the Council of Ministers on December 27, 1979. He would retain his Council of Ministers chairmanship until
1981, when he was succeeded in office by Sultan Ali Keshtmand. Throughout his term in office Kamral tried to establish a
support base for the PDPA by introducing several changes. Among these were the writing of the Fundamental Principles of
the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, introducing a general amnesty for those people imprisoned during Nur Mohammad
Taraki's and Amin's rule, and replacing the Khalqist flag with a more traditional one. These policies did not increase the
PDPA's legitimacy in the eyes of the Afghan people. These policy failures, and the stalemate that ensued after the Soviet
intervention, led the Soviet leadership to become highly critical of Karmal's leadership. Under Mikhail Gorbachev, the Soviet
Union was able to depose Karmal and replace him with Mohammad Najibullah. Following his loss of power, he was exiled
to Moscow. He was allowed to return to Afghanistan in 1991 by the Najibullah government for unknown reasons. Back in
Afghanistan he helped topple the Najibullah government, and he became an associate ofAbdul Rashid Dostum, one of the
men who brought down the communist government. Not long after, in 1996, Karmal died from liver cancer. Karmal was born
Sultan Hussei on January 6, 1929, was the son of Muhammad Hussein Hashem, a Major General in the Afghan Army and
former governor of the province of Paktia, and was the second of five siblings. His family was one of the wealthier families in
Kabul. His ethnic background is disputed, some claim that he was Tajik who represented himself as a Ghilzai Pashtun but
others claim that he descended from Hindu ancestors of Kashmir. In 1986, Karmal announced that he, and his brother
Mahmud Baryalay, were Pashtun because their mother came from the Mullakhel branch of the Pashtuns. However, this was
controversial, considering that lineage in Afghanistan is supposed to be traced through the father, not the mother. The
accusation that he was of Indian Muslim ancestry comes from the fact that his birthname, Sultan Hussein, is a common Indian
Muslim name. In addition, Karmal's own father denied his own ethnicity; Karmal's father was a Tajik. To further confuse the
matter, Karmal spoke Dari (Persian) and not Pashto. Karmal was born in Kamari, a village close to Kabul. He attended Nejat
High School, a German-speaking school,[1] and graduated from it in 1948, and applied to enter the Faculty of Law and Political
Science of Kabul University. Karmal's application was turned down because of his student union activities. He studied at the
College of Law and Political Science at Kabul University from 1951 to 1953. In 1953 Karmal was arrested because of his
student union activities, but was released three years later in 1956 in an amnesty byMuhammad Daoud Khan. Shortly after,
in 1957, Karmal found work as an English and German translator, before quitting and leaving for military training. Karmal
graduated from the College of Law and Political Science in 1960, and in 1961, he found work as an employee in the
Compilation and Translation Department of the Ministry of Education. From 1961 to 1963 he worked in the Ministry of
Planning. When his mother died, Karmal left with his maternal aunt to live somewhere else. His father disowned him because
of his leftist views. Karmal was involved in much debauchery, which was controversial in the mostly conservative Afghan
society. In prison from 1953 to 1956, Karmal was befriended by a fellow inmate, Mir Akbar Khyber, who introduced Karmal
to Marxism. During his stay in prison Karmal changed his name from Sultan Hussein to Babrak Karmal, which means
"Comrade of the Workers'" in Pashtun, to disassociate himself from his bourgeoisie background. When he was released from
prison, he continued his activities in the student union, and began to promote Marxism. Karmal spent the rest of the 1950s
and the early 1960s becoming involved with Marxist groups. There were at least four Marxist groups in Afghanistan at the
time; two of the four were established by Karmal. When the 1964 Afghan Provisional Constitution was introduced, which
legalised the establishment of political parties, several Marxists came to the conclusion it was about time to establish a
communist party. The People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA, the Communist Party) was established in January 1965
in Nur Muhammad Taraki's home. Factionalism within the PDPA quickly became a problem; two factions were established
within the party, the Khalq led by Taraki alongside Hafizullah Amin, and the Parcham led by Karmal. During the 1965
parliamentary election Karmal was one of four PDPA members elected to the lower house of parliament; the three others
were Anahita Ratebzad, Nur Ahmed Nur and Fezanul Haq Fezan. No Khalqists were elected to the lower house of parliament;
albeit, Amin was 50 votes short of being elected. The Parchamite victory can be explained by the simple fact that Karmal
could contribute financially to the PDPA electoral campaign. Karmal became a leading figure within the student movement in
the 1960s, and was able to get Mohammad Hashim Maiwandwal elected as Prime Minister after a student demonstration
(called for by Karmal) concluded with three deaths. In 1967, the PDPA split in half, and two PDPAs were established, one
Khalqist and one Parchamist. The dissolution of the PDPA was initiated by the closing down of the Khalqist newspaper, Khalq.
Karmal criticised the Khalq for being too communist, and believed that its leadership should have hidden its Marxist
orientation instead of promoting it. According to the official version of events, the majority of the PDPA Central
Committee rejected Karmal's criticism. The vote was a close one, and it is reported that Taraki expanded the Central
Committee to win the vote; this plan seemed to have failed considering that eight of the new members became waverers and
one became a Parchamite. In the spring of 1967 the PDPA had unofficially split and it was never stated officially that the split
had occurred. Karmal and half the PDPA Central Committee left the PDPA to establish a Parchamite-led PDPA. Officially the
split was caused by ideological differences, but the truth was much simpler, the party split because of the different leadership

styles and plans of Taraki and Karmal; Taraki wanted to model the party after Leninist norms while Karmal wanted to establish
a democratic front. Another difference was that the majority of Khalqists came from rural areas; hence they were poorer, and
were of Pashtun origin. The Parchamites were urban, hence richer, and spoke Dari more often than not. The Khalqists also
accused the Parchamites of having a connection with the monarchy, and because of it, referred to the Parchamite PDPA as
the "Royal Communist Party". Both Karmal and Amin retained their seats in the lower house of parliament in the 1969
parliamentary election. Mohammed Daoud Khan, in collaboration with the Parchamite PDPA and radical military officers,
overthrew the monarchy and instituted the Republic in 1973. After Daoud's seizure of power, an American embassy cable
stated that the new government had established a Soviet-style Central Committee, in which Karmal and Mir Akbar
Khyber were given leading roles. Most ministries was also given to Parchamites; Hassan Sharq became Deputy Prime
Minister, Major Faiz Mohammad became Minister of Internal Affairs andNematullah Pazhwak became Minister of Education
the Parchamites also took control over the ministries of finance, agriculture, communications and border affairs. The new
government quickly suppressed the opposition, and secured their power base. At first, the National Front government
between Daoud and the Parchamites seemed to work. By 1975, Daoud had strengthened his position by enhancing the
executive, legislative and judicial powers of the Presidency. To the disadvantage of the Parchamites, all parties other than
the National Revolutionary Party (NRP, established by Daoud) were made illegal. Shortly after the ban of all parties other
than the NRP, Daoud began a massive purge of Parchamites in government. Mohammad lost his position as interior
minister, Abdul Qadir Dagarwal was demoted, and Karmal was put under government surveillance. To handle Daoud's
suddenly anti-communist policies, the Soviet Union was able to reestablish the PDPA; Taraki was elected its General Secretary
and Karmal its Second Secretary. While the Saur Revolution (literally the April Revolution) was planned for August, the
assassination of Khyber led to a chain of events which ended with the communists seizing power. Karmal, when taking power
in 1979, accused Amin of ordering the assassination of Khyber. Taraki was appointed Chairman of the Presidium of
the Revolutionary Council and Chairman of the Council of Minister, and retained his post as PDPA general secretary. Taraki
initially formed a government which consisted of both Khalqists and Parchamites; Karmal became Deputy Chairman of the
Revolutionary Council, while Amin became Minister of Foreign Affairs and Deputy Chairman of the Council of
Ministers and Mohammad Aslam Watanjar became Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers. The two Parchamites Abdul
Qadir Dagarwal became Minister of Defence and Mohammad Rafi became Minister of Public Works. According to Angel
Rasanayagam, the appointment of Amin, Karmal and Watanjar led to splits within the Council of Ministers: the Khalqists
answered to Amin; Karmel led the civilian Parchamites; and the military officers (who were Parchamites) were answerable to
Watanjar (a Khalqist). The first conflict arose when the Khalqists wanted to give PDPA Central Committee membership to
military officers who had participated in the Saur Revolution; Karmal opposed such a move. A PDPA Politburo meeting voted in
favour of giving Central Committee membership to the officers. On 27 June, three months after the Saur Revolution, Amin
outmaneuvered the Parchamites at a Central Committee meeting; the meeting decided to give the Khalqists exclusive right
over formulating and deciding policy. A purge against the Parchamites was initiated by Amin, supported by Taraki on 1 July.
Karmal, fearing for his safety, went into hiding in one of his Soviet friends' homes. Karmal tried to contact Alexander Puzanov,
the Soviet ambassador to Afghanistan, to talk about the situation, but Puzanov refused. After hours of thinking about what he
should do, Puzanov informed Amin about Karmal's whereabouts. It should be noted that the Soviets probably saved Karmal's
life by sending him to theSocialist Republic of Czechoslovakia. Karmal was exiled, but was able to establish a network with
the remaining Parchamites in government. A coup to overthrow Amin was planned for September that year. Its leading
members in Afghanistan were Qadir and the Army Chief of Staff General Shahpur Ahmedzai. The coup was planned to be
initiated on 4 September, on the Festival of Eid, because of the relaxed atmosphere. The conspiracy failed when the Afghan
ambassador to India told the Afghan leadership about the plan. A purge was initiated, and Parchamite ambassadors were
recalled. But few returned to Afghanistan; for instance Karmal and Mohammad Najibullah stayed in their respective countries.
Amin was informed of the Soviet decision to intervene in Afghanistan, and supported the intervention, but his assassination
shortly afterwards, under the command of the Soviets, led to Karmal's ascension to power. On December 27, 1978 Radio
Kabul broadcast Karmal's pre-recorded speech, which stated: "Today the torture machine of Amin has been smashed, his
accomplices the primitive executioners, usurpers and murderers of tens of thousand of our fellow countrymen fathers,
mothers, sisters, brothers, sons and daughters, children and old people ..." Karmal himself was not in Kabul when the speech
was broadcast; he was in Bagram, protected by the KGB. On the evening of December 27, 1978 Yuri Andropov, the Chairman
of the KGB, congratulated Karmal on his appointment to the Chairmanship of the Presidium of the Revolutionary Council,
which was interesting, considering that Andropov had stated Karmal was appointed to the office before any Afghan body had
appointed him to anything. Karmal first set foot in Kabul on 28 December. He travelled alongside a Soviet military column. For
the next few days Karmal would live in a villa on the outskirts of Kabul under the protection of the KGB. On 1 January Leonid
Brezhnev, the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and Alexei Kosygin,
the Soviet Chairman of theCouncil of Ministers, congratulated Karmal on his "election" as leader. When he came to power,
Karmal promised an end to executions, the establishment of democratic institutions and free elections, the creation of a
constitution, legalising the establishment of parties other than the PDPA and to respect individual and personal property.
Prisoners incarcerated under the two previous governments would be freed in a general amnesty. He promised that a
coalition government was going to be established, which would not espouse socialism. At the same time, he told the Afghan
people that he had negotiated with the Soviet Union to give economic, military and political assistance. Even if Karmal
wanted all this, it would be impossible to put it into practice, considering the presence of the Soviet Union. The mistrust most
Afghans felt towards the government was a problem for Karmal. Many still remembered he had said he would protect private
capital in 1978a promise later proven to be a lie. Karmal's three most important promises were the general amnesty of
prisoners, the promulgation of the Fundamental Principles of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and the adoption of a
new flag based on the traditional colours of black, red and green (the flag of Taraki and Amin was red). His government
granted concessions to religious leaders and the restoration of confiscated property. Some property, which was confiscated
during earlier land reforms, was also partially restored. All these measures, with the exception of the general amnesty of
prisoners, were introduced gradually. Of 2,700 prisoners, 2,600 were released from prison; 600 of these were Parchamites.
The general amnesty was greatly publicised by the government. While the event was hailed with enthusiasm by some, many
others greeted the event with disdain, since their loved ones or associates had died during earlier purges. Amin had planned
to introduce a general amnesty on January 1, 1980, to coincide with the PDPA's sixteenth anniversary. Work on
the Fundamental Principles had started under Amin: it guaranteed democratic rights such as freedom of speech, the right to
security and life, the right to peaceful association, the right to demonstrate and the right that "no one would be accused of
crime but in accord with the provisions of law" and that the accused had the right to a fair trial. The Fundamental Principles
envisaged a democratic state led by the PDPA, the only party permitted by law. The Revolutionary Council, the organ of
supreme power, would convene twice every year. The Revolutionary Council in turn elected a Presidium which would take
decisions on behalf of the Revolutionary Council when it was not in session. The Presidium consisted mostly of PDPA
Politburo members. The state would safeguard three kinds of property; state, cooperative and private property. The
Fundamental Principles stated that the state had the right to develop the Afghan economy from an economy where man was
exploited to an economy were man was free. Another clause stated that the state had the right to take "families, both
parents and children, under its supervision." While it looked democratic at the outset, the Fundamental Principles was based
on contradictions. The Fundamental Principles led to the establishment of two important state organs, the Special

Revolutionary Court, a specialised court for crimes against national security and territorial
integrity, and the Institute for Legal and Scientific Research and Legislative Affairs, which
became the supreme legislative organ of state. This body could amend and draft laws, and
introduce regulations and decrees on behalf of the government. Other institutions were
introduced as well, most of them resembling Soviet institutions. The introduction of such
institutions led the Afghan people to distrust the communist government even more. With
Karmal's
ascension
to
power,
Parchamites
began
to
"settle
old
scores".
Revolutionary Troikas were established to arrest, sentence and execute people. The personnel
of Amin's guard were the first victims of the terror which ensued. Those commanders who
had stayed loyal to Amin were arrested and the prison, which was nearly empty after the
general amnesty, became full again. The Soviets protested, Karmal replied "As long as you keep my hands bound and do not
let me deal with the Khalq faction there will be no unity in the PDPA and the government cannot become strong ... They
tortured and killed us. They still hate us! They are the enemies of the party ..." Amin's daughter, along with her baby, was
imprisoned, and remained in prison for twelve years, until Mohammad Najibullah, then leader of the PDPA, released her.
When Karmal took power, leading posts in the Party and Government bureaucracy were taken over by Parchamites. The Khalq
faction was to be removed from political power, and only technocrats, opportunists and individuals which the Soviets trusted
would be appointed to the higher echelons of power. Khalqists would remain in control of the Ministry of Interior, but
Parchamites were given control over KHAD and the secret police. The Parchamites and the Khalqists controlled an equal share
of the military. Two out of Karmal's three Council of Ministers deputy chairmen were Khalqists. Khalqists controlled
the Ministry of Communications and the interior ministry, Parchamites on the other hand controlled the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs and the Ministry of Defence. In contrast to the changes in government, the Parchamites had a clear majority in
the PDPA Central Committee. Only one Khalqi, Saleh Mohammad Zeary, held a seat in the PDPA Secretariat during Karmal's
rule. On March 14 15, 1982 the PDPA held a party conference at the Kabul Polytechnic Institute instead of a party congress,
since a party congress would have given the Khalq faction a majority, and could have led to a Khalqist takeover of the PDPA.
The rules of holding a party conference were different, and the Parchamites were able to have a three-fifths majority. This
infuriated several Khalqists, and the threat of expulsion did not lessen their anger. The conference was not successful, but it
was portrayed as such by the official media. The conference broke up, after one and a half days of a 3-day long programme,
because of the intra-party struggle for power between the Khalqists and the Parchamites. A "programme of action" was
introduced, and party rules were given minor changes. As an explanation of the low party membership, the official media also
made it seem hard to become a member of the party. When Karmal took power, he began a policy of expanding the support
base of the PDPA. Karmal tried to persuade certain groups, which had been referred to class enemies of the revolution during
Taraki and Amin's rule, to support the PDPA. At the beginning of his rule, Karmal tried to increase support for PDPA rule by
appointing several non-communists to top positions. Between March and May 1980, 78 out of the 191 people appointed to
government posts were not members of the PDPA. Karmal reintroduced the old Afghan custom of having an Islamic invocation
every time the government issued a proclamation. In his first speech to the Afghan people, Karmal called for the
establishment of the National Fatherland Front (NFF) and the NFF's founding congress was held in June 1981. Unfortunately
for Karmal, his policies did not lead to a notable increase in support for his regime, and it did not help Karmal that most
Afghans saw the Soviet intervention as an invasion. By 1981, the government began to give up on political solutions to the
conflict. At the fifth PDPA Central Committee plenum in June, Karmal resigned from his Council of Ministers chairmanship and
was replaced by Sultan Ali Keshtmand, while Nur Ahmad Nur was given a bigger role in the Revolutionary Council. This was
seen as one of his policies of "base broadening". The previous weight given to non-PDPA members in top positions ceased to
be an important matter in the media by June 1981. This was significant, considering that up to five members of the
Revolutionary Council were non-PDPA members. By the end of 1981, the previous contenders, who had been heavily
presented in the media, were all gone; two were given ambassadorships, two ceased to be active in politics, and one
continued as an advisor to the government. The other three changed sides, and began to work for the opposition. The
national policy of reconciliation continued: in January 1984 the land reform introduced by Taraki and Amin was drastically
modified, the limits of landholdings were increased to win the support of middle class peasants; the literacy programme was
continued, and concessions to woman were made; and in 1985 the Loya Jirga was reconvened. The 1985 Loya Jirga was
followed by a tribal jirga, which convened in September that year. In 1986 Abdul Rahim Hatef, a non-PDPA member, was
elected to the NFF chairmanship. During the 198586 elections it was said that 60 percent of the elected officials were nonPDPA members. By the end of Karmal's rule, several non-PDPA members were given high-level government positions. In
March 1979, the military budget was $US6.4 million, which was 8.3 percent of the government budget, but only 2.2 of gross
national product. After the Soviet intervention, the defence budget increased to $US208 million in 1980, and $US325 million
in 1981. In 1982 it was reported that the government spent around 22 percent of total expenditure. When the political
solution failed (see "PDPA base" section), the Afghan government and the Soviet military decided to solve the conflict
militarily. The change from a political to a military solution did not come suddenly. It began in January 1981, as Karmal
doubled wages for military personnel, issued several promotions, and decorations were bestowed on one general and thirteen
colonels. The draft age was lowered, the obligatory length of arms duty was extended and the age for reservists was
increased to thirty-five years of age. In June 1981, Assadullah Sarwari lost his seat in the PDPA Politburo, replaced
by Mohammad Aslam Watanjar, a former tank commander and the then Minister of Communications, Major
General Mohammad Rafi, theMinister of Defence and KHAD Chairman Mohammad Najibullah. These measures were
introduced due to the collapse of the army. Before the invasion the army could field 100,000 troops, after the invasion only
25,000. Desertions were pandemic, and the recruitment campaigns for young people often led them to flee to the
opposition. To better organise the military, seven military zones were established each with its own Defence Council. The
Defence Councils were established at the national, provincial and district level to devolve powers to the local PDPA. [42] It is
estimated that the Afghan government spent as much as 40 percent of government revenue on defence. During the civil war,
and the ensuing Soviet war in Afghanistan, most of the country's infrastructure was destroyed, and normal patterns of
economic activity were disrupted. TheGross national product (GNP) fell substantially during Karmal's rule because of the
conflict; trade and transport was disrupted along with the loss of labor and capital. In 1981 the Afghan GDP stood at 154.3
billion Afghan afghanis, a drop from 159.7 billion in 1978. GNP per capita decreased from 7,370 in 1978 to 6,852 in 1981. The
dominant form of economic activity was the agricultural sector. Agriculture accounted for 63 percent of gross domestic
product (GDP) in 1981; 56 percent of the labour force was working in agriculture in 1982. Industry accounted for 21 percent
of GDP in 1982, and employed 10 percent of the labour force. All industrial enterprises were government-owned. The service
sector, the smallest of the three, accounted for 10 percent of GDP in 1981, and employed an estimated one-third of the
labour force. The balance of payments, which had grown in the pre-communist administration of Muhammad Daoud
Khan decreased, and turned negative by 1982 and reached minus $US70.3 million. The only economic activity which grew
substantially during Karmal's rule was export and import. As Karmal noted in the spring of 1983, that without Soviet
intervention "It is unknown what the destiny of the Afghan Revolution would be ... We are realists and we clearly realize that
in store for us yet lie trials and deprivations, losses and difficulties." Two weeks before this statement Sultan Ali Keshtmand,
the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, lamented the fact that half the schools and three-quarters of communications had
been destroyed since 1979. The Soviet Union rejected several Western made peace plans, such as the Carrington Plan, since

they did not take into consideration the PDPA government. For example, most Western peace plans had been made in
collaboration with the Afghan opposition forces. At the 26th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet
Union (CPSU) Leonid Brezhnev, the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, stated;
"We do not object to the questions connected with Afghanistan being discussed in conjunction with the question of security in
the Persian Gulf. Naturally here on only the international aspects of the Afghan problem can be discussed, not internal
Afghan affairs. The sovereignty of Afghanistan must be fully protected, as must its nonaligned status."
The stance of the Pakistani government was clear: complete Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan, and the establishment of a
non-PDPA government. Karmal, summarising his discussions with Iran and Pakistan, said "Iran and Pakistan have so far not
opted for concrete and constructive positions." During Karmal's rule AfghanPakistani relationsremained hostile; the Soviet
intervention in Afghanistan was the catalyst for the hostile relationship. The increasing numbers of Afghan refugees in
Pakistan challenged the PDPA's legitimacy to rule. The Soviet Union threatened Pakistan in 1985 that it would help the Balochi
liberation movement in Pakistan, if the Pakistani government continued to aid the mujahideen in Afghanistan. Karmal became
a problem to the Soviets when they wanted to withdraw; Karmal, in contrast to the Soviets, did not want a Soviet withdrawal,
and he hampered attempts to improve relations with Pakistan, since the Pakistanti government had refused to recognise the
PDPA government. Mikhail Gorbachev, then General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet
Union, said, "The main reason that there has been no national consolidation so far is that Comrade Karmal is hoping to
continue sitting in Kabul with our help." It didn't help Karmal that the Soviet government blamed him for the failures in
Afghanistan. Gorbachev was worried over the situation in Afghanistan, and the told the Soviet Politburo "If we don't change
approaches [to evacuate Afghanistan], we will be fighting there for another 20 or 30 years". Its not clear when the Soviet
leadership began to campaign for Karmal's dismissal, but its noteworthy that Andrei Gromyko discussed the possibility of
Karmal's resignation with Javier Prez de Cullar, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, in 1982. While it was
Gorbachev who would dismiss Karmal, there may have been a consensus within the Soviet leadership in 1983 already that
Karmal should resign. Gorbachev's own plan was to replace Karmal with Mohammad Najibullah, who had joined the PDPA at
its creation. Najibullah was thought highly of by Yuri Andropov, Boris Ponomarev and Dmitriy Ustinov, and negotiations for his
succession may have started in 1983. Najibullah was not the Soviet leadership's only choice for Karmal's succession;
a GRU reported noted that the majority of the PDPA leadership would support Assadullah Sarwari's ascension to leadership.
According to the GRU, Sarwari was a better candidate because he could balance between the Pashtuns, Tajiks and Uzbeks
among others, in contrast to Najibullah who was a Pashtun nationalist. Another viable candidate was Abdul Qadir Dagarwal,
who had been a participant in the Saur Revolution. Najibullah was appointed to the PDPA Secretariat in November 1985.
During Karmal's March 1986 visit to the Soviet Union, the Soviets tried to persuade Karmal that he was in ill health, and
should resign. This did not go as planned, when a Soviet doctor told Karmal that he was in good health. Karmal,
understanding the situation, asked to return home to Kabul, and said that he understod Soviet wishes, and promised he
would listen to Soviet recommendations. Before leaving, Karmal promised he would step down as PDPA General Secretary.
The Soviets did not trust him and sent Vladimir Kryuchkov, the head of intelligence in the KGB, after him. At a meeting in
Kabul, Karmal confessed his undying love for the Soviet Union, comparing his love to the Soviet Union to his Muslim faith.
Kryuchkov, concluding that he could not persuade him, asked to be able to leave, and return the next day. In the mean time,
the Afghan defence minister and the state security minister visited Karmal at his office, telling him that he had to resign from
one of his posts. At this point Karmal understood he had no other choice, and resigned from his PDPA General Secretaryship
at the 18th PDPA Central Committee plenum, and he was succedeed as General Secretary by Najibullah. Karmal still had
support in the party, and began a campaign to weaken Najibullah's position within the party. He even spread rumours that he
would be reappointed PDPA General Secretary. Karmal's power base was the KHAD, the Afghan equivalent to the
KGB. Considering the fact that the Soviet Union had supported Karmal for over six years, the Soviet leadership wanted to
ease him out of power gradually. Yuli Vorontsov, the Soviet ambassador to Afghanistan, was ordered to tell Najibullah that he
should slowly ease Karmal out of power. Najibullah began complaining to the Soviet leadership that Karmal used most of his
spare time looking for errors and "speaking against the National Reconciliation[programme]". At a meeting of the Soviet
Politburo on 13 November it was decided that Najibullah should remove Karmal; this motion was supported by Gromyko,
Vorontsov,Eduard Shevardnadze, Anatoly Dobrynin and Viktor Chebrikov. A meeting by one of the organs of the PDPA in
November relieved Karmal of his Revolutionary Council chairmanship, and he was exiled to Moscow where he was given a
state-owned apartment and a dacha. In his position as Revolutionary Council chairman Karmal was succeeded by Haji
Mohammad Chamkani, who was not a member of the PDPA. For unknown reasons, Karmal was invited back to Kabul by
Najibullah, "for equally obscure reasons Karmal accepted." If Najibullah's plan was to strengthen his position within
the Homeland Watan Party (the renamed PDPA) by appeasing the pro-Karmal Parchamites he failed. Karmal's apartment
became a centre for opposition to Najibullah's government. When Najibullah was toppled in 1992, Karmal was not arrested,
and continued to live in liberty. When the government finally collapsed, Karmal became the leading force in Kabul through his
leadership of the Parcham. Negotiations with the rebels soon collapsed, and the rebels led by Gulbuddin Hekmatyar took
Kabul on 16 April. After the fall of Najibullah's government, Karmal was based in Hairatan. There, it is alleged, Karmal used
most of his time either trying to establish a new party, or advising people to join theNational Islamic Movement (NIM). Abdul
Rashid Dostum, the leader of NIM, was a supporter of Karmal during his rule. It is unknown how much control Karmal had over
Dostum, but there is little evidence that Karmal had any control over Dostum at all. What is more probable is that Karmal's
influence over Dostum was indirect some of his former associates supported Dostum. Those who talked to Karmal during
this period noted his lack of interest in politics. In early December 1996, Karmal died in Moscow's Central Clinical
Hospital from liver cancer. The date of his death was reported by some sources as 1 December and by others as 3
December. The Taliban summed up his rule as follows:
"[he] committed all kinds of crimes during his illegitimate rule ... God inflicted on him various kinds of hardship and pain.
Eventually he died of cancer in a hospital belonging to his paymasters, the Russians."

Sultan Ali Keshtmand, sometimes transliterated Kishtmand, (born May 22, 1935 in Kabul) was an

Afghan politician.
He served twice as Chairman of the Council of Ministers during the 1980s, from June 11, 1981 until May 26, 1988 and from
February 21, 1989 until May 8, 1990 in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. Keshtmand was born in Kabul. He is a
member of the Hazara ethnic group. He studied economics at Kabul University and became involved in the People's
Democratic Party of Afghanistan. He joined the Parcham Faction of that party, which was led by Babrak Karmal. He sought
and received political asylum from the British Prime Minister John Major. He lives in the UK. Immediately after the April
1978 coup d'tat in which the People's Democratic Party came to power, Keshtmand became the minister of planning in the
newly formed Democratic Republic of Afghanistan.He lost that post in August 1978 when he was arrested for an alleged plot
against President Nur Mohammad Taraki, a member of the rival Khalq faction of the party. The PDPA Politburo ordered the
arrest of Keshtmand and Public Works Minister Muhammad Rafi'i for their part in the possible anti-regime conspiracy. He and
the other inmates went through severe torture and long imprisonment. He remained in prison and was sentenced to death,
but this decision was revoked and he was resentenced to 15 years in prison. On December 1979, the Soviet Union invaded
Afghanistan, bringing Babrak Karmal and the Parcham faction to power. Keshtmand was released from jail, and was once
again joined the Politburo. Friction among the People's Party members rose in 1980 when Karmal removed Assadullah

Sarwari from his position as First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers and replaced him
with Sultan Ali Keshtmand. Keshtmand, a Parchami, soon became one of the most important
leaders of the regime. In June 1981, Karmal retained his other offices, but resigned as Council of
Ministers chairman and was succeeded by Keshtmand. A 21-member Supreme Defense Council
headed by Mohammad Najibullah effectively assumed power. The rise in the deficit greatly
concerned the government, and as Council of Ministers chairman Keshtmand noted in April
1983, the tax collections were inadequate in view of the increased state spending. The security
situation in the country, however, prevented the government from improving its tax collections.
In September, 1987, the Kabul government sponsored a large convocation of Hazaras from
various parts of the country and offered them autonomy. In his speech to the group, Keshtmand
said that the government was going to set up several new provinces in the Hazarajat that would be administered by the local
inhabitants. He served as Chairman of the Council of Ministers from 1981 to 1988 and 1989 to 1990, and as vice-President
from 1990 until 1991, when he was dismissed shortly before the fall of the government. A mujaheddin radio station reports
intra-Parcham (a faction of the PDPA) (P) clashes in Kabul between supporters of Najibullah and Keshtmand, Chairman of the
Executive Committee of the Council of Ministers. Non-PDPA member Mohammad Hassan Sharq was selected by President
Najibullah to be the new Council of Ministers chairman, replacing Keshtmand. This move was made in order to free spaces in
the new government for nonparty candidates. He then left Afghanistan, first moving to Russia and then to England. There he
became an outspoken defender of the rights of Hazaras and other minorities, claiming that thePashtun majority in
Afghanistan had had too much power in all of Afghanistan's regimes, past and present. After the communist Saur Revolution,
which toppled Daud Khan's firstAfghan Republic, he reportedly said, "Brothers, today the five long centuries of Pashtun
political domination has come to an end."

Haji Mohammad Chamkani

(born 1947) is a politician from Afghanistan who held the post of

interim President of Afghanistan during the period of the Soviet-backed Democratic Republic of Afghanistan
from November 24, 1986 until September 30, 1987. Previously, he served as Vice-President under Babrak
Karmal's Government. He reached the position after the resignation of Babrak Karmal. A non-party member,
a tribal leader with power and connections in key areas of provinces bordering Pakistan, his influence
extended inside Pakistan as well. However, Mohammed Najibullah was in charge of the country, due to his
powerful positions of Director of the KHAD and General Secretary of the People's Democratic Party of
Afghanistan. It was during his term in office that the USSR indicated willingness to negotiate and remove
some troops from Afghanistan. His term was also marked by the creation of a new Constitution.

Democratic Republic of Afghanistan

List of Chairmans of the Council of Ministers and President of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan

Mohammad Najibullah Ahmadzai (August

6, 1947 September 27, 1996), better known mononymously

as Najibullah or Najib, was President of Afghanistan from September 30, 1987 until April 16, 1992 when the Mujah
ideen took over Kabul. He had previously held different careers under the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA)
and was a graduate of Kabul University. Following the Saur Revolution Najibullah was a low profile bureaucrat, who was sent
into exile during Hafizullah Amin's rise to power as Ambassador to Iran. He returned to Afghanistan following the Soviet
invasion which toppled Amin's rule, and placed Karmal as head of state, party and government. During Karmal's rule,
Najibullah became head of the KHAD, the Afghan equivalent to the Soviet KGB. He was a member of the Parchamfaction led
by Babrak Karmal. During Najibullah's tenure as KHAD head, it became one of the most efficient governmental organs.
Because of this he gained the attention of several leading Soviet officials, such as Yuri Andropov, Dmitriy Ustinov and Boris
Ponomarev. In 1981, Najibullah was appointed to the PDPA Politburo. In 1985 Najibullah stepped down as state security
minister to focus on PDPA politics; he had been appointed to the PDPA Secretariat. Mikhail Gorbachev, the last Soviet leader,
was able to get Karmal to step down as PDPA General Secretary in 1986, and replace him with Najibullah. For a number of
months Najibullah was locked in a power struggle against Karmal, who still retained his post of Chairman of the Revolutionary
Council. Najibullah accused Karmal of trying to wreck his policy of National Reconciliation. During his tenure as leader of
Afghanistan, the Soviets began their withdrawal, and from 1989 until 1992, his government tried to solve the ongoing civil
war without Soviet troops on the ground. While direct Soviet assistance ended with the withdraw, the Soviet Union still
supported Najibullah with economic and military aid, while the United States continued its support for the mujahideen.
Throughout his tenure, he tried to build support for his government. Najibullah even tried to portray his government as
Islamic, and in the 1990 constitution the country officially became an Islamic state and all references of communism were
removed. This change, coupled with others, did not win Najibullah any significant support. With the dissolution of the Soviet
Union in December 1991, Najibullah was left without foreign aid. This, coupled with the internal collapse of his government,
led to his ousting from power in April 1992. Najibullah lived in the United Nations headquarters in Kabul until 1996, when
the Taliban took Kabul. In 1996 Najibullah is said to have been castrated by the Taliban, and was dragged behind a truck in
the streets of Kabul, before he was publicly hanged. Najibullah was born in February 1947 in the city of Kabul, in the Kingdom
of Afghanistan. His ancestral village is located between the towns of Said Karam and Gardz in Paktia Province, this place is
known as Mehlan. He was educated at Habibia High School in Kabul, St. Joseph's School in Baramulla Kashmir, and Kabul
University, where he graduated with a doctor degree in medicine in 1975. He belongs to the Ahmadzai sub-tribe of
the Ghilzai Pashtun tribe in Gardiz. In 1965 Najibullah joined the Parcham faction of the Communist People's Democratic Party
of Afghanistan (PDPA) and in 1977 joined the Central Committee. In April 1978 the PDPA took power in Afghanistan, with
Najibullah a member of the ruling Revolutionary Council. However, the Khalq faction of the PDPA gained supremacy over his
own Parcham faction, and after a brief stint as Ambassador to Iran, he was dismissed from government and went
into exile in Europe. He returned to Kabul after the Soviet intervention in 1979. In 1980, he was appointed the head of KHAD,
the Afghan equivalent to the Soviet KGB, and was promoted to the rank ofMajor General. He was appointed following lobbying
made by the Soviets, most notable among them was Yuri Andropov, the KGB Chairman. During his six years as head of KHAD
he had two to four deputies under his command, who in turn were responsible for an esimated 12 departments. According to
evidence, Najibullah dependent on his family and his professional network, and appointed more often than not people he
know to top positions within the KHAD. In June 1981, Najibullah, along with Mohammad Aslam Watanjar, a former tank
commander and the then Minister of Communications and Major General Mohammad Rafi, the Minister of Defence were
appointed to the PDPA Politburo. Under Najibullah, KHAD's personnel increased from 120 to 25,000 to 30,000. KHAD
employees were amongst the best-paid government bureaucrats in communist Afghanistan, and because of it, the political
indoctrination of KHAD officials was a top priority. During a PDPA conference Najibullah, talking about the indoctrination
programme of KHAD officials, said "a weapon in one hand, a book in the other." Terrorist activities launched by KHAD reached

its peak under Najibullah. He reported directly to the Soviet KGB, and a big part of KHAD's budget came from the Soviet
Union itself. As time would show, Najibullah was very efficient, and during his tenure as leader of KHAD several thousands
were arrested, tortured and executed. KHAD targeted anti-communist citizens, political opponents, and educated members of
society. It was this efficiency which made him interesting to the Soviets. Because of this, KHAD became known for its
ruthlessness. During his ascension to power, several Afghan politician did not want Najibullah to succeed Babrak
Karmal because of the fact that Najibullah was known for exploiting his powers for his own benefit. It didn't help either that
during his period as KHAD chief that the Pul-i Charki had become the home of several Khalqist politicians. Another problem
was that Najibullah allowed graft, theft, bribery and corruption on a scale not seen previously. As would later be proven by the
power struggle he had with Karmal after becoming PDPA General Secretary, despite Najibullah heading the KHAD for five
years, Karmal still had sizeable to support in the organisation. He was appointed to the PDPA Secretariat in November
1985. Najibullah's ascent to power was proven by turning KHAD from a government organ to a ministry in January 1986. With
the situation in Afghanistan deteriorating, and the Soviet leadership looking for ways to withdraw, Mikhail Gorbachev wanted
Karmal to resign as PDPA General Secretary. The question of who was to succeed Karmal was hotly debated, but Gorbachev
supported Najibullah. Yuri Andropov, Boris Ponomarev and Dmitriy Ustinov all thought highly of Najibullah, and negotiations of
who would succeed Karmal might have begun as early as 1983. Despite this, Najibullah was not the only choice the Soviets
had; a GRU report claimed he was unfit to be leader considering the fact that he was a Pashtun nationalist, a stance which
could decrease the regimes popularity even more. The GRU believed that Assadullah Sarwari, earlier head of ASGA, the preKHAD secret police. They believed that Sarwari, in contrast to Najibullah would be able to balance between the Pashtuns,
Tajiks and Uzbeks. Another viable candidate was Abdul Qadir Dagarwal, who had been a participant in the Saur
Revolution. Najibullah succeeded Karmal as PDPA General Secretary on May 4, 1986 at the 18th PDPA meeting, but Karmal
still retained his post as Chairman of the Presidium of the Revolutionary Council. On May 15, 1986 Najibullah announced that
a collective leadership had been established, which was led by himself consisted of himself as head of party, Karmal as head
of state and Sultan Ali Keshtmand as Chairman of the Council of Ministers. When Najibullah took the office of PDPA General
Secretary, Karmal still had enough support in the party to disgrace Najibullah. Karmal went as far as to spread rumours that
Najibullah's rule was little more than an interregnum, and that he would soon be reappointed to the general secretaryship. As
it turned out, Karmal's power base during this period was KHAD. The Soviet leadership wanted to ease Karmal out of politics,
but when Najibullah began to complain that he was hampering his plans of National Reconciliation, the Soviet Politburo
decided to remove Karmal; this motion was supported by Andrei Gromyko, Yuli Vorontsov, Eduard Shevardnadze, Anatoly
Dobrynin and Viktor Chebrikov. A meeting in the PDPA in November relieved Karmal of his Revolutionary Council
chairmanship, and he was exiled to Moscow where he was given a state-owned apartment and adacha. In his position as
Revolutionary Council chairman Karmal was succeeded by Haji Mohammad Chamkani, who was not a member of the PDPA.
In September 1986 the National Compromise Commission (NCC) was established on the orders of Najibullah. The NCC's goal
was to contact counter-revolutionaries "in order to complete the Saur Revolution in its new phase." Allegedly, an estimated
40,000 rebels were contacted by the government. At the end of 1986, Najibullah called for a six-months ceasefire and talks
between the various opposition forces, this was part of his police of National Reconciliation. The discussions, if fruitful, would
lead to the establishment of a coalition government and be the end of the PDPA's monopoly of power. The programme failed,
but the government was able to recruit disillusioned mujahideen fighters as government militas. In many ways, the National
Reconciliation led to an increasing number of urban dwellers to support his rule, and the stabilisation of the Afghan defence
forces. In September 1986 a new constitution was written, which was adopted on November 29, 1987. The constitution
weakened the powers of the head of state by canceling his absolute veto. The reason for this move, according to Najibullah,
was the need for real-power sharing. On July 13, 1987 the official name of Afghanistan was changed from the Democratic
Republic of Afghanistan to Republic of Afghanistan, and in June 1988 the Revolutionary Council, whose members were elected
by the party leadership, was replaced by a National Assembly, an organ in which members were to be elected by the people.
The PDPA's socialist stance was denied even more than previously, in 1989 the Minister of Higher Education began to work on
the "de-Sovietisation" of universities, and in 1990 it was even announced by a party member that all PDPA members
were Muslims and that the party had abandoned Marxism. Many parts of the Afghan government's economic monopoly was
also broken, this had more to do with the tight situation than any ideological conviction.Abdul Hakim Misaq, the Mayor of
Kabul, even stated that traffickers of stolen goods would not be prosecuted by law as long as their goods were given to the
market. Yuli Vorontsov, on Gorbachev's orders, was able to get an agreement with the PDPA leadership to offer the posts of
Gossoviet chairman (the state planning organ), the Council of Ministers chairmanship (head of government), ministries of
defence, state security, communications, finance, presidencies of banks and the Supreme Court. It should be noted, the PDPA
still demanded it held on to all deputy ministers, retained its majority in the state bureaucracy and that it retained all its
provincial governors. The government was not willing to concede all of these positions, and when the offer was broadcasted,
the ministries of defence and state security. Several figures of the intelligentsia took Najibullah's offer seriously, even if they
sympathised or were against the regime. There hopes were dampened when the Najibullah government introduced the state
of emergency on February 18, 1989, four days after the Soviet withdrawal. 1,700 intellectuals were arrested in February
alone, and until November 1991 the government still supervised and restrictedfreedom of speech. Another problem was that
party members took his policy seriously too, Najibullah recanted that most party members felt "panic and pessimism." At the
Second Conference of the party, the majority of members, maybe up to 60 percent, were radical socialists. According to
Soviet advisors (in 1987), a bitter debate within the party had broken out between those who advocated theislamisation of
the party and those who wanted to defend the gains of the Saur Revolution. Opposition to his policy of National Reconciliation
was met party-wide, but especially from Karmalists. Many people did not support the handing out of the already small state
resources the Afghan state had at its disposal. On the other side, several members were proclaiming anti-Soviet slogans as
they accused the National Reconciliation programme to be supported and developed by the Soviet Union. Najibullah
reassured the inter-party opposition that he would not give up the gains of the Saur Revolution, but to the contrary, preserve
them, not give up the PDPA's monopoly on power, or to collaborate with reactionary Mullahs. Local elections were held in
1987. It began when the government introduced a law permitting the formation of other political parties, announced that it
would be prepared to share power with representatives of opposition groups in the event of a coalition government, and
issued a new constitution providing for a new bicameral National Assembly (Meli Shura), consisting of a Senate (Sena) and a
House of Representatives (Wolesi Jirga), and a president to be indirectly elected to a 7-year term. The new political parties
had to opposecolonialism, imperialism, neo-colonialism, Zionism, racial discrimination, apartheid and fascism. Najibullah
stated that only the extremist part of the opposition could not join the planned coalition government. No parties had to share
the PDPA's policy or ideology, but they could not oppose the bond between Afghanistan and the Soviet Union. A parliamentary
election was held in 1988. The PDPA won 46 seats in the House of Representatives and controlled the government with
support from the National Front, which won 45 seats, and from various newly recognized left-wing parties, which had won a
total of 24 seats. Although the election was boycotted by the Mujahideen, the government left 50 of the 234 seats in the
House of Representatives, as well as a small number of seats in the Senate, vacant in the hope that the guerillas would end
their armed struggle and participate in the government. The only armed opposition party to make peace with the government
was Hizbollah, a small Shi'a party not to be confused with the bigger party in Iran. During Babrak Karmal's later years, and
during Najibullah's tenure, the PDPA tried to improve their standing with Muslims by moving, or appearing to move, to the
political centre. They wanted to create a new image for the party and state. In 1987 Najibullah readded Allah to his name to

appease the Muslim community. Communist symbols were completely were either replaced or removed. These measures did
not contribute to any notable increase in support for the government, because the mujahideen had a stronger legitimacy to
protect Islam than the government; they had rebelled against what they saw as an anti-Islamic government, that government
was the PDPA. Islamic principles were embedded in the 1987 constitution, for instance, Article 2 of the constitution stated
that Islam was the state religion, and Article 73 stated that the head of state had to be born into a Muslim Afghan family. The
1990 constitution stated that Afghanistan was an Islamic state, and the last references to communism were removed. Article
1 of the 1990 Constitution said that Afghanistan wan an "independent, unitary and Islamic state." Najibullah continued
Karmal's economic policies. The augmenting of links with the Eastern Bloc and the Soviet Union continued, and so did
bilateral trade. He also encouraged the development of the private sector in industry. The Five-Year Economic and Social
Development Plan which was introduced in January 1986 continued until March 1992, one month before the government's
fall. According to the plan, the economy, which had grown less than 2 percent annually until 1985, would grow 25 percent in
the plan. Industry would grow 28 percent, agriculture 1416 percent, domestic trade by 150 percent and foreign trade with 15
percent. As expected, none of these targets were met, and 2 percent growth annually which had been the norm before the
plan continued under Najibullah. The 1990 constitution gave due attention to the private sector. Article 20 was about the
establishment of private firms, and Article 25 encouraged foreign investments in the private sector. While he may have been
the de jure leader of Afghanistan, Soviet advisers still did the majority of work when Najibullah took power. As Gorbachev
remarked "We're still doing everything ourselves [...]. That's all our people know how to do. They've tied Najibullah hand and
foot." Fikryat Tabeev, the Soviet ambassador to Afghanistan, was accused of acting like a governor general by Gorbachev.
Tabeev was recalled from Afghanistan in July 1986, but while Gorbachev called for the end of Soviet management of
Afghanistan, he could not help but to do some managing himself. At a Soviet Politburo meeting, Gorbachev said "It's difficult
to build a new building out of old material [...] I hope to God that we haven't made a mistake with Najibullah." As time would
prove, the problem was that Najibullah's aim were the opposite of the Soviet Union's; Najibullah was opposed to a Soviet
withdrawal, the Soviet Union wanted a Soviet withdrawal. This was logical, considering the fact that the Afghan military was
on the brink of dissolution. The only means of survival seemed to Najibullah was to retain the Soviet presence. In July 1986
six regiments, which consisted up to 15,000 troops, were withdrawn from Afghanistan. The aim of this early withdrawal was,
according to Gorbachev, to show the world that the Soviet leadership was serious about leaving Afghanistan. The Soviets told
the United States Government that they were planning to withdraw, but the United States Government didn't believe it. When
Gorbachev met with Ronald Reagan during his visit the United States, Reagan called, bizarrely, for the dissolution of the
Afghan army. On April 14, 1986 Afghan and Pakistani governments signed the Geneva Accords, and the Soviet Union and the
United States signed as guarantors; the treaty specifically stated that the Soviet military had to withdraw from Afghanistan by
February 15, 1989. Gorbachev later confided to Anatoli Chernyaev, a personal advisor to Gorbachev, that the Soviet
withdrawal would be criticised for creating a bloodbath which could have been averted if the Soviets stayed. During a
Politburo meeting Eduard Shevardnadze said "We will leave the country in a deplorable situation", and further talked about
the economic collapse, and the need to keep at least 10 to 15,000 troops in Afghanistan. In this Vladimir Kryuchkov, the KGB
Chairman, supported him. This stance, if implemented, would be a betrayal of the Geneva Accords just signed. During the
second phase of the Soviet withdrawal, in 1989, Najibullah told Valentin Varennikov openly that he would do everything to
slow down the Soviet departure. Varennikov in turn replied that such a move would not help, and would only lead to an
international outcry against the war. Najibullah would repeat his position later that year, to a group of senior Soviet
representatives in Kabul. This time Najibullah stated that Ahmad Shah Massoud was the main problem, and that he needed to
be killed. In this, the Soviets agreed, but repeated that such a move would be a breach of the Geneva Accords; to hunt for
Masud so early one would disrupt the withdrawal, and would mean that the Soviet Union would fail to meet its deadline for
withdrawal. During his January 1989 visit to Shevardnadze Najibullah wanted to retain a small presence of Soviet troops in
Afghanistan, and called for moving Soviet bombers to military bases close to the AfghanSoviet border and place them on
permanent alert. Najibullah also repeated his claims that his government could not survive if Massoud remained alive.
Shevardnadze again repeated that troops could not stay, since it would lead to international outcry, but said he would look
into the matter. Shevardnadze demanded that the Soviet embassy created a plan in which at least 12,000 Soviet troops
would remain in Afghanistan either under direct control of the United Nations or remain as "volunteers". The Soviet military
leadership, when hearing of Shevardnadze's plan, became furious. But they followed orders, and named the
operation Typhoon, maybe ironic considering that Operation Typhoon was the German military operation against the city of
Moscow during World War II. Shevardnadze contacted the Soviet leadership about moving a unit to break the siege
of Kandahar, and to protect convoys from and to the city. The Soviet leadership were against Shevardnadze's plan, and
Chernyaev even believed it was part of Najibullah's plan to keep Soviet troops in the country. To which Shevardnadze replied
angrily "You've not been there, [...] You've no idea all the things we have done there in the past ten years." At a Politburo
meeting on 24 January, Shevardnadze argued that the Soviet leadership could be indifferent to Najibullah and his
government; again, Shevardnadze received support from Kryuchkov. In the end Shevardnadze lost the debate, and the
Politburo reaffirmed their commitment to withdraw from Afghanistan. There was still a small presence of Soviet troops after
the Soviet withdrawal; for instance, parachutists who protected the Soviet embassy staff, military advisors and special
forces and reconnaissance troops still operated in the "outlying provinces", especially along the AfghanSoviet border. Soviet
military aid continued after their withdrawal, and massive quantities of food, fuel, ammunition and military equipment was
given to the government. Varennikov visited Afghanistan in May 1989 to discuss ways and means to deliver the aid to the
government. In 1990 Soviet aid mounted to an estimated 3 billion United States dollars. As it turned out, the Afghan military
was entirely dependent on Soviet aid to function. When the Soviet Union was dissolved on December 26, 1991, Najibullah
turned to former Soviet Central Asia for aid. These newly-independent states had no wish to see Afghanistan being taken over
by religious fundamentalist, and supplied Afghanistan with 6 million barrels of oil and 500,000 tons of wheat to survive the
winter. The most effective, and largest, assaults on the mujahideen were undertaken during the 198586 period. This
offensives had forces the mujahideen on the defensive near Herat andKandahar. The Soviets ensued a bomb and negotiate
during 1986, and a major offensive that year included 10,000 Soviet troops and 8,000 Afghan troops. Pakistan, under Zia ulHaq, continued to support the mujahideen even if it was a contravention of the Geneva Accords. At the beginning most
observers expected the Najibullah government to collapse immediately, and to be replaced with an Islamic fundamentalist
government. The Central Intelligence Agency stated in a report, that the new government would be ambivalent, or even
worse, hostile towards the United States. Almost immediately after the Soviet withdrawal, the Battle of Jalalabad broke out
between Afghan government forces and the mujahideen. The offensive against the city began when the mujahideen bribed
several government military officers, from there, they tried to take the airport, but were repulsed with heavy casualties. The
willingness for the common Afghan government soldier increased when the mujahideen began to execute people early on
during the battle. During the battle Najibullah called for Soviet assistance. Gorbachev called an emergency session of the
Politburo to discuss his proposal, but Najibullah's request was rejected. Other attacks against the city failed, and by April the
government forces were on the offensive. During the battle over four hundred Scud missiles were shot, which were fired by a
Soviet crew which had stayed behind. When the battle ended in July, the mujahideen had lost an estimated 3,000 troops. One
mujahideen commander lamented "the battle of Jalalabad lost us credit won in ten years of fighting." A officer of the InterService Intelligence, Pakistan's intelligence agency, said "The Jihad has never recovered from Jalalabad.". From 1989 to 1990
the Najibullah was partially successful in building up the Afghan defence forces. The Ministry of State Security had

established a local milita force which stood at an estimated 100,000 men. The 17th Division
in Herat, which had begun the 1979 Herat uprising against PDPA-rule, stood at 3,400 regular
troops and 14,000 tribal men. In 1988, the total number of security forces available to the
government stood at 300,000. Sadly for Najibullah, this trend would not continue, and by the
summer of 1990, the Afghan government forces were on the defensive again. By the
beginning of 1991, the government controlled only 10 percent of Afghanistan, the eleven
year Siege of Khost had ended in a mujahideen victory and the morale of the Afghan military
finally collapsed. In the Soviet Union, Kryuchkov and Shevardnadze, had both supported
continuing aid to the Najibullah government, but Kryuchkov had been arrested following the
failed 1991 Soviet coup d'tat attempt and Shevardnadze had resigned from his posts in the
Soviet government in December 1990 there was no longer any pro-Najibullah people in the
Soviet leadership. It didn't help either that the Soviet Union was in the middle of an
economic and political crisis, which would lead directly to the dissolution of the Soviet
Union on December 26, 1991. At the same time Boris Yeltsin became Russia's new hope, and
he had no wish to continue to aid Najibullah's government, a government which he
considered a relic of the past. In the autumn of 1991, Najibullah wrote to Shevardnadze "I
didn't want to be president, you talked me into it, insisted on it, and promised support. Now
you are throwing me and the Republic of Afghanistan to its fate." In January 1992, the
Russian government ended its aid to the Najibullah government. The effects were felt immediately: the Afghan Air Force, the
most effective part of the Afghan military, was grounded due to the lack of fuel. The mujahideen, in contrast to Najibullah,
continued to be supported by Pakistan. Major cities were lost to the rebels, and terrorist attacks became common in Kabul.
On the fifth anniversary of his policy of National Reconciliation, Najibullah blamed the Soviet Union for the disaster that had
stricken Afghanistan. The day the Soviet Union withdrew was hailed by Najibullah as the Day of National Salvation. But it was
too late, and his government's collapse was imminent. In March Najibullah offered his governments immediate resignation,
and followed the United Nations (UN), to be replaced by an interim government. In mid-April Najibullah accepted a UN plan to
hand power to a seven-man council, few days later on 14 April, Najibullah was forced to resign on the orders of the Watan
Party because of the loss of Bagram airbase and the town of Charikar. Abdul Rahim Hatef became acting head of state
following Najibullah's resignation. Najibullah not long before Kabul's fall, appealed to the UN for amnesty, which he was
granted. But Najibullah was hindered by Abdul Rashid Dostum to escape, instead, Najibullah sought haven in the local UN
headquarters in Kabul. TheAfghan civil war did not end with Najibullah's ouster, and continued until 1996 when
the Taliban took power. During his 199296 refuge in the UN compound in Kabul, while waiting for the UN to negotiate his
safe passage to India, he engaged himself in translating Peter Hopkirk's book The Great Game into his mother
tongue Pashto. Few months before his final execution by Taliban, he quoted, "Afghans keep making the same mistake,"
reflecting upon his translation to a visitor. When the Taliban were about to enter Kabul, Ahmad Shah Massoud twice offered
Najibullah an opportunity to flee Kabul; although they were political enemies, Massoud had known Najibullah since childhood,
as they had lived in the same neighborhood. Najibullah refused, believing the Taliban, Ghilzai Pashtuns like Najibullah, would
spare his life and not harm him. General Tokhi, who was with Dr. Najibullah until the day before his torture and murder, wrote
that when three people came to both Dr. Najibullah and General Tokhi and asked them to come with them to flee Kabul, they
rejected the offer. This proved to be a fatal mistake. Najibullah was at the UN compound when the Taliban soldiers came for
him on 27 September 1996. He was castrated before the Taliban dragged him to death behind a truck in the streets. His
blood-soaked body was hung from a traffic light. His brother Shahpur Ahmadzai was given the same treatment. Najibullah's
and his brother's body were hanged on public display to show the public that a new era had begun. At first Najibullah and his
brother were denied an Islamic funeral because of their "crimes", but the bodies were later handed over to the International
Committee of the Red Cross who in turn sent their bodies to the Paktia province were both of them were given a proper
funeral by their fellow Ahmadzai tribesmen. There was widespread international condemnation, particularly from the Muslim
world. The United Nations issued a statement which condemned the execution of Najibullah, and claimed that such a murder
would further destabilise Afghanistan. The Taliban responded by issuing death sentences on Dostum, Massoud
and Burhanuddin Rabbani. India, which had been supporting Najibullah, strongly condemned the public execution of
Najibullah and began to support Massoud's United Front in an attempt to contain the rise of the Taliban.

Mohammad Hasan Sharq (born 1925) was an Afghan politician during the communist regime of Afghanistan. Sharq
became Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet-backed government, the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan from
May 28, 1988 until February 21, 1989. He was selected as a compromise candidate after the Loya Jirga ratified a new
constitution in 1987. However, the power of his office was relatively small compared with the ones of the Presidency. Sharq
served as spokesman for earlier Chairman of the Council of Ministers Mohammad Daoud Khan during the Kingdom of
Afghanistan. When Daoud took over the Cabinet Posts of Prime Minister, Defense Minister and Foreign Minister, He appointed
Sharq as his Deputy Prime Minister. In March 1986, Afghan foreign minister Abdul Wakil invited mujahideen leaders, former
King Zahir Shah and ex-ministers from previous governments to join a government of national unity to rebuild the war-torn
country. The new parliament that convened on May 30, 1989, 2 weeks after the Geneva Accords became effective and the
beginning of theSoviet troop withdrawal in 1989, consisted of 184 lower house deputies and 115 senators; 62 house and 82
senate seats were left vacant for the resistance "opposition." As a compromise candidate, Sharq was selected by
President Mohammad Najibullah to be the new Chairman of the Council of Ministers, replacing Sultan Ali Keshtmand. The
appointment was intended dramatically to reinforce the point that the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) was
going to take a back seat. However, the new constitution vested key powers in the Presidency, and President Najibullah did
not give up that central role. Sharq had served as the regime's Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers since June 1987
and before that as its Ambassador toIndia. In any event, Sharq's association with the Parcham faction, dating back to the
Daoud government, made the "non-PDPA" appellation meaningless. Likewise, on June 7, when Sharq announced his cabinet,
consisting of 11 new members and 10 former ones, the non-party credentials of the "new" ministers were undermined by the
fact that most had served the regime government previously in other capacities. Furthermore, the powerful ministries of
interior, state security, and foreign affairs remained in PDPA hands. The major exception was the effort to enlist a resistance
commander or a respected retired general from an earlier era to becomeminister of defense. This post remained open for
some time, but in August it was finally given to Army Chief of Staff GeneralShahnawaz Tanai of the Khalq faction. Thus,
almost 2 years after he announced the national reconciliation policy in January 1987, President Najibullah was unable to
attract a single major figure of the resistance or prominent Afghan refugee to join the government. During 1988, two new
provinces were created -Sar-e-pol in the north and Nuristan in the northeast- by carving out territory from adjoining
provinces. In each case, the purpose appears to have been to create a new entity where an ethnic minority-the Hazaras and
Nuristanis respectivelywould dominate. This readjustment would guarantee representation in the new parliament for these
ethnic groups. At the same time, the Sharq government has abolished the special ministry for nationalities that carries
connotations of a Soviet-style system. On Febreary 1989, Sharq resigned from the government of President Najibullah, a
move underscoring the failure thus far by Afghans to establish a government of national reconciliation. A resident of the Anar

Dara

district in the western Farah province, Dr Hasan Sharq had been prime minister in the Dr Najeebullah
government from 1986 to 1990. He also served as spokesman for then prime minister Daud Khan and his
Milli Ghurzang Party.

Fazal Haq Khaliqyar (1934

- July 16, 2004), was an Afghan politician and

Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Republic of Afghanistan from May 8, 1990
until April 15, 1992. He performed duties as Minister of Finance during Mohammad
Daud Khan's rule. He was appointed as Council of Ministers chairman during the
period of President Mohammad Najibullah government. For the first time since 1978,
a
free parliamentary debate was held in order to select the Council of Ministers
chairman. On May 21, 1989, Khaliqyar, who was non-party figure, was selected to
this position in
1989. He replaced Hard-liner Keshtmand. Khaliqyar's cabinet kept PDPA stalwarts in
all
the
key
security posts By the end of May 1990, A loya jirga is convened in Kabul, which
ratifies constitutional amendments providing for multiple political parties, ending the PDPA's and the National Front's
monopoly over executive power. On December 11, 1990, President Najibullah inaugurated a National Commission for Clearing
Mines and Unexploded Ordnance from the Lands of the Republic of Afghanistan under the chairmanship of Khaliqyar. A
Moscow-brokered plan calls for Najibullah to step aside in favour of Khaliqyar, who would serve as a transitional
administrative leader until a new government could be elected. On October, Mujaddidi praises government Khaliqyar and
says that he will consult his more radical colleagues on sharing power with him in a transitional government. He later backs
off from this pledge due to pressure from hard-liners. The mujaheddin say his association with Najibullah makes him
unacceptable for any compromise. On July 16, 2004, he died in Netherlands at the age of 70.

Abdul Rahim Hatif

(Pashto:
; May 20, 1926 August 19, 2013) was a politician in
Afghanistan. He served as Vice President and Deputy Prime Minister of Afghanistan from 1987 until
May 1990 during the last years of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. He was born in Kandahar,
Afghanistan. Before the first fall of Kabul, he was the acting President of Afghanistan for two weeks
from April 12 until April 28, 1992, after the resignation of President Najibullah, before the takeover of
power by the Jamiat-e Islami. He went into exile in the Netherlands where he died on August 19,
2013.

Islamic State of Afghanistan

List of Presidents of the Islamic State of Afghanistan

Sibghatullah Mojaddedi (Pashto () born

1925 or 1926), served as the

first President of the Islamic State of Afghanistan after the fall of the communist regime from April 26
until June 28, 1992. He is also the leader of the Afghan National Liberation Front. Professor Mojaddedi
transferred power to President Burhanuddin Rabbani after serving a two-month term, based on a prior
agreement that was reached by the Mujahideen forces in Pakistan, as he was unable establish any type
of reconciliation among the Mujahideen factions. In December 2003, he served as the chairman of
the Loya Jirga that approved Afghanistan's new constitution. Recently he was elected as the leader of the
legislature's 102-seat upper house, the Meshrano Jirga, for a 5 year term, and is also chairman of
"National Commission for Peace in Afghanistan". Sibghatullah Mojaddedi is an ethnic Pashtun. The
Mojaddedi is an eminent religious family from Kabul. Sibghatullah Mojaddedi is a moderate Muslim
leader. He is a member of the Jebh-e-Nejat-e Melli (National Liberation Front). In 1989, the Afghan
Interim Government appointed him as the president of the country. In 1992, he was the chair of a the Islamic Jihad Council
that was set up to establish a post-Soviet Afghan government. This position lasted three months, although some sources say
he stayed for only two months. In May 1992, Burhanuddin Rabbani established a new leadership council. This council
undermined Mojaddedi's leadership, resulting in his resignation and handing over power to a new council. During this time in
1992, when Mojaddedi was President of Afghanistan, the Ariana plane carrying him to Kabul was hit by an RPG as it was
landing at Kabul Airport. The plane landed safely, with no fatalities. Two suicide bombers carried out an attack in Kabul on
March 12, 2006 against Sibghatullah Mojaddedi. At the time of the attack, he was a member of the upper house of parliament
and head of a reconciliation committee aimed at engaging former Taliban members. He was attacked as he was being driven
on the road in Kabul. Attackers blew up a vehicle filled with explosives next to his car. Four pedestrians were killed and
Mojaddedi was slightly injured, with burns to his face and hands. On August 26, 2015, Mojaddedi launched a new political
party, the Council of Jihad and National Political Parties.

Burhanuddin Rabbani (Persian:

Burhnuddn Rabbn; September 20, 1940 September 20, 2011)

was President of the Islamic State of Afghanistan from June 28, 1992 until September 27, 1996 and President Transitional
Islamic State of Afghanistan from November 13 until December 22, 2001 after the Taliban government was toppled during
Operation Enduring Freedom, Rabbani returned to Kabul. Rabbani was also the leader of Jamiat-e Islami Afghanistan (Islamic
Society of Afghanistan), which has close ties to Pakistan's Jamaat-e-Islami. He was one of the earliest founders and movement
leaders of the Mujahideen in the late 1970s, right before the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. He served as the political head of
the United Islamic Front for the Salvation of Afghanistan (UIFSA), an alliance of various political groups who fought against the
Taliban in Afghanistan. His government was recognized by many countries, as well as theUnited Nations. He later became
head of Afghanistan National Front (known in the media as United National Front), the largest political opposition to Hamid
Karzai's government. On 20 September 2011, Rabbani was assassinated by a suicide bomber entering his home in Kabul. As
suggested by the Afghan parliament, Afghanistan's President Hamid Karzai gave him the title of "Martyr of Peace". His
son Salahuddin Rabbani was chosen in April 2012 to lead efforts to forge peace in Afghanistan with the Taliban. Rabbani, son
of Muhammed Yousuf, was born in the northern province of Badakhshan in 1940. He was a Persian-speaking ethnicTajik. After
finishing school in his native province, he went to Darul-uloom-e-Sharia (Abu-Hanifa), a religious school in Kabul. When he
graduated from Abu-Hanifa, he attended Kabul University to study Islamic Law and Theology, graduating in 1963. Soon after
his graduation in 1963, he was hired as a professor at Kabul University. In order to enhance himself, Rabbani went toEgypt in
1966, and he entered the Al-Azhar University in Cairo where he developed close ties to the Muslim Brotherhood leadership. In
two years, he received his masters degree in Islamic Philosophy. Rabbani was one of the first Afghans to translate the works
ofSayyid Qutb into Persian. Later he returned to Egypt to complete his PhD in Islamic philosophy and his thesis was titled
"The Philosophy and Teachings of Abd al-Rahman Muhammad Jami." In 2004 he received Afghanistan's highest academic and
scientific title "Academician" from the Academy of Sciences of Afghanistan. Rabbani returned to Afghanistan in 1968, where
the High Council of Jamiat-e Islami gave him the duty of organizing the University students. Due to his knowledge, reputation,
and active support for the cause of Islam, in 1972, a 15-member council selected him as head of Jamiat-e Islami of
Afghanistan; the founder of Jamiat-e Islami of Afghanistan, Ghulam M. Niyazi was also present. Jamiat-e Islami was primarily

composed of Tajiks. In the spring of 1974, the police came to Kabul University to arrest Rabbani for his proIslamic stance, but with the help of his students the police were unable to capture him, and he managed
to escape to the countryside. In Pakistan Rabbani gathered important people and established the party.
Sayed Noorullah Emad, who was then a young Muslim in the university of Kabul became General
Secretary of the party and, later, its deputy chief. When the Soviets supported the 1979 coup, Rabbani
helped lead Jamiat-e Islami in resistance to the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan regime.
Rabbani's forces were the first mujahideen elements to enter Kabul in 1992 when the PDPA
government fell from power. He took over as President from 1992 until the Taliban's conquest of Kabul
in 1996. For the next five years he and the Northern Alliance were busy fighting the Taliban until the
2001 US-led Operation Enduring Freedom in which the Taliban government was toppled. Rabbani
was head of Afghanistans High Peace Council, which had been formed in 2010 to initiate peace
talks with the Taliban and other groups in the insurgency, until his death. Rabbani was killed in
a suicide bombing at his home in Kabul on 20 September 2011. Two men posing as Taliban
representatives approached him to offer a hug and detonated their explosives. At least one of them had hidden the
explosives in his turban. The suicide bomber claimed to be a Taliban commander and said he wanted to "discuss peace" with
Rabbani. Four other members of Afghanistans High Peace Council were also killed in the blast. Afghan officials blamed
the Quetta Shura, which is the leadership of the Afghan Taliban hiding in the affluent Satellite Town of Quetta in Pakistan. The
Pakistani government confirmed that Rabbani's assassination was linked to Afghan refugees in Pakistan. A senior Pakistani
official stated that over 90% of terrorist attacks in Pakistan are traced back to Afghan elements and that their presence in the
country was "an important issue for Pakistan" and "a problem for Afghanistan". Pakistani foreign minister Hina Rabbani
Khar said that "We are not responsible if Afghan refugees crossed the border and entered Kabul, stayed in a guest house and
attacked Professor Rabbani". Just days before he died, Rabbani was trying to persuade Islamic scholars to issue a religious
edict banning suicide bombings which happened in the year 2011. The former president's 29-year-old daughter said in an
interview that her father died shortly after he spoke at a conference on "Islamic Awakening" in Tehran. "Right before he was
assassinated, he talked about the suicide bombing issue," Fatima Rabbani told Reuters. "He called on all Islamic scholars in
the conference to release a fatwa" against the tactic. United States President Barack Obama and several NATO military
leaders condemned the assassination. Japan also offered its condolences at the Sixty-sixth session of the United Nations
General Assembly. Afghan President Hamid Karzai cut short his trip for the General debate of the sixty-sixth session of the
United Nations General Assemblyfollowing his assassination. Rabbani's son Salahuddin then took over chairmanship of the
High Peace Council from his father.

Abdul Sabur Farid Kohistani (1952 May 3, 2007) served

as Prime Minister of Afghanistan from

July 6, 1992 until August 15, 1992. He was a member of Gulbuddin Hekmatyar's Hezbi Islami. He later
served as a member of the upper house of the National Assembly of Afghanistan until he
was assassinated in a shooting outside his home in Kabul on May 3, 2007. Abdul Sabur Farid, son of Abdul
Shukur, was born in 1951 in the village of Chasham Allah in Kohistan district of Kapisa province. He
completed his primary and secondary education in the following places: Gulbahar, Mir Masjidi Khan Secondary
School, Numan, Khan Abad, Habibia and Jabul Seraj high schools between 1954 and 1970. He was admitted
to the Roshan Teachers Training Academy and, after two years of study he was appointed as a teacher at
Mir Masjidi Khan High School. After two years of service in the education sector, he was admitted to the Roshan
Teachers Training Academy again. After completing his education, he was appointed as a teacher at the Gulbahar
High School in Parwan province. Sen. Farid sought refuge in Pakistan and Iran immediately after the Communist coup. In
1980, he returned to the country and joined the armed anti-Soviet resistance. During the jihad, he led mujahideen
contingents in Parwan and Kapisa. Following the mujahideen victory and establishment of an Islamic government in 1992, he
was appointed as first Prime Minister; however, after a short period of time, due to inappropriate conditions, he went to Iran,
Switzerland and Pakistan. Sen. Farid joined the anti-Taliban resistance was appointed provincial governor of Parwan for a brief
period. He was appointed to the Meshrano Jirga by the President. He is married and has 10 children. Farid was a former
premier and one-time Gulbadin Hekmatyar-loyalist. He later served as a member of the upper house of the National Assembly
of Afghanistan until he was assassinated in a shooting outside his home in Kabul on May 3, 2007.

Gulbuddin Hekmatyar (Pashto: Persian: ; born

1947) is an Afghan Mujahideen leader

who is the founder and leader of the Hezb-e Islami political party and paramilitary group. Hekmatyar was a rebel military
commander during the 1980s Soviet war in Afghanistan and was one of the key figures in the civil war that followed the
Soviet withdrawal. He was Prime Minister of Afghanistan from June 17, 1993 until June 28, 1994 and again briefly from June
26 until September 27, 1996. One of the most controversial of the Mujahideen leaders, he has been accused of spending
"more time fighting other Mujahideen than killing Soviets" and of wantonly killing civilians. Gulbuddin Hekmatyar was born in
1947 in Imam Sahib District of the Kunduz province, northern Afghanistan, a member of the Kharotitribe of
the Ghilzai Pashtun. His father, Ghulam Qader, who migrated to Kunduz, is originally from the central Ghazni province.
Afghan businessman and Kharoti tribal leader Gholam Serwar Nasher deemed Hekmatyar to be a bright young man and sent
him to the Mahtab Qala military academy in 1968, but he was expelled due to his political views two years later. From 1970 to
1972, Hekmatyar attented Kabul University's engineering department. Though he was unable to complete his degree, his
followers therefore address him as "Engineer Hekmatyar". Hekmatyar initially was a pro-Soviet militant of the People's
Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) but with time also became influenced by extremist interpretations of Islam. In 1972,
he was imprisoned for ordering the killing of Saydal Sukhandana, a pro-China Maoist student. While attending Kabul
University Hekmatyar's supporters had also allegedly become known for throwing acids into the faces of women not wearing
the all covering veil on campus. He was released after two years when the monarchy of Zahir Shah was overthrown
and Daoud Khan with the help of the communist PDPA seized power in 1973. After being released, Hekmatyar joined
the Sazman-i Jawanan-i Musulman ("Organization of Muslim Youth") which was gaining influence because of its opposition to
the Soviet influence in Afghanistan increasing through the PDPA elements in Daoud's government. Hekmatyar's radicalism
put him in confrontation with elements in the Muslim Youth surrounding Ahmad Shah Massoud, also an engineering student at
Kabul University. In 1975, trying to murder a rival for the second time in three years, Hekmatyar with Pakistani help tried to
assassinate Massoud, then 22 years old, but failed. In 1975, the "Islamic Society" split between supporters of Massoud
and Burhanuddin Rabbani, who led the Jamiat-e Islami, and elements surrounding Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, who then founded
the Hezb-i Islami. Akbarzadeh and Yasmeen describe Hekmatyar's approach as "radical" and antagonistic as opposed to an
"inclusive" and "moderate" strategy by Rabbani. The arrival of Afghan opposition militants in Peshawar coincided with a
period of diplomatic tension between Pakistan and Afghanistan, due to Daoud's revival of the Pashtunistan, disputed territory,
issue. Under the secret policy of USA, Britain and the patronage of Pakistani General Naseerullah Babar, then governor of
the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and with the blessing of President Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, camps were set up to train Hekmatyar and
other anti-Daoud Islamists. The Islamist movement had two main tendencies: the Jamiat-e islami ("Islamic society") led
by Burhanuddin Rabbani, that advocated a gradualist strategy to gain power, through infiltration of society and the state
apparatus. Rabbani advocated for the "building of a widely based movement that would create popular support". The other

movement, calledHezb-i Islami ("Islamic Party"), was led by Hekmatyar, who favored a radical approach in the form of violent
armed conflict. Pakistani support largely went to Hekmatyar's group, who, in October 1975, undertook to instigate an uprising
against the government. Without popular support, the rebellion ended in complete failure, and hundreds of militants were
arrested.
Hekmatyar's Hezb-e-Islami
Gulbuddin was
formed
as
an
elitist avant-garde based
on
a
strictly
disciplined Islamist ideology within a homogeneous organization that Olivier Roydescribed as "Leninist", and employed the
rhetoric of the Iranian Revolution. It had its operational base in the Nasir Bagh, Worsak and Shamshatoo refugee camps in
Pakistan. In these camps, Hezb-i Islami formed a social and political network and operated everything from schools to prisons,
with the support of the Pakistani government and their Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). From 1976-1977 Afghan President
Daoud made overtures to Pakistan which led to reconciliation with Pakistani leader Bhutto. Bhutto's support to Hekmatyar,
however, continued and when Bhutto was removed from power in Pakistan by Zia-ul-Haq in 1977, Zia continued supporting
Hekmatyar. During the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, Hekmatyar received large amounts of aid from Saudi Arabia, Pakistan
and the United States. According to the ISI, their decision to allocate the highest percentage of covert aid to Hekmatyar was
based on his record as an effective anti-Soviet military commander in Afghanistan. Others describe his position as the result
of having "almost no grassroots support and no military base inside Afghanistan", and thus being the much more "dependent
on Pakistani President Zia-ul-Haq's protection and financial largess" than other mujahideen factions. Hekmatyar has been
harshly criticized for his behavior during the Soviet and civil war, and was criticized for his groups "xenophobic"
tendencies. At various times, he has both fought against and allied himself with almost every other group in Afghanistan. He
ordered frequent attacks on other rival factions to weaken them in order to improve his position in the post-Soviet power
vacuum. An example of his tendency for internecine rivalry was his arranging the arrest of Ahmed Shah Massoud in Pakistan
in 1976 on spying charges. Another example is when Massoud and Hekmatyar agreed to stage a takeover operation in
the Panjshir valley - Hekmatyar at the last minute refused to engage his part of the offensive, leaving Massoud open and
vulnerable. Massoud's forces barely escaped with their lives. The Paris based group Mdecins Sans Frontires reported that
Hekmatyar's guerrillas hijacked a 96 horse caravan bringing aid into northern Afghanistan in 1987, stealing a year's supply of
medicine and cash that was to be distributed to villagers to buy food with. French relief officials also asserted that Thierry
Niquet, an aid coordinator bringing cash to Afghan villagers, was killed by one of Hekmatyar's commanders in 1986. It is
thought that two American journalists traveling with Hekmatyar in 1987, Lee Shapiro and Jim Lindalos, were killed not by the
Soviets, as Hekmatyar's men claimed, but during a firefight initiated by Hekmatyar's forces against another mujahideen
group. In addition, there were frequent reports throughout the war of Hekmatyar's commanders negotiating and dealing with
pro-Communist local militias in northern Afghanistan.
In 1987, member's of Hekmatyar's faction murdered
British cameraman Andy Skrzypkowiak, who was carrying footage of Massoud's successes to the West. Despite protests from
British representatives, Hekmatyar didn't punish the culprits, and instead rewarded them with gifts. Another example of the
Hezb-i Islami's tendency to internecine fighting was given on July 9, 1989, when Sayyed Jamal, one of Hekmatyar's
commanders, ambushed and murdered 30 commanders of Massoud's Shura-ye-Nazar at Farkhar in Takhar province. The
attack was typical of Hekmatyar's strategy of trying to cripple rival factions, and incurred widespread condemnation among
the mujahideen. Author Peter Bergen states that "by the most conservative estimates, $600 million" in American aid through
Pakistan "went to the Hizb party, ... Hekmatyar's party had the dubious distinction of never winning a significant battle during
the war, training a variety of militant Islamists from around the world, killing significant numbers of mujahideen from other
parties, and taking a virulently anti-Western line. In addition to hundreds of millions of dollars of American aid, Hekmatyar
also received the lion's share of aid from the Saudis." Pakistan General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq felt the need to warn
Hekmatyar that it was Pakistan that made him an Afghan leader and it is Pakistan who can equally destroy him if he
continues to misbehave. As the war began to appear increasingly winnable for the Mujahideen, Islamic fundamentalist
elements within the ISI became increasingly motivated by their desire to install the fundamentalist Hekmatyar as the new
leader of a liberated Afghanistan. Alfred McCoy, author of The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia, accused the CIA of
supporting Hekmatyar drug trade activities, basically providing him immunity against his assistance in the fight against the
USSR. In April 1992, as the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan began to collapse, government officials joined the
mujahideen, choosing different parties according to their ethnic and political affinities. For the most part, the members of
the khalq faction of the PDPA, who were predominantly Pashtuns, joined with Hekmatyar. With their help, he began on April
24, 1992 to infiltrate troops into Kabul, and announced that he had seized the city, and that should any other leaders try to
fly into Kabul, he would shoot their plane down. The new leader of the "Islamic Interim Government of
Afghanistan", Sibghatullah Mojaddedi, appointed Ahmed Shah Massoud as defense minister, and urged him to take action.
This he did, taking the offensive on April 25, 1992 and after two days heavy fighting, the Hezb-i Islami and its allies were
expelled from Kabul. A peace agreement was signed with Massoud on May 25, 1992, which made Hekmatyar Prime Minister.
However, the agreement fell apart when he was blamed for a rocket attack on President Mojaddedi's plane. The following
day, fighting resumed between Burhanuddin Rabbani's and Ahmed Shah Massoud's Jamiat, Abdul Rashid
Dostum's Jumbish forces and Hekmatyar's Hezb-i Islami forces. From 1992 to 1996 the warring factions destroyed most of
Kabul and killed thousands of people, most of them civilians during the Afghan civil war. All the different parties participated
in the destruction, but Hekmatyar's group was responsible for most of the damage, because of his practice of deliberately
targeting civilian areas. Hekmatyar is thought to have bombarded Kabul in retaliation for what he considered its inhabitants'
collaboration with the Soviets, and out of religious conviction. He once told a New York Timesjournalist that Afghanistan
"already had one and a half million martyrs. We are ready to offer as many to establish a true Islamic Republic." His attacks
also had a political objective: to undermine the Rabbani government by proving that Rabbani and Massoud were unable to
protect the population. In 1994 Hekmatyar would shift alliances, joining with Dostum as well as Hizb-e-Wahdat, a Hazara Shi'a
party, to form the Shura-i Hamahangi ("Council of coordination"). Together they laid siege to Kabul, unleashing massive
barrages of artillery and rockets that led to the evacuation of U.N. personnel from Kabul, and caused several government
members to abandon their posts. However the new alliance did not spell victory for Hekmatyar, and in June 1994, Massoud
had driven Dostum's troops from the capital. The Pakistani military had supported Hekmatyar until then in the hope of
installing a Pashtun-dominated government in Kabul, which would be friendly to their interests. By 1994, it had become clear
that Hekmatyar would never achieve this, and that his extremism had antagonised most Pashtuns, so the Pakistanis began
turning towards the predominantly Pashtun Taliban. After capturing Kandahar in November 1994, the Taliban made rapid
progress towards Kabul, making inroads into Hezb-i Islami positions. They capturedWardak on February 2, 1995, and moved
on to Maidan Shahr on February 10, 1995 and Mohammed Agha the next day. Very soon, Hekmatyar found himself caught
between the advancing Taliban and the government forces, and the morale of his men collapsed. On February 14, 1996 he
was forced to abandon his headquarters at Charasiab, from where rockets were fired at Kabul, and flee in disorder to Surobi.
Nonetheless, in May 1996, Rabbani and Hekmatyar finally formed a power-sharing government in which Hekmatyar was
made prime minister. Rabbani was anxious to enhance the legitimacy of his government by enlisting the support of Pashtun
leaders. However, the Mahipar agreement did not bring any such benefits to him as Hekmatyar had little grassroots support,
but did have many adverse effects: it caused outrage among Jamiat supporters, and among the population of Kabul, who had
endured Hekmatyar's attacks for the last four years. Moreover, the agreement was clearly not what the Pakistanis wanted,
and convinced them of Hekmatyar's weakness, and that they should shift their aid entirely over to the Taliban. Hekmatyar
took office on June 26, 1996 and immediately started issuing severe decrees on women's dress, that struck a sharp contrast
with the relatively liberal policy that Massoud had followed until then. The Taliban responded to the agreement with a further

spate of rocket attacks on the capital. The Rabbani/Hekmatyar regime lasted only a few months before
Taliban took control of Kabul in September 1996. Many of the HIG local commanders joined the
Taliban "both out of ideological sympathy and for reason of tribal solidarity." Those that did not were
expelled by the Taliban. In Pakistan Hezb-e-Islami training camps "were taken over by the Taliban
and
handed over" to Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI) groups such as the Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP).
Hekmatyar then fled to Iran in 1997 where he is said to have resided for almost six years. Isolated from
Afghanistan he is reported to have "lost ... his power base back home" to defections or inactivity of
former members. After the 9/11 attacks in the United States Hekmatyar, who had allegedly
"worked closely" with bin Laden in early 1990s, declared his opposition to the US campaign in
Afghanistan and criticized Pakistan for assisting the United States. After the U.S. entry into the antiTaliban alliance and the fall of the Taliban, Hekmatyar rejected the U.N.-brokered accord of December 5, 2001 negotiated in
Germany as a post-Taliban interim government for Afghanistan. As a result of pressure by the US and the Karzai
administration, on February 10, 2002 all the offices of Hezb-e-Islami were closed in Iran and Hekmatyar was expelled by his
Iranian hosts. On May 6, 2002 the U.S. CIA fired on his vehicle convoy using a Lockheed Martin manufactured AGM-114
Hellfire missile launched from an MQ-1 Predator aircraft. The missile missed its target. The United States accuse Hekmatyar
of urging Taliban fighters to re-form and fight against Coalition troops in Afghanistan. He is also accused of offering bounties
for those who kill U.S. troops. He has been labeled a war criminal by members of the U.S.-backed President Hamid Karzai's
government. He is also a suspect behind the September 5, 2002 assassination attempt on Karzai that killed more than a
dozen people. In September 2002, Hekmatyar released a taped message calling for jihad against the United States. On
December 25, 2002 the news broke that American spy organizations had discovered Hekmatyar attempting to join al-Qaeda.
According to the news, he had said that he was available to aid them. However, in a video released by Hekmatyar 1
September 2003, he denied forming alliances with the Taliban or al-Qaeda, but praised attacks against U.S. and international
forces. On February 19, 2003 the United States State Department and the United States Treasury Department jointly
designated Hekmatyar a "global terrorist." This designation meant that any assets Hekmatyar held in the USA, or held
through companies based in the US, would be frozen. The US also requested the United Nations Committee on Terrorism to
follow suit, and designate Hekmatyar an associate of Osama bin Laden. In October 2003, he declared a ceasefire with local
commanders in Jalalabad, Kunar, Logar and Sarobi and stated that they should only fight foreigners. In May 2006, he released
a video to Al Jazeera in which he accused Iran of backing the US in the Afghan conflict and said he was ready to fight
alongside Osama bin Laden and blamed the ongoing conflicts in Palestine, Iraq and Afghanistan on US interference. In
September 2006, he was reported as captured, but the report was later retracted. In December 2006, a video was released in
Pakistan, where Gulbuddin Hekmatyar claimed "the fate Soviet Union faced is awaiting America as well." In January 2007 CNN
reported that Hekmatyar claimed "that his fighters helped Osama bin Laden escape from the mountains of Tora Bora five
years ago." BBC news reported a quote from a December 2006 interview broadcast on GEO TV, "We helped them [bin Laden
and Zawahiri] get out of the caves and led them to a safe place." In May 2008, the Jamestown Foundation reported that after
being "sidelined from Afghan politics" since the mid-1990s, Gulbuddin's HIG group has "recently reemerged as an aggressive
militant group, claiming responsibility for many bloody attacks against Coalition forces and the administration of
President Hamid Karzai." The re-emergence of this "experienced guerrilla strategist" comes at a propitious time for
insurgency, following the killing of Taliban commander Mullah Dadullah, when some elements of the Taliban were becoming
"disorganized and frustrated." HIG has claimed responsibility for and is thought to have at least assisted in a April 27, 2008
attempt on the life of President Karzai in Kabul that killed three Afghan citizens, including a member of parliament. Other
attacks it is thought to be responsible for include the January 2, 2008 shooting down of a helicopter containing foreign troops
in the Laghman province; the shooting and forcing down a U.S. military helicopter in the Sarubi district of Kabul on 22
January; and blowing up a Kabul police vehicle in March 2008, killing 10 soldiers. In interviews he has demanded "all foreign
forces to leave immediately unconditionally." Offers by President Hamid Karzai to open talks with "opponents of the
government" and hints that they would be offered official posts "such as deputy minister or head of department", are thought
to be directed at Hekmatyar. Hekmatyar reportedly now lives today in an unknown location in southeastern Afghanistan,
somewhere close to the Pakistani border. In 2008 he denied any links with the Taliban or al-Qaeda and was even considered
for Prime Minister. Hekmatyar is now believed to shuttle between hideouts in Pakistan's mountainous tribal areas and in
northeast Afghanistan. In January 2010, he was still considered as one of the three main leaders of the Afghan insurgency. By
then, he held out the possibility of negotiations with President Karzai and outlined a roadmap for political reconciliation. This
contrasted with the views of Taliban leader Mullah Omar and allied insurgent chief Sirajuddin Haqqani, who refuse any talks
with Kabul as long as foreign troops remain in the country, Hekmatyar appeared less reluctant.
the

Arsalan Rahmani Daulat (died

May 13, 2012) was the Prime Minister of Afghanistan from June
1994 until 1995. He was selected to serve in the Meshrano Jirga, the upper house of Afghanistan's
national assembly, in 2005 and 2010. He was appointed a Deputy Minister for Higher Education under
the Ta
liban, in 1998. TheUnited Nations Security Council issued Security Council Resolution 1267 in 1999,
which
listed senior Taliban members. The United Nations requested member states to freeze the financial
assets of those individuals. He was one of the individuals who were sanctioned. He was also one of the
four former Taliban leaders that accepted the reconciliation offer from the Afghan government. He was
also named deputy leader of Khuddamul Furqan for political affairs. In September 2010 Hamid
Karzai named him as one of the seventy members of the Afghan High Peace Council. The Peace Council's mandate was to
open negotiations with moderate elements of the Taliban, and convince them to abandon violence and instead participate
peacefully in the political process. On July 16, 2011 the United Nations Security Council dropped his name, and that of
thirteen other former members of the Taliban, from the 1267 list. On 13 May 2012, Daulat was shot dead in his car by
assassins in his native Kabul.
28,

Ahmad Shah Ahmadzai (Pashto:

, born 1944) was the Prime Minister of Afghanistan from 1995 until
June 26, 1996. He is an ethnic Pashtun from the Ahmadzai sub-tribe. Ahmad Shah Ahmadzai was born in Malang village
of Khaki Jabbar district, Kabul. He studied engineering at Kabul University and then worked in the agriculture ministry. In
1972 he received a scholarship to study in the United States, at Colorado State University. He received a master's degree in
1975 and became a professor at King Faisal University in Saudi Arabia. Following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979,
Ahmadzai returned to his country to join the mujahideens. He was a close associate of Burhanuddin Rabbani but then left his
group and joined Abdul Rasul Sayyaf's Islamic Dawah Organisation of Afghanistanmovement. Following the end of communist
rule in 1992, Ahmadzai was the deputy head of his party and later served as a minister in the Afghan government. He served
as interior and construction minister and then became prime minister in which he served in until June 26, 1996, when more of
the former militias which had been fighting for control of Kabul made an agreement to form a national unity government to
stop the advancing Taliban. Ahmadzai left Afghanistan in September 1996 to attend the united nation conference in New York,
just before the Taliban captured Kabul. He lived in exile in Istanbul, Turkey, andLondon, England before he returned to

Afghanistan in 2001 after the fall of Taliban. Ahmadzai was an independent candidate in the 2004
Afghan presidential election supporting an Islamic system of government. He was confident about
his chances of winning, but later boycott the election due to some allegations, however his total
vote were announced only 0.8% of the total votes counted.

Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan

Head of the Supreme Council and Prime Ministers of the Islamic Emirate of
Afghanistan

Mohammed Omar Mujahid

(Pashto: , Mull Muh ammad Umar Mujhid; c. 19501962 April 23, 2013),
often simply called Mullah Omar, was the supreme commander and the spiritual leader of the Taliban. He was Afghanistan's
11th head of state from September 27, 1996 until November 13, 2001, under the official title "Head of the Supreme Council".
He died in 2013 of tuberculosis, although this was not confirmed until 2015. He held the title Commander of the Faithful of
the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, which was recognized by only three nations: Pakistan,Saudi Arabia and the United Arab
Emirates. He is thought to be living somewhere in Pakistan. Mullah Omar has been wanted by the U.S. State
Department's Rewards for Justice program since October 2001, for sheltering Osama bin Laden and al-Qaeda militants in the
years prior to the September 11 attacks. Those who were close to him say that he requested evidence from the United States
regarding bin Laden and his alleged hand in the 9/11 attacks but did not receive any. He is believed to be directing
the Taliban insurgency against the U.S.-led NATO forces and the Government of Afghanistan. Despite his political rank and
his high status on the Rewards for Justice most wanted list, not much is publicly known about him. Few photos exist of him,
none of them official, and a picture used in 2002 by many media outlets has since been established to be someone other
than him. The authenticity of the existing images is debated. Apart from the fact that he is missing one eye, accounts of his
physical appearance are contradictory: Omar is described as very tall (some say 2 m). Mullah Omar has been described as
shy and non-talkative with foreigners. During his tenure as Emir of Afghanistan, Omar seldom left the city of Kandahar and
rarely met with outsiders, instead relying on Foreign Minister Wakil Ahmed Muttawakil for the majority of diplomatic
necessities. Many, including Afghan President Hamid Karzai, claim that Mullah Omar and his Taliban movement are used
as puppets by the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) in Pakistan. Additionally, many current and former U.S. senior military
officials such as Robert Gates, Stanley McChrystal, David Petraeus and others claim that Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard
Corps are also involved in helping the Taliban. Omar is thought to have been born around 1959 or 1962 in Nodeh, near the
southern Afghan city of Kandahar in Afghanistan to a landless peasant family. He grew up in a village in the Maiwand area
of Kandahar Province, next to Helmand Province. He is an ethnicPashtun from the Hotak tribe, which is part of the
larger Ghilzai branch. His father is said to have died before he was born and the responsibility of fending for his family fell to
him as he grew older. Omar fought as a guerrilla with the anti-soviet Mujahideen under the command of Nek Mohammad and
others, but did not fight against the Najibullah regime between 1989 and 1992. It was reported that he was thin, but tall and
strongly built, and "a crack marksman who had destroyed many Soviet tanks during the Afghan War." Omar was wounded
four times. Mullah Abdul Salam Zaeef claims to have been present when shrapnel destroyed one of his eyes during a battle in
Sangsar, Panjwaye Districtshortly before the 1987 Battle of Arghandab. Other sources place this event in 1986 or in the
1989 Battle of Jalalabad. After he was disabled, Omar may have studied and taught in a madrasah, or Islamic seminary, in the
Pakistani border city of Quetta. He was reportedly a mullah at a village madrasah near the Afghan city of Kandahar. Unlike
many Afghan mujahideen, Omar speaks Arabic. He was devoted to the lectures of Sheikh Abdullah Azzam, and took a job
teaching in a madrassa in Quetta. He later moved to Binoori Mosque in Karachi, where he led prayers, and later met
with Osama bin Laden for the first time. Following the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan in 1989 and the collapse of
Najibullah's Soviet-backed regime in 1992, the country fell into chaos as various mujahideen factions fought for control. Omar
returned to Singesar and founded a madrassah. According to one legend, in 1994 he had a dream in which a woman told him:
"We need your help; you must rise. You must end the chaos. Allah will help you." Mullah Omar started his movement with
less than 50 armed madrassah students, known simply as the Taliban (Students). His recruits came from madrassahs in
Afghanistan and from the Afghan refugee camps across the border in Pakistan. They fought against the
rampant corruption that had emerged in the civil war period and were initially welcomed by Afghans weary of warlord rule.
Reportedly, in early 1994, Omar led 30 men armed with 16 rifles to free youths who had been kidnapped and raped by a
warlord, hanging the local commander from a tank gun barrel. The youths were two young girls. His movement gained
momentum through the year, and he quickly gathered recruits from Islamic schools. By November 1994, Omar's movement
managed to capture the whole of Kandahar Province and then captured Herat in September 1995. In April 1996, supporters of
Mullah Omar bestowed on him the title Amir al-Mu'minin ( , "Commander of the Faithful"), after he donned a cloak
alleged to be that of Muhammad which was locked in a series of chests, held inside the Mosque of the Cloak of the Prophet
Mohammed in the city of Kandahar. Legend decreed that whoever could retrieve the cloak from the chest would be the great
Leader of the Muslims, or "Amir al-Mu'minin. In September 1996, Kabul fell to Mullah Omar and his followers. The civil war
continued in the northeast corner of the country, near Tajikistan. The nation was named the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan in
October 1997 and was recognized by Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. A "reclusive, pious and frugal"
leader, Omar visited Kabul twice between 1996 to 2001. Omar stated: "All Taliban are moderate. There are two things:
extremism ["ifraat", or doing something to excess] and conservatism ["tafreet", or doing something insufficiently]. So in that
sense, we are all moderates taking the middle path. In a BBC's Pashto interview after the September 11 attacks in 2001, he
told that "You (the BBC) and American puppet radios have created concern. But the current situation in Afghanistan is related
to a bigger cause - that is the destruction of America...This is not a matter of weapons. We are hopeful for Allah's help. The
real matter is the extinction of America. And, Allah willing, it [America] will fall to the ground... We will not accept a
government of wrong-doers. We prefer death than to be a part of an evil government..." I am considering two promises. One
is the promise of Allah, the other of Bush. The promise of Allah is that my land is vast...the promise of Bush is that there is no
place on Earth where I can hide that he won't find me. We shall see which promise is fulfilled. After the US-led Operation
Enduring Freedom began in early October 2001, Omar went into hiding and is still at large. He is thought to be in the Pashtun
tribal region of Afghanistan or Pakistan. The United States is offering a reward of US$10 million for information leading to his
capture. In November 2001, he ordered Taliban troops to abandon Kabul and take to the mountains, noting that "defending
the cities with front lines that can be targeted from the air will cause us terrible loss" . Claiming that the Americans had
circulated 'propaganda' that Mullah Omar had gone into hiding, Foreign MinisterWakil Ahmed Muttawakil stated that he would
like to "propose that prime minister Blair and president Bush take Kalashnikovs and come to a specified place where Omar
will also appear to see who will run and who not." He stated that Omar was merely changing locations due to security
reasons. In the opening weeks of October 2001, Omar's house in Kandahar was bombed, killing his stepfather and his 10-year
old son. Mullah Omar continues to have the allegiance of prominent pro-Taliban military leaders in the region,
including Jalaluddin Haqqani. The former foe Gulbuddin Hekmatyar's faction has also reportedly allied with Omar and the
Taliban. In April 2004, Omar was interviewed via phone by Pakistani journalist Mohammad Shehzad. During the interview,
Omar claimed that Osama Bin Laden was alive and well, and that his last contact with Bin Laden was months before the
interview. Omar declared that the Taliban were "hunting Americans like pigs." A captured Taliban spokesman, Muhammad
Hanif, told Afghan authorities in January 2007, that Omar was being protected by the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI)

in Quetta, Pakistan. This matches an allegation made in 2006 by the President of Afghanistan, Hamid
Karzai, though it is denied by officials in Pakistan. Numerous statements have been released identified
as coming from Omar. In June 2006 a statement regarding the death of Abu Musab alZarqawi in Iraq was released hailing al-Zarqawi as a martyr and claimed that the resistance
movements in Afghanistan and Iraq "will not be weakened". Then in December 2006 Omar reportedly
issued a statement expressing confidence that foreign forces will be driven out of Afghanistan. In
January 2007, it was reported that Omar made his "first exchange with a journalist since going into
hiding" in 2001 with Muhammad Hanif via email and courier. In it he promised "more Afghan War," and
said the over one hundred suicide bomb attacks in Afghanistan in the last year had been carried out by
bombers acting on religious orders from the Taliban the mujahedeen do not take any action without
a fatwa. In April 2007, Omar issued another statement through an intermediary encouraging more
suicide attacks. In November 2009, the Washington Times claimed that Omar, assisted by the ISI, had
moved to Karachi in October. In January 2010, Brigadier Amir Sultan Tarar, a retired officer with
Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) agency who previously trained Omar, said that he was ready to break with his alQaida allies in order to make peace in Afghanistan: "The moment he gets control the first target will be the al-Qaida people."
In January 2011, the Washington Post, citing a report from the Eclipse Group, a privately-operated intelligence network that
may be contracted by the CIA, stated that Omar had suffered a heart attack on January 7, 2011. According to the report,
Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence agency rushed Omar to a hospital near Karachi where he was operated on, treated, and
then released several days later. Pakistan's ambassador to the US, Husain Haqqani, stated that the report "had no basis
whatsoever." On May 23. 2011, TOLO News in Afghanistan quoted unnamed sources saying Omar had been killed by ISI two
days earlier. These reports remain unconfirmed. A spokesman for the militant group said shortly after the news came out.
"Reports regarding the killing of Amir-ul-Moemineen (Omar) are false. He is safe and sound and is not in Pakistan but
Afghanistan." On July 20, 2011 phone text messages from accounts used by Taliban spokesmen Zabihullah Mujahid and Qari
Mohammad Yousuf announced Omar's death. Mujahid and Yousuf, however, quickly denied sending the messages, claimed
that their mobile phones, websites, and e-mail accounts had been hacked, and they swore revenge on the telephone network
providers. In 2012, it was revealed that an individual claiming to be Omar sent a letter to President Barack Obama in 2011,
expressing slight interest in peace talks. On May 31, 2014, in return for the release of American prisoner of war Sergeant
Bowe Bergdahl, five senior Afghan detainees were released from the Guantanamo Bay detention camp in Cuba. A person
purporting to be Omar reportedly hailed their release. On September 23, 2014, Omar's aide, Abdul Rahman Nika, was killed
by Afghan special forces. According to Afghan intelligence service spokesman Abdul Nasheed Sediqi, Nika was involved in
most of the Taliban's attacks in western Afghanistan, including the kidnapping of three Indian engineers, who were later
rescued. In December 2014, acting Afghan intelligence chief Rahmatullah Nabil stated he was not sure "whether Omar is
alive or dead". This came amid reports after the Afghan intelligence agency revealed fracturing within the Taliban movement,
speculating that a leadership struggle had ensued and therefore that Mullah Omar had died. Later reports from Afghan
intelligence in December revealed that Mullah Omar has been hiding in the Pakistani city of Karachi. An anonymous European
intelligence official who confirmed this has stated that "there's a consensus among all three branches of the Afghan security
forces that Mullah Omar is alive. Not only do they think he's alive, they say they have a good understanding of where exactly
he is in Karachi." In April 2015, a man claiming to be Mullah Omar issued a fatwa declaring pledges of allegiance to the
Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant as forbidden in Islamic law. The man described ISIL leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi as a
"fake caliph", and said "Baghdadi just wanted to dominate what has so far been achieved by the real jihadists of Islam after
three decades of jihad. A pledge of allegiance to him is 'haram'." Due to Omar having already been deceased at this time, it is
a possibility that his successor Mullah Akhtar Mansour gave the fatwa against ISIL. On July 29, 2015, the Afghan government
announced that Omar had died in April 2013. It was confirmed by a senior Taliban member that Omar's death was kept a
secret for two years. It is alleged that Omar was "buried somewhere near the border on the Afghan side". The place of Omar's
death is disputed; according to Afghan government sources, he died in a hospital in Karachi, Pakistan. A former Taliban
minister claimed that Karachi was "Omars natural destination because he had lived there for quite some time and was as
familiar with the city as any other resident." However, this claim has been dismissed by other Taliban members, stating that
his death occurred in Afghanistan after his health condition had deteriorated due to "sickness", and that "not for a single day
did he go to Pakistan". According to an official statement by Pakistani defence minister Khawaja Asif, "Mullah Omar neither
died nor was buried in Pakistan and his sons statements are on record to support this. Whether he died now or two years
ago is another controversy which we do not wish to be a part of. He was neither in Karachi nor in Quetta." Omar's eldest son,
Mohammad Yaqoob, stated that he had been suffering from Hepatitis C and died a natural death, adding: "He stayed in
Afghanistan even after the US-led invasion of Afghanistan. He died there and was laid to rest there." Initially, some Taliban
members denied that he had died; other sources considered the report to be speculative, designed to destabilise peace
negotiations in Pakistan between the Afghan government and the Taliban. Abdul Hassib Seddiqi, the spokesman for
Afghanistan's National Directorate of Security (NDS), said: "We confirm officially that he is dead." The following day, the
Taliban confirmed the death of Omar; sources close to the Taliban leadership said his deputy, Mullah Akhtar Mansour, would
replace him, although with the lesser title of Supreme Leader. Omar's son, Mohammad Yaqoob was opposed to Mansour's
ascension as leader. The Taliban splinter group Fidai Mahaz claimed Omar did not die of natural causes but was instead
assassinated in a coup led by Mullah Akhtar Mansour and Mullah Gul Agha. The Taliban commander Mullah Mansoor Dadullah,
brother of former senior commander Mullah Dadullah confirmed that Omar had been assassinated. The leader of Fidai Mahaz,
Mullah Najibullah, revealed that due to Omar's kidney disease, he needed medicine. According to Najibullah, Mansour
poisoned the medicine, damaging Omar's liver and causing him to grow weaker. When Omar summoned Mansour and other
members of Omar's inner circle to hear his will, they discovered that Mansour was not to assume leadership of the Taliban. It
was due to Mansour allegedly orchestrating "dishonourable deals". When Mansour pressed Omar to name him as his
successor, Omar refused. Mansour then shot and killed Omar. Najibullah claimed Omar died at a southern Afghanistan hideout in Zabul Province in the afternoon on April 23, 2013. Mullah Yaqoob, Omar's eldest son, denied that his father had been
killed, insisting that he died of natural causes due to illness. Yaqoob stated he died in Afghanistan.

Mohammad Rabbani Akhund (1955April

15, 2001) was Prime Minister of Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan from

September 27, 1996 until April 13, 2001. He was one of the main founders of the Taliban movement. He was second in power
only to the supreme leader, Mullah Mohammed Omar, in the Taliban hierarchy. When the Soviet Union chose to withdraw from
Afghanistan in 1989, and after many more years of insurgenence and civil war, he led the Taliban guerrillas in the final assault
against the capital, Kabul. He served as prime minister of Afghanistan and head of the advisory council. There were also
rumors that Mullah Rabbani and the head of the Taliban movement had serious political differences. While Rabbani and the
ruling council constituted the public face of Afghanistan, the important decisions were made by Mullah Mohammed Omar,
who resided in the southern city of Kandahar. He was married on 17 October 1984 in Kandahar to a Singaporean engineer
named Lauren Marissa Norton (born 31 January 1958 in Singapore), who remained "Lauren Rabbani"/"Madame Mohammad
Rabbani". Mohammad had only two sons; Hamid Mohammad Rabbani (born 17 May 1986 in Kabul) and Tariq Mohammad
Rabbani (born 31 May 1990 in Kabul). Rabbani was born in 1955. He was from Kakar tribe. He obtained Islamic education at
home in Pashmol village in Kandahar province, before participating in an Islamic seminary. The invasion of Afghanistan by the

Soviet Union in 1979 put a stop to his education as he volunteered for the jihad. His role in the civil war ended
when the Soviet army withdrew in 1989, but other members and factions of the mujahedin fought on, first
against the Afghan Communist government and then against each other. It was a time of lawlessness and
chaos. The Communist government fell in 1992 and Afghanistan was fought over by factions of
the mujahedin. Kandahar was particularly a battleground for commanders-turned-warlords. Rabbani and
about thirty other religious students (Taliban) decided to take the warlords on, first in the border town of
Spin Boldak and then in Kandahar itself. During this period, Rabbani argued "Our concern is the
establishment of an Islamic system and the elimination of unrest and cruelty from our country." When UN
Special Envoy Mehmoud Mestiri had resumed his peace parleys in Afghanistan in March 1996, he had been
assured by the political leadership of the Taliban, represented by Mullah Rabbani, who also commanded the
forces encircling Kabul, that the Taliban were ready for discussions with the Rabbani government. Originally a Taliban idea
endorsed by Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and accepted on behalf of the United Front (formerly the Northern
Alliance) by President Burhanuddin Rabbani in early January 1998, the proposal took shape as a proposed commission of
ulema, or religious scholars, to settle the Afghan conflict in the light of the shariah. However, no progress was made until,
once again, Prime Minister Sharif intervened two months later, in March, by inviting Mullah Rabbani, now head of the Taliban
shura in Kabul, toIslamabad and obtained from him an agreement in principle for the convening of a Steering committee in
preparation for the ulema commission. On 9 April, the United Nations Special Envoy went to Kabul and discussed with Mullah
Rabbani and other Taliban leaders how to proceed with the idea of a Steering Committee for preparations for an ulema
meeting. With this perceived shift in the Taliban's strategy, Mestiri had moved to Kabul to tie up other details. This would
explain in large measure the Taliban's removal of heavy weaponry from areas surrounding Kabul very recently. But no sooner
had Mullah Rabbani given this assurance to the visiting UN envoy, the religious leadership based in Kandahar rejected talks
with Kabul, scuttling Mestiri's efforts. On 26 September 1996 Taliban forces set up an interim Government under Mohammed
Rabbani and Afghanistan was declared a complete Islamic Emirate under Sharia law. It was Rabbani who gave the dramatic
press conference from the presidential palace claiming victory. Rabbani acted as Head of the Supreme Council from 26
September 1996 to 16 April 2001. Many analysts believe that it was he who ordered the execution of former President
Mohammed Najibullah when the Taliban took Kabul in late 1996. Rabbani, who had been a prominent mujahedin commander,
attracted many fighters to Taliban ranks. Rabbani was Taliban's second most powerful man and the leader of the moderates in
the organization. However, there were differences between him and Mullah Omar, regarding the influence of the Arabs and
the need to establish a proper consultative government mechanism. Rabbani's power base was Jalalabad and he was not
dependent on the Kandahari group for political support within Taliban. He declared to the international community that his
government did not support terrorism.
We will not allow anyone to perform any terrorist acts inside or from Afghanistan against anyone. We are a free country
where Osama is living as a guest. This is the reality and it is up to the world to accept it. - Mullah Mohammad Rabbani
Mullah Rabbani noted that bin Laden had taken up residence when Afghanistan was under the control of the previous regime.
He also maintained that there was not sufficient evidence linking him to terrorist bombings in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam and
that, at any rate, bin Laden was no longer able to carry out activities from Afghan territory. Rabbani died in a military hospital
in Rawalpindi, Pakistan, of liver cancer on April 16, 2001. According to a press release in Islamabad: Mullah Mohammad
Rabbani was one of the main founders of the Movement and greatly contributed to peace and security in our country. His
service to Islam is unforgettable. His demise is an irreparable loss. Rabbani's body was repatriated to the southern Afghan city
of Kandahar by a UN plane, permitted to operate on humanitarian grounds despite the air embargo against the Taliban
Movement. he was buried in the Taliban's Martyr's Cemetery in Kandahar. Regarding him as somewhat of a moderate,
members of the opposition voiced fears that hardliners within the Taliban would strengthen their hold on power following
Rabbani's death.

Mohammed Abdul Kabir (born

1958/1963) was acting Prime Minister Islamic emirate Afganistan from April 16 until
November 13, 2001 and senior member of the Taliban leadership. The United Nations reports that he was Second Deputy of
the Taliban's Council of Ministers; Governor of Nangarhar Province; and Head of the Eastern Zone. The U.N. reports that Kabir
was born between 1958 and 1963, in Paktia, Afghanistan, and is from the Zardran tribe. The U.N. reports that Kabir is active
in terrorist operations in Eastern Afghanistan. In April 2002 Abdul Razzak told the Associated Press Kabir was believed to have
fled Nangarhar to Paktia, along with Ahmed KhadrThe Chinese News Agency Xinhua reported that Abdul Kabir was captured
in Nowshera, Pakistan, on July 16, 2005. Captured with Abdul Kabir were his brother Abdul Aziz, Mullah Abdul Qadeer,
Mullah Abdul Haq, and a fifth unnamed member of the Taliban leadership. In spite of these reports, intelligence officials
quoted in Asia Times indicated Kabir and other senior Taliban leaders may have been in North Waziristan, Pakistan during
Ramadan 2007, planning an offensive in southeastern Afghanistan. Also, Xinhua reported on October 21, 2007, quoting from
an account from Daily Afghanistan, that Abdul Kabir had been appointed commander in Nangarhar, Laghman, Kunar and
Nooristan provinces. A report on February 21, 2010 stated that Kabir was captured in Pakistan as a result of intelligence
gleaned from Mullah Baradar, himself taken into custody earlier in the month. On July 19. 2006 United States Congressional
Representative Bartlett listed Abdul Bakir as a former suspected terrorist who the US government no longer considers a
threat.

Northern Alliance of Afghanistan

List of Prime Ministers of Northern Alliance of Afghanistan

Abdul Rahim Ghafoorzai (died

August 21, 1997) was Prime Minister of Northern Alliance of

Afghanistan from August 11 until his death on August 21, 1997. He was an ethnic Pashtun, a member of
the Mohammadzai tribe. During the 1970s he entered the Afghan foreign service. He was sent to the
United States to represent the political administration supported by the Soviet Union. As the Ambassador
to the UN, Mr. Ghafoorzai thought it his duty to call on the global partners to denounce the Soviet
invasion in 1979. From then until 1992, he worked as a representative official to trigger international
support against the regime that the Soviets had set up in Afghanistan. When the communist government
fell in 1992, Ghafoorzai acted as an intermediary to unite the factions of Afghanistan. He worked in
the United Nations until 1995, and then became deputy foreign minister. He became foreign minister in
July 1996. in September 1996 the government troops withdored from Kabul and the Taliban captured
Afghanistan's capital, Kabul, The International community did not recognize the Taliban as Afghanistan legitimate
government except Pakistan, United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, the Islamic State of Afghanistan government
established the new cabinet in Mazar e Sharif in the north of Afghanistan, meanwhile the Afghanistan Embassies and the
Permanent Mission of Afghanistan to the United Nations was in control of Islamic State of Afghanistan as legitimate
representative of Afghanistan. Ghafoorzai continued as Afghanistan Foreign Minister until August 11, 1997, just 10 days
before his death, he was appointed prime minister of the Islamic State of Afghanistan government. He was killed in a plane
crash in Bamyan Province when he was going to negotiate to form his cabinet with their allies.

Abdul Ghafoor Ravan Farhdi (born

1929 in Kabul, Afghanistan) is a retired leading Afghan

diplomat who was Prime Minister of Northern Alliance of Afghanistan from August 21, 1997 until November
13, 2001 and Afghanistan's Ambassador to the United Nations from 1993 to 2006. Farhadi is a linguist,
researcher and translator. Farhdi is an ethnic Tajik from Kabul. He graduated from Lyce Esteqlal in 1948.
Farhdi studied at the Institut d'Etudes Politiques inParis, France, achieving a MA degree in 1952. He then
earned his Ph.D. at the Sorbonne, in Indo-Iranian Studies, in 1955. His paper was on "le Persan Parle en
Afghanistan", later translated to English and Russian. Farhdi speaks French, English and Persian fluently. In
1955, Farhadi assumed a position as lecturer in the History of Political Thought at Kabul University. In 1958,
he started his diplomatic career as First Secretary at the Afghan Embassy in Karachi, Pakistan. From 1961 to
1962, he was Director of United Nations Affairs at the Afghan Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Following that, he was appointed
Counsellor and Deputy Chief of Mission at the Embassy of Afghanistan in Washington, D.C., United States. In 1964, he
returned to Kabul to work at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From 1964 till 1968, he served as Director-General for Political
Affairs at the ministry and then he was Deputy Foreign Minister for 5 years. Between 1965 and 1971 he also was Secretary of
the Council of Ministers of the Afghan Government. In 1973, he was appointed Ambassdor in Paris. After the coup of
Sardar Mohammed Daoud Khan, Farhadi was recalled to Kabul. He served as a member of the Advisory Commission of the
Ministry of Culture (1975-1978) organizing international meetings in cultural fields. After the Soviet Invasion in 1979, Farhadi
spent two years in Pol-e Charkhi jail as a political prisoner. After that he moved to France again and became Associate
Professor in History of Persian Literature at the University of Paris 1 Pantheon-Sorbonne/University of Paris III: Sorbonne
Nouvelle. In summer 1985, he was a Visiting Fellow at the Australian National University, in Canberra. He was then an
Associate Professor at the Department of Near Eastern Studies, University of California, Berkeley.[1] At Berkeley, he taught
subjects ranging from Persian Literature to medieval Islamic mysticism. Professor Farhdi has written a number of historical
texts, including The Quatrains of Rumi, where he translated over 1600 of the quatrains attributed to Rumi, and Abdullah
Ansari of Herat (Khajeh Abdollah Ansari), a sufi master. After the fall of the communist government of Afghanistan and the
start of the government of Burhanuddin Rabbani, Farhadi served as Afghanistan's ambassador to the United Nations. Farhadi
presented his credentials as Ambassador Permanent Representative of Afghanistan to the United Nations Secretary
General Boutros Boutros Ghali on April 30, 1993. Even when the Taliban had taken control of most of Afghanistan, the
government of Burhanuddin Rabbani continued to represent Afghanistan at the United Nations, with Farhadi as the UN
Ambassador representing Afghanistan until the end of 2006. The Taliban, in spite of the strong support of Pakistan, never
represented Afghanistan in the United Nations. Since 1993, Farhdi has served as Vice Chairman of the Committee on the
Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People at United Nations Headquarters in New York. Farhadi is known for
his strong commitment to the Palestinian rights but acknowledges the fact that Israel has a right to exist. After his period as
diplomat, with American scholar Ibrahim Gamard, he translated into English all the quatrains of the Sufi Iranian poet Maulana
Jalal ad-Din Rumi. Farhadi has been highly critical of Pakistan, saying it is supporting the Taliban. Farhadi was in favour of a
government composed of all of Afghanistan's ethnic communities, including Uzbeks, Tajiks, Hazaras, Baluchs and
Pashtuns, but rejected the idea of US Secretary of State Colin Powell to include moderate Taliban members in the next
government. During the presidential elections of 2009, in which Abdullah Abdullah was the main challenger of Karzai, Farhadi
spoke in favour of Abdullah, the former Minister of Foreign Affairs. After the fall of the Taliban, Farhadi tried to put pressure on
the US government to give more aid to Afghanistan, especially to compensate the families who lost civilian family members
in US bombings.

Islamic Republic of Afghanistan

List of Presidents and Executive Officer of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan

Hamid Karzai, GCMG (Pashto:

, Hmid Karzay; born December 24, 1957) was the President of Afghanistan for
almost ten years, from December 7, 2004 until September 29, 2014. He became a dominant political figure after the removal
of the Taliban regime in late 2001. During the December 2001 International Conference on Afghanistan in Germany, Karzai
was selected by prominent Afghan political figures to serve a six month term as Chairman of the Interim Administration. He
was then chosen for a two year term as Interim President during the 2002 loya jirga (grand assembly) that was held in Kabul,
Afghanistan. After the 2004 presidential election, Karzai was declared winner and became President of the Islamic Republic
ofAfghanistan. He won a second five-year-term in the disputed 2009 presidential election. Karzai was born on December 24,
1957 in the Karz area of Kandahar City in southern Afghanistan. He is an ethnic Pashtun of thePopalzai tribe. His father,
Abdul Ahad Karzai, served as the Deputy Speaker of the Parliament during the 1960s. His grandfather, Khair Mohammad
Khan, had served in the 1919 Afghanistan's war of independence and as the Deputy Speaker of the Senate. Karzai's family
were strong supporters of Zahir Shah, the last king of Afghanistan. His uncle, Habibullah Karzai, served as representative of
Afghanistan at the UN and is said to have accompanied King Zahir Shah in the early 1960s to the United States for a special
meeting with U.S. President John F. Kennedy. Hamid Karzai attended Mahmood Hotaki Elementary School in Kandahar
and Sayed Jamaluddin Afghani School in Kabul. He graduated from Habibia High School in 1976. From 1979 to 1983, Karzai
took a postgraduate course in political science at Himachal Pradesh University in Shimla, Himachal Pradesh, India. He is well
versed in several languages, including his native tongue which is Pashto as well as Dari (Persian), Urdu, Hindi, English and
French. After obtaining his Master's degree in India he moved to neighboring Pakistan to work as a fundraiser for the anticommunist mujahideen during the 1980s Soviet war in Afghanistan. The Mujahideens were backed by the United States,
Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Iran, and Karzai was a contractor for the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) at the time. While
Karzai remained in Pakistan during the Soviet intervention, his siblings emigrated to the United States. Following the
withdrawal of Soviet forces, Hamid Karzai returned to Afghanistan in early October 1988 to assist in the Mujahideen victory in
Tarinkot. Hamid Karzai assisted in rallying Polpalzai Durrani tribes to oust the regime from the city as well as helped negotiate
the defection of five hundred of Dr. Najib's forces. When Najibullah's Soviet-backed government collapsed in 1992,
the Peshawar Accords agreed upon by the Afghan political parties established the Islamic State of Afghanistan and appointed
an interim government to be followed by general elections. Karzai accompanied the first mujahideen leaders into Kabul in
1992 following the Soviet withdrawal. He served as Deputy Foreign Minister in the government of Burhanuddin Rabbani.
Karzai was, however, arrested by Mohammad Fahim (Karzai's current Vice President) on charges of spying for Gulbuddin
Hekmatyar in what Karzai claimed was an effort to mediate between Hekmatyar's militia and the Islamic State. When he was
released Karzai fled from Kabul in a vehicle provided by Hekmatyar and driven by Gul Rahman. When the Taliban emerged in
the mid 1990s, Karzai initially recognized them as a legitimate government because he thought that they would stop the
violence and corruption in his country. He was asked by the Taliban to serve as their ambassador but he refused, telling
friends that he felt Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) was wrongly using them. He lived in Pakistan as among
the Afghan refugees, where he worked to reinstate former Afghan King Zahir Shah. On the morning of July 14, 1999, Karzai's
father, Abdul Ahad Karzai, was gunned down as he was coming home from a mosque in the city of Quetta. Reports suggest
that the Taliban carried out the assassination. Following this incident, Karzai decided to work closely with the United
Front (Northern Alliance), which was led by Ahmad Shah Massoud. In 2000 and 2001, he traveled to Europe and the United
States to help gather support for the anti-Taliban movement. As the United States armed forces were preparing for a

confrontation with the Taliban in September 2001, Karzai began urging NATO nations to purge his
country of Al-Qaeda. He told BBC "These Arabs, together with their foreign supporters and the
Taliban, destroyed miles and miles of homes and orchards and vineyards... They have killed
Afghans. They have trained their guns on Afghan lives... We want them out." After the October 7,
2001 launch of Operation Enduring Freedom, the United Front (Northern Alliance) worked with
teams of U.S. special forces. Together, they overthrew the Taliban regime and mustered support for
a new government in Afghanistan. Karzai and his group were in Quetta (Pakistan) at the time,
where they began their covert operation. Before entering Afghanistan he warned his fighters:
"We might be captured the moment we enter Afghanistan and be killed. We have 60 percent
chance of death and 40 percent chance to live and survive. Winning was no consideration. We
could not even think of that. We got on two motorbikes. We drove into Afghanistan." Hamid
Karzai, October 2001
In October 2001, Hamid Karzai and his group of fighters survived a friendly fire missile attack by U.S. Air Force pilots in
southern Afghanistan. The group suffered injuries and was treated in the United States; Karzai received injuries to his facial
nerves as can sometimes be noticed during his speeches. On November 4, 2001, American special operation forces flew
Karzai out of Afghanistan for protection. In December 2001, political leaders gathered in Germany to agree on new leadership
structures. Under the December 5, 2001 Bonn Agreement they formed an Interim Administration and named Karzai Chairman
of a 29-member governing committee. He was sworn in as leader on December 22, 2001. The loya jirga of June 13, 2002,
appointed Karzai as Interim President of the new position as President of the Afghan Transitional Administration. Former
members of the Northern Alliance remained extremely influential, most notably Vice President Mohammed Fahim, who also
served as the Defense Minister. Karzai re-enacted the original coronation of Ahmad Shah Durrani at the shrine of Sher-i-Surkh
outside of Kandahar where he had leaders of various Afghan tribes, including a descendent of the religious leader (Sabir
Shah) that originally selected Ahmad Shah Durrani in 1747 as key players in this event. Further evidence that Karzai views
himself fulfilling a Durrani monarch's role arise from statements furnished by close allies within his government. His late
brother, Ahmed Wali Karzai, made statements to a similar effect. After Karzai was installed into power, his actual authority
outside the capital city of Kabul was said to be so limited that he was often derided as the "Mayor of Kabul". The situation was
particularly delicate since Karzai and his administration have not been equipped either financially or politically to influence
reforms outside of the region around Kabul. Other areas, particularly the more remote ones, have historically been under the
influence of various local leaders. Karzai has been, to varying degrees of success, attempting to negotiate and form amicable
alliances with them for the benefit of Afghanistan as a whole, instead of aggressively fighting them and risking an uprising. In
2004, he rejected an international proposal to end poppy production in Afghanistan through aerial spraying of
chemical herbicides, fearing that it would harm the economic situation of his countrymen. Moreover, Karzai's younger
brother, Ahmed Wali Karzai, who partially helped finance Karzai's presidential campaign was rumored to be involved
in narcotic deals, which has been rejected. Karzai said that he has sought in writing a number of times, but failed to obtain,
proof of allegations that Ahmed Wali was involved in illegal drugs. When Karzai was a candidate in the October
2004 presidential election, he won 21 of the 34 provinces, defeating his 22 opponents and becoming the first democratically
elected leader of Afghanistan. Although his campaigning was limited due to fears of violence, elections passed without
significant incident. Following investigation by the United Nations of alleged voting irregularities, the national election
commission in early November declared Karzai winner, without runoff, with 55.4% of the vote. This represented 4.3 million of
the total 8.1 million votes cast. The election took place safely in spite of a surge of insurgent activity. Karzai was officially
sworn in as President of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan on December 7, 2004, at a formal ceremony in Kabul. Many
interpreted the ceremony as a symbolically important "new start" for the war-torn nation. Notable guests at the inauguration
included the country's former King, Zahir Shah, three former U.S. presidents, and U.S. Vice President Dick Cheney. After
winning a democratic mandate in the 2004 election, it was thought that Karzai would pursue a more aggressively reformist
path in 2005. However, Karzai has proved to be more cautious than was expected. After his new administration took over in
2004, the economy of Afghanistan has been growing rapidly for the first time in many years. Government revenue began
increasing every year, although it is still heavily dependent on foreign aid. During the first term in Karzai's Presidency, public
discontent grew about corruption and the civilian casualties in the 2001present war. In May 2006, an anti-American and antiKarzai riot took place in Kabul which left at least seven people dead and 40 injured. In May 2007, after as many as 51 Afghan
civilians were killed in a bombing, Karzai asserted that his government "can no longer accept" casualties caused by U.S.
and NATO operations. In September 2006, Karzai told the United Nations General Assembly that Afghanistan has become the
"worst victim" of terrorism. Karzai said terrorism is rebounding in his country, with militants infiltrating the borders to wage
attacks on civilians. He stated, "This does not have its seeds alone in Afghanistan. Military action in the country will,
therefore, not deliver the shared goal of eliminating terrorism." He demanded assistance from the international community to
destroy terrorist sanctuaries inside and outside Afghanistan. "You have to look beyond Afghanistan to the sources of
terrorism," he told the UN General Assembly, and "destroy terrorist sanctuaries beyond" the country, dismantle the elaborate
networks in the region that recruit, indoctrinate, train, finance, arm, and deploy terrorists. These activities are also robbing
thousands of Afghan children of their right to education, and prevent health workers from doing their jobs in Afghanistan. In
addition, he promised to eliminate opium-poppy cultivation in his country, which is possibly helping fuel the ongoingTaliban
insurgency. He has repeatedly demanded that NATO forces take more care when conducting military operations in residential
areas to avoid civilian casualties. In a September 2006 video broadcast, Karzai stated that if the money wasted on the Iraq
War was actually spent on rebuilding Afghanistan, his country would "be in heaven in less than one year". On the eve of the
20 August presidential election, Karzai seemed at once deeply unpopular but also likely to win the majority of the votes. He
was blamed by many for the failures that plagued the reconstruction of Afghanistan after the toppling of the Taliban
government end 2001, from the widespread corruption and the resurgence of the (neo-)Taliban to the explosion of the poppy
trade. His unpopularity and the likelihood of his victory formed an atmosphere with a kind of national demoralization, which
could discourage many Afghans from voting and dash hopes for substantial progress after the election. In this second
presidential election, Karzai was announced to have received over 50% of the votes. The election was tainted by lack of
security, low voter turnout and widespread ballot stuffing, intimidation, and other electoral fraud. Two months later Karzai
accepted calls for a second round run-off vote, which was scheduled for November 7, 2009. On November 2, 2009, Karzai's
run-off opponent, Abdullah Abdullah, withdrew from the race and election officials announced the cancellation of the run-off
race. Karzai, the only remaining contender, was declared the winner a short time later. Karzai presented his first list of 24
cabinet nominees to the Afghan parliament on December 19, 2009; however, on January 2, 2010, the parliament rejected 17
of these. According to the parliament, most of the nominees were rejected due to having been picked for reasons other than
their competency. A member of parliament said that they had been picked largely based on "ethnicity or bribery or money."
On January 16, 2010, the Afghan parliament rejected 10 of the Karzai's 17 replacement picks for cabinet. MPs complained
that Karzai's new choices were either not qualified for their posts or had close connections to Afghan warlords. Despite the
second setback, by mid-January Karzai had 14 out of the 24 ministers confirmed, including the most powerful posts at
foreign, defense and interior ministries. Shortly afterwards, the parliament began its winter recess, lasting until February 20,
2010 without waiting for Karzai to select additional names for his cabinet. The move both extended the political uncertainty

in the government, as well as dealing Karzai the embarrassment of appearing at the London Conference on Afghanistan with
nearly half of his cabinet devoid of leaders. Since late 2001 Karzai has been trying for peace in his country, going as far as
pardoning militants that lay down weapons and join the rebuilding process. However, his offers were not accepted by the
militant groups. In April 2007, Karzai acknowledged that he spoke to some militants about trying to bring peace in
Afghanistan. He noted that the Afghan militants are always welcome in the country, although foreign insurgents are not. In
September 2007, Karzai again offered talks with militant fighters after a security scare forced him to end a commemoration
speech. Karzai left the event and was taken back to his palace, where he was due to meet visiting Latvian President Valdis
Zatlers. After the meeting the pair held a joint news conference, at which Karzai called for talks with his Taliban foes. "We
don't have any formal negotiations with the Taliban. They don't have an address. Who do we talk to?" Karzai told reporters.
He further stated: "If I can have a place where to send somebody to talk to, an authority that publicly says it is the Taliban
authority, I will do it." In December 2009 Karzai announced to move ahead with a Loya Jirga (large assembly) to discuss
the Taliban insurgency in which the Taliban representatives would be invited to take part in this Jirga. In January 2010, Karzai
set the framework for dialogue with Taliban leaders when he called on the group's leadership to take part in the jirga to
initiate peace talks. A Taliban spokesman declined to talk in detail about Karzai's offer and only said the militants would make
a decision soon. In April 2010, Karzai urged Taliban insurgents to lay down their arms and air their grievances while visiting a
violent northern province, adding that foreign forces would not leave the country as long as fighting continued. In July 2010,
Karzai approved a plan intended to win over Taliban foot soldiers and low-level commanders. In mid-August 2013, Attorney
General Mohammad Ishaq Aloko was said to have been fired after meeting with Taliban officials in the U.A.E. after being told
not to meet with them. However, unnamed senior cabinet officials tried to persuade Karzai to not fire him, while an official in
Aloko's office denied the dismissal saying instead that he was at the Presidential Palace "celebrating Independence Day."
Karzai's relations with NATO countries is strong, especially with the United States, due to the fact that it is the leading nation
helping to rebuild war-torn Afghanistan. The United States supported him since late 2001 to lead his nation. He has made
many important diplomatic trips to the United States and other NATO countries. In August 2007, Karzai was invited to Camp
David in Maryland, USA, for a special meeting with U.S. President George W. Bush. The United States has set up a special
envoy for Afghanistan and Pakistan, which is currently headed by Marc Grossman. His task is to serve as a mediator and solve
issues between the three nations. Karzai's relations with neighboring Pakistan are good, especially with the Awami National
Party (ANP) and Pakistan Peoples Party(PPP). He often describes his nation and Pakistan as "inseparable twin brothers", a
reference to the disputed Durand Line border between the two states. In December 2007, Karzai and his delegates travelled
to Islamabad, Pakistan, for a usual meeting with Pervez Musharraf on trade ties and intelligence sharing between the two
Islamic states. Karzai also met and had a 45-minute talk withBenazir Bhutto on the morning of December 27, hours before
her trip to Liaquat National Bagh, where she was assassinated after her speech. After Bhutto's death, Karzai called her his
sister and a brave woman who had a clear vision "for her own country, for Afghanistan, and for the region a vision of
democracy, prosperity, and peace." In September 2008, Karzai was invited on a special visit to witness the sworn in ceremony
of Asif Ali Zardari, who became the President of Pakistan. Relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan have improved after
the PPP party took over in 2008. The two nations often make contacts with one another concerning the war on terrorism and
trade. Pakistan even allowed NATO forces stationed in Afghanistan to launch attacks on militant groups in Pakistan. This was
something strongly opposed by the previous government of Pakistan. The two states finally signed into law the long
awaitedAfghan-Pak Transit Trade Agreement in 2011, intended to improve trade. Although the U.S. and others often charge
that neighboring Iran is meddling in Afghanistan's affairs, Karzai believes that Iran is a frienddespite Iranian-made weapons
being found in his country.
"We did interdict a shipment, without question the Revolutionary Guard's core Quds Force, through a known Taliban
facilitator. Three of the individuals were killed... 48 122 millimetre rockets were intercepted with their various components...
Iranians certainly view as making life more difficult for us if Afghanistan is unstable. We don't have that kind of relationship
with the Iranians. That's why I am particularly troubled by the interception of weapons coming from Iran. But we know that
it's more than weapons; it's money; it's also according to some reports, training at Iranian camps as well." General David
Petraeus, Commander of US-NATO forces in Afghanistan, March 16, 2011.
In 2007, Karzai said that Iran, so far, had been a helper in the reconstruction process. He acknowledged in 2010 that
the Government of Iran had been providing millions of dollars directly to his office. In October 2007, Karzai again rejected
Western accusations against Iran, stating, "We have resisted the negative propaganda launched by foreign states against the
Islamic Republic, and we stress that aliens' propaganda should not leave a negative impact on the consolidated ties between
the two great nations of Iran and Afghanistan." Karzai added, "The two Iranian and Afghan nations are close to each other
due to their bonds and commonalities, they belong to the same house, and they will live alongside each other for good."
However, just a year prior Karzai warned that, "Iran, Pakistan, and others are not fooling anyone."
"If they don't stop, the consequences will be ... that the region will suffer with us equally. In the past we have suffered alone;
this time everybody will suffer with us.... Any effort to divide Afghanistan ethnically or weaken it will create the same thing in
the neighboring countries. All the countries in the neighborhood have the same ethnic groups that we have, so they should
know that it is a different ball game this time." Hamid Karzai, February 17, 2006.
Some international criticism has centered around the government of Karzai in early 2009 for failing to secure the country
from Taliban attacks, systemic governmental corruption, and most recently, widespread claims of electoral fraud in the 2009
Afghan presidential election. Karzai staunchly defended the election balloting, stating that some statements criticizing the
balloting and vote count were "totally fabricated." He told the media that, "There were instances of fraud, no doubt... There
were irregularities... But the election as a whole was good and free and democratic." He further went on to say that,
"Afghanistan has its separate problems and we have to handle them as Afghanistan finds it feasible... This country was
completely destroyed... Today, we are talking about fighting corruption in Afghanistan, improved legal standards... You see
the glass half empty or half full. I see it as half full. Others see it as half empty." In June 2010, Karzai travelled to Japan for a
five day visit where the two nations discussed a new aid provided by the hosting nation and the untapped mineral resources
recently announced. Karzai invited Japanese companies such as Mitsubishi and others to invest in Afghan mining projects. He
told Japanese officials that Japan would be given priority in the bid to explore its resources. He stated, "morally, Afghanistan
should give access as a priority to those countries that have helped Afghanistan massively in the past few years." While in
Japan, Karzai also made his first visit to Hiroshima to pray for the atomic bomb victims. Japan has provided billions of dollars
in aid to Afghanistan since the beginning of 2002. Relations between Karzai and India have always been friendly, which is the
place where he attended university. AfghanistanIndia relations began getting stronger in 2011, especially after the death of
Osama bin Laden in Pakistan. In October 2011, Karzai signed a strategic partnership agreement with Indian Prime
Minister Manmohan Singh. During his speech at the RK Mishra Memorial in New Delhi, Karzai told the audience that "The
signing of the strategic partnership with India is not directed against any country. It is not directed against any other entity.
This is for Afghanistan to benefit from the strength of India." Many people have plotted to assassinate Karzai in the last
decade, especially the Taliban's Quetta Shura and the Haqqani network which allegedly receives support and guidance from
Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) spy network. As recent as October 2011, while Karzai was visiting India to sign an
important strategic partnership agreement with Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, Afghan agents of the National

Directorate of Security (NDS) arrested 6 people in Kabul for planning to assassinate Karzai. Among those involved in the
assassination plot were four Kabul University students and one of its professors, Dr. Aimal Habib, as well as Mohibullah
Ahmadi who was one of the guards outside the Presidential Palace in Kabul. The alleged group of assassins were associates
of al Qaida and the Haqqani network, and were paid $150,000 by Pakistani-based Islamic terrorists. A U.S. official said that
"Our understanding is that the threat against President Karzai was real, was credible, but it was only in the early stages of
planning." The following is a list of other failed assassination attempts: On September 5, 2002: An assassination attempt was
made on Karzai in the city of Kandahar. A gunman wearing the uniform of the new Afghan National Army opened fire,
wounding Gul Agha Sherzai (former governor of Kandahar) and an American Special Operations officer. The gunman, one of
the President's bodyguards, and a bystander who knocked down the gunman were killed when Karzai's American bodyguards
returned fire. Recently, some pictures of the US Navy's DEVGRU responding to the attempt have surfaced. On September 16,
2004: An attempted assassination on Karzai took place when a rocket missed the helicopter he was flying in while en route to
the city of Gardez in eastern Afghanistan. On June 10, 2007: The Taliban insurgents attempted to assassinate Karzai
in Ghazni where Karzai was giving a speech to elders. Insurgents fired approximately 12 rockets, some of which landed 200
metres (220 yd) away from the crowd. Karzai was not hurt in the incident and was transported away from the location after
finishing his speech.
On April 27, 2008: Insurgents, reportedly from the Haqqani network, used automatic
weapons and rocket-propelled grenades to attack a military parade that Karzai was attending inKabul. Karzai was safe, but at
least three people were killed, including a parliamentarian, a ten-year-old girl and a minority leader, and ten injured. Others
attending the event included government ministers, former warlords, diplomats and the military top brass, all of whom had
gathered to mark the 16th anniversary of the fall of the Afghan communist government to the mujahideen. Responding to the
attack during the ceremony, the UN said the attackers "have shown their utter disrespect for the history and people of
Afghanistan." Taliban spokesman Zabiullah Mujahid claimed responsibility for the attack, stating, "We fired rockets at the
scene of the celebration." He went on to say there were 6 Taliban at the scene and that 3 were killed. "Our aim was not to
directly hit someone," Mujahed said when asked if the intention was to kill Karzai. "We just wanted to show to the world that
we can attack anywhere we want to". The ability of the attackers to get so close to Karzai suggested they had inside help.
Defense minister Wardak confirmed that a police captain was connected with the group behind the assassination attempt and
that an army officer supplied the weapons and ammunition used in the attack. In 1999, Hamid Karzai married Zeenat
Quraishi, an obstetrician by profession who was working as a doctor with Afghan refugees living in Pakistan. They have a son,
Mirwais, who was born on January 25, 2007. According to a declaration of his assets by an anti-graft body, Karzai earns $525
monthly and has less than $20,000 in bank accounts. Karzai does not own any land or property. Karzai has six brothers,
including Mahmood Karzai and Quayum Karzai, who are both Afghan American restaurant owners in the Baltimore
Washington Metropolitan Area of the United States, as well as Ahmed Wali Karzai, deceased, who was the representative for
the southern Afghanistan region. Quayum is also the founder of the Afghans for a Civil Society in Maryland. Karzai has one
sister, Fauzia Karzai, who is the manager of Helmand restaurant in Cambridge, Massachusetts. The family owns and operates
several successful Afghan restaurants in theEast Coast of the United States as well as in Chicago. In initial biographical news
reporting, there was confusion regarding his clan lineage; it was written that his paternal lineage derived from
theSadozai clan. This confusion might have arisen from sources stating he was chosen as the head, or Khan of the Popalzai.
Traditionally, the Popalzai tribe has been led by members of the Sadozais. The first King of Afghanistan, Ahmad Shah Durrani,
was the leader of the Sadozais, and the Sadozai lineage continued to rule Afghanistan until 1826 when
the Barakzais ascended to the throne. Karzai is believed to be from the Shamizai subtribe of the Popalzais. His grandfather,
Khair Muhammad Karzai, was head of the Popalzai tribe from Kandahar who relocated to Kabul and ran the business of a
guest house. This allowed Karzai's father Abdul Ahad, to gain a foothold in the royal family, and subsequently, the parliament.
These actions and upwards movement within the Popalzai tribal system, led to the Karzai family furnishing a viable Shamizai
clan alternative to Sadozai leadership in the aftermath of the Soviet invasion when the Sadozai clan failed to provide a tribal
leader. He is often seen wearing a Karakul hat, something that has been worn by many Afghan kings in the past. Over the
years Hamid Karzai has become a well recognized figure. He has received a number of awards and honorary degrees from
famous government and educational institutions around the world. The following are some of his awards and honoraria:
commemorative medallion of the September 11, 2001 attacks from the United States House of Representatives, presented
to him by member of the house Jack Kingston on January 29, 2002, honorary doctorate in literature from Himachal Pradesh
University in India, his alma mater, on March 7, 2003, In June 2003, Karzai was created an Honorary Knight Grand Cross of
the Order of St Michael and St George by Queen Elizabeth II, On July 4, 2004, Karzai was awarded the Philadelphia Liberty
Medal in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. In his acceptance speech, Karzai stated: "Where Liberty dies, evil grows. We Afghans
have learned from our historical experiences that liberty does not come easily. We profoundly appreciate the value of
liberty...for we have paid for it with our lives. And we will defend liberty with our lives ". On May 22, 2005, received an
honorary Doctor of Laws Degree from Boston University. On May 25, 2005, received an honorary degree from the Center for
Afghan Studies at the University of Nebraska Omaha. On September 25, 2006, received an honorary Doctor of Laws
Degree from Georgetown University and in June 2012, received an honorary Doctorate from Nippon Sports Science University.
The first ever Honoris Causa Degree conferred by Lovely Professional University was received by His Excellency Hamid Karzai,
President of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. The D. Litt.( Honoris Causa) Degree was conferred on Mr Karzai by Shri
Pranab Mukherjee at the 3rd Annual Convocation of Lovely Professional University held on May 20, 2013. In August 2011,
Karzai pardoned dozens of child would-be suicide bombers, and in February 2012 some of the pardoned children were rearrested attempting to commit suicide bombings in Kandahar Province. The other main areas of criticism surrounding
President Karzai involve nepotism, corruption, electoral fraud, and the involvement of his late half brother Ahmed Wali
Karzai in the drug trade. Under Karzai's administration, electoral fraud has reached such a level that Afghanistan's status as a
democratic state is being questioned. Furthermore, a special court set up personally by Karzai in defiance of constitutional
norms has sought to reinstate dozens of candidates who were removed for fraud in the 2010 parliamentary elections by the
Independent Electoral Commission. According to the New York Times, many members of the Karzai family have mixed their
personal interests with that of the state, and become hugely influential and wealthy by murky means. Afghanistan is currently
ranked as the second most corrupt country in the world by Transparency International. Mahmud Karzai, the brother of
President Karzai, was implicated in the 2010 Kabul Bank crisis. Mahmud Karzai was the 3rd largest shareholder in the bank
with a 7% stake. Kabul Bank incurred huge losses on its investments in villas in Palm Jumeirah in Dubai. The real estate
investments were registered in the name of Kabul Bank chairman, Sherkhan Farnood. Mahmud Karzai bought one such villa
from Farnood for 7 million dirhams using money borrowed from Kabul Bank and in a matter of months sold it for 10.4 million
dirhams. Mahmud Karzai's purchase of the 7% stake in Kabul Bank was also financed entirely through money lent by Kabul
Bank with the shares as collateral. Afghanistan supplies most of the world's opium, and its current production exceeds world
demand, creating vast stockpiles of the drug. The half brother of President Karzai,Ahmed Wali Karzai, was at the center of this
trade. There's been much debate over Karzai's alleged consultant work with Unocal (Union Oil Company of California since
acquired by Chevron in 2005). In 2002, when Karzai became the subject of heavy media coverage as one of the front runners
to lead Afghanistan, it was reported that he was a former consultant for them. Spokesmen for both Unocal and Karzai have
denied any such relationship, although Unocal could not speak for all companies involved in the consortium. The original
claim that Karzai worked for Unocal originates from a December 6, 2001 issue of the French newspaper Le Monde, Barry Lane
UNOCAL's manager for public relations states that, "He was never a consultant, never an employee. We've exhaustively

searched through all our records." Lane however did say that Zalmay Khalilzad, the former United States Ambassador to the
United Nations, was a Unocal consultant in the mid-1990s. In October 2013, Karzai's administration and the Afghanistan
Intelligence agency were found to be communicating with the Pakistani Taliban about the shifting of power that may occur
when the American Forces withdraw in 2014. Karzai himself was in London at the time of the discovery, to participate in talks
with Pakistan and the U.S. on the possible location of Taliban leader Mullah Baradar. At the time, it was unknown if Karzai was
directly involved or even knew of such communications. In October 2013, Karzai's administration and the Afghanistan
Intelligence agency were found to be communicating with the Pakistani Taliban about the shifting of power that may occur
when the American Forces withdraw in 2014. Karzai himself was in London at the time of the discovery, to participate in talks
with Pakistan and the U.S. on the possible location of Taliban leader Mullah Baradar. At the time, it was unknown if Karzai was
directly involved or even knew of such communications.On April 28, 2013, The New York Times revealed that from December
2002 up to the publication date, Karzai's presidential office has been funded with "tens of millions of dollars" of black cash
from the CIA in order to buy influence within the Afghan government. The article states that "the cash that does not appear
to be subject to the oversight and restrictions." An unnamed American official is quoted by The New York Times as stating
that "The biggest source of corruption in Afghanistan was the United States." On June 17, 2013, Senator Bob Corker put a
hold on $75 million intended for electoral programs in Afghanistan after his inqueries of May 2, May 13, May 14 and June 13,
2013 to the Obama Administration regarding the CIA "ghost money" remained unanswered. Karzai has also been receiving
millions of dollars in cash from the government of Iran. Karzai stated that the money was given as gifts and intended for
renovating his Presidential Palace in Kabul:"This is transparent. This is something that I've even discussed while I was at
Camp David with President Bush."

Ashraf Ghani Ahmadzai

(Pashto: , Persian: , born May 19, 1949) is current President of

Afghanistan since September 29, 2014 and an anthropologist by education. He is usually referred to as Ashraf Ghani, while
ahmadzai is the name of his tribe. Ghani previously served as Finance Minister and as a chancellor of Kabul University. Before
returning to Afghanistan in 2002, Ghani was a leading scholar of political science and anthropology. He worked at the World
Bank working on international development assistance. As Finance Minister of Afghanistan from July 2, 2002 until December
14, 2004, he led Afghanistan's attempted economic recovery after the collapse of the Taliban government. He is the cofounder of the Institute for State Effectiveness, an organization set up in 2005 to improve the ability of states to serve their
citizens. He was also Chancellor of Kabul University from December 22, 2004 until December 21, 2008. In 2005 he gave a
TED talk, in which he discussed how to rebuild a broken state such as Afghanistan. Ghani is a member of the Commission on
Legal Empowerment of the Poor, an independent initiative hosted by the United Nations Development Programme. In 2013 he
was ranked second in an online poll to name the world's top 100 intellectuals conducted by Foreign Policy and Prospect
magazines, ranking just behind Richard Dawkins. He previously was named in the same poll in 2010. Ghani came in fourth in
the 2009 presidential election, behind Hamid Karzai, Abdullah Abdullah, and Ramazan Bashardost. In the 2014 presidential
election, Ghani placed second in the first round, qualifying for the run-off election against Abdullah. The official run-off results
show Ghani in the lead, though accused of mass fraud in which President Karzai was allegedly complicit in and the UNAMA
has warned it would be "premature" for either side to claim victory. His brother is Hashmat Ghani Ahmadzai, Grand Council
Chieftain of the Kuchis. Ghani was born in 1949 in the Logar Province of Afghanistan. He completed his primary and
secondary education in Habibia High School in Kabul. He escaped to Lebanon to attend the American University in Beirut,
getting a degree in 1973, where he also met his future wife, Rula Ghani. He returned to Afghanistan in 1977 to teach
anthropology at Kabul University before being given a scholarship by the government in 1977 to study for a Master's degree
in anthropology at Columbia University in the United States. When the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA)
communist party came to power in 1978, most of the male members of his family were imprisoned and Ghani was stranded
in the United States. He stayed at Columbia University and earned his PhD in Cultural Anthropology. He was invited to teach
at University of California, Berkeley in 1983, and then at Johns Hopkins University from 1983 to 1991. During this period he
became a frequent commentator on the BBC Farsi/Persian and Pashto services, broadcast in Afghanistan. He has also
attended the Harvard-INSEAD and World Bank-Stanford Graduate School of Business's leadership training program. He served
on the faculty of Kabul University (197377), Aarhus University in Denmark (1977), University of California, Berkeley (1983),
and Johns Hopkins University (19831991). His academic research was on state-building and social transformation. In 1985 he
completed a year of fieldwork researching Pakistani Madrasas as a Fulbright Scholar. He also studied comparative religion. He
joined the World Bank in 1991, working on projects in East and South Asia through the mid-1990s. In 1996, he pioneered the
application of institutional and organizational analysis to macro processes of change and reform, working directly on the
adjustment program of the Russian coal industry and carrying out reviews of the Banks country assistance strategies and
structural adjustment programs globally. He spent five years each in China, India, and Russia managing large-scale
development and institutional transformation projects. He worked intensively with the media during the first Gulf War,
commenting on radio and television and in newspaper interviews. After the September 11 attacks in the United States in
2001, he took leave without pay from the World Bank and engaged in intensive interaction with the media, appearing
regularly on PBS's NewsHour, BBC, CNN, US National Public Radio, and other broadcasters, and writing for major newspapers.
In November 2002, he accepted an appointment as a Special Advisor to the United Nations and assisted Lakhdar Brahimi, the
Special Representative of the Secretary General to Afghanistan, to prepare the Bonn Agreement, the process and document
that provided the basis of transfer of power to the people of Afghanistan. Returning after 24 years to Afghanistan in
December 2001, he resigned from his posts at the UN and World Bank to join the Afghan government as the chief advisor to
President Hamid Karzai on February 1, 2002. He worked "pro bono" and was among the first officials to disclose his assets. In
this capacity, he worked on the preparation of the Loya Jirgas (grand assemblies) that elected Karzai and approved the
Constitution of Afghanistan. After the 2004 election, Ghani declined to join the cabinet and asked to be appointed as
Chancellor of Kabul University. As Chancellor he instituted participatory governance among the faculty, students and staff,
training both men and women with skills and commitment to lead their country. After leaving the university, Ghani cofounded the Institute for State Effectiveness with Clare Lockhart, of which he is Chairman. The Institute put forward a
framework proposing that the state should perform ten functions in order to serve its citizens. This framework was discussed
by leaders and managers of post-conflict transitions at a meeting sponsored by the UN and World Bank in September 2005.
The program proposed that double compacts between the international community, government and the population of a
country could be used as a basis for organizing aid and other interventions, and that an annual sovereignty index to measure
state effectiveness be compiled. Ghani was tipped as a candidate to succeed Kofi Annan as Secretary General of the United
Nations at the end of 2006 in a front page report in The Financial Times (September 18, 2006) that quoted him as saying, I
hope to win, through ideas. Two distinguished experts on international relations told the paper that "the UN would be very

lucky indeed to have him" and praised his "tremendous intellect, talent and capacity." In 2005 Ghani gave keynote speeches
for meetings including the American Bar Associations International Rule of Law Symposium, the Trans-Atlantic Policy
Network, the annual meeting of the Norwegian Governments development staff, CSIS meeting on UN reform, the UN-OECDWorld Banks meeting on Fragile States and TEDGlobal. He contributed to the Financial Times, International Herald Tribune,
Los Angeles Times, New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, and the Washington Post. Ghani was recognized as the best
finance minister of Asia in 2003 by Emerging Markets. He carried extensive reforms, including issuing a new currency,
computerizing treasury operations, instituting a single treasury account, adopting a policy of balanced budgets and using
budgets as the central policy instrument, centralizing revenue collection, tariff reform and overhauling customs. He instituted
regular reporting to the cabinet the public and international stakeholders as a tool of transparency and accountability, and
required donors to focus their interventions on three sectors, improving accountability with government counterparts and
preparing a development strategy that held Afghans more accountable for their own future development. On March 31, 2004,
he presented a seven-year program of public investment called Securing Afghanistans Future[8] to an international
conference in Berlin attended by 65 finance and foreign ministers. Described as the most comprehensive program ever
prepared and presented by a poor country to the international community, Securing Afghanistans Future was prepared by a
team of 100 experts working under a committee chaired by Ghani. The concept of a double-compact, between the donors
and the government of Afghanistan on the one hand and between the government and people of Afghanistan on the other,
underpinned the investment program. The donors pledged $8.2 billion at the conference for the first three years of the
programthe exact amount requested by the governmentand agreed that the governments request for a total seven-year
package of assistance of $27.5 billion was justified. Poverty eradication through wealth creation and the establishment of
citizens' rights is the heart of Ghanis development approach. In Afghanistan, he is credited with designing the National
Solidarity Program,[9] that offers block grants to villages with priorities and implementation defined by elected village
councils. The program covers 13,000 of the country's estimated 20,000 villages. He partnered with the Ministry of
Communication to ensure that telecom licenses were granted on a fully transparent basis. As a result, the number of mobile
phones in the country has jumped to over a million at the end of 2005. Private investment in the sector exceeded $200
million and the telecom sector emerged as one of the major providers of tax revenue. In January 2009 an article by Ahmad
Majidyar of the American Enterprise Institute included Ghani on a list of fifteen possible candidates in the 2009 Afghan
presidential election. On May 7, 2009, Ashraf Ghani registered as a candidate in the Afghan presidential election, 2009.
Ghani's campaign emphasized the importance of: a representative administration; good governance; a dynamic economy and
employment opportunities for the Afghan people. Unlike other major candidates, Ghani asked the Afghan diaspora to support
his campaign and provide financial support. He appointed Mohammed Ayub Rafiqi as one of his vice president candidate
deputies, and hired noted Clinton-campaign chief strategist James Carville as a campaign advisor. Preliminary results placed
Ghani fourth in a field of 38, securing roughly 3% of the votes. On January 28, 2010, Ghani attended the International
Conference on Afghanistan in London, pledging his support to help rebuild their country. Ghani presented his ideas to Karzai
as an example of the importance of cooperation among Afghans and with the international community, supporting Karzai's
reconciliation strategy. Ghani said hearing Karzai's second inaugural address in November 2009 and his pledges to fight
corruption, promote reconciliation and replace international security forces persuaded him to help. Ghani is on the Board of
Directors of the World Justice Project, which works to lead a global, multidisciplinary effort to strengthen the Rule of Law in
developing countries. Ghani is one of the main and leading candidates in the 2014 presidential election. His running mates
are Abdul Rashid Dostum, Sarwar Danish and Ahmad Zia Massoud. It was reported that Ghani secured roughly 56% of the
total votes. After challenger Abdullah Abdullah becoming unsatisfied with the result, a complete auditing of votes was
initiated under the watch eyes of the international community. Ghani's campaign emphasized the importance of: a
representative administration; good governance; a dynamic economy and employment opportunities for the Afghan people.
Unlike other major candidates, Ghani asked the Afghan diaspora to support his campaign and provide financial support. He
appointed Mohammed Ayub Rafiqi as one of his vice president candidate deputies, and paid for the noted Clinton-campaign
chief strategist James Carville as a campaign advisor. Preliminary results placed Ghani fourth in a field of 38, securing roughly
3% of the votes. On January 28, 2010, Ghani attended the International Conference on Afghanistan in London, pledging his
support to help rebuild their country. Ghani presented his ideas to Karzai as an example of the importance of cooperation
among Afghans and with the international community, supporting Karzai's reconciliation strategy. Ghani said hearing Karzai's
second inaugural address in November 2009 and his pledges to fight corruption, promote reconciliation and replace
international security forces persuaded him to help. After announcing his candidacy for the 2014 elections, Ghani tapped
General Abdul Rashid Dostum, a prominent Uzbek politician and former military official in Karzai's government and Sarwar
Danish, an ethnic Hazara, who also served as the Justice Minister in Karzai's cabinet as his pick for vice presidential
candidates. This Ghani-Dostum pairing is the most remarkable in today's race. In an article for the London Times on August
20, 2009, when Ghani received three percent of the votes in the presidential elections, he called Dostum a "killer" and lashed
out against Karzai for calling Dostum back from Turkey to lend him his support. Now, Ghani has invited the very same Dostum
to be his closest partner in the hope that this new alliance will bring him victory. "Politics is not a love marriage, politics is a
product of historic necessities," he explained to Agence France Presse a few days after he had chosen Dostum. After none of
the candidates managed to win more than 50% of the vote in the first round of the election, Ghani and Dr. Abdullah Abdullah,
the two front runners from the first round contested in a run-off election, which was held on June 14, 2014. Initial results from
the run-off elections showed Ghani as the overwhelming favourite to win the elections. However, allegations of electoral fraud
resulted in a stalemate, threats of violence and the formation of a parallel government by his opponent Dr. Abdullah Abdullah
camp. On August 7, 2014 US Secretary of State John Kerry flew to Kabul to broker a deal that outlined an extensive audit of
nearly 8 million votes and formation of a national unity government with a new role for a chief executive who would serve as
a prime-minister. After a three month audit process, which was supervised by the United Nations with financial support from
the U.S. government, the Independent Election Commission announced Ghani as the President of the Islamic Republic of
Afghanistan after Ghani agreed to a national unity deal. Initially the election commission said it would not formally announce
specific results, it later released a statement that said Ghani managed to secure 55.4% and Abdullah Abdullah secured 43.5%
of the vote. Although it declined to release the individual vote results. Ghani is on the Board of Directors of the World Justice
Project, which works to lead a global, multidisciplinary effort to strengthen the Rule of Law in developing countries. Ashraf
Ghani is married to Rula Saade, a citizen with dual Lebanese and American nationality. Rula Saade Ghani was born in a
Lebanese Christian family. The couple married after they met during their studies at the American University of Beirut,

Lebanon during the 1970s. Mrs. Ghani is reportedly fluent in English, French, Arabic, Pashto, Persian
and Urdu. Ashraf and Rula Ghani have two children, a daughter, Mariam Ghani, a Brooklyn-based
visual artist, and a son, Tariq. Both were born in United States and carry US citizenship and passports.
In an unusual move for a politician in Afghanistan, Mr. Ghani at his presidential inauguration in 2014
publicly thanked his wife, acknowledging her with an Afghan name, Bibi Gul. "I want to thank my
partner, Bibi Gul, for supporting me and Afghanistan," said Mr. Ghani, looking emotional. "She has
always supported Afghan women and I hope she continues to do so."

Abdullah Abdullah

(Persian/Pashto: , born September 5, 1960) is an Afghan politician,

serving as Chief Executive Officer of Afghanistan since September 29, 2014. From October 2, 2001 to
April 10, 2005, he served as Minister of Foreign Affairs. Prior to that he was a senior member of the
Northern Alliance working as an adviser to Ahmad Shah Massoud. He also worked as a doctor of
medicine during the late 1990s. Abdullah ran against President Hamid Karzai in the 2009 presidential election, coming in
second place with 30.5% of the total votes. In 2010, he created the Coalition for Change and Hope, which is one of the
leading democratic opposition movements in Afghanistan. In 2011, the coalition was transformed into the National Coalition
of Afghanistan. He ran again in the 2014 presidential election but lost to Ashraf Ghani. Afterwards, the two created a unity
government in which Abdullah serves as President Ghani's Chief Executive Officer. Abdullah was born in the second district of
Karte Parwan in Kabul, Afghanistan. His early years were split between living in Panjshir, Kandahar, and Kabul, where his stepfather was serving as an administrator in the land survey, and subsequently the inspection section of the Prime Minister's
office. His step-father had been appointed to that position by King Zahir Shah. According to Abdullah, both of his parents were
born in Kabul. The ancestors of his step-father, Ghullam Muhayuddin Khan Zmaryalay, are said to be Pashtuns from the
Kandahar area. However, because his biological father, who died when Abdullah was a child, and mother belong to the Tajik
group and he always remained with the Northern Alliance, Abdullah is often referred to as a Tajik. He has seven sisters and
two brothers. Until he became a government minister, Abdullah had only a first name; demands from Western newspaper
editors for a family name led him to adopt the full name Abdullah Abdullah. Abdullah graduated from Naderia High School in
1976. He then studied pharmacy at Kabul atvi Department of pharmacy and graduated with an certificate in 1983. After
receiving his degree, Abdullah worked as an pharmacist at Noor Institute in Kabul until 1986. Later, Abdullah left the country
due to the social and political unrest during the communist Democratic Republic of Afghanistan government. He worked,
briefly, at the Syed Jamaluddin Afghani for Afghan Refugees in Peshawar, Pakistan. In September 1985, Abdullah became the
head of the Health Department for the Panjshir Resistance Front, coordinating treatments and health care for the resistance
fighters and the civilian population. He became a close associate and adviser to mujahideen commander Ahmad Shah
Massoud in the Soviet war in Afghanistan. After the fall of the communist government in 1992, the Peshawar Accord
established the Islamic State of Afghanistan with an interim government led by Burhanuddin Rabbani. Abdullah was
appointed Chief of Staff and spokesperson of the Ministry of Defense. On September 27, 1996, the Taliban seized power in
Kabul and 90% of the country with military training support by Pakistan and previous financial support by the United States of
America, and established the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. Following the capture of Kabul by the Taliban, the United Islamic
Front (Northern Alliance) was created under the leadership of Ahmad Shah Massoud, The NA was supported by Russia, Iran &
India. Dr. Abdullah became the United Front's Minister of Foreign Affairs. Islamic State of Afghanistan elements of the United
Front, including the Defense Minister Ahmad Shah Massoud and the Foreign Minister Abdullah Abdullah, remained
Afghanistan's internationally recognized government. The Taliban Emirate received partial diplomatic recognition from the
international community (from Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and the United Arab Emirates). In early 2001 Abdullah traveled with
Ahmad Shah Massoud to Brussels where Massoud addressed the European Parliament asking the international community to
provide humanitarian help to the people of Afghanistan. Dr. Abdullah translated when Massoud stated that the Taliban and Al
Qaeda had introduced "a very wrong perception of Islam" and that without the support of Pakistan and Bin Laden, the Taliban
would not be able to sustain their military campaign for up to a year. In October 2001 the Taliban regime was overthrown by
Operation Enduring Freedom including American and United Front forces. As a result of the Bonn conference on Afghanistan,
Abdullah was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Interim Administration in December 2001. Following the 2004
Afghanistan Presidential Elections, Abdullah was one of the few people who kept their position from the Transitional
Government and was re-appointed as Minister of Foreign Affairs for another year. In 2005 he resigned his position. On May 6,
2009, Abdullah registered as an Independent candidate for the 2009 Afghan presidential election, running against incumbent
president Hamid Karzai. Abdullah selected as his running mates Humayun Shah Asefi as his First Vice President and Dr.
Cheragh Ali Cheragh (a surgeon from Kabul who is a practicing Shia) as Second Vice President. Afghanistan has an Executive
structure featuring two Vice Presidents, a First VP and a Second VP, to help ensure a stable government by attempting to
provide ethnic and religious balance to senior government leadership positions. Unofficial and non-certified electoral results
were announced during the day on September 16, 2009, showing that Abdullah was in second position with 27.8% of the total
votes cast. President Karzai did not achieve the 50.01% vote majority required to avoid a runoff election. A large number of
fraudulent ballots, mostly belonging to Karzai's camp, were disallowed by the Independent Afghan Electoral Commission.
Karzai came under intense international political and diplomatic pressure from international leaders because of allegations of
large-scale fraud. Hamid Karzai eventually agreed to participate in a designated head-to-head runoff election (held between
the contenders with the two largest numbers of total votes in the first election) which was scheduled nationwide for
November 7, 2009 On November 1, 2009, Abdullah announced that he had decided to withdraw from the runoff election,
citing his lack of faith in the President Karzai government's ability to hold a "fair and transparent" second election process.
Subsequently Hamid Karzai was declared the winner by the Afghan Electoral Commission (essentially winning by default).
After the 2009 Afghan Presidential Elections, Abdullah created the Coalition for Change and Hope (CCH). The CCH presents
the leading democratic opposition movement against the government of Hamid Karzai. On September 18, 2010,
parliamentary election, the Coalition for Change and Hope won more than 90 seats out of 249 seats, becoming the main
opposition party. As a result, it is assumed that the new Parliament will introduce some checks and balances on the
Presidential power. Regarding the Taliban insurgency and Karzai's strategy of negotiations Dr. Abdullah stated: "I should say
that Taliban are not fighting in order to be accommodated. They are fighting in order to bring the state down. So it's a futile
exercise, and it's just misleading. ... There are groups that will fight to the death. Whether we like to talk to them or we don't
like to talk to them, they will continue to fight. So, for them, I don't think that we have a way forward with talks or
negotiations or contacts or anything as such. Then we have to be prepared to tackle and deal with them militarily. In terms of
the Taliban on the ground, there are lots of possibilities and opportunities that with the help of the people in different parts of
the country, we can attract them to the peace process; provided, we create a favorable environment on this side of the line."
In December 2011, the "National Coalition of Afghanistan" supported by dozens of Afghan political parties and led by
Abdullah Abdullah was formed to challenge the government of President Hamid Karzai. Major figures associated with the
coalition include Yunus Qanooni (the former head of the Afghan Parliament), Homayoon Shah-asefi (a former presidential
candidate and leader of the monarchist party with ties to the family of former king Zahir Shah), Noorolhagh Oloumi (a senior
political figure in the former Afghan communist government), Ahmad Wali Massoud (a younger brother of Ahmad Shah

Massoud) and several current Members of Parliament. Abdullah has been the Secretary General of the
Massoud Foundation since June 2006. The Massoud Foundation is an independent, non-aligned, nonprofitable and non-political organization established by people who have been affected by the life of
Massoud. It provides humanitarian assistance to Afghans especially in the fields of health care and
education. It also runs programs in the fields of culture, construction, agriculture and welfare. On
October 1, 2013, Abdullah officially announced his nomination for the presidential election held on April
5, 2014. On April 13, BBC News reported that the counting indicated that Abdullah had thus far received
44.65% of the vote, with Ashraf Ghani following behind with 33.6%. Abdullah and Ghani were then
bound to compete in a run-off election in June 2014. The results of that election remained in dispute
through until September 2014, with Abdullah claiming the government and the national electoral
institutions manipulated the results. Pressure from the United States on the two candidates to resolve
their differences, and to negotiate a power-sharing deal were initially agreed to, but Abdullah later
remained defiant. A UN-led audit failed to sway Abdullah as he insisted the audit team could not explain
a million extra votes counted in the run-off. Ghani supporters insisted they wanted to do a deal with Abdullah, and said they
were leaving the door open to negotiations. On September 19, the Independent Election Commission announced Ghani the
winner. Five hours later, Abdullah and Ghani signed a power-sharing agreement, with Ghani being named president and
Abdullah taking on an important position in the government; the deal was signed in front of the presidential palace, with
incumbent president Hamid Karzai in attendance. Part of the deal stipulated that the Independent Election Commission would
not release the exact vote totals of the second round of voting.

ALBANIA
Taulantian Kingdom
Taulantii (Greek: ) was the name of a cluster of Illyrian tribes. According to Greek mythology Taulas (T), one of
the six sons of Illyrius, was the eponymousancestor of the Taulanti. They lived on the Adriatic coast
of Illyria (modern Albania), between to the vicinity of the city of Epidamnus (modern Durrs). This tribe played an important
role in Illyrian history of the 4th-3rd centuries BC,when King Glaukias (335 BC- 302 BC) ruled over them. This tribe had
become bilingual being under the effects of an earlyHellenisation.

List of Illyrian Kings of the Taulantii State

Galaurus was an Illyrian king of the Taulantii State who reigned in the middle of the 7th century BC. After the first Illyrian
invasion of Macedonia in 691 BC because of the interruption of friendly relations, the Illyrians did considerable damage by
their ravages. Galaurus invaded Macedonia somewhere between 678640 BC during the reign of Argaeus I. However the
invasion was unsuccessful as Argaeus cut off great numbers and forced the remaining Illyrians to leave, although further
invasions continued right to the time of Philip II. The historian Polyaenus relates this battle: "In the reign of Argaeus,
the Illyrian Taulantii under Galaurus invaded Macedonia. Argaeus, whose force was very small, directed the Macedonian
virgins (parthenoi), as the enemy advanced, to show themselves from mount Ereboea ( ). They accordingly did so; and
in a numerous body they poured down, covered by wreaths, and brandishing their thyrsi instead of spears. Galaurus,
intimidated by the numbers of those, whom instead of women he supposed to be men, sounded a retreat; whereupon the
Taulantii, throwing away their weapons, and whatever else might retard their escape, abandoned themselves to a precipitate
flight. Argaeus, having thus obtained a victory without the hazard of a battle, erected a temple to Dionysus Pseudanor; and
ordered the priestesses of the god, who were before called Kldones[2]by the Macedonians, to ever afterwards be
distinguished by the title of Mimallones."

Grabus (ruled c. 437

423 BC) was an Illyrian king of the Taulantii State. Grabus took an important part in the civil war
of Durrs in 437 BC which sparked off the Pelopponesian War. He became an ally of Athens at the time against Corinth. The
existing conflict between the democrats and the aristocrats who were aided by Grabus, was immediately projected onto the
wider screen of the contradictions in in the Greek world, but in a manner that reflected economic interests more than political
principles. Grabus was the son of Grabos which clashed with Philip II in 356 BC. The Taulantii State under Grabus was
centered in the Myzeqe plain in present central Albania which bordered the Greek colony ofDurrs. Durrs was governed by a
tight oligarchy or aristocrats that appointed a ruling magistrate; tradesmen and craftsmen were excluded from power, until
internal strife produced a more democratic government. In 437 BC, the aristocrats were banished by the democrats and
sheltered in the state of Grabus, looking for his help. From the fear of the Taulantii State, Durrs firstly appealed
to Corcyra which refused and then enlisted the help of Corinth which accepted. The banished aristocrats and Grabus found
support in democratic Corcyra and Grabus became an ally of Athens during that time when she was active in the area. In 435
BC, the Corinthian fleet set out for Corcyra and Durrs, but in 433 BC it was destroyed by the Corcyrian fleet at Actium of
Anactorium in the Battle of Sybota. Meanwhile, the other part of the Corcyrian fleet broke the siege of Durrs, which Grabus
had attacked and returned the aristocrats to the city. The surrender of the democrats enabled Grabus to have powerful
economic control of the city. The alliance that Grabus made with Corcyra strengthened the position of the Taulantii State and
hence it began to get actively involved in the affairs of the Greek colonies in Illyriaand of its neighbors, especially that
of Macedonia.

Pleuratus I (Ancient Greek ; ruled c. 356 335 BC) was an Illyrian king of the Taulantii State. Pleuratus was the
father of Glaucias. Philip II won a fierce battle with him in 344 BC although Philip sustained a wound during his pursuit of
Pleuratus. In 344 BC Philip II had inherited from his father a quarrel with the Illyrians and found no means of reconciling his
disagreement. Philip therefore invaded the Taulantii State with a large force, devastated the countryside, captured many
cities and towns and returned to Macedonia laden with booty. After Philip's reduction of the Grabaei, Pleuratus, in a losing
effort, tried to thwart Philip's advances inIllyria and succeeded in wounding one hundred and fifty of his elite corps
and Hippostratus the son of Amyntas, in their pursuit of Pleuratus. Philip himself was wounded and lost part of his close group
of friends, the hetaroi, contenting himself with the possession of the eastern Illyrian province of Dassaretia. Philip's advances
into the Taulantii State ceased by coming to peace terms with Pleurtaus. After this conflict the Taulantii State of Pleuratus was
limited only to the lands along the Adriatic. However, this state continued an anti-Macedonian policy down to 335 BC when
Glaucias and Cleitus rebelled against Alexander the Great.

Glaucias (Greek: ; ruled c.335 c.302 BC) was an Illyrian king of the

Taulanti state which dominated Illyrian affairs

in the second half of the 4th century BC. Glaucias is first mentioned as bringing a considerable force to the assistance
of Cleitus of Dardania, another Illyrian prince, against Alexander the Great, in the battle of Pelium 335 BC. They were,
however, both defeated, and Cleitus was forced to take refuge within the Taulantian territories, whither Alexander did not
pursue him, his attention being called elsewhere by the news of the revolt of Thebes. We next hear of Glaucias, nearly 20
years later, as affording an asylum[1] to the infant Pyrrus, when his father Aeacides was driven out of Epirus; Glaucias'
wife Beroea belonged to the Molossian Aeacidae. By this measure he gave offence to Cassander, who sought to gain

possession of Epirus for himself, and who in vain offered Glaucias 200 talents to give up the child. Not long after, the
Macedonian king invaded his territories, and defeated him in battle; but though Glaucias bound himself by the treaty which
ensued to refrain from hostilities against the allies of Cassander, he still retained Pyrrhus at his court, and, after the death
ofAlcetas II of Epirus, in 307 BC, he took the opportunity to invade Epirus with an army, and establish the young prince, then
12 years old, upon the throne. The territories of Glaucias bordered upon those of Apollonia and Epidamnos, and this proximity
involved him in frequent hostilities with those states. In 312 BC he gained control of Epidamnus. The date of his death is not
mentioned, but it appears that he was still reigning in 302 BC, when Pyrrhus repaired to his court, to be present at the
marriage of one of his sons. In 344 BC, Galucias' father Pleuratus I engaged in battle with Philip II of Macedon. In a losing
effort Pleuratus I, tried to thwart Philip's advances in Illyria and managed to wound Philip himself and fifty of his elite forces
on their pursuit. Philip was wounded and lost part of his close group of friends, finally contenting himself with the possession
of the Illyrian region of Dassaretia. After this, Isocrates delimits the Taulantii State only to the landsalong the Adriatic. It
seems that during his early reign, probably before 335 BC, Glaucias and Alexander might have had quite friendly relations,
although this is not known for sure. As a royal page Alexander had accompanied his father Philip II on Illyrian campaigns. In
337 BC he had escorted his mother Olympias to Epirus and gone from there to Illyria where he stayed with one or more kings,
perhaps indeed with Glaucias. Alexander might have also had relations living in Illyria at that time and took shelter there
when he quarreled with his father. However, the Taulantii State continued its anti-Macedonian policy when until the Illyrians
rose in rebellion. Alexander was probably in Agrianian territory when news had reached him of the Illyrian offensive
preparations in 335 BC. The Autariatae State under Pleurias planned to attack him on the north, Cleitus the king of the
Dardanian State had risen in revolt and Glaucias had entered into an alliance and joined the cause of Cleitus. Cleitus had
occupied the city ofPelion the capital of his forefathers in Dassaretia. Pelion lay on the Illyrian side of Wolf's Pass (Qafa e
Ujkut). Lake little Prespa, since Philips annexation of this part of Illyria, lay on the Macedonian side. Pelion at the time was the
strongest city in the region and it was favorably situated for making attacks into Macedonia. Alexander found that Cleitus
had not only occupied Pelion but also the surrounding heights, which look down on the city and cover approach to the Wolf's
pass. It was evident that he was waiting for Glaucias to arrive. Alexander wanted to strike at Cleitus first. He therefor pitched
and fortified a camp on the river Eordaicus in full sight of the Dardanians, and next mornig he moved his army up to the wall
of Pelion. This move brought the Dardanians down from the heights in order to attack the Macedonians in the flanks and
rear. Alexander promptly about-turned his army and routed the Dardanians. Alexander decided next to build a wall round
Pelion, so that he could blockade the city and his army could operate inside is own defenses. Next day Glaucias, at the head
of a large army, came from the plain of Koritsa through the Tsangon pass and joined forces with Cleitus. Alexander was
heavily outnumbered and knew for the first and last time the bitter taste of failure. He acted at once, sending his baggage
train of horse-drawn wagons with an escort of cavalry under Philotas to round up supplies in the plain of Koritsa. Glaucias
having failed to guard the Tsangon pass carefully allowed the Macedonians to proceed about their business. Galaucias now
rectified his mistake and occupied both sides of the pass in hope of catching Philotas' foraging party on its return. Alexander
too divided his forces. Leaving sufficient troops to theDardanian garrison penned up inside Pelion, he marched to the Tsangon
pass with the Hypaspists, archers and Agrianians and two squadrons of cavalry, some 5,00 men in total, and cleared the
pass. Glaucias' Taulantians did not even put up a fight, and the baggage train returned in safety. The effect of this success
could only be short lived in terms of supply. The troops of Glaucias and Cleitus seemed still to have caught Alexander in a
different position; for the Illyrians held the commanding heights with large numbers of cavalry, large numbers of javelin-men
and slingers, and no small force of heavy-armed infantry as well. The next morning Alexanders plan was not to retreat, but to
advance through the middle of the Illyrian forces, thereby keeping them divided and his own men united. In order to do so, he
had to deceive the Illyroians and then seize the narrow passage which he had in mind, namely the Wolf's pass, confined
between the river on one side and high cliffs on the other side and admitting only four men abreast at its narrowest point.
Next morning the deception was achieved by a superb piece of drill. The Macedonians paraded on the flat plain, without its
baggage train, put with its catapults, which led the Illyrians under Glaucias and Cleitus to expect an assault upon the walls of
Pelion. The drill was executed by the phalanx in a solid block of men, 100 men wide and 120 men deep, and by a squadron of
200 cavalry men on each flank. Glaucias enjoying a grandstand view from the battlements of Pelion and the surrounding
heights, was amazed by the precision of the drill and bewildered by the changing movements. Suddenly Alexander formed
the left front of the phalanx into a wedge(embolon) and charged Cleitus' troops on the nearest slopes. The Dardanians fled at
the mere onset. Next the Macedonians using warlike threats, forced Glaucias' army to withdraw towards Pelion. Three days
later Alexander mounted a night attack. The Illyrians had assumed that he fled for good; so now the bivouacked their men
over a wide area and did not build field defenses or mount guards. Learning of their dispositions the Macedonians came back
at night, leading the Hypaspists, archers and Agrianians and two phalanx brigades(in all over 7,000 men). The Illyrians were
devastated in which the Maceodnians who struck in a deep formation at the very end of the Illyrian line, killed many in their
beds and started a panic which became a rout as the infantry line poured through the gap and rolled up the Illyrian line from
east to west. Cleitus and his army under his immediate command, escaped into Pelion, but the rest suffered the thoroughness
of the cavalry pursuit. It was carried to the mountains of Glaucias' State, some 95 km away. Cletius burnt Pelion in order to
net let it fall into the hands of the Macedonians, and went to join Glaucias in the region of Tirana. The escape and victory of
Alexander and his army brought home to the Illyrians, or at least to some of them' how much had changed since they had
brought Macedonia to its knees barely 50 years before under the command of Bardyllis. In 334 BC a number of Illyrian
infantrymen served in Alexanders expeditionary force and many more Illyrian troops were later to serve in Asia. They
probably went with the acquiescence of Glaucias and Cleitus. Glaucias though defeated by the Macedonians, survived for
more than a generation. In 317 BC, six years after the death of Alexander and with power in Macedonia in the hands of the
ruthless Cassander, Glaucias offered asylum to the infant Pyrrhus after the expulsion of his father Aeacides from his kingdom
among the Molossians. As Plutarch describes that after eluding their pursuers, they arrived in Illyria, and finding Glaucias at
home with his wife, they placed the baby on the ground between their feet. Pyrrhus crawled by himself on all fours up to
Glaucias and, having caught his robe, rose on his feet by holding onto the King's knees. Glaucias laughed, but then it hurt him
so he sent Pyrrhus to his wife, Beroea and ordered her to raise him along with his other sons. Although Cassander promised
Glaucias 200 talents, he did not hand him over. Glaucias' wife Beroea was herself a Molossian princess. Pyrrhus grew to
manhood safe among Glaucias and the Taulantii State, and around five years later in 307 BC, Glaucias invaded Epirus with an
army, put the anti-Cassander party in power in Molossia, and placed the twelve year old Pyrrhus on the throne with the
guardians representing that party. In this way Glaucias challenged Macedonia for the second time after the Battle of Pelion in

335 BC. This was not simply a sentimental action but more an attempt to secure the existence of his own state, constantly
under attack from Macedonia so therefor Glaucias needed Epirus as an ally. In 303/02 BC Pyrrhus came to the court of
Glaucias, presumably by now his adoptive father, to attend the marriage of one of his sons. In 317 BC Glaucias was in league
with the two Greek colonies of Epidamnus and Apollonia as well as with the island of Corcyrawhile Cassander was at a low
ebb. In 314 BC Cassander attacked Apollonia. He captured it at the first onslaught. Advancing north and crossing the
Genusus(Shkumbin) river, he defeated the army Glaucias, tricked the people of Epidamnus by making a feigned retreat and
placed a garrison in the city. Glaucias was left on his throne under a treaty which required him not to attack Cassanders
allies. In 313 BC the whole arrangement collapsed. Glaucias laid siege to Apollonia in 312 BC and with the help of
the Spartan Acrotatus, took away the Macedonian garrison. Meanwhile trouble arose in Epirus and Corcyra taking advantage
of this situation, sent help Apollonia and Epidamnus, overpowered Cassander's garrison in the latter and gave the city to
Glaucias. Apollonia was now free and hostile to Macedonia. Before gaining control of Epidamnus his forces were joined by
the oligarchy of the city that had been expelled by the democrats and the Corcyraeans. The date of his death is not
mentioned, but it appears that he was still reigning in 302 BC, when Pyrrhus repaired to his court, to be present at the
marriage of one of his sons. It is not sure if Bardyllis II and Pyrrhus both absorbed or inherited the Taulantii State after
Glaucias.

Grabaei
Grabaei or Kambaioi (Greek: ) were a minor Illyrian group that lived around Lake Scutari (Skadar). The Grabaei State
was a minor Illyrian State located in the region of Mirditenear Lake Scutari in the northern part of modern Albania. The region
is rich with copper and iron deposits, and its eartern territories marched with Philip's sphere of influence in the western
lakeland. Grabos a homonymous king, was a descendant of the previous King Grabus, with whom Athens entered into
alliance when she was active in the region of Epidamnus in the 430's BC. Grabos was defeated by Philip II's forces in 358/57
BC. the king began began negotiating with Olynthus, probably offering to re-establish the Chalcydic link with the silver mines
of Damastion near Lake Lynchnitis served by Philip II's recent annexation of the area. Grabos thus allied himself briefly with
the Chalcidian League although this treaty was soon terminated. The unfinished state of the treaty of alliance between the
two has been found at Olynthus. The unfinished state of the inscription and the fact that it had been thrown into a riverbed
probably suggests that the treaty was never ratified. The Olynthians found alliance more attractive. Later in 356 BC with
Athens, the Paeonian king Lyppeius and the Thracian king Cetriporis. This coalition at the behest of the Athenians was to
resist the growing power of the Macedonias whom the Athenians feared. Philip took his enemies by surprise: his
general, Parmenio, was able to act on this coalition before they had a chance to converge. In the summer of 356 BC, Grabos
was defeated by Parmenio in a major battle and he was forced to ally himself with Macedonia. This victory isolated the
Taulantii State and the Parthini, who became allies of Philip II. He conciliated his advance by building fortified posts in Illyria.
Grabos was not heard of after his defeat.

Illyrian king of the Grabaei State

Grabos (ruled c. 358 356 BC) was an Illyrian king of the Grabaei State. Grabos also spelt Grabus, was the most powerful
Illyrian king after the death of Bardyllis in 358 BC. He was from the royal house of Grabaei although this tribe may have been
incorporated into the Taulantii State realm of which Grabos became king. The Grabaei State was a minor Illyrian State located
in the region of Mirditenear Lake Scutari in the northern part of modern Albania. The region is rich with copper and iron
deposits, and its eartern territories marched with Philip's sphere of influence in the western lakeland. Grabos a homonymous
king, was a descendant of the previous King Grabus, with whom Athens entered into alliance when she was active in the
region of Epidamnus in the 430's BC. Grabos was defeated by Philip II's forces in 358/57 BC. the king began began
negotiating with Olynthus, probably offering to re-establish the Chalcydic link with the silver mines of Damastion near Lake
Lynchnitis served by Philip II's recent annexation of the area. Grabos thus allied himself briefly with the Chalcidian
League although this treaty was soon terminated. The unfinished state of the treaty of alliance between the two has been
found at Olynthus. The unfinished state of the inscription and the fact that it had been thrown into a riverbed probably
suggests that the treaty was never ratified. The Olynthians found alliance more attractive. Later in 356 BC with Athens,
the Paeonian king Lyppeius and the Thracian king Cetriporis. This coalition at the behest of the Athenians was to resist the
growing power of the Macedonias whom the Athenians feared. Philip took his enemies by surprise: his general, Parmenio, was
able to act on this coalition before they had a chance to converge. In the summer of 356 BC, Grabos was defeated
by Parmenio in a major battle and he was forced to ally himself with Macedonia. This victory isolated the Taulantii State and
the Parthini, who became allies of Philip II. He conciliated his advance by building fortified posts in Illyria. Grabos was not
heard of after his defeat.

Principality of Arbr
The Principality of Arbanon or Albanon (Albanian: Arbr or Arbria, Gheg Albanian: Arbn or Arbnia, Greek:), was
the first Albanian state during the Middle Ages. The state was established by archon Progon in the region of Kruja, in ca 1190.
Progon, the founder, was succeeded by his sons Gjin and Demetrius, the latter which attained the height of the realm. After
the death of Dhimiter, the last of the Progon family, the principality came under Gregory Kamonas, and later Golem. The
Principality was dissolved in 1255. Throughout its existence, the principality was an autonomous dependency of its
neighbouring powers, first Byzantium and, after the Fourth Crusade, Epirus, while it also maintained close relations
with Serbia. According to some scholars, Progon's realm was the first Albanian state during the Middle Ages. Pipa and Repishti
conclude that Arbanon was the first sketch of an "Albanian state", and that it retained semi-autonomous status as the

western extremity of an empire (under the Doukai of Epirus or the Laskarids of Nicaea). Before 1204, Arbanon was an
autonomous principality of the Byzantine Empire. The titles archon (held by Progon) and panhypersebastos (held by Dhimiter)
is a sign of Byzantine dependence. After 1204, the Albanians naturally followed the Despotate of Epirus, the successor of the
Byzantine Empire. The Gziq inscription mention the Progon family as judices, and notes their dependence on Vladin
and ore Nemanji (r. 12081216), the princes of Zeta. The rulers were connected to the Serbian Nemanji dynasty, through
marriage and alliances.[10] In 1252, Golem submitted to the Empire of Nicaea. In the beginning the name Arbanon was applied
to a region in the mountainous area to the west of Ohrid Lake and the upper valley of the river Shkumbin in the 11th century
AD.[11] There are scarce sources about Arbanon. In 1166, prior Arbanensis Andrea and episcopis Arbanensis Lazarus
participated in a ceremony held in Kotor (then under theSerbian Grand Principality). A year later in 1167, Pope Alexander III,
in a letter directed to Lazarus, congratulates him for returning his bishopric to Catholic faith and invites him to acknowledge
the archbishop of Ragusa as his superior. After some resistance from local officials, the bishopric of Arbanon was put under
the direct dependence of the Pope, as documented in a Papal letter dated in 1188. Little is known about archon Progon who
was the first ruler of Kruja and its surroundings, between 1190 and 1198. The Kruja fortress stayed in the possession of
the Progon family, and Progon was succeeded by his sons Gjin, and later Dhimitr. Demetrius Progoni was the third and last
lord of the Progon family, reigning between 1208 and 1216. He succeeded his brother Gjin and brought the principality to its
climax. Contemporary Western sources attribute the titles judex("judge") and princeps Arbanorum ("prince of the Albanians")
to him,[ while Byzantine records refer to him as megas archon ("grand lord"). In 1208, Demetrius married Komnena Nemanji,
the daughter of Serbian Grand Prince, laterKing Stefan Nemanji (r. 11961228). A brief alliance was established between the
two countries amidst conflicts with the Republic of Venice. Demetriuss marriage with Nemanjas daughter did not rule out the
risk of a Serbian expansion toward the Albanian domains. However, in 1204, the most serious threat came from the Venetian
Duchy of Dyrrhachium, a Latin entity formed after the Fourth Crusade in the former territories of the Byzantine Empire. In
search for allies, Dhimitr signed a treaty with the Republic of Ragusa in 1209 and began negotiations with Pope Innocent
III regarding his and his subjects conversion toCatholicism. This is considered a tactful move, which Demetrius undertook to
establish ties with Western Europe against Venice. The friendship with the pope was of short duration, and soon turned into
ill-feeling. After Demetrius died in 1215, the power was left to Komnena, who soon married Greek Gregory Kamonas, who took
power of Kruja, strengthening relations with Serbia, which had been weakened after a Serbian assault on Scutari. According
to Frasheri, Kamonas was elected. Komnena had a daughter with Kamonas that married Golem. Demetrius had no son to
succeed him. His wife, Komnena, remarried and had a daughter with Gregory Kamonas. The daughter married Golem, who
was the lord of Kruja and Elbasan in ca 1254. During the conflicts between Michael II Komnenos Doukas of Epirus and
Emperor John III Doukas Vatatzes, Golem andTheodore Petraliphas, who were initially Michael's allies, defected to John III in
1252. He is last mentioned in the sources among other local leaders, in a meeting with George Akropolites in Durrs in 1256.
The initial Nicaean conquest proved short-lived, as the region erupted in a pro-Epirote revolt that lasted until 1259. Arbanon
extended over the modern districts of central Albania, with the capital at Kruja. The Kruja fortress, founded by the Byzantines,
was the seat of Progon. Progon gained possession of the surroundings of the fortress which became hereditary. With the
marriage of Komnena with Kamonas, Elbasan becomes the second important possession. Nderfandina is known as the most
important center of this principality. For this was spoken clearly by the emblem of Arber found carved on a stone in the
Catholic Church of Saint Maria. Arbanon was a beneficiary of the Via Egnatia trade road, which brought wealth and benefits
from the more developed Byzantine civilization.

List of Rulers of the Principality of Arbr

Progon

was the first Albanian ruler known by name, an archon of the Kruja fortress (modern Kruj) and its surroundings
(retrospectively known as "Arbanon"). He ruled between 1190 and 1198. Progon was succeeded by his two sons, Gjin, and
Dimitri. According to some, Progon's realm was the first Albanian state during the Middle Ages. Little is known
about archon Progon who was the first ruler of Kruja and its surroundings, between 1190 and 1198.[7] The Kruja fortress
stayed in the possession of theProgon family, and Progon was succeeded by his sons Gjin, and later Dimitri.Before 1204,
Arbanon was an autonomous principality of the Byzantine Empire.He is mentioned with his two sons in an inscription from the
St. Mary Monastery in Trifandina, Gziq, northern Albania. The titles archon (held by Progon) and panhypersebastos (held by
Dimitri) is a sign of Byzantine dependance.

Gjin Progoni was

an archon (lord) of Kruja, in present-day Albania ca 1200 until his death in 1208. He succeeded his
father,Progon, becoming the second ruler of the House of Progon. He was succeeded himself by his younger brother Dhimitr.

Dimitri Progoni was

the third and the last Prince of the Albanians of the Progon family, reigning from 1208 until 1216.
He ruled the mountain stronghold at Kroja (Arbanon), succeeding his older brother Gjin, and he managed to bring Arbanon to
its maximum. Dimitri ruled in the alliances of the Republic of Ragusa, Venice and Serbian Kingdom; he married Komnena, the
daughter of Stefan Nemanji. He was later turned against Venice. According to some, Progon's realm was the first Albanian
state during the Middle Ages. Little is known about archon Progon who was the first ruler of Kruja and its
surroundings, between 1190 and 1198. The Kruja fortress stayed in the possession of theProgon family, and Progon was
succeeded by his sons Gjin, and later Dimitri. Before 1204, Arbanon was an autonomous principality of the Byzantine
Empire. The titles archon (held by Progon) and panhypersebastos (held by Dimitri) is a sign of Byzantine dependance.
Dimitri, the son of Progon of Kruja, was the third and last lord of the Progon family, reigning between 1208 and 1216. He
succeeded his brother Gjin and brought the principality to its climax. Contemporary Western sources attribute the
titles judex ("judge") and princeps Arbanorum ("prince of the Albanians") to him, while Byzantine records refer to him
as megas archon ("grand lord"). In 1208, Dimitri married Komnena Nemanji, the daughter of Serbian Grand Prince,
later King Stefan Nemanji (1196-1228). This resulted in an alliance and vassalage to Serbia amidst conflicts with
the Republic of Venice. At the same time, George Nemanji, in Zeta, allied himself with Venice. The struggle between the two
Nemanji branches (between Vukan and Stefan) continued under George. In The Gziq inscription mention the Progon family
as judices, and notes their dependance to Mladen and George. George promised military support if Dimitri would attack
Venetian territory, in a treaty signed on 3 July 1208. The alliance and conflict may have been related to the Rascian-Zetan

struggle, for Dimitri had close ties with Serbia, having marriedKomnena Nemanji, the daughter of Stefan. By 1212, the
Venetians had left Arbanon, abandoning it to Michael Angelos, in circumstances that remain uncertain. Arbanon remained to
its traditional fidelites, Byzantine and Serbian, Orthodox; when Dimitri died, Gregory Kamonas succeeded in ruling Arbanon,
and took Komnena as his second wife; ties were strengthened with Serbia, with which ties had been weakened by a Serbian
attack on Scutari following the collapse of the Venetian duchy of Durazzo. In search for allies, Dimitri signed a treaty with
the Republic of Ragusa in 1209 and began negotiations with Pope Innocent III regarding his and his subjects conversion
toCatholicism. This is considered a tactful move, which Dimitri undertook to establish ties with Western Europe against
Venice. The friendship with the pope was of short duration, and soon turned into ill-feeling. Dimtri's closest ally was an archon
named Dhimiter Gaba III.
After Dimitri died in 1215, the power was left to Komnena, who soon married GreekAlbanian Gregory Kamonas, who took power of Kruja, strengthening relations with Serbia, which had been weakened after a
Serbian assault on Scutari. Arbanon remained to its traditional fidelites, Byzantine and Serbian, Orthodox. Komnena had a
daughter with Kamonas that married Golem. Pipa and Repishti conclude that Arbanon was the first sketch of an "Albanian
state", and that it retained semi-autonomous status as the western extremity of an empire (under theDoukai of Epirus or
the Laskarids of Nicaea).

Gregory Kamonas (Albanian: Grigor

Kamona, Greek: , Serbian: Grgur Kamonas) was a GreekAlbanianarchon (lord, prince) of Kruja and Elbasan, between 1216 and 1253. He married Serbian princess Komnena Nemanji
the daughter of King Stefan Nemanji, and widow of the Prince of Arbr Dhimitr Progoni, thus inheriting the rule and
securing it through an Orthodox alliance. He allegedly had the title of sebastos. He had a daughter together with Komnena,
who married Golem of Kruja, his successor.

Golem (Greek: Goulamos, Albanian: Gulam) was an Albanian lord and vassal of Kruja and Elbasan in circa 1254. He married
the daughter of sebastos Gregorios Kamonasand Komnena Nemanji and was thus entitled the rule of his father-in-law. He
was the last prince of Principality of Arbr. During the conflicts between Michael II Komnenos Doukas of Epirus and
Emperor John III Doukas Vatatzes, Golem and Theodore Petraliphas, who were initially Michael's allies, defected to John III in
1252. He is last mentioned in the sources among other local leaders, in a meeting with George Akropolites in Durrs in 1256.

Thopia Family
Thopia family was one of the most powerful Albanian feudal families in the Late Middle Ages. It was initially part of the
nobility of the Angevin Kingdom of Albania. The first mention of the Thopia is from 1329, when Tanusio Topia was mentioned
as one of the counts of Albania. In 1338, Tanusio was mentioned as Count of Matia (conte di Matia). According to Anamali &
Prifti, Tanusio had a brother, Dominik, who was a high cleric and served as a counsel of Robert of Anjou. According to Karl
Hopf, Tanusio's son or brother Andrea, as told by Gjon Muzaka (fl. 1510), had fallen in love with the daughter of Robert of
Naples when her ship, en route to the Principality of the Morea to be wed with the bailli, had stopped at Durazzo where they
met. Andrea abducted and married her, and they had two sons, Karl and George. King Robert, enraged, under the pretext of
reconciliation had the couple invited to Naples where he had them executed. The family converted from Eastern
Orthodoxy to Catholicism.

List of Rulers of Thopia Family

Karl Topia was

one of the powerful feudal princes and warlord, who between them ruled Albania from the middle of the
14th century until the Ottoman conquest. To the Roman Curia, Karl maintained usually good relations therefore that could do.
In 1376 a vacant place became an ore diocese in Durrs, again with a Latin Bishop to be occupied. He was the son of Tanush
Topia and his mother was a daughter of Robert I of Naples. Robert of the famous house of Anjou, king of Naples, had an
illegitimate daughter whom he wished to marry to a French gentleman of Greece. En route, her ship touched at Durrs, where
she met and fell in love with Tanush Topia. They were married and had a son Karl. King Robert, feigning pleasure at the
marriage, invited the daughter and her husband to Naples, where he killed them both. The long protracted turmoil of dynastic
wars had made germinate in their real victims, the Albanians, the seeds of national sentiment which contained great promise,
so that, when after Duan's death, a descendant of the former Stephen Uro, returned to the province, the inhabitants rose
en masse and, under the leadership of Karl Topia, cut down the pretender and his entire force in the battle of Acheloos. In
1358, Karl rose against the rule of the Anjou and managed to drive them out of Durrs from Epirus and Albania. He ruled
most of modern central Albania from 1358 to 1387 and had the title of Princeps Albaniae. Since 1362, Karl sought himself to
set Durrs, which was in the possession of the Duchess Joanna of Anjou, also into the possession of the city. The first,
certainly still unsuccessful siege lasted from April 1362 until May 1363. Then, Topia had to withdraw his troops, who were
weakened by an epidemic disease. Only in 1367 could Karl conquer Durrs, who had attained in the meantime the tacit
agreement of the Venetians for his project and make important port his residence. Karl gained control of Durazzo in 1368,
which was where the Angevins held out due to their Kingdom becoming smaller in size. This event caused the Kingdom of
Albania to end and the formation of the Princedom of Albania. Topia ruled over the regions of
Durrs, Kruja, Peqin, Elbasan, Mokra and Gora, that is, along both sides of the Via Egnatia as far east as Lake Ohrid. Bala
II made a fourth attempt to conquer Durrs, an important commercial and strategetic center, which was ruled by rival, Karl
Topia. In 1382, Bala II began a war to seize Durrs. In 1383, Balsha II captured Durrs from Karl Topia and proclaimed
himself Duke of Durres. Topia called on the Turks for assistance. Murad I gladly sent an army of 40,000 men from Macedonia.
In the plain of Savre between Elbasan and Lushnja, Balsha fought the Turks and was defeated and killed. [9] This event was
known as the battle on Saurian Field. In the last decade of his rule Karl followed closely the Republic of Venice particularly
with regard to foreign policy. On August 17, 1386, Karl Topia allied himself with Venice. Karl committed himself to participate
in all wars of the Republic or pay auxiliary funds and supply grain. In addition, he promised the Venetian buyers protection in
his country. Venice supplied, in response, a galeere to it with, permitted its mercenaries in their areas to recruit and

instructed the captain of their Adriatic fleet to protect Karl's coasts from the Turks. These undertook several
heavy attacks on Durrs, which also still persisted as Karl in January 1388 died. His son, Gjergj, became Karl's
successor. In 1381, Karl built the St. Jovan Vladimir's Church in the proximity of Elbasan, where Jovan
Vladimir's remains were held until 1995. He is depicted in the icon of St. Vladimir, painted by Onouphrios
Protopapas (known in Albania as "Onufri", wearing a crown and standing by the Church of the Saint. A
calligraphic inscription in Greek says: " C C C C " (Karla
Theopias, builder of the Holly Monastery of the Saint). Another Greek inscription in the building refers to him
as: "... ...
..." (the highest and prime Karlas Theopias, nephew and
by blood king of Francia ... built this holly church of St. John the Vladimir ...) dated 1382. This inscription today is in the
Historical Museum of Komberat (Albania).Karl married Serbian Voisava Bali, ca 1370. The pair had four children: Gjergj
Topia - The successor of Karl. Married Teodora Brankovi, Helena Thopia - Married Sergiant Marco Barbadigo (first marriage)
and Serbian Konstantin Bali (second marriage), Voislava Topia - Married N Cursachio (first marriage) and in 1394, Progon
Dukagjini, Lord of Alessio and uncle of Pal Dukagjini (second marriage) Karl had two more children but the parentage is
unknown: Maria Topia Married Filippo di Maramonte, Nicheta Topia Married a daughter a Cominum Shpata, Mara Topia,
Daughter of Nicheta Topia and a daughter of Cominum Shpata, she was married Serbian Bala III.

Gjergj Topia (died

1392) was the Lord of Dyrrhachium from 1387 until his death in 1392. He was the son of Karlo
Thopia and Vojisava Bali. Gjergj married Teodora Brankovi of the SerbianBrankovi family. Gjergj surrendered Dyrrhachium
to the Republic of Venice in 1392. Later that year, he died without issue. His sister, Elena, gained the bulk of his holdings. A
smaller portion was left for his younger sister, Vojsava.

Helena Thopia

was an Albanian princess of the Thopia family who was Lady of Kruj from 1388 until 1392 and from
1402 until 1403. She was married to Marco Barbarigo, a Venetian nobleman. After the death of her father, Karl Topia, in 1388,
she inherited the castle of Kruj and the surrounding region. In 1392 as a result of the hostilities between her husband and
the Venetian forces, her cousin, Niketa Thopia, a Venice loyal, attacked the city of Kruj and forced them to find refuge among
the Bali family. In 1394 Konstantin Bali, who was appointed by the Ottomans to govern Kruj, married her. Konstantin
ruled as an Ottoman vassal and was killed in 1402. In 1403 Niketa Thopia captured the castle from Helena. After Konstantin's
death Helena and their son Stefan first went to Venice and then lived with her sister Maria. She married Marco Barbarigo, and
then Konstantin Bali in 1394. She had a son with Konstantin, Stefan Maramonte.

Marco Barbarigo

(died 1428) was a Venetian nobleman, who married Helena Thopia and thus inherited the rule
of Croia (Kruj) (in modern Albania), which he initially held under Venetian and later, after quarrelling with Venetian
noblemen, Ottoman suzerainty, until in late 1394 when he was defeated by Venetian subject Niketa Thopia(his wife's cousin)
and forced into exile at the court of ura II Bali. He was appointed the Venetian governor (as "count" or "captain")
of Cattaro (Kotor) in ca. 1422. Barbarigo was a Venetian businessman. He married Helena Thopia, the daughter of Albanian
magnate Karl Topia, who had ruled as "Prince of Albania" from Durazzo and had since 1386 served as a Venetian vassal. After
Karl's death in 1388, Barbarigo inherited the castle of Croia and the surrounding region through his wife. He ruled from the
strong fortress of Croia and held the possessions under Venetian suzerainty. After the Ottomans had occupied Scutari (by
early 1393), they defeated Demetrius Jonima, who then set up a meeting between Barbarigo and the Ottomans. As Barbarigo
had recently quarrelled with the Venetians, and likely felt an Ottoman threat, he accepted Ottoman suzerainty. He had a
meeting with Beyazid. He retained Croia and his lands which stretched to Durazzo, and began to plunder Venetian holdings in
the vicinity of Durazzo. Venice ordered Niketa Thopia, the governor of Durazzo, to answer the plundering; Thopia heavily
defeated Barbarigo. The Ottomans, presumably disappointed, installed their vassal Konstantin Bali as governor of Croia;
Barbarigo was exiled, taking refuge at the court of ura II Bali, who at the time was also an Ottoman subject. Konstantin
soon married Barbarigo's wife Helena, who had the hereditary rights to Croia. [3] In chronicles, Helena is said to have
been unfaithful, transferring Croia to her lover, Konstantin. ura II had declined an offer of 1,000 ducats to give up Barbarigo
to the Venetians. Afterwards, ura II broke ties with the Ottomans and seized rival Konstantin's stronghold Dagno in 1395,
with Venetian assistance. In 1400, Barbarigo attacked Venetian merchant Phillip Barelli on the Cape of Rodon, and wed his
wife, after which there is no more mention of Barelli in history. Around 1422, he was appointed overseer of Cattaro (Kotor). He
succeeded Antonio Boccole. Stefan Lazarevi, the ruler of the Serbian Despotate, had been ceded Zeta from his nephew Bala
III (ura II's successor) in April 1421, but the Venetians did not recognize him, holding on to the occupied Zetan coast
(including the Bay of Kotor) and Bojana, including Drivast recaptured by them after Bala's death.The Venetians had no
intention to cede Bala's former possessions to Despot Stefan and even requested Ottoman support in case of an
attack. The Second Scutari War followed, which ended inconclusive in August 1423 with the Treaty of Sveti Srdj; in it, Kotor
accepted Venetian suzerainty. He was succeeded as governor of Cattaro by Stefano Querini, who held office until 1425. Marco
Barbarigo died in 1428. His name in Serbo-Croatian historiography has been spelled "Marko Barbadigo".

Niketa Thopia

(Latin: Nicetas, died 1415) was the Lord of Kruj from 1392 until 1394 and from 1403 until his death in
1415. He was a member of the Thopia family, the son of Karl Topia, the Prince of Albania (r. 13681388). Niketa was the son
of Karl Topia. His mother is unknown. Upon Karl Topia's death (1388), Marco Barbarigo inherited Kruj through the marriage
with Helena, Niketa's older sister; Niketa's older brother Gjergj succeeded as Lord of Durazzo. Niketa held a territory south of
Durazzo. After the death of Bayezid (1402), many Albanian lords recognised Venetian suzerainty, such as Niketa, John
Kastrioti and Koja Zaharija. The Venetians were interested in having some buffer zone between them and the
advancing Ottoman army. In 1403, Niketa Thopia managed to capture the city of Kruj from his sister, Helena Thopia, thus
gaining another part of the territory previously held by the Thopia family. His daughter Mara married Bala III in 1407 and had
a daughter Jelena, named after her grandmother Jelena Bali. Bala III and Niketa entered an alliance in order to drive out
the Venetians. Niketa then started to be a mediator between Bala and Venetians during the First Scutari War. At the end of
1411, Niketa Thopia suffered a heavy defeat from the forces of Teodor II Muzaka during one skirmish. He himself was held
prisoner and with the intervention of the Ragusan Republic was released, but only after conceding some territories around

the Shkumbin river to the Muzaka family. Upon his death in 1415, the castle of Kruj felt in Ottomans' hands. He married the
daughter of Komnen Arianiti.

Andrea Topia was the Lord of Dyrrhachium from 1443 to 1444.

The Lordship of Berat

The Lordship of Berat (13351444) was a county created by despot Andrea II Muzaka of the Muzaka noble family in 1335, with
its capital at Berat. In 1432, Gjergj Arianiti formed a state in the Muzakaj possessions, dividing the principality and taking
Berat. The principality was united with other Albanian Principalities in the League of Lezh in 1444. A chronicle by Gjon
Muzaka (John Musachi), written in 1515 after he abandoned Albania and went to Italy, records many interesting facts about
the Muzakaj family and the Principality of Berat, although at places unreliable. The text is considered to be one of the oldest
written by an Albanian. The Muzaka were an Albanian noble family that ruled over the region of Myzeqe (central Albania) in
the Late Middle Ages. The Muzaka are also referred to by some authors as a tribe or a clan.The earliest historical document
that mention Muzaka family is written in 1090 by the Byzantine historian Anna Komnene. At the end of the 13th and
beginning of the 14th century members of the Muzaka family controlled a region between the rivers of Devoll andVjos. Some
of them were loyal to the Byzantine Empire while some of them allied with Charles of Anjou who gave them (and some other
members of Albanian nobility) impressive Byzantine-like titles (such as sebastokrator) in order to subdue them more easily.
During a short period, Serbian Emperor Stefan Duan (r. 1331-1355) occupied Albania including domains of Muzaka family but
after Duan's death they regained their former possessions. After the Battle of Savra in 1385 the territory of Albania came
under the Ottoman Empire; they served the Ottomans until 1444 whenTheodor Corona Musachi joined Skanderbeg's
rebellion. When the Ottomans suppressed Skanderbeg's rebellion and captured the territory of Venetian Albania in the 15th
century many members of the Muzaka family retreated to Italy. Those who stayed in Ottoman Albania lost their feudal rights,
some converted to Islam and achieved high ranks in the Ottoman military and administrative hierarchy. Notable members of
the family include Gjon Muzaka, Theodor Corona Musachi, Jakub Bey Musachi who was 15th century sanjakbey of the
Ottoman Sanjak of Albania and Ahmet Pasha Kurt who was 18th century sanjakbey of the Sanjak of Avlona. The last notable
member of Muzaka family who found refugee in Italy died in Naples in 1600.

List of Lords of the Lordship of Berat

Andrea II Muzaka

(died 1372) was Lord of the Lordship of Berat from 1335 until his death in 1372. After the death
of Stefan Duan in 1355 and collapse of the Serbian Empire, the Muzaka family of Berat regained control over parts of the
south-eastern modern-day Albania and also over northern Greece with Kastoria that Andrew II Musachi captured fromPrince
Marko after the Battle of Marica in 1371. After the death of Andrew II Muzaka in 1372 his descendants inherited control over
his former domains.

Teodor I Muzaka

or Theodore Musachi (died 1389) was Lord of the Lordship of Berat from 1372 until his death in 1389.
Theodor I Muzaka inherited control over Muzaqeya and Berat while Kastoria was inherited by his son Gjin (1337
1389).According to chronicle of Gjon Muzaka (repeated in some historical works) Comita, one of the daughters of Andrew II
Muzaka, married Bala II. Other authors confirm that Bala II married in 1372 and gained control over the territory south of
Durazzo, including Valona and Kanine, as dowry. Still, many scholars believe that Bala II did not marry Comita Muzaka but
Komnena, daughter of John Komnenos Asen who succeeded control over Valona and Kanine after the death of her brother
Alexander in early 1372. The same chronicle mentions Theodor II Muzaka as one of participants of the Battle of Kosovo in
1389, together with Prince Marko which is widely disputed by many historians.

Teodor II Muzaka or

Theodore Musachi (died 1417) was Lord of the Lordship of Berat. He was member of Albanian
noble family Muzaka who ruled the Principality of Berat. According to the chronicle of Gjon Muzaka (not very reliable primary
source) Teodor II Muzaka participated in the Battle of Kosovo in 1389 together with Prince Marko. Participation of Teodor II
Muzaka and Prince Marko is later widely disputed. Teodor II Muzaka actually was in territorial dispute over Kostur with Prince
Marko and because this dispute he was commemorated in Serbian epic poetry as Musa Kesedija.

Theodor Corona Musachi

or Teodor III Muzaka (Albanian: Theodhor Koron Muzaka) (died 1449) was Lord of the
Lordship of Berat from around 1393 until his death in 1417. He was a nobleman from Albania who led 1437-38 revolt against
the Ottomans and was one of the founders of the League of Lezh in 1444. Theodor Corona Musachi was member of the
Muzaka family whose domains extended till Kastoria (in modern day Greece) at the end of the 14th and beginning of the 15th
century. According to Gjon Muzaka (not completely reliable primary source) parents of Theodor Corona Musachi had three
sons (Gjin, Theodor and Stoya) and two daughters (Comita and Kyranna). Muzaka explained that Theodor inherited control
over Berat from his father Andrea Muzaka III. It is unknown when Muzaka family began to control Berat. Father of Theodor
Corona Musachi, Andrea Muzaka III, is mentioned in 1389 and in 1393 not as lord of Berat, but as an honorable citizen.
Muzaka family was in conflict with Prince Marko. Before 1396 (the year of Marko's death) Corona Musachi was probably a
young man who participated in this conflict, which explains why he is commemorated in Serbian and south Slavic epic poetry
as Korun, Marko's enemy. At the end of 1411, Niketa Thopia suffered a heavy defeat from the forces of Theodor Corona
Musachi during one skirmish. This event was recorded in a Venetian source composed on February 29, 1412. He himself was
held prisoner and with the intervention of the Ragusan Republic was released in 1413, but only after conceding some
territories around the Shkumbin river to the Muzaka family. In 1417 Berat was captured by the Ottoman Empire. In 1437-38,
while sanjakbey of the Sanjak of Albania was Theodor's son Jakub Bey, Theodor Korona Muzaka revolted in the region of
Berat. This revolt was, like previous Albanian Revolt of 14321436, suppressed by the Ottomans. There are claims that

information about Muzaka's 1437-38 revolt is not supported by contemporary sources. Jakub Bey was recorded to be on the
position of the sanjakbey of the Sanjak of Albania in 1442. The League of Lezh was founded by: Lek Zaharia (lord of Sati
and Dagnum) and his vassals Pal Dukagjin and Nicholas Dukagjini, Peter Spani (lord of the mountains behind Drivast), Lek
Dushmani (lord of Pult), George Strez Bali with Ivan and Gojko Bali, Andrea Thopia and his nephew Tanush, Gjergj Arianiti,
Theodor Corona Musachi and Stefan Crnojevi (lord of Upper Zeta) and his sons.

Gjon Muzaka

(Italian: Giovanni Musachi) was an Albanian nobleman from the Muzaka family, that has historically ruled
in the Myzeqe region, Albania around 1510. In 1510 he wrote a Breve memoria de li discendenti de nostra casa
Musachi (Short memoir on the descendents of our Myzeqe lineage). The work was published in Karl Hopf'sChroniques grcoromaines, Paris 1873, p. 270-340.According to his memoirs, which are not completely reliable primary source, Gjon's father
died before Ottomans captured Berat in 1417. His name is mentioned in sources in several different versions, like John,
Giovanni Ivan, and Jovan.

Principality of Dukagjini
Principality of Dukagjini (1387 1444) was a principality in Medieval Albania. It was created by brothers Pal and Leka I
Dukagjini and then ruled by Pal's descendants, Tanush Dukagjini, Pal II Dukagjini, who took part in the League of Lezha. Pal's
son, Lek III Dukagjini is one of the most prominent personalities in Albanian history. The Principality stretched over Zadrima,
areas north and north-east of Shkodra, and Kosovo, with Ulpiana (close to modern day Pristina) being its second capital.

List of Princes of the Principality of Dukagjini

Pal I Dukagjini

(died 1393) was an Albanian nobleman, a member and founder of the Dukagjini family reigned in today
North Albania from 1387 to 1393. Pal Dukagjini had five sons named Tanush (the little), Progon, Pal (II), Andrea, and Gjon
Dukagjini. Pal II Dukagjini was killed in 1402 in Dalmatia while he was returning from Venice; Progon died in 1394. In a later
document Tanush (the little) Dukagjini appears as an ally of Koja Zaharia and appears to have died somewhere before 1433.
Andrea Dukagjini died in 1416, while his brother Gjon became a priest and appears to have died in 1446.

Leka I Dukagjini

(died 1393) was an Albanian nobleman, a member and founder of the Dukagjini family reigned in
today North Albania from 1387 to 1393. Lek Dukagjini had two sons, Progon and Tanush (Major) Dukagjini and one daughter
whose name does not appear in the sources. Progon Dukagjini married the girl of Karl Thopiaand appears to have been killed
in 1402 under Venetian service.

Tanush Dukagjini

was an Albanian nobleman, a member of the Dukagjini family reigned in today North Albania moved
into Shkodr with his family, composed of two sons Pal and Lek Dukagjini and two girls, of whom we only know one's name,
Kale. In 1438, Tanush (Major) Dukagjini was interned in Padua and is not mentioned again in the chronicles. His little son, Lek
Dukagjini (born in 1420), did not play a great political role and is mentioned for the last time in 1451, as an enemy of Venice.
His other son Pal Dukagjini (14111458) participated in the League of Lezh and was an ally of Scanderbeg.

Pal III Dukagjini or Paul Ducagin (14111458) was an Albanian nobleman, a member of the Dukagjini family. He and his
kinsman Nicholas Dukagjini were initially subjects of Lek Zaharia, a Venetian vassal who had possessions around Shkoder.
Nicholas murdered Lek, and the Dukagjini continued to rule over their villages under Venetian vassalage. Pal and Nicholas
were part of theLeague of Lezh, a military alliance that sought liberation of Albania from the Ottoman Empire, founded by
the powerful Skanderbeg. In 1454, the Dukagjini accepted vassalage of Alfonso V of Aragon, as other chieftains had done
three years earlier. Pal later abandoned Skanderbeg's army and deserted to the Ottomans. He was one of the founding
members of the League of Lezh, a military alliance of some Christian members of the Albanian nobilityforged in Lezh on 2
March 1444 by: Lek Zaharia (lord of Sati and Dagnum), and his vassals Pal and Nicholas Dukagjini, Peter Spani (lord of the
mountains behind Drivasto), Lek Dushmani (lord of Pult), George Strez, John and Gojko Bali (lords of Misia), Andrea
Thopia with nis nephew Tanush, George Araniti, Theodor Corona Musachi, Stefan Crnojevi (lord of Upper Zeta) with his three
sons Ivan, Andrija and Boidar. Pal Dukagjin and Nikola Dukagjin were vassals of Lek Zaharia until Nikola Dukagjini killed him
in 1444. Venice accepted their control over the properties they ruled when they were vassals of Lek Zaharia (which included
villages Buba, Salita, Gurichuchi, Baschina) because they agreed to be Venetian vassals after Zaharia's death. Alfonso V of
Aragon first signed the Treaty of Gaeta with Skanderbeg in 1451 and then he signed similar treaties with Pal Dukagjini and
other chieftains from Albania including: George Araniti, Ghin Musachi, George Strez Bali, Peter Spani, Thopia Musachi, Peter
of Himara, Simon Zenebishi and Carlo Toco. Pal was in Venice between November 1451 and February 1452, when
the Venetian Senate accepted his request not to serve Venice in Ulcinj anymore but in Alessio because it was closer to his
estates. The Senate ordered the lord of Ulcinj to pay for the previous services of Pal Dukagjin, and ordered the lord of Alessio
to accept Pal's future services. On 21 October 1454, Alphonso V of Naples informed Skanderbeg that Pal Dukagjini had sent
his envoys and declared his loyalty and vassalage to the Kingdom of Naples, which assigned 300 ducats of annual provisions
to him. Together with many other Albanian noblemen (like Moisi Arianit Golemi, Nicholas Dukagjini and Hamza Kastrioti) he
abandoned Skanderbeg's forces and deserted to the Ottomans. [12] In 1457 Pope Callixtus III criticized the bishop of Kruj for
the unjustified excommunication of Pal Dukagjini and his subjects. Pal Dukagjini left four sons: Nicholas Dukagjini, Lek,
Progon and Gjergj, of whom Nicholas and Lek were politically notable.

Lek III Dukagjini (14101481)

was an Albanian prince and member of Dukagjini family, who fought against
the Ottoman Empire. A contemporary of Skanderbeg, Dukagjini is known for the Kanuni i Lek Dukagjinit, a code of law
instituted in northern Albania. His name Lek is abbreviated version of Alexander. Lek Dukagjini place of birth is unknown.

Until 1444 he was pronoier of Koja Zaharia. He took over the ruling of the county from his
father Prince Pal Dukagjini in 1446, who appears to have died of apoplexy. Dukagjini fought under the
command of Skanderbeg against the Ottomans during the last two years of the legendary war
ofSkanderbeg. During times of peace they also fought against one another, as Albanian loyalties came
and went during that period of their history. Lek Dukagjini ambushed and killed Lek Zaharia Altisferi,
prince of Dagnum. The two princes had been in dispute over who should marry Irene Dushmani. Irene
was the only child of Lek Dushmani, prince of Zadrima. In 1445, the Albanian princes had been
invited to the wedding of Skanderbeg's younger sister, Mamica, who was being married to Muzaka
Thopia. Irene entered the wedding and hostilities began. Dukagjini asked Irene to marry him but
Zaharia, drunk, saw this and assaulted Dukagjini. Some princes attempted to stop the fight, but only
more people became involved, resulting in several deaths until peace was established. Neither of the
two antagonists had suffered any physical damage, but after the event Dukagjini was morally
humiliated. Two years later, in 1447, in an act of revenge, Dukagjini ambushed and killed Zaharia. The death of Zaharia left
his princedom with no successor, resulting in his mother handing the fortress over to Venetian Albania, a stretch of
possessions of the Republic of Venice. When Skanderbeg tried (unsuccessfully) to capture Dagnum in 1447 which began
the AlbanianVenetian War (14471448). In March 1451 Lek Dukagjini and Bo idar Dushmani planned to attack Venetian
controlled Drivast. Their plot was discovered and Boidar was forced to exile. According to Vasilije Petrovi-Njego, Stefan I
Crnojevi sent soldiers under the command of Boidar Crnojevi to help Skanderbeg in his fight against Ottomans, but Lek
Dukagjini and members of Zaharia family ambushed them and killed Boidar. In 1459 Skanderbeg's forces captured fortress
of Sati from Ottoman Empire and Skanderbeg ceded it to Venice in order to secure cordial relationship with Signoria before he
send his troops to Italy to help King Ferdinand to regain and maintain his kingdom after the death of king Alfonso V of
Aragon. Before Venetians took over the control over Sati, Skanderbeg captured it and surrounding area driving Lek Dukagjini
and his forces away, because he opposed to Skanderbeg and destroyed Sati before Venetian takeover. Dukagjini continued to
fight with limited success against the Ottoman Empire, carrying on as the leader of the Albanian resistance after the death
of Skanderbeg, until 1479. At times his forces united with the Venetians with the blessing of the Pope. Overshadowed by the
legend of Skanderbeg, Dukagjini is most well known for the set of laws ruling the highlands of northern Albania, known as
the Kanuni i Lek Dukagjinit. Whilst identifying Skanderbeg as the "dragon prince" who dared to fight against any foe,
chronicles portray Dukagjini as the "angel prince" who, with dignity and wisdom, ensured the continuity of the Albanian
identity. The set of laws were active in practice for a long time, but it was not gathered and codified until the late 19th
century by Shtjefn Gjeovi. The most infamous laws of Kanuni are those regulating blood feuds. Blood feuds have started
once again in northern Albania (and have since spread to other parts of Albania, and even to expatriates abroad) after the fall
of communism in the early 1990s, having been outlawed for many years during the regime of Enver Hoxha, and contained by
the relatively closed borders. Dukagjini's military success against the Ottomans was never extremely successful; he also
lacked the ability to unite the country and the Albanian people in the way that Skanderbeg had. Loyalties wavered, and
splintered, betrayals were common, and Albania fell into complete submission to the Ottomans by the end of the 15th
century. Overshadowed by the legend of Skanderbeg, Dukagjini is most well known for the set of laws ruling the highlands of
northern Albania, known as the Kanun of Lek Dukagjini.

Principality of Kastrioti
Principality of Kastrioti (13891444) was one of the most important principalities in Medieval Albania. It was created
by Gjon Kastrioti and then ruled by the national hero of Albania, George Kastrioti Skanderbeg. Gjon Kastrioti had originally
only two small villages. In short time John Kastrioti managed to expand its lands so as to become the undisputed lord of
Central Albania. He married Voisava Tripalda who bore five daughters - Mara, later wife of Stefan Crnojevi of Montenegro;
Jela, then wife of Gjin (Gino) Musacchio; Angjelina (Angelina), later wife ofVladan Arianit Comnenus Thopia; Vlajka, later wife
of Stefan Maramonte Bali; Mamica, later wife of Karol Musacchio Thopia - and four sons: Repo, Stania (Stanislaus),
Kostandin (Constantine) and George Kastrioti. Gjon Kastrioti was among those who opposed[1] the early incursion of
Ottoman Bayezid I, however his resistance was ineffectual. The Sultan, having accepted his submissions, obliged him to pay
tribute and to ensure the fidelity of local rulers, George Kastrioti and his three brothers were taken by the Sultan to his court
as hostages. After his conversion to Islam, the young George Kastrioti attended military school in Edirne and led many battles
for theOttoman Empire to victory. For his military victories, he received the title Arnavutlu skender Bey, (Albanian:Sknderbe
shqiptari, English: Lord Alexander, the Albanian) comparing Kastrioti's military brilliance to that ofAlexander the Great. He
was distinguished as one of the best officers in several Ottoman campaigns both in Asia Minor and in Europe, and the Sultan
appointed him General. He even fought against Greeks, Serbs and Hungarians, and some sources say that he used to
maintain secret links with Ragusa, Venice, Ladislaus V of Hungary, and Alfonso I of Naples. Sultan Murat II gave him the
title Vali which made him General Governor. On November 28, 1443, Skanderbeg saw his opportunity to rebel after
a battle against the Hungarians led by John Hunyadi in Ni as part of the Crusade of Varna. He switched sides along with 300
other Albanians serving in the Ottoman army. After a long trek to Albania he eventually captured Kruj by forging a
letter[1] from the Sultan to the Governor of Kruj, which granted him control of the territory. After capturing the castle,
Skanderbeg[4] abjured Islam and proclaimed himself the avenger of his family and country. He raised a flag showing a doubleheaded eagle, an ancient symbol used by various cultures of Balkans (especially the Byzantine Empire), which later became
the Albanian flag. The Governor was killed as he was returning to Edirne, unaware of Skanderbeg's intentions... Skanderbeg
allied with George Arianite (born Gjergj Arianit Komneni) and married his daughter Donika (born Marina Donika Arianiti).
Following the capture of Kruj, Skanderbeg managed to bring together all the Albanian princes in the town of Lezh. Gibbon
reports that the "Albanians, a martial race, were unanimous to live and die with their hereditary prince" and that "in the
assembly of the states of Epirus, Skanderbeg was elected general of the Turkish war and each of the allies engaged to furnish
his respective proportion of men and money". With this support, Skanderbeg built fortresses and organized a mobile defense

force that forced the Ottomans to disperse their troops, leaving them vulnerable to the hit-and-run tactics of the
Albanians. He managed to create the League of Lezha, a federation of all Albanian Principalities.

List of Princes of the Principality of Kastrioti

Gjon Kastrioti (died

May 4, 1437) was the Prince of the Principality of Kastrioti from 1389 until his death on May 4,
1437. He was an Albanian nobleman, member of the Kastrioti family, and the father of Skanderbeg. Gjon's father was Pal
Kastrioti. At the end of 14th century Pal had the title "segnior de Signa et de Gardi-ipostesi" (Sina ( Albanian:Sine) and Lower
Gardi (Albanian: Gardhi i Poshtm)) because he ruled over those two villages. Two villages he governed were located on the
mountain of Qidhna northwest of Debar. Like other noblemen from Albania, Gjon also became Ottoman vassal after 1385. In
1402 together with other Ottoman vassals from Albania he supported Bayezid I in the Battle of Ankara. On February 25, 1420
Gjon Kastriot wrote a letter in the Serbian language to merchants from Dubrovnik. Based on the order of despot of Serbia,
when they traveled from Dubrovnik to Prizren they had to use the route trough Shkodr in Albania Veneta and the Kastriot's
land instead of the previous route trough the land under control of the small feudal lords and highlander tribes of Montenegro.
With that letter Gjon informed merchants from Dubrovnik that they were granted safe conduct when passing the land under
his control, on their way to Prizren. Gjon Kastrioti was made a citizen of Venice in 1413, along with his inheritors. Defeated
by Murad II in 1421 he was again forced to vasality and from time to time one or more of his sons were sent as hostages to
Ottoman court. This way Kastrioti, blackmailed through his sons would be faithful to the Empire. In 1426 he donated the right
to the proceeds from taxes collected from the two villages (Rostua and Trebite in Macedonia) and from the church of Saint
Mary, which was in one of them, to the Serbian Orthodox Monastery of Hilandar in Mount Athos where his son Reposh retired
and died in 25 July 1431: in his honor the Saint George tower of Monastery of Hilandar was known as the Albanian tower
(Serbian: Arbanaki pirg). In 1430's Gjon Kastrioti joined an unsuccessful uprising against the Ottoman Empire led by Gjergj
Arianiti. Gjon was again defeated by the Ottoman forces of Isak-Beg.After Gjon's death in 1437 his son Skanderbeg was
appointed as subai of Kruja in 1438. The territory previously controlled by Gjon Kastrioti was annexed by the Ottomans and
listed in their registers as land of Yuvan-ili (Yuvan was Gjon's name on Turkish language). Until 1438 a part of Gjon Kastrioti's
estates comprising nine villages was awarded toSkanderbeg as his timar and in May 1438 those nine villages had been
awarded to Andr Karlo. The granting of these villages to Andr Karlo must have upset Skanderbeg who requested to be
granted with control over the zeamet in Misia consisting of his father's former domain. Sanjakbey (probably of the Sanjak of
Ohrid) objected Skanderbeg's request. He married Vojsava Tripalda from Lower Polog (area around present day Tetovo,
Macedonia) and had nine children with her: four sons and five daughters. The sons' names were Stanisha, Reposh, Kostandin,
and George (Skanderbeg). The oldest daughter of Gjon Kastrioti, Maria Kastrioti, also called Mamica, married Muzak Topia.
Gjon Kastrioti was also the name of the grandson through George Kastrioti. His religion was directly influenced by the
international balance of political powers. When he was an ally of Venice, in period 14071410, he was Roman Catholic. After
he allied himself with Stefan Lazarevi, despot of Serbian Despotate in period 14191426, he converted to Orthodoxy, and in
1431 he was converted to Islam because of he was a vassal of the Ottoman Empire. According to Noli, he died Roman
Catholic. According to the archives of the Hilandar monastery on Mount Athos, he took monastic vows there and received the
name Joachim, becoming an Orthodox monk, where he died.

George Kastrioti Skanderbeg (May

6, 1405 January 17, 1468), widely known as Skanderbeg (from Turkish:

skender Bey, meaning "Lord Alexander", or "Leader Alexander"; Albanian: Gjergj Kastrioti Sknderbeu), was a 15thcentury Albanian lord. He was appointed as the governor of the Sanjak of Dibra by the Ottoman Turks in 1440. In 1444, he
initiated and organised theLeague of Lezh, which proclaimed him Chief of the League of the Albanian people, and defended
the region of Albania against the Ottoman Empire for more than two decades. Skanderbeg's military skills presented a major
obstacle to Ottoman expansion, and he was considered by many in western Europe to be a model of Christian resistance
against the Ottoman Muslims. Skanderbeg is Albania's most important national hero and a key figure of the Albanian National
Awakening. Skanderbeg was born in 1405 to the noble Kastrioti family, in the Shgjerth neighborhood of Sin, a village
in Dibra. SultanMurad II took him hostage during his youth and he fought for the Ottoman Empire as a general. In 1443, he
deserted the Ottomans during the Battle of Ni and became the ruler of Kruj. In 1444, he organized local leaders into the
League of Lezh, a federation aimed at uniting their forces for war against the Ottomans. Skanderbeg's first victory against
the Ottomans, at theBattle of Torvioll in the same year marked the beginning of more than 20 years of war with the
Ottomans. Skanderbeg's forces achieved more than 20 victories in the field and withstood three sieges of his capital, Kruj. In
1451 he de jure recognized the suzerainty of Kingdom of Naples through the Treaty of Gaeta, to ensure a protective alliance,
although he remained an independent ruler de facto. In 14601461, he participated in Italy's civil wars in support
of Ferdinand I of Naples. In 1463, he became the chief commander of the crusading forces of Pope Pius II, but the Pope died
while the armies were still gathering. Left alone to fight the Ottomans, Skanderbeg did so until he died in January 1468. Marin
Barleti, an early 16th century Albanian historian, wrote a biography of Skanderbeg, which was printed between 1508 and
1510. The work, written in Latin and in a Renaissance and panegyric style, was translated into all the major languages of
Western Europe from the 16th through the 18th centuries. Such translations inspired an opera by Vivaldi, and literary
creations by eminent writers such as playwrights William Havard and George Lillo, French poet Ronsard, English poet Byron,
and American poet Henry Wadsworth Longfellow. George Kastrioti Sknderbeu appears in various Latin sources as Georgius
Castriotus Scanderbegh. Gjergj is the Albanian equivalent of the name George. The form of his last name was given variously
as Kastrioti, Castriota, Castriottis, or Castriot. The last name Kastrioti refers both to the Kastrioti family and to a municipality
in northeastern Albaniacalled Kastriot, in the modern Dibr District, from which the family's surname derives, having its
origin in the Latin castrum via the Greek word (English:castle). The Ottoman Turks gave him the name skender Bey,
meaning "Lord Alexander", or "Leader Alexander", which has been rendered as Scanderbeg or Skanderbeg in the English
versions of his biographies, and Sknderbeu (or Sknderbej) is the Albanian version. Latinized in Barleti's version
as Scanderbegi and translated into English as Skanderbeg, the combined appellative is assumed to have been a comparison
of Skanderbeg's military skill to that of Alexander the Great. Skanderbeg was born with the name George Kastrioti in
1405 in Sin, one of the two villages owned by his grandfather. Skanderbeg's father wasGjon Kastrioti, lord of Middle Albania,
which included Mat, Mirdit and Dibr. His mother was princess Vojsava Tripalda, originally from the Pologvalley, north-

western part of present-day Republic of Macedonia. Skanderbeg's parents had nine children, of whom he was the youngest
son,
his
older
brothers
were Stanisha,
Reposh and
Kostandin,
and
his
sisters
were Mara, Jelena, Angjelina, Vlajka and Mamica. Gjon Kastrioti had been a vassal of the Sultan since the end of 14th century,
and, as a consequence, paid tribute and provided military services to the Ottomans. In 1409 he sent his eldest son, Stanisha,
to be the Sultan's hostage. George seems to have gone to Sultan Murad II's court in 1423, when he was 18. It is assumed that
Skanderbeg remained as Murad II's hostage for a maximum of three years. The earliest existing record of George's name is
the First Act of Hilandar from 1426, when Gjon Kastrioti and his four sons donated the right to the proceeds from taxes
collected from the two villages to the Monastery of Hilandar. Afterwards, in period between 1426 and 1431, Gjon Kastrioti and
his sons, with the exception of Stanisha (who had by then become a Muslim), purchased four adelphates (rights to reside on
monastic territory and receive subsidies from monastic resources) to the Saint George tower and to some property within the
monastery as stated in the Second Act of Hilandar. In 1430, Gjon Kastrioti was defeated in a battle by the Ottoman governor
of Skopje, Isa bey Evrenos and as a result, his territorial possessions were extremely reduced. Later that year, Skanderbeg
started fighting for Murad II in his expeditions, and gained the title of sipahi. Although Skanderbeg was summoned home by
his
relatives
when George
Arianiti and
Andrew
Thopia
along
with
other
chiefs
from
the
region
between Vlor and Shkodr organized a rebellion against the Ottoman Empire in the period of 14321436, he did nothing,
remaining loyal to the sultan. In 14371438, he became a governor (Turkish: subai) of the Kruj subailik before Hizir Bey
was again appointed to that position in November 1438. Until May 1438, Skanderbeg controlled a relatively large timar (of
the vilayet of Dhimitr Jonima) composed of nine villages which previously belonged to his father Gjon (this timar was listed
in Ottoman registers as Gjon's land, Turkish: Yuvan-ili). It was because of Skanderbeg's display of military merit in several
Ottoman campaigns, that Murad II (r. 14211451) had given him the title of vali. At that time, Skanderbeg was leading a
cavalry unit of 5,000 men. During his stay in Albania as Ottoman governor, he maintained close relations with the population
in his father's former properties and also with other Albanian noble families. After his brother Reposh's death on 25 July
1431 and the later deaths of Kostandin and Skanderbeg's father (who died in 1437), Skanderbeg and his surviving brother
Stanisha inherited what remained of Kastrioti principality and maintained the relations that their father had with the Republic
of Ragusa and the Republic of Venice. In 1438 and 1439, they managed to have the same privileges that their father had with
those states. During the 14381443 period he is thought to have been fighting alongside the Ottomans in their European
campaigns, mostly against the Christian forces led by Janos Hunyadi. In 1440 Skanderbeg was appointed
as sanjakbey ofSanjak of Dibra. In early November 1443, Skanderbeg saw his opportunity to rebel against Sultan Murad
II during the Battle of Ni, while fighting against the crusaders of John Hunyadi. Skanderbeg quit the field along with 300
other Albanians serving in the Ottoman army. He immediately went to Kruj on November 28, and by forging a letter from
Murad II to the Governor of Kruj, he became lord of the city. To reinforce his intention of gaining control of the former
domains of Zeta, Skanderbeg proclaimed himself the heir of the Balii. After various attacks against Bar and Ulcinj along
with ura Brankovi, Stefan Crnojevi and Albanians of the area, the Venetians offered rewards for his assassination. After
capturing some other minor surrounding castles and eventually gaining control over more than his father Gjon Kastrioti's
domains, Skanderbeg abjured Islam and proclaimed himself the avenger of his family and country. He raised a red flag with
the double-headed eagle silhouette on it: Albania uses a similar flag and symbol to this day. On March 2, 1444, Skanderbeg
managed to bring together all the Albanian princes in the city of Lezh and form the League of Lezh. Particularly strong was
his alliance withGjergj Arianiti, a member of the Arianiti family, whose daughter Donika he later married. Gibbon reports that
the; "Albanians, a martial race, were unanimous to live and die with their hereditary prince", and that "in the assembly of the
states of Epirus, Skanderbeg was elected general of the Turkish war and each of the allies engaged to furnish his respective
proportion of men and money". With this support, Skanderbeg built fortresses (Rodoni Castle) and organized a mobile
defense army that forced the Ottomans to disperse their troops, leaving them vulnerable to the hit-and-run tactics of the
Albanians. Skanderbeg fought a guerrilla war against the opposing armies by using the mountainous terrain to his advantage.
During the first 810 years, Skanderbeg commanded an army of generally 10,000-15,000 soldiers, but only had absolute
control over the men from his own dominions, and had to convince the other princes to follow his policies and tactics. In the
summer of 1444, in the Plain of Torvioll, the united Albanian armies under Skanderbeg faced the Ottomans who were under
direct command of the Turkish general Ali Pasha, with an army of 25,000 men. Skanderbeg had under his command 7,000
infantry and 8,000 cavalry. 3,000 cavalry were hidden behind enemy lines in a nearby forest under the command of Hamza
Kastrioti. At a given signal they descended, encircled the Ottomans and gave Skanderbeg a much needed victory. About
8,000 Ottomans were killed and 2,000 were captured. Skanderbeg's first victory echoed across Europe because this was one
of the few times that an Ottoman army was defeated in a pitched battle on European soil. In the following two years,
Skanderbeg defeated the Ottomans two more times, on October 10, 1445, when Ottoman forces from Ohrid suffered severe
losses, and again in the Battle of Otoneton September 27, 1446. At the beginning of the Albanian insurrection, the Republic
of Venice was supportive of Skanderbeg, considering his forces to be a buffer between them and the Ottoman Empire. Lezh,
where the eponymous league was established, was Venetian territory, and the assembly met with the approval of Venice. The
later affirmation of Skanderbeg and his rise as a strong force on their borders, however, was seen as a menace to the
interests of the Republic, leading to a worsening of relations and the dispute over the fortress of Dagnum which triggered
the Albanian-Venetian War of 14471448. The Venetians sought by every means to overthrow Skanderbeg or bring about his
death, even offering a life pension of 100 golden ducats annually for the person who would kill him. During the conflict,
Venice invited the Ottomans to attack Skanderbeg simultaneously from the east, facing the Albanians with a two-front
conflict. Skanderbeg, who had besieged a few castles that were possessed by Venice in Albania, was forced to fight an
Ottoman Army commanded by Mustafa Pasha. In 1448, he won a battle against Mustafa Pasha in Dibr. Some days later, on
July 23, 1448, he also won another battle near Shkodr against a Venetian army led by Andrea Venier. At the same time, he
besieged the towns of Durazzo (modern Durrs) and Lezh which were then under Venetian rule. This forced the Venetians to
offer a peace treaty to Skanderbeg. The peace treaty, signed between Skanderbeg and Venice on 4 October 1448, envisioned
that Venice would keep Dagnum and its environs, but would cede to Skanderbeg the territory of Buzgjarpri at the mouth of
the river Drin, and also that Skanderbeg would enjoy the privilege of buying, tax-free, 200 horse-loads of salt annually from
Durazzo. In addition Venice would pay Skanderbeg 1,400 ducats. Soon after the treaty Skanderbeg left to join John
Hunyadi in Kosovo. During the period of clashes with Venice, Skanderbeg intensified relations with Alfonso V of Aragon (r.
14161458), who was the main rival of Venice in the Adriatic, where his dreams for an empire were always opposed by the
Venetians. Skanderbeg did not participate in the Second Battle of Kosovo in 1448 because he was delayed by ura

Brankovi, who was then allied with Sultan Murad II. He and his army were still en route to reinforce the
mainly Hungarian army of John Hunyadi, when the Hungarian forces lost the battle. Skanderbeg and his army
ravaged Brankovi's land to punish Serbs for desertion of Christian cause. In 1448, Alfonso V suffered a rebellion caused by
certain barons in the rural areas of his Kingdom of Naples. He needed reliable troops to deal with the uprising, so he called
upon Skanderbeg for assistance. Skanderbeg responded to Alfonso's request for aid by sending to Italy a detachment of
Albanian troops commanded by General Demetrios Reres. These Albanians were successful in quickly suppressing the
rebellion. Many of these troops settled there. King Alfonso rewarded Demetrios Reres for his service to Naples by appointing
him governor of Calabria. One year later, in 1449, another detachment of Albanian troops was sent to garrisonSicily against a
rebellion and invasion. This time the troops were led by Giorgio Reres and Basilio Reres, the sons of Demetrios. On May 14,
1448, an Ottoman army led by Sultan Murad II and his son Mehmed laid siege to the castle of Svetigrad. The Albanian
garrison in the castle resisted the frontal assaults of the Ottoman army, while Skanderbeg harassed the besieging forces with
the remaining Albanian army under his personal command. In late summer 1448, due to a lack of potable water, the Albanian
garrison eventually surrendered the castle with the condition of safe passage through the Ottoman besieging forces, a
condition which was accepted and respected by Sultan Murad II. Although his loss of men was minimal, Skanderbeg lost the
castle of Svetigrad, which was an important stronghold that controlled the fields of Macedonia to the east. In June 1450, two
years after the Ottomans had captured Svetigrad they laid siege to Kruj with an army numbering approximately 100,000
men and led again by Sultan Murad II himself and his son, Mehmed. Following a scorched earth strategy (thus denying the
Ottomans the use of necessary local resources), Skanderbeg left a protective garrison of 1,500 men under one of his most
trusted lieutenants, Vrana Konti, while, with the remainder of the army, which included many Slavs, Germans, Frenchmen and
Italians, he harassed the Ottoman camps around Kruj by continuously attacking Sultan Murad II's supply caravans. The
garrison repelled three major direct assaults on the city walls by the Ottomans, causing great losses to the besieging forces.
Ottoman attempts at finding and cutting the water sources failed, as did a sapped tunnel, which collapsed suddenly. An offer
of 300,000 aspra (Turkish silver coins) and a promise of a high rank as an officer in the Ottoman army made to Vrana Konti
were both rejected by him. During the First Siege of Kruj, the Venetian merchants from Shkodr sold food to the Ottoman
army and those of Durazzo supplied Skanderbeg's army. An angry attack by Skanderbeg on the Venetian caravans raised
tension between him and the Republic, but the case was resolved with the help of the bailo of Durazzo who stopped any
Venetian merchants from furnishing any longer the Ottomans. Venetians' help to the Ottomans notwithstanding, by
September 1450, the Ottoman camp was in disarray, as the castle was still not taken, the morale had sunk, and disease was
running rampant. Murad II acknowledged that he could not capture the castle of Kruj by force of arms, and in October 1450,
he lifted the siege and made his way to Edirne, leaving behind several thousand dead soldiers. A few months later, on
February 5, 1451, Murad died in Edirne and was succeeded by his son Mehmed II (r. 14511481). Although Skanderbeg had
achieved success at resisting Murad II himself, harvests were unproductive and famine was widespread. Following
Skanderbeg's requests, King Alfonso V helped him in this situation and the two parties signed the Treaty of Gaeta on March
26, 1451, according to which, Skanderbeg would be formally a vassal of Alfonso in exchange for military aid. More explicitly,
Skanderbeg recognized King Alfonso's sovereignty over his lands in exchange for the help that King Alfonso would give to him
in the war against the Ottomans. King Alfonso pledged to respect the old privileges of Kruj and Albanian territories and to
pay Skanderbeg an annual 1,500 ducats, while Skanderbeg pledged to make his fealty to King Alfonso only after the full
expulsion of the Ottomans from the country, a condition never reached in Skanderbeg's lifetime. A month after the treaty, on
21 April 1451 in an Eastern Orthodox Ardenica Monastery, Skanderbeg married Donika Kastrioti, daughter of Gjergj Arianiti,
one of the most influential Albanian noblemen, strengthening the ties between them. Their only child was Gjon Kastrioti II.
Right after the Treaty of Gaeta, Alfonso V signed other treaties with the rest of the most important Albanian noblemen,
including Golem Arianit Komneni, and with the Despot of the Morea, Demetrios Palaiologos. These movements of Alfonso
show that he was thinking about a crusade starting from Albania and Morea, which actually never took place. Following the
Treaty of Gaeta, in the end of May 1451, a small detachment of 100 Catalan soldiers, headed by Bernard Vaquer, was
established at the castle of Kruj. One year later, in May 1452, another Catalan nobleman, Ramon dOrtaf, came to Kruj
with the title of viceroy. In 1453, Skanderbeg paid a secret visit to Naples and the Vatican, probably to discuss the new
conditions after the fall of Constantinople and the planning of a new crusade which Alfonso would have presented to Pope
Nicholas V in a meeting of 14531454. During the five years which followed the First Siege of Kruj, Albania was allowed
some respite as the new sultan set out to conquer the last vestiges of the Byzantine Empire, but a battle did take place in
1452 when another Ottoman army sent to Albania was defeated again by Skanderbeg's forces. During this period, skirmishes
between Skanderbeg and theDukagjin family, which had been dragging on for years, were put to an end by a reconciliatory
intervention of the Pope, and in 1454, a peace treaty between them was finally reached. In November 1453, Skanderbeg
informed King Alfonso that he had conquered some territories and a castle, and Alfonso replied some days later that soon
Ramon dOrtaf would return to continue the war against the Ottomans and promised more troops and supplies. In the
beginning of 1454, Skanderbeg and the Venetians informed King Alfonso and the Pope about a possible Ottoman invasion and
asked for help. The Pope sent 3,000 ducats while Alfonso sent 500 infantry and a certain amount of money, along with a
message directed to Skanderbeg. Meanwhile, the Venetian Senate was resenting Skanderbeg's alliance with the Kingdom of
Naples, an old enemy of the Republic. Frequently they delayed their tributes to Skanderbeg and this was long a matter of
dispute between the parties, with Skanderbeg threatening war on Venice at least three times during the 14481458 period,
and Venice conceding in a conciliatory tone. In June 1454, Ramon dOrtaf returned after a long absence to Kruj, this time
with the title of viceroy of Albania, Greece, and Slavonia, with a personal letter to Skanderbeg as the Captain-General of the
armed forces in Albania. Along with Ramon dOrtaf, King Alfonso V also sent the clerics Fra Lorenzo da Palerino and Fra
Giovanni dellAquila to Albania with a tabby flag embroidered with a white cross as a symbol of the Crusade which was about
to begin. Even though this crusade never materialized, the Neapolitan troops were used in the Siege of Berat where they
were almost entirely annihilated and were never replaced. The Siege of Berat was the first real test between the armies of the
new sultan and Skanderbeg. That siege would end up in a defeat for the League of Lezh forces. Skanderbeg besieged the
town's castle for months, causing the demoralized Turkish officer in charge of the castle to promise his surrender. At that
point, Skanderbeg relaxed his grip, split his forces, and departed the siege, leaving behind one of his generals, Muzak Topia,
and half of his cavalry on the banks of the Osum River in order to finalize the surrender. It was a costly errorthe Ottomans
saw this moment as an opportunity for attack and sent a large cavalry force from Anatolia, led by Isak-Beg, to reinforce the
garrison. The Albanian forces had become overconfident and lulled into a false sense of security. The Ottomans caught the

Albanian cavalry by surprise while they were resting on the banks of the Osum River, and almost all the 5,000 Albanian
cavalry laying siege to Berat were killed. Most of the forces belonged to Gjergj Arianiti, whose role as the greatest supporter
of Skanderbeg diminished after siege of Berat ended up in defeat. The defeat of Berat somewhat affected the attitude of
other Albanian noblemen. One of them, Moisi Arianit Golemi, defected to the Turks and returned to Albania in 1456 as a
commander of a Turkish army of 15,000 men, but he was defeated by Skanderbeg in Battle of Oranik. Later that year, he
returned to Albania asking for Skanderbeg's pardon, and once pardoned, remained loyal until his death in 1464. In 1456, one
of Skanderbeg's nephews (the son of his sister Jelena), Gjergj Stress Balsha, sold the fortress of Modric to the Ottomans for
30,000 silver ducats. He tried to cover up the act; however, his treason was discovered and he was sent to prison in Naples.
In the beginning of 1457, another nobleman, Hamza Kastrioti, Skanderbeg's own nephew and his closest collaborator,
defected to the Turks when he lost his hope of succession after the birth of Skanderbeg's son Gjon Kastriot II. In the summer
of 1457, an Ottoman army numbering approximately 70,000 men invaded Albania with the hope of destroying Albanian
resistance once and for all. This army was led by Isak-Beg, the only commander to have ever defeated Skanderbeg's forces,
and by Hamza Kastrioti, the commander who knew all about Albanian tactics and strategy. After wreaking much damage to
the countryside, the Ottoman army set up camp at the Ujebardha field (literally translated as "White Water"), halfway
between Lezh and Kruj. After having avoided the enemy for months, calmly giving to the Turks and his European
neighbours the impression that he was defeated, on 2 September Skanderbeg attacked the Ottomans in their encampments
and defeated them. This was one of the most famous victories of Skanderbeg over the Ottomans, which led to a five-year
peace treaty with Sultan Mehmed II. Hamza was captured and sent to detention in Naples. After the victorious Battle of
Ujbardha, Skanderbeg's relations with the Papacy under Pope Calixtus III were intensified. The reason was that during this
time, Skanderbeg's military undertakings involved considerable expense which the contribution of Alfonso V of Aragon was
not sufficient to defray. In 1457, Skanderbeg requested help from Calixtus III. Being himself in financial difficulties, the Pope
could do no more than send Skanderbeg a single galley and a modest sum of money, promising more ships and larger
amounts of money in the future. On December 23, 1457, Calixtus III appointed Skanderbeg as Captain-General of the Curia in
the war against the Turks and declared him Captain-General of the Holy See. The Pope also gave him the title Athleta Christi,
or Champion of Christ.[87] Meanwhile, Ragusa bluntly refused to release the funds which had been collected in Dalmatia for
the crusade and which, according to the Pope, were to have been distributed in equal parts to Hungary, Bosnia, and Albania.
The Ragusans even entered into negotiations with Mehmed. At the end of December 1457, Calixtus threatened Venice with
an interdict and repeated the threat in February 1458. As the captain of the Curia, Skanderbeg appointed the duke
of Leukas (Santa Maura), Leonardo III Tocco, formerly the prince of Arta and "despot of the Rhomaeans", a figure virtually
unknown except in Southern Epirus, as a lieutenant in his native land. On June 27, 1458, King Alfonso V died at Naples and
Skanderbeg sent emissaries to his son and successor, King Ferdinand. According to the historian C. Marinesco, the death of
King Alfonso marked the end of the Aragonese dream of a Mediterranean Empire and also the hope for a new crusade in
which Skanderbeg was assigned a leading role. The relationship of Skanderbeg with the Kingdom of Naples continued even
after Alfonso V's death, but the situation had changed; Ferdinand I was not as able as his father and now it was Skanderbeg's
turn to help King Ferdinand to regain and maintain his kingdom. In 1459 Skanderbeg captured fortress of Sati from Ottoman
Empire and ceded it to Venice in order to secure cordial relationship with Signoria. The reconciliation reached the point where
Pope Pius II suggested entrusting Skanderbeg's dominions to Venice during his Italian expedition. In 1460, King Ferdinand had
serious problems with another uprising of the Angevins and asked for help from Skanderbeg. This invitation worried King
Ferdinand's opponents, and Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta declared that if Ferdinand of Naples received Skanderbeg,
Malatesta would go to the Turks. In the month of September 1460, Skanderbeg dispatched a company of 500 cavalry under
his nephew, Gjok Stres Balsha. Ferdinand's main rival, Giovanni Antonio Orsini, Prince of Taranto, in correspondence with
Skanderbeg tried to dissuade the Albanian from this enterprise and even offered him an alliance. This did not affect
Skanderbeg, who answered on October 31, 1460, that he owed fealty to the Aragon family, especially in times of
hardship. When the situation became critical, Skanderbeg made a three-year armistice with the Ottomans on April 17, 1461,
and in late August 1461, landed in Puglia with an expeditionary force of 1,000 cavalry and 2,000 infantry.
At Barletta and Trani, he managed to defeat the Italian and Angevin forces of Giovanni Antonio Orsini, Prince of Taranto,
secured King Ferdinand's throne, and returned to Albania. King Ferdinand was grateful to Skanderbeg for this intervention for
the rest of his life: at Skanderbeg's death, he rewarded his descendants with the castle of Trani, and the properties of Monte
Sant'Angelo and San Giovanni Rotondo. After securing the Neapolitan kingdom, a crucial ally in his struggle, Skanderbeg
returned home after being informed of Ottoman movements within the borders of the League of Lezh. There were three
Ottoman armies approaching: the first, under the command of Sinan Pasha, was defeated at Mokra (near Debar); the second,
under the command of Hussain Bey, was defeated in the Battle of Ohr, where the Turkish commander was captured; and the
third was defeated in the region of Skopje. This forced Sultan Mehmed IIto agree to a 10-year armistice which was signed in
April 1463 in Skopje. Skanderbeg did not want peace, but he was outvoted in the League of Lezh, and Tanush Thopia's
willingness for peace prevailed. Tanush himself went to Tivoli to explain to the Pope why the League had opted for peace with
Mehmed II. He pointed out that Skanderbeg would be ready to go back to war should the Pope ask for it. Meanwhile, the
position of Venice toward Skanderbeg had changed perceptibly because the Republic had entered in their first war with the
Turks (14631479). During this period the Republic saw Skanderbeg as an invaluable ally, and on 20 August 1463, the peace
treaty of 1448 was renewed and this time other conditions were added: the right of asylum in Venice, an article stipulating
that any Venetian treaty with the Turks would include a guarantee of Albanian independence, and allowing the presence of
several Venetian ships in the Adriatic waters around Lezh. In November 1463, Pope Pius II tried to organize a new crusade
against the Ottoman Turks, similar to what Pope Nicholas V and Pope Calixtus III had tried to do before him. Pius II invited all
the Christian nobility to join, and the Venetians immediately answered the appeal. So did Skanderbeg, who on 27 November
1463, declared war on the Ottomans and attacked the Turkish forces near Ohrid. Pius II's planned crusade envisioned
assembling 20,000 soldiers in Taranto, while another 20,000 would be gathered by Skanderbeg. They would have been
summoned in Durazzo under Skanderbeg's leadership and would have formed the central front against the Ottomans.
However, Pius II died in August 1464, at the crucial moment when the crusading armies were gathering and preparing to
march in Ancona, and Skanderbeg was again left alone facing the Ottomans. In April 1465, at the Battle of Vaikal, Skanderbeg
fought and defeated Ballaban Badera, an Albanian Ottoman sanjakbey of the Sanjak of Ohrid. However, during an ambush in
the same battle, Ballaban managed to capture some important Albanian noblemen, includingMoisi Arianit Golemi, a cavalry
commander, Vladan Gjurica, the chief army quartermaster, Muzaka of Angelina, a nephew of Skanderbeg, and 18 other

officers. These men were sent immediately to Constantinople (Istanbul) where they were skinned alive for fifteen days and
later cut to pieces and thrown to the dogs. Skanderbeg's pleas to have these men back, by either ransom or prisoner
exchange, failed. Later that same year, two other Ottoman armies appeared on the borders. The commander of one of the
Ottoman armies was Ballaban Pasha, who, together with Jakup Bey, the commander of the second army, planned a double flank envelopment. Skanderbeg, however, attacked Ballaban's forces at the Second Battle of Vajkal, where the Turks were
defeated. This time all the Turkish prisoners were slain in an act of revenge for the previous execution of Albanian
captains. The other Turkish army, under the command of Jakup Bey, was also defeated some days later in Kashari field near
Tirana. In 1466, Sultan Mehmed II personally led an army of 30,000 into Albania and laid the Second Siege of Kruj, as his
father had attempted 16 years earlier. The town was defended by a garrison of 4,400 men, led by Prince Tanush Thopia. After
several months of siege, destruction and killings all over the country, Mehmed II, like his father, saw that seizing Kruj was
impossible for him to accomplish by force of arms. Subsequently, he left the siege to return to Istanbul. However, he left the
force of 30,000 men under Ballaban Pasha to maintain the siege by building a castle in central Albania, which he named Ilbasan (modern Elbasan), in order to support the siege. Durazzo would be the next target of the sultan in order to be used as
a strong base opposite the Italian coast. Skanderbeg spent the following winter of 14661467 in Italy, of which several
weeks were spent in Rome trying to persuade Pope Paul II to give him money. At one point, he was unable to pay for his hotel
bill, and he commented bitterly that he should be fighting against the Church rather than the Turks. Only when Skanderbeg
left for Naples did Pope Paul II give him 2,300 ducats. The court of Naples, whose policy in the Balkans hinged on
Skanderbeg's resistance, was more generous with money, armaments and supplies. However, it is probably better to say that
Skanderbeg financed and equipped his troops largely from local resources, richly supplemented by Turkish booty. It is safe to
say that the papacy was generous with praise and encouragement, but its financial subsidies were limited. It is possible that
the Curia only provided to Skanderbeg 20,000 ducats in all, which could have paid the wages of 20 men over the whole
period of conflict. However, on his return he allied with Lek Dukagjini, and together on April 19, 1467, they first attacked and
defeated, in the Krrabregion, the Turkish reinforcements commanded by Yonuz, Ballaban's brother. Yonuz himself and his
son, Haydar were taken prisoner. Four days later, on April 23, 1467, they attacked the Ottoman forces laying siege to Kruj.
The Second Siege of Kruj was eventually broken, resulting in the death of Ballaban Pasha by an Albanian arquebusier
named Gjergj Aleksi. After these events, Skanderbeg's forces besieged Elbasan but failed to capture it because of the lack of
artillery and sufficient number of soldiers. The destruction of Ballaban Pasha's army and the siege of Elbasan forced Mehmed
II to march against Skanderbeg again in the summer of 1467. Skanderbeg retreated to the mountains while Ottoman grand
vizier Mahmud Pasha Angelovi pursued him but failed to find him because Skanderbeg succeeded to flee to the
coast. Mehmed II energetically pursued the attacks against the Albanian strongholds while sending detachments to raid the
Venetian possessions (especially Durazzo) and to keep them isolated. The Ottomans failed again, in their third Siege of Kruj,
to take the city and subjugate the country, but the degree of destruction was immense. During the Ottoman incursions, the
Albanians suffered a great number of casualties, especially to the civilian population, while the economy of the country was in
ruins. The above problems, the loss of many Albanian noblemen, and the new alliance with Lek Dukagjini, caused
Skanderbeg to call together in January 1468 all the remaining Albanian noblemen to a conference in the Venetian stronghold
of Lezh to discuss the new war strategy and to restructure what remained from the League of Lezh. During that period,
Skanderbeg fell ill with malaria and soon died on January 17, 1468. After Skanderbeg's death, Venice asked and obtained
from his widow the permission to defend Kruj and the other fortresses with Venetian garrisons. Kruj held out during its
fourth siege, started in 1477 by Gedik Ahmed Pasha, until 16 June 1478, when the city was starved to death and finally
surrendered to Sultan Mehmed II himself. Demoralized and severely weakened by hunger and lack of supplies from the yearlong siege, the defenders surrendered to Mehmed, who had promised them to leave unharmed in exchange. As the Albanians
were walking away with their families however, the Ottomans reneged on this promise, killing the men and enslaving the
women and children. In 1479, an Ottoman army, headed again by Mehmed II, besieged and captured Shkodr, reducing
Venice's Albanian possessions only to Durazzo, Antivari, and Dulcigno. Meanwhile, King Ferdinand of Naples' gratitude toward
Skanderbeg for the help given during this Italian campaign continued even after Skanderbeg's death. In a letter dated to 24
February 1468, King Ferdinand expressively stated that "Skanderbeg was like a father to us" and "We regret this
(Skanderbeg's) death not less than the death of King Alfonso", offering protection for Skanderbeg's widow and his son. It is
relevant to the fact that the majority of Albanian leaders after the death of Skanderbeg found refuge in the Kingdom of
Naples and this was also the case for the common people trying to escape from the Ottomans, who formed Arbresh colonies
in that area. On April 25, 1479, the Ottoman forces captured the Venetian-controlled Shkodr, which had been besieged since
May 14, 1478. Shkodr was the last Albanian castle to fall to the Ottomans. The Albanian resistance to the Ottoman invasion
continued after Skanderbeg's death by his son, Gjon Kastrioti II, who tried to liberate Albanian territories from Ottoman rule in
14811484. In addition, a major revolt in 1492 occurred in southern Albania, mainly in the Labria region, and Bayazid II was
personally involved with crushing the resistance. In 1501, Gjergj Kastrioti II, grandson of Skanderbeg and son of Gjon Kastrioti
II, along with Progon Dukagjini and around 150200 stratioti, went to Lezh and organized a local uprising, but that too was
unsuccessful. The Venetians evacuated Durazzo in 1501. Skanderbegs family the Kastrioti Scanderbeg, were invested with a
Neapolitan dukedom after their flight from the Ottoman conquest of Albania. They obtained a feudal domain, the Duchy
of San Pietro in Galatina and the County of Soleto (Province of Lecce, Italy). Gjon Kastrioti II, Scanderbegs son, married Irene
Brankovic Palaiologina, daughter ofLazar Brankovi, despot of Serbia and one of the last descendents of
the Byzantine imperial family, the Palaiologos. Two lines of the Castriota Scanderbeg family lived from that time onwards to
the present day in southern Italy, one of which has descended from Pardo Castriota Scanderbeg and the other from Achille
Castriota Scanderbeg, who were both biological sons of Duke Ferrante, son of Gjon and Scanderbegs grandson. They are part
of the Italian nobility and members of the Sovereign Military Order of Malta with the highest rank of nobility. The only
legitimate daughter of Duke Ferrante, Irene Castriota Scanderbeg, born to Andreana Acquaviva d'Aragona from
the Nard dukes, inherited the paternal estate, bringing the Duchy of Galatina and County of Soleto into
the Sanseverino family after her marriage with Prince Pietrantonio Sanseverino (15081559). They had a son, Nicol
Bernardino Sanseverino (15411606), but the direct male line of descendants was lost after Irenece Castriota. Prominent
modern descendants include Filippo Castriota, collaborator of Ismail Qemali, founder of modern Albania and author Giorgio
Maria Castriota. The Ottoman Empire's expansion ground to a halt during the time that Skanderbeg's forces resisted. He has
been credited with being one of the main reasons for delaying Ottoman expansion into Western Europe, giving the Italian
principalities more time to better prepare for theOttoman arrival. While the Albanian resistance certainly played a vital role, it

was one of numerous relevant events that played out in the mid-15th century. Much credit must also go to the successful
resistance mounted by Vlad III Dracula in Wallachia and Stephen III the Great of Moldavia, who dealt the Ottomans their worst
defeat at Vaslui, among many others, as well as the defeats inflicted upon the Ottomans by Hunyadi and his Hungarian
forces. Along with Skanderbeg, Stephen III the Great and Hunyadi achieved the title of Athleta Cristi (Defenders of the
Christian faith). The distinguishing characteristic of Skanderbeg was the maintenance of such an effective resistance for a
long period of time (25 years) against one of the 15th century's strongest powers while possessing very limited economic and
human resources. His political, diplomatic, and military abilities were the main factors enabling the small Albanian
principalities to achieve such a success. Skanderbeg is considered today a commanding figure not only in the national
consciousness of Albanians but also of 15th-century European history. According to archival documents, there is no doubt that
Skanderbeg had already achieved a reputation as a hero in his own time. The failure of most European nations, with the
exception of Naples, to give him support, along with the failure of Pope Pius II's plans to organize a promised crusade against
the Turks meant that none of Skanderbeg's victories permanently hindered the Ottomans from invading the Western
Balkans. When in 1481 Sultan Mehmet II captured Otranto, he massacred the male population, thus proving what Skanderbeg
had been warning about. Skanderbeg's main legacy was the inspiration he gave to all of those who saw in him a symbol of
the struggle of Christendom against the Ottoman Empire. During the Albanian National Awakening Skanderbeg was a symbol
of national cohesion and cultural affinity with Europe. Skanderbeg's struggle against the Ottomans became highly significant
to the Albanian people. It strengthened their solidarity, made them more conscious of their identity, and was a source of
inspiration in their struggle for national unity, freedom, and independence. Probably one of the most important legacies of
Skanderbeg lies with his military mastery. The trouble that he caused to the Ottoman Empire military forces was such that
when the Ottomans found the grave of Skanderbeg in Saint Nicholas, a church in Lezh, they opened it and made amulets of
his bones, believing that these would confer bravery on the wearer. Indeed the damage inflicted to the Ottoman Army was
such that Skanderbeg is said to have slain three thousand Turks with his own hand during his campaigns. Among stories told
about him was that he never slept more than five hours at night and could cut two men asunder with a single stroke of his
scimitar, cut through iron helmets, kill a wild boar with a single stroke, and cleave the head off a buffalo with another. James
Wolfe, commander of the British forces at Quebec, spoke of Skanderbeg as a commander who "excels all the officers, ancient
and modern, in the conduct of a small defensive army". On October 27, 2005, the United States Congress issued a resolution
"honoring the 600th anniversary of the birth of Gjergj Kastrioti (Scanderbeg), statesman, diplomat, and military genius, for
his role in saving Western Europe from Ottoman occupation." Fully understanding the importance of the hero to the
Albanians, Nazi Germany formed in February 1944, the 21st SS Division Skanderbeg, with 6,491 Kosovo Albanians.
Skanderbeg is also remembered as a statesman. During his reign as part of his internal policy programs, Skanderbeg issued
many edicts, such as those on carrying out a census of the population and on tax collection, based on Roman and Byzantine
law. There are two literature works on Skanderbeg written in 15th century. The first was written at the beginning of 1480
by Serbian writerMartin Segon who was Catholic Bishop of Ulcinj and one of the most notable 15th-century humanists. A part
of the text he wrote under title Martino Segono di Novo Brdo, vescovo di Dulcigno. Un umanista serbo-dalmata del tardo
Quattrocento is short but very important biographical sketch on Skanderbeg (Italian: Narrazioni di Giorgio Castriotto, da i
Turchi nella lingua loro chiamato Scander beg, cioe Alesandro Magno). Another 15th century literature work with Skanderbeg
as one of the main characters was Memoirs of a janissary (Serbian: ) written in period 14901497
by Konstantin Mihailovi, a Serb who was a janissary in Ottoman Army. Skanderbeg gathered quite a posthumous reputation
in Western Europe. In the 16th and 17th centuries, most of the Balkans was under suzerainty of Ottomans who were at the
gates of Vienna in 1683 and narrative of heroic Christian resistance to the "Moslem hordes" have captivated the reader's
attention in the West. Books on the Albanian prince began to appear in Western Europe in the early 16th century. One of the
earliest was the Historia de vita et gestis Scanderbegi, Epirotarum Principis (Rome, 1508), published a mere four decades
after Skanderbeg's death. This History of the life and deeds of Scanderbeg, Prince of the Epirotes was written by the Albanian
historian Marinus Barletius Scodrensis, known in Albanian as Marin Barleti, who, after experiencing the Ottoman capture of
his native Shkodr at firsthand, settled in Padua where he became rector of the parish church of St. Stephan. Barleti
dedicated his work to Don Ferrante Kastrioti, Skanderbeg's grandchild, and to posterity. The book was first published in
Latin. Barleti is sometimes inaccurate in favour of his hero, for example, according to Gibbon, Barleti claims that the Sultan
was killed by disease under the walls of Kruj. Barleti's inaccuracies had also been noticed prior to Gibbon by Laonikos
Chalkokondyles. He made up spurious correspondence between Vladislav II of Wallachia and Skanderbeg wrongly assigning it
to the year 1443 instead to the year of 1444. Barleti also invented correspondence between Skanderbeg and Sultan Mehmed
II to match his interpretations of events. In the 16th and 17th centuries, Barleti's book was translated into a number of foreign
language versions. All these books, written in the panegyric style that would often characterize medieval historians who
regarded history mostly as a branch of rhetoric, inspired a wide range of literary and art works. Franciscus Blancus, a Catholic
bishop born in Albania, also wrote Kastrioti's biography. His book "Georgius Castriotus, Epirensis vulgo Scanderbegh,
Epirotarum Princeps Fortissimus" was published in Latin in 1636. French philosopher, Voltaire, in his works, held in very high
consideration the Albanian hero. Sir William Temple considered Skanderbeg to be one of the seven greatest chiefs without a
crown, along with Belisarius, Flavius Aetius, John Hunyadi, Gonzalo Fernndez de Crdoba, Alexander Farnese, and William
the Silent. Ludvig Holberg, a Danish writer and philosopher, claimed that Skanderbeg is one of the greatest generals in
history. The Italian baroque composer Antonio Vivaldi composed an opera entitled Scanderbeg (first performed
1718), libretto written by Antonio Salvi. Another opera, entitled Scanderbeg, was composed by 18th century French
composer Franois Francur (first performed 1763). In the 20th century, Albanian composer Prenk Jakova composed a third
opera, entitled Gjergj Kastrioti Sknderbeu, which premiered in 1968 for the 500th anniversary of the hero's death.
Skanderbeg is the protagonist of three 18th-century British tragedies: William Havard's Scanderbeg, A
Tragedy (1733), George Lillo's The Christian Hero (1735), and Thomas Whincop's Scanderbeg, Or, Love and Liberty (1747). A
number of poets and composers have also drawn inspiration from his military career. The French 16th-century
poet Ronsard wrote a poem about him, as did the 19th-century American poet, Henry Wadsworth Longfellow. Gibbon, the
18th-century historian, holds Skanderbeg in high regard with panegyric expressions. Giammaria Biemmi, an Italian priest,
published a work on Skanderbeg titled Istoria di Giorgio Castrioto Scanderbeg-Begh in Brescia, Italyin 1742. He claimed that
he had found a work published in Venice in 1480 and written by an Albanian humanist from Bar, in modern-day Montenegro
whose brother was a warrior in Skanderbeg's personal guard. According to Biemmi, the work had lost pages dealing with
Skanderbeg's youth, the events from 14431449, the Siege of Kruj (1467), and Skanderbeg's death. Biemmi referred to the

author of the work as Antivarino, meaning the man from Bar. The "Anonymous of Antivari" was
Biemmi's invention that some historians (Fan S. Noli and Athanase Gegaj) had not discovered
and used his forgery as source in their works. Skanderbeg is also mentioned by Prince of
Montenegro, Petar II Petrovi-Njego, one of the greatest poets of Serbian literature in his
poem The Mountain Wreath (1847), and inFalse Tsar Stephen the Little (1851). In 1855, Camille
Paganel wrote Histoire de Scanderbeg, inspired by the Crimean War, whereas in the lengthy
poetic tale Childe Harold's Pilgrimage (18121819), Byron wrote with admiration about
Skanderbeg and his warrior nation. The Great Warrior Skanderbeg , Albanian-Soviet
biographical film from 1953, earned an International Prize at the 1954 Cannes Film Festival.
Skanderbeg's memory has been engraved in many museums, such as the Skanderbeg
Museum next to Kruj Castle. Many monuments are dedicated to his memory in the Albanian
cities of Tirana (in the Skanderbeg Square by Odhise Paskali), Kruj, and Peshkopi. A palace in
Rome in which Skanderbeg resided during his 146667 visits to the Vatican is still
called Palazzo Skanderbeg and currently houses the Italian museum of pasta: the palace is
located between the Fontana di Trevi and the Quirinal Palace. Also in Rome, a statue is dedicated to the Albanian hero
in Piazza Albania. Monuments or statues of Skanderbeg have also been erected in the cities of Skopje and Debar, in
theRepublic of Macedonia; Pristina, in Kosovo; Geneva, in Switzerland; Brussels, in Belgium; and other settlements
in southern Italy where there is an Arbresh community. In 2006, a statue of Skanderbeg was unveiled on the grounds of St.
Paul's Albanian Catholic Community in Rochester Hills, Michigan, the first Skanderbeg statue in the United States.

Dushmani Dynasty
Dushmani was an Albanian noble family which ruled a territory in northern Albania, from Zadrima plain to Albanian Alps,
during the 14th and 15th centuries. They are mentioned first in the middle of the fourteenth century in Venetian charters, as
vassals of the Bali. A member of the family, Gjin Dushmani, was mentioned together with other Albanian feudals, as a
commander of Albanian auxiliary troops at the Battle of Ankara in 1402. After the Ottoman defeat they offered themselves as
vassals to the Republic of Venice in 1403. On June 2, 1403, the Venetian Senate confirmed Goranin, Damjan and Nenad of the
Dushmani family the rule over Pult. Members of the family were also Catholic clergy; among whom was Pal Dushmani,
mentioned as Bishop of Pult (Dusmanus ep. Polat.) in 1427. Another member of the family, Lek Dushmani, was mentioned
as one of the founders of the League of Lezh. His daughter Irene Dushmani became famous while there was a dispute for
her which brought the first defection among the members of League of Lezh which led toward the AlbanianVenetian War of
14471448.[8] Alongside the Spani family, the Dushmani were against the war with Venice and did not participate in it. In
March 1451 Lek Dukagjini and Boidar Dushmani planned to attack Venetian-controlled Drivast. Their plot was discovered
and Boidar was forced into exile. In July 1452, the Pope sent Pal Dushmani to settle the conflict between Lek Dukagjini and
Skanderbeg. In 20th-century Albania there was still a Dushmani tribe called after the feudal family. The description of the
tribe traditions and customs had been done by Edith Durham in her book "Some tribal origins, laws and customs of the
Balkans" (1928). After the Ottoman occupation of Albania, part of the family that descended from Lek Dushmani migrated to
the Venetian territory of Corfu. Notable members of this branch of the family include Antonio Dusmani, Sofoklis Dousmanis
and Viktor Dousmanis.

List of Rulers of Dushmani Dynasty

Goranin Dushmani

was an Albanian nobleman and member of the Dushmani family he ruled over the region of
Zadrima, in modern Shkodr District in early 15th century. On June 2, 1403, the Venetian Senate confirmed Goranin, Damjan
and Nenad of the Dushmani family the rule over Pult.

Damjan Dushmani

was an Albanian nobleman and member of the Dushmani family he ruled over the region of
Zadrima, in modern Shkodr District in early 15th century. On June 2, 1403, the Venetian Senate confirmed Goranin, Damjan
and Nenad of the Dushmani family the rule over Pult.

Nenad Dushmani was an Albanian nobleman and member of the Dushmani family he ruled over the region of Zadrima,
in modern Shkodr District in early 15th century. On June 2, 1403, the Venetian Senate confirmed Goranin, Damjan and
Nenad of the Dushmani family the rule over Pult.

Lek Dushmani

was an Albanian nobleman and one of the founding members of League of Lezh, formed on March 2,
1444. A member of the Dushmani family he ruled over the region of Zadrima, in modern Shkodr District. In Venetian
documents he is also mentioned along with his relative Damian as lord of Pult in 1446. Leka joined the League of Lezh, an
alliance formed by their maternal uncle Skanderbeg, after meeting in the St. Nicholas Church in Lezh on March 2, 1444. The
other members included Lek Zaharia, Peter Spani, Andrea Thopia, Gjergj Arianiti, Theodor Corona Musachi, Stefan Crnojevi ,
George Strez Bali, and their subjects. Skanderbeg was elected its leader, and commander in chief of its armed forces
numbering a total of 8,000 warriors. His descendants include among others Antonio, Sofoklis and Viktor Dousmanis.

Boidar Dushmani

was an Albanian nobleman and member of the Dushmani family he ruled over the region of
Zadrima, in modern Shkodr District around middle 15th century. In March 1451 Lek Dukagjini and Boidar Dushmani
planned to attack Venetian-controlled Drivast. Their plot was discovered and Boidar was forced into exile.

Spani (Span) Dynasty

The Spani or Span family was a northern Albanian noble family and clan. The center of the family was Drivast, which it ruled
holding the titles of Duke and Count. In the late 15th century, a large part of it settled in Venetian territories, primarily Venice
itself and Dalmatia. Members of this family lived in a wider region ranging from northern Albania and Montenegro to western
Kosovo.

List of Rulers of Spani (Span) Dynasty

Nika Span was ruler of Span Dynasty who ruled in Northern Albania in Drivast in late 14th century.
Marin Span (died around 1409) was ruler of Span Dynasty who ruled in Northern Albania in Drivast in early 15th century.
He was one of the most notable members of Span family at the beginning of the 15th century.Marin Span was commander of
Skanderbeg's forces which lost fortress Bale to Venetian forces in 1448 during Skanderbeg's war against Venice. Marin and
his soldiers retreated toward Dagnum after being informed by his relative Peter Span about the large Venetian forces heading
toward Bale.

Peter Span

was ruler of Span Dynasty who ruled in Northern Albania in the first half from 1430 until 1456. Peter did not
have any sons so he decided that he will be inherited by his nephew Marin, a son of his brother Brajko, and ceded several
fortresses to him. When the Venetians recaptured Drivast in 1442, Peter Span lost all of his possessions. He was a Catholic
Albanian nobleman and Venetian pronoier in the first half of 15th century. His domains included several villages on the
territory between Shkodr and Drivastum. He ruled over Shala, Shosh, Nikaj-Mrtur (Lekbibaj) and Pult; the whole region
under the Ottomans took his name, Petripan-ili (literally, "dominions of Pjetr Shpani"). Between 1444 and 1450 he was a
member of the League of Lezh. Peter Spani was member of Spani family which was of Greek origin. The surname Span or
Spani probably derives from the Greek word spanos (beardless). Peter's father Marin is mentioned in 1409 as already dead.
Since he did not have any sons, Petar emphasized that he will be inherited by his nephew Marin, a son of his brother Brajko.
Petar's brother Stefan Span was lord of village Podgora. Peter Spani attended a meeting of several noblemen from Albania
held in Lezh in March 1444 when they allied themselves into a League of Lezh. The League of Lezh was founded by: Lek
Zaharia (lord of Sati and Dagnum) and his vassals Pal Dukagjin and Nicholas Dukagjini, Peter Spani (lord of the mountains
behind Drivasto), Lek Dushmani (lord of Pult), George Stresi Balsha with John and Gojko Bali and Andrea Thopia with nis
nephew Tanush Thopia, Gjergj Arianiti, Theodor Corona Musachi and Stefan Crnojevi with his sons. In 1451 after Alfonso
signed the Treaty of Gaeta with Skanderbeg, he signed similar treaties with Peter Spani and other chieftains from Albania:
Gjergj Arianiti, Ghin Musachi, George Stresi Balsha, Pal III Dukagjini, Thopia Musachi, Peter of Himara, Simon Zanebisha and
Carlo Toco.[13] Gjon Muzaka's chronicle mentions that he survived the war and lived to an advanced age. In the early
subdivisions of Albania during the Ottoman era the region formerly ruled by Pjetr Spani was known in Ottoman Turkish as
Petrishpani or Ishpani. From 1430 to 1456 Spani is also often mentioned in the archives of the Republic of Ragusa. Peter's
brother, Stefan, was appointed by Venetians as the lord of village Podgora in 1406. After Podgora was given to Hoti, Venetians
compensated this lost to Stefan and gave him two small villages (Bistriola and Charochi). When Bala III died in 1421, Stefan
joined Serbian Despot Stefan Lazarevi who recognized his rule over three villages in Drivast.

Arianiti Dynasty
The Arianiti were an Albanian noble family that ruled large areas in Albania and neighbouring areas from the 11th to the 16th
century. Their domain stretched across the Shkumbin valley and the old Via Egnatia road and reached to the east today's
Manastir.

List of Rulers of Arianiti Dynasty

Komnen Arianiti or Comin Spata was an Albanian nobleman of the Arianiti family. He held areas in central Albania and
was married to a daughter of Nikoll Zaharia from 1392 until 1407. Of his three sons and one daughter, Gjergj became a
prominent leader of the Ottoman-Albanian wars, particularly in the Albanian Revolt of 1432-1436. Komnen Arianiti was also
possibly known as Comin Spata, a name that appears in the Venetian archives. Gjergj Arianiti was also mentioned in
contemporary documents as Aranit Spata. It is unclear whether the Arianitis adopted it through intermarriage with the Shpata
family of central Albania or as a toponymic that derives from the region of Shpat, which they held in the Middle Ages. Unclear
is also his relation to the Komnenos dynasty; he may have inherited it from a paternal female ancestor that lived in the earlyto-mid 13th century or adopted it as other Arianiti kinsmen in order to strengthen his claims. His domains are mentioned in
contemporary Venetian sources as areas located in the vicinity of Durrs (in partibus Durrachii). Arianiti was married to a
daughter of Nikoll Zaharia. His three sons were Gjergj, Muzak, father of Moisi Golemi and Vladan. His daughter was married
to Niketa Thopia.

Gjergj Arianiti

or George Araniti (1383 1462) was an Albanian lord who led several campaigns against the Ottoman
Empire. He was father of Donika, the wife of Scanderbeg, as well as great uncle of Moisi Arianit Golemi. Gjergj Arianiti is
enumerated in Albanian folk tellings. Gjergj Arianiti was Skanderbeg's ally within League of Lezh only for a short period of
time because he abandoned their alliance after the defeat in Berat in 1450. Robert Elsie emphasizes that Arianiti was often
Skanderbeg's rival who allied with the Kingdom of Naples in 1446, left his alliance with Skanderbeg by 1449 and allied with
Venice in 1456. His name is most commonly known in the Albanian form, Gjergj Arianiti, in English George Arianite or George

Araniti. His full name in English was George Araniti Thopia Comneni. His name in Slavic form was "Golem Arianit
Komnenovic", and a 1452 document referring to him as "Golemi Arenit Comninovich de Albania". Golem is derived from some
Slavic language and it means 'great' or 'big'. Another form of his surname, Harianites, is used in a French document of the
Charles VII era. He shared a distant relation from his great grandmother with the famous Byzantine Komnenos dynasty,
originating in Paphlagonia, Asia Minor. He was thus often referred to as Gjergj Arianit Komneni. Writings about Arianiti are not
very common. He is more commonly referred to as the father of Donika Kastrioti, Skanderbeg's wife, rather than a leader of a
rebellion that held back the Ottoman armies for years. He was a member of the Arianiti family that ruled large areas in
Albania and neighbouring areas from the 11th to the 16th century. In 1253, Byzantine chronicles mention a Gulem who ruled
the lands of Albanon; this may be an ancestor of Gjergj Arianiti. Gulemi married a cousin of the Byzantine empress, Irene.
From this marriage came the name Komneni. Gjergj was the oldest of three sons. He married Maria Muzaka, and from this he
acquired a territory from Mallakastra to Vlor. His territories eventually reached northwards to Debar. The center of his
dominions were located between Librazhd and Elbasan. Since 1423 he fell under Ottoman suzerainty and probably resided at
the sultan's palace as hostage to secure loyalty of his tribesmen. In 1427 he returned to Albania. The Ottoman domination of
Albania brought their legal, political, and economic systems into Albania, threatening to destroy the feudal system and
autonomy of the Albanians. These reforms took away much of Gjergj's power, but still remained a vassal of the sultan. These
drastic changes encouraged the rebellions of the Albanians against the Ottoman empire. Gjergj Arianiti was one of the main
leaders of these rebellions. In the spring of 1432, after the first phase of the reforms ended, an Albanian revolt erupted which
spread to much of Albania. The first revolts began in central Albania when Andrea Thopia revolted against Ottoman rule and
defeated small Ottoman unit in the mountains of Central Albania. His victory inspired other chieftains in Albania, especially
Gjegrj Arianiti. Gjergj was at first apprehensive, but saw an opportunity to save the dominions left to him by his father. Upon
hearing of the rebellions, many political enemies of Gjergj, who had become sipahis returned from Edirne to Albania. Upon
reaching Albania, Gjergj immediately banished them. He was to lead the soldiers rebellion, which came from the peasant
masses. Durrs, the area of Tirana controlled Andrea Topia, and Nikoll Dukagjin in the North joined the revolt. Although
Skanderbeg was summoned home by his relatives when Gjergj Arianiti with other chiefs from region between Vlor and
Shkodr organized rebellion, he did nothing remaining loyal to the sultan. The Porte responded by sending an army of fresh
troops in Albania under experienced commanders. Danja in northern Albania fell, while the Topias were returned to their
former state. After a strong counterattack by Arianiti, the Ottomans were soon defeated. This victory strengthened the revolt
in southern Albania, especially in Kurvelesh. Murad II headed for Albania and chose to camp at Serez in Macedonia. From
here, he sent out a force of ten thousand into Albania under Ali Beg. The army of Ali Beg, in the winter of 1432-1433, went
through the tight valleys of the Shkumbin; near Buzurshekut (Brzeshts), the Albanians ambushed the Ottoman army.
Arianiti observed and maneuvered against the Turks while also encouraging his men, eventually leading to an Ottoman rout.
This victory further strengthened the Albanian cause and gave hope to the Europeans who feared a major Ottoman invasion.
The Byzantine chronicler, Chalcondyles, wrote: "In this battle, Arianit Komneni won a glorious victory." Arianit used the classic
tactic of "Pulling the enemy in, preparing the trap and striking suddenly." Arianiti also destroyed a second army sent by Ali
Beg, leaving hundreds dead in the valleys of Ku all the way to Borsh. The failure of the second Ottoman expedition became
known throughout Europe, which was used to hearing about Christian defeats in the East. The joyful states of Europe - Pope
Eugene IV, Alfonso V, Emperor Sigsimund, Venice and Ragusa - promised aid. In his third battle (1434), in order to recapture
Vlor and Kanina, Arianiti used numbers, expediency and his tactics. Arianiti was known as the "protector of freedom"
throughout the European kingdoms. During the Ottoman campaigns of 1435 and 1436 Ali Beg, together with Turakhan Beg,
effected a partial submission of the Albanians led by George Arianiti. In August 1443 Arianiti again rebelled against Ottomans,
probably urged by pope Eugene IV or instigated by the news of defeat of Sihb ed-Dn Pasa. During the fall of 1443 and the
winter of 1444 he led an army deep into Macedonia.[clarification needed] During the same time, the Turks were routed at Ni
and Skanderbeg deserted the Ottoman army and began another rebellion. Skanderbeg eventually allied with Gjergj Arianit
and some other noble man from Albania and Zeta through the League of Lezh. At the beginning of 1449 Skanderbeg and
Arianiti approached to Venetians requesting their protection from Ottomans. Venetians opted for neutral approach, not to
jeopardize peace with Ottomans, and refused their request. By 1449 Gjergj Arianiti left his alliance with Skanderbeg. When
Kruj was besieged by the Turks, the sixty-seven-year-old Gjergj Arianiti fought fiercely against the Turks. Arianiti, along with
3,000 warriors, joined the anti-Venetian force which eventually defeated the Venetian army at Drin. He was one of the main
commanders during the short siege of Durrs and the siege of Dagno. Some of his troops went as far as the gates of Shkodr.
Thus, his interests were not harmed by Venice, who wished to incorporate the bay of Vlor into its dominions. Arianiti
supported the recapture of Svetigrad with 4,000 men. During the two main engagements of the siege, Arianiti showed great
bravery. During the siege, his brother was killed. The experience of Arianiti convinced Skanderbeg to marry Donica, Arianiti's
daughter. The strong connections between the Kastrioti and Arianiti families were of great benefit to the Albanian cause. In
1451 after Alfonso signed the Treaty of Gaeta with Skanderbeg, he signed similar treaties with Gjergj Arianiti and other
chieftains from Albania: Peter Spani, Ghin Musachi, George Stresi Balsha, Pal III Dukagjini, Thopia Musachi, Peter of Himara,
Simon Zanebisha and Carlo Toco. Arianiti was the only Albanian leader to have two capitals; one near the coast in Kanina, and
another near the eastern mountains in Sopot. His dominions acted as the first defense against many of the Ottoman
expeditions and served as one of the main centers of the Albanian League. The union between the Kastrioti and Arianiti did
not have much effect due to the exposed territories of Arianiti. Through many localities, he brought together his last
resistance force (14601462). In an open front, Mehmet II ordered movements into Albania to engaged a group of Arianiti's
warriors. He then surrounded Gjergj Arianiti by moving through the valley of Furka all the way through Shushic. Fierce
engagements began, but Sopoti was not captured and the Ottoman encirclement failed. The people compared Gjergj Arianiti
to Skanderbeg. To celebrate this victory, the army was taken to Galigat after the Ottomans had fully left Albania. However,
when the Ottomans heard of this, they traveled back to Albania at night. The fortress of Sopot, left with a garrison chosen by
Arianiti, still could not be taken. Only through bribery and treachery was it possible for the castle be taken. The Ottoman
commander, took advantage of Arianiti's absence by launching a large attack with his main army. The Ottomans soon entered
the castle, and in revenge for the defeats they had suffered, the entire population was massacred.[clarification needed] With
the death of his first wife Maria Muzaka, Gjergj married Pietrina Francone, an Italian aristocrat. His two wives bore him ten
children, three of which were boys. With his first wife, Maria, Gjergj had eight daughters. The first daughter, Andronika (or
Donika), was married to Lord Scanderbeg Castriota, who was Lord of Dibra, Mat and Kruja down to the sea, and of Deberina,
also called Randesio (Renc?), and of the province of Guonimi (Gjonm). They had many children who died, only two of them

survived, John Castriot II, Duke of San Pietro in Galatina, married to Irene (Jerina)
Palaiologina, who was the daughter of Serbian Despot Lazar Brankovi and had children
Ferdinand Castriota, Duke of San Pietro in Galatina and Maria Castriota. The second
daughter, Voisava, was married to Lord Ivan I Crnojevi of Zeta, and they had two sons
ura Crnojevi and Skenderbeg Crnojevi. The first son Lord George married and had two
sons and three daughters. The second son, the said Lord Scanderbeg, turned Turk and now
rules the land of his brother, which was given to him by the sultan for his having turned
Turk. The third daughter, Chiranna, was married to Lord Nicholas Dukagjini. She was the
only daughter among brothers, and gave birth herself to two sons. One died and the other
turned Turk and became a pasha and a great commander of the sultan. The fourth daughter, Helena, was married to Lord
George Dukagjini, to whom many children were born and all turned Turk. One called Scanderbeg was still alive (1515) and
was a sanjakbey. The fifth daughter, Despina, was married to Lord Tanush Dukagjini. They had two children: a boy and a girl.
The sixth daughter, Angelina, married Stefan Brankovi of Serbia, son of Despot ura. Angelina and Stefan had two sons
and one daughter. Their son ore Brankovi was the titular Despot of Serbia from 1486 until his monastic vows in 1496. The
daughter was Maria, who married the Marquis of Monferrato. The seventh daughter, Comita (or Komnina), married Gojko
Bali, Lord of Misia. They had two sons and one daughter. The sons died in Hungary. The eighth daughter, Catherine, married
Nicholas Boccali. They had two sons and two daughters.

Moisi Arianit Golemi,

(also, Moisi Gip dabishefci or simply Moisiu i Dibres) was an Albanian nobleman and a
commander of the League of Lezh. In 1443-1444 he captured all Ottoman holdings the area of Debar. For a brief period in
the 1450s he joined the Ottomans, but soon abandoned the empire and returned to the league. He died in 1464, when he
was executed publicly in Constantinople after being captured by the Ottoman army. In Albanian folk tradition, Golemi became
a popular hero mostly through the Song of Moisi Golemi (Knga e Moisi Golemit). Born in the vicinity of modern Debar he was
the only son of Muzak Arianiti, son of Komnen Arianiti and brother of Gjergj Arianiti. In 1445 he was married to Zanfina
Muzaka after her divorce with Muzak Thopia, who was married to Skanderbeg's sister Maria. They had two sons and four
daughters, two of which died at an early age. His firstborn son ezar Arianiti (Cesare Comnino Arianiti) had one daughter
named Giovanna Comminata, who lived in Naples and was married to patrician Paulo Brancaccio. His second son Aranit
Arianiti was married to Gjon Muzaka's sister and had only one daughter Helena who was married to a Venetian commander.
One of this daughters, Despina was married to Stanisha II Kastrioti, son of Stanisha I Kastrioti and nephew of Skanderbeg,
while his other daughter Helena was first married to Nikoll IV Dukagjini, son of Lek Dukagjini. After his death she was
married to Sinan bey Muzaka. When Skanderbeg came in Albania, Moisi quickly allied with him and became commander of
the border guard. Golemi was first distinguished in the battle of Torvioll in 1444. Later he oversaw the capture of the crucial
castle of Svetigrad in modern day Macedonia. After the debacle of the Siege of Berat, and growing envious of the fame
Skanderbeg had accumulated over the years, he betrayed his commander in chief and went over to the Ottomans. One year
later he returned at the head of a fifteen thousand men-strong army, but was promptly defeated by Skanderbeg. He retreated
first to Macedonia and then to Constantinople, where he was left ignored by the Ottoman authorities. Soon thereafter, he
went back to Skanderbeg, who pardoned and reinstated him. Moisi devoted the rest of his life to the Albanian struggle, but in
1464 he fell prisoner to Ballaban Badera, an Albanian-born Ottoman sanjakbey of the Sanjak of Ohrid at the Battle of Vaikal.
Dispatched hastily to Constantinople along with other Albanian princes and captains, he was skinned alive publicly, in
Constantinople. Muzak Arianiti's domains extended in areas of Mokr and ermenik. Gjon Muzaka mentions Librazhd,
Quks, Dorz, and Gur among others as parts of his personal demesne. Apart from the areas inherited by his father Golemi
was acknowledged as lord of Dibra by Skanderbeg as he led the expedition against the Ottomans in that region. Golemi's son
Aranit is mentioned in contemporary sources as the lord of a barony in ermenik. His memory was captured in literature in
Knga e Moisi Golemit (the Song of Moisi Golemi) amongst the Albanian-Italian community in Southern Italy known as
Arbresh.

Principality of Gjirokastr
The Principality of Gjirokastr or Argyrokastro (13861418) was an Albanian principality created by John Zenevisi in 1386,
encompassing the area around Gjirokastr (modern southern Albania). It was conquered by the Ottomans in 1414, but
Zenebishi was able to rally the local population and recover his realm before being finally defeated by the Ottomans in 1418.
In 1380, John Zenevisi was appointed sebastocrator and prefect of Vagenetia near Delvin. He was also ruler of Pyrgo and
Sayada. He submitted to the Turks after a first invasion and gave them his son as a hostage to be sent to Edirne to the court
of the Sultan. His son converted to Islam and became known as Hamza Bey, a military leader. Shortly after the Battle of Savra
in 1385 and his submission to Ottomans, Gjon revolted and seized the fortress of Gjirokastr, encouraged no doubt by the
attack on Janina by the Albanians of Acarnania. In 1386 he officially assumed the title of Prince of Gjirokastr, a post which he
held until the abolition of his principality. John Zenevisi married Irene, the daughter of Gjin Bua Shpata, Despot of Arta. Thus
he became the son-in-law of Shpata and the brother-in-law of the wife of Esau de' Buondelmonti, Despot of Epirus. In April
1399 Esau, supported by some Albanian clans, marched against John Zenevisi. Esau's army was routed and he himself
captured, to be released in July 1400 after the Florentines, who benefited from his rule, paid a large ransom. In 1412,
Zenebishi allied with the Despot of Arta, Maurice Shpata, and defeated the army of Carlo I Tocco, who had some months
earlier taken possession of Janina, with the aid of its Greek inhabitants. Despite their victory, the allies failed to recover the
city. In 1414, Zenebishi was defeated by the Turks. He fled to the Venetian-held island of Corfu, but was called back two years
later by an uprising of the mountain tribes. With the support of Venice, he recovered Gjirokastr, but died on Corfu in 1418.
That same year the Turks, after a prolonged siege, took Gjirokastr. Gjon's son, Depa Zenebishi, fled to Corfu. He returned to
the mainland and laid siege to Gjirokastr in 1434, but was killed in battle with a reinforcing Ottoman army in 1435.

List of Rulers of the Principality of Gjirokastr

John Zenevisi

(died 1418) was an Albanian lord of Argyrokastron and the regions of Vagenetia and Paracalo from 1386
until his death in 1418. Zenevisi can be found with different name in historical documents. His name in English is John
Zenevisi or John Sarbissa. His name has also been spelled as Giovanni Sarbissa. His surname has also been spelled
Zenebises. In Albanian, his name is mostly spelled as Gjin Zenebishi, with the given name also spelled as Ghin or Gjon, while
the surname has been spelled Zenebishti. Zenevisi was born into the Zenevisi family from the Zagoria region, between
Prmet and Gjirokastr. In 1380, Zenevisi was appointed as Sebastocrator or prefect of Vagenetia (modern-day Chameria). He
was also ruler of Pyrgo and Sayada. He submitted to the Ottomans after their victory in the Battle of Savra in 1385, and gave
them his son as a hostage to be sent to Edirne to the court of the sultan. This son became known as Hamza Bey, an Ottoman
military leader who in 1460 became a sanjakbey of the Sanjak of Mezistre and should not be confused with Skanderbeg's
nephew Hamza Kastrioti. Shortly after his submission, Zenevisi revolted and seized the fortress of Gjirokastr, encouraged no
doubt by the attack on Ioannina by the Albanians of Acarnania. In 1386 he titled himself with the Byzantine title of
sevastokrator. Zenevisi was married with the daughter of Gjin Bua Shpata, Despot of Arta, Irene, and thus became the son-inlaw of Shpata and the brother-in-law of the wife of Esau de' Buondelmonti Despot of Epiros. In 1399 Esau, supported by some
Albanian clans, marched against his wife's brother-in-law John Zenevisi of Gjirokastr. Now Esau was routed and captured, and
much of his land was occupied by Zenevisi. The neighboring magnates determined to restore the captured despotes and
secured Venetian intercession in his favor. Esau returned to Ioannina in 1400, regaining the reign from Zenebishi. In 1414
Zenebishi was defeated by the Ottomans and fled to the Venetian island of Corfu where he died in 1418. In the same year the
Turks, after a prolonged siege, took Gjirokastr. Zenevisi's son, Depa Zenebishi, fled to Corfu. He landed again on the
mainland and laid siege to Gjirokastr in 1434, but was killed in battle with a reinforcing Ottoman army in 1435. Zenevisi's
descendants continued to live undisturbed in the mountains of Zagoria and eventually faded into history. In 1455, a certain
Simon Zenebishi, who was ruler of Kastrovillari (Castro i Vivarit near Butrint) was active at the court of the king of Naples and
Aragon on behalf of Skanderbeg in order to gain back Neapolitan support for his land in Albania. In 1455, Venice, the only
power to support his claim, reminded him of his pledge of allegiance to the Republic but was not able to change his political
orientation, i.e. his ties with Naples. A son of this Zenebishi was also a hostage at the court of the sultan, this time of Sultan
Mehmed the Conqueror, but fled to Naples where King Alphonso had him baptized and made him his vassal. The fate of this
Alphonso Zenebishi was to be closely linked to that of Skanderbeg. John married a daughter of Gjin Bua Shpata, whose name
is unknown. They had the following children: Anna "Kyrianna", Lady of Grabossa; married Andrea III Musachi (fl. 1419), Maria,
+after 1419; married Perotto d'Altavilla, the Baron of Corfu (1445), Bua Thopia, Lord of Argyrokastron (141834), deposed by
Turks and Hamza Zenevisi, a Muslim, fl 1456-59. In 1460 he became a sanjakbey of the Sanjak of Mezistre.

Dep Zenebishi

(c. 1379 1435) was an Albanian nobleman. The son of Gjon Zenebishi he had settled in his father's
estate in Corfu after the conquest of the Principality of Gjirokastr by the Ottoman Empire in 1418. He was called to lead the
rebels in the area of Gjirokastr during the Albanian Revolt of 1432-1436 and was defeated by Turahan Bey in early 1433. He
was captured and later executed.

Despotate of Arta
The Despotate of Arta was a despotate established by Albanian rulers during the 14th century, when Albanian tribes moved
into Epirus and founded two short-lived principalities there. The Despotate of Arta was created after the defeat of the local
Despot Nikephoros II Orsini by the Albania tribesmen in the Battle of Achelous in 1359 and ceased to exist in 1416, when it
passed to Carlo I Tocco.

List of rulers of the Despotate of Arta

Peter Losha (Albanian: Pjetr Losha; Greek: Petros Lesas) was a 14th-century Albanian ruler in medieval Epirus. He was
the despot of Arta from 1359 until his death in 1374. Losha was born in the area of Epirus in the early 14th century. His
surname in Albanian literally means "pockmark". In 1346-1348 Epirus became a part of the Serbian Empire and Albanian
tribes were defeated by Stefan Dushan. In the consequent conflicts that erupted between the new Serbian rulers, the
remnants of the despotate of Epirus and the Albanian clans Losha maximized his domains. He led the Albanian force against
Nikephoros II Orsini at the Battle of Achelous that won him the rule of Arta, he founded his domain around Arta with the help
of the Mazarakii and Malakasei clans. The domains he gained after the battle also included Rogoi and Amphilochia as
mentioned in the Chronicle of Ioannina. To emphasize his suzerainty over the rulers in Epirus Simeon Uro granted him the
title of despot, which was possibly an act of mere recognition of his rule after the battle of Achelous. In 1366, Thomas II
Preljubovi succeeded Simeon as ruler of Epirus. His rule marked a renewal of hostilities in the region as from 1367 to 1370
Ioannina, capital of Preljubovi was under constant siege and blocked by the Mazaraki and Malakasa clans under Losha. A
truce was signed when Peter's son Gjin was betrothed to Thomas's daughter Eirene. He died in 1374, because of a plague in
Arta and his despotate passed briefly to his son Gjin before falling under the Despotate of Angelokastron and Lepanto of Gjin
Bua Shpata.

Gjin Bua Spata

(1310-1399), also known as John Bua Spata, was an Albanian ruler of the Despotate of Arta from 1374
until his death in 1399. He was part of the noble Shpata family. He was also despot of Angelokastro and Acheloos from 1358
until his death in 1399, Lord of Arta in 1375, Lord of Lepanto, Despot of Arta and Lepanto. In the summer of 1358, Nikephoros
II Doukas, the last despot of Epirus that belonged to the Orsini dynasty, fought against the Albanian forces in the Battle of
Achelous (1359) near the river Acheloos, Acarnania. The Albanians won the war and managed to create two new states in the
Southern Despotate of Epirus. After the fall of the Orsini dynasty of the Despotate of Epirus, the Serbian lords of Stefan Uro

IV Duan, divided the territory between them and the Albanian rulers that supported the Serbian
campaign. The first of the two Albanian lead states had its capital in Arta and was under the
Albanian nobleman Peter Losha. The second, centered in Angelokastron, was ruled by Gjin Bua
Shpata. After the death of Peter Losha in 1374, the Albanian despotates of Arta and Angelocastron
were united under the rule of Despot Gjin Bua Shpata. The territory of this Despotate was from the
Corinth Gulf to Acheron River in the North. The Despotate of Epirus, just north of the Despotate of
Arta, managed to control in this period only the eastern part of Epirus, together with Vagenetia
(Thesprotia). Its capital was Ioannina. North of the Despotate of Epirus was another Albanian state,
the Principality of John Zenevisi. During this period the Despotate of Epirus was ruled by Thomas II
Preljubovi, who was in an open conflict with Gjin. In 1375, Gjin started an offensive in Ioannina, but he couldn't invade the
city. Although Spata married Thomas'sister Helena, their war did not stop. In 1380 and 1382 Thomas allied with the Ottomans
against Gjin. In the same period Spata started a war against Leonardo I Tocco, who was the ruler of Cefalonia and Leucada.
Spata died on October 29, 1399, under the continuous pressure of Preljubovi and Tocco, whose son would become the next
despot of Epirus. Gjin was part of the noble Albanian Spata and Bua families. Bua family were descendants of Meksi noble
family. His father Pietro Bua Spata was lord of Gjirokastr and Delvina. His genealogical tree is not well documented. It was
first outlined by Karl Hopf in his Chroniques Greco-Romanes (p. 531) and by K. Sathas in the 19th century but a newer study
finds that those works have many mistakes and gaps.

Sguro Bua Spata

was an Albanian ruler of the Despotate of Arta from 1400 until 1401. Shortly before Gjin Bua Spata
died on October 29, 1399, he appointed his brother, Sgouros Bua Spata, ruler of Naupactus, as his successor as Lord of Arta.
A few days after Sgouros took over Arta, however, the town was captured by the adventurer Vonko. While Sgouros fled to
Angelokastron, a short time after, possibly as early as December 1399, Gjin Bua Spata grandson Maurice managed to evict
Vonko from Arta and took over the governance of the city himself.

Muriki (Maurice) Spata

(Albanian: Muriq Shpata, Greek: ; fl.13991414/5) was the ruler of the

Despotate of Arta from late 1399/early 1400 until his death in 1414 or 1415. Maurice's reign was dominated by his wars with
Carlo I Tocco. Maurice was able to defend his capital of Arta, but despite some victories failed to prevent the fall of Ioannina to
Tocco. As a result, his brother Yaqub Spata who succeeded him was defeated in October 1416, ending the Despotate of Arta.
Maurice was a scion of the Albanian Spata family. He was a grandson of Gjin Bua Spata, the first Albanian ruler of Arta, and
son of Gjin's daughter Irene Spata and an unknown member of the Spata family. He had one brother, Yaqub Spata, and two
half-siblings from his mother's second marriage, Charles Marchesano and Maddalena. Shortly before Gjin died on October 29,
1399, he appointed his brother, Sgouros Bua Spata, ruler of Naupactus, as his successor as Lord of Arta. A few days after
Sgouros took over Arta, however, the town was captured by the adventurer Vonko. While Sgouros fled to Angelokastron, a
short time after, possibly as early as December 1399, Maurice managed to evict Vonko from Arta and took over the
governance of the city himself. In 1402/3, Maurice came to Sgouros' aid when the latter was besieged at Angelokastron by
the forces of Carlo I Tocco. The attack, under Carlo's general Galasso Peccatore, was repulsed, but Sgouros died soon after,
leaving his possessions to his son Paul Spata. In his campaigns against the Spatas, Tocco was supported by a rival Albanian
clan to the Spatas, the Bua brothers Maurice and Dimo. In 1406, Carlo and the Bua brothers joined forces to raid and
devastate Acarnania and the vicinity of Arta, but the city itself, stoutly defended by Maurice Spata, held out. At
Angelokastron, however, Paul Spata, who lacked his father's ability, felt threatened by the Tocco advance and in 1406 called
in Ottoman assistance. The Ottoman army, under Yusuf Beg, was defeated, however, and the Turks departed after coming to
terms with the Tocchi. As Maurice refused to come to his cousin's aid, Paul ceded Angelokastron to the Ottomans (only for
Carlo Tocco to capture it within less than a year) and retired to Naupactus, which he sold to Venice in 1407/1408. In order to
contain Tocco, Muriki turned to his northern neighbour, the Despot of Ioannina, Esau de' Buondelmonti. Relations between
them were tense because Esau, who in 1396 had taken Maurice's mother Irene as his wife, had divorced her in 1402 to marry
Eudokia Bali. Nevertheless, the common threat brought the two together, and in ca. 1410, an alliance was concluded
between them, sealed by the marriage of Maurice's daughter to Esau's son, Giorgio. The war between Maurice and Carlo
Tocco was a war of raids and counter-raids, punctuated by battles that ended now in defeat and now in victory, with
intermittent truces sealed by marriage alliances, such as when Charles Marchesano was wed to a natural daughter of Carlo
Tocco. It was on the occasion of the latter, which was held at Rogoi, that Maurice and his guests were informed of Esau's
death on 6 February 1411. This event triggered a contest between Tocco and the Albanian lords to secure possession of
Ioannina, left in the hands of the infant Giorgio and his mother, for themselves. The major role in subsequent developments
was played by the inhabitants of Ioannina themselves, who soon deposed Eudokia Bali and Giorgio. Allied with the lord of
Gjirokastr, Gjon Zenebishi, Maurice unsuccessfully besieged the Epirote capital twice and plundered its environs. The
Ioannites, who utterly opposed the idea of having an Albanian or Serbian ruler over them, opted to surrender their city to
Tocco instead, who entered the city in triumph on April 1, 1411. This event consolidated the pact between Maurice and
Zenebishi, which was further confirmed by another marriage alliance between Maurice's daughter and Zenebishi's son Simon.
The two Albanian lords were willing to negotiate with Tocco, but the latter, buoyed by his success, launched raids against both
their territories. As a result, Maurice and Zenebishi sent appeals to their clansmen, and a large Albanian army met and almost
annihilated the Tocco army at a battle fought at Kranea in the district of Mesopotamon, in spring or summer 1412. The
victorious Albanians marched to the walls of Ioannina, but were again unable to take the city. In late 1412 or early 1413, Carlo
Tocco was forced to turn to the Turks for support, arranging for the marriage of one of his natural daughters with Musa elebi,
one of the Ottoman princes contending for the sultanate during the Ottoman Interregnum. The alliance eased Tocco's
position, but Musa was defeated and killed later in the year by his brother, Mehmed I. At the same time, Maurice concluded
an alliance to Tocco's Italian rival in the Morea, the Prince of Achaea Centurione II Zaccaria. Maurice's half-brother Charles,
who had been appointed governor of Rhiniasa, tried to go over to Tocco, but was apprehended by the local magnates and
handed over to Maurice. A scandal involving Zenebishi's son and a son-in-law of Maurice led to a quarrel between the two
Albanian rulers and the collapse of their alliance. Tocco moved quickly to win over Zenebishi and conclude peace with him.
Maurice died in 1414 or 1415, and was succeeded by his full brother, Yaqub Spata, in Arta, while Charles Marchesano was
given the governorship of Rogoi. Maurice's successors proved unable to withstand Tocco's assaults, however, and in October

1416, Yaqub was captured and killed in an ambush. Arta surrendered, ending the era of Albanian rule in the area. From his
marriage to Nerata, a Serbian woman, Maurice is known to have had a number of unnamed daughters, usually considered to
have been three: daughter who married Giorgio de' Buondelmonti, daughter who married Simon Zenebishi and daughter who
married, after Maurice's death, Carlo II Tocco. The first daughter is believed by Karl Krumbacher to have married Giorgio, a
son of "George Bali and Eudokia".

Yaqub Bua Spata

or Shpata (Greek: ) was a the last Lord of Arta, ruling from

1414/15 until 1416, with a brief interval when he was evicted by the local population. His rule ended
after his capture and execution by Carlo I Tocco, who proceeded to incorporate Arta to his domains.
Yaqub was a scion of the Albanian Spata family. He was a grandson of Gjin Bua Spata, the first
Albanian ruler of Arta, and son of Gjin's daughter Irene Bua Spata and an unknown member of the
Spata family. He had one brother, Maurice Spata, and two half-siblings from his mother's second
marriage, Charles and Madalena Marchesano. Yaqub was raised at the Ottoman court of Sultan
Mehmed I, where he had converted to Islam and acquired his name. In 1414/5, at the time of his elder
brother Maurice's death, he claimed the succession over Arta. With the support of his mother Irene, he
was successful in securing control over Arta itself, while his half-brother Charles became ruler of
nearby Rogoi. His Muslim identity, however, soon provoked opposition, as the locals feared that he
would deliver them to the Ottomans. The local population rose up, imprisoned him and installed his half-brother Charles
Marchesano in his place. Released from prison, Yaqub sought refuge in the Ottoman court. There he secured the Sultan's aid,
and backed by an Ottoman army under a certain Ismail he returned to Arta, recovering the city after a brief siege. His halfbrother was exiled in turn, while the leading men of the city were executed for their role in his overthrow. After recovering
Arta, Yaqub was confronted with the designs of the ambitious Count palatine of Cephalonia and Zakynthos, Carlo I Tocco.
Carlo had already acquired possession of Ioannina and the northern half of the old Despotate of Epirus a few years previously,
posing as the champion of the local Greeks against the Albanian lords who had conquered Epirus, and now set his sights on
the southern portions of Epirus around Arta and Aetolia and Acarnania. The chronology of the conflict is somewhat vague, as
the main source, the Chronicle of the Tocco, does not follow a strict chronological order. Nevertheless it is clear that Carlo,
using the fortress of Vobliana as his base, was raiding the Spata domains already before Yaqub's return to power.[4] Yaqub,
along with his father-in-law, Maurice Bua, who had defected from Tocco service, tried to capture Vobliana. The Spatas were
then heavily defeated by Carlo's brother Leonardo II Tocco at Mazoma near ancient Nicopolis, but Carlo's son Torno suffered
setbacks against the Albanians. After the Tocchi succeeded in capturing Rhiniasa, Leonardo tried to take Rogoi and Carlo Arta,
but Yaqub and his father-in-law succeeded in defending their capital for the time being. Carlo withdrew to Ioannina, but soon
after was able to lure Yaqub in an ambush near Bompliana: Yaqub was captured and immediately executed (October 1, 1416).
Following his death, the magnates of Arta seized control from Yaqub's mother, and offered to surrender the city to Carlo if
their existing rights and privileges were respected. Carlo accepted, and entered Arta on 4 October. At the same time,
Leonardo took over Rogoi.

Principality of Valona
The Principality of Valona (13461417) was a medieval principality in Albania, roughly encompassing the territories of the
modern counties of Vlor (Valona), Fier, and Berat. Initially a vassal of the Serbian Empire, it became an independent lordship
after 1355, although de facto under Venetian influence, and remained as such until it was conquered by the Ottoman Turks in
1417.

List of Rulers of the Principality of Valona

John Komnenos Asen

(Bulgarian: , Yoan Komnin Asen; Greek: , Ianns

Komnnos Asans; Serbian: , Jovan Komnin Asen) was the ruler of the Principality of Valona from circa 1345
until 1363, initially as a Serbian vassal and after 1355 as a largely independent lord. Descended from high-ranking Bulgarian
nobility, John was a brother of both Tsar Ivan Alexander of Bulgaria and Helena of Bulgaria, the wife of Tsar Stephen Duan of
Serbia. Perhaps in search of better opportunities, he emigrated to Serbia, where his sister was married. There, he was granted
the title of despot by Stephen Duan, who placed him in charge of his territories in modern south Albania. As the despot of
Valona, John established commercial ties with Venice and Ragusa, and he became a citizen of the former in 1353. After the
death of Duan in 1355, he took the side of the unsuccessful Simeon Uro in the ensuing conflict for the Serbian throne. With
Venetian assistance, John maintained the essentially independent status of the Principality of Valona. He probably died of the
plague in 1363 and he was succeeded by Alexander Komnenos Asen, who was likely his son from his unknown first wife.
John's second marriage was to Epirote noblewoman Anna Palaiologina. While the birth date of John Komnenos Asen is
unknown, his origin is clearly documented in the sources. On both sides, he descended from the highest ranks of 14thcentury Bulgarian nobility. He was born to Keratsa Petritsa, a daughter of despot Shishman of Vidin, and Sratsimir, the despot
of Kran. John's mother was a descendant of the Asen dynasty as a grand granddaughter of Tsar Ivan Asen II. His siblings were
Ivan Alexander, who would ascend to the Bulgarian throne in 1331, and Helena, who married Serbian ruler Stephen Duan in
1332. Even though John was commonly referred to as a Komnenos in the sources, his relations to that Byzantine family are
rather scarce. He had rights to that name either through his mother's descent from the Asens, themselves related to the
Komnenoi, or through his marriage to Anna Palaiologina. It is uncertain as to exactly why John emigrated to Serbia instead of
assuming a high-ranking position in Bulgaria, as his ancestry and family ties would suggest. Bulgarian historian Ivan Bozhilov
is of the opinion that John was not seeking political refuge in Serbia. Instead, it is most likely that he moved to that country
with the belief that Serbia's territorial expansion and political influence in that period would secure him better career
opportunities. Presumably, John accompanied his sister Helena when she moved to Serbia to marry Stephen Duan in 1332.
John was first mentioned as the despot of Valona in 1350 and his documented presence in the Albanian lands only dates to

1349. However, he was most likely bestowed the title as early as 1345 or 1346, when Stephen Duan was proclaimed
Emperor (Tsar). American scholar John Fine believes this happened immediately after Stephen Duan's coronation in 1346.
Along with Stephen Duan's half-brother, Simeon Uro, and Jovan Oliver, John was one of three people to bear that title under
Stephen Duan. John was installed as ruler of Valona in late 1345, in the wake of the Serbian conquest of south Albania from
the Byzantine Empire, which was concluded no later than August 1345. Besides the Adriatic port of Valona (modern Vlor),
John's appanage included nearby Kanina and the inland castle of Berat to the northeast. Other than that, the extent of his
domain is uncertain. Estimates of the area John ruled over range from all of central Albania to only the three cities mentioned,
with the rest remaining under the government of local Albanian nobility, who owed allegiance either to John or to Stephen
Duan directly. To the south, John's appanage bordered on the lands of Simeon Uro, the ruler of Epirus. In 1349, John
plundered a Venetian commercial ship which had been shipwrecked on the coast he controlled, in accordance with the
medieval principle of jus naufragii. This act necessitated the involvement of Stephen Duan in order to settle the dispute
between Venice and John, as evidenced by an official document from April 13, 1350. Despite this conflict, under John the
Principality of Valona was an active partner of Venice and Ragusa (modern Dubrovnik) in maritime commerce. Two receipts
from April 27, 1350 document John's role as a mediator in cattle, sugar and pepper trade and reveal that he received
significant income from the Valona customs. The customs was profitable because the port was often visited by merchant
ships. Even though all of these documents were written in Slavic, John signed his name in Greek, which testifies to his
Hellenisation. At the time, John also had ties with the Mamluk rulers of Egypt, who addressed him as King of Serbia and
Bulgaria in correspondence. In 1353, John and his family were granted Venetian citizenship, which hints that his domain was
under the protection of Venice. The premature death of Stephen Duan in 1355 plunged the Serbian Empire into civil war. In
that conflict, John took the side of his wife's son-in-law Simeon Uro against the legitimate successor Stephen Uro, who was
Stephen Duan's son and Simeon Uro's nephew. While Simeon's attempt at taking the throne was ill-fated and Stephen Uro
even captured Berat in 1356, John managed to preserve his remaining lands and became independent from both Simeon and
Stephen Uro. The threat of Nikephoros II Orsini, who was gaining ground in Thessaly and Epirus, forced John to request the
dispatch of a Venetian warship and an administrator from Venice to take control of his domain, to which the republic obliged.
Bulgarian historian Hristo Matanov conjectures that after 1355, John may have minted his own coinage intended for trade
with partners outside the inner Balkans. He bases this theory on a new reading of several Latin-language coin inscriptions as
Monita despoti Ioanni instead of Monita despoti Oliveri, as previously thought. The new reading, which would identify the
coins as being minted by John, was proposed by Yugoslav numismatist Nedeljkovi, who rejects the initial attribution of these
coins to Jovan Oliver. A commercial document from January 30, 1359, which testifies to John's continuing trade relations with
Venice, is chronologically the last reference to his activity in contemporary sources. While the date of his death was not
recorded, it is likely that John perished during the plague epidemic which hit Valona and Durazzo (today Durrs) in 1363.
John's first marriage probably dates to after his arrival in Serbia, though the identity of his first wife, if any, is unknown. If the
next ruler of Valona, Alexander Komnenos Asen, was his son, then he would have been born circa 13461348, as he was
already an adult in 1363 1366. This would place John's potential first marriage a few years before Alexander's estimated
birth. Around 1350 1355, John married Anna Palaiologina, a granddaughter of Byzantine Emperor Michael VIII Palaiologos and
a widow of John II Orsini, the despot of Epirus. This marriage to an Epirote noblewoman consolidated and legitimised John's
position in the region. Besides Alexander, another very likely child of John Komnenos Asen was a certain Komnena, the wife of
Bala II who had succeeded Alexander as ruler of Valona in early 1372.

Alexander Komnenos Asen

(died 1368) was the ruler of the Principality of Valona from 1363 until his death in
1368. His father John Komnenos Asen died in 1363 from the plague, and was succeeded by Alexander, possibly his son, who
ruled until ca. 1368. He continued his father's policies, maintaining close ties with Ragusa, whose citizenship he acquired.

Komnena Asanina

(died 1396) was the ruler of the Principality of Valona from 1368 until her death in 1396 (jointly
with her husband Bala II Bali, ruler of Lower Zeta from 1372 until 1385). In 1372, John's unnamed daughter was married to
Bala II of the Serbian Bali noble family, who received Valona, Kanina, Berat and Himara as a dowry. Many of Valona's
citizens fled to the island of Saseno and asked for Venetian protection. Bala continued to expand his territory in the western
Balkans, inheriting Zeta in 1378 and conquering Dyrrhachium from Karl Topia soon after, whereupon he assumed the title
"Duke of Albania", probably after the former Venetian province of the same name. Thopia called on the Ottomans for help
however, and Bala was killed in the Battle of Savra near Berat in 1385. His widow recovered control of her patrimonial
territory, and ruled it thereafter jointly with her daughter Ruina. Berat however had already fallen to the Muzaka, and their
lordship was now confined to the area around Valona, with Kanina, Himara and the fort of Pyrgos. The principality was now
faced with the ever-increasing Ottoman threat; in 1386, Bala's widow offered to cede Valona to Venice in exchange for aid,
but the Republic refused, since Valona alone without her hinterland was indefensible. Following the decisive Ottoman victory
at the Battle of Kosovo in 1389, the situation became yet more precarious. A similar offer in 1393 was also rejected by a
Venice anxious not to antagonize the Ottomans, but another, more comprehensive proposal, followed two years later.
Through the bishop of Albania, the widow offered to the handover of the entire principality in exchange for a lifelong pension
for her and her family of some 7,000 ducats drawn, from the principality's revenue (estimated at 9,000 ducats). Negotiations
faltered after the widow's death in 1396. She was succeeded by Ruina, who in 1391 had married Mrka arkovi, Serbian
nobleman.

Ruina Bali

was the ruler of the Principality of Valona from 1396 until 1417 (jointly with her husband Mrka arkovi
from 1396 until 1414). She was success her mother Komnena Asanina. In 1391 she had married Mrka arkovi, Serbian
nobleman. According to Italian sources, the principality was called the Kingdom of Serbia during Mrksa'a period. Threatened
by Ottoman expansion, both Bala's widow and Mrka repeatedly offered to surrender Valona and their principality to the
Venetians, but they refused or procrastinated. After Mrka's death in 1415, he was briefly succeeded by his widow Ru ina,
until the Ottomans took the city in 1417. The Venetian bailo at Constantinople tried to obtain the return of the territory to
Ruina, who was a Venetian citizen, or alternatively purchase it for the Republic with up to 8,000 ducats, but nothing came of
it.

Mrka arkovi

(Serbian Cyrillic: , 1363 - 1414) was a Serbian nobleman who was ruler of the
Principality of Valona jointly with his wife Ruina Bali from 1396 until his death in 1414. His father was arko, a leading
nobleman in Zeta after Emperor Stefan Duan's death, mentioned in June 1357 as Emperor Uro's nobleman. Mrka's mother
was Teodora Dejanovi, the daughter of Dejan, one of Stefan Duan's magnates, and Teodora Nemanji , Duan's sister. In
1391, Mrka married Ruina Bali, the daughter of Bala II, a lord in Zeta, and Komnina Asen, daughter of Jovan Asen. As a
dowry Bala II received Valona, Berat, Kanina, and Himar in the south of Albania. After Bala II's death in the Battle of Savra,
his wife Komnina ruled over his territory until 1396, when she became a nun and gave her territories to son-in-law Mrka.
Mrka was able to hold his territories until his death in October 1414. After his death his wife Ru ina tried to transfer Mrka's
possessions to the Republic of Venice in 1415 and 1416, but an agreement was never reached. So in 1417, the whole area
was conquered by the Ottoman Empire.

Jonima Dynasty
The Jonima family (Albanian: Gjonima) was an Albanian noble family that held a territory around Lezh (northern Albania), as
a vassal of Arbr, Serbia and Ottoman Empire, active in the 13th- to the 15th centuries. In some sources members of this
family are referred to as Gonoma, Guonimi, Gjonmi or Ghionoma. The first member of the family was mentioned in sources
dating to the early 13th century as a vassal of Dhimitr Progoni in the Principality of Arbr. Another member of the family,
Vladislav Jonima, is mentioned in sources in 1306, with the title of upan, while in service of Stephen Uro II Milutin of Serbia.
A catholic, he was acknowledged by the Pope as a ruler of a territory around Lezh in 1319. Vladislav Jonima had the title of
Count of Dioclea and of the seaside Albania. After Ottoman victory in the Battle of Savra in 1385, the territory of Albania went
out of the control of Bali family. At the end of 14th century Jonima family reappears in sources when Dhimitr Jonima was
lord of a territory between Mat and Lezh. Dukagjini family and Jonima family struggled against each other for the territory on
the both sides of river Drin while Kastrioti family soon challenged the rule of Dukagjini family over the territory between Mati
and Drin. In 1402, as one of the Albanian nobility that served as an Ottoman vassal, Dhimitr Jonima fought alongside
Bayezid I forces at the Battle of Ankara. The Jonima family was linked to the Zaharia family and the Dushmani family. At the
beginning of the 15th century ufadaj (an important former marketplace on the Adriatic sea, near Lezh) was a possession of
the Jonima family before in 1428 it came under the control of Gjon Kastrioti. After Stefan Jonima, a former outlaw, asked the
Venetian Senate to grant him his former possessions, he was awarded with control of the Kurtes village in 1445. Names of
other notable members of this family include: Vito, Vikt, John, Bitri, Marin, Florio, Fior and Guido.

List of Rulers of Joniam Dynasty

Vladislav Jonima

(Latin: Bladislaus Gonome; middle of 13th century after 1319) was an Albanian and Serbian
nobleman. A member of the Jonima family, he held areas of the Kingdom of Serbia in the regions of Doclea and northern
Albania until the early 1310s. Last mentioned in contemporary documents in 1319, he was a participant of a Catholic coalition
between the noblemen of the Kingdom of Albania led by Philip of Taranto against Milutin of Serbia. ufflay treats him as
undoubtedly a descendant of sevast Jonima, mentioned in Angevin sources dating to 1274. Oliver Jens Schmitt regards his
position in Slavic state and (Slavic) name, despite his non-Slavic (Albanian) ethnicity as a sign of close relations between the
nobilities of the two groups in the region. In 1303 he appears present in the Serbian court. His rank in the hierarchy of the
Serbian Kingdom was below rank of kaznac Miroslav and elnik Branko. In 1306 he held the title of upan in the service of
Serbian King Stephen Uro II Milutin. Jonima was among the witnesses mentioned in a charter issued to Ratac by Serbian King
Milutin in 1306. Jonima was later is mentioned as Count of Doclea and coastal Albania. The areas under his control appear to
be related with the promotion of Catholicism by Queen Helen of Anjou. Mentioned in a papal bull of 1319, Philip I, Prince of
Taranto, who claimed the title Latin Emperor, had succeeded in uniting many lords in the Kingdom of Albania (barones regni
Albanie) south of Scutari: William Arianit, Paul Matarango, count Vladislav Jonima, count Mentol Musachi, commander Andrew
Musachi, protosebastos Theodore Musachi, protosebastos William Blenist and count Kaloyan Blenist.

Dhimitr Jonima

(died 1409) was an Albanian nobleman from the Jonima family. Together with other Albanian
noblemen he is mentioned as a participant of the Battle of Kosovo in 1389. He suffered another defeat from the Ottoman
Empire shortly after the Ottoman forces captured Shkodr in 1393. Then he acted as a mediator between them and Marco
Barbadigo, the husband of Helena Thopia who was at that period in possession of Kruj castle. In 1402, as an Ottoman vassal,
together with other Albanian noblemen, he fought alongside Bayezid I forces, in the Battle of Ankara. After the Ottoman
defeat, he accepted the suzerainty of Venice Republic as vassal of Koja Zaharia. He is last mentioned in the sources in 1409
and it is supposed to have died the same year. After his death, Gjon Kastrioti took possession of Jonima dominions, which
became part of Principality of Kastrioti. Other members of Jonima family are mentioned in Shkodr region later however they
never reached the fame of Dhimitr Jonima. Even long after his death, in 1431, upon the defeat of Gjon Kastrioti from
Ottoman forces, the lands taken from him and once belonging to Jonima family, were registered by Ottomans as vilayet of
Dhimitr Jonima.

Zaharia Dynasty
The Zaharia family was an Albanian noble family that appears for the first time mentioned in the 14th century. A certain
Nicholas Zaharia is first mentioned in 1385 as a Bali family commander and governor of Budva in 1363. After more than
twenty years of fidelity, Nicholas Zaharia revolted in 1386 and became ruler of Budva. However in 1389 ura II Bali
recaptured the city.

List of Rulers of Zaharia Dynasty

Koja Zaharia or Koja Zakaria (Italian: Coia Zaccaria) (died before 1442) was an Albanian nobleman and a member of the
Zaharia family. In Ragusan documents he is referred to as Kojin or Gojin. Because of that many scholars like Nicolae Iorga,
Ludwig Thalloczy and Konstantin Jireek have mistakenly believed he was actually Gojin Crnojevi. His name is rendered by
Robert Elsie as Koja Zacharia or Koja Zakarija. His wife was Boa (Bosa, Boa, Boxia), daughter of Leka Dukagjin who was a
father of Tanush Major Dukagjin. Their children were Lek Zaharia (son), Bolja (daughter) and daughter of unknown name who
married ura uraevi Crnojevi. Koja died sometime before 1442. According to iro Truhelka Bolja Zaharia was married to
Petar Vojsali, while according to Aleksa Ivi she was married to Petar I Pavlovi. Koja's widow Boa died in Scutari on
September 19, 1448 when a lot of people died during a fire in the town. Until 1395 Koja Zaharia was castellan of Sati, which
belonged to a fief of Konstantin Bali and was part of the Lordship of Zeta under ura II Bali. In 1395 Bali ceded Sati
(with Dagnum) together with Scutari and Drivast to the Venetian Republic (in order to create a buffer zone between his Zeta
and the Ottoman Empire), but Zaharia refused to allow the Venetians to take control over Sati. When Koja captured the castle
of Dagnum in 1396 he proclaimed himself the Lord of Sati and Dagnum ("dominus Sabatensis et Dagnensis") and from there
he ruled the territory around it as an Ottoman vassal. In October 1400 Koja proposed to the Venetians to simulate a battle in
which he and his cousin Dhimitr Jonima would pretend to lose their possessions to the Venetians, in exchange for provision
of 500 ducats annually. The Venetians did not promptly respond and Koja returned to the sultan. In 1402, together with other
Albanian noblemen, he fought alongside Bayezid I forces, in the Battle of Ankara. In 1403, a year after the Ottomans were
defeated in the Battle of Ankara, Koja together with his vassal Dhimitr Jonima accepted Venetian suzerainty. During the First
Scutari War between Zeta and Venetian Republic, he supported Venetian forces. Around 1412, Koja's daughter Bolja married
Bala III and in return Bala III allowed him to administer Budva. At that time Koja's other daughter was already married to a
member of uraevii who held most distincted position on Bala's court. To bring Koja even more close Bala appointed him
as castellan of Budva. After the death of Bala III (April 28, 1421), Koja's daughter Bolja together with her two daughters
returned to her family in Dagnum. Koja Zaharia supported Serbian despot Stefan Lazarevi until he was defeated by Venice in
December 1422. Although Venetian admiral Francesco Bembo offered money to Gjon Kastrioti, Dukagjins and to Koja Zaharija
in April 1423 to join the Venetian forces against Serbian Despotate (offering 200 ducats to Koja Zaharia), they refused. In one
period Serbian Despot Stefan intended to financially destroy Koja Zaharia and ordered Ragusan traders to avoid paying taxes
to Koja and to travel to Serbia via Lezhe not trough Koja's Dagnum. When Ishak Bey captured Dagnum from Koja Zaharia in
1430 it was attached to the territory controlled by Ali Beg, while Koja was either imprisoned or expelled. After the Albanian
Revolt of 14321436 was crushed the sultan entrusted Koja's son Lek Zaharia with a position of Dagnum's governor.

Lek Zaharia (died 1444), was an Albanian nobleman from Zaharia family. He was the only son of his father Koja Zaharia
and mother Bosa (or Boa) who also had one daughter, Bolja, who named her son Koja after her father. In 1444 he was one of
the founders of League of Lezh which included some other members of Albanian nobility: Lek Zaharia (lord of Sati and
Dagnum) and his vassals Pal Dukagjin and Nicholas Dukagjini, Peter Spani, Leke Dushmani, George Strez Bali with Ivan and
Gojko Bali, Andrea Thopia with nis nephew Tanush Thopia, George Arianiti Thopia Comneni, Theodor Corona Musachi and
Stefan Crnojevi with his sons. According to Marin Barleti, in 1445 during the ceremony of the marriage of Skanderbeg sister
Mamica Kastrioti, he had a dispute with Lek Dukagjini. The reason of this dispute was a woman named Irene Dushmani, the
heir of Dushmani family. She seemed to prefer Zaharia, while this was not accepted by Dukagjini. A skirmish happened and
Lek Dukagjini remained wounded, saved only by the intervention of Vrana Konti. Two years later, in 1447, Lek Zaharia was
killed in an ambush and Lek Dukagjini was accused for this murder. Original Venetian documents show that this murder
happened in 1444. According to Venetian chronicler Stefano Magno it was Nicholas Dukagjin, Zaharia's vassal, who killed Lek
Zaharia in the battle, not Lek as stated by Marin Barleti. Stefano Magno also stated that, before he died, Lek Zaharia
expressed his wish that his properties should be handed over to Venetian Republic. Having left no heirs, the fortress of
Dagnum was claimed from Skanderbeg in the name of League of Lezh, whose Lek Zaharia was a participant. However, his
mother surrendered the castle to the Venice Republic. This events triggered the Albanian Venetian war which lasted two
years. In the end the castle of Dagnum remained in Venetian hands toward an annual tribute to Skanderbeg.

Pashalik of Scutari
The Pashalik of Iskodra, or Pashalik of Shkodra, (1757-1831) was a semi-autonomous pashalik under the Ottoman
empirecreated by the Albanian Bushati family from the previous Sanjak of Scutari, which was situated around the city
of Shkodr in modern-day Albania and parts of modern-day Montenegro. At its peak during the reign of Kara Mahmud
Bushati the pashalik encompassed much of Albania, large parts of Kosovo, western Macedonia and southwestern Montenegro.

List of Pashas of Scutari

Mehmed (Pasha) Bushati (died

1774) was an Albanian Pasha and a noble of the Bushati family in the Ottoman
vilayet of Shkodra, which nowadays is known as Albania. Mehmet Bushati was also known as Mehmet Plaku (Mehmet the Old)
a title given to him since he was the Sufi Shaykh of the Terzi Esnaf of Shkodra. He is credited with the creation of the Pashalik
of Scutari and ruled it from 1768 until his death in 1774, when he was succeeded by Mustafa Pasha Bushati. During his rule
he managed to subdue the Arab and Berber Muslim pirates of the port cities of Tivar and Ulqin, who together with many
Albanian pirates were disrupting the trade of the Italian city states with the Orient. During the Ruso - Turkish war of 1768
1774 he managed to become the Kapudan-i-derja of the Western Ottoman fleet.

Mustafa (Pasha) Bushati (died

1778) was an Ottoman Pasha and a noble of the Bushati family in Ottoman
controlled Albania. He ruled the Pashalik of Scutari from 1774 until his death in 1778, when he was succeeded by Kara
Mahmud Bushati.

Kara Mahmud Bushati (also

Kara Mahmud Bushatlliu; died 1796) was a noble of the Bushati family
in Ottoman Albania near the city of Shkodr. He was the 3rd Head vizier of the Albanian Pashalik of Scutari from 1778 until
his death in 1796. In the 1780s his rebellious character brought him into conflict with the Ottomans. This conflict is regarded
in Albanian historiography as a bid to create an independent principality. However, the immediate cause of the conflict with
the Ottomans was his clash with the Tosk Pashas of Southern Albania, namely Ali Pasha and Kurd Ahmet Pasha. His major
quarrels were with Montenegro, which he attacked in 1785. During his attacks in Montenegro he even burned Cetinje. During
his conflict with the Southern Albanian Pashas he was approached by the Austrians and Russians who wanted to use him
against the Ottomans. They offered to convert Bushati to Christianity, thus recognizing him as king of Albania. Bushati
accepted this proposal. However, upon learning that they wanted to hand his lands to Montenegro, he rejected their offers in
1788, and beheaded the delegation instead, sending their heads as trophies to the Ottoman Sultan who pardoned him for his
quarrels with the local Pashas. Bushati continued to quarrel with the Ottoman Empire, however, by annexing Kosovo and large
parts of Montenegro and by instituting military and political reforms in his state without permission from the Porte. Through
these efforts, he hoped to create an independent Muslim pashalik free from Ottoman control. To prevent these efforts, the
Ottomans sent an expedition into Bushati's realm and besieged Shkodr, which was garrisoned by Bushati's most faithful
men. The siege was lifted and the Ottoman expedition retreated. The Ottomans sent another expedition into Albania,
besieging Shkodr, but again failed to subdue it. Kara Mahmud Pasha was defeated in his attempt to subdue again
Montenegro in 1796. He was defeated by the Montenegrin clans of Piperi and Bjelopavlii in the Battle of Krusiand was
decapitated by Bogdan Vukov from village Zalaz. His skull is still on display in Cetinjski manastir. His brother Ibrahim
Bushati continued to work with the Ottoman Empire until his death in 1810. Ibrahim served as Beylerbey of Rumelia and
played an important role on crushing the Serbian revolt of Karaore.

Ibrahim

Bushati or Ibrahim

Bushat Pasha (died

1810)
was
a
noble
of
the Bushati family
in Ottoman controlled Albania near the city of Shkodr. He ruled the Pashalik of Scutari from 1896 until his death in 1810. He
was brother of Kara Mahmud Bushati, the Ottoman appointed governor of Shkodr, Albania. During his rule in Shkodra,
Ibrahim was appointed Beylebey of Rumelia in 1805 and took part in the attempt to crush the First Serbian Uprising
under Karaore Petrovi after the Battle of Ivankovac. Ibrahim Bushati is also known to have aided Ali Pasha on various
occasions. In fact Ali Pasha's two sons Muktar Pasha and Veil Pasha are known to have served under the command of Ibrahim
Bushati in 1806. Ibrahim Bushati inherited a very turbulent position at Shkodr, especially after the events of the First Serbian
Uprising and consistently worked closely with the Ottoman Empire right up until his death in 1810. He was succeeded
by Mustafa Reshit Pasha.

Mustafa Reshiti or Mustafa

Reshit Pasha Bushati, (died1860) was an Albanian Ottoman Pasha and a noble of
the Bushati family in Ottoman controlled Albania. In 1810 he succeeded Ibrahim Bushati and ruled Shkodra until 1831.
Mustafa Reshiti supported the forces of Hursid Pasha that eventually crushed the First Serbian Uprising under Karaore
Petrovi in 1813. Mustafa Reshiti also made efforts to support Albanian units in Greece during the turmoil that followed after
the deposition of Ali Pasha. He was suspected to have aided the Janissary and was forcibly removed from power by
Sultan Mahmud II, because of his alleged rebellion against the Turkish Reforms. Later he was appointed
the Wali of Medina where he ruled until 1860.

Republic of Mirdita
The Republic
of
Mirdita (Republika
e
Mirdits) was
a
short-lived
unrecognized
republic
declared
in
northern Albania by Marka Gjoni and his followers. It existed between July 17 and November 20, 1921. Yugoslavia backed
Marka Gjoni who led his Roman Catholic Mirdit tribesmen in a rebellion against the Albanian regency and parliament
established after the World War I. He proclaimed in Rreshen the founding of an independent "Republic of Mirdita". Marka Gjoni
was the only president of the republic. As the republic violated the sovereignty of the Albanian state, Albanian government
troops fought and eventually extinguished the republic. The people from the region of Mirdita, throughout history, were
known to have been pioneers of the Catholic faith against the ruling Muslim Ottomans. During the 15th century the Mirditas
were under the leadership of George Kastrioti - Skenderbeghimself. The Mirditas are said to be the direct brothers of the
Dukagjinas, meaning both regions were directed by one ancestor. Managing to exterminate any Turkish law from taking over
their region, the Mirditas were successful in uniting with the Kurbinas, Lezhjans, Dukagjins, Pukjans, Shkodrans, and Malsors
to preserve their rich European culture, mother religion, and freedom from the more powerful empire. Regardless to success,
there are also failures and tragedies; the Mirditas republic was an overall failure. The minor level Government was run over
by the larger Socialist parties of the Albanian government, more specifically King Zog of Albania. In result to this the former
Mirdita republic was decreased in land size and population by less than half. Now other districts take stake to the annexed
parts of "Old Mirdita" or in Albanians, "Mirdita e Vjeter" (known to by the locals). Mirdita is a region in Albania that took its
name from the widely used Albanian greeting, Good day.

President of Republic of Mirdita

Kapedan Marka Gjoni

(1861-1925) was the chieftain of the Mirdita region and tribe in North Albania. He was founder
and President of Republic of Mirdita short-lived unrecognized republic declared in northern Albania from July 17 until
November 20, 1921.He was born in Orosh. He was assigned as Kaymakam of Mirdita by the Ottoman Empire during the

absence of Prenk Bib Doda who was interned in Anatolia due to his participation in the Albanian League of Prizren. Marka
Gjoni is mostly remembered for the short-lived Mirdita Republic of 1921. Yugoslavia backed Marka Gjoni who led his Roman
Catholic Mirdit tribesmen in a rebellion against the Albanian regency and parliament established after the World War I. He
proclaimed in Rreshen the founding of an independent "Republic of Mirdita". Marka Gjoni was the only president of the
republic. As the republic violated the sovereignty of the Albanian state, Albanian government troops fought and eventually
extinguished the republic. He and his wife Dava had four daughters and one son, Gjon Markagjoni a well-known opponent
of Communist forces during WWII.

Chieftain of the Mirdita region

Gjon Marka Gjoni (1888-1966)

was an Albanian Catholic clan chieftain He was born in Orosh, Mirdit

District, Albania, on 28 August 1888, the only son of Kapidan Marka Gjoni (18611925). His father was
an Albanian clan leader who rebelled against the Albanian government. In 1921 in an alliance with Esadists,
Marka Gjoni founded the Republic of Mirdita in Prizren and served as its president during its short existence.
His republic did not receive recognition by its alleged citizens nor from other countries. Marka Gjoni's
rebellion was extinguished by the Albanian government later that year. Marka Gjoni fled to Yugoslavia,
but later returned to Albania and remained active in the political life of the highlands. Kapidan Gjon
Marka Gjoni married Mrika Pervizit (1883-1969) in 1904, the niece of the Kurbin the Gjok, Bajraktari
Peter Pervizi. They had ten children. After the death of his father, Kapidan Marka Gjoni in 1925, Kapidan
Gjon inherited the responsibility handed down to him as leader of Mirdita. He was often called upon to
intervene in feuds raging within other Mirditi tribes and to preside over the arguments with fairness and
clarity, but most of all to pass on judgments following the guidelines of the Kanun. Although young at the age of 37 he was
already distinguished as a leader of the mission. He was responsible for reconciling many feuds during 1926-1928, leading
Mirdita to become one of the more peaceful regions of the North. Because of his leadership skills in mediating reconciliations
his fame became widely known and many activists and foreign leaders requested to meet him. In 1930 Kapidan Gjon went
to Rome where he was received with high honors from the Italian Government and the Pope. In a conversation with Zog, then
president of Albania, Kapidan Gjon presented his economic views on the poor state of Mirdita. He was told that because of his
ability to keep peace and dealing with problems in Mirdita they would be exempt from any state tax. When Ahmet Zog was
proclaimed king in 1928, all the northern chiefs of the mountains, among them Kapidan Gjon, met with the King. Kapidan
Gjon was the first chief to be allowed a meeting with the King before any of the other leaders. In 1944, Kapidan Gjon, along
with his sons, Mark, Ndue and Lesh, recognizing that the communists did not acknowledge national dialogue, organized an
anti-communist resistance. Thus, Kapidan Mark Gjomarkaj, with full support of his father Kapidan Gjon, founded the "National
Independent Group" in Shkodra, which he developed through his own political activity. After an invincible resistance by the
three sons, Mark, Ndue and Lesh, supported by Kapidan Gjon, and seeing that the communist forces had strengthened,
Kapidan Mark, without telling anyone, had made a decision. He, together with his third brother, Kapidan Llesh, were going to
lead the fight for ethnic Albania, while his father, Kapidan Gjon, and second brother Kapidan Ndue, would go west and
continue the fight against communism, thus not completely extinguishing the Gjomarkaj legacy. Kapidan Mark told his father
and brothers of his decision and after many attempts managed to persuade Kapidan Gjon to leave his beloved Mirdita under
the escort of his second eldest son Kapidan Ndue. In Kastrat on November 27, 1944, they all shook each others hand and the
brothers and father were separated forever. Kapidan Gjon, accompanied by his son Kapidan Ndue, left Mark and Llesh, who
remained in Albania, fighting against communism, until they fell heroically; Mark on June 14, 1946 and Lesh on August 9,
1947. Kapidan Gjon Marka Gjoni, along with esteemed Albanian Professor Ernest Koliqi, made the plan to form a political
organization in exile. This organization was named Independent National Bloc, which was formed on November 6, 1946, in
Rome. Professor Ernest Koliqi, in an article published in Shejzat on May 6, 1966 for Kapidan Gjon would write:
"Those who lived near Kapidan and were fortunate to meet and serve with him, will always remember his generosity and
sharpness. He was lovingly surrounded by us and we will always be thankful that he participated in our discussions without
ever missing a word. He always offered sincere and wise advice and always managed to mesmerize us with his insight. He
was a man who understood everything with a magnificently sharp memory. We will always remember his noble face full of
kindness. We will always remember him as noble and sensitive. Even after years of suffering, his thoughts were always clear
and lucid. Everyone around him was always impressed with his stories of the old world and we were all amazed at the clarity
of his memory.
Kapidan Gjon lived in Rome with his son Kapidan Ndue, wife Maria Teresa and three granddaughters: Maria Cristina, Bianca
Maria and Alessandra. He became seriously ill in 1960. The prognosis was not good. He was given a couple of months to live,
however after a brief stay in the hospital he returned home. His life continued in relative good health and spirits until 1964
when the disease returned. For two years he remained hospitalized. Although losing his voice to the disease he spoke with
light in his eyes, albeit shaded in sadness, sadness for the suffering of his family whom he would never see again. On April
28, 1966, his hand tightly held by his son Ndue, who cared for him all through the illness, he died. He was buried in Rome on
April 30, 1966. His funeral was attended by a multitude of dignitaries, scholars and friends. Telegrams and condolences were
sent by King Leka of Albania, Cardinal Antoniutti and Francesco Jacomoni among others. Professor Zef Valentine said:

"Kapidani Gjon Marka Gjoni of Mirdita was a pillar of the national flag, the flag, which for five centuries, has maintained a
Heroic Mirdita."
In 1969, three years after Kapidan Gjon's death, his son Kapidan Ndue welcomed a son into the family whom he named Gjon,
after his father. Gjon is one of three remaining grandsons of this dynasty. Kapidan Nikoll Gjomarkaj has two sons, Mark and
Sander. All three grandsons will carry on the family name and title of Kapidan. The eldest grandson, also named Gjon, son of
Kapidan Mark, lived in Shkoder, Albania and died in 2003 after a long illness. He has no surviving descendants.

Principality of Albania
The Principality of Albania (Albanian: Principata e Shqipnis` or Shteti Shqiptar) refers to the Albanian Republicduring the
short-lived monarchy in Albania that was headed by William, Prince of Albania and to the state after theFirst World War; the
monarchy was abolished in 1925 and a republic declared. The Great Powers recognized the independence of Albania in
the Treaty of London in May 1913. The Principality was established on February 21, 1914. Albania had been
under Ottoman rule from around 1478. The Great Powers selected Prince William of Wied, a nephew of Queen Elisabeth of
Romania to become the sovereign of the newly independent Albania. A formal offer was made by 18 Albanian delegates
representing the 18 districts of Albania on February 21, 1914, an offer which he accepted. Outside of Albania William was
styled prince, but in Albania he was referred to as Mbret (King) so as not to seem inferior to the King of Montenegro. The first
government under the rule of the House of Wied was a kind of "princes privy council" because of its members, who were
representatives of the Albanian nobility: Prince Turhan Pasha Prmeti (former Governor of Crete and ambassador of
the Ottoman Empire at Saint Petersburg), Aziz Pasha Vrioni, Prince Bib Doda of Gjomarkaj-Mirdita, Prince Essad Pasha Toptani,
Prince George Adamidi bey Frashri, Mihal Turtulli bey Koritza, and others. Prince William arrived in Albania at his provisional
capital of Durrs on March 7, 1914 along with the Royal family. The security of Albania was to be provided by an International
Gendarmerie commanded by Dutch officers. William left Albania on September 3, 1914 following a pan-Islamic revolt initiated
by Essad Pasha and later headed by Haji Kamil, the latter the military commander of the "Muslim State of Central Albania"
centered in Tirana. William never renounced his claim to the throne.

Prince of Principality of Albania

William of Wied,

Prince of Albania (German: Wilhelm Friedrich Heinrich; Albanian: Princ Vidi or Princ Vilhelm Vidi)
( March 26, 1876 April 18, 1945) reigned briefly as sovereign of Principality of Albania as Vidi I from March 7. 1914 until
September 3, 1914 when he left for exile. His reign officially came to an end on January 31, 1925 when the country was
declared a Albanian Republic. Outside the country and in diplomatic correspondence, he was styled "sovereign prince", but
in Albania he was referred to as mbret, or king. He was also styled Skanderbeg II, in homage to Skanderbeg, the national
hero. William was born on
March 26, 1876 in Schloss Neuwied am Rhein, near Koblenz, as Prince William
of Wied (German: Wilhelm Friedrich Heinrich Prinz zu Wied). He was the third son of William, 5th Prince of Wied (brother
of Queen Elisabeth of Romania), and his wife Princess Marie of the Netherlands (sister of Queen Louise of Sweden). His
paternal grandparents were Hermann, Prince of Wied, and Princess Marie of Nassau. Marie was a daughter of William, Duke of
Nassau and his first wife Princess Louise of Saxe-Hildburghausen, the daughter of Frederick, Duke of SaxeAltenburg and Duchess Charlotte Georgine of Mecklenburg-Strelitz. His maternal grandparents were Prince Frederick of the
Netherlands and Princess Louise of Prussia. Louise was a daughter ofFrederick William III of Prussia and Duchess Louise of
Mecklenburg-Strelitz. Prince William served as a Prussian cavalry officer before becoming a captain in the German General
Staff in 1911. Prince William's aunt Queen Elisabeth of Romania, on learning that the Great Powers were looking for a prince
to rule over Albania, asked Take Ionescu to attempt to persuade them to appoint her nephew to the post. Eventually the
European Great Powers Austria-Hungary, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, the French Third Republic,
the German Empire, the Russian Empire and the Kingdom of Italy selected William, a member of the German princely
house ofWied, to rule over newly independent Albania. The announcement was made in November 1913 and the decision
was accepted byIsmail Qemali, the head of the provisional government.The offer of the Albanian throne was first made to him
in the spring of 1913 but he turned it down. Despite rejecting the offer, the Austrians put pressure on Prince William in an
attempt to change his mind. Western Europeans considered Albania to be a poor, lawless and backward country in 1913, and
some foreign opinion was scathing. The French press referred to Wilhelm as "le Prince de Vide", meaning "the prince of
emptiness"; vide being a pun on his homeland of Weid. He let the Great Powers know on February 7, 1914 that he would
accept the throne. On February
21, 1914 a delegation of Albanian notables and arbresh ones (ruled by Luigi
Baffa and Vincenzo Baffa Trasci), led by Essad Pasha Toptani, made a formal request, which he accepted thereby
becoming By the grace of the powers and the will of the people the Prince (Mbret) of Albania . One month after accepting the
throne on March 7, 1914 he arrived in his provisional capital of Durrs and started to organise his government,
appointingTurhan Pasha Prmeti to form the first Albanian cabinet. This first cabinet was dominated by members of nobility
(prince Essad Pasha Toptani defence and foreign affairs, prince George Adamidi bey Fracheryfinances, prince Aziz pacha
Vrioni agriculture). His brief reign proved a turbulent one. Immediately following his arrival revolts of Muslims broke out in
central Albania against his Chief Minister, Essad Pasha, and against foreign domination. Greeceencouraged the formation of
"provisional government of North Epirus". Although an agreement was made to grant extra rights to the Greek minority,
the Hellenic Army occupied Southern Albania excluding Berat andKor. William's position was also undermined by own
officials, notably Essad Pasha himself, who accepted money from Italy to finance a revolt and to stage a coup against William.
Pasha was arrested on May 19, 1914 and tried for treason and sentenced to death. Only the intervention of Italy saved his life
and he escaped to Italy in exile. The outbreak of World War I presented more problems for Prince William as AustriaHungary demanded that he send Albanian soldiers to fight alongside them. When he refused, citing the neutrality of Albania
in the Treaty of London, the remuneration that he had been receiving was cut off. With Albania in a state of civil war since July
1914, Greece occupying the south of the country, the great powers at war with one another, his regime collapsed, and so
Prince William left the country on September 3, 1914 originally heading to Venice. Despite leaving Albania he did so insisting
that he remained head of state. [6] In his proclamation he informed the people that "he deemed it necessary to absent himself
temporarily." He returned to Germany and rejoined the Imperial German Army under the pseudonym "Count of Kruja". The
name derived from the city of Kruj in Albania. When the Austro-Hungarians forced the Serbian and Montenegrian armies out
of Northern Albania in the early months of 1916, William's hopes of being restored were raised although ultimately they came
to nothing. After the war, he still harboured ambitions that he might be restored, but the participants at the Paris Peace
Conference were unlikely to restore to the throne someone who had just fought against them. Although several of the
factions competing for power in postwar Albania billed themselves as regencies for William, once central authority was

definitively restored in 1924 the country was declared a republic on January 31, 1925, officially ending
his reign. With the monarchy in Albania set to be restored with President Ahmet Zogu becoming king,
Prince William reaffirmed his claim to the throne announcing he still claimed the throne for himself and
his heirs. Prince William died in Predeal, near Sinaia, in Romania leaving his son Hereditary Prince
Carol Victor as heir to his Albanian claims. He was buried in the Lutheran church in Bucharest. On
November 30, 1906 at Waldenburg, Saxony, Prince William married Princess Sophie of SchnburgWaldenburg (18851936); she was distantly related to the Orthodox Ghika family of Albanian origin.
They had two children: Princess Marie Eleonore (19091956), Hereditary Prince Carol Victor (1913
1973).

Albanian Kingdom
The Albanian Kingdom (Gheg Albanian: Mbretnija Shqiptare, Standard Albanian: Mbretria Shqiptare) was the official name
of Albania between 1928 and 1939. During this period, Albania was a de facto protectorate of theKingdom of Italy. Albania
was declared a monarchy by the Constituent Assembly, and President Ahmet Bej Zogu was declared King Zog I. The kingdom
was supported by the fascist regime in Italy, and the two countries maintained close relations until Italy's sudden invasion of
the country in 1939. Zog fled into exile and never saw his country again. The Communist Party of Labor of Albania liberated
the country toward the end of World War II, installed a Communist dictatorship and formally deposed Zog.

King of the Kingdom of Albania

Zog I,

Skanderbeg III of the Albanians (Albanian: Nalt Madhnija e Tij Zogu I, Mbreti i Shqiptarvet, IPA: [zu]; October 8,
1895 April 9, 1961), born Ahmet Muhtar Bej Zogolli, was King of Albanian Kingdom from 1928 until 1939. He was previously
Prime Minister of Albania (19221924) and President of Albania (19251928). Zog was born Ahmet Muhtar Bej Zogolli
in Burgajet Castle, near Burrel in the Ottoman Empire, second son to Xhemal Pasha Zogolli, and first son by his second
wife Sadij Toptani in 1895. His family was a beylik family of landowners, with feudal authority over the region of Mati. His
mother's Toptani family claimed to be descended from the sister of Albania's greatest national hero, the 15th-century
general Skanderbeg. He was educated at Lyce Imprial de Galatasaray in Constantinople, then the seat of the
decayingOttoman Empire, which controlled Albania. Upon his father's death in about 1908, Zogolli became governor of Mat,
being appointed ahead of his elder brother, Xhelal Bey Zogolli. In 1912, he signed the Albanian Declaration of
Independence as the representative of the Mat District. As a young man during the First World War, Zogolli volunteered on
the side of Austria-Hungary. He was detained at Vienna in 1917 and 1918 and in Rome in 1918 and 1919 before returning to
Albania in 1919. During his time in Vienna, he grew to enjoy a Western European lifestyle. Upon his return, Zogolli became
involved in the political life of the fledgling Albanian government that had been created in the wake of the First World War. His
political supporters included many southern feudal landowners (called beys, Turkish for "province chieftain", the social group
to which he belonged) and noble families in the north, along with merchants, industrialists, and intellectuals. During the early
1920s, Zogolli served as Governor of Shkodr (19201921), Minister of the Interior (MarchNovember 1920, 19211924), and
chief of the Albanian military (19211922). His primary rivals were Luigj Gurakuqi and Fan S. Noli. In 1922, Zogolli formally
changed his surname from the turkified Zogolli to Zogu, which in the Albanian language means "bird". In 1923, he was shot
and wounded in Parliament. A crisis arose in 1924 after the assassination of one of Zogu's industrialist opponents,Avni
Rustemi; in the aftermath, a leftist revolt forced Zogu, along with 600 of his allies, into exile in June 1924. He returned to
Albania with the backing of Yugoslav forces and Yugoslavia-based White Russian troops under General Wrangel and
became Prime Minister. Zogu was officially elected as the first President of Albania by the Constituent Assembly on 21
January 1925, taking office on 1 February for a seven-year term. Zogu's government followed the European model, though
large parts of Albania still maintained a social structure unchanged from the days of Ottoman rule, and most villages were
serf plantations run by the Beys. On June 28, 1925, Zogu ceded Sveti Naum to Yugoslavia as a gesture of recognition to the
Yugoslav aid to him. Zogu enacted several major reforms. Zogu's principal ally during this period was Italy, which lent his
government funds in exchange for a greater role in Albania's fiscal policy. During Zogu's presidency, serfdom was gradually
eliminated. For the first time since the death ofSkanderbeg, Albania began to emerge as a nation, rather than a feudal
patchwork of local Beyliks. His administration was marred by disputes with Kosovar leaders, primarily Hasan
Prishtina and Bajram Curri. On 1 September 1928 General Zogu was crowned King of the Albanians (Mbret i
Shqiptarve inAlbanian), and declared Field Marshal of the Royal Albanian Army on the same day. He proclaimed
aconstitutional monarchy similar to the contemporary regime in Italy, created a strong police force, and instituted the Zogist
salute (flat hand over the heart with palm facing downwards). He claimed to be a successor of Skanderbeg, through descent
through Skanderbeg's sister. Zog hoarded gold coins and precious stones, which were used to back Albania's first paper
currency. Zog's mother, Sadije, was declared Queen Mother of Albania, and Zog also gave his brother and sisters Royal status
as Prince and Princesses Zogu. One of his sisters, Senije, Princess Zogu (c18971969), married His Imperial Highness Prince
Shehzade Mehmed Abid Efendi of Turkey, a son of Sultan Abdul Hamid II. Zog attempted to reinforce his regime's legitimacy
further by ruling as a constitutional monarch. His kingdom's constitution forbade any Prince of the Royal House from serving
as Prime Minister or a member of the Cabinet and contained provisions for the potential extinction of the Royal Family.
Ironically, in light of later events, the constitution also forbade the union of the Albanian throne with that of any other country.
Under the Zogist constitution, the King of the Albanians, like the King of the Belgians, exercised Royal powers only after
taking an oath before Parliament; Zog himself swore an oath on the Bible and the Qur'an (the king being Muslim) in an

attempt to unify the country. In 1929, King Zog abolished Islamic law in Albania, adopting in its place
a civil code based on the Swiss one, as Ataturk's Turkey had done in the same decade Although
born as an aristocrat and hereditary Bey, King Zog was somewhat ignored by other monarchs in
Europe because he had no links to the well-known European royal families. Nonetheless, he did have
strong connections with Muslim royal families in the Arab World, particularly Egypt, whose ruling
dynasty had Albanian origins. As King, he was honoured by the governments of Italy, Luxembourg,
Egypt, Yugoslavia, France, Romania, Greece, Belgium, Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland, Czechoslovakia,
and Austria. King Zog of Albania was a heavy smoker. He had been engaged to the daughter
of Shefqet Bey Verlaci before he became king. Soon after his coronation, however, he broke off the
engagement. According to traditional customs of blood vengeance prevalent in Albania at the time,
Verlaci had the right to kill Zog. The king frequently surrounded himself with a personal guard and
avoided public appearances. He also feared that he might be poisoned, so the Mother of the King
assumed supervision of the Royal Kitchen. During his reign he reputedly survived more than 55
assassination attempts. One of these occurred on 21 February 1931, while visiting the Vienna State Opera house for a
performance of Pagliacci. The attackers struck whilst Zog was getting into his car, and he survived by firing back with a pistol
that he always carried. In April 1938 Zog marriedCountess Geraldine Apponyi de Nagy-Apponyi, a Roman
Catholic aristocrat who was half-Hungarian and half-American. The ceremony was broadcast throughout Tirana via Radio
Tirana that will be officially launched by the monarchs 5 months later. Their only child, HRH Crown Prince Leka, was born in
Albania on April 5, 1939. The fascist government of Benito Mussolini's Italy had supported Zog since early in his presidency;
that support had led to increased Italian influence in Albanian affairs. The Italians compelled Zog to refuse to renew the First
Treaty of Tirana (1926), although Zog still retained British officers in the Gendarmerie as a counterbalance against the
Italians, who had pressured Zog to remove them. During the worldwide depression of the early 1930s Zog's government
became almost completely dependent on Mussolini, to the point that the Albanian national bank had its seat in Rome. Grain
had to be imported, many Albanians emigrated, and Italian settlers were allowed to settle in Albania. In 1932 and 1933,
Albania was unable to pay the interest on its loans from the Society for the Economic Development of Albania, and the
Italians used this as a pretext for further dominance. They demanded that Tirana put Italians in charge of the Gendarmerie,
join Italy in a customs union, and grant the Italian Kingdom control of Albania's sugar, telegraph, and electrical monopolies.
Finally, Italy called for the Albanian government to establish teaching of the Italian language in all Albanian schools, a
demand that was swiftly refused by Zog. In defiance of Italian demands, he ordered the national budget to be slashed by 30
percent, dismissed all Italian military advisers, and nationalized Italian-run Roman Catholic schools in the north of Albania to
decrease Italian influence on the population of Albania. In 1934, he tried without success to build ties with France, Germany,
and the Balkan states, and Albania drifted back into the Italian orbit. Two days after the birth of his son and heir, on April 7,
1939 (Good Friday), Mussolini's Italy invaded, facing no significant resistance. The Albanian army was ill-equipped to resist, as
it was almost entirely dominated by Italian advisors and officers and was no match for the Italian Army. The Italians were,
however, resisted by small elements in the gendarmerie and general population. The Royal Family, realising correctly that
their lives were in danger, fled into exile. "Oh God, it was so short" were King Zog's last words to Geraldine on Albanian
soil. Count Ciano, the Italian Foreign Minister, arrived the following day; on searching the Palace in Tirana, he found the labour
room in the Queen's suite; seeing a pile of linen on the floor, stained by the afterbirth, he kicked it across the room. "The cub
has escaped!" he said. Mussolini declared Albania a protectorate under Italy's King Victor Emmanuel III. While some Albanians
continued to resist, "a large part of the population ... welcomed the Italians with cheers", according to one contemporary
account. Prior to the birth of Prince Leka, the position of Heir Presumptive was held by Prince of Kosova ( Kosovo) Tati Esad
Murad Kryziu, born December 24, 1923 in Tirana, who was the son of the King's sister, Princess Nafije. He became honorary
General of the Royal Albanian Army in 1928, at age five. He was made Heir Presumptive with the style of His Highness and
title of "Prince of Kosova" (Princ i Kosovs) in 1931. After the Royal House's exile, he moved to France, where he died in
August 1993, aged 69. The royal family settled in England, first at The Ritz in London, followed by a brief stay in the
Sunninghill/south Ascot area in Berkshire in 1941 (near where Zog's nieces had been at school in Ascot). In 1941 they moved
to Parmoor House, Parmoor, near Frieth in Buckinghamshire with some staff of the court living in locations around Lane End.
In 1946, King Zog and most of his family left England and went to live in Egypt at the behest of King Farouk, who
was overthrown in 1952. The family left for France in 1955. In 1951, Zog bought the Knollwood estate in Muttontown, New
York. The sixty-room estate was never occupied and Zog sold the estate in 1955. He made his final home in France, where he
died at the Hpital Foch, Suresnes, Hauts-de-Seine on April 9, 1961, aged 65, after being seriously ill for some time. He was
survived by his wife and son, and is buried at the Thiais Cemetery in Paris. On his death, his son Leka was pronounced H.M.
King Leka of the Albanians by the exiled Albanian community. His widow, Queen Geraldine, died of natural causes in 2002 at
the age of 87 in a military hospital in Tirana, Albania. Albania's communist rulers abolished the monarchy in 1946, but, even
in exile, the royal family insisted that Leka Zogu was Albania's legitimate ruler until his death on 30 November 2011.
During World War II, there were three resistance groups operating in Albania: the nationalists, the royalists and the
communists. Some of the Albanian establishment opted for collaboration. The communist partisans refused to co-operate
with the other resistance groups and took control of the country. They were able to defeat the last Nazi remnants as the war
ended, with the help of British arms and aid. Zog attempted to reclaim his throne after the war. Sponsored by the British and
Americans, some forces loyal to Zog attempted to mount invasions and incursions, but most were ambushed due to
intelligence sent to the Soviet Union by spy Kim Philby - Albania now had a Communist government led by Enver Hoxha, who
remained in power for 45 years. A referendum in 1997 proposed to restore the monarchy in the person of Zog's son Leka
Zogu who, since 1961, has been styled "Leka I, King of the Albanians". The official but disputed results stated that about twothirds of voters favoured a continued republican government. HM King Leka, believing the result to be fraudulent, attempted
an armed uprising: he was unsuccessful and was forced into exile, although he later returned and lived in Tirana until his
death on 30th November 2011. A main street in Tirana was later renamed "Boulevard Zog I" by the Albanian government.

Heads of House of Zogu (1939Present, not ruling)

Leka,

Crown Prince of Albania (also known as King Leka I; April 5, 1939 November 30, 2011),
was the only son of King Zog I of the Albanians and his queen consort, born Countess Graldine
Apponyi de Nagyappony. He was called Crown Prince Skander at birth. Leka was pretender to
the Albanian throne and was referred to as King Leka I by Albanian monarchists and some
members of the media. King Zog I of the Albanians was forced into exile only two days after the
birth of Crown Prince Leka due to the Italian invasion of Albania. Shortly after, he was replaced on
the throne of Albania by Victor Emmanuel III of Italy an action the King of Italy would later plead
personal forgiveness for. Count Ciano, the Italian Foreign Minister, arrived in the immediate
aftermath of the invasion. On searching the Palace in Tirana he found the 'labour room' in the
Queen's suite; seeing a pile of linen on the floor, stained by theafterbirth, he kicked it across the
room. "The cub has escaped" he said. Crown Prince Leka began life in exile in various countries.
After travelling across Europe, the Royal Family settled in England, first at the Ritz Hotel in London,
then moving for a very short period in 1941 to Sunninghill near Ascot in Berkshire, and then in 1941 to Parmoor
House, Parmoor, near Frieth in Buckinghamshire. After the war, Zog, Queen Geraldine and Leka moved temporarily to Egypt,
where they lived at the behest of King Farouk I. Through his mother, Leka has some attested distant mediaeval roots
in Albania, whereas his father's much closer Albanian ancestry cannot be historically attested, except by oral history as far as
the Middle Ages. The Zogu family where one of the main Principalities that fought beside the Albanian
hero Skanderbeg against the invading Turks, and Mamica Kastriot (Skanderbeg's sister) reputedly married into the Toptani
family, which King Zog's mother came from. Leka was educated at Parmoor House, and then at English schools in Egypt and
at Aiglon College, Villars-sur-Ollon, Switzerland. Fluent in many languages he also studied economics at the Sorbonne and
passed out of the Royal Military Academy, Sandhurst, England. Following this he was commissioned as a Second Lieutenant in
the British Army. He had since made his money with successful business deals in commodities. Leka became heir apparent of
the abolished throne on April 5, 1957. On the death of King Zog in 1961, Leka was proclaimed King of the Albanians by a
convened Albanian National Assembly-in-Exile, in a function room at the Hotel Bristol, Paris. He also holds the position of 2nd
Sovereign Head of the Order of Skanderbeg, the Order of Fidelity and the Order of Bravery. In 1975, Leka
married Australian citizen and former teacher Susan Cullen-Ward in Biarritz. They were married in a civil ceremony in
the Htel de Ville, Biarritz. The wedding reception, at a five-star Toledo Roadhouse, was attended by members of other exiled
royal families, loyal Albanians and friends, who toasted "Long live the King". The couple returned to Madrid, where they were
befriended by King Juan Carlos and continued to enjoy the attentions of Albanianswhile awaiting what they knew must be the
fall of Communism. But when it was discovered that Leka not only retained some Thaibodyguards, but had what was
described as an arms cache in their home, the Spanish Government asked him to leave. That Leka had some reason for his
fears was proved when his plane arrived at Gabon for refueling, to find it was being surrounded by local troops, who were said
to have been hired to capture him by the Albanian government. He saw them off by appearing at the plane's door with
abazooka in his hand. The couple went on to Rhodesia but, after Robert Mugabe took power, they settled in a large compound
nearJohannesburg where they were given diplomatic status by the South African Government. Leka spent many years exiled
in Bryanston, South Africa, where his son, Prince Leka Anwar Zog Reza Baudouin Msiziwe, was born. He eventually returned to
Albania, settling in Tirana, Albania, where his wife, Crown Princess Susan, died on July 17, 2004. In 1993 he entered Albania
for the first time (since being exiled aged a few days old in 1939), doing so under a passport issued by his own Royal Courtin-exile. In this passport, which the Albanian government had refused to recognise previously, Leka listed his profession as
"King". Leka was greeted by a crowd of approximately 500 supporters on his arrival at the airport. He stated at this time that
he would renounce this passport and accept the status of a normal citizen if a referendum on the monarchy failed. During
the 1997 rebellion in Albania, Leka returned again, this time being greeted by 2,000 supporters. A referendum was held in
Albania concerning a monarchical restoration. After a recount it was announced that the restoration was rejected by
approximately two-thirds of those voting. The King questioned the independence of the election. Police intervened, gunfire
broke out, one person was killed, and Leka fled. In 2011 Salih Berisha who was President at the time admitted: "By 2003, the
Albanian Parliament passed the law that recognized the attributes of the Royal Family and it was a right decision. Also I
remind you that even the referendum was held in the context of flames of the communist rebellion and therefore cannot be
considered a closed matter. The Stalinist principle of: you vote, but I count the votes was applied in that referendum. But,
the fact of the matter is the Albanians voted massively for their King, but the referendum failed to meet quotas as it was
manipulated." When asked if he intended to leave Albania he replied: "Why? It is my country." After leaving Albania of his
own accord he was tried and sentenced to three years imprisonment for sedition, in absentia; this conviction was pardoned in
March 2002, when 72 members of Parliament asked the royal family to return. Leka was backed by the Legality Party, which
formed a coalition with other parties in Albania. Leka, however, did not vote, stating that I am above all political parties, even
my own. Leka was head of the Movement for National Development, however, in February 2006, he announced he would be
withdrawing from political and public life. He died on November 30, 2011 in Mother Teresa Hospital, Tirana. He was buried
next to his wifes and mothers grave at the public Sharra cemetery in a Tirana suburb.

Leka of the Albanians (Leka Anwar

Zog Reza Baudouin Msiziwe Zogu, born March 26, 1982) is the only child of the
late Leka, Crown Prince of Albania, and the late Susan Cullen-Ward. Prince Leka is an official at the Albanian Ministry of
Interior and in the past has served at the Albanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The prince is referred by some Albanian
monarchists as King Leka II, since the death of his father, who was known as Leka I as King of the Albanians. In May 2010, the
Prince was engaged to Elia Zaharia, an Albanian actress and singer. On November 30, 2011, he succeeded as head of
the House of Zogu, titular King of the Albanians, and 3rd Sovereign Head of the Order of Besa and of the Order of
Skanderbeg, upon the death of his father. Leka is the son of the late pretender to Albania's throne, Crown Prince Leka I, and
his wife Susan Cullen-Ward. At the time of his birth, the South African government declared his maternity ward temporarily
Albanian territory to ensure that Leka was born on Albanian soil. He was named in honor of Egyptian president Anwar El
Sadat, his grandfather King Zog I, ShahMohammad-Rez Shh Pahlavi of Iran, and Baudouin I, King of the Belgians
(his godfather). Msiziwe is a Zulu honorific. Leka is a member of the Zogu dynasty founded by King Zog and also is a
hereditary bey (Albanian tribal chieftain and traditional land owner) of the Gheg clan. Leka's secondary school education
took place at St Peter's College, Johannesburg. In December 2006, he graduated from Sandhurst Military Academy, United

Kingdom, as the Best foreign student of the Academy. He was subsequently congratulated by
the Albanian Minister of Defense for this achievement. He also has completed studies at
the Universit per Stranieri in Perugia, Italy, for the Italian Language. He subsequently has also
completed training at the Albanian Military Academy Skanderbej. He is studying international
relations. Prince Leka, who was featured in the cover story, "Young and Royal", of Vanity Fair in
September 2003, resides in Tirana, is fluent inAlbanian, and English, and also speaks
some Zulu and Italian. He owns boxer dogs and his personal interests include martial arts,
volleyball and swimming. He is also fond of wildlife and leads a very active life, taking part in and supporting mountain
climbing and other outdoor sports, such as abseiling and target shooting. In April 2004 he accepted the Mother Teresa
Medal in behalf of his late grandmother, Queen Geraldine, for her humanitarian efforts. He is known to have worked with
youth organizations, like MJAFT!, and supported a wide range of humanitarian efforts in Albania, but maintains that he only
supports "self-help" projects to stimulate Albanian and Kosovar economic growth, Gazeta Sot. Prince Leka is also known as a
supporter of Kosovo independence from Serbia and has close ties with the Kosovo leadership inPristina. Iliria Royal
University in Pristina and Tirana is styled as regal and functions under his guidance. Prince Leka also founded the Youth
leadership of the "Movement for National Development" which was a movement created by his father to change the political
face of Albania in 2005. On 21 August 2007 the Foreign Minister of Albania, Mr. Lulzim Basha, announced that Prince Leka II
had been appointed to his cabinet. The prince intended to pursue a career in diplomacy. After two years he transferred to the
office of the Minister of Interior. Since 2011 Lulzim Basha has been Mayor of Tirana. Prince Leka II is the President of the
Albanian Golf Federation On 24 June 2010 Prince Leka unveiled a blue plaque at Parmoor House in Buckinghamshire, England
former home of King Zog during their wartime exile.

List of Prime Ministers of Albania (1912Present)

Provisional Government of Albania (19121914)
Ismail Qemal Bej Vlora or commonly Ismail

Qemali and in Turkish smail Kemal Bey or smail

Kemal Vlora (January 16, 1844 January 24, 1919), was a distinguished leader of the Albanian national
movement, founder of the modern Albanian state and its first head of state and government from
November 29, 1912 until January 22, 1914. He was born in Avlonya (present-day Vlor) to a noble family.
Having finished the primary education in his hometown, and the gymnasium Zosimea in Ioannina, in 1859
he moved to Istanbul where he embarked on a career as an Ottoman civil servant, being identified with
the liberal reform wing of the service under Midhat Pasha, and was governor of several towns in the
Balkans. During these years he took part in efforts for the standardization of the Albanian alphabet and
the establishment of an Albanian cultural association. By 1877, Ismail seemed to be on the brink of
important functions in the Ottoman administration, but when Sultan Abdulhamid IIdismissed Midhat as prime minister, Ismail
Qemali was sent into exile in western Anatolia, though the Sultan later recalled him and made him governor of Beirut.
However, his liberal policy recommendations caused him to fall out of favour with the Sultan again, and in May 1900 Ismail
Qemali boarded the British ambassador's yacht and claimed asylum. He was conveyed out of Turkey and for the next eight
years lived in exile, working both to promote constitutional rule in the Ottoman Empire and to advance the Albanian national
cause within it. After the Young Turk Revolution of 1908, he became a deputy in the restored Ottoman Parliament, working
with liberal politicians and the British. In 1909, during a rising against the Young Turks, he was briefly made President of the
Ottoman National Assembly but was forced to leave Istanbul forever a day or two later. Thereafter his political career
concentrated solely on Albanian nationalism. During the Albanian Revolt of 1911 he joined the leaders of the revolt at
meeting in a village in Montenegro (Gere) on 23 June and together they draw up "Gere Memorandum" (sometimes referred
to as "Red Book" because of the color of its covers) which addressed their requests both to Ottoman Empire and Europe (in
particular to the Great Britain). He was a principal figure in the Albanian Declaration of Independence and the formation of an
independent government of Albania in November 28, 1912. This signaled the end of almost 500 years of Ottoman rule in
Albania. Together with Luigj Gurakuqi, he raised the flagon the balcony of the two-story building in Vlor where the
Declaration of Independence had just been signed. He was prime minister of Albania from 1912 to 1914. During World War I,
Ismail Qemali lived in exile in Paris, where, though short of funds, he maintained a wide range of contacts and collaborated
with the correspondent of the continental edition of the Daily Mail, Somerville Story, to write his memoirs. His autobiography,
published after his death, is the only memoir of a late Ottoman statesman to be written in English and is a unique record of a
liberal, multicultural approach to the problems of the dying Empire. In 1918 Ismail Qemali travelled to Italy to promote
support for his movement in Albania, but was prevented by the Italian government from leaving Italy and remained as its
involuntary guest in a hotel in Perugia, much to his irritation. He died of an apparent heart attack at dinner there one
evening. Ismail Qemali is depicted on the obverses of the Albanian 200 lek banknote of 19921996 and of the 500 lek
banknote issued since 1996.

Principality of Albania (19141925)

Fejzi (Bej) Alizoti (22

September 1876, Gjirokastr 1945, Tirana) was an Albanian politician and interim Prime
Minister of Albania from January 22 until March 7, 1914. Alizoti was Minister of Finances of Albania in 19181920, 1927 and
during the Italian occupation in Shefqet Verlaci's government from April 12, 1939 to 1940.

Turhan Prmeti (1839 Prmet

1927) was an Albanian politician in the Ottoman Empire and later Prime
Minister of Albania from March 7 until September 3, 1914 and from December 25, 1918 until January 29, 1920.. Among the
Ottoman posts he occupied were Governor of Crete 1895 and 1896, and ambassador in Saint Petersburg. He was a
fluentGreek speaker and considered a capable though rather indecisive administrator. His governorship of Crete ended with

the insurrection of May 24, 1896 that eventually led to the loss of the island by the Ottoman Empire. He
served as Prime Minister of Albania in 1914, and then again in 19181920. Succeeding Fejzi Bej Alizoti, he
became Albanias third prime minister and the first to serve under Prince Wied. Prmetis contemporaries
argued that, because he had lacked affiliation with the Albanian national cause, he was not familiar with the
needs of Albanians. His premiership was interrupted by Albanian discontent twice. He was overthrown
by Essad Pasha in 1914, and then by the Congress of Lushnj in 1920.

Essad Pasha Toptani or Esad

Pasha Toptani (Albanian: Esad Pash Toptani,

ca. 1863 June
13, 1920), primarily known as Essad Pasha, was Ottoman army officer and third
Prime Minister
of Albania from September 3, 1914 until February 24, 1916, Albanian deputy
in Ottoman
parliament and politician in the early twentieth century in Albania. He was
cooperating
with the Balkan League after the Balkan Wars and established a state in central
Albania, based
inDurrs, called the Republic of Central Albania. Essad Pasha was born in 1863
in Tirana, Otto
man Empire (today Republic of Albania). He belonged to prominent landowning
family Toptani
which founded contemporary Tirana. He became a supporter of the Young
Turks following
the assassination of his brother (Gani Bey Toptani) by forces loyal to Sultan Abdul
Hamit II. He
served as deputy for Albania in the Ottoman parliament and was proclaimed as
Albanian king in
Absentia for a few days in June 1920, before his assassination. During the Albanian
Revolt of 1912 Essad Pasha Toptani obliged himself to organize the uprising in Central Albania and Mirdita. He was one of the
commanders of the Ottoman forces at Scutari, until the city surrendered to Montenegro in 1913 in the First Balkan War. Essad
Pasha was allowed in return to leave the town with his army and all their weaponry to become involved in the struggle over
power in central Albania.] Official Serbia simultaneously helped a number of other small tribal chiefs who resisted Ismail
Qemali's government, directing them towards cooperation with Essad Pasha. He was accused of fomenting a Peasant Revolt
in Albania against William of Wied. Essad Pasha was exiled to Italy, without trial, but returned to Albania following the ouster
of William in September by the movement of the Peasant Revolt in Albania. In autumn 1914 he decided to accept invitation of
Senate of the Central Albania to return to Albania to take over the power. First, he had to provide financial backing for his
government. Therefore he travelled to Ni, Kingdom of Serbia, where he and Serbian prime minister Pai signed the
secret Treaty of Serbian-Albanian Alliance on September 17, 1914. In October 1914 Essad Pasha returned to Albania.
With Italian and Serbian financial backing he established armed forces in Dibr and captured interior of Albania and Dures.
Serbian Prime Minister Nikola Pai ordered that his followers be aided with money and arms.Though his rule was not stable
because of the First World War. In the end of 1914, Essad secretly agreed with the Greek government to support the
annexation of the southern provinces, known to Greeks as Northern Epirus, to the Kingdom of Greece. He also succeeded in
controlling much of central Albania until 1916, when he left for Serbia and Greece to help them in their war against AustriaHungary. After the war, he travelled to France, to represent Albania at theParis Peace Conference. For the next two years,
Essad Pasha remained in Paris, attempting to organize recognition for Albania from the Great Powers and reject the
secret pact of London, which planned the division of Albania. During this time Tirana and much of central Albania was
controlled by his Field Commander, Osman Bali. On June 13, 1920, Avni Rustemi assassinated Essad Pasha in Paris when he
left Hotel Continental. Although living in Paris and away from legislative governing of Albania, Essad Pasha claimed to still be
the ruler of the state and attempted to represent Albania in the Paris Peace Conference. The governmental delegation didn't
permit him to do so as they were going to represent Albania themselves. The assassination was largely seen as a heroic act
as it has historically been seen as a signal of a new bourgeois revolution against the feudal traditions of Albania and a
crossing bridge in the newly democratic-bourgeois values.

Sulejman Delvina (October

5, 1884, Delvin - August 1, 1932, Vlor) was an Albanian politician

and Prime Minister from January 30 until November 14, 1920. Sulejman Delvina was born in Delvin, modern
southern Albania on October 5, 1884. In 1899 he graduated from the Mekteb-i Mlkiye (modern Faculty of
Political Sciences of Ankara University). He married the sister of Xhafer Villa, later Minister of Foreign Affairs. In
1919 he was the representative of the Albanian communities of the Ottoman Empire in the Paris Peace
Conference. In 1924 Sulejman Delvina was one of the leaders of the revolution that overthrew the regime
of Zog I, King of Albania and established a democratic government. Fan S. Noli became the new Prime Minister,
while Sulejman Delvina was part of the new cabinet as Minister of Foreign Affairs. He died on August 1, 1932 in Vlor.

Iliaz Vrioni (1882

March 17, 1932) was an Albanian politician and land owner. He served as Prime
Minister of Albania three times, the first time from November 19, 1920 until October 16, 1921, the second
time from May 27 until June 10, 1924 and the third time from December 24, 1924 until January 5, 1925.
Iliaz Vrioni was born in 1882 in Berat, Province of Ioannina of the Ottoman Empire and died in Paris in 1932.
He was Member of the great Beyfamily of Berat, Fier and Myzeqe, formerly cities and regions of the
Ottoman Province of Ioannina, presently in Albania. He was son of Mehmet Ali Pasha Vrioni, a high dignitary
of the administration of the Ottoman Empire. Iliaz Vrioni was one of the signatories of the Albanian
Declaration of Independence in 1912. He served three times as Prime Minister and five times as Minister of
Foreign Affairs. He died in Paris in 1932, while serving his second mandate as the Plenipotentiary Minister of the Kingdom of
Albania to Paris and London. Iliaz Vrioni was decorated in 1920s with the order of Grand officier de la Lgion d'honneur of the
French Republic. He was also Signatory of the Albanian Declaration of Independence: 28 November 1912, Minister of Foreign
Affairs of Albania: March 30, 1924 May 27, 1924, December 24, 1924 January 5, 1925, February 12, 1927 October 21,
1927, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Albania and Vice-Minister of Justice: October 26, 1927 May 21, 1928, Minister of Foreign
Affairs of Albania: May 11, 1928 September 1, 1928, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Albania: September 5, 1928 January 13,
1929, Plenipotentiary Minister of Albania in Paris and London: 1925 1926, Plenipotentiary Minister of Albania in Paris et
London: 1929 1932.

Pandeli Evangjeli (1859

September 14, 1949) was an Albanian politician and Prime Minister of

Albania twice, the first time from October 16 until December 6, 1921 and from March 6, 1930 until October
16, 1935. He was the first Orthodox Christian to become chief of the Albanian government. Born in Kor in
1859, Evangjeli became prefect of his native city in 1914, after he had emigrated to Romania. In 1896 he
was co-founder of the Albanian patriotic club in Bucharest. At the end of World War I has been delegated by
the Albanian colony in Romania as its representative at the Versailles conference. After the international
recognition of the independence of Albania in 1920, he held high positions. October 16, 1921 he was
appointed prime minister. After less than two months in office was forced to resign December 6, 1921 for
being too ambitious and succumbing to the influence of independent Ahmed Zogu. His resignation triggered the ongoing
cabinet crisis over a month. Later, he held various positions Evangjeli government, including serving as Minister of Foreign
Affairs and President of the Albanian Parliament. For the second time the Prime Minister was March 6, 1930, his government
was forced to deal with the escalation of many internal problems, the immediate reason for his resignation on October 16,
1935 was a famine that struck the country. The new Prime Minister was Mehdi Frashri. Evangjeli was 1939 year retired from
politics.

Qazim Koculi (August

22, 1887 January 2, 1943) was an Albanian politician of the early 20th
century and one-day acting Prime Minister of Albania on December 6, 1921. He was also a distinguished
military leader, having won the Vlora War in 1920, as the principal military commander of the Albanian
forces. Qazim, son of Muhamet Kociu, was born Qazim Muhameti in 1887, in the village of Koculi, close
to Vlor (in the then Ottoman Empire, now modern Albania). Koculi received his primary education in Vlor
and later moved to Ioannina, Greece to attend the Zosimea Gymnasium. He accomplished his higher
education at the Kara Harp Okulu Turkish Military Academy, graduating as a Temen(Second Lieutenant).
He was appointed to the Ottoman Navy as a stemen (First Lieutenant). He disobeyed a military order in
1909 during a naval battle in Preveza by refusing to surrender to the Italian Navy. After a warrant for his
arrest was issued by the Imperial Command, Koculi fled to Argentina, where he resided until 1912. He then returned to Vlor
upon the invitation of President Ismail Qemali. The latter appointed him Director of the Port of Vlor, a position he held until
the takeover of the port by the Italians in October 1914. He withdrew to Brataj, Vlor and served as a village chief until 1917.
He later served as vice prefect of Tepelen until 1919. Koculi represented Vlor in the Congress of Lushnj, a constituent
assembly held in January 1920, and was hence appointed member of parliament. He was also Prefect of Vlor on May 29,
1920. At the same time he was appointed commander-in-chief of the Vlora War Committee. Koculi led his army to victory over
the Italian forces in the Battle of Vlora, at the end of which, on September 3, 1920, he marched into the city and took back
the duties of the Vlor prefecture. Upon the establishment of a democratic government by the Congress of Lushnj, the first
elections for the national legislature were held on April 5, 1921, Koculi won the Vlor district. Koculi was Minister of Public
Works in the Government of Fan Noli by pursuing a policy of opposition to King Zogu. He later (1943) became a member of
the Albanian Fascist Party and became an instrument of the oppressorsKoculi was murdered by the communist Albanian
guerrillas while he was trying to negotiate on behalf of the Fascist Party that peace between the Fascist regime and the
communist guerrillas was possible.

Hasan Prishtina originally

known as Hasan Berisha (born 1873 in Vtrn (now Vuitrn), Kosovo Province, Ottoman
Empire died 1933 in Thessaloniki, Greece) was an Albanian politician, who served as Prime Minister of Albania from
December 7 until December 12, 1921. According to Ivo Banac and Miranda Vickers, Hasan was a member of the ikovic
clan. His father Ahmed Berisha moved fromPoljance, Drenica region to Vushtri (known as Vucitrn) in 1871. His son, Hasan
Berisha was born in Poljance in 1873. After finishing the French gymnasium in Thessaloniki, he studied politics and law
in Istanbul. He initially supported the Young Turks and was elected to the Turkish parliament in 1908. He changed his last
name into Prishtina in 1908, when he was elected as a Prishtina delegate in the Ottoman National Parliament in Istanbul
during the Second Constitutional Era of the Ottoman Empire. However, Prishtina lost his position in 1912 as did all the
Albanian deputies. After the Ottoman Government did not keep their promises for more rights and independence to
the Albania nation, Hasan Prishtina and several other prominent Albanian intellectuals started organizing the Albanian
National Movement. He together with Isa Boletini andBajram Curri took the responsibility to start the Albanian National
Movement in Kosovo. Prishtina took an active part in the 1912 uprising in Kosovo and formulated the autonomy demands that
were submitted to the Turkish government in August 1912, the so-called fourteen points of Hasan Prishtina. The fourteen
points of Hasan Prishtina state: that trained officials be employed in Albania who know the language and the customs of the
country; that military service be carried out only in Albania and Macedonia, except in wartime; that laws be passed and
implemented based on the law of the mountains (djibal) for those regions where it has been shown by fact that judicial
organs will never be productive; that the Albanians be given enough modern arms. The modality of distribution will be left to
the government. Arms depots will be constructed in sensitive regions from which the Albanians can get weapons, if needed;
that elementary schools be founded and opened in all towns of the prefectures of Kosovo, Monastir, Shkodra and Janina
where there is a population of over 300,000 people; that agricultural schools be opened such as the one in Salonika since the
country is essentially agricultural; and that the curriculum be taught in the language of the country, that modern theological
schools be opened where they are needed; that private schools be allowed to be founded and opened in Albania; that the
language of the country be taught in elementary and secondary schools; that particular attention be paid to commerce,
agriculture and public works, and that railroads be constructed. that regional organisations be set up; that more attention be
paid than earlier in preserving national traditions and customs; that an amnesty be declared without distinction of class or
race, for all Ottomans who took part in the uprising, for commanders, officers, public servants and soldiers who fled from the
army and their homes, and for those freed or having escaped from prison during the uprising; that the Turkish government
give compensation, based on real value, for all the houses that were destroyed earlier and for which the owners did not
receive compensation, and for those that were damaged and destroy this time; that the members of the cabinet
of Haki and Said Pasha be taken to the high court and tried. Until August 1912, Prishtina led the Albanian rebels to gain
control over the whole Kosovo vilayet (including Novi Pazar, Sjenica, Pritina and even Skopje), part of Scutari
Vilayet(including Elbasan, Prmet, Leskovik and Konitsa in Janina Vilayet and Debar in Monastir Vilayet. In December 1913,

after Albanian independence, he served as minister of agriculture and in March 1914 was made minister of
postal services in the government of Independent Albania led by Ismail Qemali. During the First World
War he organized divisions of volunteers to fight for Austria-Hungary. In 1918, after the Serb occupation of
his native Kosovo from Austria-Hungary, Prishtina, together with Bajram Curri, fled to Vienna and later
to Rome, where he was in contact with Croatian, Macedonian and Montenegrin opponents of the
new Kingdom of Yugoslavia.[13] Hasan Prishtina became a head of the Committee for the National Defence
of Kosovo in Rome in 1918. Hasan Prishtina was in charge of the delegation of the Committee in December
1919 which represented Albanians for the protection of their rights in the Paris Peace Conference, where
he requested the unification of Kosovo and Albania. The Kosovar delegation was, however, not given leave
to participate in the debates. Prishtina then returned to Albania where in January 1920 he helped organise the Congress of
Lushnj and in April 1921 became a member of parliament for Dibra. He took part in a coup d'etat that year and served as
Primer minister for a brief five days from 7 to 12 December, but was forced out of office by Ahmet Zogu, who was a Minister
of Interior at that time and regarded it as imperative to avoid conflict with Belgrade. Thereafter, Hasan helped organise
uprisings in Kosovo and led several antigovernment insurrections in Albania, the latter being easily suppressed by the
administrations of Xhafer Bej Ypi and Ahmet Zogu. He returned to Tirana during the Democratic Revolution of 1924 under Fan
Noli, whom he accompanied to the League of Nations in Geneva. When Zogu took power in December 1924 Hasan bey
Prishtina was forced to leave Albania. As he could not return to Kosovo, he settled in Thessalonika where he purchased a large
estate. Hasan Prishtina is known to have been very rich, and sold almost all his property to finance the education of Albanians
from Kosovo in universities around Europe, and for the armed resistance, during all his life. Like most Kosovo politicians,
Hasan bey Prishtina was a sworn enemy of Ahmet Zogu, the two having attempted to assassinate one another. He was
imprisoned by Yugoslav police for a period, was released in 1931. In 1933, he was killed by Ibrahim Celo in a cafe in
Thessalonika on the orders of King Zog and the Serbian government. His mansion in the city is currently used as
Thessaloniki's school for children with visual impairment. Hasan Prishtina is commemorated in Kosovo and Albania. In 1993,
when a meeting commemorating the 60th anniversary of his death was convened in Kosovska Mitrovica, Serbian police
raided the place and showed machine guns to the participants. Out of 80 participants, 37 were arrested and the rest were
beaten for 5 to 15 minutes by police.

Idhomene Kosturi (1873

November 5, 1943) was an Albanian politician, regent and once acting Prime
Minister of Albania from December 12 until December 24, 1921. Kosturi was born in Kor. He was the second
member of the Albanian Orthodox Church to become head of the Albanian government. He died in Durrs.
Kosturi was also between the contributors to the first Albanian teachers' school, the Shkolla Normale e Elbasanit,
a teacher training institution that was founded on December 1, 1909 in Elbasan.

Xhafer Bej Ypi (1880, Starje - December 1940) was Prime Minister of Albania from December 24, 1921
until December 26, 1922. Bektashi Muslim, was an Albanian politician. Ypi's parents were Asilan (a
landowner) and Zavalani. He was educated at a university in Istanbul. In 1920-1921 he was Minister of
Internal Affairs and Minister of Justice. He also held the position of Minister of Public Instruction. As the
leader of the Popular Party, in late December 1921 he formed a government where Fan S. Noli was the
Minister of Foreign Affairs and Ahmed Zogu was the Minister of Internal Affairs. Until December 4, 1922, Ypi
was Prime Minister in 1922 after Noli's resignation he was also acting Minister of Foreign Affairs. From
December 2, 1922, to January 31, 1925, Ypi was a member of the High Council (the collegial Head of State,
formally for William of Wied). In June 1924 he left Albania because of Noli's revolt, but he kept holding the post formally.
During Zog's Kingdom, Ypi was Chief Inspector of the Royal Court. When the Italian occupation began, Ypi saluted the Italians
who had "liberated" Albania "from the heavy slavery of the sanguinary Zogu". After King Zog had fled, from April 9 to April 12
Ypi was Chairman and Plenipotentiary for Justice of the Provisional Administration Committee, and as such acting head of
state. From April 12, he was the Minister of Justice in Shefqet Verlaci's government. He was killed by an aerial bomb.

Shefqet Bej Vrlaci (December

15, 1877, Elbasan, Ottoman Empire July 21, 1946, Zrich,

Switzerland) was Prime Minister of Albania from March 30 until May 27, 1924 and during the Italian
occupation from April 12, 1939 until December 4, 1941. Verlaci's name also is found under the forms
Vrlaci, Verlai, Verlaxhi, and Velaxhi. His first name also is written in various forms, including Shevket, as on
his gravestone. Probably his name has distant Venetian roots, from the Renaissance times of Albania
Veneta. In 1922, Verlaci was the biggest landowner of Albania. He was the leader of the Progressive Party,
the biggest conservative party in Albania, which firmly opposed any agrarian reform reducing the
landowners' property. The Progressive Party included as its members some North Albanian clan chiefs and
prominent Muslim landowners. In late 1922, Ahmed Zogu became engaged to Verlaci's daughter, winning Verlaci's support
and the position of Prime Minister. In early 1924, Zogu was forced to cede his position of Prime Minister to Verlaci, because of
a financial scandal and an attempt of assassination in which Zogu was injured. The date of Verlaci's taking the position of
Prime Minister is March 5, 1924 (some sources cite other dates in February or March). Verlaci held this position until June 2 (or
June 10), and then fled to Italy. During Fan Noli's regime that followed, a special tribunal created by the government
condemned Verlaci to death in absentia along with the confiscation of all property. When Zogu was crowned in 1928, he
immediately broke his engagement with Verlaci's daughter. So Verlaci became King Zog's mortal enemy. On April 12, 1939,
after Italian invasion of Albania, Verlaci became the Prime Minister of a government of Albania, formed under the Italian
occupation. From April 12 through April 16 (until Italy's King Victor Emmanuel III accepted the Albanian crown), Verlaci was
the acting Head of State. Verlaci supported Albania's claim to ethnic Albanian-inhabited areas in Yugoslavia and Greece. On
November 28, 1939 there was an anti-Italian, anti-Fascist and anti-government street demonstration in Tirana, supported by a
strike of industrial and transport workers. Verlaci remained at the head of the government until December 4 (other sources
cite November 10 or December 3), 1941. He died in 1946 in Zrich, Switzerland, and is buried in the Protestant Cemetery,
Rome, Italy.

Theofan Stilian Noli,

better known as Fan Noli (January 6, 1882 March 13, 1965) was an Albanian-American writer,
scholar, diplomat, politician, historian, orator, and founder of the Albanian Orthodox Church, who served as prime
minister and regent of Albania fromJune 16 until December 23, 1924. Fan Noli is venerated in Albania as a champion of
literature, history, theology, diplomacy, journalism, music and national unity. He played an important role in the consolidation
of Albanian as the national language of Albania with numerous translations of world literature masterpieces. His contribution
to the English-language literature are also manifold: as a scholar and author of a series of publications
on Skanderbeg, Shakespeare, Beethoven, religious texts and translations. He acquired his education at Harvard and was
ordained priest in 1908, establishing thereby the Albanian Church and elevating the Albanian language to ecclesiastic use. He
briefly resided in Albania after the 1912 declaration of independence. After World War I, Noli led the diplomatic efforts for the
reunification of Albania and received the support of U.S. President Wilson. Later he pursued a diplomatic-political career in
Albania, successfully led the Albanian bid for membership in the League of Nations. A respected figure who remained critical
of corruption and injustice in the Albanian government, Fan Noli was asked to lead the 1924 June Revolution. He then served
as prime minister until his revolutionary government was overthrown by Ahmet Zogu. He was exiled to Europe and
permanently settled in the United States in the 1930s, acquiring U.S. citizenship and agreeing to end his political
involvement. He spent the rest of his life as an academician, religious leader and writer. Noli was born in the Albanian
community of Ibrik Tepe, Eastern Thrace, as Theofanus Stylianos Mavromatis. As a young man Noli wandered throughout the
Mediterranean Basin, living in Athens, Greece, Alexandria, Egypt, and Odessa, Russia, and supporting himself as an actor and
translator. He knew 13 foreign languages. Through his contacts with the Albanian expatriate movement, he became an ardent
supporter of his country's nationalist movement, and moved to Boston in 1906 in order to mobilize the Albanian emigrant
community. At that time, in Boston some Albanian Christians were part of the Greek Orthodox Church, which was
vehemently opposed to the Albanian nationalist cause. When a Greek Orthodox priest refused to perform the burial rites
for Kristaq Dishnica, a member of the Albanian community fromHudson, Massachusetts because of his nationalist activity,
Noli and a group of Albanian nationalists in New England created the independent Albanian Orthodox Church. Noli, the new
church's first clergyman, was ordained as a priest in 1908 by a Russian Orthodox bishop in the United States. In 1923, Noli
was consecrated as a bishop for the Church of Albania. In 1908 Noli began studying at Harvard, completing his degree in
1912. He returned to Europe to promote Albanian independence, setting foot in Albania for the first time in 1913. He returned
to the United States during World War I, serving as head of the Vatra organization, which effectively made him leader of the
Albanian diaspora. His diplomatic efforts in the United States and Geneva won the support of President Woodrow Wilson for
an independent Albania, and in 1920 earned the new nation membership in the fledgling League of Nations. Though Albania
had already declared its independence in 1912, membership in the League of Nations provided the country with the
international recognition it had failed to obtain until then. In 1921 Noli entered the Albanian parliament as a representative of
the liberal Vatra party, the chief liberal movement in the country. He served briefly as foreign minister in the government
of Xhafer Ypi. He was consecrated in 1923 as the senior Orthodox bishop of the newly-proclaimed Orthodox Autocephalous
Church of Albania. This was a period of intense turmoil in the country between the liberals, represented by Vatra, and the
conservatives, led by Prime Minister Ahmet Zogu. After a botched assassination attempt against Zogu, the conservatives
revenged themselves by assassinating another popular liberal politician, Avni Rustemi. Noli's speech at Rustemi's funeral was
so powerful that liberal supporters rose up against Zogu and forced him to flee to Yugoslavia (March 1924). Zogu was
succeeded briefly by his father-in-law, Shefqet Vrlaci, and by the liberal politicianIliaz Vrioni; Noli was named prime minister
and regent on July 17, 1924. Despite his efforts to reform the country, Noli's "Twenty Point Program" was unpopular, and his
government was overthrown by groups loyal to Zogu on Christmas Eve of that year. Two weeks later, Zogu returned to
Albania, and Noli fled to Italy under sentence of death. He moved back to the United States in 1932 and formed a republican
opposition to Zogu, who had since proclaimed himself King Zog I. Over the next years, he continued his education, studying
and later teaching Byzantine music, and continued developing and promoting the autocephalous Albanian Orthodox Church
he had helped to found. While in exile, he briefly allied with King Zog, who fled Albania before invading Italians in 1939, but
was unable to set a firm anti-Axis, anti-Communist front. After the war, Noli established some ties with the communist
government of Enver Hoxha, which seized power in 1944. He unsuccessfully urged the U.S. government to recognize the
regime, but Hoxha's increasing persecution of all religions prevented Noli's church from maintaining ties with the Orthodox

hierarchy in Albania. Despite the Hoxha regime's anticlerical bent, Noli's ardent Albanian nationalism
brought the bishop to the attention of the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation. The FBI's Boston
office kept the bishop under investigation for more than a decade, with no final outcome to
the McCarthyite probe. In 1945, Fan S. Noli received a doctor's degree in history from Boston
University, writing a dissertation on Skanderbeg. In the meantime, he also conducted research at
Boston University Music Department, publishing a biography on Ludvig van Beethoven. He also
composed a one-movement symphony called Scanderbeg in 1947. Toward the end of his life, Noli
retired to Fort Lauderdale, Florida, where he died in 1965. The branch of the Albanian Orthodox
Church that he had governed eventually became the Albanian Archdiocese of the Orthodox Church in
America. Writing in his diary two days after Noli's death, Albanian leader Enver Hoxha gave his
analysis of Noli's work: As we are informed, Fan S. Noli died from an operation done last week in
which, because of his age, he did not survive. A cerebral hemorrhage caused a quick death. Noli was
one of the prominent political and literary figures of the beginning of this century. The balance sheet of his life was positive.
Fan Noli today enjoys a great popularity in our country, deserved as a literary translator and music critic. He was a prominent
promoter of the Albanian language. His original works and translations, especially of Shakespeare, of Omar
Khayym and Blasco Ibez, are immortal. But especially his anti-Zogist, anti-feudal elegies and poems are beautiful jewels
that have inspired and will inspire our youth, especially in creativity. He was also respected as a realistic politician, as a
revolutionary democrat in ideology and politics. The Party has assessed the figure of Noli. As is deserved, we have had a
patriotic duty to point out the really great merits of his in literature, the history of the arts, and his merits and weaknesses in
politics. I think we will do our best in bringing his body to Albania, as this distinguished son of the people, the revolutionary
patriot, deserves to bask in his homeland, which he loved and fought for his entire life. Enver Hoxha Fan S. Noli is depicted
on the obverse of the Albanian 100 lek banknote issued in 1996.

Albanian Kingdom (19281939)

Kostaq Kota or

commonly Koo Kota (1889, Kor 1949, Burrel) was an Albanian politician and twice Prime
Minister during the reign of King Zog, who took a pro-Italian right-wing stance, the first time from September 5, 1828 until
March 5, 1930 and the second time from November 9, 1936 until April 8, 1939. During his first term, he introduced civil code
laws based on the Napoleonic model. He was a member of Mustafa Merlika-Kruja's cabinet in 1941.

Mehdi Frashri (February 28, 1872 May 25, 1963) was an Albanian politician. He served as Prime
Minister of Albania twice, the first time from October 22, 1935 until November 9, 1936 and the second
time from October 24, 1943 until November 3, 1943. Mehdi Frashri was born on February 28, 1872
in Gjirokastr. Mehdi Frashri is from the notable Frashri family. He studied in Manastr and later in
Vienna. He served as governor of the mutassarifate of Jerusalem under the Ottomans, mayor
of Durres under Prince Wied, and minister of the interior in 1920. On May 17, 1914 as a member of
the International Commission of Control he signed the Protocol of Corfu. In 1923 he was also Albania's
representative in the League of Nations. During the 1930s he held significant posts, including that of the
Prime Minister from 1935 to 1936. In the early 1930s he participated in the civil code reforms
committees along with Thoma Orollogaj andHasan Dosti. Frasheri was against Benito Mussolini and disliked his policy of
invading Albania. Frasheri took it upon himself to broad cast scathing attacks against the invasion as well as address a
remonstrance to Mussolini. Following the departer of the government of Tirana, he urged young men with revolvers to
distribute themselves to preserve order. When the invading troops were at the gates he sought asylum in the Turkish
Legation, continuing to refuse to sign a declaration in support of the Italians. His personal courage impressed even the
German minister, who successfully appealed to Rome to allow Frasheri to return home. Despite Italian guarantees, Frasheri
was soon arrested and interned in Italy. Frasheri, Who had sympathy for the Germans partly because he had studied in
Austria, worked with German minister Erich von Luckwald, in the hopes of establishing closer relations and to gain some
protection for the Albanians from the Italians. After the capitulation of Italy, Nazi Germany took control of the Balkans. The
Germans were appraised of his significance and began to search for him immediately after the invasios. Frasheri was found
and agreed, on 16 September, to return to Tirana for talks withHermann Neubacher, Major Franz von Scheiger and Herr
Schliep. After the end of the meeting, it was agreed that Albania would have its own sovereignty under Nazi Germany, similar
to the Independent State of Croatia. Frasheri agreed to serve as regent as well as head the council. The leadership of the
council was originally designed to rotate, but Lef Nosi declined for heath reasons and Anton Harapi argued that as a Catholic
monk he could accept no position in which he would be forced to sanction the death penalty. On November 3, 1943, Frasheri
stepped down as Prime Minister and Rexhep Mitrovica took over. The Germans insisted that Frasheri still remain the head of
the regency council. Although he was a supporter of Balli Kombtar and associated to some of its members, Frashri hadn't
formally joind the movement. When the Partisans declared victory in Albania, the Germans evacuated, taking Mehdi Frasheri
with them. Frasheri moved to Vienna and eventually settled in Rome, where he lived until his death.

Italian Occupation (19391943)

Mustafa Merlika-Kruja (March

15, 1887, Akahisar, Ottoman Empire (modern day Kruj, Albania) December 27,
1958, Niagara Falls) was Prime Minister of Albania during the Italian occupation from December 4, 1941 until January 19,
1943, and one of the signatories of Albanian Declaration of Independence. After participating as a volunteer in Ottoman army
during the Italo-Turkish War in 1912 he became a Governor. In 1913 he joined the Ministry of Education and in 1914 became
an advisor of the Ministry of Public Education. In 1918 he was Minister of Posts and Telegraphs. In 1921 he was elected to the
Albanian parliament and in 1924 he was appointed prefect. On August 4, 1939, after the personal union of Albania to
the crown of Italy, Merlika-Kruja was appointed as a Senator within the Italian Kingdom until August 25, 1944, when he
resigned. During his tenure he was a member of the Foreign Affairs, Trade and Customs legislature. In the spring of 1944 he
escaped by boat from Albania to Italy and from there to Egypt. There he met an old rival of his, the Albanian King Ahmed

Zogu. After World War II he lived in France. The last years of his life were spent in the United States of
America.

Eqrem

Libohova (February 24, 1882, Gjirokastr - 1948, Rome) was Prime Minister of
Albania during the Italian occupation, from January 19 until February 13, 1943 and again from May 12 to
September 9, 1943. In 1931 Libohova was minister to the court of Zog of Albania when Aziz ami and
Ndok Gjeloshi tried to assassinate the King in front of the Vienna State Opera. Libohova was wounded in
that assassination attempt.
Maliq Bushati (February

8, 1880, Shkodr February 20, 1946) was Prime Minister of Albania during
theItalian occupation, from February 13 until May 12, 1943. He was educated at Robert College in Istanbul,
when it began to operate in the Albanian national movement. In the years 1919-1920 worked with Salim
Nivic by issuing a letter Populli. In the years 1921-1923 and 1932-1936 he was a member of the Albanian
Parliament as representative for the district Shkodr. In 1939 the Italian aggression against Albania was
appointed interior minister in the government led by Shefqeta Verlaciego, then minister of justice. On behalf
of the government created the Albanian police and military police units, operating under the command of
Italian. In February 1943, after the overthrow of Eqrema Libohovy headed the government, but due to a
conflict with the government of the Italian occupation authorities did not survive long. At the end of April
1943 Bushati resigned. After the war he was hiding in his native Shkodr. Captured by the Communists, January 4, 1946 he
stood trial on charges of collaboration. Sentenced to death, was shot and buried in an unknown location.

German Occupation (19431944)

Rexhep

Mitrovica (1888, Mitrovia,

Ottoman Empire - 1967, Istanbul, Turkey) was

an Albanian politician and teacher. He was Prime Minister of Albania from November 4, 1943 until July
18, 1944. He was signatory of the Albanian Declaration of Independence he served as Minister of
Education from 1921 to 1923. An opponent of the monarchy he was exiled in the mid-1920s by Zog I.
He returned to Albania in 1939 and in 1942 he joined Balli Kombtar. In 1943 he was arrested by the
Italian regime and was elected head of the Second League of Prizren. In November, 1943 under the
German regime he became Prime Minister of Albania, a post which he held until June, 1944. After the
war he settled in Instanbul, where he was elected head of the city's Albanian exile community and
died in 1967. His grandson, Redjep Mitrovitsa is an actor ofComdie-Franaise. Rexhep was born to a
wealthy landowning family from modern-day Kosovska Mitrovica. He took part in the deceleration of
independence in 1912 as a representative of pek (now Pe). From 1921 to 1923, he served as Albanian minister of education.
He is held responsible by Albanian people for "Masakra e 4 shkurtit". By 1921, Kosovo was within the Kingdom of Serbs,
Croats and Slovenes, though against the will of the Albanian population. Albanian resistance had been largely crushed
in Drenica in November 1920. The Belgrade government's "Decree on the Colonization of the New Southern Lands" was now
facilitating the takover by Serb colonists of large Ottoman estates and of land seized from Albanian rebels. It is within this
context that Rexhep Mitrovica, along with Bedri Pejani, tried to seek help from the western powers. After the fall of the
government of Fan Noli in December 1924, he collaborated in a plot to overthrow Ahmet Zogu, but was amnestied in 1927.
He returned to Albania after the Italian invasion and joined the Balli Kombtar in 1942. On November 6, Berlin announced
that the regents and the assembly had formed a government headed by Rexhep Mitrovica, an active member of the Balli
Kombetar from Kosovo. Mitrovica's cabinet, most of whom had credentials as nationalists as well as some German or Austrian
connection, included Xhafer Deva, who had studied at the Robert College of Istanbul and in Vienna, as minister of the interior
and Rrok Kolaj, a Catholic from Shkoder who had studied at the University of Graz, as minister of Justice. Austrian educated
Vehbi Frasheri was appointed as foreign minister. The Orthodox Elbasaner, Sokrat Dodbiba, the nephew of Lef Nosi, became
minister of finance. Not blind to the challenges, in his first address to the National Assembly Mitrovica noted that four and a
half years of Italian domination had left anarchy and chaos in Albania. The pre-1939 state apparatus had been completely
dismantled. The Italians had destroyed the army, the gendarmerie, the police, and the Foreign Ministry; they had changed the
flag, altered personal greetings, renamed cities, and even reassigned family names. To reestablish the state, Mitrovica set
down an ambitious plan that included reestablishing local government on the pre-1939 basis, gaining foreign recognition,
reorganizing the economy, introducing effective agrarian reform, and creating a military force. The general goal of the
government, and this was repeated at every available opportunity, was to protect Albania's territorial integrity within its
ethnic borders. With the land reforms for the peasants and a very effective German propaganda emphasizing the return of
Kosovo, the Germans managed to extract considerable support from the regime. After the capitulation of Italy, Rexhep
Mitrovica was head of the Second League of Prizren, which supported ethnic Albania, i.e, reunification of all Albanian
territories. With control over Kosovo, Mitrovica exacted revenge on the Serb colonists, killing and expelling thousands of
Serbs. In June, Rexhep Mitrovica resigned due to illness. Hermann Neubacher, Hitler's political expert for Balkan problems,
came to Tirana and persuaded Fiqri Dine to form the next government. During his tenure as prime minister, he endeavoured
to maintain a stable government amidst the chaos of war and civil war. During the communist take over, Mitrovica managed
to flee to Turkey, where he headed the Albanian community in exile. He died in Istanbul. Mitrovica identified the Albanian
communists as un-Albanian since he argues that: "Albanians, as Aryans of Illyrian heritage, could not ignore tradition and
would be saved from the hydra of communism."

Fiqri Dine was Prime

Minister of Albania's Quisling government under Nazi Germany from July 18 until August 29,
1944. He was the chieftain of the Dine clan from Debar. Despite being chosen as the Prime minister of Albania, Dine was
mainly influenced by Mehdi Frasheri and Abaz Kupi. Frasheri, using Dine's connection to the Ligaliteti, requested that Kupi join
the government. Kupi agreed after the Albanian partisans began attacking Kupi's territory. However, the Germans refused to
accept Dine and Mehdi Frasheri's proposed cabinet or Frasheri's choice to succeed Fuat Dibra, who died in February, as
Regent.
Dine
and
Frasheri
proposed
that
a Gheg coalition
should
be
formed.
The
plan
was
to

coordinate Ballist and Zogist strength and, in cooperation with the Germans, drive back the Communists.
At the same time, they hoped to convince the Allies that they were acting on behalf of an independent
Albania and therefore deserved, if not direct Allied support, at least a respite from active Allied
resistance. Initial military operations against the partisans were seemingly quite successful. Germans
and Zogist forces, without directly cooperating, managed to drive the partisans from Mati at the end of
July. Mehmet Shehuforces that controlled Debar, forced the partisans to retreat for the time being.
However, the Allied forces began dropping supplies to partisan territory and helping them rebuild a new
offensive. The Ballist-Zogist gamble had failed. A series of ominous international events during the last
days of August made it abundantly clear to even the most pro-German Albanians that the German
occupation of Albania would soon end. The German elite within Albania grew wary of Dine and Frasheri.
Martin Schliep and Josef Fitzthum where enraged after discovering Dine's contact with the Allies, replaced him with Ibrahim
Biakiu on August 29, 1944. Dine was Prime minister for only 43 days. After the Communist declared victory, Dine fled from
Yugoslavia to Greece, where he died in 1960.

Ibrahim Aqif Biakiu (also

known as Ibrahim Biaku, 1905-1977) was an Albanian landowner

and Prime Minister of Albania during the Nazi occupation, from August 29 until November 28, 1944. Ibrahim
Aqif Bej Biakiu was the son of Aqif Pasha Biakiu of Elbasan. Ibrahim was born in Elbasan on 1905. His
family helped in the Independence of Albania and it was through his family influence that he grew up with
the same ideology and beliefs. In 1943, together with Bedri bey Pejani and Xhafer Deva, he helped found a
national committee of twenty-two Albanian and Kosovo Albanian leaders, which declared Albania
independent and which elected an executive committee to form a provisional government. Following a week
of negotiations, Ibrahim Bicaku agreed to lead a new and small government after Fiqri Dine. Although Bicaku was the perfect
friend of Germany, his reign was nevertheless quite incompetent. This was mainly due to the fact that Germany was on the
brink of defeat and the Albanian partisans were moving out, ready to strike. Tirana paper noted that he had headed the
provisional executive committee exactly one year earlier, prior to the construction of the Mitrovica government. Bicaku had
become, once again, the front man for the Germans. It was noted that Bicaku would occasionally play Ping-Pong with
Ambassador Schliep. Despite many of the Ballists fleeing Albania after the Communists announced their victory, Biakiu, like
Father Anton Harapi choose not to leave and decided that he would rather die in his country of birth than on foreign soil.
Biakiu was shot and killed by the communists in 1977.

People's Socialist Republic of Albania (19441991)

List of Presidents, Premier, Chairman of the Council of Ministers and Chairman of the
Presidium of the People's Assembly of Socialist Republic of Albania
Enver Halil Hoxha (October

16, 1908 April 11, 1985) was a MarxistLeninist revolutionary and the leader of
Albania from the end of World War II until his death in 1985, as the First Secretary of the Party of Labour of Albania. He also
served as Prime Minister of Albania from 1944 to 1954, Minister of Defence, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Chairman of
the Democratic Front from 1945 to his death, and as Commander-in-Chief of the Albanian armed forces from 1944 to his
death. Hoxha's leadership was characterized by his proclaimed firm adherence to anti-revisionist MarxismLeninism from the
mid-1970s onwards. After his break with Maoism in the 19761978 period, numerous Maoist parties declared
themselves Hoxhaist. The International Conference of MarxistLeninist Parties and Organizations (Unity & Struggle) is the
most well known collection of these parties today. Hoxha was born in Gjirokastr (Ergiri), a city in southern Albania (then
under the Ottoman Empire) that has been home to many prominent families. He was the son of Halil Hoxha,
aBektashi Tosk cloth merchant who travelled widely across Europe and the United States of America and Gjylihan (Gjylo)
Hoxha. At age 16 he helped found and became secretary of the Students Society of Gjirokastr, which protested against
the monarchist government. After the Society was closed down by the government, he left his hometown and moved
to Kor, continuing his studies in a French secondary school. Here he learned French history, literature and philosophy. In this
city he read for the first time the Communist Manifesto. In 1930, Hoxha went to study at the University of Montpellier in
France on a state scholarship given to him by the Queen Mother for the faculty of natural sciences. He attended the lessons
and the conferences of the Association of Workers organised by the French Communist Party, but he soon dropped out
because he wanted to pursue a degree in either philosophy or law. After a year, not having much interest in biology, he left
Montepelier to go to Paris hoping to continue his university studies. He took courses in philosophy at theSorbonne, and he
collaborated with L'Humanit, writing articles on the situation in Albania under the pseudonym Lulo Malsori. He also got
involved in the Albanian Communist Group under the tutelage of Llazar Fundo who also taught him law. He soon dropped out
once more, and from 1934 to 1936 he was a secretary at the Albanian consulate in Brussels, attached to the personnel office
of Queen Mother Sadij. He was dismissed after the consul discovered that his employee had deposited Marxistmaterials and
books in his office. He returned to Albania in 1936 and became a grammar school teacher in Kor. As a result of his
extensive education, Hoxha was fluent in French and had a working knowledge of Italian, Serbian, English and Russian. As a
leader, he would often reference Le Monde and the International Herald Tribune. Hoxha was dismissed from his teaching post
following the 1939 Italian invasion for refusing to join the Albanian Fascist Party. He opened a tobacco shop in Tirana called
Flora where soon a small communist group started gathering. Eventually the government closed it down. On November 8,
1941, the Communist Party of Albania (later renamed the Albanian Party of Labour in 1948) was founded. Hoxha was chosen
as one of seven members of the provisionalCentral Committee. After the September 1942 Conference at Pez, the National
Liberation Front was founded with the purpose of uniting the anti-Fascist Albanians, regardless of ideology or class. By March
1943, the first National Conference of the Communist Party elected Hoxha formally as First Secretary. During the war,
the Soviet Union's role was negligible, making Albania the only nation occupied during World War II whose independence was
not determined by a great power. On July 10, 1943, the Albanian partisan groups were organised in regular units of

companies, battalions and brigades and named the Albanian National Liberation Army. The
General Headquarters was created with Spiro Moisiu as the commander and Enver Hoxha as
political commissary. Communist partisans in Yugoslavia had a much more practical role,
helping to plan attacks and exchanging supplies, but communication between them and the
Albanians was limited and letters would often arrive late, sometimes well after a plan had been
agreed upon by the National Liberation Army without consultation from the Yugoslav partisans.
In August, a secret meeting was held at Mukje between the Balli Kombtar (National Front),
which was both anti-Communist and anti-Fascist, and the Communist Party. The result of this
was an agreement to fight together against the Italians. In order to encourage the Balli
Kombtar to sign, a Greater Albania was agreed to, which included Kosovo (part ofYugoslavia)
and amria (part of Greece).A problem developed however when the Yugoslav Communists
disagreed with the goal of a Greater Albania and asked the Communists in Albania to with draw
their agreement. According to Hoxha, Josip Broz Tito had agreed that "Kosovo was Albanian" but
that Serbian opposition made transfer an unwise option. After the Albanian Communists
repudiated the Greater Albania agreement, the Balli Kombtar condemned the Communists, who in turn accused the Balli
Kombtar of siding with the Italians. The Balli Kombtar, however, lacked support from the people. After judging the
communists as an immediate threat to the country, the Balli Kombtar sided with the Germans, fatally damaging its image
among those fighting the Fascists. The Communists quickly added to their ranks many of those disillusioned with the Balli
Kombtar and took center stage in the fight for liberation. The Permet National Congress held during that time called for a
"new democratic Albania for the people." King Zog was prohibited from visiting Albania ever again, which further increased
the Communists' control. The Anti-Fascist Committee for National Liberation was founded, with Hoxha as its chairman. On
October 22, 1944 the Committee became the Democratic Government of Albania after a meeting in Berat and Hoxha was
chosen as interim Prime Minister. Tribunals were set up to try alleged war criminals who were designated " enemies of the
people" and were presided over by Koi Xoxe. After liberation from the fascist occupation on November 29, 1944, several
Albanian partisan divisions crossed the border into German-occupied Yugoslavia, where they fought alongside Tito's partisans
and the Soviet Red Army in a joint campaign which succeeded in driving out the last pockets of German resistance. Marshal
Tito, during a Yugoslavian conference in later years, thanked Hoxha for the assistance that the Albanian partisans had given
during the War for National Liberation (Lufta Nacionallirimtare). Albanians celebrate their independence day on November
28, 1944 (which is the date on which they declared their independence from the Ottoman Empire in 1912), while in the
former Socialist People's Republic of Albania the National Liberation festivity date was November 29, 1944. The Democratic
Front succeeded the National Liberation Front in August 1945 and the first elections in post-war Albania were held on 2
December. The Front was the only legal political organisation allowed to stand in the elections, and the government reported
that 93% of Albanians voted for it.
The sacrifices of our people were very great. Out of a population of one million, 28,000 were killed, 12,600 wounded, 10,000
were made political prisoners in Italy and Germany, and 35,000 made to do forced labour, of ground; all the communications,
all the ports, mines and electric power installations were destroyed, our agriculture and livestock were plundered, and our
entire national economy was wrecked. Enver Hoxha
Hoxha declared himself a Marxist-Leninist and strongly admired the Soviet leader Joseph Stalin. During the period of 1945
1950, the government adopted policies which were intended to consolidate power. The Agrarian Reform Law was passed in
August 1945. It confiscated land from beys and large landowners, giving it without compensation to peasants. 52% of all land
was owned by large landowners before the law was passed; this declined to 16% after the law's passage. Illiteracy, which was
9095% in rural areas in 1939 went down to 30% by 1950 and by 1985 it was equal to that of the United States of America.
The State University of Tirana was established in 1957, which was the first of its kind in Albania.
The MedievalGjakmarrja (blood feud) was banned. Malaria, the most widespread disease, was successfully fought through
advances in health care, the use of DDT, and through the draining of swamplands. By 1985 a case had not been heard of in
the past twenty years whereas previously Albania had the greatest number of patients infected in Europe. A case
of syphilishad not been recorded for 30 years. In order to solve the Gheg-Tosk divide, books were written in the Tosk dialect,
and a majority of the Party came from southern Albania where the Tosk dialect is spoken. By 1949 the United States and
British intelligence organizations were working with King Zog and the mountain men of his personal guard. They recruited
Albanian refugees and migrs from Egypt, Italy, and Greece; trained them in Cyprus, Malta, and the Federal Republic of
Germany (West Germany); and infiltrated them into Albania. Guerrilla units entered Albania in 1950 and 1952, but they were
killed or captured by Albanian security forces. Kim Philby, a Soviet double agent working as a liaison officer between the
British intelligence service and theUnited States Central Intelligence Agency, had leaked details of the infiltration plan to
Moscow, and the security breach claimed the lives of about 300 infiltrators. At this point, relations with Yugoslavia had begun
to change. The roots of the change began on 20 October 1944 at the Second Plenary Session of the Communist Party of
Albania. The Session concerned the problems that the new Albanian government would face following Albania's
independence. However, the Yugoslav delegation led by Velimir Stoini accused the party of "sectarianism and opportunism"
and blamed Hoxha for these errors. He also stressed the view that the Yugoslav Communist partisans spearheaded the
Albanian partisan movement. Anti-Yugoslav members of the Albanian Communist Party had begun to think that this was a plot
by Tito who intended to destabilize the Party. Koi Xoxe, Sejfulla Malshovaand others who supported Yugoslavia were looked
upon with deep suspicion. Tito's position on Albania was that it was too weak to stand on its own and would do better as a
part of Yugoslavia. Hoxha alleged that Tito had made it his goal to get Albania into Yugoslavia, firstly by creating the Treaty of
Friendship, Co-operation and Mutual Aid in 1946. Over time Albania began to feel that the treaty was heavily slanted towards
Yugoslav interests, much like the Italian agreements with Albania under Zog that made the nation dependent upon Italy. The
first issue was that the Albanian lek became revalued in terms of the Yugoslav dinar as a customs union was formed and
Albania's economic plan was decided more by Yugoslavia. Albanian economists H. Banja and V. Toi stated that the
relationship between Albania and Yugoslavia during this period was exploitative and that it constituted attempts by
Yugoslavia to make the Albanian economy an "appendage" to the Yugoslav economy. Hoxha then began to accuse Yugoslavia
of misconduct:
We [Albania] were expected to produce for the Yugoslavs all the raw materials which they needed. These raw materials were
to be exported to the metropolis Yugoslavia to be processed there in Yugoslav factories. The same applied to the production
of cotton and other industrial crops, as well as oil, bitumen, asphalt, chrome, etc. Yugoslavia would supply its 'colony',
Albania, with exorbitantly priced consumer goods, including even items such as needles and thread, and would provide us

with petrol and oil, as well as glass for the lamps in which we burn the fuel extracted from our subsoil, processed in
Yugoslavia and sold to us at high prices.... The aim of the Yugoslavs was, therefore, to prevent our country from developing
either its industry or its working class, and to make it forever dependent on Yugoslavia. Enver Hoxha
Joseph Stalin gave advice to Hoxha and stated that Yugoslavia was attempting to annex Albania. "We did not know that the
Yugoslavs, under the pretext of 'defending' your country against an attack from the Greek fascists, wanted to bring units of
their army into the PRA [People's Republic of Albania]. They tried to do this in a very secret manner. In reality, their aim in
this direction was utterly hostile, for they intended to overturn the situation in Albania." By June 1947, the Central Committee
of Yugoslavia began publicly condemning Hoxha, accusing him of talking an individualistic and anti-Marxist line. When Albania
responded by making agreements with the Soviet Union to purchase a supply of agricultural machinery, Yugoslavia said that
Albania could not enter into any agreements with other countries without Yugoslav approval. Koi Xoxe tried to stop Hoxha
from improving relations with Bulgaria, reasoning that Albania would be more stable with one trading partner rather than with
many. Nako Spiru, an anti-Yugoslav member of the Party, condemned Xoxe and Xoxe condemned him. With no one coming to
Spiru's defense, he viewed the situation as hopeless and feared that Yugoslav domination of his nation was imminent, which
caused him to commit suicide in November. At the Eighth Plenum of the Central Committee of the Party which lasted from 26
February March 8, 1948, Xoxe was implicated in a plot to isolate Hoxha and consolidate his [Xoxe's] own power. He accused
Hoxha of being responsible for the decline in relations with Yugoslavia, and stated that a Soviet military mission should be
expelled in favor of a Yugoslav counterpart. Hoxha managed to remain firm and his support had not declined. When
Yugoslavia publicly broke with the Soviet Union, Hoxha's support base grew stronger. Then, on 1 July 1948, Tirana called on all
Yugoslav technical advisors to leave the country and unilaterally declared all treaties and agreements between the two
countries null and void. Xoxe was expelled from the party and on 13 June 1949 he was executed by a firing squad. After the
break with Yugoslavia, Hoxha aligned himself with the Soviet Union, for which he had a great admiration. From 19481960,
$200 million in Soviet aid would be given to Albania for technical & infrastructural expansion. Albania was admitted on 22
February 1949, to the Comecon and Albania remained important both as a way to both put pressure on Yugoslavia and serve
as a pro-Soviet force in the Adriatic Sea. A submarine base was built on the island of Sazan near Vlor, posing a possible
threat to the United States' Sixth Fleet. Relations continued to remain close until the death of Stalin on March 5, 1953. His
death was met with national mourning in Albania. Hoxha assembled the entire population in the capital's largest square,
requested that they kneel, and made them take a two-thousand word oath of "eternal fidelity" and "gratitude" to their
"beloved father" and "great liberator" to whom the people owed "everything." Under Nikita Khrushchev, Stalin's successor,
aid was reduced and Albania was encouraged to adopt Khrushchev's specialization policy. Under this policy, Albania would
develop its agricultural output in order to supply the Soviet Union and other Warsaw Pact nations while these nations would
be developing specific resource outputs of their own, which would in theory strengthen the Warsaw Pact by greatly reducing
the lack of certain resources that many of the nations faced. However, this also meant that Albanian industrial development,
which was stressed heavily by Hoxha, would have to be significantly reduced. From 16 May 17 June 1955, Nikolai
Bulganin and Anastas Mikoyan visited Yugoslavia and Khrushchev renounced the expulsion of Yugoslavia from the Communist
bloc. Khrushchev also began making references to Palmiro Togliatti's polycentrism theory. Hoxha had not been consulted on
this and was offended. Yugoslavia began asking for Hoxha to rehabilitate the image of Koi Xoxe, which Hoxha steadfastly
rejected. In 1956 at the Twentieth Party Congress of the Soviet Communist Party, Khrushchev condemned the cult of
personality that had been built up around Joseph Stalin and also accused him of many grave mistakes. Khrushchev then
announced the theory of peaceful coexistence, which angered Hoxha greatly. The Institute of Marxist-Leninist Studies, led by
Hoxha's wife Nexhmije, quoted Vladimir Lenin: "The fundamental principle of the foreign policy of a socialist country and of a
Communist party is proletarian internationalism; not peaceful coexistence." Hoxha now took a more active stand against
perceived revisionism. Unity within the Albanian Party of Labour began to decline as well, with a special delegate meeting
held at Tirana in April, 1956, composed of 450 delegates having unexpected results. The delegates "criticized the conditions
in the party, the negative attitude toward the masses, the absence of party and socialist democracy, the economic policy of
the leadership, etc." while also calling for discussions on the cult of personality and the Twentieth Party Congress. Hoxha
called for a resolution which would uphold the current leadership of the Party. The resolution was accepted, and all of the
delegates who had spoken out were expelled from the party and imprisoned. Hoxha stated that this was yet another of many
attempts to overthrow the leadership of Albania which had been organized by Yugoslavia. This incident further consolidated
Hoxha's power, effectively making Khrushchev-esque reforms nearly impossible. In the same year, Hoxha went to the
People's Republic of China, then enduring the Sino-Soviet Split, and met with Mao Zedong. Relations with China improved, as
evidenced by Chinese aid to Albania being 4.2% in 1955 before the visit, and rising to 21.6% in 1957. In an effort to keep
Albania in the Soviet sphere, increased aid was given but the Albanian leadership continued to move closer towards China.
Relations with the Soviet Union remained at the same level until 1960, when Khrushchev met with Sophocles Venizelos, a leftwing Greek politician. Khrushchev sympathized with the concept of an autonomous Greek North Epirus and hoped to use
Greek claims to keep the Albanian leadership in line with Soviet interests.
Especially shameless was the behavior of that agent of Mao Zedong, Enver Hoxha. He bared his fangs at us even more
menacingly than the Chinese themselves. After his speech, Comrade Dolores Ibrruri [a Spanish Communist], an old
revolutionary and a devoted worker in the Communist movement, got up indignantly and said, very much to the point, that
Hoxha was like a dog who bites the hand that feeds it. Nikita Khrushchev
Relations with the Soviet Union began to decline rapidly. A hardline policy was adopted and the Soviets reduced aid
shipments, specifically grain, at a time when Albania needed them due to flood-induced famine. In July 1960, a plot to
overthrow the government was discovered. It was to be organized by Soviet-trained Rear Admiral Teme Sejko. After this, the
two pro-Soviet members of the Party, Liri Belishova and Koo Tashko, were both expelled, with a humorous incident involving
Tashko pronouncing tochka (Russian for "full stop"). In August, the Party's Central Committee sent a letter of protest to the
Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, stating the displeasure of having an anti-Albanian Soviet
Ambassador in Tirana. The Fourth Congress of the Party held from February 13 20, 1961, was the last meeting that the
Soviet Union or other East European nations would attend in Albania. During the congress, the Soviet Union was condemned
while China was praised. Mehmet Shehu stated that while many members of the Party were accused of tyranny, this was a
baseless charge and unlike the Soviet Union, Albania was composed of genuine Marxists. The Soviet Union retaliated by
threatening "dire consequences" if the condemnations were not retracted. Days later, Khrushchev and Antonin Novotny,
President of Czechoslovakia (which was Albania's largest source of aid besides the Soviets) threatened to cut off economic
aid. In March, Albania was not invited to attend the meeting of the Warsaw Pact nations (Albania had been one of its founding
members in 1955) and in April all Soviet technicians were withdrawn from the nation. In May nearly every Soviet troop from
at Oricum Sea base was withdrawn, leaving to Albanians 4 submarines and other military equipment. On November seventh,
1961, Hoxha made a speech in which he called Khrushchev a "revisionist, an anti-Marxist and a defeatist." Hoxha portrayed
Stalin as the last Communist leader of the Soviet Union and began to stress Albania's independence. By 11 November, the
USSR and every other Warsaw Pact nation broke relations with Albania. Albania was unofficially excluded (by not being
invited) from both the Warsaw Pact and Comecon. The Soviet Union had also attempted to claim control of the Vlor port due
to a lease agreement; the Albanian Party then passed a law prohibiting any other nation from owning a port through lease or

otherwise. As Hoxha's leadership continued he took on an increasingly theoretical stance. He wrote criticisms based both on
current events at the time and on theory; most notably his condemnations of Maoism post-1978. A major achievement under
Hoxha was the advancement of women's rights. Albania had been one of the most, if not the most, patriarchal countries in
Europe. The Code of Lek, which regulated the status of women, states, "A woman is known as a sack, made to endure as
long as she lives in her husband's house." Women were not allowed to inherit anything from their parents and discrimination
was even made in the case of death.
...the dead woman [is] to be opened up, in order to see whether the fetus is a boy or a girl, If it is a boy, the murderer must
pay 3 purses [a set amount of local currency] for the woman's blood and 6 purses for the boy's blood; if it is a girl, aside from
the three purses for the murdered woman, 3 purses must also be paid for the female child. Code of Lek Dukagjini
Women were absolutely forbidden from obtaining a divorce, and the wife's parents were obliged to return a runaway daughter
to the husband or else suffer shame which could even result in a generations-long blood feud. During World War II, the
Albanian Communists encouraged women to join the partisans and following the war, women were encouraged to take up
menial jobs, as the education necessary for higher level work was out of most women's reach. In 1938, 4% worked in various
sectors of the economy. In 1970, this number rose to 38% and in 1982 to 46%. During the Cultural and Ideological Revolution
(discussed below), women were encouraged to take up all jobs, including government posts, which resulted in 40.7% of the
People's Councils and 30.4% of the People's Assembly being seated by women, including two women in the Central
Committee by 1985. In 1978, 15.1 times as many females attended eight-year schools as in 1938 and 175.7 times as many
females attended secondary schools as in 1938. By 1978, 101.9 times as many women attended higher schools as in 1957.
The entire party and country should hurl into the fire and break the neck of anyone who dared trample underfoot the sacred
edict of the party on the defense of women's rights. Enver Hoxha, 1967
In 1969, direct taxation was abolished and during this period the quality of schooling and health care continued to improve.
An electrification campaign was begun in 1960 and the entire nation was expected to have electricity by 1985. Instead, it
achieved this on 25 October 1970, making it the first nation with complete electrification in the whole world. During the
Cultural & Ideological Revolution of 19671968 the military changed from traditional Communist army tactics and began to
adhere to Maoist people's war, which included the abolition of military ranks, which were not fully restored until 1991.
[T]he health service is free of charge for all and has been extended to the remotest villages. In 1960 we had one doctor per
every 3,360 inhabitants, in 1978 we had one doctor per every 687 inhabitants, and this despite the rapid growth of the
population. The natural increase of the population in our country is 3.5 times higher than the annual average of European
countries, whereas mortality in 1978 was 37% lower than the average level of mortality in the countries of Europe, and the
average life expectancy in our country has risen, from about 38 years in 1938 to 69 years. That is, for each year of the
existence of our people's state power, the average life expectancy has risen by about 11 months. That is what socialism does
for man! Is there a loftier humanism than socialist humanism, which, in 35 years, doubles the average life expectancy of the
whole population of the country? Mehmet Shehu, November 28, 1979 speech
Hoxha's legacy also included a complex of 750,000 one-man concrete bunkers across a country of 3 million inhabitants, to act
as look-outs and gun emplacements along with chemical weapons. The bunkers were built strong and mobile, with the
intention that they could be easily placed by a crane or a helicopter in a previously dug hole. The types of bunkers vary from
machine gun pillboxes, beach bunkers, to naval underground facilities, and even Air Force Mountain and underground
bunkers. Hoxha's internal policies were true to Stalin's paradigm which he admired, and the personality cult developed in the
1970s organized around him by the Party also bore a striking resemblance to that of Stalin. At times it even reached an
intensity similar to the personality cult surrounding Kim Il Sung (which Hoxha condemned) with Hoxha being portrayed as a
genius commenting on virtually all facets of life from culture to economics to military matters. Each schoolbook required one
or more quotations from him on the subjects being studied. The Party honored him with titles such as Supreme Comrade, Sole
Force and Great Teacher. Hoxha's governance was also distinguished by his encouragement of a high birthrate policy. For
instance a woman that would give birth to an above-average amount of children would be given the government award
of Heroine Mother (in Albanian: Nn Heroin) along with cash rewards. Abortion was essentially restricted (to encourage
high birth rates) except if the birth posed a danger to the mother's life, though it was not outright banned; the process being
decided by district medical commissions. As a result, the population of Albania tripled from 1 million in 1944 to around
3 million in 1985. In Albania's Third Five Year Plan, China promised a loan of $125 million to build twenty-five chemical,
electrical and metallurgical plants called for under the Plan. However, the nation had a difficult transition period, as Chinese
technicians were of a lower quality than Soviet ones and the distance between the two nations, plus the poor relations
Albania had with its neighbors, further complicated matters. Unlike Yugoslavia or the U.S.S.R., China had the least influence
economically on Albania during Hoxha's leadership. The previous fifteen years (19461961) had at least 50% of the economy
under foreign commerce. By the time the 1976 Constitution prohibited foreign debt, aid and investments, Albania had
basically become self-sufficient although it was lacking in modern technology. Ideologically, Hoxha found Mao's initial views to
be in line withMarxism-Leninism. Mao condemned Nikita Khrushchev's alleged revisionism and was also critical of Yugoslavia.
Aid given from China was interest-free and did not have to be repaid until Albania could afford to do so. China never
intervened in what Albania's economic output should be, and Chinese technicians worked for the same wages as Albanian
workers, unlike Soviet technicians who sometimes made more than three times the pay of Hoxha. Albanian newspapers were
reprinted in Chinese newspapers and on radio. Finally, Albania led the movement to give the People's Republic of China a
seat in the UN, an effort made successful in 1971 and thus replacing the Republic of China's seat. During this period, Albania
became the second largest producer of chromium in the world, which was considered an important export for Albania.
Strategically, the Adriatic Sea was also attractive to China, and the Chinese leadership had hoped to gain more allies in
Eastern Europe with the help of Albania, although this failed. Zhou Enlai visited Albania in January 1964. On January 9, 1964
"The 1964 Sino-Albanian Joint Statement" was signed in Tirana.
Both [Albania and China] hold that the relations between socialist countries are international relations of a new type.
Relations between socialist countries, big or small, economically more developed or less developed, must be based on the
principles of complete equality, respect for territorial sovereignty and independence, and non-interference in each other's
internal affairs, and must also be based on the principles of mutual assistance in accordance with proletarian
internationalism. It is necessary to oppose great-nation chauvinism and national egoism in relations between socialist
countries. It is absolutely impermissible to impose the will of one country upon another, or to impair the independence,
sovereignty and interests of the people, of a fraternal country on the pretext of 'aid' or 'international division of labour.'
Treaty Text
Like Albania, China defended the "purity" of Marxism by attacking both "US imperialism" as well as "Soviet and Yugoslav
revisionism", both equally as part of a "dual adversary" theory. Yugoslavia was viewed as a "special detachment of U.S.
imperialism" and a "saboteur against world revolution." These views however began to change in China, which was one of the

major issues Albania had with the alliance. Also unlike Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, the Sino-Albanian alliance lacked
"...an organizational structure for regular consultations and policy coordination, and was characterized by an informal
relationship conducted on an ad hoc basis." Mao made a speech on November 3, 1966 which claimed that Albania was the
only Marxist-Leninist state in Europe and that "an attack on Albania will have to reckon with great People's China. If the U.S.
imperialists, the modern Soviet revisionists or any of their lackeys dare to touch Albania in the slightest, nothing lies ahead
for them but a complete, shameful and memorable defeat." Likewise, Hoxha stated that "You may rest assured, comrades,
that come what may in the world at large, our two parties and our two peoples will certainly remain together. They will fight
together and they will win together." China entered into a four-year period of relative diplomatic isolation following
the Cultural Revolution and at this point relations between China and Albania reached their zenith. On August 20, 1968,
the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia was condemned by Albania, as was the Brezhnev doctrine. Albania then officially
withdrew from the Warsaw Pact on September 5, 1968. Relations with China began to deteriorate on July 15, 1971, when
United States' President Richard Nixon agreed to visit China to meet with Zhou Enlai. Hoxha felt betrayed and the
government was in a state of shock. On August 6, 1971 a letter was sent from the Central Committee of the Albanian Party of
Labour to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, calling Nixon a "frenzied anti-Communist."
We trust you will understand the reason for the delay in our reply. This was because your decision came as a surprise to us
and was taken without any preliminary consultation between us on this question, so that we would be able to express and
thrash out our opinions. This, we think, could have been useful, because preliminary consultations, between close friends,
determined co-fighters against imperialism and revisionism, are useful and necessary, and especially so, when steps which,
in our opinion, have a major international effect and repercussion are taken. ...Considering the Communist Party of China as
a sister party and our closest co-fighter, we have never hidden our views from it. That is why on this major problem which
you put before us, we inform you that we consider your decision to receive Nixon in Beijing as incorrect and undesirable, and
we do not approve or support it. It will also be our opinion that Nixon's announced visit to China will not be understood or
approved of by the peoples, the revolutionaries and the communists of different countries. Enver Hoxha
The result was a 1971 message from the Chinese leadership stating that Albania could not depend on an indefinite flow of
further Chinese aid and in 1972 Albania was advised to "curb its expectations about further Chinese contributions to its
economic development." By 1973, Hoxha wrote in his diary Reflections on China that the Chinese leaders:
...have cut off their contacts with us, and the contacts which they maintain are merely formal diplomatic ones. Albania is no
longer the 'faithful, special friend'...They are maintaining the economic agreements though with delays, but it is quite
obvious that their 'initial ardor' has died. Enver Hoxha
In response, trade with COMECON (although trade with the Soviet Union was still blocked) and Yugoslavia grew. Trade with
Third World nations was $0.5 million in 1973, but $8.3 million in 1974. Trade rose from 0.1% to 1.6%. Following Mao's death
on September 9, 1976, Hoxha remained optimistic about Sino-Albanian relations, but in August 1977, Hua Guofeng, the new
leader of China, stated that Mao's Three Worlds Theory would become official foreign policy. Hoxha viewed this as a way for
China to justify having the U.S. as the "secondary enemy" while viewing the Soviet Union as the main one, thus allowing
China to trade with the U.S. "...the Chinese plan of the 'third world' is a major diabolical plan, with the aim that China should
become another superpower, precisely by placing itself at the head of the 'third world' and 'non-aligned world.'" From August
30 September 7, 1977, Tito visited Beijing and was welcomed by the Chinese leadership. At this point, the Albanian Party of
Labour had declared that China was now a revisionist state akin to the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, and that Albania was the
only Marxist-Leninist state on earth. The Chinese leaders are acting like the leaders of a 'great state.' They think, 'The
Albanians fell out with the Soviet Union because they had us, and if they fall with us, too, they will go back to the Soviets,'
therefore they say, 'Either with us or the Soviets, it is all the same, the Albanians are done for.' But to hell with them! We
shall fight against all this trash, because we are Albanian Marxist-Leninists and on our correct course we shall always
triumph! Enver Hoxha
On July 13, 1978, China announced that it was cutting off all aid to Albania. For the first time in modern history, Albania did
not have an ally. Certain clauses in the 1976 constitution effectively circumscribed the exercise of political liberties that the
government interpreted as contrary to the established order. In addition, the government denied the population access to
information other than that disseminated by the government-controlled media. Internally, the Sigurimi followed the
repressive methods of the NKVD, MGB, KGB, and the East German Stasi. "Its activities permeated Albanian society to the
extent that every third citizen had either served time in labour camps or been interrogated by Sigurimi officers." To eliminate
dissent, the government imprisoned thousands in forced-labour camps or executed them for crimes such as alleged treachery
or for disrupting the proletarian dictatorship. Travel abroad was forbidden after 1968 to all but those on official business. West
European culture was looked upon with deep suspicion, resulting in arrests and in bans on unauthorised foreign material. Art
was made to reflect the styles of socialist realism. Beards were banned as unhygienic and to curb the influence
of Islam (many Imams and Babas had beards) and the Orthodox faith. The justice system regularly degenerated into show
trials. "...[The defendant] was not permitted to question the witnesses and that, although he was permitted to state his
objections to certain aspects of the case, his objections were dismissed by the prosecutor who said, 'Sit down and be quiet.
We know better than you.'" In order to lessen the threat of political dissidents and other exiles, relatives of the accused were
often arrested, ostracised, and accused of being "enemies of the people". Torture was often used to obtain confessions:
One migr, for example, testified to being bound by his hands and legs for one and a half months, and beaten with a belt,
fists, or boots for periods of two to three hours every two or three days. Another was detained in a cell one meter by eight
meters large in the local police station and kept in solitary confinement for a five-day period punctuated by two beating
sessions until he signed a confession, he was taken to Sigurimi headquarters, where he was again tortured and questioned,
despite his prior confession, until his three-day trial. Still another witness was confined for more than a year in a three-meter
square cell underground. During this time, he was interrogated at irregular intervals and subjected to various forms of
physical and psychological torture. He was chained to a chair, beaten, and subjected to electrical shocks. He was shown a
bullet that was supposedly meant for him and told that car engines starting within his earshot were driving victims to their
executions, the next of which would be his. "There were six institutions for political prisoners and fourteen labour camps
where political prisoners and common criminals worked together. It has been estimated that there were approximately
32,000 people imprisoned in Albania in 1985." Article 47 of the Albanian Criminal Code stated that to "escape outside the
state, as well as refusal to return to the Fatherland by a person who has been sent to serve or has been permitted temporarily
to go outside the state" is a crime of treason which is punishable by a minimum sentence of ten years or even death. An
electrically-wired metal fence stands 600 meters to one kilometer from the actual border. Anyone touching the fence not only
risks electrocution, but also sets off alarm bells and lights which alert guards stationed at approximately one-kilometer
intervals along the fence. Two meters of soil on either side of the fence are cleared in order to check for footprints of
escapees and infiltrators. The area between the fence and the actual border is seeded with booby traps such as coils of wire,
noise makers consisting of thin pieces of metal strips on top of two wooden slats with stones in a tin container which rattle if
stepped on, and flares that are triggered by contact, thus illuminating would-be escapees during the night. Albania, being a

predominantly Muslim European country, largely due to Turkish influence in the region, had, like the Ottoman Empire,
identified to an extent religion with ethnicity. In the Ottoman Empire, Muslims were viewed as "Turks," Eastern Orthodox as
Greeks and Catholics as "Latins." Hoxha believed this was a serious issue, feeling that it both fueled Greek separatists
in North Epirus and also divided the nation in general. The Agrarian Reform Law of 1945 confiscated much of the church's
property in the country. Catholics were the earliest religious community to be targeted, since the Vatican was seen as being
an agent of Fascism and anti-Communism. In 1946 the Jesuit Order and in 1947 the Franciscans were banned. Decree No.
743 (On Religion) sought a national church and forbade religious leaders from associating with foreign powers. The Party
focused on atheist education in schools. This tactic was effective, primarily due to the high birthrate policy encouraged after
the war. During holy periods such as Ramadan orLent, many forbidden foods (dairy products, meat, etc.) were distributed in
schools and factories, and people who refused to eat those foods were denounced. Starting on February 6, 1967, the Party
began a new offensive against religion. Hoxha, who had declared a "Cultural and Ideological Revolution" after being partly
inspired by China's Cultural Revolution, encouraged communist students and workers to use more forceful tactics to promote
atheism, although violence was initially condemned. According to Hoxha, the surge in anti-religious activity began with the
youth. The result of this "spontaneous, unprovoked movement" was the closing of all 2,169 churches and mosques in
Albania. State atheism became official policy, and Albania was declared the world's first atheist state. Religiously-based town
and city names were changed, as well as personal names. During this period religiously-based names were also made illegal.
The Dictionary of People's Names, published in 1982, contained 3,000 approved, secular names. In 1992, Monsignor Dias, the
Papal Nuncio for Albania appointed by Pope John Paul II, said that of the three hundred Catholic priests present in Albania
prior to the Communists coming to power, only thirty survived. All religious practice and clergymen were outlawed and those
religious figures who refused to give up their positions were arrested or forced into hiding. Enver Hoxha had declared during
the anti-religious campaign that "the only religion of Albania is Albanianism," a quotation from the poem O moj Shqypni ("O
Albania") by the nineteenth-century Albanian writer Pashko Vasa. Muzafer Korkuti one of the dominant figures in post-war
Albanian archaeology and now Director of the institute of Archaeology in Tirana said this in an interview of July 10, 2002:
"Archaeology is part of the politics which the party in power has and this was understood better than anything else by Enver
Hoxha. Folklore and archaeology were respected because they are the indicators of the nation, and a party that shows
respect to national identity is listened to by other people; good or bad as this may be. Enver Hoxha did this as did Hitler. In
Germany in the 1930s there was an increase in Balkan studies and languages and this too was all part of nationalism." Efforts
were focused on an Illyrian-Albanian continuity issue and on appropriating Ancient Greek history as Albanian. An Illyrian
origin of the Albanians (without denying Pelasgian roots) continued to play a significant role in Albanian nationalism, resulting
in a revival of given names supposedly of "Illyrian" origin, at the expense of given names associated with Christianity. At first,
Albanian nationalist writers opted for the Pelasgians as the forefathers of the Albanians, but as this form of nationalism
flourished in Albania under Enver Hoxha, the Pelasgians became a secondary element to the Illyrian theory of Albanian
origins, which could claim some support in scholarship. The Illyrian descent theory soon became one of the pillars of Albanian
nationalism, especially because it could provide some evidence of continuity of an Albanian presence both in Kosovo and in
southern Albania, i.e., areas that were subject to ethnic conflicts between Albanians, Serbs and Greeks. Under the
government of Enver Hoxha, an autochthonous ethnogenesis was promoted and physical anthropologists tried to
demonstrate that Albanians were different from any other Indo-European populations, a theory now disproved. Communistera Albanian archaeologists claimed that ancient Greek poleis, gods, ideas, culture and prominent personalities were wholly
Illyrian (example Pyrrhus of Epirus and the region of Epirus). They claimed that the Illyrians were the most ancient people in
the Balkans and greatly extended the age of the Illyrian language. This is continued in post-communist Albania and has
spread to Kosovo. These nationalist theories have survived largely intact into the present day. A new Constitution was
decided upon by the Seventh Congress of the Albanian Party of Labour on 17 November 1976. According to Hoxha, "The old
Constitution was the Constitution of the building of the foundations of socialism, whereas the new Constitution will be the
Constitution of the complete construction of a socialist society." Self-reliance was now stressed more than ever. Citizens were
encouraged to train in the use of weapons, and this activity was also taught in schools. This was to encourage the creation of
quick partisans. Borrowing and foreign investment were banned under Article 26 of the Constitution, which read:
"The granting of concessions to, and the creation of foreign economic and financial companies and other institutions or ones
formed jointly with bourgeois and revisionist capitalist monopolies and states as well as obtaining credits from them are
prohibited in the People's Socialist Republic of Albania."
No country whatsoever, big or small, can build socialism by taking credits and aid from the bourgeoisie and the revisionists or
by integrating its economy into the world system of capitalist economies. Any such linking of the economy of a socialist
country with the economy of bourgeois or revisionist countries opens the doors to the actions of the economic laws of
capitalism and the degeneration of the socialist order. This is the road of betrayal and the restoration of capitalism, which the
revisionist cliques have pursued and are pursuing. Enver Hoxha
Albania was very poor and backward by European standards and it had the lowest standard of living in Europe. As a result of
economic self-sufficiency, Albania had a minimal foreign debt. In 1983, Albania imported goods worth $280 million but
exported goods worth $290 million, producing a trade surplus of $10 million. In 1981, Hoxha ordered the execution of several
party and government officials in a new purge. Prime Minister Mehmet Shehu was reported to have committed suicide in
December 1981 and was subsequently condemned as a "traitor" to Albania and that he was operating in the service of
multiple intelligence agencies. It is generally believed that he was either killed or shot himself during a power struggle or over
differing foreign policy matters with Hoxha. Hoxha also wrote a large assortment of books during this period, resulting in over
65 volumes of collected works, condensed into six volumes of selected works. Later, Hoxha withdrew into semi-retirement
due to failing health, having suffered a heart attack in 1973 from which he never fully recovered. He turned most state
functions over to Ramiz Alia. In his final days he was a wheelchair user and was suffering from diabetes, which he had
suffered from since 1948, and cerebral ischemia, which he had suffered from since 1983. Hoxha's death on April 11, 1985 left
Albania with a legacy of isolation and fear of the outside world. Despite some economic progress made by Hoxha, the country
was in economic stagnation; Albania had been the poorest European country throughout much of the Cold War period. As of
the early 21st century, very little of Hoxha's legacy is still in place in today's Albania since the transition to democracy in
1992. The surname Hoxha is the Albanian variant of Hodja, a title given to his ancestors due to their efforts to teach
Albanians about Islam. Enver Hoxha's parents were Halil and Gjylihan (Gjylo) Hoxha, and Hoxha had three sisters named
Fahrije, Haxhire and Sanije. Hysen Hoxha ([hysn hda]) was Enver Hoxha's uncle and was a militant who campaigned
vigorously for the independence of Albania, which occurred when Enver was four years old. His grandfather Beqir was
involved in the Gjirokastr section of the League of Prizren. Enver Hoxha's son, Sokol Hoxha, was the CEO of the Albanian Post
and Telecommunication service, and is married to Liliana Hoxha. The later democratic president of Albania Sali Berisha was
often seen socializing with Sokol Hoxha and other close relatives of leading communist figures in Albania. Hoxha's daughter,
Pranvera, is an architect. Along with her husband, Klement Kolaneci, she designed the former Enver Hoxha Museum in Tirana,
a white-tiled pyramid. The museum opened in 1988, three years after her father's death. The building now houses the
International Cultural Centre.

Omer Nishani (born

February 5, 1887, died May 26, 1954) was Chairman of the Presidium of
the People's Assembly of Albania from March 16, 1946 until August 1, 1953. He was
an Albanian political figure involved first in the struggle against Ahmet Zogu (known after 1928 as
King Zog) in the 1920s and 1930s, and then in the struggle against the fascist occupation of Albania
during the 1942-1944 period, becoming the Chairman of the Presidium of the People's Assembly of
the People's Republic of Albania (thereby becoming the country's head of state) in 1946 and serving
in this position until 1953. Omer was born in Gjirokastra. His brother, Beso, was a teacher whose
students included a young Enver Hoxha (also a native of Gjirokastra.) [1] Nishani studied medicine
in Istanbul, graduating but not practicing it as a profession. In the early 1920's he involved himself in
politics, supporting Fan S. Noli whose forces in 1924 had overthrown the conservative order backed
by Ahmet Zogu and established a democratic government, with Nishani participating in a trial held
against Zogu in absentia. After the downfall of the government in December that same year Nishani
fled abroad and co-founded the anti-Zogu and Comintern-backed KONARE (National Revolutionary Committee) in 1925,
helping to run its newspaper Liria Kombtare (National Freedom) together with the Albanian Communist Halim Xhelo from
1925 to 1932 in Geneva. After the Italian invasion of Albania in 1939 Nishani returned to the country and initially joined
the collaborationist government's Council of State which comprised various personalities opposed to King Zog. Nishani, who
had known Enver Hoxha's father Halil, was visited by Hoxha (who was then head of the Communist Party of Albania and
leader of the partisan resistance) and remarked that, "We old fogies have had our day, long live the youth, because you are
the hope of the country. I haven't done anything much, but I fought Zog as much as I could. And I had good comrades on the
newspaper who helped me in that direction. I did not give up, but what was I to do, die in exile? I was longing to see the
country and my people. I came back, but these fascists and occupiers and all the rogues who serve them like dogs, I hate
them like death. But you are going to say, then why did you join the 'Council of State'? I had to, because I have nothing to live
on and I have a wife to keep. So this is what I am reduced to." He quickly grew disenchanted with the post-Zog occupation
and regarded involvement in the quisling government as a mistake; in this same conversation he said that "everybody knows
that fascism cuts the heads of communists. I am not a communist, but I have lived and worked with them, I have respected
them and they have respected me. I shall tell you one thing: for you the road is not strewn with flowers, but go on, fight,
because only by fighting you will save Albania." After convincing Nishani to involve himself in what the Communists termed
the Anti-Fascist National Liberation War, Hoxha noted that, "Omer Nishani kept his word and worked in Tirana as a zealous
activist of the National Liberation Movement. And when the moments required him, the comrades and I talked it over and we
thought that he would be valuable in the work of the General Council as a mature, patriotic and cultured man for the work of
propaganda, the organization of the state, etc. We sent him word and the doctor left Tirana for the mountains where he
stayed until the country was liberated." Nishani became a member of the National Liberation Movement upon its formation in
September 1942. In September 1943 Nishani was made Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National Liberation
General Council, and at the Congress of Prmet in May 1944 he was made Chairman of the Anti-Fascist National Liberation
Council and in charge of foreign affairs. On January 12, 1946 Nishani became Chairman of the Constituent Assembly which on
March 14 was transformed into the People's Assembly of the People's Republic of Albania. Nishani, who was not a member of
the ruling Party of Labour of Albania, served as the first Chairman of the Presidium of the People's Assembly until he
requested his resignation on July 24, 1953 for health reasons. He was succeeded by Albanian Communist Haxhi Lleshi on
August 1. According to a dossier of the Ministry of Interior of Albania, an autopsy on Nishani's body established that he
committed suicide, something considered taboo at the time. In 1988 a compilation of his articles and speeches made during
the socialist period was published under the title Pr Shqiprin e popullit.

Haxhi Lleshi (October

19, 1913January 1, 1998) was the President of Albania from August 1, 1953
until November 22, 1982. He was an Albanian military leader and communist politician. Lleshi was one of
the top commanders in Albania's fight against the Italians and Germans during World War II and is still
considered by some to be a hero in Albania for his actions during the war. When a communist anti-fascist
government was set up in Albania in 1944, Lleshi became interior minister and served in that position
from 1944 to 1946. On August 1, 1953, Lleshi became chairman of the Presidum of the People's
Assembly of Albania. He was also sometimes referred to as the Speaker of Parliament, President or Head
of State of Albania. He was nominally one of the three most powerful people in Albania's communist
regime, along with general secretary Enver Hoxha and Prime Minister Mehmet Shehu. During Lleshi's
time in power, Albania became known as one of the most independent communist nations, as it feuded
with the Soviet Union, became an ally of[1]China and then feuded with China in the 1970s. Lleshi retired
from his position as chairman of the Presidium on November 22, 1982, after nearly 30 years in office, when Hoxha reshuffled
the government. Hoxha died three years later, and during the early 1990s, the communist regime fell, but Lleshi continued to
live in Albania. In 1998, he died from natural causes.

Mehmet Ismail Shehu (January 10, 1913 December 17, 1981) was an Albanian communist politician who served as
Premier of Albania from July 20, 1954 until December 17, 1981. As an acknowledged military tactician, without whose
leadership the communist partisans may well have failed in their battle to win Albania for the Marxist cause, Shehu exhibited
an ideological understanding and work ethic that singled him out for rapid promotion in the communist party. Mehmet Shehu
shared power with Enver Hoxha from the end of the Second World War. According to official Albanian government sources, he
committed suicide on December 17, 1981, after which the entire Shehu clan (his wife, sons and other of his relatives) were
arrested and impris oned while Mehmet Shehu himself was denounced as "one of the most dangerous traitors and enemies of
his country". Persistent rumors remain, however, that the murder of Shehu was ordered by Hoxha. Shehu was born
in orrush, Mallakastr District, southern Albania; in a family of a Tosk Muslim Imam. He graduated in 1932 at the Tirana
Albanian Vocational High School funded by the American Red Cross. His specialty was Agriculture. Unsuccessful in finding
employment within the Ministry of Agriculture he managed to get a scholarship to attend the Naples Military Academy. After
being expelled from this school for his pro-Communist sympathies in 1936 he gained entry to Tirana Officers School, but he
left the following year after volunteering to fight for the republican side in the Spanish Civil War. He joined the Spanish
Communist Party and rose to the command of the Fourth Battalion of the XIIth Garibaldi Brigade. After the defeat of the
Republican forces he was arrested in France in early 1939 as he was retreating from Spain along with his friends. He was
interned in an internment camp in France and later was transferred to an Italian internment camp, where he joined the Italian
Communist Party. In 1942 he returned to Albania which was under Italian occupation where he immediately joined the
Albanian Communist Party and the Albanian resistance. In 1943, he was elected as a candidate member of the Central
Committee of the Communist Party. In August 1943 due to his military experience, he rose swiftly to commander of the 1st
Partisan Assault Brigade. Thereafter, he was the commander of 1st Partisan Assault Division of the National Liberation Army.
From 1944 to 1945 he was a member of the Anti-Fascist Council of National Liberation (the provisional government). After
Albania was liberated from the German occupation (November 1944), Shehu became the deputy chief of the general staff
and, after he studied in Moscow, became the chief of the general staff. Later, he was also a lieutenant general and a full
general. In 1948, Shehu "expurgated" from the party the element who "tried to separate Albania from the Soviet Union and

lead her under Belgrade's influence". This made him the nearest person to Enver Hoxha and brought
him high offices. However, he remained in Hoxha's shadow. From 1948, he was a member of the
Central Committee and the Politburo of the Party of Labour of Albania, and, from 1948 to 1953, he
was a secretary of the Central Committee. He lost the latter position on June 24 when Enver Hoxha
gave up the posts of Minister of Defence and Minister of Foreign Affairs, remaining the Chairman of
the Council of Ministers. Hoxha was probably not willing to yield too much power to him. From 1948
to 1954 he was the deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers and the Minister of Internal Affairs
(and the chief of the secret police). From 1954 to 1981 he succeeded Enver Hoxha as the chairman
of the Council of Ministers. From 1974 he was also the Minister of People's Defence while from 1947
to his death Shehu was a deputy of the People's Assembly. During the war, Shehu won a reputation
for brutality. On his command most clan chiefs in the mountains of northern Albania were executed.
In 1949, he ordered 14 Catholic tribesmen in the Mirdita region executed after underground fighters
aligned with conservative Albanian political exiles working as Italian Navy espionage agents
executed Bardhok Biba, a relative of Catholic tribal leader Gjon Markagjoni who had turned against the tribal system to
become a ranking Communist district official. Mike Burke, the American spymaster who set up a 1950 paramilitary project to
oust the Albanian Marxist regime, said in 1986 that Shehu was "one tough son of a bitch", whose security forces gave U.S.
agents "a tough time". At the 22nd Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (October 1961) Anastas Mikoyan,
one of the Soviet leaders, quoted Mehmet Shehu, who had said at an Albanian Party Congress: "Whoever disagrees with our
leadership in any repect, will get spat in the face, punched on the chin, and, if necessary, a bullet in his head." Shehu was
considered to be Enver Hoxha's right hand man and the second most important person in Albania. For 40 years Hoxha was
Shehu's friend and closest comrade. Shehu was one of those who prepared the Chinese-Albanian alliance and the break with
the Soviet Union (December 1961). It is claimed that in 1981 Shehu opposed Enver Hoxha's isolationism. He was accused of
being a Yugoslav spy. On December 17, 1981, he was found dead in his bedroom in Tirana with a bullet wound to his head.
According to the official announcement (December 18), he had committed suicide in a nervous breakdown. This was a crime
under Albanian law. Shehu was declared to be a "people's enemy" and was buried in a wasteland near the village
of Ndroq near Tirana. Shehu's son later launched a campaign to prove that his father had, in fact, been murdered. After his
death Shehu was claimed to have been an agent of not only the Yugoslav secret services, but also the CIA and the KGB. In
Hoxha's book Titoites (1982) several chapters are dedicated to Shehu's denunciation. Shehu disappeared from the official
communist history of Albania. Shehu's widow Fiqerete (born Sanxhaktari) and two of his sons were arrested without any
explanation and later imprisoned on different pretexts. After the fall of Communism and his release from prison in 1991,
Mehmet Shehu's younger son Bashkim started seeking his father's remains. On November 19, 2001, it was announced that
Mehmet Shehu's remains had been found. A fictionalised account of Mehmet Shehu's fall and death is the subject of Ismail
Kadare's novel The Successor (2003).

Adil arani (May

15, 1922 October 13, 1997) was a Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the
Socialist People's Republic of Albania from December 18, 1981 until February 22, 1991. He was
an Albanian politician in the Communist regime led by Enver Hoxha. He served as the titular head of the
Albanian government in the years immediately preceding the fall of the Communist regime. arani was
born in Fush-Bardh, Gjirokastr District, Albania. During World War II, he fought for Partisan forces
against the Italianfascists, and joined the Communist party and the government that it set up after the
war. He became mining minister in the 1950s, joined the Politburo of the Party of Labour of Albania in the
1960s, and by 1981 had become first deputy prime minister. On December 18, 1981, immediately after
the violent death of Mehmet Shehu, arani became Prime Minister. He remained in that position until the
Communist government began to fall in 1991, when he resigned after mobs tore down the statue of Enver Hoxha, Albania's
communist leader from the 1940s until the 1980s. arani was, however, elected to parliament that year, and gave the
opening speech. In 1994 arani was tried, found guilty and sentenced to prison for embezzlement and abuse of power. His
sentence was commuted to house arrest, however, as he was beginning to suffer from health problems. He died under house
arrest in Tirana.

Post communist Albania since 1992

List of Presidents and Prime Ministers of Albania
Ramiz Taf Alia

(October 18, 1925 October 7, 2011) was the second and last communist leader of Albania from Apil
13, 1985 until April 9, 1991, and the President of the People's Socialist Republic of Albania from April 30, 1991 until April 9,
1992, and also the first President of the postcommunist Albania elected in 199192. He had been designated as successor
by Enver Hoxha and took power after Hoxha died. Alia died on October 7, 2011 in Tirana due to lung disease, aged 85. Alia
was born in 1925. In the early part of World War II he was a member of a Fascist youth organization but joined the
underground Albanian Communist Youth Organization in 1941. In 1943, he became member of the Albanian Communist
Party. He had risen rapidly under Hoxha's patronage and by 1961 was a full member of the ruling Political Bureau ( Politburo of
the Party of Labour of Albania). Hoxha chose Alia for several reasons. First, Alia had long been a militant follower of MarxismLeninism and supported Hoxha's policy of national self-reliance. Alia also was favored by Hoxha's wife Nexhmije, who had
once been his instructor at the Institute of Marxism-Leninism. His political experience was similar to that of Hoxha; and
inasmuch as he appeared to share Hoxha's views on most foreign and domestic issues, he accommodated himself to the
totalitarian mode of ruling. After World War II, Alia resumed his duties in the Communist Youth Organization, and at the First
Congress of the Albanian Party of Labor in November 1948, he was elected to its Central Committee and was assigned in the
department of agitation and propaganda. [2]When he succeeded Hoxha in 1985, the country was in grave difficulty. Political
apathy and cynicism were pervasive, with large segments of the population having rejected the government's values. The
economy, which suffered from low productivity and permanent shortages of the most basic foodstuffs, showed no sign of
improvement. Social controls and self-discipline had eroded. Theintelligentsia was beginning to resist strict party controls and
to criticize the government's failure to observe international standards of human rights. Apparently recognizing the depth and
extent of the societal malaise, Alia cautiously and slowly began to make changes in the system. His first target was the
economic system. In an effort to improve economic efficiency, Alia introduced some economic decentralization and price
reform in specific sectors. Alia did not relax censorship, but he did allow public discussions of Albania's societal problems and
encouraged debates among writers and artists on cultural issues. In response to international criticism of Albania's record on
human rights, the new leadership loosened some political controls and ceased to apply repression on a mass scale. In 1989,
general amnesties brought about the release of many long-term prisoners. He strengthened ties with Greece, Italy, Turkey,
and Yugoslavia. A loosening of restrictions on travel and tourism resulted in a more promising outlook for Albania's tourist
trade. Despite Alia's efforts to proceed with change on a limited, cautious basis, reform from above threatened to turn into
reform from below, largely because of the increasingly vocal demands of Albania's youth. On December 9, 1990, student
demonstrators marched from the Enver Hoxha University (now University of Tirana) at Tirana through the streets of the

capital shouting slogans and demanding a reforms. By December 11, 1990 the number of
participants had reached almost 3,000. In an effort to quell the student unrest, which had led to
clashes with riot police, Alia met with the students and agreed to take further steps
toward democratization. The students informed Alia that they wanted to create an independent
political organization of students and youth. Alia's response was that such an organization had to
be registered with the Ministry of Justice. In his traditional New Year's message to the Albanian
people, Alia welcomed the changes that had been occurring in the country and claimed that 1991
would be a turning point in terms of the economy. Despite positive signs of change, many
Albanians were still trying to leave their country. At the end of 1990, as many as 5,000 Albanians
crossed over the mountainous border into Greece. Young people motivated by economic
dissatisfaction made up the bulk of the refugees. Alia was a crucial figure in the peaceful political
transition of the early 1990s as many believe that he helped rise to power the anti communist
opposition forces thus eliminating a possible bloodshed. Alia managed to remain a key political figure throughout several
political crises. Nonetheless, with Albania in the throes of a grave economic crisis, Alia had to face challenges that he could
not surmount. After the collapse of a coalition government in December 1991 and the Democratic Party of Albania's (DPA)
landslide victory in the spring 1992 general election, he resigned as president on April 3, 1992. On April 9, 1991 the People's
Assembly elected DPA leader Sali Berisha as Albania's new head of state. On May 21, 1994, senior officials from the
communist regime, including Ramiz Alia, went to trial. Alia was charged with abuse of power and misappropriation of state
funds, as was Adil Carani, the former prime minister, Manush Myftiu, his deputy, and Rito Marko, a former vice-president.
Alia had been placed under house arrest in August 1992 and his detention was converted into imprisonment in August
1993. In court he claimed he was the victim of a political show trial and demanded that the trial be broadcast on television, a
request denied by the presiding judge. The trial was monitored by a Human Rights Watch/Helsinki representative and
proceeded with only minor due process irregularities. The ten defendants were found guilty as charged and sentenced to
between three and nine years in prison; Alia received a nine-year sentence. A court of appeals subsequently reduced some of
the sentences, notably Alia's to five years. Alia, Myftiu, Carani, Stefani and Isai were also ordered to repay various sums to
the state. On November 30, 1992 the Court of Cassation reduced Alia's term by an additional three years. On July 7, 1995,
Ramiz Alia was freed from jail. However, his freedom was short-lived and in 1996 he was charged with committing crimes
against humanity during his term, and was imprisoned anew in March. The trial against him began on February 18, 1997, but
he escaped from the prison following the unrest in the country and the desertion of the guards. Amid the unrest he appeared
on State TV in an exclusive interview with Blendi Fevziu. In the late 2000s he was seen traveling seldom to Albania from
Dubai by giving interviews or publishing personal books.

Fatos Thanas Nano

(born September 16, 1952 in Tirana) was the Prime Minister of Albania three times, the first time
from February 22 until June 4, 1991, the second time from July 25, 1997 until September 28, 1998 and the third time from July
29, 2002 until September 1, 2005. He was the first leader of the Socialist Party of Albania, and member of the Albanian
Parliament from 1991 to 1996 and 1997 to 2009. He reformed theAnti-Revisionist Marxist-Leninist ideology of Labor Party of
Albania into social democracy for its successor, the Socialist Party of Albania. During his leadership the Socialist Party of
Albania, as a result of reforms joined the Socialist International and Party of European Socialists. Nano was candidate
for Presidential Elections of 2007 but did not win. He expressed again his will to run for the Presidential Elections of 2012.
Fatos Nano was born in Tirana to Thanas Nano from Nokove, a former director of Albanian Radio Television, and Maria Nano
(ne Shuteriqi) from Elbasan, a graduate of the American Institute of Kavaja and English language teacher. He was the only
male child among female siblings in the family. He grew up in Hoxha Tahsim Street in East Tirana and attended Sami Frasheri
High School. In the early years of adolescence, Nano was eager to learn foreign languages and used to play the guitar. In
second year of high school, he founded a rock group of which he was the lead singer that played the music of The Beatles,
strictly forbidden to the general public at the time. He graduated in Political Economy from University of Tirana in 1974. After
graduation in 1978, Nano worked in the management of the metallurgical mills of Elbasan until 1981. From 1981 until 1984,
Nano served as an economist at the Priska's Agricultural Farm in Tirana. In 1984, he was appointed as a researcher of socioeconomic problems and reforms of market economies of east bloc countries in the Marxist-Leninist Institute in Tirana, where
he worked until 1990. During this period, he served as a lecturer in several faculties of the University of Tirana from 1978
until 1990. Nano was married for the first time from July 26, 1976 to 2001 to Rexhina Nano with whom he has 2 children, a
son named Sokol and a daughter named Edlira. Since 2002, Fatos Nano divorced and married businesswoman Xhoana Nano,
with whom he lives in Tirana together with her son. In December 1990, he began his political career after being appointed as
Secretary General of the Council of Ministers. In January 1991, he moved to the position of Deputy Prime Minister in the
gorvernment of Adil arani. The fall of the communist regimes in various Central and Eastern European countries forced
then President Ramiz Alia to gradually remove the old communistnomenklatura from power and government. In the end of
February 1991, Alia appointed Nano as Prime Minister of the transitional government with the purpose of organizing the first
post communist democratic elections in the country being held that year. He was also tasked to prepare the transition of the
country towards democracy and market economy The Parliamentary Elections were held on March 31, 1991 where Labour
Party of Albania won the majority. Ramiz Alia appointed Nano for the second time as the new Prime Minister. However, his
new government did not last long as a General Strike organized by the independent unions forced him to resigned a couple of
weeks later. In June 1991 during the 10th Congress of the Labor Party, the party changed name to the Socialist Party of
Albania. During this session, the Congress elected Nano as the new leader of the Socialist Party on June 12, 1991. After
the Democratic Party of Albania won the parliamentary election of March 22, 1992, the Parliament set up a commision in
early 1993 to investigate the activity of Fatos Nano for alleged corruption and abuse with management of humanitarian
aid given by the Italian State during the 1990-1992 economic crisis. According to Nano, this was a sophisticated way to
imprison him due to his strong opposition to the autocratic signs of then President Berisha and due to the inefficiency and
inability of the government headed by Aleksander Meksi to accomplish effective economical reforms. In fact, the Meksi
government permited the notorious Ponzi schemes(known as Pyramid schemes in Albania) where the majority of Albanians
lost their savings resulting in the unrest of 1997. On July 27, 1993 General Attorney Alush Dragoshi removed the legislative
immunity of Nano. On July 30, 1993, Nano was arrested in the office of the Presecutor on corruption and abuse in the
management of humanitarian aid charges. A petition signed by 700 thousand people was sent to then President Berisha to
free Nano from prison. Nano was considered a political prisoner from the Socialist Party of Albania who continued to be its
chairman while giving directives through letters sent from prison via his ex-wife Rexhina Nano. After imprisonment, Nano
decided that the party should be ruled by three Deputy Chairmen and one Secretary General for general matters. Since the
rejection of the revised Albanian Constitution during the 1994 Referendum, the foreign relations between Albania, the
European Union and USA began to deteriorate due to perceived autocratic signs of the Berisha regime. Additionally,
Washington and Brussels were skeptical on the abilities of the leadership of the SP to govern the country in case they were to
win the 1996 Parliamentary Elections. The foreign diplomats also expressed concern toward the neutral stance the Socialist
leadership held about Enver Hoxha and the positive stance of the lidership (except Nano) toward Marxism-Leninism being
implemented in the programme of the party by Servet Pellumbi. They called the socialist leadership (except Nano, who did
not was a member of Labor Party) as "dinosaurs from the old epoch". In 1996, Nano wrote a letter to the Assembly of the

Party (Keshilli i Pergjithshem Drejtues) to initiate a motion to remove 3 deputy Chairmans of the
Party Servet Pellumbi, Dritero Agolli and Namik Dokle as they were affliated with the now-defunct
Labour Party. He wanted to create a new leadership with people not affiliated with Labour Party
such as intellectuals Rexhep Meidani, Pandeli Majko, Kastriot Islami, etc. These were done to
implement
the
recommendations
made
by
the State
Department, European
Parliamentand European Council. Nano proposed the removal of Marxist and etatist concepts from
the party's statute and programme, the denial of Lenin and Comintern, and the rehabilitation of the
figures of Kautsky and Second Internationale. The above motion presented by Nano to the
2nd Congress of the Party passed with the support of the majority of the socialist members and civil
society. In 1997, the collapse of Ponzi schemes marked the beginning of an armed popular revolt
against president Sali Berisha, who was forced to resign on July 1997. During the 1997 unrest in
Albania, Nano was released from prison due to a Presidential Decree offering amnesty to all
prisoners in Albania including former President Ramiz Alia. On June 29, 1997, an untimely
parliamentary election was held due to the uprising and was deeply won by the Socialist Party of
Albania. Nano was appointed Prime Minister by President Rexhep Meidani only to resign again on September 28, 1998 after
a coup d'tat attempted by radical followers of the Democratic Party of Albania. The coup d'tat was attempted during the
funeral of an assassinated opposition leader, Azem Hajdari. One day earlier, it was decided that Nano was to flee by
helicopter to Ohrid, Macedonia due to safety concerns. In 1999, Nano was found innocent by a court in Tirana for his alleged
abuse of power and corruption. After the Socialist Party won for the second time after the Parliamentary Elections of June 24,
2001, Nano returned to politics again after 2 years of inactivity by starting the movement called Catharsis. The latter had the
goal of eradicating corruption and abuse of power from officials and ministers of the Government of Albania. A daily
newspaper published the photo of a Mercedes alleging Nano was involved in a car accident by killing a passerby in Shkallnur
near Durres, however Nano has not commented on such allegations. In early 2002, Nano unsuccessfully tried to run for
President of Albania, but on July 25, 2002 he was appointed by newly elected President Alfred Moisiu as Prime Minister for the
third time. Just days after retaking office in August 2002, Nano came under attack by leading Italian weekly "L'Espresso"
accusing Nano of having ties to international organized-crime groups, and having been involved in a cigarette-smuggling ring
with Naples-based mobsters. Nano sued the magazine in a court in Rome which ruled in favor of Nano. The court found the
article to contain untrue information and speculations with the purpose of harming Nano during his term in office. The news
magazine was ordered to pay Nano 3 millions euros in damages, while the magazine's director Daniela Hamaoi and the
authors of the article Claudio Papayani, Dina Nasecti and Giuseppe Roli were convicted 18 months in jail for groundlessly
connecting Nano to the crime and mafia in Albania. It is believed that Nano used part of the money to invest in some holiday
homes and a hotel chain in Ohrid, Macedonia. In 2004, a number of fatal accidents occurred in Albania. One of them involved
the killing of a dozen of Kosovar students in a road accident in northern Albania. However, while the government declared a
mourning day, Nano was seen celebrating in a Greek taverna in Thessaloniki. Nano justified his absence on a surgical
intervention. In the winter of 2004, a number of protests with over 20000 people were organized by the opposition lead by
Sali Berisha demanding Nano to quit as prime minister which came known as the Nano Go Movement. In 2004, the civil
society group Mjaft! protested in front of Nano's office against the alleged import of waste from Italy to Albania. On July 3,
2005, the Socialist Party lost the elections and its majority in parliament. On September 1, 2005 Nano resigned as Prime
Minister and as Chairman of the Socialist Party. Since then, Nano retired from public and political life while continuing to
appear in political talk shows. In early 2007, Nano met with Sali Berisha to counter appeals from the Socialist Party to boycott
the 2007 local elections which would have triggered early general elections. Nano was elected candidate for President in
the Presidential Elections of 2007 by the request of 20 Socialist MPs. Most members of the opposition coalition led by the
Socialist Party did not support him, however, and choose to boycott this Presidential Election. Nano received only three votes,
while Bamir Topi of the Democratic Party won 75 votes. Topi did not receive enough votes to be elected, however.The second
round of voting was held on July 10, 2007. However, the parliament still failed to elect a president, with Nano getting five
votes and Topi receiving 74. Continued failure to elect a president would have resulted in an early parliamentary election, but
on July 20, Topi was elected. In late August, it appeared likely Nano would found a new political party after falling out with the
Socialist Party; he announced the foundation of the Movement for Solidarity on September 19, 2007. In 2012, he expressed
the will to run again for the 2012 Albanian Presidential Elections. The early life of Nano is narrated by the only biographical
book about him in Albanian language "T jetosh kohn", written by his ex-wife Rexhina Nano and published in early 2008 . The
book was extensively used as reference for the information provided in this article, as is his interview given to
journalist Blendi Fevziu in Opinion talk show aired in two episodes on TV Klan (1 and 2). Nano has a degree in political
economy as well as a Ph.D. in economics from the University of Tirana. He has published three books: Socialimperializmi
sovjetik n ekonomin kapitaliste botrore (1987), Die Sowjetunion: ein kapitalistisches, imperialistisches Land (1988), Dosja
Nano (1994) Nano was elected as a member of parliament from the districts of Tirana in 1991, Kuov in 1992, Tepelen in
1997 and 2001, and Sarand in 2005. After 2005, Nano did not attend parliament regularly but only came in a 6 month
interval to claim his monthly pay cheque. In 2012, he was elected Honorary Member by the Socialist Party.

Sokrat Ylli Bufi (born May 25, 1948 in Tirana) is former Prime Minister of Albania from June
5 until December 10, 1991. After school he studied at the Faculty of Science at the University of
Tirana, chemical engineering and graduated in 1972 with a Doctor of Natural Sciences. He then
worked as chemical engineer in the oil production facility and then worked from 1976 to 1982 at
the food factory Fier. Then he was an employee of the 1982-1983 Committee for Science and
Technology. Between 1983 and 1990 he was deputy minister for light and food industry in the
government of Prime Minister Adil Carcani, who then appointed him as minister for food industry.
This office he held in the subsequent government of Prime Minister Fatos Nano since February 1991. Following the resignation
of Nano was Bufi, a member of the Partia Socialiste e Shqipris (PS), on 5 June 1991, his successor as prime minister of
Albania. After six months in office, he handed the office of the Prime Minister on 10 December 1991 Vilson Ahmeti. From 1992
to 1996 he was Chairman of the Committee on Industry, Commerce and Transport of the Albanian Parliament (Kuvendi
Shqipris i). Between March and July 1997, he worked as an adviser to Prime Minister Bashkim Fino, before he was from July
1997 to October 1999 Minister for Public Economy and Privatization in the government of Fatos Nano and Pandeli Majko. Later
he worked from 2001 to 2005 President of the Parliamentary Commission of Economy, Finance and Privatization, and at the
same time from 2002 to 2005 Member of the Committee for review and implementation of the recommendations of the
OSCE.Since September 2005, Deputy Chairman of the PS Bufi and Chairman of the Parliamentary Committee on production,
trade and environment.

Vilson Ahmeti (originally Vils Faik Ahmeti, 1951) is former Prime Minister of Albania from December 10, 1991 until April
13, 1992. The democratic revolution in 1991 after the first free elections after stood up and Nano-Bufi administration was not
able to track the growth of the economically backward Albania to start. Since the latter a Democrat Cabinet ministers have
left, 1991. December 10, Ramiz Alia, president of the non-partisan, but socialist affiliation Vils Food Minister Ahmeti was
entrusted with forming a government of experts. The cabinet, however, was not able to solve the boiling point of discontent

behind the problems in living standards and infrastructure situation in Albania has not improved,
even regime change course crime continued to accumulate. Early in March 1992 after winning
elections, the Democrats nominated a new president, Sali Berisha one of the first measures the
1992. On April 13, 1992 Ahmeti's government was dissolved.In April 1995 Ahmeti proceedings
against misappropriation and abuse of office charges. The accusation is that even in 1991, the
Albanian National Commercial Bank, the Prime Minister Ahmeti four leaders with the knowledge
offered $ 1.6 million, the French citizen Nicola Arsidinek to negotiate with the Albanian
government debt remission. 1995th on July 27 in the absence of evidence Ahmetit acquitted.

Sali Ram Berisha, (born October 15, 1944) is an Albanian politician and incumbent prime minister since September 11,
2005. A cardiologist by profession, Berisha leads the Democratic Party of Albania (PD) and served as President of
Albania from April 9, 1992 until July 24, 1997. A former secretary of the committee of the Party of Labor in the Faculty of
Medicine at the University of Tirana, he abandoned his career as a cardiologist and university professor to become the leader
of the Democratic Party in the 1990s. From 1992, after the fall of communism, he served as the President of Albania until his
government collapsed in 1997 in the wake of the collapse of pyramid schemes. From 1997 to 2005, Albania was governed by
the Socialist Party (PS) for two mandates, while he stayed in opposition. In 2005, the Democratic Party won the general
elections, and he became the Prime Minister after his coalition formed the new government. In 2009, he was re-elected Prime
Minister, after the Democrats declared a narrow win of general elections but were forced into a coalition with the Socialist
Movement for Integration (LSI) through not winning enough seats on its own for the first time since the start of multi-party
democracy in 1991. Sali Berisha is married to Liri Berisha (ne Slobodanka Ramaj, daughter of Rexhep Ramaj and Milica
Bulatovi), a pediatrician. The couple has two children, a daughter, Argita Malltezi (ne Berisha), and a son, Shklzen Berisha.
Berisha was born in Viidol, Tropoj District, Kuks County, northern Albania, near the border with Kosovo to Ram and Sheqere
Berisha. He studied medicine at the University of Tirana, graduating in 1967. He specialized in cardiology and was
subsequently appointed as an assistant professor of medicine at the same university and as staff cardiologist at the Tirana
General Hospital. At the same time, Berisha became a member of a discussion forum for changes in the Albanian Party of
Labor while having been enrolled as a member a few years earlier. Apart from his native Albanian, he speaks English, Italian
and French fluently. During the 1970s, Berisha gained distinction as the leading researcher in the field of cardiology in Albania
and became professor of cardiology at the University of Tirana. In 1978 he received a United Nations Educational Scientific
and Cultural (UNESCO) fellowship for nine months of advanced study and training in Paris. He returned to Albania in 1979 and
became the personal physician of the country's ruler, Enver Hoxha, and the head of the Communist Party apparatus at
Tirana's main hospital. He also conducted a research program onhemodynamics that attracted considerable attention among
his colleagues in Europe. In 1986 he was elected to be a member of the European Committee for Research on Medical
Sciences, where he worked for the elaboration of scientific researches strategies for Health for all. In an interview for the
Albanian Writers League newspaper published also in the international press, Berisha demanded that the remaining barriers
to freedom of thought and expression be ended, that Albanians be granted the right to travel freely within the country and
abroad, and that Albania abandon its isolationist foreign policy. At an August 1990 meeting of the nations intellectuals
convened by President Ramiz Alia, Berisha urged the Albanian Party of Labor (APL) to abolish the third article of the
communist constitution which sanctioned that the Party of Labor had the hegemony of the Power, to recognize the Human
Rights Charter, the drafting of a new democratic constitution, and to remove all monuments of Stalin in the country. In an
article published in the Bashkimi newspaper on 17 September 1990, Berisha condemned what he termed the cosmetic
reforms of the Alia regime, which had only served to aggravate unrest within the nation. Without political pluralism, he
argued, there could be no true democracy in Albania. In December 1990, Berisha joined, on the very first day, a series of
student demonstrations that forced the government to approve the establishment of a multi-party system. Berisha emerged
as the leader of the Democratic Party of Albania (DP), the first and largest of the new opposition parties. It is interesting to
note that all leading members of the party wore white coats during demonstrations, while Berisha was heard thanking Ramiz
Alia when meeting with the students and was seen driving around Skanderbeg Square with a government vehicle. He was
formally elected DP chairman in February 1991 at the partys first national congress. He was elected member of Albania
parliament in 1991, 1992, 1997, 2001 from the constituency of Kavaj. After the first free elections of Albania, Berisha was
elected President of the Republic on 9 April 1992. Following his election as the second President of the Republic of Albania,
Sali Berisha and his government were engaged in a profound course of political, economic, institutional, legislative and
multifaceted reforms. Therefore, the complete privatization of land and residencies, as well as of all small and medium state
enterprises, was accomplished over the period 92-96; prices and exchange rates were fully liberalized, and Albania changed
from a country of a three figure inflation rate and economic growth regression of 20% into a country with a one-figure
inflation rate and with an average economic growth rate of 9% in 92 and, in 93 96, 75% of GDP was generated from the
private sector. Albania opened towards the West; it became a member of the Council of Europe in 1995; it signed
the Partnership for Peace Agreement in 1993, and it established a close cooperation with European Union countries and the
United States. All laws of the communist dictatorship were replaced with new laws of European standards, and a series of
institutions that had not been in place before, like the Constitutional Court and High Council of Justice, were established.
Despite many reforms, the administration was marred by corruption and abuses and allowed the budding of Ponzi saving
schemes. Progress was stalled in 1995, resulting in declining public confidence in government institutions. Berisha's loss of
political support became clear in November 1994, when Berisha lost a constitutional referendum amidst fears that the
revisions he supported would have given him even more powers. During the Bosnian War, it is alleged that the Albanian
government willfully defied the UN imposed embargo on Yugoslavia by smuggling oil tanks through the Yugoslav Albanian
border at present day Montenegro. Berisha's Democratic Party won the general election on May 26, 1996, though it was
marred by accusations of intimidation, manipulation and violent squelching of a peaceful opposition protests discrediting
them. The country plunged into a political crisis, as the Democratic Party refused to annul the elections they had won fourfifths of the seats in parliament and the opposition Socialists abandoned the institutions. The collapse of the Ponzi schemes
towards the end of 1996, into which it is alleged that Albanians invested $1 billion worth of life savings from 1994, recapped
the crisis. The schemes failed, one by one, from December 1996, and demonstrators took to the streets to accuse the
government of having stolen the money. Those demonstrations were then taken over by the opposition. By March, military
depots around the country were looted and for a time it looked like civil war would erupt between the government and rebels.
Berisha refused opposition demands to step down, and Multinational Forces of NATO were required to step in and take the
situation under control. After their intervention in Albania, early elections were held in June 1997, leading to the victory of a
socialist-led coalition of parties. He resigned from the president's tenure one month after the DP lost the 1997 elections to the
left coalition. In July 1997, Berisha was replaced by the socialist Rexhep Meidani. Since then he has been the chairman of the
DP, which became the biggest opposition party. He eventually returned to power and, since 2005, has been the leader of
the Democratic Party. Sali Berisha led the coalition of the center-right parties in the general elections held in five rounds in
JuneAugust 2001, although Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe ODIHR International Election Observation
Mission declared these elections as being manipulated. The coalition won 37% of the votes. Berisha led continuous peaceful
demonstrations demanding fresh elections. On July 3, 2005 Sali Berisha was able to lead a coalition of five right center
parties into the 2005 parliamentary elections, which eventually won a majority of 74 MPs from a total of 140. He was

appointed Prime Minister of Albania on 8 September 2005. On June 10, 2007, Sali Berisha met with
U.S. President George W. Bush in Tirana. Bush became the first U.S. president to visit Albania and
repeated his staunch support for the independence of neighbouring Kosovo from Serbia: "At some
point in time, sooner rather than later, you've got to say, enough is enough. Kosovo is
independent." On 15 March 2008, Berisha faced the toughest challenge of his government when
an ammunition dump exploded in the village of Grdecnear Tirana, causing the deaths of 26 people
and injuring over 100. Defense Minister Fatmir Mediu resigned, and the press reported many
irregularities at the blast site, operated by an Albanian company that deactivated the country's
aging ammunition and then sold it for scrap. In June 2009, Berisha's Democrats declared a narrow
win in the parliamentary elections. Berisha's alliance won enough seats to form a government,
though it fell one seat short of a majority during the elections of June 28, 2009, having to join
forces with a splinter socialist party, the Socialist Movement for Integration of Ilir Meta, whom
Berisha appointed to the post of Deputy Prime Minister for Foreign Affairs, and later Minister of
Economy, Trade and Energy. It is the first time since the start of multi-party democracy in 1991 that a ruling party had been
forced into a coalition through not winning enough seats on its own. The 2009 elections have been called flawed by
the socialist opposition, who have asked for a recount of the ballots. Berisha has refused any recount of the votes, on the
ground that the Albanian Constitution does not foresee such procedure. For that reason he called the opposition to the
parliament to change the constitution, but the Socialist Party refused. The political crisis between government and opposition
has worsened over time, with the Socialists abandoning parliamentary debates for months and staging hunger strikes to ask
for internal and international support. The EU attempted a conciliation, which failed. The ongoing political crisis was one of
the reasons for the EU's refusal to grant Albania official candidate status in late 2010. On January 21, 2011, clashes broke out
between police and protesters in a anti-government rally in front of the Government building in Tirana. Four people were shot
dead from government special forces. The EU issued a statement to Albanian politicians, warning both sides to refrain from
violence, while Berisha defined the protests and the subsequent charges by judges upon policemen as stages of an
attempted coup against him.

Aleksandr Gabriel Meksi (born

March 8 1939) was the Prime Minister of Albania from

April 13, 1992 to March 11, 1997. A former archaeologist he was the first person to be prime
minister of Albania after the end of communist rule. Meksi was a member of the Democratic Party
of Albania and took office at the same time as President Sali Berisha, who also belonged to that
party. Meksi resigned as the country descended into chaos caused by financial problems. A few
months after Meksi's resignation, Berisha also resigned. Despite his resignation, his government
enjoyed one of the longest tenures of any democratically-elected government of Albania. In early
May 2009, Meksi became the leader of the Pole of Freedom (Poli i Lirise), a right wing coalition
between the Christian Democratic Party, the Movement for National Development and several associations of land owners
expropriated by the communist regime and victims of communist prosecution. Poli i Lirise is seen by many as a reliable right
wing alternative for the elections of June 2009 and is perceived to consistently gain political and electoral support. The return
of Meksi in the active politics, although followed by mixed media reactions, seems to be well perceived by the Albanians.

Bashkim Fino (born

October 12, 1962 in Tirana) is an Albanian politician and former Prime Minister of
Albania from April 13, 1992 until March 11, 1997. Fino studied economics in Tirana and the United States.
After this, he worked as an economist in Gjirokastr, and in 1992 became its mayor. He is married and has
two children. On the March 11, 1997 Democratic Party President Sali Berisha appointed Fino, a member of
the opposition Socialist Party of Albania, Prime Minister in order to lead a government of national unity. This
came after rebellion broke out over the collapse of several pyramid schemes leading to the government
losing control of much of the country. Fino was Prime Minister through the 1997 elections where his Socialist
Party won a large majority before he stepped down and was succeeded by his party leader Fatos Nano. As of
2014, Fino is a Member of Parliament representing a constituency in Kor District. Fino is lecturer in Political
Academy of the Socialist Party of Albania.

Rexhep Qemal Meidani (helpinfo) (born

on August 17, 1944, in Tirana) is an

Albanian politician and the third President of Albania from July 24, 1997 until July 24, 2002. He
graduated from the University of Tirana (1966), Faculty of Natural Sciences, Branch Physics, as
well as successfully accomplished the postgraduate studies in the University of Caen (France)
(1974). Meidani holds PhDs from University of Paris XI and the University of Tirana. With regard to
the professional area, Meidani held various positions at the University of Tirana from 1966 to
1996 including: professor, chair of the department and later as the dean of the Faculty of Natural
Sciences. [3]During this time span, Meidani published a number of studies, books and articles
inside and outside of Albania. Along with Eqrem Cabej and Nelson Cabej, Meidani has been
considered as one of the leading academics in the country. His political career began in the 1990s. He was the chair of the
Central Election Commission in the first multiparty elections in 1991 and member of the Presidential Council (1991). During
19921996 he was engaged in the civil society by being also chair of the Board of the Albanian Center of Human
Rights (19941996). In 1996, he joined the Socialist Party and was elected its Secretary General (19961997). In the
anticipated parliamentary elections of June 1997, Meidani was elected member of the parliament in the Albanian Assembly.
After the elections, won by the left coalition and headed by the Socialist Party, on July 24, 1997, with the proposal of the SP,
the Albanian Assembly elected Meidani the President of Albania. Meidani served as the third President until 2002, with Petrit
Ago as his counselor. Meidani was succeeded in the presidency by Alfred Moisiu in 2002. In the 2005 Socialist Party
Leadership Convention, which was to designate a successor to Fatos Nano, he was defeated by the current PS chairman Edi
Rama. Meidani is currently a member of the Club of Madrid. Rexhep Meidani is also a member of the Institute for Cultural
Diplomacy advisory board. Fino is currently a Member of Parliament representing a constituency in Kuov. Fino is lecturer
in Political Academy of the Socialist Party of Albania. He received two Honours and awards: Knight Grand Cross of the Grand
Order of King Tomislav ("For outstanding contribution to the promotion of friendship and development co-operation between
the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Albania." April 4, 2001) and Honorary Degree Recipient from The American
University of Rome.

Pandeli Majko (born

November 15, 1967 in Tirana) was the twice Prime Minister of Albania, the first time from October
2, 1998 until October 29, 1999 and for a short time from February 22 until July 31, 2002. He graduated at the University of
Tirana, Faculty of Mechanical Engineering, and later in Law. During 1992-1995 Majko was President of the Euro-Socialist Youth
Forum of Albania, FRESSH Member of the Socialist Youth International. In 1992 he entered the Albanian Parliament as MP for
the Socialist Party. In 1997-2001 he took part in the parliamentary committee charged with the task of drafting the
new Constitution of Albania. In 1997-1998 Majko was secretary general of the Socialist Party and head of its parliamentary

group. From September 1998 to October 1999 Majko held his first government as prime minister of
Albania. He was the youngest Prime Minister of Albania, appointed when he was 30 years old in 1998 for
the first time. After the government of Ilir Meta, he briefly came back to premiership from February to
July 2002. He subsequently held the post of Minister of Defence from July 2002 to September 2005 in
the government of Fatos Nano. Following the government's defeat in the 2005 elections, he returned to
his former postition as secretary general of the Socialist Party. He is member of the General Council of
the Transnational Radical Party. As the head of state, he is considered to have played a key role in the
Kosovo war, by settling many refugee camps and officially helping the KLA cause.

Ilir Meta (born in Skrapar, March 24, 1969) is an Albanian politician who has held
various
posts:
Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of Foreign Affairs and after Minister of Economy,
Trade and Energy.
He was Prime Minister of Albania from October 29, 1999 until February 22, 2002 and
has been Foreign
Minister of Albania twice since then, the first time from July 31, 2002 until July 18,
2003
and
the
second time from September 17, 2009 until September 17, 2010. He is Chairman of
the
Socialist
Movement for Integration (LSI). LSI is a member of the governing coalition with the
Democratic Party of
Albania, following the 2009 general elections. In 2012 he received the award of
"Most
Positive
Personality of 2010 in Foreign Policy" in Ljubljana for his contribution towards
regional
and
European integration. Meta graduated from the Faculty of Economy, Political
Economy
branch,
of Tirana UniversityIn the early 1990s, Meta was a member of the leadership of the
student movement
which played a role in the democratic transition of Albania. Since 1992 he was a
member
of
the Socialist Party Leading Council; between 1995 and 2001 Meta was chairman of
the Euro-Socialist Youth Forum of Albania, FRESSH, member of the Socialist Youth International. Meta entered the Parliament
of Albania first in 1992, being always re-elected since then. In 19961997 he chaired the Foreign Policy Parliamentary
Commission, and was then named deputy prime minister and state secretary for integration in the first government of Pandeli
Majko. In 1999, following the resignation of Pandeli Majko, Meta was named prime minister of Albania. He held the post
through the June 24, 2001 elections, resigning on February 22, 2002. He subsequently served as foreign minister in the
second government of Pandeli Majko from July 2002 to July 2003. He was involved in severe political confrontation with Fatos
Nano. As prime minister, he was mainly responsible for the final privatization of the industrial system that remained in place
after 1991, which triggered accusations of allegiance to suspicious businessmen and involvement in drug trafficking. His first
resignation and the withdrawal as foreign minister came after he was discredited after the arrest of traffickers who had
received his protection. In 2004 he quit the Socialist Party of Albania and created his own political party, the Socialist
Movement for Integration. In the parliamentary election of June 2009, the coalition led by the Socialist Movement for
Integration, called the Alliance for Integration, won four seats in the new parliament. Soon after, an offer for collaboration was
extended by Prime Minister Sali Berisha of theDemocratic Party of Albania (his former opposant) after which Ilir Meta was
appointed to the post of Deputy Prime Minister for Foreign Affairs in the new government. He resigned as minister of
Economy, Trade and Energy on January 14, 2011 following the publication of a video, filmed secretly in March 2010, where he
is allegedly accused of pressuring Dritan Prifti (the then Minister of Economy, Trade and Energy), to fix the tender for a
hydroelectric power plant, in return for which both Prifti and Meta would benefit financially. Mr. Meta resigned from all his
Government positions following the publication of the video, willfully handed in his parliamentary immunity and asked for a
thorough investigation of the case, which he claimed was a deliberately manipulated footage with the sole purpose of
mounting a political attack against him. After a one year long legal process, foreign experts showed that the footage taken
into consideration, was authentic and that the original micro-camera used for the recording, contained the original video. On
the 16th January 2012, the Supreme Court of Albania voted 5-0 in favor of Mr. Meta's case declaring him innocent and
acquitting him of all charges. Ilir Meta is the first and only politician in Albania who has resigned and fought a court case to
the end, refusing to use his immunity or public status in his protection. Ilir Meta has publicly said that he does not wish to
return to a Ministerial position in Government, pointing out that he will fully concentrate on strengthening his LSI party for the
2012 general elections and remain Chairman of Socialist Movement for Integration (LSI). In March 2012, Ilir Meta received the
"Most Positive Personality for 2010 in Foreign Policy" AWARD by International Institute IFIMES in Ljubljana. The award was
presented to Mr. Meta by former Croatian President Mr. Stjepan Mesic, at the same time Honorary President of IFIMES. Mr.
Meta was praised as the most positive political personality for 2010, when he served as Deputy Prime Minister & Foreign
Minister, for his positive and concrete contribution in exercising the foreign policy of Albania and for his personal and
institutional influence in strengthening good regional and neighborly relations amongst the countries of the Western Balkans.
IFIMES praised Metas vision at the head of Albanian Diplomacy as a political personality with a regional weight and with a
clear purpose to create a more open, positive and integrated region. Meta's tone is regarded as the most moderate voice in
Albanian politics, calling on both sided to work together constructively and leave aside small party interests. Albania elects its
President in June-July 2012 and prepares for general elections in June 2012. LSI is regarded as the certain kingmaker and
moderator in both elections. Following the 2013 parliamentary election, Ilir Meta was elected as Speaker of Parliament on
September 10, 2013.
Alfred Spiro Moisiu

(born December 1, 1929, in Shkodr) was the fourth President of the Republic of Albania from
July 24, 2002 to July 24, 2007. He was also Minister of Defence of Albania from December 18, 1991 until April 13, 1992. He is
the son of Albanian Army general Spiro Moisiu. In 1946 he was sent to the Soviet Union as a student. In 1948 he graduated
from the military engineering school in Saint Petersburg (then Leningrad). He served in Tirana as a platoon-commander at the
United Officers' School (19481949) and as a teacher at the Military Academy (19491951). From 1952 to 1958 he attended
the Academy of Military Engineering in Moscow, graduating with aGolden Medal (a distinction for excellent study). Back in
Albania, Moisiu continued his military career in the engineers' department of the Ministry of Defense. From 1967 to 1968 he
attended to the higher courses of general staff at the Defense Academy of Tirana. At the same time he commanded
a pontoon brigade in Kavaj (19661971). In 1971 he became the chief of the Bureau of Engineering and Fortifications of the
Ministry of Defense (underEnver Hoxha when thousands of concrete casements were built as defense against states held to
be hostile). In 1979, Moisiu received a PhD in military science. From 1981 he was Deputy Minister of Defense. Under the
ministers Beqir Balluku,Mehmet Shehu and Kadri Hasbiu he held this post until October 1982 (Prime Minister Shehu died
violently in December 1981). During this time Moisiu was the main architect of the bunkerisation of Albania. He was
appointed by Enver Hoxha to fill Albania with bunkers, a legacy that Albania has until today. But the bunkerisation of Albania
produced a disaster, causing Enver Hoxha to send Moisiu toBurrel, where he served as the commander of an engineers'
company from 1982 to 1984. Moisiu left active service as a general. He returned to public life in December 1991 when he was
appointed Minister of Defense in Vilson Ahmeti's technocratic government. He held that post until April 1992 when the first
Government of the Democratic Party, led by Aleksander Meksi, was formed. As he was a top communist aparatchik, the new
executive invited Moisiu to work as a counselor to the Minister of Defense. In 1994,Safet Zhulali appointed him the deputy
minister charged with elaborating the defence politics of Albania. Moisiu's advice was to concentrate the efforts to the
reconstruction of the armed forces that were in bad condition, and to start preparations for joining theNorth Atlantic Treaty
Organisation (NATO). In 1994 he founded the Albanian North Atlantic Association and was elected as its president. On January

24, 1995 he signed an individual association treaty binding Albania with NATO's Partnership for
Peace project. From 1995, Moisiu attended to the VIPs' courses of the NATO College in Rome. When
the Albanian Socialist Party came to power in 1997, Moisiu lost his post in the Ministry. In the
following years, he took an active part in extra-governmental activity, organizing international and
all-Albanian conferences where issues of security and defense in South East Europe, armament
control and collecting arms from civil persons were discussed. In 2002, under pressure from
international organizations, Moisiu was chosen by Sali Berisha and Fatos Nano as a consensus
candidate for the presidency after the end of Rexhep Meidani's term. Moisiu was found fitting for that
post since he was a researcher, was politically neutral, was known as an effective mediator (a quality
much appreciated in Albania, which tends to inner quarrels) and had a decisive pro-Western and
NATO orientation. Albanian media emphasized the extraordinary cooperative spirit between the
Socialist and the Democratic Parties: Moisiu was a candidate approved by both Sali
Berisha and Fatos Nano. Neither Nano nor former president Meidani ran for the presidency, as they
had no chance to gather the necessary three fifths of the vote. Meidani was found to be too close to the Socialists, and
therefore conservative candidates would not support him. Moisiu was elected by the People's Assembly by a vote of 97 to 19
(with 14 abstentions) and he was sworn in for a five-year term as president on July 24, 2002. After the constitutional reform of
November 1998, politics is mainly the task of the government. Moisiu promised to contribute to the strengthening of
parliamentary democracy, the stabilization of the judiciary system and the integration of Albania into Euro-Atlantic structures.
The day after the beginning of Moisiu's presidency, Socialist Prime Minister Pandeli Majko resigned, and the president
appointed Fatos Nano, the leader of the Socialist Party, the new Prime Minister. That change was a sign of dissension within
the party, and compensated Nano for giving up his ambitions for the presidency. Moisiu has since strongly criticized Nano for
excessive concentration of power and the slowness of reforms. Moisiu speaks Russian, Italian, and English. He has written
many articles and research papers on military science, and defense and security issues. His book Kosovo: Between War and
Peace was published in English in 2005. He has been appointed (July 2, 2007) as a Knight Grand Cross of the Croatian Grand
Order of King Tomislav, "For outstanding contribution to the promotion of friendship and development co-operation between
the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Albania."

Bamir

Myrteza

Topi

(born
April
24,
1957
in Tirana, Albania) was
the fifth President of Albania from July 24, 2007 until July 24, 2012. In September 2012 Topi became
the leader of the new Albanian party New Democratic Spirit. He was also Honorary President of
Albanian football club KF Tirana from 2005 to 2007. Topi graduated from the Agricultural University of
Tirana in veterinary studies with high grades and earned a PhD degree in the same field. In 1984, he
was appointed a Scientific Researcher at the Institute of Veterinary Scientific Researches until 1995.
During the 1987 to 1990 period, he attended post-graduate studies in Italy in the field of Molecular
Biology. After his return from Italy, Topi was appointed Director of the Food Safety and Veterinary
Institute, a position held until the end of 1995. During the activity in this Institute as the Director and
Scientific Researcher, Topi gave a Western world physiognomy to this important institution of the
country. Alongside his work as Scientific Researcher, Topi has carried out a dense academic activity in
preparing the educational curricula of the Toxicology and Pharmacology subjects for the students and
postgraduates of the Veterinary Medicine Faculty while at the same time he was also a Lecturer of these subjects for about a
decade. He was first elected as a parliamentarian of the Assembly of Albania in 1996 and was appointed Minister of
Agriculture and Food where he served until 1997. He was elected to three mandates in the Assembly of Albaniaas a candidate
of Democratic Party of Albania. In two terms Topi led the Parliamentary Group of Democratic Party in the Assembly. He has
been elected vice-chairman of the Democratic Party of Albania, which is led by Sali Berisha. Topi has been distinguished and
widely hailed as a politician of a moderated profile, as very active in resolving the crisis between the ruling majority and
opposition and as a protagonist of political agreements and various parliamentary initiatives. He also holds the title of
Honorary President of Albanian football club KF Tirana. On March 8, 2007, Topi said that he would be the candidate of the
ruling Democratic Party in the 2007 presidential election. Both theChristian Democratic and Republican parties said that they
would probably support him. Parliament took 4 tries, and the opposition finally gave up and elected Topi, a choice of Prime
Minister Sali Berisha. On a vote held on July 8, 2007, Topi won 75 votes in parliament; this was not enough to be elected
president, as at least 84 votes are required. The opposition, led by the Socialist Party, boycotted the vote. The second round
of voting for electing the president was held on July 10, 2007. The parliament still failed to elect a president; this time Topi
received 74 votes. On July 14, 2007, another vote was held; this time Topi won only 50 votes, while Neritan Ceka of
the Democratic Alliance Party won 32. On July 20, 2007 in the fourth round of voting, Topi was supported by some members
of the opposition and won 85 votes, thus being elected as the President of the Republic of Albania for a five-year term. He
was sworn in on July 24, 2007. Topi officially resigned his position as vice-chairman of the Democratic Party of Albania and at
the same time withdrew from his party. He is considered to be impartial politically. Topi has been a vocal advocate of
independence for Kosovo. He staunchly pointed out the need for a sovereign state of Kosovo before the European Council and
other international instances. With a joint invitation of Kosovo's President, Fatmir Sejdiu, and the head of the UN mission,
Joachim Ruecker, Topi stayed for a three-day visit in Kosovo in January 2009. He was proclaimed an honorary citizen of the
capital Pristina. During his visit, he was also conferred an honorary doctorate by the University of Pristina. He received the
following honours and awards: Knight Grand Cross of the Grand Order of King Tomislav ("For outstanding contribution to the
development and improvement of relations between the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Albania." - April 7, 2009),
Doctor Honoris Causa of the University of Pristina ( January 25, 2008), Honorary Citizen of Pristina (January 26, 2008),
Honorary Citizen of Rrshen, Honorary Citizen of Burrel and Honorary Citizen of Gjakova, Kosovo.

Bujar Faik Nishani (born

surname also Mehmeti) (born 29 September 1966) is an Albanian politician who has
been President of Albania since July 24, 2012. At the time of his election, Nishani was a member of the Democratic Party of
Albania, an MP, and theMinister of Interior. Constitutionally he had to resign all three posts due to his election as President.
The Albanian Parliament electedNishani as President with a simple majority of 73 votes out of 140, without consensus from
the opposition. Bujar Nishani was born in Durrs, Albania. In 1988 he finished the Military Academy "Sknderbej". In 1996 he
followed his master studies in San Antonio, Texas and California. In 2004 he graduated at the Law Faculty of University of
Tirana. He completed his master in European Studies. He is married to Odeta Nishani and has 2 children. Nishani suffers from
a disease. He is operated in brain blood vessels and now his left hand and his left leg move with difficulty. Bujar Nishani joined
the Democratic Party of Albania in 1991, after the fall of communism. He worked as chief of foreign relations in the Ministry of
Defense and then as head of the office of NATO relations in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In 1996 he returned as the cabinet
member of the Ministry of Defense. After the Democratic Party lost the 1997 parliamentary election, he lost the job and
became chairman of the NGO for Euro-Atlantic Military. In 2001 he was elected general secretary of the DP's branch
in Tirana and in 2004 member of the Tirana city council. He won the 2005 election in the 34th electoral zone in the capital
against the Minister of Police and Security, Igli Toska. After leading the National Security Parliamentary Commission he was
nominated as Minister of the Interior by Prime Minister Sali Berisha, and in September 2009, after a second electoral victory

he
12,

was nominated as Minister of Justice. In 2011 he replaced Lulzim Basha as Minister of the Interior. On June
2012, after winning the presidential election, Nishani resigned as Minister of Interior. Nishani is married to
Odeta Nishani and has 2 children. He was born into a secular Bektashi Muslim family. He received the
following honours and awards: in 2013, Honorary Citizen of Libohova and in 2014, Knight Grand Cross of
the Order of Merit of the Italian Republic.

Edi Rama

(born July 4, 1964) is an Albanian politician, artist, writer, and the

current Prime Minister of Albania since September 15, 2013. He has also been
leader of the Socialist Party of Albania since 2005. Rama served in the government
as Minister of Culture, Youth, and Sports from 1998 to 2000, and he was Mayor of
Tirana from 2000 to 2011. He led a coalition of socialist and left-wing parties that
won the June 2013
parliamentary election, defeating the conservative bloc of Prime Minister Sali
Berisha.
Rama
was born in Tirana to Kristaq Rama, a sculptor and native of Durrs, and Aneta
Rama
(ne
Koleka), a graduate in medicine from Vuno. He is a relative of late communist
politician Spiro
Koleka through his mother. Rama himself was baptized Catholic, [4]not Orthodox, but
he has stated that
I do not practice any faith other than to the self and other people, but I dont
believe that the
existence or non-existence of God is a matter that can ever be resolved by
mortals.
As
a
teenager, Rama became involved in sports by becoming a player of Dinamo, a
leading basketball team, and the Albania national basketball team. Following the collapse of communism in Albania, he
became involved with the first democratic movements. He entered the student movement but soon left after a quarrel over
ideological matters. Meanwhile, while a professor at theAcademy of Arts of Albania, Rama published a book with various
notes together with publicist Ardian Klosi entitledRefleksione. He also became engaged and later married to actress Matilda
Makoi, with whom he had a son, Gregor Rama. He separated from Makoi and in 1994 emigrated abroad. Upon arriving in
France, he conducted the life of an artist by taking part in many exhibitions with his close friend Anri Sala. In January 1997,
during one of his trips back to Albania he was physically assaulted. In 1998, Rama was asked by Prime Minister Fatos Nano to
become Minister of Culture. He accepted and immediately became known for his extravagance in a variety of ways. In
October 2000, he entered and won the race for the Tirana mayorship as a Socialist Party candidate against writerBesnik
Mustafaj. After taking office, he undertook a radical campaign to return many portions of Tirana's center and Lana River into
their original forms by demolishing hundreds of illegal buildings. In 2003, he appeared before the Albanian parliament in an
inquiry commission on abuse of funds in the Municipality of Tirana. During the session, he was seen speaking using
a loudspeaker. The commission was eventually closed and Rama acquitted. Also in 2003, he won a second term by defeating
lawyer Spartak Ngjela, and a third consecutive term by beating Democratic Party of Albania candidate Sokol Olldashi. During
the later campaign, his rivals published some photos of Rama in intimate poses on a nudist beach in southern France. In
October 2005, Rama became the leader of the Socialist Party following the resignation of Fatos Nano. As mayor he compiled
the Tirana City Master Plan including the Skanderbeg Square project. In 2010, Rama married Lindita Basha (also known as
Lindita Xhillari), a civil society activist. She is Muslim. In the 2011 local elections, Rama lost by a small margin to a young
candidate of the Coalition of the Citizen, Lulzim Basha. The elections were criticized by the monitors and the international
community as they were decided in a debatable court ruling.The first ballot count gave Rama the victory by a margin of 10
votes, but afterwards the Central Electoral Committee decided to open the ballot boxes and count the ballots cast in the
wrong boxes. In November 2011, Rama published a reflection book on his years as mayor of Tirana entitled Kurban. Rama has
had several personal painting exhibitions. Personal exhibitions include: Janos Gallery, New York City (1993); Place de
Mdiathque, France (1995); Palais Jalta, Frankfurt (1997); Acud, Berlin (1993); So Paulo, Brazil (1994); Israel
(1995); National Art Gallery of Albania, Tirana, Albania (1992); and Gallery XXI, Albania (1999). He is no longer active as an
artist. In 2009, Rama published a collection of personal notes and paintings in a book entitled Edi Rama. Rama's most noted
impact on the city of Tirana has been the many kiosk demolitions in the city during his mayorship. Rama's Return to
Identity project removed from the city many illegally constructed buildings on municipal lands such as pavements, local
parks, and the banks of the River Lana. During this period as mayor, he was heavily supported by the Prime Minister of
Albania at the time, Ilir Meta, who channeled numerous funds from the central government to the local authority of Tirana,
enabling Rama to implement the cleaning-up master project. In an attempt to widen roads, Rama authorized the bulldozing of
private properties so that they could be paved over, thus widening streets. He has been accused of corruption and
mismanagement of funds by the opposition, including corruption in the granting of building permits. His Clean and
Green project in 2000 resulted in the production of 96,700 square metres of green land and parks in the city and the planting
of nearly 1,800 trees. He also ordered the painting of many old buildings in what has come to be known as Edi Rama colours
(very bright pink, yellow, green, violet). Rama's critics claimed that he focused too much attention on cosmetic changes
without fixing any of the major problems such as shortages of drinking water and electricity. Rama is also the head of the left
wing in Albania. He became head of SPA in October 2005. In the 2009 elections, SPA was the most voted party, but won only
65 seats on the parliament out of 140 because of the electoral system. SMI and DPA formed a coalition and a government,
while SPA started a few protests for "the transparency of vote". Nowadays, the SPA members of the parliament have joined
the Parliament sessions and co-work with their right-wing colleagues. Rama has been criticised by a group of SPA politicians
like Fatos Nano, Arben Malaj, Kastriot Islami, Andis Harasani of leading the party with authoritarian methods. These criticisms
may be because he has excluded from the Socialist Party founding member with major contributions in the party and has not
appreciated the great contribution of Fatos Nano in the Socialist Party. The second-most-powerful person in SPA is 59-yearold Gramoz Rui, the head of the Parliamentarian group and former chief of secret police during communist dictatorship.
Rama said of his time as mayor of Tirana: "It's the most exciting job in the world, because I get to invent and to fight for good
causes everyday. Being the mayor of Tirana is the highest form of conceptual art. It's art in a pure state." On January 21,
2011, Rama took part in the 2011 Albanian opposition demonstrations, in which four people were killed and 150 injured.
Recently, Rama has started to use social media tools such as Twitter or Facebook to communicate with the electorate and
others in general. In June 2013, his Socialist party and coalition partners won a majority in the 2013 parliamentary election.
After parliament convened on September 9, the next day President Bujar Nishani named him prime minister and asked him
to form a government. Amongst his first tasks, Rama restructured the domestic security infrastructure in a bid to tackle rising
crime. There is a record six women in the cabinet, which is a regional precedent as well. Rama said: "A team has been built
with almost 90 percent of people sitting for the first time in the ministerial chair and probably with more women that all the
governments of Albania have had all together in these 20 years." In October 2002, Rama was given an award by Kofi
Annan in light of the International Day for the Eradication of Poverty. In 2003, Rama was chosen to be a visiting professor in
the 2002/03 Robert C. Wood Visiting Professorship of Public and Urban Affairs at the University of Massachusetts Boston,
Boston and Harvard University. In December 2004, Rama was named the World Mayor 2004, in an international competition
that took place over one year, based on direct voting by Internet, organized by the non-commercial organization
CITYMAYORS, located in London. Rama was chosen by Time magazine to be one of the 2005 European Heroes, a tribute given
by the magazine to 37 people who are changing the world for the better. In Ulcinj Day 2015, Rama, alongside Thai, was
given the title of Honorary citizen of Ulcinj by Ulcinj Municipality.

ALGERIA
Mauretania Kindgom
Mauretania is a part of the historical Ancient Libyan land in North Africa. It corresponds to present day Morocco and a part of
western Algeria. Mauretania in antiquity was the western neighbour of the ancient kingdom of Numidia. Mauretania was an
independent tribal kingdom from about the 3rd century BC. It became a client of the Roman empire in 33 BC, and a full
province after the death of Ptolemy of Mauretania in AD 40. Mauretania fell to the Vandal conquest in the 430s, but was
reconquered by the Eastern Empire in 533. The province was finally lost to the Muslim conquest of the Maghreb in 698.
Mauretania existed as a tribal kingdom of the Mauri people on the Mediterranean coast of north Africa, from at least the 3rd
century BC. The Mediterranean coast of Mauretania had been controlled by Carthage since before the 4th century BC, but the
interior was controlled by Berber tribes, who had established themselves in the region by the beginning Iron Age. The earliest
recorded mentions of the Mauri are in the context of Phoenician and Carthaginian settlements such as Lixus, Volubilis,
Mogador and Chellah. King Atlas was a legendary king of Mauretania credited with the invention of the celestial globe. The
first known historical king of the Mauri is Bagas, who ruled during the Second Punic War. The Mauri were in close contact
with Numidia. Bocchus I (fl. 110 BC) was father-in-law to Jugurtha. Mauretania became a Roman client kingdom of the Roman
Empire in 33 BC. The Romans placed Juba II of Numidia as their client-king. When Juba died in 23 AD, his Roman-educated

son Ptolemy of Mauretania succeeded him on the throne. Caligulakilled Ptolemy in 40. Claudius annexed Mauretania directly
as a Roman province in 44, under an imperial (not senatorial) governor.

List of Kings of Mauretania

Bocchus

(Greek: , Bochos) was a king of Mauretania about 110 BC and designated by

historians as Bocchus I. He was also the father-in-law of Jugurtha, with whom he made war against the
Romans. He delivered Jugurtha to the Romans in 106 BC. In 108 BC, he vacillated between Jugurtha
and the Romans, and joined Jugurtha only on his promising him the third part of his kingdom. The two
kings were twice defeated. Bocchus again made overtures to the Romans, and after an interview with
Sulla, who was Gaius Marius's Quaestor at that time, sent ambassadors to Rome. At Rome the hope of an alliance was
encouraged, but on condition that Bocchus showed himself deserving of it. After further negotiations with Sulla, he finally
agreed to send a message to Jugurtha requesting his presence. Jugurtha fell into the trap and was given up to Sulla. Bocchus
concluded a treaty with the Romans, and a portion of Numidia was added to his kingdom. Further to conciliate the Romans
and especially Sulla, he sent to the Capitol a group of Victories guarding a device in gold showing Bocchus handing over
Jugurtha to Sulla. Bocchus I was the father of Bocchus II and Bogud, who inherited the kingdom from their father and split it
between them. Bocchus II eventually acquired Bogud's half of the kingdom. After his death in 33 BC, all of Mauretania
became a Roman province.

Bocchus II

was king of Mauretania. Son of Bocchus I (Sosus of Mauretania Mastanesosus), who was dead in 49 BC, in the
early years of Bocchus reign, Mauretania was jointly ruled between Bocchus and his younger brother Bogud, with Bocchus
ruling east of the Mulucha River and his brother west. As enemies of the senatorial party, their title was recognized by Julius
Caesar (49 BC). During the African war they invaded Numidia and conquered Cirta, the capital of the kingdom of Juba, who
was thus obliged to abandon the idea of joining Metellus Scipio against Caesar. At the end of the war, Caesar bestowed upon
Bocchus part of the territory of Massinissa, Juba's ally, which was recovered by Massinissa's son Arabion after Caesar's
murder. Dio Cassius says that Bocchus sent his sons to support Sextus Pompeius in Spain, while Bogud fought on the side of
Caesar, and there is no doubt that after Caesar's death Bocchus supported Octavian, and Bogud Antony. During Bogud's
absence in Spain, his brother seized the whole of Numidia, and was confirmed sole ruler by Octavian. After his death in 33,
Numidia was made a Roman province.

Bogud, son of King Bocchus of Mauretania (who was born about 110 BC), was joint king of

Mauretania with
his elder brother Bocchus II, with Bocchus ruling east of the Mulucha River and his brother west. Both kings
backed the Roman general Julius Caesar in his struggle against the supporters of Pompey the Great in Africa
(4945), and, on Caesar's victory over Pompey at Thapsus (on the coast of modern Tunisia) in 46, Bocchus
was given control of much of Numidia taken from Juba. After Caesar had been assassinated in 44, the two
Mauretanian rulers took opposite sides in the split that developed in the Caesarian forces. Bogud supported Mark Antony,
while Bocchus stood by Octavian (later the emperor Augustus). About 38, Bocchus seized Bogud's territory while Bogud was
campaigning in Spain and forced him to flee to Antony in the east. Bocchus then became sole ruler of Mauretania and was so
confirmed by Octavian. On his death king Bocchus II willed Mauretania to Octavian in 33 BCE. He was married to Euno, who
was supposedly one of Caesar's lovers.

Juba II (Iuba

in Latin; () or in Greek) or Juba II of Numidia (52/50 BC AD 23) was a king of Numidia and
then later moved to Mauretania. His first wife was Cleopatra Selene II, daughter to Greek Ptolemaic Queen Cleopatra VII of
Egypt and Roman triumvir Mark Antony. Juba II was a prince of Berber descent from North Africa. He was the only child and
heir to King Juba I of Numidia and his mother is unknown. In 46 BC, his father committed suicide as he was defeated by Julius
Caesar (in Thapsus, North Africa) and Numidia became a Roman Province. [1] His father was an ally to the Roman General
Pompey. Juba II was brought to Rome by Julius Caesar and took part in Caesars triumphal procession. In Rome, he learned
Latin and Greek, became romanized and was granted Roman citizenship. Through dedication to his studies, he is said to have
become one of Rome's best educated citizens, and by age 20 he wrote one of his first works entitled Roman Archaeology. He
was raised by Julius Caesar and later by his great-nephew Octavian (future Emperor Caesar Augustus). Juba II while growing
up, accompanied Octavian on military campaigns, gaining valuable experience as a leader. He fought alongside Octavian in
the battle of Actium in 31 BC. Juba II and Octavian became longtime friends. Augustus restored Juba II as the king of Numidia
between 29 BC 27 BC. Juba II established Numidia as an ally of Rome. Juba II would become one of the most loyal client
kings that served Rome. Between 26 BC 20 BC, Augustus arranged for him to marry Cleopatra Selene II, giving her a large
dowry and appointing her queen. It was probably due to his services with Augustus in a campaign in Spain that led Augustus
to make him King of Mauretania. When they moved to Mauretania, they renamed their new capital to Caesaria (modern
Cherchell, Algeria). The city was named in honor of Augustus. The construction and sculpture projects at Caesaria and
another city Volubilis, display a rich mixture of Egyptian, Greek and Roman architectural styles. Cleopatra is said to have
exerted considerable influence on Juba II's policies. Juba II encouraged and supported the performing arts, research of the
sciences and research of natural history. Juba II also supported Mauretanian trade. The Kingdom of Mauretania was of great
importance to the Roman Empire. Mauretania traded all over the Mediterranean, particularly with Spain and Italy. Mauretania
exported fish, grapes, pearls, figs, grain, wooden furniture and purple dye harvested from certain shellfish, which was used in
the manufacture of purple stripes for senatorial robes. Juba II sent a contingent to Iles Purpuraires to re-establish the ancient
Phoenician dye manufacturing process. Tingis (modern Tangier), a town at the Pillars of Hercules (modern Strait of Gibraltar)
became a major trade centre. In Gades, (modern Cdiz) and Carthago Nova (modern Cartagena) Spain, Juba II was appointed
by Augustus as an honorary Duovir. A Duovir was a chief magistrate of a Roman colony or town, most probably involving with
trade and was also a Patronus Colonaie. The value and quality of Mauretanian coins became distinguished. The Greek
historian Plutarch describes him as 'one of the most gifted rulers of his time'. Between 2 BC AD 2, he travelled with Gaius
Caesar (a grandson of Augustus), as a member of his advisory staff to the troubled Eastern Mediterranean. In 21, Juba II made
his son Ptolemy co-ruler and Juba II died in 23. Juba II was buried alongside his first wife in the Royal Mausoleum of

Mauretania. Ptolemy then became the sole ruler of Mauretania.First marriage to Greek Ptolemaic princess Cleopatra Selene II
(40 BCE 6 CE). Their children were: Ptolemy of Mauretania born in ca 10 BCE 5 BCE,, daughter of Cleopatra
and Juba, whose name has not been recorded, is mentioned in an inscription. It has been suggested that
Drusilla of Mauretania was that daughter, but she may have been a granddaughter instead. Drusilla is
described as a granddaughter of Antony and Cleopatra, or may have been a daughter of Ptolemy of
Mauretania, Second marriage to Glaphyra, a princess of Cappadocia, and widow of Alexander, son of Herod
the Great. Alexander was executed in 6 CE. Glaphyra married Juba II in 6 CE or 7 CE. She then fell in love with
Herod Archelaus, another son of Herod the Great and Ethnarch of Judea. Glaphyra divorced Juba to marry him
in 7
CE. Juba had no children with Glaphyra. Juba wrote a number of books in Greek and Latin on history, natural
history, geography, grammar, painting and theatre. His guide to Arabia became a bestseller in Rome. Only fragments of his
work survived. He collected a substantial library on a wide variety of topics, which no doubt complemented his own prolific
output. Pliny the Elder refers to him as an authority 65 times in the Natural History and in Athens, a monument was built in
recognition of his writings. His writings are published and translated in Roller: Scholarly Kings (Chicago 2004). Juba II was a
noted patron of the arts and sciences and sponsored several expeditions and biological research. He also was a notable
author, writing several scholarly and popular scientific works such as treatises on natural history or a best-selling traveller's
guide to Arabia. Euphorbia regisjubae (King Juba's Euphorbia) was named to honor the king's contributions to natural history
and his role in bringing the genus to notice. According to Pliny the Younger, Juba II sent an expedition to the Canary Islands
and Madeira. Juba II had given the Canary Islands that name because he found particularly ferocious dogs ( canarius from
canis meaning of the dogs in Latin) on the island. He is also known to have written a book about a spurge found in the High
Atlas which he named Euphorbia after his personal physician. It was later called Euphorbia regisjubae (King Juba's
euphorbia) in his honor (it is now Euphorbia obtusifolia ssp. regis-jubae). The palm tree genus Jubaea is also named after
him. Flavius Philostratus recalled one of his anecdotes: "And I have read in the discourse of Juba that elephants assist one
another when they are being hunted, and that they will defend one that is exhausted, and if they can remove him out of
danger, they anoint his wounds with the tears of the aloe tree, standing round him like physicians." Euphorbus was the Greek
physician of Juba II. He wrote that one of the cactus like Euphormia's was a powerful laxitive. [7] In 12 BC, Juba named this
plant after his physician Euphorbus in response to Augustus dedicating a statue to Antonius Busa, his own personal physician.
Botanist and taxonomist Carl Linnaeus assigned the name Euphorbia to the entire genus in the physician's honor.

Ptolemy of Mauretania (Greek: , Latin: Ptolemaeus, 1 BC-40) was a prince and the last Roman client King
of Mauretania. Ptolemy was the son of King Juba II and Queen Cleopatra Selene II of Mauretania. He had a younger sister
called Drusilla of Mauretania. His father Juba II was the son of King Juba I of Numidia, who was descended from the Berber
people of North Africa and was an ally to the Roman Triumvir Pompey. His mother Cleopatra Selene II was the daughter of the
Ptolemaic Greek Queen Cleopatra VII of Egypt and the Roman Triumvir Mark Antony. Ptolemy was of Berber, Greek and
Roman ancestry. Ptolemy and his sister Drusilla were the only grandchildren of Juba I of Numidia and Cleopatra VII of Egypt
and were among the younger grandchildren to Mark Antony. Through his maternal grandfather, Ptolemy was distantly related
to Julius Caesar and the Julio-Claudian dynasty. Ptolemy was a first cousin to Germanicus and the Roman Emperor Claudius
and a second cousin to the Emperor Caligula, the Empress Agrippina the Younger, the Empress Valeria Messalina and the
Emperor Nero. Ptolemy was most probably born in Caesaria, the capital of the Kingdom of Mauretania (modern Cherchell,
Algeria) in the Roman Empire. He was named in honor of his mothers ancestors, in particular the Ptolemaic dynasty. He was
also named in honor of the memory of Cleopatra VII, the birthplace of his mother and the birthplace of her relatives. In
choosing her son's name, Cleopatra Selene II created a distinct Greek-Egyptian tone and emphasized her role as the monarch
who would continue the Ptolemaic dynasty. She by-passed the ancestral names of her husband. By naming her son Ptolemy
instead of a Berber ancestral name, she offers an example rare in ancient history, especially in the case of a son who is the
primary male heir, of reaching into the mother's family instead of the father's for a name. This emphasized the idea that his
mother was the heiress of the Ptolemies and the leader of a Ptolemaic government in exile. Through his parents, Ptolemy had
Roman citizenship, and they sent him to Rome to be educated. His mother died in 6 A.D. and was placed in the Royal
Mausoleum of Mauretania, built by his parents. In Rome, Ptolemy received a good Roman education and became Romanized.
He was part of the remarkable court of his maternal aunt Antonia Minor, an influential aristocrat who presided over a circle of
various princes and princesses which assisted in the political preservation of the Roman Empires borders and affairs of the
client states. Antonia Minor, the youngest daughter of Mark Antony and the youngest niece of Emperor Augustus, was a halfsister of Ptolemy's late mother, also a daughter of Mark Antony. Antonia Minor's mother was Octavia Minor, Mark Antony's
fourth wife and the second sister of Octavian (later Augustus). Ptolemy lived in Rome until the age of 21, when he returned to
the court of his aging father in Mauretania. When Ptolemy returned to Mauretania, Juba II made Ptolemy his co-ruler and
successor. Coinage has survived from Juba IIs co-rule with his son. On coinage, on one side there is a central bust of Juba II
with his title in Latin King Juba. On the other side there is a central bust of Ptolemy and the inscription stating in Latin King
Ptolemy son of Juba. Juba II died in 23 and was placed along side with Cleopatra Selene II in Royal Mausoleum of Mauretania.
Then Ptolemy became the sole ruler of Mauretania. During his co-rule with Juba II into his sole rule Ptolemy like his father
appeared to be a patron of art, learning, literature and sports. In Athens Greece, statues were erected to Juba II and Ptolemy
in a gymnasium in Athens and a statue was erected in Ptolemys honor in reference to his taste in literature. Ptolemy
dedicated statues of himself on the Acropolis. The Athenians honored Ptolemy and his family with inscriptions dedicated to
them and this reveals that the Athenians had respect towards the Roman Client Monarchs and their families which was
common in the 1st century. The local Berber tribes in 17, the Numidian Tacfarinas and Garamantes started to revolt against
the Kingdom of Mauretania and Rome. The war had ravaged Africa and Berbers, including former slaves from Ptolemys
household had joined in the revolt. Ptolemy through his military campaigns was unsuccessful to end the Berber revolt. The
war had reached the point that Ptolemy summoned the Roman Governor of Africa, Publius Cornelius Dolobella and his army to
assist Ptolemy to end the revolt. The war finally ended in 24. Although Ptolemys army and the Romans won, both sides
suffered considerable losses of infantry and cavalry. The Roman Senate impressed by Ptolemys loyal conduct, had sent a
Roman Senator to visit Ptolemy. The Roman Senator recognized Ptolemys loyal conduct and awarded him an ivory scepter,
an embroidered triumphal robe and the senator greeted Ptolemy as king, ally and friend. This recognition was a tradition
which recognizes and rewards the allies to Rome. Ptolemy through his military campaigns, had proven his capability and loyal
as an ally and Client King to Rome. He was a popular monarch with the Berbers and had travelled extensively throughout the

Roman Empire, including Alexandria Egypt and Ostia Italy. In Caesaria, prayers were offered for the health of
Ptolemy at the Temple of Saturn frugifer dues. Mauretania was a region that was abundant in agriculture and
the God Saturn was the God of agriculture. Saturn became a prominent God in Mauretania and his cult
became an important cult in the kingdom. A temple and a sanctuary cult were dedicated to Saturn in Caesaria
by 30 and throughout Mauretania various temples were dedicated to Saturn. Ptolemys parents descended
from backgrounds that had strong endemic traditions in claiming their descent from Hercules (see
Heracleidae). His mother originated from a country, that there were various imperial cults dedicated to the
Pharaohs and their relatives and there is a possibility that his fathers Royal Numidian ancestors may had
imperial cults dedicated to them. In a surviving inscription in Mauretania hints that either Juba II or Ptolemy established an
imperial cult honoring Hiempsal II, a previous Numidian King and paternal grandfather of Juba II. According to inscriptional
evidence, Ptolemy may have established a Royal Mauretanian Cult honoring himself and his late parents (see Berber
mythology). One inscription is dedicated to his genius and another inscription expressed wishes for his good health.Evidence
suggesting that Ptolemy could have deified Juba II after his death, is from the writings of the Christian author of the 3rd
century Marcus Minucius Felix. There could have been a cult dedicated to Juba II. In Felixs Octavius, the writer records a
dialogue between a Christian and a pagan from Cirta. This dialogue was a part of a Christian argument that divinity is
impossible for mortals. Felix lists humans who were said to have become divine: Saturn, Jupiter, Romulus and Juba. Further
literary evidence, suggesting the deification of Juba II even Ptolemy, is from the brief euhemerist exercise entitled On the
Vanity of Idols by the Christian Saint of the 3rd century, Cyprian. In his exercise in deflating the gods, Cyprian observed and
stated that the Mauretanians were manifestly worshipping their kings and did not conceal their name by any disguise.
According to the surviving evidence there is a strong probability that Juba II and Ptolemy, after they had died they were
deified by the Berbers. Coinage from Ptolemys sole reign is very different from the coins from the time Ptolemy co-ruled with
Juba II. His royal title on coinage is in Latin King Ptolemy and there is no surviving coinage that shows his royal title in Greek.
On his coinage there is no Ancient Egyptian imagery. The coinage from his sole reign displays a variety of themes. Ptolemy
personified himself as an Elephant on coins. Elephant personification is an ancient coinage tradition in which his late parents
did when they ruled Mauretania. The Elephant has symbolic functions: an icon representing Africa and an iconic monetary
characteristic from the Hellenistic period which displays influence and power. Another animal, Ptolemy uses on coins is a Lion
leaping which is a symbol of animal kingship and is another symbol representing Africa. Other coins display Roman themes. A
rare revealing gold coin dated from the year 39 celebrates Ptolemys descent, his rule and his loyalty to Rome. On one side of
the coin, there is a central bust of Juba II and is inscribed in Latin King Juba son of Juba. Juba II is personified like a Greek
Egyptian Pharaoh from the Ptolemaic dynasty. The other side of the coin is an eagle with its wings displayed on a thunderbolt
and Ptolemys initials are inscribed in Latin. Through his fathers central bust and inscription, Ptolemy is celebrating and
showing the continuation of his family and rule, while honoring his paternal ancestry. The personification of his father as a
Ptolemaic Pharaoh, Ptolemy is celebrating his Greek Egyptian descent and possibly his links to Alexander the Great. Ptolemy
through the eagle is celebrating the Roman Peace, honoring the rule of the Roman Empire, while he is showing his allegiance
and loyalty to Ancient Rome. Another coin dating from the year 40 celebrates his Roman Senatorial decree. The coin shows
on one side, a curule chair upon which is a wreath and a scepter leaning against it. On the other side of the coin, Ptolemy is
wearing a fillet on his head. Ptolemy seemed to have had expensive tastes and enjoyed luxury items. He owned a custom
made Wine Citrus Wood Table. Mauretania had many citrus trees and produced many citrus wood tables. Any item made from
Citrus Wood was sought after by aristocrats and monarchs. Citrus wood was a sought after item because for its color and the
complexity of its grain in its surface. The grain pattern can be wavy or hooked. The wood was treated with wax and wheat to
protect the coating of the woods bark and it was very sensitive to clean and maintain. Ptolemy married a woman called Julia
Urania, who came from obscure origins. She is only known through a funeral inscription found at Caesaria through her
freedwoman Julia Bodina. Bodina ascribed Julia Urania as Queen Julia Urania. There is a possibility that Julia Urania was a
member of the Royal family of Emesa (modern Homs Syria). Ptolemy married Julia Urania at an unknown date during the 1st
century. She bore Ptolemy in about 38, a daughter called Drusilla. The Kingdom of Mauretania was one of the wealthiest
Roman Client Kingdoms, and after 24 Ptolemy continued to reign without interruption. In late 40, Caligula invited Ptolemy to
Rome and welcomed him with appropriate honours. As Ptolemy entered an amphitheater during a gladiatorial show, Ptolemy
wore a purple cloak that attracted admiration. Out of jealousy, Caligula ordered Ptolemys execution. After Ptolemys murder
in Rome, his former household slave Aedemon, from outrage and out of loyalty to his former master, wanted to take revenge
against Caligula and started the revolt of Mauretania with the Berbers against Rome. The Berber revolt was a violent one and
the rebels were skilled fighters against the Roman Army. The Roman Generals Gnaeus Hosidius Geta and Gaius Suetonius
Paulinus were needed to end the revolt. When the revolt ended in 44, Claudius assessed the kingdom and its future. He
decided to divide Mauretania into two provinces which were Mauretania Tingitana and Mauretania Caesariensis. Much prior to
Ptolemys death, Caligula had sent him a peculiar message stating: Do nothing at all, neither good or bad, to the bearer.
Claudius tried a Roman Senator called Gaius Rabirius Postumus for treason who before tried unsuccessfully to recover money
from Ptolemy. Ptolemy is a minor character in the novels by Robert Graves, I Claudius and Claudius the God. Throughout
Morocco and Algeria statues have survived that belonged to Ptolemy. There is a nude statue of him, dated from the 1st
century which is on display at the Rabat Museum, Morocco. His sculpted images are of a youthful appearance and particularly
those first portraits created during the reign of Juba II virtually show his relations to the Julio-Claudian dynasty. This is evident
by the arrangement of the comma shaped locks over the forehead. There is a seven inch fine bronze Roman imperial bust of
Ptolemy about age 15 which c. 5-20 was auctioned by the US Auction Group, Sotheby in New York. The imperial bust was
auctioned on Friday 10 December 2004; it was estimated between US$300,000 US$500,000 but was sold for US$960,000.

Numidia
Numidia was an ancient Algerian kingdom located in the region of North Africa in what is now northern Algeria and parts de
Tunisia and Libya . The Kingdom existed from the 3rd to 1st centuries BC. The Kingdom of Numidia was established as a client
kingdom by Rome following the Second Punic War. It was annexed by Rome in 46 BC, and then again, after a brief period of

restored independence, in 25 BC. Numidia was originally divided between Massyliis in Eastern Numidia
with Massinissa and Masaesylis in Western Numidia led by Syphax. It is Massinissa who historically won over Syphax and
unified Numidia into one kingdom. The kingdom began as a sovereign state and later alternated between being a Roman
province and being a Roman client state. The kingdom is no longer in existence today. It was located in modern Algeria,
bordered by the kingdoms of Mauretania (modern-dayMorocco) to the west, the Roman province of Africa (modernday Tunisia) to the east, the Mediterranean Sea to the north, and the Sahara Desert to the south. Its people were the
Numidian Berbers. It is considered to be the first major state in the history of Algeria and the Berber world.

List of Kings of Numidia

Syphax was a king of the ancient

Algerian tribe Masaesyli of western Numidia during the last quarter of

the 3rd century BC. His story is told in Livy's Ab Urbe Condita (written ca. 27-25 BC). When in 218 BC, war
broke out between Carthage and Rome, Syphax was initially sympathetic to the Romans and in 213 BC, he
concluded an alliance with the Romans and they sent military advisers to help Syphax train his troops. He
then attacked the eastern Numidians, the Massylians, ruled by king Gala; at that time allied to the
Carthaginians. When Gala died in 206 BC, his sons Massinissa and Oezalces quarreled about the
inheritance, and Syphax was able to conquer considerable parts of the eastern Numidian kingdom. After the Roman general
Publius Cornelius Scipio (Scipio Africanus) met with victory in the Battle of Ilipa (206 BC), he sent his friend Gaius Laelius to
visit Syphax to ratify the treaty with Rome. Syphax however, refused to ratify any treaty except with Scipio, so Scipio sailed
with two quinqueremes to meet with Syphax, taking a considerable risk in doing so. In fact he arrived at the Numidian harbor,
at exactly the same time as Hasdrubal (who had fled from Spain) anchored there on his way back to Carthage. However,
Scipio's ship managed to make harbor before Hasdrubal's seven triremes could make out to intercept them, and in a neutral
harbor, Hasdrubal dared not act against the Romans. Syphax invited both to dinner, where both Syphax and Hasdrubal were
taken in by Scipio's charm. Meanwhile, Massinissa had concluded that Rome was winning the war against Carthage and
therefore decided to switch sides. Having lost the alliance with Massinissa, Hasdrubal started to look for another ally, which
he found in Syphax, sealing the alliance by offering his daughter Sophonisba in marriage, although until 206 BC she had been
betrothed to Massinissa. With the reversal of alliances it looked like Carthage and Syphax were in a strong position in Africa,
certainly during the early stages of Scipio's campaign in North Africa, the joined forces of Syphax and Hasdrubal Gisco were
able to force Scipio to abandon the siege of Utica. However, in the Battle of Bagbrades (203 BC), Scipio overcame Hasdrubal
and Syphax and while the Roman general concentrated on Carthage, Laelius and Massinissa followed Syphax to Cirta. During
the pursuit, Syphax was threatened with desertion by his army when Laelius and Massinissa's army approached the Numidian
battle line. In a brave attempt to rally his troops, Syphax rode alone, straight towards the Roman cavalry, but in this
desperate attempt his badly wounded horse threw him off. Syphax was pounced upon immediately by Roman soldiers and
taken to the ecstatic Massinissa. Syphax's troops retreated to the capital city which later fell as Massinissa claimed his
kingdom. Syphax was delivered to Scipio and was taken as a prisoner, dying in Tibur (modern Tivoli) in 203 or 202 BC. In a
twist of fate, Sophonisba then married Massinissa. However, Scipio, suspicious of Sophonisba, demanded that she be taken to
Rome and appear in the triumphal parade. To spare her such humiliation, Massinissa sent her poison, with which she killed
herself. The Tunisian city Sfax is said to be named after King Syphax.

Vermina

was a Numidian king 203 BC to 202 BC. Son of Syphax, is mentioned for the first time in 204
BC, when his father Masinissa defeated. After the defeat and capture of his father, became king of
Massesiliani and remained loyal to the Carthaginians. Shortly after the return of Hannibal in Africa, joined
him in the Carthaginian possessions had Byzacena, but Vermina not participated in the Battle of Zama,
probably because they pledged to raise new forces in the territories remained faithful to him. Arrived at the
scene shortly after the battle that ended with the final defeat of Hannibal and the Romans were attacked
and defeated, suffering heavy losses: 15,000 killed and 1,200 taken its prisoners. The same Vermina hardly managed to
escape with a few horse. Since he had no other alternative, he submitted to the Romans in 200 BC sent an embassy to Rome,
asking that the Roman Senate chiamase the king, ally and friend of the Roman people. The Roman Senate sent a commission
to the court of Vermina, which was received with great honors. It was concluded the peace, whose terms have not been
reported, however most of the hereditary lands were given to Masinissa Vermina

Archobarzane,

grand-son of Syphax and probably the son of Vermina, ruled the kingdom of Masaesylians after the

death of Vermina.

Gala, was king of Numidia in the time of the Second Punic War. In 213 BC, during the course of the Second Punic War, when
Syphax allied with the Romans against the Carthaginians, Gala decided to ally with them, even at the instigation of his
sonMasinissa. He died in 207 BC, when Masinissa Numidian cavalry was engaged with Spain against Scipio. According to the
custom Numidian was succeeded by his brother Esalce.

Ozalces was a Numidian king, during the Second Punic War. Brother of Gala, king of the Numidians Massili, succeeded him
when he died. Even Esalce died after a short time, given his advanced age, he left two sons Capussa, who ascended the
throne, and Lacumace.

Capussa reigned 206 BC was a Numidian king, during the Second Punic War. Esalce cousin and son of Masinissa, King was
appointed to his father's death (206 BC). Capussa had no influence over his people and in this way Mezetulo allowed to claim
the throne for the small Lacumace. In the ensuing battle, Capussa was defeated and killed.

Lacumazes

was a Numidian king, during the Second Punic War. He was youngest son and brother of Esalce Capussa.
Although still very young, he was enthroned by the Numidians Massesili Mezetulo, who had dethroned and killed his brother.
As soon as Masinissa returned to Africa, Lacumace fled and took refuge at the court of Syphax for help, but before reaching
their destination they were attacked by Masinissa and barely managed to escape capture. From Syphax obtained auxiliary

troops with which he joined to his guardian Mezetulo and confronted Masinissa, but both armies were defeated. Both
Lacumace Mezetulo that escaped and took refuge at the court of Syphax.

Masinissa

(c. 240 or 238 BC - c. 148 BC) also spelled Massinissa and Massena was the first
King of Numidia, an ancient North African nation of ancient Libyan tribes. As a successful general,
Masinissa fought in the Second Punic War (218-201 BC), first against the Romans as an ally of
Carthage and later switching sides when he saw which way the conflict was going. With Roman
help, he united the tribes and founded the kingdom. He is most famous for his role as a Roman
ally in the Battle of Zama (202 BC) in Ancient Algeria which ended the war and as husband of
Sophonisba, a Carthaginian noblewoman whom he allowed to poison herself to avoid being
paraded in a triumph in Rome. His name was found in his tomb of Cirta , modernday Constantine
in Algeria under the form of MSNSN (which have to be read as Mas'n'sen which means "Their Lord").
Massinissa is largely viewed as a giant icon and an important forefather among modern Algerian
Berbers. Masinissa's story is told in Livy's Ab Urbe Condita (written ca. 27-25 BC). Masinissa was the son
of the chieftain Gala of a Numidian tribal group, the Massylii. He was brought up in Carthage, an ally of his father. At the start
of the Second Punic War (218-201 BC), Masinissa fought for Carthage against Syphax, the King of the Masaesyli of western
Numidia (present day Algeria), who had allied himself with the Romans. Masinissa, then 17 years old, led an army of
Numidian troops and Carthaginian auxiliaries against Syphax's army and won a decisive victory. After his victory over Syphax,
Masinissa commanded his skilled Numidian cavalry against the Romans in Spain, where he was involved in the Carthaginian
victories of Castulo and Ilorca (both 211). After Hasdrubal Barca departed for Italy, Masinissa was placed in command of all
the Carthaginian cavalry in Spain, where he fought a successful guerrilla campaign against the Roman general Publius
Cornelius Scipio (Scipio Africanus) throughout 208 and 207, while Mago Barca and Hasdrubal Gisgo levied and trained new
forces. In 206, with fresh reinforcements, Mago and Hasdrubal Gisgo supported by Masinissa's Numidian cavalry met
Scipio at the Battle of Ilipa, where Carthage's power in Spain was finally broken in arguably Scipio Africanus's most brilliant
victory. When Gaia died in 206, his sons Masinissa and Oezalces quarreled about the inheritance, and Syphax now an ally
of Carthage was able to conquer considerable parts of the eastern Numidian kingdom. Meanwhile, with the Carthaginians
having been driven from Spain, Masinissa concluded that Rome was winning the war against Carthage and therefore decided
to defect to Rome. he promised to assist Scipio in the invasion of Carthaginian territory in Africa. This decision was aided by
the move by Scipio Africanus to free Masinissa's nephew, Massiva, whom the Romans had captured when he had disobeyed
his uncle and ridden into battle. Having lost the alliance with Masinissa, Hasdrubal started to look for another ally, which he
found in Syphax, who married Sophonisba, Hasdrubal's daughter who until the defection had been betrothed to Masinissa.
The Romans supported Masinissa's claim to the Numidian throne against Syphax, who was nevertheless successful in driving
Masinissa from power until Scipio invaded Africa in 204. Masinissa joined the Roman forces and participated in the victorious
Battle of the Great Plains (203), after which Syphax was captured. At the Battle of Bagbrades (203), Scipio overcame
Hasdrubal and Syphax and while the Roman general concentrated on Carthage, Gaius Laelius and Masinissa followed Syphax
to Cirta, where he was captured and handed over to Scipio. After the defeat of Syphax, Masinissa married Syphax's wife
Sophonisba, but Scipio, suspicious of her loyalty, demanded that she be taken to Rome and appear in the triumphal parade.
To save her from such humiliation, Masinissa sent her poison, with which she killed herself. Masinissa was now accepted as a
loyal ally of Rome, and was confirmed by Scipio as the king of the Massyli. In the Battle of Zama (202) (near modern-day
Maktar, Tunisia) Masinissa commanded the cavalry (6,000 Numidian and 3,000 Roman) on Scipio's right wing, Scipio delayed
the engagement for long enough to allow for Masinissa to join him. With the battle hanging in the balance, Masinissa's
cavalry, having driven the fleeing Carthaginian horsemen away, returned and immediately fell onto the rear of the
Carthaginian lines. This decided the battle and at once Hannibal's army began to collapse. The Second Punic War was over
and for his services Masinissa received the kingdom of Syphax, and became king of Numidia. Masinissa was now king of both
the Massylii and the Masaesyli. He showed unconditional loyalty to Rome, and his position in Africa was strengthened by a
clause in the peace treaty of 201 between Rome and Carthage prohibiting the latter from going to war even in self-defense
without Roman permission. This enabled Masinissa to encroach on the remaining Carthaginian territory as long as he judged
that Rome wished to see Carthage further weakened. With Roman backing Masinissa established his own kingdom of
Numidia, west of Carthage, with Cirta present day Constantine as its capital city. All of this happened in accordance with
Roman interest, as they wanted to give Carthage more problems with its neighbours. Masinissas chief aim was to build a
strong and unified state from the semi-nomadic Numidian tribes. To this end he introduced Carthaginian agricultural
techniques and forced many Numidians to settle as peasant farmers. Masinissa and his sons possessed large estates
throughout Numidia, to the extent that Roman authors attributed to him, quite falsely, the sedentarization of the Numidians.
Major towns included Capsa, Thugga (modern Dougga), Bulla Regia and Hippo Regius. All through his reign, Masinissa
extended his territory, and he was cooperating with Rome when, towards the end of his life, he provoked Carthage to go to
war against him. Any hopes he may have had of extending his rule right across North Africa were dashed, however, when a
Roman commission headed by the elderly Marcus Porcius Cato (Cato the Elder) came to Africa about 155 to decide a
territorial dispute between Masinissa and Carthage. Animated probably by an irrational fear of a Carthaginian revival, but
possibly by suspicion of Masinissas ambitions, Cato thenceforward advocated, finally with success, the destruction of
Carthage. Based on descriptions from Livy, the Numidians began raiding around seventy towns in the southern and western
sections of Carthage's remaining territory. Outraged with their conduct, Carthage went to war against them, in defiance of the
Roman treaty forbidding them to make war on anyone, thus precipitating the Third Punic War (149-146). Masinissa showed
his displeasure when the Roman army arrived in Africa in 149, but he died early in 148 without a breach in the alliance.
Ancient accounts suggest Masinissa lived beyond the age of 90 and was apparently still personally leading the armies of his
kingdom when he died. After his death, Numidia was divided into several smaller kingdoms ruled by his sons. His
descendants were the elder Juba I of Numidia (85 BCE46 BCE) and younger Juba II (52 BCE-23 CE).
Micipsa (c. ? - c. 118 BC) was the eldest legitimate son of Masinissa, the King of Numidia, in the Ancient Algerian Maghreb
of North Africa. He became the King of Numidia. In 151 BC Masinissa sent Micipsa and his brother Gulussa to Carthage to
demand that exiled pro-Numidian politicians be allowed to return, but they were refused entry at the city gates. As the royal
party turned to depart, Hamilcar the Samnite and a group of his supporters attacked Micipsa's convoy, killing some of his
attendants. This incident led to a retaliatory strike on the Carthaginian town of Oroscopa that heralded the start of the
Carthaginian-Numidian War and eventually precipitated the Third Punic War. In the spring of 148 BC Masinissa died and the
tripartite division of the kingdom among the elderly king's three sons Micipsa, Gulussa, and Mastarnable took place by Publius
Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus, to whom Masinissa had given the authority to administer his estate. With Micipsa receiving as
part of his inheritance the Numidian capital of Cirta (along with the royal palace and treasury there in), Gulussa the charge of
war and Mastarnable the administration of justice.The sons continued their father's policy and his support of Rome during its
war on Carthage. Though Micipsa wavered somewhat in his support for Rome, "always promising arms and money . . . but
always delaying and waiting to see what would happen" (Appian Pun. 111). In 146 B.C. when Mastarnable's illegitimate son
Jugurtha was fourteen years old, Carthage was destroyed by the Romans. Shortly thereafter Galussa died and later still

Mastarnable, leaving Micipsa control of the entire kingdom. During Micipsa's reign Numidian cultural and commercial progress
was aided when thousands of Carthaginians fled to Numidia following the Roman destruction of
Carthage. Micipsa had two natural sons Hiempsal and Adherbal and is reported to have added
his illegitimate nephew Jugurtha to his palace household. Jugurtha was treated as the king's
son and received a sound military training. Micipsa continued to be a loyal ally to Rome
providing military assistance when asked. In 142 BC the Roman commander Quintus Fabius
Maximus Servilianus wrote to Micipsa asking for a division of war elephants to help in Rome's
struggle against the Lusitanian rebel Viriathus and again in 134 BC Micipsa sent archers, slingers,
and elephants to aid Scipio Aemilianus besieging Numantia in Spain, sending Jugurtha to command his units. After the fall of
Numantia Jugurtha returned home with a letter from Scipio addressed to his uncle; in it, the commander praised Jugurtha's
exploits and congratulated Micipsa for having "a kinsman worthy of yourself, and of his grandfather Masinissa" (Sallust Iug.
9). On this recommendation the king formally adopted Jugurtha and made him co-heir with his own children. In 118 B.C.
Micipsa died and Numidia, following the king's wish, was divided into three parts. A third each ruled by Micipsa's own sons,
Adherbal and Hiempsal, and the king's adopted son, Jugurtha.

Adherbal

(... - 112 BC) was king of Numidia from 118 to 112 BC. Micipsa king's eldest son, came to
power after his death, but perhaps at the instigation of the Romans, who feared the strength of a unified
state Numidian, he had to share power with his younger brother and his cousin Iempsale (and adoptive
brother) Jugurtha (as had already been imposed by Scipio at the time of the succession of Masinissa).
The division of the state had to be territorial, but there was no way to define it precisely. Soon Iempsale,
who had settled provisionally Thirmida, was killed, probably at the instigation of Jugurtha, who now was
no longer a mystery to aim to conquer the entire kingdom. Adherbal, defeated in battle by the more
experienced cousin, took refuge in the province of Africa, from where he went to Rome itself to assert
their rights. But Jugurtha had strong support in the Senate, both for the merits acquired during the siege
of Numantia, and because he did not hesitate to use bribery. The decision was then to send in Numidia a senatorial
commission, with the purpose of dividing the kingdom between the two. In 117 BC, the arbitration L. Opimius ruled that
Jugurtha went to the west (the ancient kingdom of Massesili), bordering Mauretania, richer and more populous, while
Adherbal belonged to the eastern part (the ancient kingdom of Massili), with Cirta as equity plus urbanized and rich ports.
Nevertheless, Jugurtha did not hesitate to invade the territory of his cousin, and had to flee to Adherbal Cirta, which was
placed under siege. At the end of the siege (112 BC), despite promises to save lives, Jugurtha did Adherbal torture and kill,
and did not spare even the merchants Italic city, who had acted as mediators, convincing him to surrender. This killing of
Roman citizens was the pretext that the Romans used then to declare war on Jugurtha. On the personality of Adherbal little
you can obtain from the data of ancient historians. It is indisputable that he was less capable, less experienced and, of
Jugurtha in what concerns the military arts.
Hiempsal I, son of Micipsa and grandson of Masinissa, was a king of Numidia in the late 2nd century BC. Micipsa, on his
deathbed, left his two sons, Adherbal and Hiempsal, together with his cousin, Jugurtha, joint heirs of his kingdom. Sallust
claims the arrangement fell apart almost immediately due to the unprincipled ambition of Jugurtha and the longtime jealousy
of his two half-brothers. At the very first meeting of the three princes their animosity displayed broke into the open. Hiempsal,
the younger and most impetuous of the two brothers, gave mortal offence to Jugurtha. After this interview, it being agreed to
divide the kingdom of Numidia, as well as the treasures of the late king, between the three princes, they took up their
quarters in different towns in the neighborhood of Cirta. But as Hiempsal had imprudently established himself at Thirmida, in
a house belonging to a dependent of Jugurtha, the latter took advantage of this circumstance to introduce a body of armed
men into the house during the night, who put to death the unhappy prince, together with many of his followers. Livy, on the
other hand, appears, so far as we can judge from the words of his Epitomist, to represent the death of Hiempsal as the result
of open hostilities.[3] Orosius, who probably followed Livy, says only Hiempsalem occidit.

Jugurtha

or Jugurthen (ca. 160 104 BC) was a King of Numidia, (Algeria), born in Cirta (modern-day Constantine). Until
the reign of Jugurtha's grandfather Masinissa, the people of Numidia were semi-nomadic and indistinguishable from the other
Libyans in North Africa. Masinissa established a kingdom (roughly equivalent to modern northern Algeria) and became a
Roman ally in 206 BC. After a long reign he was succeeded in 148 BC by his son Micipsa. Jugurtha, Micipsa's adopted son (and
Masinissa's illegitimate grandson), was so popular among the Numidians that Micipsa was obliged to send him away to Spain.
Unfortunately for Micipsa, instead of quietly keeping out of the way, Jugurtha used his time in Spain to make several
influential Roman contacts. He served at the siege of Numantia alongside Gaius Marius and learned of Rome's weakness for
bribes. He famously described Rome as "urbem venalem et mature perituram, si emptorem invenerit" ("a city for sale and
doomed to quick destruction, if it should find a buyer," Sallust, Jug. 35.10). When Micipsa died in 118, he was succeeded
jointly by Jugurtha and his two sons (Jugurtha's half-brothers) Hiempsal and Adherbal. Hiempsal and Jugurtha quarrelled
immediately after the death of Micipsa. Jugurtha had Hiempsal killed, which led to open war with Adherbal. After Jugurtha
defeated him in open battle, Adherbal fled to Rome for help. The Roman officials settled the fight by dividing Numidia into two
parts, probably in 116, but this settlement was tainted by accusations that the Roman officials accepted bribes to favor
Jugurtha. Among the officials found guilty was Lucius Opimius (who, as consul in 121, had presided over events which led to
the death of Gaius Gracchus). Jugurtha was assigned the western half; later Roman propaganda claimed that this half was
also richer, but in truth it was both less populated and developed. By 112 BC Jugurtha resumed his war with Adherbal,
penning the latter up in his capital of Cirta. Adherbal was encouraged to hold out by a corps of Italian residents, in
expectation of military aid arriving from Rome. However, Roman troops were engaged in the Cimbrian War and the Senate
merely sent two successive embassies to remonstrate with Jugurtha who delayed until he had captured Cirta. His troops then
massacred many residents including the Italians. This brought Jugurtha into direct conflict with Rome, who sent troops under
the Consul Lucius Calpurnius Bestia. Although the Romans made significant inroads into Numidia, their heavy infantry was
unable to inflict any significant casualties on Jugurtha's army which included large numbers of light cavalry. Bestia then
accepted an offer of negotiations from Jugurtha, who surrendered and received a highly favourable peace treaty, which raised
suspicions of bribery once more. The local Roman commander was summoned to Rome to face corruption charges brought by
his political rival Gaius Memmius, who also induced the tribal assembly to vote safe conduct to Jugurtha to come to Rome to
give evidence against the officials suspected of succumbing to bribery. However once Jugurtha had reached Rome another
tribune used his veto to prevent evidence being given. Jugurtha also severely damaged his reputation and weakened his

position by using his time in Rome to set gangs onto a cousin named Massiva who was a potential rival for
the Numidian throne. War again broke out between Numidia and the Roman Republic and several
legions were dispatched to North Africa under the command of the Consul Quintus Caecilius Metellus.
The war dragged out into a long and seemingly endless campaign as the Romans tried to inflict a
decisive defeat on Jugurtha. Frustrated at the apparent lack of action, Metellus' lieutenant Marius
returned to Rome to seek election as Consul. After winning the election, Marius returned to Numidia to
take control of the war. He sent his Quaestor Lucius Cornelius Sulla to neighbouring Mauretania in
order to eliminate their support for Jugurtha. With the help of Bocchus I of Mauretania, Sulla was able to
capture Jugurtha and bring the war to a conclusive end. Jugurtha was brought to Rome in chains and
placed in the Tullianum. Jugurtha was paraded through the streets in Gaius Marius' Triumph after which his royal robes were
removed and his earrings were ripped off. He lost an ear lobe in the process. He was then thrown into the Tullianum where he
died of starvation in 104 BC. He was survived by his son Oxyntas.

Gauda

was king of Numidia from 106 BC until 88 BC. He was the son of Mastanabale, and grandson of Masinissa and
Jugurtha's half-brother (who had, however, for a mother's concubine Mastanabal). When the death of Micipsa (118 BC), the
kingdom was divided into three, the two sons of the late king, and Adherbal Iempsale, was also joined Jugurtha (Micipsa that
had taken three years before he died), but was expressly left Gauda in second place in the will of Micipsa. According to Sallust
this was due to the fact that he was morbis confectus et ob eam causam mind paulum imminuta ("worn by diseases that had
a little 'impaired intelligence'). Probably the description that he gives us Sallust exaggerates the inability of Gouda. In fact the
same Latin historian recalls how Gauda has fought alongside the Romans in the war against Jugurtha, with full awareness of
his rank and ability (which came true) to ascend to the throne after his half-brother who had been defeated. At first, Gauda
fought with Metellus, who humbled himself by not adhering to its demands to be treated like a king, an ally of Rome. This
helped to bring it closer to Mario instead, granting this alliance that enacted the death of Jugurtha, to take power in Numidia
(even amputation of the west, past the Mauretania of Bocco). As far as we know, Gauda had at least three children. It is
possible that the story has ended tragically, because of this Adherbal not have other news. As for the other two sons, one,
Iempsale II, is well known how he became his successor on the throne of Numidia in 88 BC, while another will only know the
name, Masteabar, accompanied by the unequivocal title of basileus "king "in an inscription of Syracuse (perhaps intended
Mastanabal II). On this basis the historians wonder if it was not even in this case occurred a division of the kingdom among
the sons of the late king, as had happened at the time of Masinissa and Micipsa. From the perspective of ancient onomastics
of North Africa, it seems likely that the name of Gauda (Gaudas in Dio Cassius) coincides with that of Iabdas (or, more often,
Iaudas), a Berber leader of the fifth century who fought the Byzantines in the region dell'Aurs quoted by Procopius of
Caesarea and Corippo (which is also the name of a "game of words" with iam audax "a bold time"). The Berber language is in
fact very frequent alternation between [j] and semi-vowel [g]. We would therefore have the same name with alternating
pronunciations jawda / gawda (either because of differences in dialect, either because of diachronic evolution).

Hiempsal II

was a king of Numidia. He was the son of Gauda, half-brother of Jugurtha, and was
the father of Juba I. In 88 BC, after the triumph of Lucius Cornelius Sulla, when Gaius Marius and his
son fled from Rome to Africa, Hiempsal received them with apparent friendliness, his real intention
being to detain them as prisoners. Marius discovered this intention in time and made good his
escape with the assistance of the king's daughter. In 81 Hiempsal was driven from his throne by the
Numidians themselves, or by Hiarbas, ruler of part of the kingdom, supported by Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus, the leader of
the Marian party in Africa. Soon afterwards Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus was sent to Africa by Sulla to reinstate Hiempsal,
whose territory was subsequently increased by the addition of some land on the coast in accordance with a treaty concluded
with Lucius Aurelius Cotta. When the tribune Publius Servilius Rullus introduced his agrarian law (63), these lands, which had
been originally assigned to the Roman people by Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus, were expressly exempted from sale,
which roused the indignation of Marcus Tullius Cicero (De lege agraria, i. 4, ii. 22). From Suetonius (Caesar, 71) it is evident
that Hiempsal was alive in 62. According to Sallust (Jugurtha, 17), he was the author of an historical work in the Punic
language.

Juba I of Numidia

(c. 85 BC 46 BC, reigned 60 BC 46 BC) was a Berber king of Numidia. He was

the son and successor to King of Numidia Hiempsal II. Juba I was the father of King of Numidia and later
Mauretania, Juba II (50/52 BC 23), father-in-law of Juba IIs wives Greek Ptolemaic princess Cleopatra
Selene II (40 BC 6 BC), Cappodocian princess Glaphyra and paternal grandfather to King Ptolemy of
Mauretania (1 BC AD 40) and Mauretanian princess Drusilla of Mauretania (born 5 AD). In 81 BC
Hiempsal had been driven from his throne, soon afterwards, Pompey was sent to Africa by Sulla to
reinstate Hiempsal as king in Numidia, because of this Hiempsal and later Juba became Pompeys ally.
This alliance was strengthened during a visit by Juba to Rome where Julius Caesar insulted him by pulling on
his beard during accusations Juba made against Caesar, and still further in 50 BC, when the tribune Gaius
Scribonius Curio openly proposed that Numidia should be sold privately, and when his wife became
Caesar's lover. In August 49 BC, Caesar sent Curio to take Africa from the Republicans. Overconfident and holding the
governor of Africa, Publius Attius Varus (Varus) in low esteem Curio took fewer legions than he had been given. In the Battle
of the Bagradas River (49 BC), Curio led his army in a bold, uphill attack which swiftly routed Varus' army and in the process
wounded Varus. Encouraged by this success, Curio acted on what proved to be faulty intelligence, and attacked what he
believed to be a detachment of Juba's army. In fact, the bulk of the king's forces were there and, after an initial success,
Curio's forces were ambushed and virtually annihilated by Saburra (Juba's military commander). Curio was surrounded with
the remnants of his troops on a hilltop and died in the fighting. Only a few were able to escape on their ships, and King Juba
took several senators captive back to Numidia for display and execution.With the arrival of Caesar in Africa, Juba originally
planned to join Publius Cornelius Scipio Salvito, but his kingdom was invaded from the west by Caesar's ally Bocchus II and an
Italian adventurer, Publius Sittius. He therefore left only 30 elephants behind and marched home to save his country.
Scipio knew he couldn't fight without more troops, and sent a desperate message to Juba for assistance. Juba immediately
left the command of his kingdom's defence with Sabura, and joined Scipio with 3 legions, around 15,000 light infantry, 1,000

cavalry and 30 elephants for the Battle of Thapsus. However, he camped away from Scipio's main lines. Seeing the certain
defeat of Scipio's army, Juba did not take part in the battle and fled with his 30,000 men. Having fled with the Roman general
Petreius and finding their retreat cut off, they made a suicide pact and engaged in one on one combat. The idea was that one
would meet an honourable death. Sources vary on the outcome, but most likely, Petreius killed Juba and then committed
suicide with the assistance of a slave.
The endangered Chilean Wine Palm, Jubaea chilensis, is named for Juba I of Numidia.

Moors
The Moors were Muslim inhabitants of the Maghreb, the Iberian Peninsula, Sicily, and Malta during the Middle Ages. The
Moors were initially of Berber and Arab descent, though the term was later applied to Africans, Iberian Christian converts to
Islam, and people of mixed ancestry. In 711 the Moors invaded the Iberian Peninsula from North Africa and called the territory
Al-Andalus, which at its peak included most of modern-day Spain, Portugal, and Septimania. The Moors occupied Mazara on
Sicily in 827, developing it as a port, and they eventually consolidated the rest of the island and some of southern Italy.
Differences in religion and culture led to a centuries-long conflict with the Christian kingdoms of Europe, which tried to
reclaim control of Muslim areas. In Spain this conflict was referred to as the Reconquista. In 1224 the Muslims were expelled
from Sicily to the settlement of Lucera, which was destroyed by European Christians in 1300. The fall of Granada in 1492
marked the end of Muslim rule in Iberia, although a Muslim minority persisted until their expulsion in 1609. The term "Moors"
has also been used in Europe in a broader, somewhat derogatory sense to refer to Muslims in general, especially those of
Arab or Berber descent, whether living in Spain or North Africa. During the colonial era, the Portuguese introduced the names
"Ceylon Moors" and "Indian Moors" in Sri Lanka, and the Bengali Muslims were also called Moors. Moors are not a distinct or
self-defined people. Medieval and early modern Europeans variously applied the name to Sub-Saharan Africans, Arabs,
Berbers and Muslim Europeans. In the modern Iberian Peninsula, "Moor" is sometimes colloquially used for any person from
North Africa, though some people consider this use of the term pejorative. In Spanish the term is "moro", and in Portuguese it
is "mouro".

List of Rulers of the Moors

Masuna

(fl. 508) was a Romano-Moorish king in Mauretania Caesariensis (western Algeria).He ruled on the Regnum
Maurorum et Romanorum (or "Mauro-Roman kingdom" in English), a Christian Berber kingdom that existed in the Maghreb
from the 4th century AD until the Arab conquest of North Africa.
Masuna is known only from an inscription on a fortification in Altava (modern Ouled Mimoun, in the region of Oran), dated
508, describing him as "King of the Moorish and Roman peoples". He is known to have possessed Altava and at least two
other cities, Castra Severiana and Safar, as mention is made of officials he appointed there. Although evidence is scant, it is
presumed that Masuna (who was probably Christian) ruled over a Romano-Moorish kingdom that stretched (or had ambitions
to stretch) over a substantial part of Mauretania Caesariensis. It may have been originally a successor state to the western
Roman Empire (similar to Aegidius in Gaul) that managed to maintain its independence and resist occupation by the Vandals,
or it may have been carved out later when Vandal rule weakened. It is almost certain Masuna was a Berber, possibly
descended from a Romano-Berber family appointed as federate commanders in Roman times, who simply continued after the
Vandal invasion, or a Berber warlord who extended his rule in the chaos of Vandal times beyond the pastoralist Berber tribes
(contemporaneously known as "Mauri" or Moors), to also cover the Romanized cities of Mauretania. Masuna may be the same
person as the Berber chieftain called "Massonas" by Procopius in 535 AD, who allied with the Byzantines during the Vandalic
War. Massonas is said to have encouraged the Byzantine general Solomon, the Prefect of Africa, to launch an invasion of the
Moorish kingdom of Numidia. Masuna may have been succeeded as Moorish king of Altava by Mastigas in the late 530s
(known from coinage), and the more famous Garmul in the 560s.

Mastigas

or Mastinas (Greek: or , fl.535540) was the ruler of the Moors in Mauretania Caesariensis in
the 530s. According to the Byzantine historian Procopius (De Bello Vandalico, Book II), who is the only source on him,
Mastigas was an independent ruler who controlled the entire former Roman province except for the capital, Caesarea, which
was taken by the Byzantines under Belisarius during the Vandalic War in 533.

Garmul or Gharmul was the ruler of the Moors in Mauretania Caesariensis during 550s and 560s.

Berbers People
The Berbers or Amazighs (Berber: Imazi en/imazighen/, singular: Amazi /Amazigh) are an ethnic group
indigenous to North Africa. They are distributed in an area stretching from the Atlantic Ocean to the Siwa Oasis in Egypt, and
from the Mediterranean Sea to the Niger River. Historically, they spoke Berber languages, which together form the Berber
branch of the Afro-Asiatic family. Since the Muslim conquest of North Africa in the seventh century, a large number of Berbers
inhabiting the Maghreb have acquired different degrees of knowledge of varieties of Maghrebi Arabic. After the colonization of
North Africa by France, "...the French government succeeded in integrating the French language in Algeria by making French
the official national language and requiring all education to take place in French.". Other foreign languages, mainly French
and to some degree Spanish, inherited from former European colonial powers, are used by most educated Berbers in Algeria,
Morocco, and Tunisia in some formal contexts, such as higher education or business. Today, most Berber people live in
Greater Maghreb countries, such as Morocco and Algeria; a small Berber population is also found in Niger, Mali, Libya,
Mauritania, Tunisia, Burkina Faso and Egypt, as well as large immigrant communities living in France, Canada, Belgium, the
Netherlands and other countries of Europe. The Berber identity is usually wider than language and ethnicity, and
encompasses the entire history and geography of North Africa. Berbers are not an entirely homogeneous ethnicity and they
encompass a range of phenotypes, societies and ancestries. The unifying forces for the Berber people may be their shared
language, belonging to the Berber homeland, or a collective identification with the Berber heritage and history. There are

some twenty-five to thirty million Berber speakers in North Africa. The number of ethnic Berbers (including non-Berber
speakers) is far greater, as a large part of the Berbers have acquired other languages over the course of many decades or
centuries, and no longer speak Berber today. Berbers call themselves some variant of the word i-Mazigh-en (singular: aMazigh), possibly meaning "free people" or "noble men". The name likely had its ancient parallel in the Roman and Greek
names for Berbers, "Mazices". Some of the best known of the ancient Berbers are the Numidian king Masinissa, king Jugurtha,
the Berber-Roman author Apuleius, Saint Augustine of Hippo, and the Berber-Roman general Lusius Quietus, who was
instrumental in defeating the major wave of Jewish revolts of 115117.

List of Berber tribal Leaders

Masties (449-494 or around 516) was a ruler of roman-berber kingdom in Tunisia and Eastern Algeria in the 5th century.
Antalas (Greek: ; c. 500 after 548) was a Berber tribal leader who played a major role in the wars of the Byzantine
Empire against the Berber tribes in Africa. Antalas and his tribe, the Frexenses of Byzacena, initially served the Byzantines as
allies, but after 544 switched sides. With the final Byzantine victory in 548, Antalas and his Christian tribe once again became
Byzantine subjects. The main sources on his life are the epic poem Iohannis of Flavius Cresconius Corippus and the Histories
of the Wars of Procopius of Caesarea. Antalas was born c. 500, and was the son of a certain Guenfan, according to Corippus.
He belonged to one of the Berber tribes of Byzacena (central Tunisia), most likely the Christian Frexenses. Corippus reports
that Antalas' career began at the age of seventeen, stealing sheep. He soon gathered followers around him and became a
brigand, fighting against the Vandals. By 530, he had become leader of the Berbers in Byzacena, and in the same year led
them to a decisive victory against the Vandals. Following the Vandalic War (533534) and the capture of the Vandalic
Kingdom by the Byzantine Empire, Antalas became an ally of the empire, receiving subsidies and supplies in exchange. In
543, however, a revolt broke out among the Berbers of Byzacena, which resulted in the execution of his brother Guarizila and
the cessation of the subsidies by the Byzantine governor, Solomon. This treatment alienated Antalas, and when the Leuathae
rebelled in Tripolitania in the next year, he and his followers joined them. The united tribes inflicted a heavy defeat in the
Battle of Cillium, where Solomon himself was killed. With the death of the capable Solomon, his nephew Sergius, whose
arrogant treatment of the Leuathae had prompted their rebellion in the first place, was appointed governor in Africa. Stotzas,
a renegade Byzantine soldier who had led an unsuccessful rebellion a few years earlier, now joined Antalas from his refuge in
Mauretania. Antalas wrote to the Byzantine emperor, Justinian I, asking for Sergius' dismissal, but in vain. Justinian only
dispatched the patrician Areobindus in early 545 to share command with Sergius, but both were militarily incompetent and
spent their time bickering with each other. While Sergius remained inactive at Carthage, Antalas and Stotzas led their troops
north and managed to trick Himerius, the commander of Hadrumetum, into leaving the town with his troops and rendezvous
with another Byzantine commander, John. Himerius fell into the trap, and while his soldiers mutinied and joined Stotzas, he
was forced to betray Hadrumetum to save his life. Finally, in late 545 Areobindus ordered the reluctant John to advance and
meet the joint army of Antalas and Stotzas, which was encamped at Sicca Veneria. John's troops were considerably
outnumbered by the rebel forces, and in the Battle of Thacia his army was routed and he himself was killed, but not before
mortally wounding Stotzas in a duel. After the defeat at Thacia, Sergius was relieved and Areobindus replaced him. At this
time, he ambitious Byzantine dux of Numidia Guntharic contacted the various Berber leaders in a bid to unseat Areobindus.
Antalas was promised the rule of Byzacena, half the treasure of Areobindus and 1,500 Byzantine troops as his command. In
order to increase pressure on the latter, the Berbers and the renegade followers of Stotzas approached Carthage. At the same
time, Areobindus himself had secret contacts with another Berber leader, Cutzinas, who led the Numidian Berbers, and who
had promised to murder Antalas once battle was joined, a plan that Guntharic revealed to Antalas. In the event, due to
Areobindus' timidity, a battle was averted, and in March Guntharic seized Carthage and murdered Areobindus. Guntharic, now
master of Carthage, refused to honour his agreement with Antalas, and the latter withdrew his men into Byzacena. There, in
an effort to reconcile himself with the emperor, he contacted the dux of Byzacena, Marcentius, who had fled to an offshore
island, proposing to make common cause against Guntharic. Guntharic sent an army under Cutzinas and Artabanes against
Antalas and defeated him. Guntharic himself was murdered soon after (May 546) by a conspiracy headed by Artabanes, and
Carthage and the army returned to the Empire's allegiance. Justinian now sent an experienced soldier, John Troglita, to
impose order on the troubled African provinces.[9] Gathering his forces, Troglita marched out of Carthage into Byzacena.
Antalas sent an embassy to the Byzantine general, but the latter rejected his demands and imprisoned the envoys. Shortly
after, he sent an emissary of his own, who placed Antalas before the choice of battle or immediate submission. Antalas
refused, and the two armies confronted each other somewhere in Byzacena in late 546 or early 547. The battle resulted in a
crushing Byzantine victory: the Berbers suffered heavy losses, and the battle-standards lost at Cillium were recovered by the
Byzantines. In the summer, however, Antalas joined the Berbers of Tripolitania (though he is not mentioned by Corippus,
Procopius records his presence) and inflicted a heavy defeat on Troglita at the Battle of Marta. After their victory, the Berbers
raided even to the outskirts of Carthage itself. In the next year, Antalas again joined the Tripolitanian Berbers, under their
leader Carcasan, when they invaded Byzacena. In contrast to the impetuous Carcasan, Antalas advocated a more cautious
scorched earth tactic when Troglita marched forth to meet them. Nevertheless, when the two adversaries met later in the
summer in the Battle of the Fields of Cato, the result was a decisive Byzantine victory: Carcasan fell, and the Berber revolt
was crushed as Antalas and the surviving leaders submitted to Troglita. Nothing further is known of him after that.

Ifisdaias

was a Berber tribal leader who played a major role in the wars of the East Roman or Byzantine Empire against
the Berber tribes in Africa in the middle of the 6th century, fighting for the Byzantines.

Carcasan

was a Berber tribal leader who played a major role in the wars of the East Roman or Byzantine Empire against
the Berber tribes in Africa in the middle of the 6th century, fighting against Byzantines. Antalas, Berber tribal leader who
played a major role in the wars of the Byzantine Empire against the Berber tribes in Africa again joined the Tripolitanian
Berbers, under their leader Carcasan, when they invaded Byzacena. In contrast to the impetuous Carcasan, Antalas
advocated a more cautious scorched earth tactic when Troglita, Byzantine general marched forth to meet them. Nevertheless,
when the two adversaries met later in the summer in the Battle of the Fields of Cato, the result was a decisive Byzantine
victory: Carcasan fell, and the Berber revolt was crushed as Antalas and the surviving leaders submitted to Troglita.

Cutzinas or Koutzinas (Greek: ) was a Berber tribal leader who played a major role in the wars of the East Roman
or Byzantine Empire against the Berber tribes in Africa in the middle of the 6th century, fighting both against and for the
Byzantines. A staunch Byzantine ally during the latter stages of the Berber rebellion, he remained an imperial vassal until his
murder in 563 by the new Byzantine governor. Cutzinas was of mixed stock: his father was a Berber, while his mother came
from the Romanized population of North Africa. Following the reconquest of North Africa by the East Roman (Byzantine)
Empire in the Vandalic War (533534), several uprisings by the native Berber tribes occurred in the North African provinces.
Cutzinas is mentioned by the eyewitness historian Procopius of Caesarea as one of the leaders of the rebellion in the province
of Byzacena, alongside Esdilasas, Medisinissas and Iourphouthes. In spring 535, however, the rebels were defeated by the

Byzantine military commander Solomon in the battles of Mammes and Mount Bourgaon, and Cutzinas was forced to flee west
to Mount Aurasium in Numidia, where he sought the protection of the local Berber ruler, Iaudas. Cutzinas disappears from the
record until 544, by which time, according to the epic poem Iohannis of the Roman African writer Flavius Cresconius Corippus,
he was an ally of the Byzantines and a friend of Solomon. In that year, the Berber rebellion, suppressed by Solomon after his
pacification of the tribes of Mount Aurasium in 540, flared up again in Tripolitania and quickly spread to Byzacena, where the
Berbers rose up under the leadership of Antalas. This time, Cutzinas opposed the revolt, and brought his own people, the
"Mastraciani" (the reading of the name is uncertain) on the side of the Byzantine military. In 544, Solomon was killed in battle,
and over the next year the Byzantine position in Africa crumbled before the rebels. In late 545, Cutzinas and Iaudas joined
Antalas in a march against Carthage, the capital and main stronghold of the Byzantine government in Africa. Cutzinas
secretly agreed with the Byzantine governor, Areobindus, to betray Antalas, when battle was joined; Areobindus, however,
revealed this to Guntharis, a Byzantine commander who was in turn in contact with Antalas and planned to betray Areobindus
himself. To gain time to prepare, Guntharis advised Areobindus to take Cutzinas' children hostage; in the event Guntharis
launched an uprising in Carthage which the thoroughly unwarlike Areobindus failed to suppress, resulting in his execution and
the usurpation of the governorship by Guntharis. After his plans were revealed by Guntharis to Antalas, Cutzinas changed
sides once more and allied himself with Guntharis, giving his mother and son as hostages. Along with the Armenian
commander Artabanes, he was sent to pursue Antalas, scoring a victory over the rebel forces near Hadrumetum. In winter
546/547, when the new Byzantine governor and commander-in-chief, John Troglita, arrived in Africa, Cutzinas and his
followers joined him, and participated in the expedition that saw the defeat and submission of Antalas. Shortly after, Cutzinas
received the supreme Roman military rank of magister militum from Troglita. In the summer of 547 Cutzinas accompanied
Troglita in his campaign against the Tripolitanian tribes under Carcasan. Before the Battle of Marta he advocated attacking the
rebel forces, but the Byzantine army was heavily defeated by Carcasan and Antalas, who had once more risen in revolt. In the
same winter, Cutzinas quarreled with another pro-Byzantine Berber leader, Ifisdaias. Their dispute threatened to spill over
into open armed conflict, but the intervention of Troglita prevented this and the official John effected a reconciliation between
the two. In spring 548, he participated once more in Troglita's campaign, according to Corippus at the head of no less than
30,000 men, divided into units a thousand strong under a Berber dux each. This number possibly also includes Byzantine
troops placed under Cutzinas' command as well. During the campaign, Cutzinas and the other Berber leaders were crucial in
suppressing a near-mutiny of the Byzantine troops due to Antalas' scorched earth strategy. The Berbers' steadfast support
enabled Troglita to overcome the crisis and lead his army against the forces of Carcasan and Antalas. Cutzinas fought in the
ensuing Battle of the Fields of Cato, which was a decisive Byzantine victory: Carcasan fell, and the Berber revolt was crushed
as Antalas and the surviving leaders submitted to Troglita. After this, Cutzinas remained as a vassal chieftain, receiving
regular pay from the Byzantine authorities. In January 563, however, the new prefect of Africa, John Rogathinus, refused to
hand over the money and had Cutzinas murdered, prompting an uprising from the latter's children.

Kusaila

(Tamazight: Aksil or Aksel, , Latin: Caecilius, his name means Leopard in Tamazight , died in the year 690
AD, was a 7th-century leader of the Awraba tribe of the Imazighen Berber people and possibly Christian head of the Sanhadja
confederation. He is known for prosecuting an effective Berber resistance against the Muslim Arab expansion into North Africa
in the 680s. Initially the Romano-Berber states were able to defeat the Arab invaders at the Battle of Vescera (modern Biskra
in Algeria), that was fought in 682 between the Berbers of King Kusaila and their Byzantine allies from the Exarchate of
Carthage against an Umayyad Arab army under Uqba ibn Nafi (the founder of Kairouan). Uqba ibn Nafi had led his men in an
invasion across North Africa, eventually reaching the Atlantic Ocean and marching as far south as the Draa and Sous rivers.
On his return, he was met by the Berber-Byzantine coalition at Tahuda south of Vescera, his army was crushed and he himself
was killed. As a result of this crushing defeat, the Arabs were expelled from the area of modern Tunisia and eastern Algeria for
more than a decade. His homeland was Tlemcen in modern Algeria, according to Ibn Khaldun. However, this account dates
from the 14th century, some 700 years later. Indeed Kusaila -according to historian Noe Villaverde was probably a king of the
Kingdom of Altava. Other sources closer to Aksel's time (9th century are the earliest available) associate him only with the
Awras area. Aksel grew up in Berber tribal territory during the time of the Byzantine exarchate. Kusaila is speculated to be a
Christian based on his Roman sounding name. According to historian Camps, his name was a possible translation in Berber of
the Latin name "Caecilius", showing that he was from a noble Romano-Berber family. His name even intrigued Orientalists;
unlike other Romano-Berber kings, like his predecessors Masuna, Masties, Mastinas and Garmul, Kusaila is not named after a
Berber sounding. Arab chroniclers likely transmitted us -according to Camps- a name of another language: Latin Caecilius, a
common name found in the graves of Volubilis. However Kusaila had suffered much at the hands of the Muslims. He was
captured by Oqba, put in chains and paraded throughout North Africa. But in AD 683 he succeeded in escaping and raised
against his tormentors a large force of Christian Berber and Byzantine soldiers. The Arabs were taken by surprise when Oqba
decided to return to Kairouan with only 300 soldiers; he allowed the rest to go back to their hometowns. Oqba was ambushed
killed. Aksel captured Kairouan itself and for a while he seems to have been, in name at least, the master of all North Africa.
But the respite was to be short-lived. Five years later Aksel was killed in battle against fresh Arab forces led by a Muslim
general from Damascus. This soldier was himself ambushed and put to death by Byzantine sea-raiders shortly afterwards. For
a while confusion reigned, but the Awraba recognized the weakness of their position and eventually capitulated to the newly
re-organized and reinforced Arab army. With the death of Aksel, the torch of resistance passed to a tribe known as the Jerawa,
who had their home in the Aurs mountains. According to late Moslem accounts (11th century through to Ibn Khaldun in the
14th century) the amir of the invading Arabs, who was then a freed slave called Abu al-Muhajir Dinar, surprisingly invited
Kusaila to meet with him in his camp. Abu al-Muhajir convinced him to accept Islam and join his army with a promise of full
equality with the Arabs (678). Abu al-Muhajir was a master in diplomacy and thoroughly impressed Aksel with not only his
piety but with his high sense of respect and etiquette. Aksel incorporated the Awraba-Sanhajda into the conquering Arab
force and participated in their uniformly successful campaigns under Abu al-Muhajir. This amir was then forcibly replaced by
Uqba ibn Nafi who treated Kusaila and his men with contempt. Eventually Uqba's disrespect enraged Kusaila and provoked a
plot of revenge. On the army's return from Morocco, Uqba allowed his troops to break up and go home. The remainder, about
300, was vulnerable and exhausted. On the return march to Kairowan, Aksel joined with the Byzantine forces and organised
an ambush. The Christian-Berber force, about 5000 strong, defeated the Arabs and felled Uqba at Tahudha near Biskra (683).
Aksel now held undisputed mastery over North Africa and marched to Kairowan in triumph. The above account is disputed by
some historians, who prefer the earlier 9th-century sources. According to these, Abu al-Muhajir had no connection with
Kusaila, nor did Uqba ibn Nafi until he was ambushed at Tahudha. These earlier sources also describe Aksel as a Christian, not
a Muslim convert. They do agree, however, that he led a combined Byzantine-Berber force when he defeated Uqba. In 688
Arab reinforcements arrived under Zuhair ibn Kays. Aksel met them in 690 at the Battle of Mamma. Vastly outnumbered, the
Awraba were defeated and Kusaila was killed. It was not the last instance of Berber resistance.
Dihya or Kahina (Berber: Daya Ult Yenfaq Tajrawt, Dihya, or Damya; Arabic: ), was a Berber queen, religious and military
leader who led indigenous resistance to Arab Islamic expansion in Northwest Africa, the region then known as Numidia. She
was born in the early 7th century and died around the end of the 7th century in modern-day Algeria. Her personal name is
one of these variations: Daya, Dihya (), Dahya or Damya (with Arabic spellings it's difficult to distinguish between
these variants). Her title was cited by Arabic-language sources as al-Khina (the priestess soothsayer). This was the nickname

used by her Muslim opponents because of her reputed ability to foresee the future. She was born in the early 7th century and
may well have been of mixed descent: Berber and Byzantine Christian, since one of her sons is
described as a 'yunani' or Greek. Kahina ruled as a Christian queen (but some Arab historians wrote
that she was a Jewish "sorcerer") and was able to defeat the Arab Islamic invaders who retreated to
Tripolitania: for five years ruled a free berber state from the Aures mountains to the oasis of
Gadames (695-700 AD). But the Arabs, commanded by Musa bin Nusayr, returned with a strong army
and defeated her. She fought at the El Djem Roman amphitheater but finally died around the end of
the 7th century in modern-day Algeria in a battle near Tabarka: according to Islamic legends, she
ordered -when dying after her final defeat in 702 AD- her sons to convert to Muslim faith. Over four centuries after her death,
Tunisian hagiographer al-Mlik seems to have been among the first to state she resided in the Aurs Mountains. Just on
seven centuries after her death, the pilgrim at-Tijani was told she belonged to the Lwta tribe. When the later historian Ibn
Khaldun came to write his account, he placed her with the Jrwa tribe. According to various Moslem sources, al-Khinat was
the daughter of Tabat, or some say Mtiya. These sources depend on tribal genealogies, which were generally concocted for
political reasons during the 9th century. Accounts from the 19th century on, claim she was of Jewish religion or that her tribe
were Judaized Berbers, though scholars dispute this. According to al-Mlik she was said to have been accompanied in her
travels by what the Arabs called an "idol", possibly an icon of the Virgin or one of the Christian saints, but certainly not
something associated with Jewish religious customs. The idea that the Jrwa were Judaized comes from the medieval historian
Ibn Khaldun, who named them among a number of such tribes. Hirschberg and Talbi note that Ibn Khaldun seems to have
been referring to a time before the advent of the late Roman and Byzantine empires, and a little later in the same paragraph
seems to say that by Roman times "the tribes" (presumably those he had listed before) had become Christianized. In the
words of H. Z. Hirschberg, "of all the known movements of conversion to Judaism and incidents of Judaizing, those connected
with the Berbers and Sudanese in Africa are the least authenticated. Whatever has been written on them is extremely
questionable." Hirschberg further points out that in the oral legends of Algerian Jews, "Kahya" was depicted as an ogre and
persecutor of Jews. Ibn Khaldun records many legends about Dihy. A number of them refer to her long hair or great size,
both legendary characteristics of sorcerers. She is also supposed to have had the gift of prophecy and she had three sons,
which is characteristic of witches in legends. Even the fact that two were her own and one was adopted (an Arab officer she
had captured), was an alleged trait of sorcerers in tales. Another legend claims that in her youth, she had supposedly freed
her people from a tyrant by agreeing to marry him and then murdering him on their wedding night. Virtually nothing else of
her personal life is known. Kahina succeeded Kusaila as the war leader of the Berber tribes in the 680s and opposed the
encroaching Arab Islamic armies of the Umayyad Dynasty. Hasan ibn al-Nu'man marched from Egypt and captured the major
Byzantine city of Carthage and other cities. Searching for another enemy to defeat, he was told that the most powerful
monarch in North Africa was "the queen of the Berbers" (Arabic: malikat al-barbar) Dihy , and accordingly marched into
Numidia. The armies met near Meskiana in the present-day province of Oum el-Bouaghi, Algeria. She defeated Hasan so
soundly that he fled Ifriqiya and holed up in Cyrenaica (Libya) for four or five years. Realizing that the enemy was too
powerful and bound to return, she was said to have embarked on a scorched earth campaign, which had little impact on the
mountain and desert tribes, but lost her the crucial support of the sedentary oasis-dwellers. Instead of discouraging the Arab
armies, her desperate decision hastened defeat. Another, lesser known account of Dihy claimed that she had an interest in
early studies of desert birds. While this view may or may not be plausible, some evidence has been recovered at the site of
her deathplace, modern-day Algeria. Several fragments of early parchment with a painting of a bird on them were found,
although there's no way to conclude the fragments were hers. However, it is possible that she began her interest while in
Libya, as the painting was of a Libyan bird species. Hasan eventually returned and, aided by communications with the
captured officer adopted by Kahina, defeated her at a locality (presumably in present-day Algeria) about which there is some
uncertainty. Before the battle, foreseeing the outcome, she sent her two real sons over to the Arab Islamic army under the
care of the adopted son, and Hasan is said to have given one of them charge of a section of his forces. According to some
accounts, al-Khinat died fighting the invaders, sword in hand, a warrior's death. Other accounts say she committed suicide
by swallowing poison rather than be taken by the enemy. This final act occurred in the 690s or 700s, with 702 or 703 given as
the most likely year. In that year, she was, according to Ibn Khaldun, 127 years old. This is evidently yet another of the many
myths which surround her. According to Moslem historians, her sons Bagay and Khanchla, converted, and led the berber army
to Iberia. Supposedly, Kahina had a passion for ornithology that shaped science and learning in early North Africa. Today,
many look up to her for her great findings and independence. She shares the same homeland as the famous Saint Augustin.
In later centuries, Dihy's legend was used to bolster the claims of Berbers in al-Andalus against Arab claims of ethnic
supremacyin the early modern age, she was used by French colonials, Berber nationalists, Arab Nationalists, North African
Jews, North African feminists, and Maghrebi nationalists alike for their own didactic purposes. Author Manly Wade Wellman
wrote a historical fantasy novel about her, called Cahena. A movie was made with her title, not her name. The TV series Relic
Hunter (episode 64) The relic hunters recover an artifact that had belonged to Kahina. Kahina is seen in flashback scenes.

Lalla Aziza

was the Tribal Leader of Berber tribe in early 15th century, she is now considered a saint who
protects chasseurs and the ades berbres.

Rustamid dynasty
The Rustamid (or Rustumid, Rostemid) dynasty of Ib Kharijite imm that ruled the central Maghreb as a Muslim theocracy
for a century and a half from their capital Tahert in present Algeria until the Ismailite Fatimid Caliphs destroyed it. The
dynasty had a Persian origin. The exact extent of its dominions is not entirely clear, but it stretched as far east as Jabal
Nafusa in Libya. The Ibdiyya reached North Africa by 719, when the missionary Salma ibn Sa'd was sent from the
Ibd jama'a of Basra toKairouan.
By
740,
their
efforts
had
converted
the
major Berber tribes
of Huwwara around Tripoli, Nafusa in Jabal Nafusa andZenata in western Tripolitania. In 757 (140 AH), a group of four Basraeducated missionaries (including Abd ar-Rahman ibn Rustam) proclaimed an Ibd imamate, starting an abortive state led

by Abul-Khattab Abdul-A'la ibn as-Samh which lasted until the Abbasids suppressed it in 761, and Abul-Khattab Abdul-A'la ibn
as-Samh was killed. On his death, theTripolitanian Ibdiyya elected Abul-Hatim al-Malzuzi as imm; he was killed in 772 after
launching a second unsuccessful revolt in 768. After this, the center of power shifted to Algeria, and, in 777, Abd ar-Rahmn
ibn Rustam, a Tunisian-born convert to Ibadiism, who was of Persian origin (already noted as one of the four founders of this
imamate), was elected imm; after this, the post remained in his family, a practice which the Ibdiyya justified by noting that
he came from no tribe, and thus his family had no bias towards any of the tribes of which the state was formed. The new
imamate was centered on the newly built capital of Tahert; several Ibd tribes displaced from Tunisia andTripolitania settled
there and strong fortifications were built. It became a major stop on the newly developing trade routeswith sub-Saharan
Africa and the Middle East. It is described by visitors such as the Sunni Muslim Ibn as-Saghir as notably multi-religious, with a
significant and loyal Christian minority and a substantial number of Sunnis and Jews, and open religious debate was
encouraged. Ibn as-Saghir also describes the imm as notably ascetic, repairing his own house and refusing gifts; the citizens
sharply criticized him if they considered him derelict in his duty. Religious ethics were strictly enforced by law. The Rustamids
fought the Aghlabids of Ifriqiyya (based in Qairawan) in 812, but otherwise reached a modus vivendi; this displeased the Ibd
tribes on the Aghlabid border, who launched a few rebellions. After Abdu l-Wahhb, the Rustamids grew militarily weak; they
were easily conquered by the Ismaili Shiite Fatimids in 909, upon which many Ibdiyya - including the last imm - fled to
the Sedrata tribe of Ouargla, whence they would ultimately emigrate to Mzab. The Rustamid dynasty, "developed a
cosmopolitan reputation in which Christians, non-Kharijite Muslims, and adherents of different sects of Kharijism lived"

List of Rulers of the Rustamid Dynasty

Abd ar-Rahman ibn Rustam ibn Bahram

(died 784) was a Rustamid (or Rustumid, Rostemid) dynasty of Ibd

Kharijite imm that ruled the central Maghreb as a Muslim theocracy for a century and a half from their capital Tahert in
present Algeria until the Ismailite Fatimid Caliphs destroyed it. The dynasty had a Persian origin. The exact extent of its
dominions is not entirely clear, but it stretched as far east as Jabal Nafusa in Libya. The Ibdiyya reached North Africa by 719,
when the missionary Salma ibn Sa'd was sent from the Ibd jama'a of Basra to Kairouan. By 740, their efforts had converted
the major Berber tribes of Huwwara around Tripoli, Nafusa in Jabal Nafusa and Zenata in western Tripolitania. In 757 (140 AH),
a group of four Basra-educated missionaries (including Abd ar-Rahman ibn Rustam) proclaimed an Ibd imamate, starting an
abortive state led by Abul-Khattab Abdul-A'la ibn as-Samh which lasted until the Abbasids suppressed it in 761, and AbulKhattab Abdul-A'la ibn as-Samh was killed. On his death, the Tripolitanian Ibdiyya elected Abul-Hatim al-Malzuzi as imm; he
was killed in 772 after launching a second unsuccessful revolt in 768. After this, the center of power shifted to Algeria, and, in
777, Abd ar-Rahmn ibn Rustam, a Tunisian-born convert to Ibadiism, who was likewise of Persian origin (already noted as
one of the four founders of this imamate), was elected imm; after this, the post remained in his family, a practice which the
Ibdiyya justified by noting that he came from no tribe, and thus his family had no bias towards any of the tribes of which the
state was formed. The new imamate was centered on the newly built capital of Tahert; several Ibd tribes displaced from
Tunisia and Tripolitania settled there and strong fortifications were built. It became a major stop on the newly developing
trade routes with sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East. It is described by visitors such as the Sunni Muslim Ibn as-Saghir as
notably multi-religious, with a significant and loyal Christian minority and a substantial number of Sunnis and Jews, and open
religious debate was encouraged. Ibn as-Saghir also describes the imm as notably ascetic, repairing his own house and
refusing gifts; the citizens sharply criticized him if they considered him derelict in his duty. Religious ethics were strictly
enforced by law. The Rustamids fought the Aghlabids of Ifriqiyya (based in Qairawan) in 812, but otherwise reached a modus
vivendi; this displeased the Ibd tribes on the Aghlabid border, who launched a few rebellions. After Abdu l-Wahh b, the
Rustamids grew militarily weak; they were easily conquered by the Ismaili Shiite Fatimids in 909, upon which many Ibdiyya including the last imm - fled to the Sedrata tribe of Ouargla, whence they would ultimately emigrate to Mzab.The Rustamid
dynasty, "developed a cosmopolitan reputation in which Christians, non-Kharijite Muslims, and adherents of different sects of
Kharijism lived".

Abd al-Wahhab ibn Abd ar-Rahman (died 832) was a Rustamid (or Rustumid, Rostemid) dynasty of Ib
Kharijite imm from 784 until his death in 832.

Aflah ibn Abd al-Wahhab (died 871) was a Rustamid (or Rustumid, Rostemid) dynasty of Ib Kharijite imm from
832 until his deah in 871.

Abu Bakr ibn Aflah (died 871) was a Rustamid (or Rustumid, Rostemid) dynasty of Ib Kharijite imm in 871.
Muhammad Abul-Yaqzan ibn Aflah (died 894) was a Rustamid (or Rustumid, Rostemid) dynasty of Ib Kharijite
imm from 871 until his death in 894.

Yusuf Abu Hatim ibn Muhammad Abil-Yaqzan (died 897) was a Rustamid (or Rustumid, Rostemid) dynasty
of Ib Kharijite imm from 894 until his death in 897.

Yaqub ibn Aflah

(died 901) was a Rustamid (or Rustumid, Rostemid) dynasty of Ib Kharijite imm from 897 until his

death in 901.

Yaqzan ibn Muhammad Abil-Yaqzan

Kharijite imm from 901 until his death in 906.

Ifranids Dynasty

(died 909) was a Rustamid (or Rustumid, Rostemid) dynasty of Ib

The Ifranids, also called Banu Ifran, Ifran, or the children of the Ifran (Arabic: , Banu Yifran), were a Zenata Berbertribe
prominent in the history of pre-Islamic and early Islamic North Africa. The tribe originated from the Aurs, with Tlemcen in
present-day north-west Algeria as their capital. The Banu Ifran resisted or revolted against the foreign occupiers
Romans, Vandals, and Byzantinesof their territory in Africa. In the seventh century, they sided with Kahina in her resistance
against the Muslim Umayyad invaders. In the eighth century they mobilized around the dogma of sufri in revolting against the
Arab Umayyads and Abbasids. In the 10th century they founded a dynasty opposed to the Fatimids, the Zirids, the Umayyads,
the Hammadids and the Maghraoua. The Banu Ifran were defeated by the Almoravids and the invading Arabs (the Banu
Hilal and the Banu Sulaym) to the end of the 11th century.

List of Rulers of the Ifranids Dynasty

Abu Qurra

(died 790) a member and ruler of the Sufrite tribe Banu Ifran of Tlemcen from 765 until his death in 790, was
the founder of the indigenous Berber Muslim movement with Kharijite tendencies in North Africa after the overthrow of
the Umayyad dynasty. Between 767 and 776, Abu Qurra organised an army of more than 350,000 riders in the north of
Africa. It is the first head of state of the Berber Muslim Maghreb. Ibn Khaldun described him in his book Kitab El Ibar.This littleknown character is the founder of kharidjisme sufrite in North Africa and sufrite kingdom of Tlemcen. Around 736, Abu Qurra
profess this doctrine to Zenetes and Berbers and sees designate as imam and as Count. In 765, after the death of Khaled ibn
Hamid Abu Qurra proclaimed caliph is to say, the spiritual and temporal ruler by members of his tribe who took power across
central Maghreb. He first takes Tobna head of 40,000 cavaliers6 then besieged the city of Kairouan in Tunisia. All Berber tribes
are then placed under his commandement3. Ibn Rustom, who had as wife a woman of Banu Ifren and being the only one of
the Persian army, see also proclaimed imam by Banu Ifren. To 778, the latter replaces Abu Qurra and founded the kingdom of
Tiaret. Abu Qurra is meanwhile accused of receiving money to leave alive Omar ibn Hafs, leader of Tunisia on behalf of the
Abbasids at that time. It then enters the property in the possession of the Abbasids and killed Ibn Hafs (nicknamed
Hezarmard and also Persian) during the siege of this ville. Abu Qurra and Banu Ifren retire after this victory to return to their
kingdom of Tlemcen. After this victory, Abu Qurra abandons kharidjisme and power because of internal divisions Berbres.
Agadir (current Tlemcen) was founded by Caliph Abu Qurra of the tribe of Banu Ifren in 790. Agadir became the capital of the
Berbers sufrites. Abu Qurra Idris I invite to stay in Agadir. The city was built on the ruins of the Roman town of Pomaria. Idris I
built a large mosque. In response to the headquarters of Kairouan, Yazid ibn Hatem invaded the Maghreb and is punishing his
inhabitants3: Banu Ifren lose hundreds of thousands of riders in this new war against the Umayyads and Abbassides. The
most powerful army berbre of all time (350 000 riders without fantassins), who won all the battles against the Romans,
Vandals, Byzantines and Arabes - Zntes have never been colonized by the Romans nor by the Vandals, or by Byzantins, nor
by Arabes while Kahena won two battles against the Arabs with the help of Zenetes and especially Banu Ifren. These are
deprived of the best horse trainers because of the company of Abu Qurra.

Ab Yazd Mukhallad ibn Kayrd al-Nukkari (Arabic: ;

873 - August 19, 947), ad-Dajjal,

nicknamed hib al-Himr"Possessor of the donkey", was a Kharijite Berber ruler of the Banu Ifran tribe who led a rebellion
against the Fatimids in Ifriqiya (modernTunisia and eastern Algeria) starting in 944. Ab Yazd conquered Kairouan for a time,
but was eventually driven back and defeated by the Fatimid caliph al-Mansur. Ab Yazd's father Kayrd was a trans-Saharan
trader from Qastilia, where he was born; he grew up in Tozeur. After he grew up, he went to Tahert, the Rustamid capital and
the main center of (Ibadi) Kharijism in the Maghreb of the time and took up teaching. The Nakkariyyah branch
of Sufri Kharijism was named after him. However, in 909 the Ismaili Sh Fatimids conquered the Rustamids and soon after
the Sufri state of Sijilmassa to the west. Ab Yazd moved to Tiqyus and began agitating against Fatimid rule in 928. When the
Fatimid al-Mahdi died in 944, Ab Yazd launched a rebellion in the Aures mountains and declared himself Shaykh alMu'minn "Elder of the Believers", seeking aid from the Umayyads ofAndalus. Early in his rebellion, Ab Yazd was given a
gray donkey which he used to ride, for which he received the nickname "Possessor of the donkey". Ab Yazd also habitually
wore a short woolen jubba cloak and with his conspicuous frugality, he recalled the Kharijite imamsof Tahert and Sijilmassa.
Ab Yazd was initially notably successful. He took Baghai, then Tebessa, Medjana, and several Tunisian cities including Bja,
where he is said to have massacred the civilian population. The population of Tunis threw out their governor and let Ab Yazd
in. By the end of the year, he had conquered Kairouan itself, dealing several severe defeats to the Fatimid armies. In 945, as
Ab Yazd besieged Sousse, Caliph al-Q'im died and was succeeded by his son al-Mansur. Under al-Mansur's leadership, the
Fatimid forces recovered their position, first breaking the siege of Sousse and then driving Ab Yazd's forces out of Kairouan
back into the Aurs Mountains. In 947, the Fatimids finally defeated them in the Kiyana Mountains near what later
became Qalaat Beni Hammad. W. K. R. Hallam, in "The Bayajidda legend in Hausa folklore", Journal of African History VII.1
(1966), argues that the Hausa culture hero Bayajidda represents a folk personification of the supporters of Ab Yazd who fled
North Africa after his defeat.

Abdallah ibn Bekkar

was a Kharijite Berber ruler of the Banu Ifran tribe around 950. He was the chief of the tribe
after the death of Abu Yezid. It will preserve the kingdom (western Algeria) of the tribe attacks Fatimids. His son Yala
Mohamed Ibn take the lead in the Zenetes suite.

Yala Ibn Mohamed

(died 954) was a formidable military leader of the Berber tribe of Banu Ifren during 950s. He was
chief of the tribe of Banu Ifren and was allied with Fatimides. The Umayyad rulers wanted to join this leader in their cause.
Yala Mohamed Ibn establish its power in the Maghreb. Yala is Oran, he transports the entire population Oran, then fire the city
Oran2. It will Tiaret throughout western Maghreb. Yala celebrate a public prayer from Tiaret to Tangier. He was the ruler of
Fez. His cousin Ahmed b. Abi Bakr built the minaret of the Great Mosque (Al Quaraouiyine) of Fez. Al-Muizz li-Din Allah (the
Fatimid Caliph) appointed Jawhar al-Siqilli as secrtaire. Yala was allied to the Fatimid, but he was assassinated by al-Jawhar
Siqilli since the Fatimids suspected treason because Yala had connections with the Umayyad rulers. The assassination of Yala
will cause large changes in the Maghreb thereafter. Zntes Maghraoua and go to war to Fatimides. Thereafter the Fatimids
occupy Fez. But Maghraoua and Banu Ifren refouleront the Fatimids of their current land occupied Morocco and their kingdom
of Tlemcen and western Algeria. Ya'la ibn Muhammad captured Oran and constructed a new capital, Ifgan, near Mascara.
Under the leadership of their able general Jawhar, who killed Ya'la in battle in 954, the Fatimids struck back and destroyed
Ifgan, and for some time afterward the Banu Ifran reverted to being scattered nomads in perpetual competition with
their Sanhaja neighbours.

Yeddou

(dead 993) was a Kharijite Berber ruler of the Banu Ifran tribe who reigned from 958 until his death in 993. After
the death of Mohamed Ibn Yala, who was chief of the Banu Ifren and was governor of Zenetes same time, the coalition troops
Banu Ifren were very affected by the numerous attacks of the Fatimids. Yeddou takes the power of tribe B Ifren after the death
of Mohamed Ibn Yala. Yeddou was not subject to the Umayyads, which makes him a formidable enemy of the Umayyads. To
escape Djafer b Ali, who was the leader and ally Zenetes the Umayyad Yeddou cross the Maghreb Al Aqsa to take refuge in

the desert. After a short solitude in the Sahara Yeddou trying to rally all debris remaining tribes of Banu Ifren western
Maghreb to combat Umayyads. But in the end, try to approach Yeddou Djafer Ali b. This led all Zenetes against Bologhine ibn
Ziri and the Fatimids. At the sight of this great army Zenetes formed by troops Yeddou and Maghraoua, Bologhine ibn Ziri
make a detour to escape certain death and prefer attacking Berghouata instead. Thereafter, the Umayyad Yeddou notice that
was not subject to them. The Umayyad decided to oppose Ziri Ibn Attia, Chief Maghraoua as rival Yeddou to keep their grip on
the Maghreb. Yeddou come off the alliance after Khalifs Spain offered him to be an ally. Yeddou say his famous phrase in
response to Omeyades: "Go ask B. Abi Amer if primrose is led in taming horses? " - Ibn Khaldun, "History of the Berbers",
1378. The war between Yeddou and Ziri Ibn Attia. Yedoou take Fez twice. bursting Zenetes tribes was a terrible upheaval in
North Africa especially among the Banu Ifren and Maghraoua for sharing Maghreb el Aqsa (Morocco today) and west of the
current Algeria. In 993 Yeddou established his capital at Chella near Sale and Rabat. This fierce rebel Berber was both against
the Umayyads, the Maghraoua and Fatimids. It will make several incursions into cities of Morocco Al Aksa. As a result of this,
Ziri Ibn Attia began a major offensive against camps Yeddou. Which destabilize Yeddou and his troops. Finally, Yeddou will
escape into the wilderness, he will be killed by his cousin Abu Yeddas. This death will delight Almanzor b. Abi Amer and Vizier
Umayyads. Abu Yeddas take the power of the tribe of Banu Ifren. But challenges are increasing and stand against Abu Yeddas
since he took power without being elected by the members of the Banu Ifren.

Habbous (died 1029) was a Kharijite Berber ruler of the Banu Ifran tribe who reigned from 993 until his death in 1029.
Temim Ibn Ziri1

(dead 1056) was the leader of the Berber tribe of Banu Ifren and Zenetes from 1029 until 1035. He is
the grand-son of Mohamed Ibn Yala. In 1032, he took Fez from Maghrawa tribe and city Berghwata. In May or June
1033, Fes was recaptured by Ya'la's grandson Tamm. Fanatically devoted to religion, he began a persecution of the Berber
Jews and is said to have killed 6000 of their men while confiscating their wealth and women.

Abu-l-Kemel (died 1054) was a leader of the tribe of Banu Ifren western Maghreb from 1036 until his death in 1054. Abul-Kemel was an adept warrior Holy War. He took the cities of Chella and Kasba Tadla, Morocco. He grabbed Fs1 and stripped
all Jews of the city of their fortunes and their wives 10362. According Roudh el kartas, this attack resulted in thousands of
deaths. Then Abu-l-Kemel attacked the Berber tribe Berghwatas to exterminate them. Hammama son of Ziri Ibn Attia tribe
Maghraoua then called all the chief Zenetes to combat Abu-l-Kemel. To 1037, resumed Hammama Fez. Abu-l-Kemel end siege
in Chella near Sale until his death in 1054. Salt and Chella will then be taken by the Almoravids. The population of these
cities, the majority of Banu Ifren, shall be destroyed by the Almoravids, there were hundreds of thousands of deaths.

Youcef (died 1056) was a ruler of the tribe of Banu Ifren and Zenetes Berbers from 1055 until 1056.
Hammad (died 1066) was a ruler of the tribe of Banu Ifren and Zenetes Berbers from 1056 until 1066.
Mohamed (died 1066) was a ruler of the tribe of Banu Ifren and Zenetes Berbers in 1066.
Yala Bhakti

was the ruler of Tlemcen, Zirides and Banu Ifren during 1050s who conclude several agreements. Yala make
war with the alliance Hammadids-Hilali (Zoghba) and appoint Abu Soda as vizie.

Abu Soda

was a ruler of the tribe of Banu Ifren and Zenetes Berbers around 1058. Ibn Khaldun reported in his book El
Mokadima written by Hilalians the death of Abu el Soda Ifrenide, zenatien emir, who strongly resisted in Ifriya and the Zab
the time poem. Abu Soda was a Berber leader who fought the Hilali-Hammadids coalition in North Africa. Dynasty
Hammadids ends with this final battle and the Maghreb will undergo a major transformation after this defeat. During the last
battle of the Berbers (Zenetes and Hammadids) against the Banu Hilal, Abu Soda will be beheaded in 1058.

Zirid dynasty
The Zirid dynasty (Arabic: Zryn) were a Sanhadja Berber dynasty, originating in modern Algeria, initially on behalf of
the Fatimids, for about two centuries, until weakened by the Banu Hilal and finally destroyed by the Almohads. Their capital
was Kairouan. An offshoot branch of the family ruled Granada until 1090. The Hammadids were an offshoot of this dynasty.
The Zirids were Sanhaja Berbers originating from the area of modern Algeria. In the 10th century this tribe served as vassals
of the Fatimids, defeating the Kharijite rebellion of Abu Yazid (943-947), under Ziri ibn Manad (935-971). Ziri was installed as
the governor of central Maghreb and founded the gubernatorial residence of Ashir south-east of Algiers, with Fatimid support.
When the Fatimids moved their base to Egypt in 972, Ziri's son Buluggin ibn Ziri (971-984) was appointed viceroy of Ifriqiya.
The removal of the fleet to Egypt made the retention of Kalbid Sicily impossible, while Algeria broke away under the
governorship ofHammad ibn Buluggin, Buluggin's son. The relationship with the Fatimid overlords was variable - in 1016
thousands ofShiites lost their lives in rebellions in Ifriqiya, and the Fatimids encouraged the defection of Tripolitania from the
Zirids, but nevertheless the relationship remained close. In 1049 the Zirids broke away completely by adopting Sunni Islam
and recognizing the Abbasids of Baghdad as rightful Caliphs, a move which was popular with the urban Arabs of Kairouan.
The Zirid period of Tunisia is considered a high point in its history, with agriculture, industry, trade and learning, both religious
and secular, all flourishing. Management of the area by later Zirid rulers was neglectful as the agricultural economy declined,
prompting an increase in banditry among the rural population. When the Zirids renounced Shia Islam and recognized
the Abbasid Caliphate, the Fatimids sent the Arab tribes of Banu Hilal andBanu Sulaym to Ifriqiya. The Zirids were defeated,
and the land laid waste by the Bedouin. The resulting anarchy devastated the previously flourishing agriculture, and the
coastal towns assumed a new importance as conduits for maritime trade and bases for piracy against Christian shipping.
After the loss of Kairouan (1057) the rule of the Zirids was limited to a coastal strip with Mahdia as the capital, while several
Bedouin Emirates formed inland. Between 1146 and 1148 the Normans of Sicily conquered all the coastal towns, and in 1152
the last Zirids in Algeria were superseded by the Almohads.

List of Rulers of the Zirid Dynasty

Bologhine ibn Ziri

(died 984) was the first ruler of the Zirids in Ifriqiya (972984). Bologhine was already given
responsibility under the governorship of his father Ziri ibn Manad, during which time he founded the cities of Algiers, Miliana

and Mda. After Ziri's death in battle against renegade Berbers, Bologhine became governor of Algeria and
defeated the Zanata tribe. The prisoners were resettled in great numbers in the settlement of Ashir. When the
Fatimids transferred their base from Mahdia to Egypt, Bologhine ibn Ziri was appointed viceroy of Ifriqiya, with the
capital at Kairouan. The Fatimids had taken the treasury and fleet with them to Egypt, so the first priority of
the Zirid government was to consolidate their rule. However the loss of the fleet meant loss of control over
the Kalbids in Sicily. Bologhine advanced towards the Atlantic during a campaign in Morocco, where he also
fought against the Bargawata. The Caliphate of Crdoba was however able to retain the fortresses of Ceuta
and Tangiers. Bologhine died in 984 whilst returning from this expedition. He was succeeded by his son alMansur ibn Buluggin (984-995). Bologhine, a suburb in the city of Algiers, is named after him .

Al-Mansr ibn Buluggin

(Arabic: ( ) died 995) was the second ruler of the Zirids in Ifriqiya (984
995). Al-Mansur succeeded his father Buluggin ibn Ziri (972984) in Ifriqiya. Despite further campaigns by the Zirids against
the Berber tribes of Morocco, he was forced to abandon the attempt at a permanent conquest of Fez and Sijilmasa. Still, he
was able to consolidate Zirid rule in the central Maghreb when he defeated the Kutama Berbers in 988, and when his brother
Hammad ibn Buluggin, as governor of Algeria, drove the Zanata Berbers into Morocco. The vassal relationship to the Fatimids
became increasingly loose under al-Mansur, not least because their focus of attention was on the overthrow of the Abbasids
in Iraq. He was succeed by Badis ibn Mansur (9951016)

Badis ibn Mansur

(Arabic: ( ) died 1016) was the third ruler of the Zirids in Ifriqiya (9951016). Badis ibn
Mansur succeeded his father Al-Mansur ibn Buluggin (984995) as viceroy of Ifriqiya. He stayed very close to his overlords,
the Fatimids of Egypt[1], on account of a power struggle amongst the Zirids - his right to rule was challenged by his greatuncle Zawi ibn Ziri, who was ultimately driven into Andalusia where he founded the Zirid dynasty of Granada (10121090).
More serious was the challenge posed by his uncle Hammad ibn Buluggin, who as governor of Algeria was building up his
power and had established his own residence at Bejaia - ultimately, in 1014, the Hammadids separated from the Zirids. In the
ensuing struggle the Zirids received no support from the Fatimids, and were forced to concede the independence of the
breakaway dynasty. Badis was succeeded by Al-Muizz ibn Badis.

Al-Muizz ibn Badis (Arabic: ;) 10081062) was the fourth ruler of the

Zirids in Ifriqiya, reigning from 1016

to 1062. Al-Muizz ascended the throne as a minor following the death of his father Badis ibn Mansur, with his aunt acting as
regent. In 1016 there was a bloody revolt in Ifriqiya in which the Fatimid residence Al-Mansuriya was completely destroyed
and 20,000 Shiites were massacred. The unrest forced a ceasefire in the conflict with the Hammadids of Algeria, and their
independence was finally recognized in 1018. Al-Muizz took over the government in 1022 following the overthrow of his aunt.
The relationship with the Fatimids was strained, when in 1027 they supported a revolt of the Zanatas in Tripolitania which
resulted in permanent loss of control of the region. His son Abdallah shortly ruled Sicily in 1038-1040, after intervening with a
Zirid army in the civil war that broke out in the island. The political turmoil notwithstanding, the general economic wellbeing
initially made possible an extensive building programme. However, the kingdom found itself in economic crisis in the 1040s,
reflected in currency devaluation, epidemic and famine. This may have been related to the high level of tribute which the
Zirids were compelled to pay annually to the Fatimids (one million gold dinars a year). When al-Muizz, under the influence of
Sunni jurists in Kairouan, recognised the Abbasids in Baghdad as rightful Caliphs in 1045, the break with the Fatimids was
complete. The Fatimids then deported the Bedouin tribes of the Banu Hilal and the Banu Sulaym from Egypt to Ifriqiya. The
invasion of the Bedouin (10511052) led to great hardship after the defeat at Jabal Haydaran, severely impacting agriculture
in Ifriqiya. The conquest of Kairouan in 1057 resulted in further anarchy. The Zirids lost control over the hinterland and were
only able to retain the coastal areas, the capital being moved to Mahdia. With the growth of Bedouin Emirates and the
continuing insecurity inland, the economy of Ifriqiya looked increasingly towards the Mediterranean, with the result the
coastal cities grew in importance through maritime trade and piracy. He is usually thought to be [1] the author of the famous
Kitab `umdat al-kuttab wa `uddat dhawi al-albab (Staff of the Scribes). It is divided in twelve chapters, writes amongst others
on the excellence of the pen, he wrote on the preparation of types of inks, the preparation of colored inks, metallic inks
(including ones prepared from silver filings and alcohol), the coloring of dyes and mixtures, secret writing, the making of
paper and the Arabic gum and glue. Al-Muizz was succeeded by his son Tamim ibn Muizz.

Tamim ibn al-Muizz

(died 1108) was the fifth ruler of the Zirids in Ifriqiya (10621108).Tamim took over from his
father Al-Muizz ibn Badis (10161062) at a time when the Zirid realm found itself in a state of disintegration following the
invasion of the Banu Hilal. Only the coastal towns were under control, and a reconquest of the hinterland from the Bedouin
failed. Even on the coast the Zirids were not unchallenged - Tunis was lost to the Banu Hurasan (10631128). The capital
Mahdia was attacked by Genoa and Pisa in 1088 and forced to pay a high ransom - a sign of the growing dominance of
Christian powers in the Mediterranean which also manifested itself in the Norman conquest of Sicily (10611062). Tamim's
son Yahya ibn Tamim inherited what was left of the Zirid kingdom in 1108.

Yahya ibn Tamimi

(Arabic ) was the son of Amir zrida ibn al-Tamimi Muzz, what happened to his death in
1108, ruled eight years. Reinforced the fleet and made inroads in Genoa and Sardinia. He died in 1116 and was succeeded by
his son Ali ibn Yahya.

Ali ibn Yahya

(Arabic ) egg zrida Amir, son of Yahya Tamimi well what happened when he died in 1116.
Relationships with Roger II of Sicily became very tense because Ali was asked to help Almoravids (Ali ibn Yussuf) to launch
joint sea operations against Sicily. He died in 1121 and was succeeded by his son Al-Hasan Ben Ali

Abul-Hasan al-Hasan ibn Ali

(alternatly known as "Al-Hassan ibn Ziri") (11091171) was the last ruler of the Zirid
dynasty in Ifriqiya 11211152. He succeeded Ali ibn Yahya. Under his reign, piracy became an important source of income,
although in turn this destabilised the relationships to the Christian maritime cultures. In order to secure trade in the
Mediterranean he was forced to accept dependence on the Norman-controlled Sicily. Between 1146 and 1148 the Zirid realm

fell, and Abul-Hasan lost all regions except for Algiers, until this fell also this time to the Almohad dynasty, or Moors.AbdulHasan lived in Marrakech until his death, even gaining some power of governance over al-Mahdiya.

Hammadid dinasty
The Hammadids were a Berber dynasty who ruled an area roughly corresponding to north-eastern modern Algeria for about a
century and a half (10081152), until they were destroyed by the Almohads. Soon after coming to power, they rejected the
Ismaili doctrine of the Fatimids, and returned to Maliki Sunnism, acknowledging the Abbasids as rightful Caliphs. Their capital
was at first Qalaat Beni Hammad, founded in 1007 and now a UNESCO World Heritage Site; when this was endangered by
the Banu Hilal, a large Arab bedouin tribe, they moved to Bjaa (1090). In 1014 Hammad ibn Buluggin, a Berber who had
been placed as governor of central Maghreb, declared himself independent from the Zirids, then ruling most of Maghreb from
Morocco to Tunisia, and obtained the recognition from the Abbasid Caliph of Baghdad. The Zirids sent an army, but two years
later a peace was signed, although the Zirid recognized the Hammadid legitimacy only in 1018. Hammad founded a new
capital in Qalaat Beni Hammad. With the Banu Hilal menace rising (spurred by the rival Fatimid caliphsof Egypt), they moved
it to Bjaa, which became one of the most prosperous cities in the medieval Mediterranean (1052).

List of Rulers of the Hammadid Dynasty

Hammad ibn Buluggin

(died 1028) was the first ruler of the Hammadids in what is now Algeria (10141028). After
the death of his father Buluggin ibn Ziri, al-Mansur ibn Buluggin (984995), Hammad's brother, became the head of the Zirid
dynasty in Ifriqiya, and installed Hammad as governor of the central Maghreb (grossly corresponding to the modern northern
Algeria). He took on the Zanata tribes and eventually drove them into Morocco. In 1007 Hammad founded the residence of alQala ("the Fortress") in the Hodna mountains west of Setif and embarked on an extensive building programme, which
included a palace and mosque that became famous amongst contemporaries. Following this Hammad gained ever more
influence in the western Zirid realm. In 1014 he declared his independence from the Zirids and recognised the Abbasids in
Baghdad as being the rightful Caliphs (not the Fatimids in Egypt, on whose behalf the Zirids ruled). Although there was
initially conflict with the Zirids, in 1016 they were forced to conclude a ceasefire, and in 1018 they recognised the
independence of the Hammadids. The successor of Hammad was Qaid ibn Hammad (10281054), under whom relations with
the Fatimids were re-established.

Qaid ibn Hammad

(died 1054) was the second Hammadid ruler in what is now Algeria. He succeeded his father
Hammad ibn Buluggin in 1028. He named his brother Yusuf as governor of North Africa, and another brother, Ouighlan,
governor of Hamza. In 1038 he was attacked by Hammama, lord of Fes, but pushed him back. Four years later, he signed a
treaty of peace with the Zirid al-Muizz ibn Badis, who had moved against him from Kairouan In 1048, when al-Muizz declared
himself subject of the Abbasid caliph of Baghdad, Qaid confirmed his allegiance to the Fatimid caliphs of Egypt, obtaining by
caliph Ma'ad al-Mustansir Billah the title of Sherif al-Dawla'. He died in 1054, and was succeeded by his son Muhsin ibn Qaid.

Muhsin ibn Qaid,

(? -1055) was the third ruler of the dynasty Hammadid Berber, who rules the central Maghreb
(Algeria) (reign 1054-1055). Succeeded his father Muhsin Al-Qaid in 1054. His uncle Yusuf, his father had appointed as
governor of North Africa, attempting to challenge the nomination of Mushin. Yusuf is getting all his uncles son of Hammad and
ordered his cousin to go Bologhine smother this insurrection. Bologhine is accompanied by two Arab leaders Muhsin which
gives the order to kill Bologhine during the trip. Instead of executing this order the two Arab prevent Bologhine. They decide
to go back and kill Muhsin. The latter took refuge in Al-Qala to (Kala of Beni Hammad) but was still killed by Bologhine.
Muhsin was assassinated in 1055 after a reign of only nine months, his cousin and murderer Bologhine ibn Muhammad ibn
Hammad succeeded him.

Bologhine ibn Muhammad ibn Hammad

[1] (? -1062) Was the fourth ruler of the dynasty Hammadid Berber,
who rules the central Maghreb (Algeria) (reign 1055-1062).Bologhine succeeds Muhsin ibn Qaid, his cousin that he murdered,
in 1055. After killing Muhsin, Bologhine kills his vizier and governor of Biskra because he doubted his loyalty. This
assassination caused the revolt of the population of Biskra [3]. The city will remain in dissent until takeover completed by his
successor, An-Nasir that will load the vizier Bologhine this task, but it will not be recognized since it will kill. Bologhine
continues his murders, he killed his cousin and daughter of `Alannas sister of An-Nasir. This is going to avenge his sister later.
In 1062, Bologhine learns that the Almoravids controlled by Youssef Ibn Tachfin defeated the Masmouda. It attacks them in
turn and pushes into the wilderness. He spent some time in Fez takes the notables of the city hostage and returned to Al-Qala
to (Kala of Beni Hammad). It's time that An-Nasir to avenge his sister. He obtained the support of Sanhadja tired of these
military expeditions and during return to Tessala kills Bologhine. Bologhine was assassinated in 1062, his cousin and Nasir ibn
An-murderer Alannas ibn Hammad succeeded him.
An-Nasir ibn Alnas (died 1088) was the fifth ruler of the Hammadids in Algeria, from 1062 until his death. An-Nasir
succeeded Buluggin ibn Muhammad (10551062) after his murder in 1062. After the decline of the Zirids in Ifriqiya as a result
of the invasion of the Banu Hilal (since 1051), An-Nasir was able to extend the influence of the Hammadids in the Maghreb.
Vassals were installed in Tunis and territory as far as Kairouan came under control. Influence was also built up in the northern
Sahara by driving out the Ibadi from Sandrata (1077). With the establishment of Bejaia as a second capital, maritime trade
gained importance for the economy. Italian architects and craftsmen were enlisted in the construction of Bejaia. The
extensive control of the trade routes led to economic growth and a flourishing of the kingdom. However, the stability of the
realm was precarious, since the Bedouin Banu Hilal began to infiltrate the Hammadid state after their conquest of Ifriqiya. At
first, they were used as mercenaries against the Almoravids of Morocco - even when the Almoravids conquered territory as
far as Algiers in 1081, they could be turned back with Bedouin help. But the Banu Hilal could not be kept under Hammadid
control, and ultimately caused the downfall of the kingdom. An-Nasir was succeeded by his son Al-Mansur ibn an-Nasir.

Mansur ibn Nasir

(died 1104) was the sixth ruler of the Hammadids in Algeria (10881104). Under al-Mansur, the son
of Nasir ibn Alnas (10621088) the decline of the Hammadid kingdom began. Although he managed to conquer Algeria from
the Almoravids with Bedouin assistance, he was unable to keep the unruly Bedouin tribes under control. The long-term
security of roads and trade routes was no longer possible, to the increasing detriment of trade and agriculture - part of the
harvest had to be given up to the Bedouin. The lack of security inland led to an increase in the importance of sea trade,
making the Mediterranean port of Bjaa the most important economic centre in the kingdom at the expense of the old
capital Qalaat Beni Hammad. There was a steady migration of people from Al-Qa'la to Bjaa. To contemporaries, the luxury of
the Hammadids and the spiritual life of the kingdom were at their most evident in Bjaa. Under Mansur's son Aziz ibn Mansur
(11041121) the capital was finally moved to Bjaa and Al-Qa'la was abandoned.

Badis ibn Mansur

(... - 1104) was a Berber prince, seventh ruler of Bijaya Hammadidi who reigned briefly, in today's
Algeria in 1104. Son of Mansur ibn Nasir, Prince became his father's death in 1104. Died shortly afterwards, however,
succeeded to the throne his brother Abd al-Aziz ibn Mansur.

Abd al-Aziz ibn Mansur

[1] (? -1121), was the penultimate ruler of the dynasty Hammadid Berber, who rules the
central Maghreb (Algeria) (reign 1105-1121). Abd al-Aziz succeeded his brother Badis in 1105. Badis had removed his brother
from his post as governor of Algiers and was relegated to Jijel. Abd al-Aziz returns to Bejaia Jijel to exercise the power. Abd alAziz married the daughter of Chief Zenata which concluded peace with the Zenata. Abd al-Aziz will be able to enjoy a long
and relatively peaceful reign. He likes to come home for scholars to hear scientists discuss issues. He blocked the island of
Djerba in its fleet and forced to acknowledge his authority. He besieges Tunis until the Governor makes his allegiance. The
territory of Al-Qala to (Kala of Beni Hammad), the ancient capital of Hammadids is taken by surprise by the Arabs. They
plundered all the surrounding areas and forced the garrison to retreat into the city. Abd al-Aziz made from Bejaia a convoy of
reinforcements led by his son Yahya. The Arab emirs are forced to ask their pardon. Yahya and returned to their places in
Bejaia. In 1118, Ibn Tumart, the future founder of the Almohads and Mahdi, returned to Baghdad where he studied the
sources of law (fiqh). There would be met with al-Ghazali the great thinker of Sufism. It is certain that there studied theology
of al-Ash `ari. After a stay in Egypt he arrived by sea and settled in Mahdia in Bejaia, where he criticizes the loose morals of
the inhabitants. It was there that he met essential a young man full of passion, `Abdul-Mu'min, who became his best disciple.
Ibn Tumart was warned that Abd al-Aziz planned to punish him. He left of Bejaia to seek refuge in a tribe that inhabited the
valley Sanhadja of Bejaia. He moved to Melala [5] where it starts to spread his doctrine. Abd al-Aziz tries to take it but Ibn
Tumart is protected by guests who defend it until he left for North Africa. Abd al-Aziz died in 1121, his son succeeded him
Yahya.

Yahya ibn Abd al-Aziz

was the last ruler of the Berber dynasty Hammadid established in the Central Maghreb in
Algeria today. Son of Abd al-Aziz ibn Mansur, he reigns from 1121 until 1152, when he was dethroned by the Almohads who
invaded his dominions. Yahya is a soft and effeminate character. Dominated by women and driven by the love of hunting, he
thinks as leisure while his kingdom is divided and that the tribes are extinguished successively Sanhadja around him. It
changes the corner of the coin, marking a break with the Fatimids for the benefit of the Abbasids. In 1148-1149, he went to
the Kala order to conduct searches and take all valuables that are still there, since the abandonment of the city. He sends his
general Motarref jurist Ibn Ali Ibn Hamdoun quell the revolt of Ibn Forcan to Touzer. The city was stormed and the rebel is
imprisoned for life in prison in Algiers. According to another report, the Yahya is run. In a second expedition, Motarref seized
Tunis and laid siege to Mahdia, which resists. When the Normans of Sicily in 1148 taking Mahdia, El-Hacen, the sovereign they
had to hunt, will find Yahya Ibn al-Aziz, who sent him to Algiers with his brother, El Caid. When the Almohads walk on candle
1151-1152, El Caid abandon the people of Algiers and the city is El-Hacen leader. This one goes in front of Abd-el-Moumen
and manages to reconcile his benevolence. Sends his brother Yahya Seba at the head of an army against the Almohades, but
its defeat led to the fall of candle, and Yahya left for Sicily to win Baghdad. He landed at Bona, with his brother El-Harith who
accuses him of abandoning his kingdom. Also stuck with a bad reception, he will find his brother, El-Hacen Constantine and
decides to give him the command of this fortress. Meanwhile, the Almohads Kala stormed and destroyed from top to bottom,
after having killed Djouchen, son of El-Aziz, and Ibn-ed-Dahhas, chief athbejite. In 1152-1153 Yahya takes the oath of
allegiance to Abd-el-Moumen, and he ceded the city of Constantine certain conditions that the Almohad ruler fills exactly.
Conducted in Morocco by the order of the prince, where he remained until 1163, when it will settle in Sale in the castle of
Beni-Asherah. He died the same year. El-Harith, son of El-Aziz, lord of Bone, fled to Sicily, and having obtained some relief
from the lord of this island, he returned to take possession of the city he abandoned. Later, he falls in turn to power of the
Almohads and dies in agony. With him goes the dynasty Hammadids.

Kingdom of Tlemcen
The Kingdom of Tlemcen was a Moorish kingdom in what is now the northwest of Algeria, whose territory stretched
from Tlemcen to the Chelif bend and Algiers, and reached at its zenith the Moulouya river to the west,Sijilmasa to the south
and the Soummam river to the east. It lasted from the collapse of the Almohad Caliphate in 1236 until it came
under Ottoman rule in 1554. It was ruled by sultans of the Zayyanid dynasty. The capital of the kingdom, Tlemcen, lay on the
main east-west route between Morocco and Ifriqiya. It was also a hub on the north-south trade route from Oran on
the Mediterranean coast to Sub-Saharan Africa. As a prosperous trading center, it attracted its more powerful neighbors. At
different times the Moroccans from the west,Ifriqiyans from the east and Aragonese from the north invaded and occupied the
kingdom.

List of Sultans of the Zayyanid Dynasty of the Kingdom of Tiemcen

Abu

Yahya Yaghmurssan Ibn Zayyan ibn Thbit (1206-1283) (Arabic: , long

name:Yaghmurasan ben Ziyan ben Thabet ben Mohamed ben Zegraz ben Tiddugues ben Taa Allah ben Ali ben Abd al-Qasem
ben Abd al-Wad), was the founder of the Abdelwadid dynasty and Sultan of the Zayyanid Dynasty of the Kingdom of Tiemcen
from 1236 until his death in 1283. Under his reign the Abdelwadid Kingdom of Tlemcen extended over present-day northwestern Algeria and eastern Morocco. He was of the Zenata Berbertribe.He was successful in his military campaigns against
the Merinids and the Maqil Arab tribe. The proponents of the Abdalwadids claimed that Yaghmurasen descended from Idris II,
the son of Idris I and founder of the Idrisid dynasty which would have made him a Sharif, i.e. a descendent of Muhammad, the
prophet of Islam. He commented about this claim and famously said in his native Berber language: "If this is true, it will
benefit us in God's heaven. But we conquered this low earth by our swords " In his commentary on the hagiographic book

of Ibn al-Zayyat al-Tadili (Attashawof), Ahmed Toufiq explains that Yaghmur in Berber means "the virile/Stallion" whereas the
prefix asen means "to them". Thereby giving "Yaghmurasen" a meaning close to "To prevail over them"

Abu Said Uthmn I (died June 6, 1304) was the Sultan of the Zayyanid Dynasty of the Kingdom of Tiemcen from 1284
until his death on June 6, 1304.

Abu-Zayyan I (died April 14, 1308) was the Sultan of the Zayyanid Dynasty of the Kingdom of Tiemcen from 1304 until
his death on April 14, 1308.

Abu Hammu I

(died July 22, 1318) was the Sultan of the Zayyanid Dynasty of the Kingdom of Tiemcen from 1308 until
his death on July 22, 1318. Abu Hammu was killed in a conspiracy instigated by his son and heir Ibn Tashufin, who initiated
hostilities against Ifriqiya while the Marinids were distracted by their internal struggles. Ibn Tashufin besieged Bjaa, and sent
an army into Tunisia that defeated the Hafsid king Abu Yahya Abu Bakr II, who fled to Constantine while the Zayyanids
occupied Tunis.

Abu Taixufin I

(died May 2, 1337) was the Sultan of the Zayyanid Dynasty of the Kingdom of Tiemcen from 1318 until
his death on May 2, 1337. Abu Hammu was killed in a conspiracy instigated by his son and heir Ibn Tashufin, who initiated
hostilities against Ifriqiya while the Marinids were distracted by their internal struggles. Ibn Tashufin besieged Bjaa, and sent
an army into Tunisia that defeated the Hafsid king Abu Yahya Abu Bakr II, who fled to Constantine while the Zayyanids
occupied Tunis. A Hafsid princess had married Sultan Abu'l Hasan of Fez, and the Hafsids appealed to him for help, providing
a welcome excuse for invading his neighbor.Abu'l Hasan initiated a siege of Tlemcen in 1335, and the city fell in 1337. Ibn
Tashufin died during the fighting.

Abu Said Uthmn II

(died June 25, 1352) was the Sultan of the Zayyanid Dynasty of the Kingdom of Tiemcen jointly
with brother Abu-Thbit I from 1348 until his death on June 25, 1352.

Abu-Thbit I (died June 25, 1352) was the Sultan of the Zayyanid Dynasty of the Kingdom of Tiemcen jointly with brother
Abu Said Uthmn II from 1348 until his death on June 25, 1352.

Abu Hammu II (died November 21, 1389) was the Sultan of the Zayyanid Dynasty of the Kingdom of Tiemcen from 1359
until 1360, from 1360 until 1372, from 1372 until 1383, from 1384 until 1387, in 1387, from 1388 until 1389 and in 1389. Also
known as Abu Hammu Musa II he first came to power in Tlemcen and surrounding area with the expulsion of the Merinids in
1359. The following year Abu Hammu was succeeded in power by Abu Zayyan Muhammad II ibn Uthman. Before 1360 Abu
Hammu returned to power. He was again succeeded in power by Abu Zayyan in 1370. Abu Hammu returned to power a third
time in 1372. He lost power to Abu Zayyan again in 1383, but returned to power a fourth time in 1384. In 1387 Abu Zayyan
again returned to power, but died that year, so Abu Hammu returned to power, and retained it until his death in 1389. Abu
Hammu was succeeded as ruler of the Abdalwadid domains by Abu Tashufin Abd al-Rahman II.

Abu-Taixufn II

(died May 29, 1393) was the Sultan of the Zayyanid Dynasty of the Kingdom of Tiemcen in 1387, from
1387 until 1388, in 1389 and from 1389 until his death on May 29, 1393.

Abu-Thbit II

was the Sultan of the Zayyanid Dynasty of the Kingdom of Tiemcen in 1393.

Abu-l-Hajjaj I was the Sultan of the Zayyanid Dynasty of the Kingdom of Tiemcen in 1393.
Abu-Zayyan II

(died 1399) was the Sultan of the Zayyanid Dynasty of the Kingdom of Tiemcen from 1393 until his death

in 1399.

Abu-Muhmmad I

was the Sultan of the Zayyanid Dynasty of the Kingdom of Tiemcen from 1399 until 1401.

Abu-Abd-Allah I (died

March 3, 1411) was the Sultan of the Zayyanid Dynasty of the Kingdom of Tiemcen from 1401
until his death on March 3, 1411.

Abd-ar-Rahman I ibn Abi-Muhmmad was the Sultan of the Zayyanid Dynasty of the Kingdom of Tiemcen from
March until May 1411.

Sad I ibn Abi-Taixufn

was the Sultan of the Zayyanid Dynasty of the Kingdom of Tiemcen from May until November

1411.

Abu-Mlik I was the Sultan of the Zayyanid Dynasty of the Kingdom of Tiemcen from November 1411 until May 24, 1424
and from 1428 until 1430.

Abu-Abd-Allah II was

the Sultan of the Zayyanid Dynasty of the Kingdom of Tiemcen from 1424 until 1428 and in

1430.

Abu-Abbs hmad I (died

August 1, 1463) was the Sultan of the Zayyanid Dynasty of the Kingdom of Tiemcen from

1431 until February 4, 1462.

Abu-Abd-Allah III

was the Sultan of the Zayyanid Dynasty of the Kingdom of Tiemcen from February 4, 1462 until

1470.

Abu-Taixufn III

was the Sultan of the Zayyanid Dynasty of the Kingdom of Tiemcen in 1470.

Abu-Abd-Allah IV

(died December 1505) was the Sultan of the Zayyanid Dynasty of the Kingdom of Tiemcen from
1470 until his death in December 1505.

Abu-Abd-Allah V was the Sultan of the Zayyanid Dynasty of the Kingdom of Tiemcen from 1505 until 1516.
Abu-Zayyan hmad was the Sultan of the Zayyanid Dynasty of the Kingdom of Tiemcen in 1516 and in 1517.
Abu-Hamm III (died 1528) was the Sultan of the Zayyanid Dynasty of the Kingdom of Tiemcen from 1516 until

1517

and from 1518 until his death in 1528.

Abu-Muhmmad II (died 1540) was the Sultan of the Zayyanid Dynasty of the Kingdom of Tiemcen from 1528 until his
death in 1540.

Abu-Abd-Allah VI

was the Sultan of the Zayyanid Dynasty of the Kingdom of Tiemcen in 1540 and from 1543 until

1544.

Abu-Zayyan III

(died 1550) was the Sultan of the Zayyanid Dynasty of the Kingdom of Tiemcen from 1540 until 1543
and from 1544 until his death in 1550.

Al-Hssan ibn Abi-Muhmmad

(died 1558) was the Sultan of the Zayyanid Dynasty of the Kingdom of Tiemcen

from 1550 until 1555.

Sultanate of Touggourt
Touggourt (Arabic: ;Berber:
, lit. the gateway or the gate) is a city in Ouargla Province, Algeria, built around
an oasis in the Sahara. It is notable for its date trees. It was formerly surrounded by a moat, which the French filled up. The
surrounding oasis is very fertile. From Touggourt a road 61 miles long leads across the desert north-east to El Oued. 12 miles
to the southwest is the oasis and town of Tmacine. At Temacine, and some of the other oases surrounding the city, Berber is
spoken. In 1414 the Sultanate of Touggourt was founded in southern Algeria. In 1854 the sultanate was abolished by the

French colonial authorities.

List of Sultans of the Sultanate of Touggourt

Ali II was the Sultan of the Sultanate of Touggourt from 1414 until ?.
Mabruk (Mubarak) was the Sultan of the Sultanate of Touggourt in the first half 15th century.
Ali III

was the Sultan of the Sultanate of Touggourt.

Mustafa was the Sultan of the Sultanate of Touggourt.

Sulayman III
Ahmad II

was the Sultan of the Sultanate of Touggourt.

was the Sultan of the Sultanate of Touggourt around 1729.

Muhammad I al-`Akhal
Ahmad IV

was the Sultan of the Sultanate of Touggourt during 1730s.

was the Sultan of the Sultanate of Touggourt during 1730s.

Farhat was the Sultan of the Sultanate of Touggourt during 1730s.

Ibrahim was the Sultan of the Sultanate of Touggourt during 1730s.
Abd al-Qadir I

was the Sultan of the Sultanate of Touggourt jointly with Ahmad V during 1740s and alone in the early

1750s.

Ahmad V was the Sultan of the Sultanate of Touggourt jointly with Abd al-Qadir I during 1740s.
Khalid was the Sultan of the Sultanate of Touggourt during late 1740s.
Umar I bin Bu-Kumetin
Muhammad II

was the Sultan of the Sultanate of Touggourt from 1759 until 1765.

Umar II bin Muhammad

Ahmad VI

was the Sultan of the Sultanate of Touggourt from the early 1750s until 1759.

was the Sultan of the Sultanate of Touggourt from 1765 until 1766.

was the Sultan of the Sultanate of Touggourt from the early 1766 until 1788.

Abd al-Qadir II was the Sultan of the Sultanate of Touggourt from 1778 until 1782.
Farhat II

was the Sultan of the Sultanate of Touggourt from 1782 until around 1792.

Ibrahim II

was the Sultan of the Sultanate of Touggourt around 1792.

al-Khazan

was the Sultan of the Sultanate of Touggourt around 1804.

Muhammad III
`Amar

was the Sultan of the Sultanate of Touggourt around 1804.

(`Amir) II was the Sultan of the Sultanate of Touggourt around 1822.

Ibrahim III

was the Sultan of the Sultanate of Touggourt around 1830.

`Ali IV bin al-Kabir

`Aisha

was the Sultan of the Sultanate of Touggourt around 1831.

(Aichouch) was the Sultana of the Sultanate of Touggourt around 1833.

`Abd ar-Rahman

was the Sultan of the Sultanate of Touggourt around 1840.

`Abd al-Qadir III

was the Sultan of the Sultanate of Touggourt around 1852.

Sulayman IV

was the Sultan of the Sultanate of Touggourt from 1852 until 1854.

Kel Ahaggar
Kel Ahaggar (trans: "People of Ahaggar") is a Tuareg Confederation in the Ahaggar Mountains in Algeria. The confederation is
believed to have been founded by Tin Hinan, with the "official" founding being around 1750. It has been largely defunct since
1977, when it was terminated by the Algerian government.
The language of the confederation is Tahaggart, a dialect of Tamahaq.

List of Rulers (title Amenokal) of the Tuareg Confederation of Kel Ahaggar

Salah was a ruler (Amenokal) of the Tuareg Confederation of Kel Ahaggar from around 1655 until around 1700.
Muhammad al-Khir ag Salah

was a ruler (Amenokal) of the Tuareg Confederation of Kel Ahaggar from around

1700 until around 1730.

Sidi ag Muhammad al-Khir

was a ruler (Amenokal) of the Tuareg Confederation of Kel Ahaggar from around 1730

until around 1750.

Yunus ag Sidi

was a ruler (Amenokal) of the Tuareg Confederation of Kel Ahaggar from around 1750 until around 1790.

Ag Mama ag Sidi

was a ruler (Amenokal) of the Tuareg Confederation of Kel Ahaggar from around 1790 until around

1830.

al-Hajj Ahmad

was a ruler (Amenokal) of the Tuareg Confederation of Kel Ahaggar from 1830 until 1877.

Aytarel ag Muhammad Biskra

(died 1900) was a ruler (Amenokal) of the Tuareg Confederation of Kel Ahaggar

from 1877 until his death in 1900.

Attici ag Amellal

was a ruler (Amenokal) of the Tuareg Confederation of Kel Ahaggar from 1900 until 1905.

Musa ag Amastan

(1867 - December 27, 1920) was a ruler (Amenokal) of the Tuareg Confederation of Kel
Ahaggar from 1905 until his death on December 27, 1920. He negotiated a peace treaty with the French.

Akhamuk ag Ihemma

(1874 - March 26, 1941) was a ruler (Amenokal) of the Tuareg Confederation of Kel Ahaggar
from 1920 until his death on March 26, 1941.

Meslar ag Amayas

(died 1950) was a ruler (Amenokal) of the Tuareg Confederation of Kel Ahaggar from 1941 until his

death in 1950.

Bayy ag Akhamuk

(died 1975) was a ruler (Amenokal) of the Tuareg Confederation of Kel Ahaggar from 1950 until his

deeath in 1975.

al-Hajj Musa ag Akhamuk

was a ruler (Amenokal) of the Tuareg Confederation of Kel Ahaggar from 1975 until 2005.

Edaber Ahmad ag Muhammad

is the ruler (Amenokal) of the Tuareg Confederation of Kel Ahaggar since 2006.

Koukou Kingdom
The Kingdom of Koukou was a Kabyle kingdom founded in c.1515 which ruled over much of greater Kabylia, extend from the
Atlas to the South of the plain of Algiers; the city and capital of Cuco was placed on a rock, it had around 15,000 souls. The
kingdom could bring 5,000 musqueteers and 1,500 horses to the battefield. It was one of two major Kabyle kingdoms, the

other being the Kingdom of Ait Abbas. During the Ottoman period, the two parts of Kabylia were independent and retained
the use of their language and customs under the Kingdom of Kuku and of the Ait Abbas. The conflict weren't only between the
Spanish empire and the Ottoman, but also with local kingdoms such as the so-called "kings of Kouko" in Kabylia. Ali Bitchin
who wanted to control Regency of Algiers made an alliance with Koukou, and had bodyguard, cavalry from there. The sultan
of Koukou became his father in law. A poem from the Australian Kenneth Slessor is about the King of Koukou.

King of Koukou Kingdom

Ahmed ben El-Qadi,

Ahmed Belkadi (died 1527) was the King of Koukou Kingdom from 1510 until his death in 1527
and ruler of Algiers from 1520 until his death in 1527.

Sultanate of Ait Abbas

The Kingdom of Ait Abbas was a Kabyle kingdom founded in 1520 which ruled over much of lesser kabylia and the Soummam
Valley, extending into the Sahara. It was one of 3 major Kabyle kingdoms, the others being the Kingdom of Kuku and the
principality of Beni Jubar. It remain independent until the French conquest. After the decay of the Hafsid state, several
independent tribes and cities emerged. According to the First Encyclopaedia of Islam, the kingdom was founded by in the
early XVIth by Sidi Abd-al-Rahman, a marabout with Idrisid or Hammadid origins, after being leader of the tribe of the Ait
Abbas. The title of Sultan came with his son, Ahmad, who proclaimed it, he ruled between Hodna and the sea. Initially, the
Regency of Algiers and the Ait Abbas were allied under Abd-al-Aziz, mostly against common enemies such as the berber
Kingdom of Kuku and Morocco, they also conquered Toggurt and Wargla in a common expedition. Several years later,
however, many battles and failed attempts to conquer the Kaala from the ottoman Regency of Algiers happened several
times (1553, 1559, 1590, 1595), the Kalaa always remained unconquered. There was a Spanish support to the Ait Abbas, like
the 1,000 troops in 1559, equipped with firearms.

List of Sultans of Sultanate of Ait Abbas

Abderrahmane was a Emir of Bejala Emirate around 1500.
Ahmed I was a Emir of Bejala Emirate from 1500 until 1510.
Abdelaziz Labbes

(died 1559) was the Sultan of Sultanate of Ait Abbas from 1510 until his death in 1559. He has
succeeded his father Ahmed I. Initially ally of the Ottomans, he participated in their expeditions in the Oran and Sahara.
Faced with the lust of the Ottomans towards his sultanate, he entered a political alliance with the Spaniards. He married the
daughter of Sultan of Koukou, murdered by the regency of Algiers. Avoiding at first to face the Ottoman troops better armed,
he concluded a temporary alliance, taking advantage of the respite to strengthen the Kala and extend its influence to the
Sahara. He recruits Andalusian and Christian renegades to develop industry, including a gun factory. Once the structured
army repels twice by the Ottoman troops, and continues to harass unabated. He died during a battle with the troops of
Algiers Pasha in 1559.

Ahmed Amokrane

(died 1596) was the Sultan of Sultanate of Ait Abbas from 1559 until his death in 1596. He
succeeded his brother Abdelaziz. He does his way of Amokrane ("Leader") the name of the dynasty. It continues the policy of
hostility to the regency of Algiers. His reign was prosperous: he seized Tolga, of Biskra and the region Ouled Nal of Bou Saada
in Djelfa. He also falls in battle in 1596.

Sidi Naceur El Mokrani

(died 1600) was the Sultan of Sultanate of Ait Abbas from 1596 until his death in 1600. He
was son of Ahmed Amokrane, he has a great interest to religion and collapse leaves the state affairs. Causing discontent
among military leaders and traders, he eventually murdered by his subjects of the tribe At Abbas.

Cheikh Si Betka Mokrani

Bouzid Mokrani

(died 1680) was the Sultan of Sultanate of Ait Abbas from 1600 until his death in 1680.

(died 1735) was the Sultan of Sultanate of Ait Abbas from 1680 until his death in 1735.

El Hadj Ben Bouzid Mokrani

(died 1783) was the Sultan of Sultanate of Ait Abbas from 1735 until his death in
1783. He was youngest son of Sultan Bouzid, it takes power following the renunciation of his older brother Abderrebou. He
can not give his brothers and Abdesselem Bourenane and COF (group of allies) respectively. His cousin Aziz Ben Gendouz
Mokrani founded his own party with the support of the regency of Algiers. These divisions have resulted in several military
and political defeats El Hadj Bouzid Mokrani facing the regency of Algiers. It folds on the Al Qal'a of Beni Abbes to ensure his
safety, leaving the Regency foothold in the area. However, thanks to the mediation of moqaddem of Chadelya he eventually
reconciled with his brothers hunting the bey of Constantine's armies in the region and regained control of Medjana. He sent a
letter to Dey, reaffirming its independence, the latter implicitly recognize, and the requirement of payment of the Ouadia to
be paid until 1830.

Abdesselem Mokrani

(died 1784) was the Sultan of Sultanate of Ait Abbas from 1783 until his death in 1784. He
succeeded his brother Bouzid El Hadj Mokrani.

Bouzid Ben El Hadj Mokrani

(died 1800) was the Sultan of Sultanate of Ait Abbas from 1784 until his death in
1800. He was son of El Hadj Bouzid Mokrani and he took power after the death of his uncle. His authority is reduced by
factional fighting. The struggle between the factions is exacerbated by the support provided by the regency of Algiers. The
Bey of Constantine finds a way to control the region, through personalities without direct intervention. He even manages to
recognize the nominal authority over some factions.

Ben Abdallah Ben Bouzid Mokrani

(died 1830) was the Sultan of Sultanate of Ait Abbas from 1800 until his
death in 1830. The division between the branches of the family continues Mokrani during his reign. In 1806, Abdallah Ben
Bouzid Mokrani must suppress a peasant revolt led by Sheikh Ben el Harche that having defeated and killed Othman Bey in
1803 will be an independent stronghold in Jebel Megriss north of Setif. His intervention at the same time saves the
Constantine beylik of this revolt. The rise of his cousin Ahmed Bey and his appointment in 1826 as head of beylik mean that

Mokrani beylik may intervene in the affairs of the family intrigues game. In 1830, when the Algerian expedition, he sent
troops reinforcements to the regency of Algiers; they participate in the battle of Staoueli, and then, after the fall of Algiers,
Abdullah, with his khalifa Abdesslam Mokrani, advantage of the situation to start a war against the Bey of Constantine.

Abdesslam Mokrani

(died 1841) was the Sultan of Sultanate of Ait Abbas from 1830 until 1831 and from 1837 until

1841.

Ahmed El Mokrani

(died 1853) was the Sultan of Sultanate of Ait Abbas from 1831 until his death in 1838 and from
1838 until his death in 1853.

Mohamed El-Mokrani

(18151871) was the Sultan of Sultanate of Ait Abbas from 1853 until his
death in 1871. He was one of the principal leaders of the popular uprising at the end of 19th century following
the French conquest in Bordj Bou Arreridj, Algeria in 1830. The revolt was triggered by extension of civil
colonization authority to previously self-governing tribal Berber confederation and the abrogation of
commitments made by the military government, but it clearly had its basis in more long-standing grievances.
Since the Crimean War (185456), the demand for grain had pushed up the price of Algerian wheat to
European levels. Storage silos were emptied when the world market's impact was felt in Algeria, and Muslim
farmers sold their grain reserves including seed grain to French speculators. When serious drought struck
Algeria and grain crops failed in 1866 and for several years following, Muslim areas faced starvation, and with
famine also came pestilence. It was estimated that 20% of the Muslim population of Constantine died over a three-year
period. In 1871 the civil authorities repudiated guarantees made to tribal chieftains by the previous military government for
loans to replenish their seed supply. This act alienated even pro-French Muslim leaders, while it undercut their ability to
control their people. It was against this background of misery and hopelessness that the stricken Kabyles rose in revolt.
Mohand at-AMokrane was the son of Ahmed AMokrane one of the governors (Bachagha) of the area of Medjana located in the
highlands of Kabylie, who was also the cheikh of Rahmania order. After the death of Ahmed -AMokrane, the French authorities
appointed Mohand in his place. However following dissension with the French administration, he resigned from his position in
March 1871. This conflict happened as a result of the colonial authorities disregarding at-aMokrane, creating a Frenchpopulated commune of Bordj Bou Arrridj and appointing a French officer as its head. The great many discontented flocked to
the banners of the Cheikh aggrieved by the ravages of famine, increasing racial oppression by the French and Christianization
policy pursued by the Catholic church. In March 1871 Mohamed El-Mokrani revolted against French by carrying out his army
until Bordj- Bou -Arrridj with the assistance of his brother oumezrag and his cousin El Hadj Bouzid, and Sheikh mohand
ameziane AHaddad of saddouk oufella great schollar theoligien of the zaouia tarahmanit which joined this uprising with his
tribe. Using his position and influence on Rahmania brotherhood sheikh mohand-aMokrane was able to overcome the
dissension in his camp and retake Bordj-Bou-Arreridj. The members of the brotherhood Rahamania, disciples of the Sheik
Ahaddad(El Haddad) played an eminent part in success of the insurrection of El Mokrani(amokrane), in particular after Sheikh
Ahaddad (El Haddad) had proclaimed the jihad against the French on April 8, 1871. The insurrection acquired a total character
through the increase in the number of combatants who rejoined it and his extension to the west, north and the East where
considerable stations of the colonial army were encircled in several areas. After having carried several battles Mohand
Amokrane(Mohamed El-Mokrani) was martyred on May 5, 1871 at Taouraga. His tomb is located in kollaa n'at-Abbas (Bgayet)
(Bjaa). Under the command of his brother Oumzrag (Boumezreg), the uprising continued until January 20, 1872, date of his
arrest and deportation to New Kaledonia, an island in the pacific. After the arrest of Sheik-el-Haddad, the jihad continued
under Bouamama. There were also other small insurrectionary movements at Blessed-Menaceur, which forces besieged
Cherchel, Zurich, Vesoul-Benian and Hammam-Rirha; this movement was also crushed. From July to September 1872, French
forces had still to completely subdued Kabylie. Bou-Mezrag took refuge at Maadid, and later managed to escape the French
finding allies among the Tuareg tribes of the South. The general Delacroix, with a small expeditionary force, continued to
pursue the rebels until beyond Ouargla. BouMezrag Mokrani, which had remained six days without drinking nor to eat, was
finally captured removed. The insurrection, which had begun on March 16, 1871 in Medjana was finished on January 20, 1872
by the arrest of Bou-Mezrag. Although a third only of Algeria had taken part in the movement, there had been about 200.000
combatants under the rebel flag. Exile of the brother of El-Mokrani and the whole family to the New Caledonia occurred
shortly afterwards. Together with them 212 persons, called Kabyles du Pacifique, who participated in the revolt were tried and
deported by French authorities to labor camps on the island of New Caledonia. Mokrani's descendants still live on the island.

Boumezrag El Mokrani

(died 1906) was the Sultan of Sultanate of Ait Abbas from 1871 until 1872.

Beylerbey (chief governor) of the West Mediterranean

In 1516, the amir of Algiers, Selim al-Toumi al-Tha'alibi, invited the corsair brothers Aruj and Hayreddin Barbarossa to expel
the Spaniards. Aruj came to Algiers, ordered the assassination of Selim, and seized the town and ousted the Spanish in
theCapture of Algiers (1516). Hayreddin, succeeding Aruj after the latter was killed in battle against the Spaniards in the Fall
of Tlemcen (1517), was the founder of the pashaluk, which subsequently became the beylik, of Algeria. Barbarossa lost
Algiers in 1524 but regained it with the Capture of Algiers (1529), and then formally invited the Sultan Suleiman the
Magnificent to accept sovereignty over the territory and to annex Algiers to the Ottoman Empire.

List of Rulers of Algiers

Selim al-Toumi al-Tha'alibi
Oru Reis

was a leader of the Arab tribe of Tha'alibi and ruler of Algiers from ? until 1516.

(Turkish: Oru Reis; Arabic: ; Spanish: Arrudye; c. 14741518) was a Barbary pirate. He was Ottoman
Bey (governor) of Algiers and Beylerbey (chief governor) of the West Mediterranean from 1516 until his death in 1518 and the
elder brother of Hayreddin Barbarossa. He was born on the Ottoman island of Midilli (Lesbos in modern Greece) and was killed
in a battle with the Spanish at Tlemcen in the Ottoman Eyalet of Algeria. He became known as Baba Oru or Baba Aruj
(Father Oru) when he transported large numbers of Morisco and Jewish refugees from Spain to North Africa; he was known

through folk etymology in Europe as Barbarossa (which means Redbeard in Italian). Sources refer to him as a Greek, as a Turk
or as an Albanian by origin. Oru was born in the 1470s on the Ottoman island of Midilli (Lesbos in present-day Greece;
Greek: ) to his father Yakup Aa, a Greek renegade or Turk as well as a former Sipahi from the Ottoman city of Yenice-i
Vardar (modern Yannitsa in Greece) and his wife, Katerina, from the Aegean island of Lesbos. Yakup Aa took part in the
Ottoman conquest of Lesbos (Midilli) from the Genoese in 1462, and as a reward, was granted the fief of the Bonova village in
the island. He married a local Christian Greek woman from Mytilene, the widow of an Orthodox priest, named Katerina, and
they had two daughters and four sons: Ishak, Oru, Hizir and Ilyas. Yakup became an established potter and purchased a boat
to trade his products. The four sons helped their father with his business, but not much is known about the daughters. At first
Oru helped with the boat, while Hizir helped with pottery. All four brothers became seamen, engaged in marine affairs and
international sea trade. Oru was the first brother to be involved in seamanship, soon joined by the youngest brother Ilyas.
Hizir initially helped their father in the pottery business, but later obtained a ship of his own and also began a career at sea.
Ishak, the eldest, remained on Mytilene and was involved with the financial affairs of the family business. The other three
brothers initially worked as sailors, but then turned privateers in the Mediterranean, counteracting the privateering of the
Knights Hospitaller of the Island of Rhodes.[citation needed] Oru and Ilyas operated in the Levant, between Anatolia, Syria
and Egypt, while Hzr operated in the Aegean Sea and based his operations mostly in Thessaloniki. Oru was a very
successful seaman. He also learned to speak Italian, Spanish, French, Greek and Arabic in the early years of his career. While
returning from a trading expedition in Tripoli, Lebanon, he and Ilyas were attacked by a galley of the Knights Hospitaller. Ilyas
was killed in the fight, and Oru was wounded. Their father's boat was captured, and Oru was taken prisoner and detained in
the Knights' Bodrum Castle for nearly three years. Upon learning the location of his brother, Hizir went to Bodrum and
managed to help Oru escape. Oru later went to Antalya, where he was given 18 galleys by ehzade Korkut, an Ottoman
prince and governor of the city, and charged with fighting against the Knights Hospitaller who inflicted serious damage on
Ottoman shipping and trade. In the following years, when Shehzade Korkud became governor of Manisa, he gave Oru a
larger fleet of 24 galleys at the port of zmir and ordered him to participate in the Ottoman naval expedition to Apulia in the
Kingdom of Naples, where Oru bombarded several coastal forts and captured two ships. On his way back to Lesbos, he
stopped at Euboea and captured three galleons and another ship. Reaching Mytilene with these captured vessels, Oru
learned that Shehzade Korkud, brother of the new Ottoman sultan, had fled to Egypt in order to avoid being killed because of
succession disputesa common practice at that time in the House of Osman. Fearing trouble due to his well-known
association with the Ottoman prince in exile, Oru sailed to Egypt where he met Shehzade Korkud in Cairo and managed to
get an audience with the Mamluk Sultan Qansuh al-Ghawri, who gave him another ship and charged him to raid the coasts of
Italy and the islands of the Mediterranean that were controlled by Christian powers. After passing the winter in Cairo, he set
sail from Alexandria and operated along the coasts of Liguria and Sicily. In 1503, Oru managed to seize three more ships and
made the island of Djerba his new base, thus moving his operations to the Western Mediterranean. Hzr joined Oru at
Djerba. In 1504 the two brothers asked Abu Abdullah Mohammed Hamis, sultan of Tunisia from the Beni Hafs dynasty, for
permission to use the strategically located port of La Goulette for their operations. They were granted this right, with the
condition of leaving one third of their booty to the sultan. Oru, in command of small galliots, captured two much larger Papal
galleys near the island of Elba. Later, near Lipari, the two brothers captured a Sicilian warship, the Cavalleria, with 380
Spanish soldiers and 60 Spanish knights from Aragon on board, who were on their way from Spain to Naples. In 1505 they
raided the coasts of Calabria. These accomplishments increased their fame and they were joined by a number of other wellknown Muslim corsairs, including Kurtolu (known in the West as Curtogoli). In 1508 they raided the coasts of Liguria,
particularly Diano Marina. In 1509, Ishak also left Mytilene and joined his brothers at La Goulette. The fame of Oru increased
when between 1504 and 1510 he transported Muslim Mudjars from Christian Spain to North Africa. His efforts of helping the
Muslims of Spain in need and transporting them to safer lands earned him the honorific name Baba Oru (Father Oru), which
eventually due to the similarity in sound evolved in Spain, Italy and France into Barbarossa (Redbeard in Italian). In 1510,
the three brothers raided Cape Passero in Sicily and repulsed a Spanish attack on Bougie, Oran and Algiers. In August 1511
they raided the areas around Reggio Calabria in southern Italy. In August 1512 the exiled ruler of Bougie invited the brothers
to drive out the Spaniards, and during the battle Oru lost his left arm. This incident earned him the nickname Gm Kol
(Silver Arm in Turkish), in reference to the silver prosthetic device which he used in place of his missing limb. Later that year
the three brothers raided the coasts of Andalusia in Spain, capturing a galliot of the Lomellini family of Genoa who owned the
Tabarca island in that area. They subsequently landed on Minorca and captured a coastal castle, and then headed towards
Liguria and captured four Genoese galleys near Genoa. The Genoese sent a fleet to liberate their ships, but the brothers
captured their flagship as well. After capturing a total of 23 ships in less than a month, the brothers sailed back to La
Goulette. There they built three more galliots and a gunpowder production facility. In 1513 they captured four English ships
on their way to France, raided Valencia where they captured four more ships, and then headed for Alicante and captured a
Spanish galley near Mlaga. In 1513 and 1514 the three brothers engaged Spanish squadrons on several other occasions and
moved to their new base in Cherchell, east of Algiers. In 1514, with 12 galliots and 1,000 Turks, they destroyed two Spanish
fortresses at Bougie, and when a Spanish fleet under the command of Miguel de Gurrea, viceroy of Majorca, arrived for
assistance, they headed towards Ceuta and raided that city before capturing Jijel in Algeria, which was under Genoese
control. They later captured Mahdiya in Tunisia. Afterwards they raided the coasts of Sicily, Sardinia, the Balearic Islands and
the Spanish mainland, capturing three large ships there. In 1515 they captured several galleons, a galley and three barques
at Majorca. Still in 1515 Oru sent precious gifts to the Ottoman Sultan Selim I who, in return, sent him two galleys and two
swords embellished with diamonds. In 1516, joined by Kurtolu, the brothers besieged the Castle of Elba, before heading once
more towards Liguria where they captured 12 ships and damaged 28 others. In 1516 the three brothers succeeded in
liberating Jijel and Algiers from the Spaniards, but eventually assumed control over the cities and surrounding region, forcing
the previous ruler, Abu Hamo Musa III of the Beni Ziyad dynasty, to flee. The local Spaniards in Algiers sought refuge in the
island of Pen near Algiers and asked Emperor Charles V, King of Spain, to intervene, but the Spanish fleet failed to force the
brothers out of Algiers. After consolidating his power and declaring himself the new Sultan of Algiers, Oru sought to enhance
his territory inlands and took Miliana, Medea and Tns. He became known for attaching sails to cannons for transport
through the deserts of North Africa. In 1517 the brothers raided Capo Limiti and later the Island of Capo Rizzuto in Calabria.
For Oru the best protection against Spain was to join the Ottoman Empire, his homeland and Spain's main rival. For this he
had to relinquish his title of Sultan of Algiers to the Ottomans. He did this in 1517 and offered Algiers to the Ottoman Sultan.
The Sultan accepted Algiers as an Ottoman Sanjak (province), appointed Oru as the Bey (Governor) of Algiers and Beylerbey
(Chief Governor) of the West Mediterranean, and promised to support him with janissaries, galleys and cannons. The
Spaniards ordered Abu Zayan, whom they had appointed as the new ruler of Tlemcen and Oran, to attack Oru by land, but
Oru learned of the plan and pre-emptively struck against Tlemcen, capturing the city and executing Abu Zayan in the Fall of
Tlemcen (1517). The only survivor of Abu Zayan's dynasty was Sheikh Buhammud, who escaped to Oran and called for
Spain's assistance. In May 1518, Emperor Charles V arrived at Oran and was received there by Sheikh Buhammud and the
Spanish governor of the city, Diego de Crdoba, Marquess of Comares, who commanded a force of 10,000 Spanish soldiers.
Joined by thousands of Bedouins, the Spaniards marched overland on Tlemcen where Oru and Ishak awaited them with
1,500 Turkish and 5,000 Moorish soldiers. They defended Tlemcen for 20 days, but were eventually killed in combat by the
forces of Garcia de Tineo. The last remaining brother, Hizir Reis, inherited his brother's place, his name (Barbarossa) and his
mission. Oru established the Ottoman presence in North Africa which lasted four centuries, de facto until the loss of Algeria

to France in 1830, of Tunisia to France in 1881, of Libya to Italy in 1912 and de jure until the official loss of
Egypt and Sudan to the United Kingdom in 1914, after the Ottoman Empire joined World War I on the side
of the Central Powers. The Republic of Turkey officially renounced the remaining disputed Turkish rights in
some territories of Egypt and Sudan with the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923. Three submarines (TCG Oru
Reis, TCG Orureis (S-337), and TCG Orureis (RAD-14)) of the Turkish Navy have been named after Oru.
Barbarossa was the influence behind the character Captain Hector Barbossa from the movie Pirates of the
Caribbean. It was revealed that co-star Johnny Depp played a decisive part in providing the name. His last
name is both a pun on the surname of Spanish origin "Barbosa" and is based on Barbarossa, the Ottoman
privateer. The word is a combination of the Italian words barba (beard) and rossa (red).

Hayreddin Barbarossa, or Barbarossa Hayreddin Pasha (Turkish: Barbaros Hayreddin (Hayrettin)

Paa or Hzr Hayreddin (Hayrettin) Paa; also Hzr Reis before being promoted to the rank of Pasha and becoming the
Kapudan Pasha, born Khizr or Khidr, Turkish: Hzr; c. 1478 July 4, 1546), was an Ottoman admiral of the fleet who was born
in the island of Midilli (Lesbos) and died in Constantinople (Istanbul), the Ottoman capital. Barbarossa's naval victories
secured Ottoman dominance over the Mediterranean during the mid 16th century, from the Battle of Preveza in 1538 until
the Battle of Lepanto in 1571. Hayreddin (Arabic: Khayr ad-Din , which literally means "goodness" or "best of the
religion" of Islam) was an honorary name given to him by Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent. He became known as
"Barbarossa" ("Redbeard" in Italian) in Europe, a name he inherited from his elder brother Oru Reis after Oru was killed in a
battle with the Spanish in Algeria. Oru was also known as "Baba Oru", which sounded like "Barbarossa" (Italian for
"Redbeard") to the Europeans, and since Oru did have a red beard, the nickname stuck. In a process of linguistic
reborrowing, the nickname then stuck back to Hayreddin's native Turkish name, in the form Barbaros. Khizr was born around
1478 on the Ottoman island of Midilli (Lesbos), in the village Palaiokipos, to his father Yakup A a and to his mother Katerina.
Sources refer to Khizr as a Greek, as a Turk, or as an Albanian by origin. His mother was referred as a local Christian Greek
woman from Mytilene, the widow of an Orthodox priest. His father Yakup was referred as a Muslim Greek renegade from
Mytilene or Turkish as well as a former Sipahi from Yenice-i Vardar (modern Yannitsa) and took part in the Ottoman conquest
of Lesbos in 1462 from the Genoese Gattilusio dynasty (who held the hereditary title of Lord of Lesbos between 1355 and
1462) and as a reward, was granted the fief of the Bonova village in the island. Yakup and Katerina were married and had two
daughters and four sons: Ishak, Oru, Khizr and Ilyas. Yakup became an established potter and purchased a boat to trade his
products. The four sons helped their father with his business, but not much is known about the daughters. At first Oru helped
with the boat, while Khizr helped with pottery. All four brothers became seamen, engaged in marine affairs and international
sea trade. The first brother to become involved in seamanship was Oru, who was joined by his brother Ilyas. Later, obtaining
his own ship, Khizr also began his career at sea. The brothers initially worked as sailors, but then turned privateers in the
Mediterranean to counteract the privateering of the Knights Hospitaller (Knights of St. John) who were based in the island of
Rhodes (until 1522). Oru and Ilyas operated in the Levant, between Anatolia, Syria, and Egypt. Khizr operated in the Aegean
Sea and based his operations mostly in Thessaloniki. Ishak, the eldest, remained on Mytilene and was involved with the
financial affairs of the family business. Oru was a very successful seaman. He also learned to speak Italian, Spanish, French,
Greek and Arabic in the early years of his career. While returning from a trading expedition in Tripoli, Lebanon, with his
younger brother Ilyas, they were attacked by the Knights of St. John. Ilyas was killed in the fight, and Oru was wounded.
Their father's boat was captured, and Oru was taken as a prisoner and detained in the Knights' castle at Bodrum for nearly
three years. Upon learning the location of his brother, Khizr went to Bodrum and managed to help Oru escape. Oru later
went to Antalya, where he was given 18 galleys by the ehzade Korkut, an Ottoman prince and governor of the city, and
charged with fighting against the Knights of St. John, who were inflicting serious damage on Ottoman shipping and trade. In
the following years, when Korkut became governor of Manisa, he gave Oru a larger fleet of 24 galleys at the port of zmir
and ordered him to participate in the Ottoman naval expedition to Apulia in Italy, where Oru bombarded several coastal
castles and captured two ships. On his way back to Lesbos, he stopped at Euboea and captured three galleons and another
ship. Reaching Mytilene with these captured vessels, Oru learned that Korkut, who was the brother of the new Ottoman
sultan Selim I, had fled to Egypt in order to avoid being killed because of succession disputes a common practice at that
time. Fearing trouble due to his well-known association with the exiled Ottoman prince, Oru sailed to Egypt, where he met
Korkut in Cairo and managed to get an audience with the Mamluk Sultan Qansuh al-Ghawri, who gave him another ship and
appointed him with the task of raiding the coasts of Italy and the islands of the Mediterranean that were controlled by
Christians. After passing the winter in Cairo, he set sail from Alexandria and frequently operated along the coasts of Liguria
and Sicily. In 1503, Oru managed to seize three more ships and made the island of Djerba his new base, thus moving his
operations to the Western Mediterranean. Khizr joined Oru at Djerba. In 1504, the brothers contacted Abu Abdullah
Mohammed Hamis, Sultan of Tunisia from the Beni Hafs dynasty, and asked permission to use the strategically located port of
La Goulette for their operations. They were granted this right with the condition of leaving one-third of their gains to the
sultan. Oru, in command of small galliots, captured two much larger Papal galleys near the island of Elba. Later, near Lipari,
the two brothers captured a Sicilian warship, the Cavalleria, with 380 Spanish soldiers and 60 Spanish knights from Aragon on
board, who were on their way from Spain to Naples. In 1505, they raided the coasts of Calabria. These accomplishments
increased their fame, and they were joined by several other well-known Muslim corsairs, including Kurto lu (known in the
West as Curtogoli). In 1508, they raided the coasts of Liguria, particularly Diano Marina. In 1509, Ishak also left Mytilene and
joined his brothers at La Goulette. The fame of Oru increased when, between 1504 and 1510, he transported Muslim
Mudjars from Christian Spain to North Africa. His efforts of helping the Muslims of Spain in need and transporting them to
safer lands earned him the honorific name Baba Oru (Father Oru), which eventually due the similarity in sound evolved
in Spain, France and Italy into Barbarossa (meaning "Redbeard" in Italian). In 1510, the three brothers raided Cape Passero in
Sicily and repulsed a Spanish attack on Bougie, Oran and Algiers. In August 1511, they raided the areas around Reggio
Calabria in southern Italy. In August 1512, the exiled ruler of Bougie invited the brothers to drive out the Spaniards, and
during the battle, Oru lost his left arm. This incident earned him the nickname Gm Kol ("Silver Arm" in Turkish), in
reference to the silver prosthetic device that he used in place of his missing limb. Later that year, the three brothers raided
the coasts of Andalusia in Spain, capturing a galliot of the Lomellini family of Genoa, who owned the Tabarca island in that
area. They subsequently landed on Minorca and captured a coastal castle and then headed towards Liguria, where they
captured four Genoese galleys near Genoa. The Genoese sent a fleet to liberate their ships, but the brothers captured their
flagship as well. After capturing a total of 23 ships in less than a month, the brothers sailed back to La Goulette. There, they
built three more galliots and a gunpowder production facility. In 1513, they captured four English ships on their way to France,
raided Valencia, where they captured four more ships, and then headed for Alicante and captured a Spanish galley near
Mlaga. In 1513 and 1514, the three brothers engaged the Spanish fleet on several other occasions and moved to their new
base in Cherchell, east of Algiers. In 1514, with 12 galliots and 1,000 Turks, they destroyed two Spanish fortresses at Bougie,
and when the Spanish fleet under the command of Miguel de Gurrea, viceroy of Majorca, arrived for assistance, they headed
towards Ceuta and raided that city before capturing Jijel in Algeria, which was under Genoese control. They later captured
Mahdiya in Tunisia. Afterwards, they raided the coasts of Sicily, Sardinia, the Balearic Islands and the Spanish mainland,
capturing three large ships there. In 1515, they captured several galleons, a galley and three barques at Majorca. Still in
1515, Oru sent precious gifts to the Ottoman Sultan Selim I, who, in return, sent him two galleys and two swords

embellished with diamonds. In 1516, joined by Kurtolu (Curtogoli), the brothers besieged the Castle of Elba, before heading
once more towards Liguria, where they captured 12 ships and damaged 28 others. In 1516, the three brothers succeeded in
liberating Jijel and Algiers from the Spaniards but eventually assumed control over the city and surrounding region, forcing
the previous ruler, Abu Hamo Musa III of the Beni Ziyad dynasty, to flee. The Spaniards in Algiers sought refuge on the island
of Pen off the Moroccan coast and asked Charles V, King of Spain and Holy Roman Emperor, to intervene, but the Spanish
fleet failed to force the brothers out of Algiers. After consolidating his power and declaring himself Sultan of Algiers, Oru
sought to enhance his territory inland and took Miliana, Medea and Tns. He became known for attaching sails to cannons
for transport through the deserts of North Africa. In 1517, the brothers raided Capo Limiti and later, the Island of Capo Rizzuto
in Calabria. For Oru, the best protection against Spain was to join the Ottoman Empire, his homeland and Spain's main rival.
For this, he had to relinquish his title of Sultan of Algiers to the Ottomans. He did this in 1517 and offered Algiers to the
Ottoman Sultan Selim I. The Sultan accepted Algiers as an Ottoman sanjak ("province"), appointed Oru as the Governor of
Algiers and Chief Sea Governor of the West Mediterranean, and promised to support him with janissaries, galleys and
cannons.The Spaniards ordered Abu Zayan, whom they had appointed as the new ruler of Tlemcen and Oran, to attack Oru
Reis from land, but Oru learned of the plan and pre-emptively struck against Tlemcen, capturing the city and executing Abu
Zayan in the Fall of Tlemcen (1517). The only survivor of Abu Zayan's dynasty was Sheikh Buhammud, who escaped to Oran
and called for Spain's assistance. In May 1518, Emperor Charles V arrived at Oran and was received at the port by Sheikh
Buhammud and the Spanish governor of the city, Diego de Crdoba, marquess of Comares, who commanded a force of
10,000 Spanish soldiers. Joined by thousands of local Bedouins, the Spaniards marched overland towards Tlemcen. Oru and
Ishak awaited them in the city with 1,500 Turkish and 5,000 Moorish soldiers. They defended Tlemcen for 20 days, but were
eventually killed in combat by the forces of Garcia de Tineo. Khizr Reis, now given the title of Beylerbey by Sultan Selim I,
along with janissaries, galleys and cannons, inherited his brother's place, his name (Barbarossa) and his mission. With a fresh
force of Turkish soldiers sent by the Ottoman sultan, Barbarossa recaptured Tlemcen in December 1518. He continued the
policy of bringing Mudjars from Spain to North Africa, thereby assuring himself of a sizable following of grateful and loyal
Muslims, who harbored an intense hatred for Spain. He captured Bone, and in 1519, he defeated a Spanish-Italian army that
tried to recapture Algiers. In a separate incident, he sank a Spanish ship and captured eight others. Still in 1519, he raided
Provence, Toulon and the les d'Hyres in southern France. In 1521, he raided the Balearic Islands and later captured several
Spanish ships returning from the New World off Cadiz. In 1522, he sent his ships, under the command of Kurtolu, to
participate in the Ottoman conquest of Rhodes, which resulted in the departure of the Knights of St. John from that island on
January 1, 1523. In June 1525, he raided the coasts of Sardinia. In May 1526, he landed at Crotone in Calabria and sacked the
city, sank a Spanish galley and a Spanish fusta in the harbor, assaulted Castignano in Marche on the Adriatic Sea and later
landed at Cape Spartivento. In June 1526, he landed at Reggio Calabria and later destroyed the fort at the port of Messina. He
then appeared on the coasts of Tuscany, but retreated after seeing the fleet of Andrea Doria and the Knights of St. John off
the coast of Piombino. In July 1526, Barbarossa appeared once again in Messina and raided the coasts of Campania. In 1527,
he raided many ports and castles on the coasts of Italy and Spain. In May 1529, he captured the Spanish fort on the island of
Pen de Vlez de la Gomera that controlled the north Algerian coast. In August 1529, he attacked the Mediterranean coasts
of Spain and later helped 70,000 Moriscos to escape from Andalusia in seven consecutive journeys. In January 1530, he again
raided the coasts of Sicily and, in March and June of that year, the Balearic Islands and Marseilles. In July 1530, he appeared
along the coasts of the Provence and Liguria, capturing two Genoese ships. In August 1530, he raided the coasts of Sardinia
and, in October, appeared at Piombino, capturing a barque from Viareggio and three French galleons before capturing two
more ships off Calabria. In December 1530, he captured the Castle of Cabrera, in the Balearic Islands, and started to use the
island as a logistic base for his operations in the area. In 1531, he encountered Andrea Doria, who had been appointed by
Charles V to recapture Jijel and Pen de Vlez de la Gomera, and repulsed the Spanish-Genoese fleet of 40 galleys. Still in
1531, he raided the island of Favignana, where the flagship of the Maltese Knights under the command of Francesco
Touchebeuf unsuccessfully attacked his fleet. Barbarossa then sailed eastwards and landed in Calabria and Apulia. On the
way back to Algiers, he sank a ship of the Maltese Knights near Messina before assaulting Tripoli, which had been given to the
Knights of St. John by Charles V in 1530. In October 1531, he again raided the coasts of Spain. In 1532, during Suleiman I's
expedition to Habsburg Austria, Andrea Doria captured Coron, Patras and Lepanto on the coasts of the Morea (Peloponnese).
In response, Suleiman sent the forces of Yahya Pashazade Mehmed Bey, who recaptured these cities, but the event made
Suleiman realize the importance of having a powerful commander at sea. He summoned Barbarossa to Constantinople, who
set sail in August 1532. Having raided Sardinia, Bonifacio in Corsica, and the islands of Montecristo, Elba and Lampedusa, he
captured 18 galleys near Messina and learned from the captured prisoners that Doria was headed to Preveza. Barbarossa
proceeded to raid the nearby coasts of Calabria and then sailed towards Preveza. Doria's forces fled after a short battle, but
only after Barbarossa had captured seven of their galleys. He arrived at Preveza with a total of 44 galleys, but sent 25 of
them back to Algiers and headed to Constantinople with 19 ships. There, he was received by Sultan Suleiman at Topkap
Palace. Suleiman appointed Barbarossa Kapudan-i Derya ("Grand Admiral") of the Ottoman Navy and Beylerbey ("Chief
Governor") of North Africa. Barbarossa was also given the government of the Sanjak ("province") of Rhodes and those of
Euboea and Chios in the Aegean Sea. In 1533, Barbarossa sent an embassy to the king of France, Francis I, the Ottoman
embassy to France (1533). Francis I would in turn dispatch Antonio Rincon to Barbarossa in North Africa and then to Suleiman
the Magnificent in Asia Minor. Following a second embassy, the Ottoman embassy to France (1534), Francis I sent his
ambassador Jehan de la Forest to Hayreddin Barbarossa, asking for his naval support against the Habsburg "Jean de la Forest,
whom the King sends to meet with the Grand Signor [Suleiman the Magnificent], will first go from Marseilles to Tunis, in
Barbary, to meet sir Haradin, king of Algiers, who will direct him to the Grand Signor. To this objective, next summer, he [the
King of France] will send the military force he is preparing to recover what it unjustly occupied by the Duke of Savoy, and
from there, to attack the Genoese. This king Francis I strongly prays sir Haradin, who has a powerful naval force as well as a
convenient location [Tunisia], to attack the island of Corsica and other lands, locations, cities, ships and subjects of Genoa,
and not to stop until they have accepted and recognized the king of France. The King, besides the above land force, will
additionally help with his naval force, which will comprise at least 50 vessels, of which 30 galleys, and the rest galeasses and
other vessels, accompanied by one of the largest and most beautiful carracks that ever was on the sea. This fleet will
accompany and escort the army of sir Haradin, which will also be refreshed and supplied with food and ammunition by the
King, who, by these actions, will be able to achieve his aims, for which he will be highly grateful to sir Haradin" . Military
instructions to Jean de La Fort, by Chancelor Antoine Duprat, February 11, 1535 Barbarossa Hayreddin Pasha defeats the
Holy League of Charles V under the command of Andrea Doria at the Battle of Preveza in 1538. In 1534, Barbarossa set sail
from Constantinople with 80 galleys, and in April, he recaptured Coron, Patras and Lepanto from the Spaniards. In July 1534,
he crossed the Strait of Messina and raided the Calabrian coasts, capturing a substantial number of ships around Reggio
Calabria as well as the Castle of San Lucido. He later destroyed the port of Cetraro and the ships harbored there. Still in July
1534, he appeared in Campania and sacked the islands of Capri and Procida before bombarding the ports in the Gulf of
Naples. He then appeared in Lazio, shelled Gaeta and in August landed at Villa Santa Lucia, Sant'Isidoro, Sperlonga, Fondi,
Terracina and Ostia on the River Tiber, causing the church bells in Rome to ring the alarm. He then sailed south, appearing at
Ponza, Sicily and Sardinia, before capturing Tunis in August 1534 and sending the Hafsid Sultan Mulei Hassan fleeing. He also
captured Tunis' strategic port of La Goulette in 1534. Charles then dispatched an agent to offer Barbarossa "the lordship of
North Africa" for his changed loyalty, or if that failed, to assassinate him in the eve when he was drunk. However, upon

rejecting the offer, Barbarossa decapitated him with his scimitar. Mulei Hassan asked Emperor Charles V for assistance to
recover his kingdom, and a Spanish-Italian force of 300 galleys and 24,000 soldiers recaptured Tunis as well as Bone and
Mahdiya in 1535. Recognizing the futility of armed resistance, Barbarossa had abandoned Tunis well before the arrival of the
invaders, sailing away into the Tyrrhenian Sea, where he bombarded ports, landed once again at Capri and reconstructed a
fort (which still today carries his name) after largely destroying it during the siege of the island. He then sailed to Algiers,
from where he raided the coastal towns of Spain, destroyed the ports of Majorca and Minorca, captured several Spanish and
Genoese galleys and liberated their Muslim oar slaves. In September 1535, he repulsed another Spanish attack on Tlemcen.
In 1536, Barbarossa was called back to Constantinople to take command of 200 ships in a naval attack on the Habsburg
Kingdom of Naples. In July 1537, he landed at Otranto and captured the city, as well as the Fortress of Castro and the city of
Ugento in Apulia. In August 1537, Ltfi Pasha and Barbarossa led a huge Ottoman force that captured the Aegean and Ionian
islands belonging to the Republic of Venice, namely Syros, Aegina, Ios, Paros, Tinos, Karpathos, Kasos, Kythira, and Naxos. In
the same year, Barbarossa raided Corfu and obliterated the agricultural cultivations of the island while enslaving nearly all
the population of the countryside. However, the Old Fortress of Corfu was well defended by a 4,000-strong Venetian garrison
with 700 guns, and when several assaults failed to capture the fortifications, the Turks reluctantly re-embarked[15] and once
again raided Calabria. These losses caused Venice to ask Pope Paul III to organize a "Holy League" against the Ottomans. In
February 1538, Pope Paul III succeeded in assembling a Holy League (composed of the Papacy, Spain, the Holy Roman
Empire, the Republic of Venice and the Maltese Knights) against the Ottomans, but Barbarossa's forces led by Sinan Reis
defeated its combined fleet, commanded by Andrea Doria, at the Battle of Preveza in September 1538. This victory secured
Ottoman dominance over the Mediterranean for the next 33 years, until the Battle of Lepanto in 1571. In the summer of
1539, Barbarossa captured the islands of Skiathos, Skyros, Andros and Serifos and recaptured Castelnuovo from the Spanish,
who had taken it from the Ottomans after the battle of Preveza. He also captured the nearby Castle of Risan, and with Sinan
Reis, later assaulted the Venetian fortress of Cattaro and the Spanish fortress of Santa Veneranda near Pesaro. Barbarossa
later took the remaining Christian outposts in the Ionian and Aegean Seas. Venice finally signed a peace treaty with Sultan
Suleiman in October 1540, agreeing to recognize the Ottoman territorial gains and to pay 300,000 gold ducats In September
1540, Emperor Charles V contacted Barbarossa and offered him to become his Admiral-in-Chief as well as the ruler of Spain's
territories in North Africa, but he refused. Unable to persuade Barbarossa to switch sides, in October 1541, Charles himself
laid siege to Algiers, seeking to end the corsair threat to the Spanish domains and Christian shipping in the western
Mediterranean. The season was not ideal for such a campaign, and both Andrea Doria, who commanded the fleet, and the old
Hernn Corts, who had been asked by Charles to participate in the campaign, attempted to change the Emperor's mind but
failed. Eventually, a violent storm disrupted Charles's landing operations. Andrea Doria took his fleet away into open waters
to avoid being wrecked on the shore, but much of the Spanish fleet went aground. After some indecisive fighting on land,
Charles had to abandon the effort and withdraw his severely battered force In the Siege of Nice in 1543, Barbarossa's fleet
combined with a French force to capture the city. In 1543, Barbarossa headed towards Marseilles to assist France, then an ally
of the Ottoman Empire, and cruised the western Mediterranean with a fleet of 210 ships (70 galleys, 40 galliots and 100 other
warships carrying 14,000 Turkish soldiers, thus an overall total of 30,000 Ottoman troops). On his way, while passing through
the Strait of Messina, he asked Diego Gaetani, the governor of Reggio Calabria, to surrender his city. Gaetani responded with
cannon fire, which killed three Turkish sailors. Barbarossa, angered by the response, besieged and captured the city. He then
landed on the coasts of Campania and Lazio and, from the mouth of the Tiber, threatened Rome, but France intervened in
favor of the pope's city. Barbarossa then raided several Italian and Spanish islands and coastal settlements before laying the
Siege of Nice and capturing the city on August 5, 1543 on behalf of the French king, Francis I. The Ottoman captain later
landed at Antibes and the le Sainte-Marguerite near Cannes before sacking the city of San Remo, other ports of Liguria,
Monaco and La Turbie. He spent the winter with his fleet and 30,000 Turkish soldiers in Toulon, but occasionally sent his ships
from there to bombard the coasts of Spain. The Christian population had been evacuated, and the Cathedral of St. Mary in
Toulon was transformed into a mosque for the Turkish soldiers, while Ottoman money was accepted for transactions by the
French tradesmen in the city. In the spring of 1544, after assaulting San Remo for the second time and landing at Borghetto
Santo Spirito and Ceriale, Barbarossa defeated another Spanish-Italian fleet and raided deeply into the Kingdom of Naples. He
then sailed to Genoa with his 210 ships and threatened to attack the city unless it freed Turgut Reis, who had been serving as
a galley slave on a Genoese ship and then was imprisoned in the city since his capture in Corsica by Giannettino Doria in
1540. Barbarossa was invited by Andrea Doria to discuss the issue at his palace in the Fassolo district of Genoa, and the two
admirals negotiated the release of Turgut Reis in exchange for 3,500 gold ducats. Barbarossa then successfully repulsed
further Spanish attacks on southern France, but was recalled to Constantinople after Charles V and Suleiman had agreed to a
truce in 1544. After leaving Provence from the port of le Sainte-Marguerite in May 1544, Barbarossa assaulted San Remo for
the third time, and when he appeared before Vado Ligure, the Republic of Genoa sent him a substantial sum to save other
Genoese cities from further attacks. In June 1544, Barbarossa appeared before Elba. Threatening to bombard Piombino unless
the city's Lord released the son of Sinan Reis who had been captured and baptized 10 years earlier by the Spaniards in Tunis,
he obtained his release. He then captured Castiglione della Pescaia, Talamone and Orbetello in the province of Grosseto in
Tuscany. There, he destroyed the tomb and burned the remains of Bartolomeo Peretti, who had burned his father's house in
Mytilene the previous year, in 1543. He then captured Montiano and occupied Porto Ercole and the Isle of Giglio. He later
assaulted Civitavecchia, but Leone Strozzi, the French envoy, convinced Barbarossa to lift the siege. The Ottoman fleet then
assaulted the coasts of Sardinia before appearing at Ischia and landing there in July 1544, capturing the city as well as Forio
and the Isle of Procida before threatening Pozzuoli. Encountering 30 galleys under Giannettino Doria, Barbarossa forced them
to sail away towards Sicily and seek refuge in Messina. Due to strong winds, the Ottomans were unable to attack Salerno but
managed to land at Cape Palinuro nearby. Barbarossa then entered the Strait of Messina and landed at Catona, Fiumara and
Calanna near Reggio Calabria and later at Cariati and at Lipari, which was his final landing on the Italian peninsula. There, he
bombarded the citadel for 15 days after the city refused to surrender and eventually captured it. He finally returned to
Constantinople and, in 1545, left the city for his final naval expeditions, during which he bombarded the ports of the Spanish
mainland and landed at Majorca and Minorca for the last time. He then sailed back to Constantinople and built a palace on
the Bosphorus, in the present-day quarter of Bykdere in the Saryer district. Barbarossa retired in Constantinople in 1545,
leaving his son Hasan Pasha as his successor in Algiers. He then dictated his memoirs to Muradi Sinan Reis. They consist of
five hand-written volumes known as Gazavat- Hayreddin Paa (Conquests of Hayreddin Pasha). Today, they are exhibited at
the Topkap Palace and Istanbul University Library. They are prepared and published by Babali Kltr Yayncl as Kaptan
Paa'nn Seyir Defteri (The Logbook of the Captain Pasha) by Prof. Dr. Ahmet imirgil, a Turkish academic. They are also
fictionalised as Akdeniz Bizimdi (The Mediterranean was Ours) by M. Erturul Dzda. Barbarossa is also one of the main
characters in Mika Waltari's book The Wanderer (1949). Barbarossa Hayreddin Pasha died in 1546 in his seaside pala ce in the
Bykdere neighbourhood of Constantinople, on the northwestern shores of the Bosphorus. He is buried in the tall
mausoleum (trbe) near the ferry port of the district of Beikta on the European side of Istanbul, which was built in 1541 by
the famous architect Mimar Sinan, at the site where his fleet used to assemble. His memorial was built in 1944, next to his
mausoleum. The Arabic calligraphy at the top of the standard reads, " ( nasrun mina'llhi wa
fath hun qarbun wa bashshiri'l-muminna y muh ammad), translated as "Victory from Allah and an eminent conquest; and
give good tidings to the believers, O Muhammad." The text comes from verse 61:13 of the Quran, with the addition of "O
Muhammad", since the last part of the verse addresses the Islamic prophet, Muhammad Within the four crescents are the

names, from right to left, beginning at the top right, of the first four caliphs Abu Bakr, Umar,
Uthman, and Ali whose rule of the Islamic state after Muhammad is referred to as the Rashidun
Caliphate The two-bladed sword represents Dhu'l-Fiqar, a famous sword in Islamic history, belonging
first to Muhammad and then Ali. To the left of the sword's hilt is a small hand. Between the two blades
of the sword is a six-pointed star. The star may be confused with the Star of David, a Jewish symbol.
However, in medieval times, this star was a popular Islamic symbol known as the Seal of Solomon and
was widely used by the Beyliks of Anatolia. The seal was later used by the Ottomans in their mosque
decorations, coins and the personal flags of the pashas, including Hayreddin Barbarossa. One of the
Turkish beyliks known to use the seal on its flag was the Jandarids. According to the Catalan Atlas of
1375 by A. Cresques, the flag of the Karamanids, another Anatolian beylik, consisted of a blue sixedged star.Hayreddin Barbarossa established the Ottoman supremacy in the Mediterranean, which
lasted until the Battle of Lepanto in 1571. However, even after their defeat in Lepanto, the Ottomans
quickly rebuilt their fleet, regained Cyprus and other lost territories in Morea and Dalmatia from the
Republic of Venice between 1571 and 1572, and reconquered Tunisia from Spain in 1574. Furthermore, the Ottomans
ventured into the northern Atlantic Ocean between 1585 and 1660 and continued to be a major Mediterranean sea power for
three more centuries, until the reign of Sultan Abdlaziz (r. 18611876) in the 19th century (in 1875 the Ottoman Navy had
21 battleships and 173 other types of warships, ranking as the third-largest naval force in the world, after the British and
French navies.) However, during these centuries of great seamen such as Kemal Reis before him; his brother Oru Reis and
other contemporaries Turgut Reis, Salih Reis, Piri Reis and Kurtolu Muslihiddin Reis; or Piyale Pasha, Murat Reis, Seydi Ali
Reis, Ulu Ali Reis and Kurtolu Hzr Reis after him, few other Ottoman admirals ever achieved the overwhelming naval power
of Hayreddin Barbarossa. His mausoleum is in the Barbaros Park of Beikta, Istanbul, where his statue also stands, right next
to the Istanbul Naval Museum. On the back of the statue are verses by the Turkish poet Yahya Kemal Beyatl, which may be
translated as follows:
Whence on the sea's horizon comes that roar?
Can it be Barbarossa now returning
From Tunis or Algiers or from the Isles?
Two hundred vessels ride upon the waves,
Coming from lands the rising Crescent lights:
O blessed ships, from what seas are ye come?
Barbaros Boulevard starts from his mausoleum on the Bosphorus and runs all the way up to the Levent and Maslak business
districts and beyond. He gave his name to skdar and Eminn port (before January 10, 2009, Kadky) in Beikta. In the
centuries following his death, even today, Turkish seamen salute his mausoleum with a cannon shot before leaving for naval
operations and battles. Several warships of the Turkish Navy and passenger ships have been named after him. The Nintendo
3DS game Bravely Default features a pirate captain named Hayreddin Barbaross. Redbeard (French: Barbe-Rouge) is a series
of Belgian comic books, the main character of which is partly inspired by Barbarossa. Hector Barbossa, a fictional character
partly inspired by Barbarossa.

Deys of Algiers
Dey (Arabic: , from Turkish day) was the title given to the rulers of the Regency of Algiers (Algeria) and Tripoli under the
Ottoman Empire from 1671 onwards. Twenty-nine deys held office from the establishment of the deylicate in Algeria until the
French conquest in 1830. The dey was chosen by local civilian, military, and religious leaders to govern for life and ruled with
a high degree of autonomy from the Ottoman sultan. The main sources of his revenues were taxes on the agricultural
population, religious tributes, and protection payments rendered by Corsairs, regarded as pirates who preyed on
Mediterranean shipping. In European part of the Ottoman Empire, in particular during its decline, leaders of the outlawed
janissary and yamak troops sometimes acquired title of Dahi or Dahia, which is derived from Dey. The dey was assisted in
governing by a divan ( )made up of the Chiefs of the Army and Navy, the Director of Shipping, the Treasurer-General and
the Collector of Tributes. The realm of the dey of Alger (Algiers) was divided into three provinces (Constantine, Titteri and
Mascara), each of which was administered by a bey ( )whom he appointed. The rule of the deys of Alger came to an end on
July 5, 1830, when Hussein Dey (17651838) surrendered to invading French forces. The last Dey of Tripoli was killed by
Ahmed Karamanli, who established the eponymous Karamanli dynasty in 1711.

List of Deys of Algiers

Hadj Mohamed

was the first Dey of the Regency of Algiers from 1671 until January 1682. He is elected by the Taifa of
Rais (the Regency corsairs), choosing one of them, this will be the case following three Deys. His election marks the
weakening of Diwan then dominated by the Janissaries, his power is theoretically absolute.

Hassan I Baba (died July 22, 1683) was the second Dey of the Regency of Algiers from January 1682 until his death on
July 22, 1683. He declared war with France, which will cause the shipment of Duquesne. It will be butchered for its disastrous
management of the crisis, and the acceptance of the peace imposed by the Ottoman Empire and replaced by Hseyin I
"Mezzo-morte."
Hussein Mezzomorto or Hajji Husain Mezzomorto (Turkish: Hac Hseyin Mezamorta) ( died 1701) was the Dey of the
Regency of Algiers from July 22, 1683 until 1686. was an Ottoman corsair, bey, and finally Kapudan Pasha (grand admiral) of
the Ottoman Navy. His epithet mezzomorto is the Italian for "half-dead" and was acquired during a fight with the Spaniards,
when he was gravely injured. Possibly Turkish or a converted Christian from Mallorca, Mezzomorto was mentioned as a
captain in 1674. He rose to prominence during the French attacks on Algiers in the early 1680s. He was present for Abraham
Duquesne's 1682 bombardment and commanded a fleet of corsairs the next year. The bey of Algiers Baba Hassan handed
him over as a hostage to the French, but Mezzomorto persuaded the French admiral to send him back to shore, where he led
an insurrection against Baba Hassan, killed him, and took over as bey of Algiers. He then opened fire on the French fleet,
forcing Duquesne to raise his blockade. During the 1684 bombardment, he signed a "100 year" treaty with Duquesne.
However, the French fleet bombarded Algiers again in 1688, and Mezzomorto retaliated with attacks on the French coast. As
beylerbey of Algiers, Mezzomorto took part in the Morean War between the Turks and Venetians in 1686. He then commanded
the fleet in the Danube in 1690, and afterward in the Black Sea. The Venetian threat to the Ottomans' Aegean possessions led
to Mezzomorto's appointment as sanjak-bey of Rhodes in 1691. Distinguishing himself during the reconquest of Chios in early
1695, he was promoted to Kapudan Pasha, acquiring lordship over the Province of the Islands. His primary goal was to expel

the Venetians from the Aegean. He defeated a venetian fleet off Lesbos in September 1695, preventing it from
reaching Chios. He commanded at the Battle of Andros in 1696, and on July 5, 1697 defeated a Venetian fleet
off Tenedos. In September 3 he scored another victory, this time off Andros. A battle off Lesbos on September
21, 1698 was interpreted as a victory by each side. With the support of sultan Mustafa II, Mezzomorto began a
reform of the navy. His reforms were compiled into a book of regulations, the Kannunname, published shortly
before his death in 1701. He was buried on Chios.

Ibrahim I

was the Dey of the Regency of Algiers from January 1686 until December 1688.

Shaban was the Dey of the Regency of Algiers from December 1688 until July 1695.
Ahmed I

was the Dey of the Regency of Algiers from July 1695 until December 1698.

Hassan II Chavush

was the Dey of the Regency of Algiers from December 1698 until 1699.

Mustafa I was the Dey of the Regency of Algiers from 1699 until October 1705.
Hseyin II Khoja

was the Dey of the Regency of Algiers from October 1705 until April 1706.

Muhammad II Bektash
Ibrahim II

was the Dey of the Regency of Algiers from April 1706 until March 1710.

was the Dey of the Regency of Algiers from March 1710 until June 17, 1710.

Ali II Shavush

(died April 4, 1718) was the Dey of the Regency of Algiers from June 17, 1710 until his death on April 4,

1718.

Muhammad III

(1682 - May 18, 1724) was the Dey of the Regency of Algiers from April 4, 1718 until his death on May

18, 1724.

Kurd 'Abdi

(c.1665 - 1731) was the Dey of the Regency of Algiers from May 18, 1724 until his death in 1731.

Ibrahim III "the Old"

Kck Ibrahim IV

was the Dey of the Regency of Algiers from 1731 until November 1745.

was the Dey of the Regency of Algiers from November 1745 until February 1748.

Muhammad IV "el Retorto"

(c.1684 - December 11, 1754) was the Dey of the Regency of Algiers from February

1748 until December 11, 1754.

Ali III

(died February 1766) was the Dey of the Regency of Algiers from December 11, 1754 until his death in February

1766.

Muhammad V

(1688 - July 11, 1791) was the Dey of the Regency of Algiers from February 1766 until his death on July

11, 1791.

Hassan III

(died June 1798) was the Dey of the Regency of Algiers from July 11, 1791 until his death in June 1798.

Mustafa II

Ahmed II

was the Dey of the Regency of Algiers from June 1798 until July 1, 1805.

was the Dey of the Regency of the Regency of Algiers from July 1, 1805 until November 15, 1808.

Ali IV ar-Rasul

was the Dey of the Regency of Algiers from November 15, 1808 until February 1809.

Ali V (died March 1815) was the Dey of the Regency of Algiers from February 1809 until his death on March 1815.
Muhammad VI

was the Dey of the Regency of Algiers from March until April 11, 1815. He was assassinated after having
been in office for only 17 days.

Omar Agha

(1771 - September 8, 1817) was the Dey of Algiers from April 11, 1815 until his death on September 8,
1817. Omar Agha was the Dey of the Regency of Algiers from April 1815 to September 1817, after the assassination of his
predecessor Mohamed Kharnadji on April 7, 1815, who had been in office for only 17 days. He launched a war against Tunis,
and lead the Attacks of Barbary privateers on American ships. An expedition of the US Navy led by Commodore Stephen
Decatur in command of a squadron of nine ships, was conducted in 1815 against the Regency of Algiers. The episode is
known as the Second Barbary War. The operation forced Dey Omar to sign a treaty ending attacks of piracy, a treaty that he
denounced shortly thereafter. The Congress of Vienna, which addressed the problem of Christian slaves from Barbary piracy,
charged the United Kingdom to negotiate with the Dey of Algiers and the Beys of Tunis and Tripoli. Although the latter two
were agreeable, it was not the same for Omar Agha. It would take the 9-hour Bombardment of Algiers (1816) on August 27,
1816, by an Anglo-Dutch naval force commanded by British Admiral Lord Exmouth, to compel the Dey to abolish slavery. But

despite the signing of a treaty and the release of 3,000 European slaves, this is of little effect as the Congress of Aachen
addresses again the same problem in 1818. Omar was strangled on September 8, 1817 by the janissaries, following its
repeated defeats and domestic problems. His successor was Ali ben Ahmed.

Ali VI Khoja,

nicknamed Ali Khodja, Ali-Meguer, or Ali Loco (the mad) (died February 28, 1818) was the
Dey of Algiers from September 8, 1817 until his death on February 28, 1818. He was the dey of the Regency
of Algiers from September 1817, just after the assassination of his predecessor Omar Agha the 8th. He
remained so until his death in February 1818. His sobriquet Ali-Meguer may indicate his Mingrelian
background. Fearing plots against his rule he at one point had more than 1500 soldiers executed. A few days
after his arrival, and to better ensure her safety, he left the Palace of the Djenina located in the lower part of
the city of Casbah and offering small defences, to move to the fortress of the Casbah where he put the
treasure safe. He died of the plague in February 28, 1818.

Hussein Dey

(also spelled Husayn Dey; 1765, Smyrna - 1838, Alexandria) was the Dey of Algiers from
March 1, 1818 until July 5, 1830. He was the last of the Ottoman provincial rulers of the Regency of Algiers.
Husseyn Dey succeeded Ali V ben Ahmed as Ottoman provincial ruler, or dey, of Algiers in March 1818. In
order to reassure the Europeans he enacted some liberal measures such as freeing hostages and ensuring
freedom of religion for the Jews. In an attempt by Charles X of France to increase his popularity amongst the
French people, he sought to bolster patriotic sentiment, and turn eyes away from his domestic policies, by
"skirmishing against the dey". This eventually lead to the French conquest of Algeria. In the 1790s, France
had contracted to purchase wheat for the French army from two Jewish merchants in Algiers, Messrs. Bacri
and Boushnak, and was in arrears paying them. These merchants had themselves debts to the dey and claimed inability to
pay those debts until France paid its debts to them. The dey had unsuccessfully negotiated with Pierre Deval, the French
consul, to rectify this situation, and he suspected Deval of collaborating with the merchants against him, especially when the
French government made no provisions for repaying the merchants in 1820. Deval's nephew Alexandre, the consul in Bne,
further angered the dey by fortifying French storehouses in Bne and La Calle against the terms of prior agreements. After a
contentious meeting in which Deval refused to provide satisfactory answers on April 29, 1827, the dey struck Deval with his
fly whisk. Charles X used this slight against his diplomatic representative to first demand an apology from the dey, and then
to initiate a blockade against the port of Algiers. When the dey responded to a demand to send an ambassador to France to
resolve the incident with cannon fire directed toward one of the blockading ships, the French determined that more forceful
action was required. 34 000 French soldiers landed at Sidi Ferruch 27 kilometres (17 mi) west of Algiers on June 14, 1830 and
entered Algiers on 5 July after a three-week campaign against the Ottoman forces. Hussein Dey agreed to surrender in
exchange for his freedom and the offer to retain possession of his personal wealth. This marked the end of 313 years of
Ottoman rule of the territory and the start of French rule in Algeria. On July 15, 1830, five days after his surrender to the
French, Husseyn Dey left Algiers with his family, his harem and his personal fortune on the French ship Jeanne d'Arc. His
request for permission to live in France having been refused by Charles X, he settled in Naples which was under the control of
the Austrian Empire. He stayed in Italy for three years and died in Alexandria in 1838. A suburb of the city of Algiers has been
named after Hussein Dey and the district that surrounds it bears the same name. The top tier football team NA Hussein Dey
is based here.

List of Presidents and Prime Ministers of Algeria

Ferhat Abbas,

whose real name Ferhat Abbas Makki, born August 24, 1899 at Taher and died December 24, 1985 in
Algiers, was a politician and Algerian nationalist leader. Founder of the party Democratic Union of Algerian manifest (UDMA),
member of the National Liberation Front (FLN) during the independence war of Algeria and President of the Provisional
Government of the Algerian Republic (GPRA) from September 19, 1958 until August 27, 1961, it is elected the country's
independence and President of the Provisional Executive Council of Algeria from September 25, 1962 until September 15,
1963. He was born in the hamlet of "Bouafroune" (douar Chahna), 12 km south of Taher (in present common Ouadjana, Jijel),
August 24, 1899, into a peasant family Kabyle of 12 children. Son of boss, his father Said Bin Ahmed Abbas and his mother
Maza bint Ali. His family, originally from Kabylia, had to leave the region after the failed revolt in 1871 led by Mohamed El
Mokrani. The grandfather is then expelled from their lands by the French authorities and escorted to the condition of fellah.
Sentenced to be agricultural-worker, he descends from the Highlands to get to the coast. Started school at the age of ten
years, Ferhat Abbas completed his primary and in Jijel, good student, he was sent in 1914 to attend high school in
Philippeville (current Skikda). From 1921 to 1924 he did his military service and is already beginning to write articles for
various newspapers under the pseudonym Kamel Abencerrages. Pharmacy student at the Faculty of Algiers from 1924 to
1933, he became the promoter of the Association of Muslim Students in North Africa, which he is vice-president in 1926-1927
and president from 1927 to 1931, to which he transformed into friendly association. He was also elected vice-president of the
UNEF at the Congress of Algiers in 1930. Ferhat Abbas was at first favorable to the policy of assimilation with the
maintenance of personal status, he campaigned actively in the Movement of Algerian youth, claiming equal rights under
French sovereignty. In 1931, he published the book The Young Algerian, comprising in particular Articles written in the 1920s,
and whose thesis refers to the struggle against colonization to ensure the agreement between the French and Muslims. He
denounces "100 years of French colonization." In this book, there is also talk of "Algerianism" lust of the colonists, the
Algerian state and Islam: "This is our home. We can not go anywhere else. This is the land that nourished our ancestors, it is
this land that will feed our children. Free or slave, it belongs to us, we belong to him and she will not let us perish. Algeria can
not live without us. We can not live without it. He who dreams about our future as that of Red Indians of America is wrong.
These are the Arabs and Berbers who set, fourteen centuries ago, the fate of Algeria. This destiny can not be accomplished
without them tomorrow ". Doctor of Pharmacy graduate in 1933, he settled in Setif, where he quickly became an important
political figure, becoming general counsel in 1934, alder man in 1935 and delegated financial. He joined the Federation of
Elected Muslims of the department of Constantine as a journalist in his newspaper, the weekly L'Entente Franco-Muslim
(commonly known as "The Agreement"), and gets out early by its President Dr. Bendjelloul which promotes, in 1937, editor of
the newspaper. More radical in its struggle and its claims, including denouncing the "native code", he founded his own party
in 1938, the Algerian People's Union. The agreement then becomes a true political forum for Ferhat Abbas. The period of
World War II plays an important role in the evolution of Ferhat Abbas, putting an end to his hopes of "equality under French
sovereignty", convincing him that colonialism was "a company racial of domination and exploitation "in which even the
French republican elites were the most enlightened fully involved. Ferhat Abbas is a volunteer in the French army in 1939.
April 10, 1941, he sent the Marshal Petain, head of the Vichy regime, a report entitled "Algeria of tomorrow", drawing

attention to the plight of indigenous Muslims and demanding reforms cautiously: Ptain replied politely, but
makes no commitment. After the Allied landings in North Africa, Abbas turns to Admiral Darlan, kept in power
by the Allies, but this latter fact, for the plight of Muslims to the Jews of Algeria, the choice of inaction. Ferhat
Abbas publishes, February 10, 1943, a manifesto calling for a new statute for Algeria, which goes much further
than its previous requests: the "Manifesto of the Algerian people", followed by an addendum in May, a
"Proposed reforms following the Manifesto of the Algerian people" making particular reference to an
"Algerian nation". The project is then submitted to the Commission on economic and social reforms Muslim
just
created by the Governor General Peyrouton. But his successor, General Georges Catroux, blocking the project
and rejects the initiatives taken by Ferhat Abbas, who is from September to December, under house arrest at In
Salah by General de Gaulle, leader of the French Committee of National Liberation. De Gaulle then responds in part to the
claims of Muslims by the decrees of March 7, 1944, it allows the attainment of tens of thousands of Muslims with French
citizenship, without affecting the status Koran, and is of local assemblies with two-fifths of elected indigenous. Abbas and his
friends consider these concessions, however inadequate. On March 14, 1944 Abbas created the Friends of the manifesto of
freedom (AML) Sheikh Brahimi supported by the Association of Ulemas and Messali Hajj. In September 1944, he founded the
weekly Equality (with the subtitle Equality of men - Gender races - Equality of Peoples). In the aftermath of the riots in Stif in
May 1945, held liable with Mohammed Cherif Bachir and Saadane, he was arrested and AML is dissolved. Released in 1946,
Ferhat Abbas and his cellmate Cherif Saadane also arrested for the Setif massacre founded the Democratic Union of Algerian
manifest (UDMA). In June, the party gets eleven of the thirteen seats in the second college in the second Constituent
Assembly and Ferhat Abbas is elected to Setif. After refusing twice to his project on the status of Algeria, he resigned from the
Assembly in 1947. It then hardens its position, becomes the weekly Equality in February 1948, Equality - Republic of Algeria
and Algerian Republic in June of that year. While there in 1953 announced an impending rupture and final , the National
Liberation Front (FLN) launched on 1 November 1954 the first armed actions and marks the beginning of the "Algerian
revolution." He joined, first secretly, in May 1955 the FLN, after several meetings with Abane Ouamrane Amar Ramdan and
then publicly announces rally and the official dissolution of the UDMA at a press conference in Cairo April 25, 1956. From
August 20, 1956, at the end of the Soummam Congress, he became a full member of the CNRA (National Council of the
Algerian revolution), then between the CEC (Coordinating Committee and implementation) in 1957. Ferhat Abbas became
President of the first provisional government of the Algerian Republic (GPRA) was created in September 19, 1958, then the
second GPRA, elected by the CNRA in January 1960. In August 1961, considered as not being firm enough against the French
government, it is discarded and replaced by the GPRA Benyoucef Benkhedda. At independence the Algerian state, during the
"crisis of summer 1962", between the GPRA and Benkhedda of the Politburo of the FLN, Ferhat Abbas rallied July 16
supporters of Ben Bella, all disapproving of the principle of party selected by the conference program of Tripoli. He succeeds
Abderrahmane Fares, president of the provisional executive, and became president, elected by 155 votes against 36 blank or
invalid, the first Constituent Assembly (ANC) set September 20, Acting Head of State provisionally. On 25 September 1962, he
proclaimed the birth of the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria. He leaves office Sept. 15, 1963 following his strong
disagreement with the policy of "Sovietization" of Algeria Ahmed Ben Bella by denouncing his "adventurism and its frantic
Leftism" which exclude the FLN and imprison Sahara at Adrar in the same year. He was released in May 1965, the eve of the
coup on June 19 by Houari Boumediene.Out of politics, but always activist and staunch Democrat, he wrote with Benyoucef
Benkhedda, Hocine Lahouel, former Secretary General of PPP-MTLD, and Mohamed Kheireddine, former member of CNRA in
March 1976, an "Appeal to the People Algeria ", demanding urgent action on democratization and denouncing" personal
power "and the National Charter drafted by Boumediene. It is then again placed under house arrest until June 13, 1978. In
1980 he published his memoirs in Anatomy of a war and then, in 1984, in Independence confiscated virulent denunciation of
corruption and bureaucracy, which reigned in Algeria, generated by successive regimes of Ben Bella and Boumedienne. It is
decorated on behalf of the then president, Chadli Bendjedid, October 30, 1984, the Medal of resisting his villa in the
neighborhood of Hussein Dey. Ferhat Abbas died in Algiers on 24 December 1985. He is buried in Martyrs Square Cemetery El
Alia Algiers.
Benyoucef Benkhedda (Arabic: ( ) February 23, 1920 February 4, 2003) was an Algerian politician and
President of Provisional Executive Council of Algeria from August 9, 1961 until July 3, 1962. He headed the third GPRA
exile government of the National Liberation Front (FLN), acting as a leader during the Algerian War (1954-62). At the end of
the war, he was briefly the de jure leader of the country, however he was quickly sidelined by more conservative figures.
Benyoucef Benkhedda was born in 1920 in Berrouaghia, Mda Province. The son of a Qadi, he attended both the local
Madrasah and French colonial school. He later attended the Ibn Rochd lyce at Blida where he met pioneering Algerian
nationalists such as Mohamed Lamine-Debaghine, Saad Dahlab, Abane Ramdane, Ali Boumendjel and Mhamed Yazid. "You
are the knives which we sharpen against France!" was the oft repeated cry of the college headmaster. Having received his
baccalaurat, he entered the University of Medicine and Pharmacy of Algiers in 1943, and after an interruption of his studies,
obtained his degree in pharmacy in 1953. In 1942 he joined the Algerian People's Party (PPA). A year later he was arrested
and detained by local SDECE agents for campaigning against conscription of Algerians in the war against Germany as part of
the "unsubmissives of Blida". He was released eight months later. He was the a member of the central committee of the PPAMTLD in 1947 and served as the general secretary between 1951-1954. In November 1954 he was arrested again and
released in May 1955, due to the intervention of French liberals (who included the pied noir mayor of Algiers, Jacques
Chevallier), when he joined the new National Liberation Front. He became an adviser to Abane Ramdane in Algiers. In August
1956 the Congress of Soummam appointed him a member of the Algerian National Revolutionary Council and the Committee
of Action and Co-ordination of the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic (GPRA) along with Abane, Dahlab Larbi
Ben M'hidi, and Krim Belkacem. He, Abane and Ben M'hidi comprised the political and military triumvirate which directed the
revolutionary Autonomous Zone. Algiers had become the capital of the resistance. He and Abane were responsible for the
creation of many projects such as the newspaper El Moudjahid, the creation of the General Union of Algerian Workers (UGTA)
and the writing of Kassaman, which would become the national anthem of Algeria. He miraculously escaped capture by the
paratroopers of General Jacques Massu by use of the sewer system of Algiers, fleeing the city after the capture of Ben M'hidi
by paratroopers under Colonel Marcel Bigeard, Ben M'hidi was later killed while imprisoned by soldiers of Paul Aussaresses.
He went abroad in the name of the Liberation front and accomplished much for the organisation such as visiting the capitals
of the Arab states in 1957-58, London in 1959, Yugoslavia in 1961, Latin America in 1960 and two visits to China. On August
9, 1961 he was appointed the president of the provisional government and completed negotiations with France, which were
started by Ferhat Abbas. A cease-fire was proclaimed the day before France officially recognised the national integrity of
Algeria. He was welcomed as the country's leader by a jubilant Algerian population on July 3, 1962, the day that
independence was recognised officially by France. A crisis emerged later that year between the provisional government and
Ahmed Ben Bella, supported by the 'Frontier Army' and Ben Khedda was forced to stand down to avoid a "fratricidal
bloodbath". In 1976 he, with three leaders of the war of liberation (Ferhat Abbas, Hocine Lahoue, Kheir-Eddine) signed a

proclimation which set about to create a constitutional national assembly, elected by universal suffrage to create a national
charter.
The four signatories were placed under house arrest and had their property seized. He was released in
1979.
Under the government of Chadli Bendjedid which claimed to be a multi-party system, he created 'El
Oumma' with Abderahmane Kiouane and other friends from the liberation war in 1989. Its objective
was the
implemation of the Declaration of the 1st of November, 1954, that is: "The sovereign and democratic
independent Algerian State within Islamic principles". The aim of 'El Oumma' was to work towards a
coming together of the Islamist and Nationalist parties for an Islamic society. The president, Liamine
Zeroual, who had succeeded Chadli promulgated a law prohibiting the use of the world "Islam" by the
parties under penalty of dissolution. 'El Oumma' dissolved, unsuccessful, in 1997. At the same time he founded the
'Tadhamoune' with Sheikh Ahmed Sahnoune with the aim of denouncing the state because of serious human rights violations
after the military coup of January 1992. He lived a quiet life for the rest of his days, running a pharmacy in Hidra, Algiers.
After a long illness, Benyoucef Benkhedda died in his home in Algiers on February 4, 2003. A large crowd turned out for his
funeral and he was buried at Sidi Yahia cemetery next to long-time companion Saad Dahlab. The University of Algiers was
later named in his honour. He had three sons.

Abderrahmane Fares

(January 30, 1911- May 13, 1991) (in Kabyle: Fares ebderah man) was an
Algerian politician and President of Provisional Executive Council of Algeria from July 3 until September 20,
1962, responsible for management of the territory with headquarters in Boumerdes, before the formation of
an elected National Assembly. He was Member of the first French National Constituent Assembly (Algiers) in
1946, then president of the Algerian Assembly in 1953. He was born January 30, 1911 at Amalou Akbou
meadows, in the present province of Bjaa in Kabylia Berber region in north-central Algeria. Very young
orphan (his father died in 1917 in France during the First World War), he was taken to his grandfather and
diligent student, is sent to be trained first with an uncle notary Akbou, then in a notary deemed to Alger1.
After law school, he became in turn usher in Setif, assistant notary Sebdou, and finally settled in Collo as a
notary in 1936, becoming the first notary public in Muslim Algeria. He entered politics in 1945, after the Second World War,
and became councilor and member of the Board of the Department of Algeria. Close to the socialist SFIO, in 1946 he became
a member of the first Constituent National Assembly (Algiers), and first in favor of "integration within the French," he defends
the establishment of equal rights between French and French Muslims including the introduction of a single college in the
electoral sistem. Disappointed by successive refusals, it does not represent the National Assembly of Algiers and decided to
sit in the Algerian Assembly in southern Algeria where he became chairman in 1953. He was organized during the
insurrection on November 1, 1954 start of the war in Algeria, he still believes in the integration process, but marked by
massacres of Constantine in 1955, he distanced himself from Jacques Soustelle and its policy of assimilation and is close to
the National Liberation Front (FLN). He settled in 1956 in Paris, France, and the Federation of the FLN France is responsible for
raising funds for the independence movement. On November 4, 1961, he was arrested by the French authorities and
imprisoned. He was released after the Evian agreements on March 19,1962 and appointed in April 1962. He was President of
the Algerian Provisional Executive in its creation, and negotiates independence from July 3 until September 20, 1962, France
officially recognizes the independence of Algeria and French President de Gaulle transfer powers to the Executive provisoire4.
Abderrahmane Fares decides to transmit its powers Benyoucef Benkhedda, President of the Provisional Government of the
Algerian Republic (GPRA), but the latter, in conflict with the Politburo of the FLN Ben Bella is forced to deny the charge. During
his tenure, responsible for maintaining order, he delivered on March 30, 1962 in a speech on television call for peace and
rejection of violence, in particular for the "European" in Algeria. Contacts with the Secret Army Organization (OAS) are
especially made to negotiate an agreement to end their operations meurtrires6. After the victory of the Political Bureau of
the FLN and the withdrawal of GPRA in its favor, the first National Constituent Assembly (ANC) Algerian formed. It then
delivers, September 25, 1962, the power to the President of the ANC, Ferhat Abbas. Disagree with the authoritarian politics
he denounced Ben Bella, he was arrested in July 1964. He was released a year later with the arrival of Houari Boumedienne to
power, and retired from political life. He wrote and published in 1982 his "Memoirs (1945-1965)" in The cruel trues,
autobiography in which he mentions the transition period March-July 1962 and the terms of the independence negotiations,
including the OAS. Abderrahmane Fares died on May 13, 1991 in Zemmouri (wilaya of Boumerdes).

Mohamed Ahmed Ben Bella

(Muhammad Ahmad Bin Balla) (Arabic: ( ) born December 25, 1918, Maghnia,
Algeria died in Algiers in April 11, 2012) was an ex-soldier and Algerian revolutionary, and the first President of Algeria from
September 19, 1963 until June 19, 1965. Ben Bella was born in Maghnia in western Algeria during the height of the French
colonial period to a Sufi Muslim family. He attended school in Tlemcen and was disturbed by the discrimination towards
Muslims by his European teacher. He failed his brevet exam, and subsequently dropped out of school. Ben Bella volunteered
for service in the French Army in 1936. The Army was one of the few avenues of advancement for Algerian Muslims under
colonial rule and voluntary enlistment was common. Posted to Marseille he played center mid-field for Olympique de Marseille
in 19391940. He was offered a professional spot on the team, but rejected the offer. He also played for IRB Maghnia. Ben
Bella's eldest brother had also served in the French Army during World War I and died of his wounds. Two other brothers died
at young ages. In 1940 Ben Bella enlisted again and was awarded the Croix de guerre . He was demobilised after the fall of
France but joined a regiment of Moroccan tirailleurs (infantry) with whom he saw service throughout the Italian campaign.
Ben Bella was promoted to the rank of warrant officer and received the Mdaille militaire for bravery at Monte Cassino from
Charles de Gaulle. He refused to accept an officer's commission after learning of the harsh French repression that followed a
Muslim rising in the small Algerian town of Setif in May 1945. Following election as a municipal councillor Ben Bella became a
founder member of an underground organisation pledged to fight colonial rule, known as the Organisation Spciale. This was
the immediate predecessor of the Front de Libration Nationale. Arrested in 1951 and sentenced to eight years imprisonment
Ben Bella escaped from Blida prison, making his way to Tunisia and then Egypt. At the outbreak of the Algerian War in 1954
Ben Bella was based in Cairo where he had become one of the nine members of the Revolutionary Committee of Unity and
Action which headed the Front de Liberation Nationale (FLN). He was arrested by the French in 1956, after his airplane had
been controversially intercepted and brought to France, and released in 1962. His arrest led to the resignation of Alain
Savary, opposed to Guy Mollet's policies. While in prison he was elected a vice-premier of the Algerian provisional

government. Ben Bella's first language was French, not Arabic. He learned Arabic while in prison. While in
Egypt, Ben Bella met the Egyptian president, Gamel Abdel Nasser. When Abdel Nasser brought Ben Bella
to speak for the first time to an Egyptian audience, he broke into tears because he could not speak Arabic.
It has been said that he refused to teach his own daughter French because he wanted her to learn Arabic
first and not be in the same position he was. Like many Arab militants of the time, he would come to
describe himself as a "Nasserist" and developed close ties to Egypt even before independence was
achieved. Abdel Nasser's material, emotional and political support of the Algerian movement would come
to cause him troubles, as it played a major role in France's choice to wage war on him during the 1956
Suez Crisis. Due to Pakistan's support to the cause of Algerian struggle for self determination and
independence, Ben Bella was given a Pakistani diplomatic passport to make his foreign travels possible in the
face of the international hunt down by the French and their allies. Ben Bella also traveled on a Pakistani diplomatic passport
during the years of his exile from Algeria in 1980s. After Algeria's independence, Ben Bella quickly became more popular. In
June 1962, he challenged the leadership of Premier Benyoucef Benkhedda; this led to several disputes among his rivals in the
FLN, which were quickly suppressed by Ben Bella's rapidly growing number of supporters, most notably within the armed
forces. By September, Bella was in control of Algeria by all but name, and was elected as premier in a one-sided election on
20 September, which was recognized by the United States on September 29. Algeria was admitted as the 109th member of
the United Nations on 8 October 1962. In 1963 he was elected President in an uncontested election, and also led Algeria's
costly defense against Moroccan invasion in the Sand war. After stabilizing the country, Ben Bella embarked on a series of
popular but somewhat anarchic land reforms to the benefit of landless farmers, and increasingly turned to socialist rhetoric.
His policy of Autogestion, or self-management, was adopted after the peasants seized former French lands. In balancing
factions within the Algerian government, notably the FLN army, the former guerrillas and the state bureaucracy, his rule
became increasingly autocratic. Eccentric and arrogant behaviour towards colleagues is said to have alienated many former
supporters, and, while he promoted the development of his own cult of personality, by 1964 he was dedicating more time to
foreign affairs than local political developments. In 1965, Ben Bella was deposed by army strongman and close friend Houari
Boumdinne in 1965, and placed under house arrest until 1980, when he was granted exile in Switzerland. He lived for 10
years in Lausanne, but was allowed to return to his homeland in 1990.Ahmed Ben Bella was awarded the title Hero of the
Soviet Union on April 30, 1964 Ben Bella was elected President of the International Campaign Against Aggression on Iraq at
its Cairo Conference. Ben Bella has described himself numerous times in interviews as an Islamist of a mild and peace loving
flavour. Despite his former one party state he now vocally advocates democracy in Algeria. He has described the militant
voice rising in the Islamic world as having developed from an incorrect and faulty interpretation of Islam. He is a controversial
figure, but widely respected for his role in the anti-colonial struggle, and seen by many Arab intellectuals as one of the last
original Arab nationalists. President Ben Bella is currently Chairperson of the African Union Panel of the Wise, which is
mandated to advise the AU Commission on issues relevant to conflict prevention, management and resolution. The other
members of the Panel are: President Miguel Trovoada (Former President of So Tom and Prncipe); DR. Salim A. Salim (former
Secretary-General of the OAU); Dr. Brigalia Bam (current Chair of South Africa's Electoral Commission); and Mme Elisabeth
Pognon (former President of the Constitutional Court of Benin). In February 2012, Ben Bella was admitted to a hospital for
medical checks. At the same time, a report circulated that he had died, but this was denied by his family. He died on April 11,
2012 at his family home in Algiers. Though the reasons of his death were unknown he had been treated for respiratory
illnesses twice at Ain Naadja. His body lay in state on 12 April before the funeral on April 13, 2012. Algeria declared eight
days of national mourning. Ben Bella was married to Zahra Sellami, a journalist. He had met her while he was under house
arrest, when she came to his home to interview him. They became religiously observant Muslims, and adopted two
daughters, Mehdia and Nouria.

Houari Boumedienne (August 23, 1932 December 27, 1978) (also known as Mohammed Ben Brahim Boukharouba)
served as Algeria's Chairman of the Revolutionary Council from June 19, 1965 until December 12, 1976, and from then on as
the fourth President of Algeria to his death on December 27, 1978. Mohamed Ben Brahim Boukharouba was born near
Hliopolis in the province of Guelma and educated at the Islamic Institute in Constantine. He joined National Liberation Front
(FLN) in the Algerian War of Independence in 1955, adopting Houari Boumedine as his nom-de-guerre (from Sidi
Boumedine, the name of the patron saint of the city of Tlemcen in western Algeria, where he served as an officer during the
war, and Sidi El Houari, the patron saint of nearby Oran). He reached the rank of Colonel, then the highest rank in the FLN
forces, and from 1960 he was chief of staff of the ALN, the FLN's military wing. But at this point of the war, the ALN had been
defeated and badly hurt by the French operations and Boumediene accepted a difficult command. In 1962, after its vote of
self-determination, Algerians declared independence and the French announced it was independent. Boumedienne headed a
powerful military faction within the government, and was made defence minister by the Algerian leader Ahmed Ben Bella,
whose ascent to power he had assisted as chief of staff. He grew increasingly distrustful of Ben Bella's erratic style of
government and ideological puritanism, and in June 1965, Boumdienne seized power in a bloodless coup. The country's
constitution and political institutions were abolished, and he ruled through a Revolutionary Council of his own mostly military
supporters. Many of them had been his companions during the war years, when he was based around the Moroccan border
town of Oujda, which caused analysts to speak of the "Oujda Group". (One prominent member of this circle was
Boumdienne's long-time foreign minister, Abdelaziz Bouteflika, who, since 1999, has been Algeria's president.) Initially, he
was seen as potentially a weak ruler, with no significant power base except inside the army, and it was not known to what
extent he controlled the officer corps. But after a botched coup against him by military officers in 1967 he tightened his rule.
He then remained Algeria's undisputed ruler until his death in 1978, as all potential rivals within the regime were gradually
purged or relegated to symbolic posts, including several of his former allies from the Oujda era. No significant internal
challenges emerged from inside the regime after the 1967 coup attempt. Economically, Boumdienne turned away from Ben
Bella's focus on rural Algeria and experiments in socialist cooperative businesses ( l'autogestion). Instead, he opted for a more
systematic and planified programme of state-driven industrialization. Algeria had virtually no advanced production at the
time, but in 1971 Boumdienne nationalized the Algerian oil industry, increasing government revenue tremendously (and
sparking intense protest from the French government). He then put the soaring oil and gas resourcesenhanced by the oil
price shock of 1973into building heavy industry, hoping to make his country the Maghreb's industrial centre. His years in
power were in fact marked by a reliable and consistent economic growth, but after his death in the 1980s, the drop in oil
prices and increasingly evident inefficiency of the country's state-run industries, prompted a change in policy towards gradual
economical liberalization. In the 1970s, along with the expansion of state industry and oil nationalization, Boumdienne
declared a series of socialist revolutions, and strengthened the leftist aspect of his regime. A side-effect of this was the
rapprochement with the hitherto suppressed remnants of the Algerian Communist Party (the PAGS), whose members were

now co-opted into the regime, where it gained some limited intellectual influence, although without formal legalization of
their
party. Algeria formally remained a single-party state under the FLN, but Boumdienne's personal rule had
marginalized the ex-liberation movement, and little attention was paid to the affairs of the FLN in everyday
affairs. Pluralism and opposition were not tolerated in Boumdienne's Algeria, which was characterized by
government censorship and rampant police surveillance by the powerful Scurit militaire, or Military
Security. Political stability reigned, however, as attempts at challenging the state were generally nipped in
the bud. As chairman of the Revolutionary Command Council, Boumediene and his associates ruled by
decree. During the 1970s, constitutional rule was gradually reinstated and civilian political institutions were
restored and reorganized. Efforts were made to revive activity within the FLN, and state institutions
were reestablished systematically, starting with local assemblies and moving up through regional
assemblies to the national level, with the election of a parliament. The process culminated with the
adoption of a constitution (1976) that laid down Algeria's political structure. This was preceded by a period of
relatively open debate on the merits of the government-backed proposal, although the constitution itself was then adopted in
a state-controlled referendum with no major changes. The constitution reintroduced the office of president, which
Boumedienne entered after a single-candidate referendum in 1978. At the time of his death, later that year, the political and
constitutional order in Algeria was virtually entirely of Boumediene's own design. This structure remained largely unchanged
until the late 1980s, when political pluralism was introduced and the FLN lost its role as dominant single party. (Many basic
aspects of this system and the Boumedienne-era constitution are still in place.) However, throughout Boumedienne's era, the
military remained the dominant force in the country's politics, and military influence permeated civilian institutions such as
the FLN, parliament and government, undercutting the constitutionalization of the country's politics. Intense financial or
political rivalries between military and political factions persisted, and was kept in check and prevented from destabilizing the
government mainly by Boumedienne's overwhelming personal dominance of both the civilian and military sphere.
Boumdienne pursued a policy of non-alignment, maintaining good relations with both the communist bloc and the capitalist
nations, and promoting third-world cooperation. In the United Nations, he called for a new world order built on equal status
for western and ex-colonial nations, and brought about by a socialist-style change in political and trade relations. He sought
to build a powerful third world bloc through the Non-Aligned Movement, in which he became a prominent figure. He
aggressively supported anti-colonial movements across Africa and the Arab world, including the PLO, ANC, SWAPO and other
groups. A significant regional event was his 1975 pledge of support for an Western Saharan self-determination, admitting
Sahrawi refugees and the Polisario guerrilla movement to Algerian territory, after Morocco and Mauritania claimed control
over the territory. This ended the possibility of mending relations with Morocco, already sour after the 1963 sand war,
although there had been a modest thaw in relations during his first time in power. The heightened Moroccan-Algerian rivalry
and the still unsolved Western Sahara question became a defining feature of Algerian foreign policy ever since and remain so
today. In 1978, his appearances became increasingly rare. After lingering in a coma for 39 days, he died of a rare blood
disease, Waldenstrm's macroglobulinemia, following unsuccessful treatment in Moscow. Rumors about his being
assassinated or poisoned have surfaced occasionally in Algerian politics, perhaps due to the rarity of the disease. The death
of Boumdienne left a power vacuum in Algeria which could not easily be filled; a series of military conclaves eventually
agreed to sidestep the competing left- and rightwing contenders, and designate the highest-ranking military officer, Col.
Chadli Bendjedid, as a compromise selection. Still, factional intrigue mushroomed after Boumdienne's death, and no
Algerian president has since gained the same complete control over the country as he had.

Rabah Bitat (Arabic: ; ALA-LC: Rba B ;

December 19, 1925 April 10, 2000) was a President of

the People's National Assembly of Algeria from April 1977 to October 1990 and was the interim
President of Algeria from December 27, 1978 until February 9, 1979. He became president after the death
of Houari Boumdinne and was replaced by Chadli Bendjedid. He was from the Front de Libration National.
Bitat first supported, then opposed, Ahmed Ben Bella. He held the transportation portfolio under Houari
Boumdienne before becoming the first president of the ANP (by the constitution of 1976). Bitat served as
acting president (December 1978 February 1979) after Boumdienne's death in December 1978. Bitat died in
Paris on April 10, 2000. He is survived by his wife Zohra Drif, a member of the Council of the Nation.
Chadli Bendjedid (Arabic: ( ) April 14, 1929 at Bouteldja, now in El Taref Province October 6, 2012) was the
sixth President of Algeria from February 9, 1979 to January 11, 1992. Chadli Bendjedid served in the French
Army as a noncommissioned officer and fought in Indo-China. He defected to the National Liberation
Front (FLN) at the beginning of the Algerian War of Independence in 1954. A protege of Houari
Boumediene, Bendjedid was rewarded with the military command of the Oran, Algeria region in 1964.
After independence he rose through the ranks, becoming head of the 2nd military region in 1964 and
Colonel in 1969. Bendjedid was minister of defense from November 1978 to February 1979 and became
president following the death of Boumdinne. Bendjedid was a compromise candidate who came to
power after the party leadership and presidency was contested at the fourth FLN congress held on 27 31 January 1979. The most likely to succeed Boumediene were Mohammad Salah Yahiaoui and Abdelaziz
Bouteflika. The latter had served as a foreign secretary at the United Nations for sixteen years. He was a prominent member
of the Oujda clan and regarded as a pro-Western liberal. Yahiaoui was closely affiliated with the communists, permitting the
Parti de l'Avant-Garde Socialiste (PAGS) to acquire jurisdiction over the mass trade union and youth organizations. In office,
Bendjedid reduced the state's role in the economy and eased government surveillance of citizens. In the late 1980s, with the
economy failing due to rapidly falling oil prices, tension rose between elements of the regime who supported Bendjedid's
economic liberalization policies, and those who wanted a return to the statist model. In October 1988, youth marches
protesting the regimes austerity policies and shouting slogans against Benjedid, evolved into massive rioting which spread to
Oran, Annaba and other cities; the militarys brutal suppression of the rioters left several hundred dead. Perhaps as a political
survival strategy, Bendjedid then called for and began to implement a transition towards multi-party democracy. However in
1991 the military intervened to stop elections from bringing the Islamist Front Islamique du Salut (FIS) to power, forcing
Bendjedid out of office and sparking a long and bloody Algerian Civil War. Bendjedid has mostly stayed out of politics since
January 1992. He returned to the public eye in late 2008 when he gave a controversial speech at a conference in Al-Tarif, his
hometown. The publication of hi memoir wa announced on November 1, 2012, coinciding with the 58th anniversary of the
outbreak of the War of National Liberation. Bendjedid was hospitalized in Paris in January 2012 for cancer treatment and
returned to hospital again in May and October 2012. On October 3, 2012, Bendjedid was admitted to the intensive care unit of
a military hospital in Ain-Naadja in Algiers. State-run media announced that he died of cancer on October 6, 2012. He was
buried at the El Alia Cemetery.

Mohammed ben Ahmed Abdelghani (March 18, 1927 September 22, 1996) (Arabic:
) was the Prime Minister of Algeria under President Chadli Bendjedid from March 8, 1979 until January
22, 1984. He served as the first Prime Minister of Algeria since 1963, when the position was abolished. As of
2005, he served the longest consecutive term of any Prime Minister in Algeria. He died in Algiers.

Abdelhamid Brahimi (Abdelhamid Brahimi actually Janu; (born April 2, 1936 in Constantine) was
Prime Minister from January 22, 1984 until November 5, 1988 of Algeria. As the successor of Mohamed Ben
Ahmed Abdelghani Brahimi is on January 22, 1984 from President Chadli Bendjedid appointed Prime
Minister. During his reign, strengthen the economic and social conditions. He was declining revenues from
the oil industry and a high birth rate leading to high unemployment. In particular, youth unemployment is
soaring. This leads to economic reforms announced in October 1988, massive riots, the entire country record - with the exception of the East and the Kabylie. Hundreds of people are killed, thousands arrested. As
scapegoat for these incidents Brahimi is on 5 released November 1988 and replaced by Kasdi Merbah.
Kasdi Merbah

(Arabic: ( ) April 16, 1938 August 22, 1993) was the prime minister of Algeria
from November 5, 1988 until September 9, 1989. He was a member of the FLN, which ruled the country at
that time. He was assassinated on August 22, 1993. During the seventies and early eighties, he was the
head of the security services (scurit militaire). Before the 1988 uprisings, he had been minister twice : of
agriculture and then of public health. Following the aforementioned uprisings, he constituted his own party
known by its acronym "Madjd" (meaning "glory" in Arabic). Merbah appeared to be a very moderate
politician and tried (secretly and overtly) to help in finding a solution for the crisis that erupted in 1992
following the interruption of the electoral process - the FIS having won almost the majority of the
parliamentary seats in the first round of the first pluralistic legislative elections (Dec. 1991) in Algeria. A
great number of analysts attribute his assassination to his past in the security services and the many state secrets he
possessed, beside the apparent moderate posture he had adopted with regard to dealing with the Islamist movements,
particularly the FIS who went for the armed option.

Mouloud Hamrouche

(Arabic: ( ) born January 3, 1943) was Prime Minister of Algeria from September 9,
1989 until June 5, 1991 and presidential candidate in 1999 under the slogan of change. Mouloud Hamrouche was born in
Constantine in 1943. During the War of Independence, his brothers and sisters are in the underground or in structures FLN in
Tunis, his mother is an activist, one of the sisters will make the prison when she is pregnant, and another spent four years in
the bush until independence, his father, Bashir, was killed by the French army under his eyes, when he was fourteen. Despite
his young age, Mouloud Hamrouche is quickly integrated into the FLN networks. It performs multiple small missions liaison
and contact, assigned to her peers, and makes the leap to fifteen years, when he led his first attack: he detonated a grenade
rue de France, in Constantine. Quickly reach a thicket of Wilaya II, led by Messaoud Boudjeriou but because of his age, he was
evacuated to Tunisia. Of several tens to undertake this perilous journey, they are only thirteen to arrive in Tunisian territory
after three months of wandering. In Tunisia, it is integrated for a short time in the education services of the NLA. He teaches
courses in training to the mujahideen, or injured in transit. It is then sent to Iraq where he received military training. He
obtained the rank of second lieutenant, which is their own independence in 1962. Back in Algeria, Mouloud Hamrouche is
training officer. It is particularly Boghar transferred to the south of Medea, in a training center located in the city in rough
weather: cold and snow in winter, extreme heat in summer. From there, Houari Boumediene, he had met during the border
war of liberation, the fact mutate as President of the Republic, the Protocol Department. Mouloud Hamrouche took the
opportunity to go back to school, picks up a professorship in law and political science with a thesis on "military phenomenon
in Africa 'experience with the military is only beginning. He won a scholarship to a two-year training in England. Became
director of protocol under Houari Boumediene, it retains the same position with Chadli Bendjedid, before becoming Chief
Cabinet Secretary and then Secretary General of the Presidency. From this position, he began to develop what would later be
known as the reforms. The team of reformers was born around Mouloud Hamrouche, who has since left the army with the
rank of lieutenant colonel. Previously, President Chadli Bendjedid tried openings, but found himself faced with cameras and
cumbersome system [ref. required]. The reformers finally give him the theoretical foundations and practical measures to
attempt to move the country. Hamrouche makes contact with business leaders, economists, lawyers, meeting in thousands,
and eventually arrive at a central conclusion: only a radical reform of the political and economic system may open new
perspectives in the country. Economic reform gives autonomy to public enterprises, paving the way for private investment,
reform of agriculture is moving toward the eventual privatization. But the approach comes up against the political deadlock: it
is impossible to advance with a one-party system. The tragic events of October 1988 unblock the situation. A new
constitution paves the way for multiparty, free association and speech. It is in this context that Mouloud Hamrouche is
appointed head of the Government to succeed Kasdi Merbah in September 1989. He was forty five years. He began a policy
of openness in all directions, sets up practical mechanisms for the Liberation of society and the establishment of sound
economic policies and rules. He passed the Law on money and credit, the centerpiece of economic management, giving rise
to the private press, the public media opened fully, encourages parties. This is a period of democratic euphoria [ref. desired]
unprecedented in the history of independent Algeria. The first warning shot comes from the FIS victory in local elections of
June 1990. Hamrouche but not alarmed unduly. For him it is a time of ras-le-bol, bubbling transition, during which the
company is expressed in a disorderly manner, often for the most radical. It attempts, in parallel, to ensure the transfer of the
FLN, into a modern party, able to cope with the FIS. The opportunity arises for the following year, with the legislation. The FLN
adopted a simple rule, the legislative candidates to be elected by their base, which enjoys complete freedom in this area.
Most of the barons of the FLN, unrelated to the company, can not even be candidates. President Chadli Bendjedid and
Defense Minister Khaled Nezzar deploy troops around Algiers, and want to force Hamrouche approach to change. He
resigned. The state of emergency is declared and a new government is formed, the task of organizing new legislation in
December 1991. Hamrouche campaigned for the FLN, but the dice are obviously fakes [ref. required]. Everything is done to
ensure the participation of the FIS and nothing is done to prevent his victory looming. On 26 December 1991, the tidal wave
of FIS. The authority decides to end elections, pushing Chadli Bendjedid exit, and to establish a High State Committee chaired
by Mohamed Boudiaf, who was assassinated less than six months later by one of his bodyguards. Terrorism moves.
Hamrouche, who knows the system and its operation, denies arrest of elections, advocating dialogue and a return to society.
In vain. It also advocates an overhaul of the FLN, led by Abdelhamid Mehri. The FLN is taken in hand by the system [ref.
desired], who finally managed to eject Mehri. Hamrouche refuses to be a candidate for president in 1995, knowing that the
games are rigged. [Ref. needed] It is presented to those of 1999, after the assurances given by the army, and gets tough. But
as we approach the election, he retired with five other candidates, when it becomes clear that neither President Zeroual, nor
the command of the army, have kept their word to ensure free elections. Hamrouche considering the idea of creating a party

in the momentum of the campaign. But he abandoned this idea when it sees the political game is totally
locked. Create a party would be a hoax, he said. Time he is right: the government refuses to give their
approval to the parties created a strict legality. Mouloud Hamrouche is, as he says himself, "a son of the
system," which can both its past, and claim to have conducted the only real attempts to change it.
Reserved, almost shy, he has a sense of listening and observing exceptional. His sense of observation and
analysis accuracy it can detect all the faults of a regime based on the army and security services. Suffice
to say about authoritarianism, although Mouloud Hamrouche recognizes that this plan has had some
spectacular successes, including socially. Marked by this plan, it will support a PhD in political science,
entitled "the military phenomenon in Africa." It is since that time he became convinced that such a system
can not live long except by force and repression. Mouloud Hamrouche supports the "contract of Rome",
signed in the Italian capital in January 1995, noting that the document includes mechanisms provided in the constitution of
1989. In 1996, he signed, with other figures, a "call for peace." But in general, Hamrouche is rather quiet. Before inflation of
words and the drift of norms and values, he prefers lucidity of statement without complacency. But gradually, including
remaining very discreet, it imposes its analysis in the country. Same words and concepts that launches are needed.Years after
the departure of Hamrouche various governments that have succeeded are always talking about economic reforms, without
being able to give real content. Analysis of Hamrouche on the system and his "clan" has become best known to speak of
power. And when supporters and opponents of the military involvement in politics clashed, Mouloud Hamrouche, again
imposed the clearest vision and most political military leaders can designate policies, but it must remain part of the
mechanisms of decision.

Sid Ahmed Ghozali

(Arabic: ( ) born March 31, 1937 in Maghnia, Algeria) is former Prime

Minister of Algeria from June 5, 1991 until July 8, 1992. He was member of the National Liberation Front
party and an ally of former President Houari Boumedienne, under whom he served as head of Sonatrach
from 1966 to 1977, when he became Minister of Energy and Industry. He was removed from this post by
the new president Chadli Bendjedid in 1979, becoming ambassador to France, but was brought back in
1988 as finance minister until 1989, then foreign minister until 1991. On June 5, 1991, he succeeded
Mouloud Hamrouche as Prime Minister of Algeria; he remained Prime Minister following the January 1992
resignation of Bendjedid and takeover by the military, but he resigned on July 8 of that year, shortly after
the assassination of Mohammed Boudiaf. He ran for president in the 1999 elections, and attempted to do
so again in 2004, but was disqualified by the Constitutional Council.

Abdelmalek Benhabyles

(born April 27, 1921) is an Algerian statesman. He was born

in Chevreuil. He was a chairman of the Constitutional Council of State and as acting President of Algeria
from January 11 until January 14, 1992, when the military ousted Chadli Bendjedid.He received the 1st
Class, Grand Cordon of Order of the Rising Sun on December 17, 2012.

Mohamed Boudiaf

(June 23, 1919, Ouled Madhi, M'Sila Province June 29, 1992, Annaba) (Arabic: ) , also
called Si Tayeb el Watani, was an Algerian political leader and one of the founders of the revolutionary Front de libration
nationale (FLN) that led the Algerian War of Independence (19541962). He was Chairman of the High Council of Algeria from
January 14 until his death on June 29, 1992. Mohamed Boudiaf was born in Ouled Madhi (now in M'Sila Province), Algeria, to a
family of former nobility, which had lost its standing and influence during colonial times. His education was cut short after
primary school by poor health (tuberculosis) and his increasing activism in the nascent nationalist movement. A member of
the nationalist Parti du Peuple Algrien (PPA) of Messali Hadj, he later joined the successor organization MTLD and its secret
paramilitary wing, the Organisation Spciale (OS). Boudiaf was responsible for organizing the OS network in the Stif region,
storing arms, collecting funds and preparing guerrilla forces. He was sentenced in absentia to 10 years of prison by the
French authorities, but avoided arrest. When Messali decided to dissolve the OS, his rivals combined with stalwarts of the
guerrilla strategy to form the CRUA, a breakout committee designed to lay the groundwork for revolutionary war. Boudiaf was
among them, after falling out with Messali, whom he accused of authoritarian tendencies. The CRUA - PPA/MTLD rivalry
quickly spiralled towards violence, and would continue during the anti-French revolution until the PPA/MTLD (then reorganized
as the Mouvement nationale algrien, MNA) was destroyed. In July 1954, the CRUA-aligned Boudiaf survived an assassination
attempt by his former comrades-in-arms, wounded and left for dead on an Algiers sidewalk. The CRUA re-emerged as the
Front de libration nationale, or FLN, which began a nation-wide armed insurrection against France on November 1, 1954.
Boudiaf was by this time a main leader of the movement, and emerged as an important member of the exiled leadership
working from Cairo and Algeria's neighbouring countries. In 1956, he was captured along with Ahmed Ben Bella and several
other FLN leaders in a controversial aircraft hijacking by French forces, and imprisoned in France. While prisoner, he was
symbolically elected minister in the FLN's government-in-exile, the GPRA, at its creation in 1958, and re-elected in 1960 and
1961. He was not released until immediately before the independence of Algeria in 1962, after a brutal eight-year war that
had cost more than 1.5 million lives. On independence, internal conflict racked the FLN, which split into rival factions as
French forces withdrew. A military-political alliance between col. Houari Boumdine of the Arme de Libration Nationale
(ALN) and Ahmed Ben Bella, of the exiled leadership, brought down their rivals and set up a single-party state under Ben
Bella's presidency. The increasingly marginalized Boudiaf protested these developments, and founded a clandestine
opposition party, the PRS, which briefly revolted against the FLN's single-party government. Boudiaf was forced into exile,
and settled in neighbouring Morocco. After col. Boumdine's coup d'tat in 1965, Boudiaf remained in opposition, as he did
under his successor, col. Chadli Bendjedid (in power 1979-92). His PRS group remained intermittently active in its opposition
towards the government, but for all intents and purposes, Boudiaf had ceased to be a force of any stature in Algerian politics
early on after his exile. In February 1992, after a 27-year exile in Kenitra, 15 miles north of Morocco's capital Rabat, the
military invited him back to become chairman of the High Council of State (HCE) of Algeria, a figurehead body for the military
junta, following the annulment of the election results (see Algerian Civil War). He quickly accepted, and was instantly signed
into the post. Publicly, he was presented as a leader exiled for too long to be tainted by the violence and corruption of
Algeria's internal post-revolutionary politics, but the downside was that he was little known to most of the Algerian public.
However, his calls for comprehensive reform and an end to military domination of politics instilled hope, and he quickly

gained some popularity, even if many still associated him with the military clique that effectively ruled Algeria in his
name. Even as head of state, Boudiaf was completely dependent on the forces that had brought him to
power, and his powers were circumscribed by the military and security establishment. In addition, the
country continued to drift towards civil war, with increasing Islamist violence in the regions
surrounding Algiers and brutal military countermeasures both escalating the situation. The political
scene remained chaotic, the economy was fraying, and Boudiaf seemed unable to effectively carry out
the reforms he had promised. On June 29, 1992, Boudiaf's term as HCE chairman was cut short when
he was assassinated by a bodyguard during a televised public speech at the opening of a cultural
center in Annaba, on his first visit outside Algiers as head of state. The murder caused intense shock
in Algeria, and remains a moment of iconic importance in the country's modern history. Boudiaf
himself has gained considerably in political stature after his death, and is now referred to by many
political commentators as a martyr for Algeria, with many arguing that he could have been the country's savior. The assassin,
Lieutenant Lembarek Boumarafi, was said to have acted as a lone gunman due to his Islamist sympathies. He was
sentenced to death in a closed trial in 1995, but the sentence was not carried out. The murder has, unsurprisingly, been
subject to significant controversy and a major magnet for Algerian conspiracy theories, with many suggesting that Boudiaf
was in fact assassinated by the military establishment responsible for the coup (and for his installment as HCE chairman).
These theories have centered on the fact that Boudiaf had recently initiated a drive against the corruption of the Algerian
regime, and stripped several important military officials of their posts. Mohamed Boudiaf was survived by his wife, Fatiha
Boudiaf. She remains insistent that his death has not been properly investigated.

Ali Hussain Kafi

(Arabic: ; ALA-LC: Al usain Kf; October 7, 1928 April 16, 2013) was an
Algerian politician. He was Chairman of the High Council of State and as acting President of Algeria from July
2, 1992 until January 31, 1994. Kafi was born in El Harrouch in 1928. Kafi was one of the major figures of the
Algerian underground forces that fought for independence from France from 1954 to 1962. At that time he
was promoted to the rank of colonel. Kafi was the Algerian ambassador to several countries,
including Syria, Egypt, Iraq and Italy. He served as the chairman of the High Council of State (a militarybacked collective presidency) of Algeria from July 2, 1992 until January 31, 1994. He was selected as
chairman after the assassination of Muhammad Boudiaf.The Council of State was intended as a transitional
government. In 1992, he promised a referendum that eventually never took place. Kafi died at the age of 84 on 16 April 2013
in Geneva, Switzerland. His body was buried at El-Alia cemetery.

Belaid Abdessalam

(Arabic: ( ) born July 20, 1928 in An El Kebira) is an Algerian politician

and former Prime Minister of Algeria from July 8, 1992 until August 21, 1993. He was a nationalist leader in
the FLN during Algeria's struggle for independence from France. He was minister of industry and power under
the military regime of Houari Boumedienne, and his name is closely connected with the former Algerian state
policy of building a base of heavy industry through planned economy. Abdessalam served as Prime Minister
of Algeria from July 8, 1992 until August 21, 1993. During his tenure, the Algerian government intensified its
conflicts with Islamist rebels, and because of this he eventually resigned.

Redha Malek

(Arabic: ( ) born December 21, 1931 in Batna) was Prime Minister of

Algeria from August 21, 1993 until April 11, 1994. In his short term of office, which came in the
early years of the Algerian Civil War, he pursued a hardline anti-Islamist policy and successfully
negotiated debt relief with the International Monetary Fund (IMF), following the implementation of
an IMF reform plan. In October 1999, Prime Minister Malek went on Faisal al-Kassim's television
show, "The Opposite Direction". After receiving a critical question, Malek told Al-Kassim to stop
taping. Al-Kassim replied, "I can't. We broadcast live. You're not in Algeria." Malek cursed at the host and left in the middle of
the program. He was born in Batna on December 21, 1931, and was editor of the FLN newspaper El Moudjahid between 1957
and 1962, during the Algerian War of Independence (195462). After 1963, he was sent as ambassador to Yugoslavia, France,
the Soviet Union, the United States (197982), and the United Kingdom; he also briefly became Minister of Information and
Culture (1977-9) and later Foreign Minister (February 3-August 21, 1993). He later became head of minor political party, the
National Republican Alliance (ANR), founded May 5, 1995 shortly after a presidential election. His daughter Ourida graduated
from the University of Texas, Austin.

Liamine Zroual

(Arabic: ; Berber: Lyamin Zerwal) (born July 3, 1941) was the President of
Algeria from January 31, 1994 until April 27, 1999. He was born in Batna and joined the National Liberation
Army in 1957, at the age of 16, to fight French rule of Algeria. After independence, he received training in
Cairo, Moscow, and Paris. In 1975, he took command of a military school in Batna, then in 1981 of the
Cherchell Military Academy. He was then made commander of the Tamanrasset military region in 1982,
then the Moroccan border in 1984, then Constantine in 1987. He became a general in 1988, then head of
ground forces in 1989. After disagreeing with President Chadli Bendjedid about proposals for army reorganisation, he quit in
1990, and briefly became ambassador to Romania. However, after Bendjedid was deposed by the military coup of January
1992, his career prospects became more promising. In July 1993, he became Minister of Defense; in January 1994 he was
promoted to head of the High Council of State. In November 1995, he was elected President, a post which he retained until
the next elections. He was reputed to be politically dialoguist, supporting a partly negotiated solution to the Algerian Civil
War. Although some urged Zroual to run in the 2009 presidential election, he said in a published statement on January 14,
2009 that he would not run, while also suggesting that it was not in the best interests of democracy for President Abdelaziz
Bouteflika to run for a third term.

Mokdad Sifi

(Arabic: ; born April 21, 1940) is an Algerian politician. Sifi was Prime Minister from April
11, 1994 until December 31, 1995. He was a Member of Parliament and once considered running for the
Presidency. However, Sifi withdrew in April 1999 along with six of the seven other candidates, allowing the
only remaining candidate, Abdelaziz Bouteflika, to become president. Siffi was said to have favored a marketoriented economy and no amnesty for the Islamic Salvation Front.

Ahmed Ouyahia

(Arabic: ( ) born July 2, 1952) is an Algerian politician who was Prime Minister of Algeria from
June 23, 2008 until September 3, 2012. He was previously Prime Minister from December 31, 1995 until December 15, 1998
and from May 5, 2003 until May 24, 2006. A career diplomat, he also served as Minister of Justice, and was one of the
founders and a president of the RND party. He is considered by Western observers to be close to the military of Algeria and a
member of the "eradicator" faction in the 1990s civil war against Islamist militants. Ouyahia was born in the village of
Bouadnane in Tizi Ouzou Province in the Kabylia region of Algeria. Following a primary education starting in Algiers in the
academic year 1958/1959 and ending in the academic year 1964/1965, Ouyahia followed a secondary education at the Lycee
El Idrissi (El Idrissi High School) in Algiers starting from the academic year 1965/1966. Ouyahia obtained his diploma of
Baccalaurat s-lettres in 1972. In 1972, Ahmed Ouyahia joined the entry examination for the "Ecole Nationale
d'Administration" of Algiers. Having scored among the top three applicants, along with Ahmed Attaf, Ouyahia joined the Ecole
Nationale d'Administration and specialised in Diplomacy. He graduated in 1976 and did his military service from 1976 to
1978, at the El Mouradia compound of the Algerian Presidency where he was a member of the press relations team. In 1979
Ouyahia joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and was assigned to the African Affairs Department. In 1980 he was sent as an
adviser for foreign affairs to the ambassador of Algeria in Cte d'Ivoire, where he served until 1982. In 1982 he was assigned
as a foreign affairs advisor to the Head of the Permanent Mission of Algeria at the United Nations Headquarters in New York.
In 1988 Ouyahia became the general director of the African Department of the Algerian Foreign Affairs Ministry. From 1988 to
1989 Ouyahia was co-representative to the United Nations Security Council. He was an adviser to the Algerian Minister of
Foreign Affairs from 1990 to 1991. He led the African Department until 1991, when he was sent as Algeria's ambassador to
Mali from 1992 to 1993. There he helped negotiate a 1992 peace deal in the Malian Tuareg Rebellion between the warring
Malian government of Alpha Oumar Konar and the Azawad Tuareg movement: the short lived "Pacte National" treaty. In
August 1993, Ouyahia was called back to Algiers to serve in the government of Redha Malek as Under Secretary of State for
African and Arab Affairs, Secretary of State for Cooperation and Maghreb Affairs. In April 1994 he was nominated as the
Cabinet Director of President Liamine Zeroual, where he was in charge of political affairs such as the negotiations with the
leaders of the banned Islamic Salvation Front party (FIS) and the preparations of the 1995 presidential elections that
President Liamine Zeroual won in November 1995. His role in as a member of the so-called "eradicator" faction, advocating
all out war against the insurgency during the Algerian Civil War that killed more than 150,000 on both sides, earned him
criticism by some Western Human Rights groups. He is particularly associated with the creation in the late 1990s of the GLD
citizen militias ("Legitimate Defence Groups", "Groupes de lgitime dfense"). In December 1995 Ouyahia was nominated as
Prime Minister and held that position until December 1998, when he resigned following the election of Abdelaziz Bouteflika to
the presidency of Algeria. The economic condition of Algeria in the late 1990s, as well as a wave of public sector strikes,
contributed to his increasing unpopularity as Prime Minister and his December 1998 resignation. As well, opposition
parliamentarians accused Ouyahia of rigging the 1997 elections. In 2000 Ouyahia was elected leader of his party, the
National Rally for Democracy (RND), which he had earlier helped to found. He was Minister of State and Justice from 1999 to
2002[2] in Bouteflika's first government. During this time Ouyahia was assigned the task of securing a peace deal in the war
between Ethiopia and Eritrea by Bouteflika, who was also President of Organisation for African Unity during the year 2000.
Ouyahia worked in conjunction with Anthony Lake, former National Security Advisor to President Bill Clinton of the United
States, and a peace deal was secured and signed in Algiers in December 2000. A strong defender of the government, in
February 2001, Ouyahia proposed new laws as Justice Minister which would have imposed a 3-year prison term for authors of
articles or drawings deemed "defamatory" to political leaders. In June 2002, following the defeat of the RND in the 2002
parliamentary election, Ouyahia resigned and was nominated in the next government as Minister of State and Special
Representative of the President, an honorary position entailing no governing power. In May 2003, Ouyahia was nominated as
Prime Minister for a second time, following a political crisis between President Bouteflika and Prime Minister Ali Benflis, who
was dismissed. Ouyahia served as Prime Minister for three years, until his resignation on May 24, 2006 amidst political
arguments between Ouyahia's political party and Bouteflika's political party, the FLN. Starting on October 14, 2003 and
lasting through November, the National Council of Secondary and Technical Education Professors (CNAPEST) and the
Secondary School Council of Algiers (CLA) went on strike over low wages. Education Minister Boubekeur Benbouzid, backed
by Prime Minister Ahmed Ouyahia, refused to meet with representatives of either union because they were not officially
recognized. Instead, the Government ordered the suspension of more than 300 teachers and threatened further sanctions.
only after the officially recognized UGTA affiliate National Federation of Education Workers (FNTE) joined the strike did the
agree to raise wages. The domestic press again asserted that his May 2006 resignation was due to public unpopularity after
his opposition to public sector strikes, his opposition to a plan put forward by the rival FNL to raise salaries, and by his
support for privatisation of industries. In June 2004, Ouyahia called Al-Jazeera television, recently closed indefinitely by his
government "a channel whose sole aim was to tarnish Algeria's image." The channel had broadcast several reports critical of
the government the week prior to its closeur. From 1993 to 2000, around 4,000 men and women suddenly disappeared in
Algeria after being arrested by security forces. Ouyahia has been accused by Western Human rights groups of downplaying
the number missing and criticised for claiming that "a large number of the so-called disappeared were in fact in the ranks of
terrorist groups. Ouyahia has been widely credited with mediating a longstanding dispute between Berber leaders from his
native Kabylie and the government. In 2005 the government took steps to defuse tensions with the Kabylie and address the
concerns of regional leaders. In particular, Prime Minister Ahmed Ouyahia reached agreement on a number of Kabylie
grievances with Arouch leader Belaid Abrika, who had been physically assaulted during a public protest rally and seriously
injured in 2003 by members of government security services. The accord addressed economic and social concerns and made
possible regional elections in November 2005. Ouyahia made a number of visits to opposition leaders, and reached out in the

Berber-language media for reconciliation. After some prominent involvement in international diplomatic
meetings earlier in 2008, Ouyahia was again named Prime Minister by Bouteflika on June 23, 2008. On this
occasion, he pledged "to continue to apply the policy programme of the President of the Republic".The
foreign and domestic press have commented on the sometime stormy relations between Ouyahia and
Bouteflika, which has not stood in the way of his Prime Ministership. Ouyahia's term ended on
September 3, 2012, and he was replaced by Abdulmalek Sellal.

Smail Hamdani

(born in 1930 in the region Bordj Bou-Arreridj) was Prime

Minister from December 15, 1998 until December 23, 1999 of Algeria. Hamdani
already fought in the Algerian war against the colonial rule of the French. After
independence in 1962, he was Chef de Cabinet of the provisional government of
Abderrahmane
Fars. He was then to 1965, advisor to the Algerian Ambassador to Brussels and
then to 1970 held
the office of a State Department spokesman and senior adviser for the diplomats
of the country. From 1970 to 1979 he was adviser to the president and secretary general of the FLN party unity. Then he was
until 1983 President Chadli Bendjedid consultant and served in the next five years as ambassador in Europe (France, Sweden
and Spain). After massive unrest among the Berbers in June and July 1998 occurred because the Berber languages were not
recognized as an official language, the head of state needed a new man at the head of government. He therefore appointed
Hamdani on 15 December 1998 as a successor of Ahmed Ouyahia as prime minister. In the presidential elections in 1999 was
elected head of state Abdelaziz Bouteflika, a new. This Hamdani dismissed on 23 December 1999 and replaced him with
Ahmed Benbitour.
Abdelaziz Bouteflika (Arabic pronunciation: [abd lziz butfliqa]; Arabic: ( ) born March 2, 1937) is an
Algerian politician who has been the fifth President of Algeria since April 27, 1999. He presided over the end of the bloody
Algerian Civil War in 2002, and he ended emergency rule in February 2011 amidst regional unrest. In November 2012, he
surpassed Houari Boumediene as the longest-serving president of Algeria. Protests in Algeria took place between 2010 and
2012; protesters demanded a regime change, as well as solutions to problems with unemployment, corruption, restrictions of
freedom of speech, and poor living conditions . He has also served as president of the United Nations General Assembly.
Abdelaziz Bouteflika was born on March 2, 1937 in Oujda, Morocco. He was the first child of his mother and the second child
of his father (Fatima, his half-sister, preceded him). His father (Ahmed Bouteflika) and mother (Mansouria Ghezlaoui)
originated from the region of Tlemcen. Bouteflika has three half-sisters (Fatima, Yamina, and Acha), as well as four brothers
(Abdelghani, Mustapha, Abderahim and Sad) and one sister (Latifa). Sad serves as Abdelaziz Bouteflika's personal physician,
and is said by some to be an important figure in Bouteflika's inner circle of advisers. Bouteflika was raised in Oujda, where his
father had emigrated as a youngster. He successively attended three schools there: "Sidi Ziane", "El Hoceinia" and the "Abdel
Moumen" high-school, where he reportedly excelled academically. He was also affiliated with Kadiri Zaouia in Oujda. In 1956,
Bouteflika went to the village of Ouled Amer near Tlemcen and subsequently joined -at the age of 19- the Army of National
Liberation which was a military branch of the National liberation Front party. He was militarily instructed at the "Ecole des
Cadres" in Dar El Kebdani, Morocco. In 1957-1958, He was designated a controller of the Wilaya V, making reports on the
conditions at the Moroccan border and in west Algeria, but later became the administrative secretary of Houari Boumdienne.
He emerged as one of the closest collaborators of the influential Boumdienne, and a core member of his Oujda group. In
1962, at the arrival of independence, he aligned with Boumdienne and the border armies in support of Ahmed Ben Bella
against the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic. After Algeria's independence in 1962, Bouteflika became deputy
of Tlemcen in the Constituent Assembly and Minister for Youth and Sport in the government led by Ahmed Ben Bella. The
following year, he was appointed as Minister for Foreign Affairs, and would remain in the post until the death of President
Houari Boumdienne in 1978. He was also President of the 29th UN General Assembly in 1974 and that of the Seventh special
session in 1975. While in these posts he came in for severe criticism from US for what were regarded as politically partisan
decisions. In 1981, he was sued for having stolen Algerian embassies money between 1965 and 1979. On the 8th of August
1983, Bouteflika was convicted by The Court of Financial Auditors and found guilty of having fraudulently taken 60 million
dinars during his diplomatic career. In his defence Bouteflika said that he reserved that money to build a new building for the
foreign affairs ministry, the court judged his argument as fallacious. In 1979, just after the death of Boumdine, Bouteflika
reimbursed 12 212 875, 81 out of the 70 millions that was put in a Swiss bank. Although Bouteflika was granted amnesty by
the president Chadli Bendjedid, his colleagues Senouci and Boudjakdji were jailed. After the amnesty, Bouteflika was given
back his diplomatic passport, a villa where he used to live but did not own, and all his debt was erased. He never paid back
the money "he reserved for a new foreign affairs ministry's building". On Boumdienne's unexpected death in 1978,
Bouteflika was seen as one of the two main candidates to succeed the powerful president. Bouteflika was thought to
represent the party's "right wing" that was more open to economic reform and rapprochement with the West. Colonel
Mohamed Salah Yahiaoui represented the "boumdiennist" left wing. In the end, the military opted for a compromise
candidate, the senior army colonel Chadli Bendjedid. Bouteflika was reassigned the role of Minister of State, but successively
lost power as Bendjedid's policies of "de-Boumdiennisation" marginalized the old guard. After six years abroad, the army
brought him back to the Central Committee of the FLN in 1989, after the country had entered a troubled period of unrest and
disorganized attempts at reform, with power-struggles between Bendjedid and a group of army generals paralyzing decisionmaking. In 1992, the reform process ended abruptly when the army took power and scrapped elections that were about to
bring the fundamentalist Islamic Salvation Front to power. This triggered a civil war that would last throughout the 1990s.
During this period, Bouteflika stayed on the sidelines, with little presence in the media and no political role. In January 1994,
Bouteflika is said to have refused the Armys proposal to succeed the assassinated president, Mohamed Boudiaf; he claimed
later that this was because the army would not grant him full control over the armed forces. Instead, General Liamine Zroual
became President. In 1999, Zroual unexpectedly stepped down and announced early elections. The reasons behind his
decision remain unclear, but it is widely claimed that his pro-reconciliation policies towards the Islamist insurgency had
incurred the wrath of a hard-line faction in the armed forces; or that some other disagreement with the military, which still
dominated politics, lay behind the schism. Bouteflika ran for President as an independent candidate, supported by the
military. He was elected with 74% of the votes, according to the official count. All other candidates withdrew from the election
immediately prior to the vote, citing fraud concerns. Bouteflika subsequently organized a referendum on his policies to
restore peace and security to Algeria (involving amnesties for Islamist guerrillas) and to test his support among his
countrymen after the contested election. He won with 81% of the vote, but this figure was also disputed by opponents.

During his first mandate Bouteflika launched a five year economic plan (20002004), called the Support Plan for Economic
Recovery (PSRE: Plan de Soutien la Relance Economique). The plan was a package of various sub-plans such as the National
Plan for Agricultural Development (PNDA: Plan National pour le Dveloppement Agricole), aimed at boosting agricultural
production. Other sub-plans included the construction of social housing units, roads, and other infrastructure projects. The
PSRE totalled $7 billion worth of spending, and gave satisfactory results with the economy averaging higher than 5% annual
growth rates, with a peak of 6.3% in the year 2003. Bouteflika also pushed through a fiscal reform which contributed to the
economic revival. Bouteflika was also active on the international scene, presiding over what many have characterized as
Algeria's return to international affairs, after almost a decade of international isolation. He presided over the African Union in
2000 and secured the Algiers Peace Treaty between Eritrea and Ethiopia, and supported peace efforts in the African Great
Lakes region. He also secured a friendship treaty with neighbouring Spain in 2002, and welcomed president Chirac of France
on a state visit to Algiers in 2003. This was intended as a prelude to the signature of a friendship treaty. Algeria has been
particularly active in African relations, and in mending ties with the West, as well as trying to some extent to resurrect its role
in the declining non-Aligned movement. However, it has played a more limited role in Arab politics, its other traditional
sphere of interest. Relations with the Kingdom of Morocco remained quite tense, with diplomatic clashes on the issue of the
Western Sahara, despite some expectations of a thaw in 1999, which was also the year of King Mohamed VI's accession to
the throne in Morocco. On April 8, 2004, he was re-elected by an unexpectedly high 85% of the vote in an election that was
accepted by OSCE observers as a free and fair election, despite minor irregularities. This was contested by his rival and
former Chief of Staff Ali Benflis. Several opponents alleged that the election had not been fair, and pointed to extensive state
control over the broadcast media. The electoral victory was widely seen as a confirmation of Bouteflika's strengthened control
over the state apparatus, and many saw the following retirement of longtime armed forces commander Gen. Mohammed
Lamari in the light of this. He and military commanders allied to him were thought to have opposed Bouteflika's bid for a
second term and backed Benflis. Other major military power-brokers would be reassigned to minor posts or withdraw from
politics in the years that followed, underlining Bouteflika's gradual monopolizing of decision-making. The Kabyle population
boycotted the election; participation did not exceed 11%. During the first year of his second term, President Bouteflika held a
referendum on his "Charter for Peace and National Reconciliation", inspired by the 1995 "Sant'Egidio Platform" document.
Bouteflika's plan aims at concluding his efforts of ending the civil war, from a political and judicial point of view. He obtained
large popular support with this referendum and has since instructed the government and Parliament to work on the technical
details of its implementation. Critics claimed that the plan will only grant immunity to members of the armed forces
responsible for crimes, as well as to terrorists and have argued for a plan similar to South Africa's "truth and reconciliation
commission" to be adopted instead. Bouteflika dismissed the calls, claiming that each country needs to find its own solutions
to ending painful chapters of its history. He has received large political support on this issue, from both the Islamist and the
Nationalist camps, and from parts of the Democratic opposition. The amnesty plan was rejected by the main remaining
insurgent group, the GSPC, although perhaps as many as several hundred fighters still left their hideouts to claim amnesty.
The group's warfare against the Algerian state continues despite reconciliation plan, although Bouteflika's government claims
it has had an impact in removing support for the group. In 2006, the GSPC was officially accepted as a branch of al-Qaida in a
video message by Ayman al-Zawahiri; soon thereafter, it changed its name to al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM).
Bouteflika has kept the amnesty option open apparently open-ended despite the end of the deadline stipulated by the
reconciliation law while simultaneously pursuing the rebel group militarily. Algerian forces have scored several major
captures of GSPC/AQIM commanders, but the groups top leadership remains at large, and armed activity is frequent in
Kabylie, with AQIM-connected smuggling networks active in parts of the desert south. Unlike in previous years, AQIM have
begun using suicide attack tactics and in 2007-2008 launched several major attacks in Algiers and other big cities. The first
year of Bouteflika's second term also featured a new five year plan, much larger this time drafted. The Complementary Plan
for Economic Growth Support (PCSC: Plan Complementaire de la Croissance Economique) aims for the construction of 1
million housing units, the creation of 2 million jobs, the completion of the East-West highway, the completion of the Algiers
subway project, the delivery of the new Algiers airport, and other similar large scale infrastructure projects. The PCSC totals
$60 billion of spending over the five year period. Bouteflika also aims to bring down the external debt from $21 billion to $12
billion in the same time. He has also obtained from Parliament the reform of the law governing the oil and gas industries,
despite initial opposition from the workers unions. However, Bouteflika has since stepped back from this position, supporting
amendments to the hydrocarbon law in 2006, which propose watering down some of the clauses of the 2005 legislation
relating to the role of Sonatrach, the state owned oil & gas company, in new developments. It also proposes new provisions
enabling the country to benefit from windfall taxes on foreign investors in times of high prices. Bouteflika has also put up for
sale 1300 public sector companies, and has already achieved privatization of about 150 of them, mainly in the tourism, food
processing, cement, construction material and chemical industries. On the international scene, Bouteflika's second term has
seen diplomatic tensions rise with France due to the controversial voting by the French Parliament of a law ordering French
history school books to teach that French colonisation had positive effects abroad, especially in North Africa. The diplomatic
crisis which ensued has put on hold the signing of a friendship treaty with France (February 23, 2004, re-endorsed in
December 2005). Ties to Russia have been strengthened by large imports of Russian military hardware about 7 billion USD
were spent in one single purchase although relations entered a rocky phase, at least temporarily, when Algeria refused to
accept some MiG fighter jets due to their allegedly poor quality. Rumors of the two countries negotiating a form of cartel for
natural gas, similar to OPEC's role in oil affairs, with Iran and Qatar also involved, have appeared repeatedly, and Bouteflika
has confirmed an interest in the idea. (Russia is the no. 1 gas supplier to the EU, and Algeria the no. 2 supplier.) Bouteflika
has also carefully cultivated a relationship with China, with exchanges of state visits between the two countries. Algeria has
remained involved in Arab affairs, and seen a somewhat growing role there. In 2004 Bouteflika also organised the Arab
League Summit and became President of the Arab League for one year. His calls for reform of the League did not gain
sufficient support to pass in during the Algiers summit however. Like in previous years since the late 1980s, Algeria has kept
a relatively low profile in the Palestine and Iraq issues. Algeria has remained preoccupied with the Western Sahara issue,
counter-lobbying Moroccan attempts to gain international acceptance for Moroccan-ruled autonomy in the disputed territory,
at the expense of Polisario's (and Algeria's) calls for the long-since decided self-determination referendum to finally be held.
Relations with Morocco therefore remain poor, and Algeria in 2008 repeatedly refused to answer Moroccan demands to open
the common land border, which has been closed since 1994. Both Morocco and Algeria have since approximately 2005 spent
several billion dollars in what could be described as an arms race between them, mainly on modernizing and expanding their

air forces. In sub-Saharan Africa, a major concern of Bouteflika's Algeria has been on-and-off Tuareg rebellions in northern
Mali. Algeria has asserted itself forcefully as mediator in the conflict, perhaps underlining its growing
regional influence. Algerian interest is driven by its extensive interests in the region: smuggling routes
as well as legal economic activity crosses these virtually unguarded borderlands, and refugees from the
conflict have entered southern Algeria to mix with the Tuareg populations there. Also, the area is known
as a hideout of a southern branch of AQIM, further heightening Algeria's interest in the area.
Compromise peace agreements were reached in 2007 and 2008, both mediated by Algiers. The related
Touareg revolt in neighbouring Niger has not seen the same Algerian involvement, even if the antigovernment MNJ movement has on at least one occasion called for Algerian mediation similar to in Mali.
Algeria's involvement in Africa has otherwise been concerned with supporting the African Union, and
been marked by a rapidly strengthening coordination with South Africa, which, among other things, has
emerged as Algeria's main ally on the Western Sahara issue. All in all, Algeria's foreign policy under
Bouteflika remains hinged on same axis as under earlier governments, emphasizing South-South ties,
especially with growing Third World powers (China, South Africa, Brazil, etc.) and guarding the country's
independence in decision-making visavis the West, although simultaneously striving for good trade relations and nonconfrontational political relations with the EU and USA. President of Vietnam Nguyen Minh Triet on July 16, 2009 met with
Bouteflika on the sidelines of the 15th Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) summit in Egypt. President Triet and Bouteflika agreed
that the two countries still have great potential for development of political and trade relations. Triet thanked the Algerian
government for creating favourable conditions for the Vietnam Oil and Gas Group to invest in oil and gas exploration and
exploitation in Algeria. Bouteflika was admitted to a hospital in France on 26 November 2005, reportedly suffering from a
gastric ulcer hemorrhage, and discharged three weeks later. However, the length of time for which Bouteflika remained
virtually incommunicado led to rumours that he was critically ill with stomach cancer. He checked into the hospital again in
April 2006. A leaked diplomatic cable reveals that by the end of 2008, Bouteflika had developed stomach cancer. Bouteflika
appointed a new Prime Minister, Abdelaziz Belkhadem, in 2006. Belkhadem then announced plans to amend the Algerian
Constitution to allow the President to run for office indefinitely and increase his powers. This was widely regarded as aimed to
let Bouteflika run for president a third term, and he has not denied that he plans to do so. A referendum was originally
scheduled for 2007, but cancelled for reasons never explained. In 2008, Belkhadem was again shifted out of the premiership
and his predecessor Ahmed Ouyahia brought in, having also come out in favor of the constitutional amendment. A
constitutional amendment is believed to be planned for 2008 before the term expires in the form of a referendum or a
parliamentary vote. Observers predict an easy win for Bouteflika in both cases, if he manages to retain the loyalty of major
powerbrokers: forces loyal to him dominate the parliament, and he had no trouble winning the presidential election in 2004
by a wide margin. Even so, the proposed amendment remains hotly debated and controversial in Algerian political circles,
with many in opposition groups describing it as an undemocratic attempt to further strengthen Bouteflika's personal rule. The
Council of Ministers announced on 3 November 2008 that the planned constitutional revision proposal would remove the
presidential term limit previously included in Article 74. The People's National Assembly endorsed the removal of the term
limit on November 12, 2008; only the Rally for Culture and Democracy (RCD) voted against its removal. Following the
constitutional amendment allowing him to run for a third term, on February 12, 2009, Bouteflika announced his independent
candidacy in the 2009 presidential election. On April 10, 2009, it was announced that Bouteflika had won the election with
90.24% of the vote, on a turnout of 74%, thereby obtaining a new five-year term. Several opposition parties had boycotted
the election, with the opposition Socialist Forces Front citing a "tsunami of massive fraud." On April 18, 2014, he was reelected with 81% of the vote, while Benflis was second placed with 12.18%. The turnout was 51.7%, down from the 75%
turnout in 2009. Several opposition parties boycotted the election again, resulting in allegations of fraud. In spring and
summer 2013, Boutflika stayed nearly four months in a hospital in Paris dealing with health problems. Bouteflika was
admitted to a clinic at Grenoble in France in November 2014.

Ahmed Benbitour

(Arabic: ( ) born June 20, 1946) is an Algerian politician who was Prime
Minister of Algeria from December 23, 1999 until August 27, 2000. He was born at Metlilli, Ghardaa,
Benbitour graduated from Universit de Montral in 1984 with a Ph.D. in Economics. He now lives in London,
England. Benbitour was finance minister briefly during 1996. Subsequently he was the Prime Minister of
Algeria from December 1999 until August 2000, when he resigned. In 2008, Benbitour said that relaunching
the Maghreb Union, rather than a Union for the Mediterranean, would be better for Algeria.

Ali Benflis (born September 8, 1944 in Batna) is an Algerian politician and former Prime Minister
of Algeria from August 27, 2000 until May 5, 2003. After graduating from law school first opened
Benflis a law office in his home town of Batna. In 1987 he founded the Algerian League for Human
Rights and served from 1988 to 1991, more professional justice minister in various cabinets. In
1995 he went to the Central Committee of the former single party FLN and in 2003 took over the post of
Secretary-General. In 1999 he began a campaign for the presidential and Abdelaziz Bouteflika himself was on as his close
friend after the resignation of Ahmed Benbitours 26th August 2000 as the new head of government. On April 8, 2004 entered
Benflis finally defeated the incumbent president Bouteflika at the presidential elections, but had suffered a bitter defeat, and
was behind Bouteflika (84.99%) with only 6.42% in second. On January 19, 2014, Benflis announced his intention to stand as
a candidate in the 2014 presidential election. Algerian Interior Minister Taieb Belaiz announced on April 18, 2014 that
Bouteflika had won 81.53% of the vote, while Benflis was second placed with 12.18%. The turnout was 51.7%, down from the
75% turnout in 2009. After the polls closed, Benflis criticised the election as having been marked by "fraud on a massive
scale." The turnout figures were also criticised for allegedly being inflated. Ali Benflis is married, and is the father of four
children.

Abdelaziz Belkhadem

(Arabic: ( ) born November 8, 1945) is an Algerian politician who was

Prime Minister of Algeria from May 24, 2006 until June 23, 2008. He is the Secretary-General of the National
Liberation Front (FLN), and since 2008 he has been Minister of State and Personal Representative
of President Abdelaziz Bouteflika. Belkhadem was born in Aflou, Laghouat Province, Algeria. A
graduate in literature and economics, he began his professional life in 1964 as a financial inspector
and later was a professor of Arabic literature. In 1972, President Houari Boumdine appointed him
as Deputy Director of International Relations at the Presidency, and he held that post until 1977.
As an FLN candidate, Belkhadem was elected to the People's National Assembly (APN) in 1977 from Sougueur in Tiaret, and
was re-elected as a deputy from Sougueur in 1982 and 1987. During his time as a deputy, he was rapporteur of the APN's
Planning and Finance Committee before being elected as President of the Education, Training, and Scientific Research
Committee in 1987. He was Vice-President of the APN from 1988 to 1990 and President of the APN from October 1990 to
1992. Belkhadem was a member of the Political Bureau of the FLN from 1991 to 1997. Later, he was Minister of State and
Minister of Foreign Affairs from July 2000 to May 2005, and then Minister of State and personal representative of the Head of
State (President Abdelaziz Bouteflika) from May 2005 to May 2006. [1] He was appointed as Prime Minister on May 24, 2006,
replacing Ahmed Ouyahia. One of two bombings in Algiers on April 11, 2007 struck near Belkhadem's office. He was not
harmed in the attack and condemned the bombings as "criminal and cowardly". At least 23 people were reported killed in the
two bombings. Following the May 2007 parliamentary election, Belkhadem presented the resignation of his government, as
expected, and this was accepted by President Bouteflika on June 1. Belkhadem remained in office in a caretaker capacity,
along with 11 ministers; the remaining 15, who won parliamentary seats in the election, were required to choose between
those seats and their positions as ministers. Bouteflika reappointed Belkhadem as Prime Minister in a new government on
June 4. Bouteflika appointed Ouyahia as Prime Minister on June 23, 2008, replacing Belkhadem, who was instead appointed as
Bouteflika's personal representative.

Youcef Yousfi

(Arabic: ( ) born October 2, 1941) is an Algerian politician who has

been Minister of Energy and Mines from May 28, 2010 until May 14, 2015. He briefly served as
Acting Prime Minister of Algeria from March 13 until April 29, 2014. He was also Minister of Foreign Affairs
of Algeria from December 23, 1999 until August 28, 2000. Yousfi was Algeria's Permanent
Representative to the United Nations from 2006 to 2008. Born in Batna, Yousfi graduated from the cole
nationale suprieure des industries chimiques (National School ofChemical Engineering) in France, and
obtained a PhD in physics from the Universit de Nancy. He also has a degree in economics. Yousfi was a
senior lecturer, then a professor of chemical engineering at the National Polytechnic School, and then the
Houari Boumediene University of Sciences and Technologies, both in Algiers. He was also director of the
chemistry institute there. He was also an oil adviser at the Ministry of Industry and Energy. In the late 1970s, Yousfi was
appointed as marketing vice-president at Sonatrach, and in 1985, he became its CEO. In 1996, he became chief of
staff to Algerian President, Liamine Zroual. In 1997, he was appointed as Minister of Oil and Energy and was also first
elected as a member of the People's National Assembly. In early 1999, Yousfi became president of the Organization of the
Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC). On December 23, 1999 he was appointed as Minister of Foreign Affairs. He was
replaced by Abdelaziz Belkhadem in the post in August 2000, when Yousfi moved on to become Minister-Delegate to Prime
Minister, Ali Benflis. In April 2001, Yousfi was nominated as Ambassador of Algeria to Canada, before becoming Permanent
Representative to the United Nations in 2006. Yousfi is married and has three children.

Abdelmalek Sellal ((

( ) born August 1, 1948) is a Algerian politician who has been Prime

Minister of Algeria since April 29, 2014. He was also Prime Minister of Algeria from September 3, 2012 until
March 13, 2014. Sellal was born in 1948. Sellal worked as Chief of Staff at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
from 1995 to 1996 and was posted in Budapest as Ambassador toHungary from 1996 to 1997.
Subsequently he was appointed to the government, serving as Minister of the Interior from 1998 to 1999,
Minister of Youth and Sports from 1999 to 2001, Minister of Public Works from 2001 to 2002, Minister of
Transport from 2002 to 2004, and Minister of Water Resources from 2004 to 2012. Sellal was appointed as
Prime Minister by President Abdelaziz Bouteflika on September 3, 2012. Sellal is regarded as
a technocratand was involved in Bouteflika's presidential election campaigns in 2004 and 2009. He
replaced Ahmed Ouyahia as Prime Minister. Sellal stepped down in March 2014 in order to lead the re-election campaign of
the ailing President Bouteflika. After Bouteflika's victory, he reappointed Sellal as Prime Minister on April 28, 2014.

ANDORA
Diocese of Urgell
The Diocese of Urgell is a Roman Catholic diocese in Catalonia, Spain, and Andorra, with origins in the fifth century AD or
possibly earlier. It is based in the region of the historical Catalan county of Urgell, though it has different borders. The seat
and Cathedral of bishop are situated in a town la Seu d'Urgell. The whole state of Andorra is a part of this diocese Among its
most notable events are Bishop Felix's adoptionist revolt, the coup of Bishop Esclua and the overthrowing of the bishop by
members of aristocratic families (namely Salla i Ermengol del Conflent, Eribau i Folcs dels Cardona, Guillem Guifr de
Cerdanya and Ot de Pallars) between the years 981 and 1122. Also important is the diocese's patronage of Andorra, with the
bishop holding the role of ex officio Co-Prince of the Pyrenean Catalan-speaking nation jointly with the President of the French
Republic (and formerly, the King of France).Andorra was ceded to the Bishop of Urgell by the Count Ermengol IV of Urgell in
the 12th century. Up to 1802, the ecclesiastical border corresponded with the royal one established under the Treaty of the
Pyrenees in 1659. As such the 33 towns of the northern Cerdanya (now in France) came under the diocese's control.

List of Bishops of Diocese of Urgell

Justo was the bishop of Urgell from 527 to 546.
Epigan was the bishop of Urgell in 550.
Marcel I was the bishop of Urgell in 570.
Simplici was the bishop of Urgell from 589 to 599.
Gabila

was the bishop of Urgell in 604.

Renari

was the bishop of Urgell in 633.

Meurell was the bishop of Urgell from 653 to 665.

Leuderic I was the bishop of Urgell from 665 to 683.
Jacint was the bishop of Urgell from 672 to 680.
Leuberic was the bishop of Urgell from 683 to 693
Urbici was the bishop of Urgell from 693 to 704.
Marcel II was the bishop of Urgell from 704 to 721.
Just II was the bishop of Urgell from 721 to 733.
Anambad was the bishop of Urgell from 733 to 731.
Leuderic II was the bishop of Urgell from 732 to 754.
Esteve was the bishop of Urgell from 754 to 765.
Dotila was the bishop of Urgell from 765 to 783.
Flix was the bishop of Urgell from 783 to 792.
Radulf was the bishop of Urgell from 792 to 798.

Leidrat de Li was the bishop of Urgell from 799 to 806.

Posedoni I was the bishop of Urgell from 806 to 819.
Sisebut I was the bishop of Urgell from 819 to 823.
Posedoni II was the bishop of Urgell from 823 to 833.
Sisebut

was the bishop of Urgell from 833 to 840.

Florenci

was the bishop of Urgell from 840 to 850.

Beat was the bishop of Urgell from 850 to 857.

Guisad I was the bishop of Urgell from 857 to 872.
Golderic was the bishop of Urgell from 872 to 885.
Esclua

was the bishop of Urgell from 885 to 892.

Ingobert

was the bishop of Urgell from 893 to 900.

Nantigis was the bishop of Urgell from 900 to 914.

Trigilbert was the bishop of Urgell in 914.
Radulf

was the bishop of Urgell from 914 to 940.

Guisad I was the bishop of Urgell from 940 to 981.

Salla (Latin: Sanla) was the Bishop of Urgell from 981

to 1010, and "one of the first Catalan figures whose own words"
survive sufficiently to give colour to his personality and actions", although all of the words attributed to him were written
down by scribes. He receives mention in some sixty-three surviving contemporary documents. As bishop, Sal la dated
documents by the reign of Hugh the Great. Although his episcopate largely preceded the Peace of God movement in
Catalonia, his excommunication of high-ranking public figures during a churchstate dispute in 991 anticipated it. He also
pioneered feudal practices such as the granting of fiefs and was frequently "ahead of the feudalising wave". Salla was the
son of Isarn, semi-independent viscount of Conflent. His brother Bernat and Bernat's son Arnau, both viscounts in succession
after Isarn, make no appeal to comital authority in all their surviving documents. Salla was perhaps named after his uncle
Salla, founder of Sant Benet de Bages and "perhaps the greatest frontier magnate in tenth-century Catalonia after the
counts". Throughout their lives, Salla and his brother Bernat endeavoured by exchanges and divisions of their patrimony
(inherited estates) to consolidate the former's lands in Urgell and the latter's in Conflent and Ausona, around their respective
power bases. Salla was also related, it is not known how, to the viscounts of Ausona. All the bishops of Urgell from 942 to
1040 were members of this same extended family. By 974 he was an archdeacon in the Cathedral of Urgell. At a date
unknown, after Salla became bishop, the viscount of Urgell, Guillem, swore an oath of fealty to Salla personally rather than
to the cathedral or its patron, the Virgin. This was commonplace at a later date, but such oaths to the bishop directly are
unusual among the documents of tenth-century Catalonia, and Guillem's may be the earliest a record of which survives.
There are three surviving charters, the first of their kind in Catalonia, which show Salla selling or giving back land that had
first been donated to the cathedral by the one receiving it back, who owed for it an annual render in wax. [8] The amount is
uniform across all the donations and is the same as in a further five charters recording gifts to the cathedral for which the
original owner retained usufruct for life at the price of an annual render in wax. These all appear to be
simple precarial arrangements, then already well-known in the rest ofFrancia and in Italy, where scribes had already
developed formulae (absent in these charters of Urgell) distinct from those for sales and grants of usufruct. In two of these
documents the tenant was required to have only one lord (that is, the bishop), which is unlike the case of
typical precariae and more like that of homage later developed. By thus attaching free peasants to himself, one historian
writes, "Salla was creating seigneurial dependants thirty years before this process is usually thought to have properly
begun".The earliest fortification known to have been possessed by the see of Urgell was that Sanaja in the Segarra, which
was owned by Salla's predecessor, Guisad II (94279/80), in 951, as mentioned in the confirmation he received from Pope
Agapetus II. How the diocese of Urgell came to possess this site is unknown, but many of the castles acquired under Salla
originally belonged to Borrell II, Count of Barcelona and Count of Urgell. For example, in 986 one Vidal granted the diocese
the fortress at Figuerola, which he had originally purchased from Borrell, and received it back to be held by him and his son
against the payment of a census. The castle of Queralt was sold by Borrell to the viscount of Barcelona in 976. In 1002 Salla
made a successful claim of rights to it on behalf of his see, although the origin of these rights is not known. In 1007 Salla
acquired for Urgell the castle of Conques, which was left to it by Borrell's son and successor in the county of Urgell, Ermengol
I, in his testament. Most of these grants of castles were made directly to the bishopric and not to the bishop, although this
tendency changed after Salla's death. As bishop, Salla acquired the castle of Carcolze(s) from Count Borrell, whom Salla
refers to as "my lord" in his charters, in compensation for his half of the castle of Clar, which Borrell had withheld, contrary
to their agreement, which Salla refers to as hoc convencione ("this convention"). Clar was then on the frontier between
Catalonia and the depopulated valley of the Ebro, and it belonged in Salla's family; his brother Bernat owned the other half of
it at his death in 1003. In 995 Salla sold Carcolzes to his cathedral's sacristan, Bonhom, for five hundred solidi of produce.
Within a year Bonhom had sold it at cost to Guillem de Castellb, the viscount of Urgell, who in turn sold it for the same price

back to Salla, who finally donated it to his diocese and placed it in the hands of his nephew Ermengol, archdeacon of the
cathedral since at least 996. Sometime before 993, when Borrell imprisoned Sendred, one of the archdeacons of Urgell, in
order to extort from him an allod at Somont, Salla gained his release by claiming the alod belonged to the church. This
appropriation of allodial land in Andorra was legitimised in 1003 in a charter issued by Sendred by which he and his wife
Ermeriga and their heirs were to hold it in benefice from the Virgin, patron saint of the see of Urgell. In 991, Salla, along with
bishops Vives of Barcelona and Aimeric of Roda, pronounced excommunication on Arnau and Radulf, the two advisors of
Countess Ermengarda, the widow of Oliba Cabreta and regent for her three sons: Bernard I of Besal, Wifred II of Cerdagne,
and Oliba of Berga. The cause of the excommunication was the appropriation of ecclesiastical properties in several parishes
in Berga and Cerdagne. The initiative in the act of discipline was taken by Salla, whose parishes were the ones concerned,
and both the bull of excommunication and the encyclical justifying his actions to his fellow bishops survive. On this occasion
he is said to have argued that "excommunication was the weapon of the Church where the sword was the weapon of the
layman". Perhaps this drastic measure was designed "to remind his suffragan priests in the affected areas that they had
another master as well as the counts". Whether the ban had the result of rectifying the diocese and the countess is unknown,
as there are no surviving acts of Salla's in Berga or Cerdagne after 984, and only one act ofconsecration performed by him
after 990 has survived. A Papal bull from Sylvester II, dated 1001, confirms the churches of Berga and Cerdagne to the see of
Urgell. In 1004 Salla sold property in Berga, but it may have been the purchaser and not the church who was able to control
the land. Neither the Papal confirmation of 1001 nor the diocesan sale of 1004 evidence the resolution of the dispute of
991.The documents recording both Salla's will and its execution have survived. They left most of his property either to his
cathedral or to his nephew Ermengol, who succeeded him in the episcopal office. Sometime between 992, when Ermengol,
second son of Borrell II, inherited the county of Urgell from his father, and the death of Viscount Bernat of Conflent in 1003,
Salla came to an agreement (convenientia) with the new count of Urgell whereby the latter would support the candidacy of
bishop's nephew to succeed him and in return receive a large sum as payment for performing the act of investiture within ten
days of being notified by the bishop of his election. The document is undatedas is typical ofconvenientiaebut it was drawn
up while Bernat was still alive and it carefully avoids any payment for securing Ermengol's succession to the bishopric, which
would have beensimony and against canon law. That the count was expected to perform the investiture suggests that he
regarded it as his customary right. Salla extracted from the count an oath not to harm the bishop or the bishopric, and the
count in turn demanded a future oath from Ermengol"that I may have faith (fidelitas) in him" in the words of the
agreement. The price of his support was "100 pesas, or equivalent pesatas, or bullion worth 200 pesas instead of those 100
pesas" to be collected from either Ermengol himself or "Bishop Salla or his brother Bernat or any of the kinsmen or friends of
that same cleric Ermengol written above". By 1007 Salla had named Ermengol his coadjutor. His health may have been
ailing, for in that year he drew up his will. That same year, however, he travelled to the County of Pallars, where he and
"Bishop Ermengol his coadjutor" signed the act of union of the monasteries of Sant Pere de Burgals in Pallars and Notre Dame
de la Grasse north of the Pyrenees, right beneath the signature of Count Sunyer. Salla died in 1010 and was succeeded by
Ermengol as planned.

Saint Ermengol (also Armengol or Armengod)

or Hermengaudius (d.1035) was the bishop of

Urgell from 1010. He was the nephew and successor of the Bishop Salla and a member of the family of
the counts of Conflent. He began his episcopate by reforming the cathedral canons, along the lines of the
life of Saint Augustine of Hippo, and granting them land in Vallespir, Cerdanya, and Alt Urgell. In 1012, he
travelled to Rome for an audience with Pope Benedict VIII, who confirmed the possessions of his bishopric
and its jurisdiction, including over Ribagorza. In 1017, he consecrated Borrell as bishop of Roda and
received recognition by that bishop of his superiority in the local hierarchy. He was often at odds with the
nobility of Urgell and he assisted in the construction of many public works. He built the cathedral of
Urgell, which was consecrated in 1040 by his successor, Eribau. For these public acts, he is celebrated annually in the Fair of
Saint Ermengol. He died at his new Pont de Bar in 1035. He was canonised and his feast day is 3 November.

Eribau was the bishop of Urgell from1035 to 1040.

Guillem Guifredo

was the bishop of Urgell from1040 to1075.

Bernat Guillermo was the bishop of Urgell from1075 to 1092.

Folc II of Cardona was the bishop of Urgell from1092 to1095.
Guillem Arnau was the bishop of Urgell from1092 to1095.
Ot of Urgell (sometimes called Od or Dot) (c. 1065 1122) was a bishop of Urgell from 1095 until his death in 1122; he was
from the family of the counts of Pallars Sobir. He is buried in the monastery of Santa Maria de Gerri. In 1133 his successor
declared him to be a saint, and he is venerated as such today. Ot is one of the patron saints of the town of La Seu d'Urgell.
His feast day is July 7.

Pere Berenguer was the bishop of Urgell from 1122 to1141.

Bernat San was the bishop of Urgell from1141 to1162.
Bernat Roger

was the bishop of Urgell from1162 to1166.

Arnau de Preixens was the bishop of Urgell from1166 to1195.

Bernat de Castell was the bishop of Urgell from1195 to1198.

Bernat de Vilamur was the bishop of Urgell from1198 to1203.
Pere de Puigvert was the bishop of Urgell from1203 to1230.
Pon de Vilamur was the bishop of Urgell from1230 to1257.
Abril Prez Pelez was the bishop of Urgell from1257 to1269.
Pere de Urtx was the bishop of Urgell from 1269 to1293.
Guillem de Montcada was the bishop of Urgell from1295 to1308.
Ramon Trebailla was the bishop of Urgell from1308 to1326.
Arnau de Llordat was the bishop of Urgell from1326 to1341.
Pere de Narbona was the bishop of Urgell from 1341 to1348.
Niccol Capocci was the bishop of Urgell from1348 to1351.
Hug Desbac was the bishop of Urgell from 1351 to 1361.
Guillem Arnau i Palau was the bishop of Urgell from1361 to1364.
Pedro Martnez Luna was the bishop of Urgell from1364 to1370.
Berenguer d'Erill i de Pallars was the bishop of Urgell from1370 to1387.
Galcer de Vilanova was the bishop of Urgell from 1387 to1415.
Francesc de Tovia was the bishop of Urgell from 1415 to1436.
Arnau Roger de Pallars was the bishop of Urgell from 1436 to1461.
Jaume de Cardona i Gandia was the bishop of Urgell from 1461 to1466.
Pere Folc de Cardona was the bishop of Urgell from 1472 to1515.
Joan d'Esps was the bishop of Urgell from 1515 to1530.
Pedro Jordn de Urries was the bishop of Urgell from 1532 to1533.
Francisco de Urries was the bishop of Urgell from 1533 to1551.
Joan Punyet was the bishop of Urgell from1551 to1553.
Miquel Despuig was the bishop of Urgell from 1553 to1556.
Juan Prez Garcia de Olivn was the bishop of Urgell from 1556 to1560.
Pere de Castellet was the bishop of Urgell from 1561 to1571.
John Dimes Lloris was the bishop of Urgell from 1571 to1576.
Miquel Jeroni Morell was the bishop of Urgell from 1578 to1579.
Hug Ambrs de Montcada was the bishop of Urgell from 1579 to1586.
Andreu Capella was the bishop of Urgell from1588 to1609.
Bernat de Salba i Salba was the bishop of Urgell from 1609 to1620.
Luis Dez de Aux y Armendriz was the bishop of Urgell from 1622 to1627.
Antonio Prez i Maxo was the bishop of Urgell from 1627 to1632.
Pau Duran was the bishop of Urgell from 1634 to1651.

Juan Manuel de Espinosa was the bishop of Urgell from 1655 to1663.
Melcior Palau i Bosca was the bishop of Urgell from 1664 to1670.
Pere de Copons i Teixidor was the bishop of Urgell from 1671 to1681.
Joan Baptista Desbac i Mortorell was the bishop of Urgell from 1682 to1689.
Juli Cano Thebar

was the bishop of Urgell from 1695 to1714.

Sime de Guinda i Apeztegui was the bishop of Urgell from 1714 to 1737.
Jordi Curado i Torreblanca was the bishop of Urgell from 1738 to 1747.
Sebasti de Victoria Emparn y Loyola was the bishop of Urgell from 1747 to 1756.
Francesc Josep Cataln de Ocn was the bishop of Urgell from

1757 to1762.

Francesc Fernndez de Xtiva y Contreras was the bishop of Urgell from 1763 to1771.
Joaqun de Santiyn i Valdivielso was the bishop of Urgell from 1771 to 1779.
Juan de Garca i Montenegro was the bishop of Urgell from

1780 to 1783.

Josep de Boltas was the bishop of Urgell from 1785 to 1795.

Francisco Antonio de la Duea y Cisneros (referred to in Catalan as Francesc Antoni de la Duea y Cisneros)
(17531821), was a Spanish clergyman. He was born inVillanueva de la Fuente, Ciudad Real, and was Bishop of Urgell (and ex
officio Co-Prince of Andorra) from October 29, 1797 to September 23, 1816.

Bernat Francs i Caballero was the bishop of Urgell from

Bonifaci Lpez i Pulidowas

1817 to 1825

was the bishop of Urgell from 1825 to1827

Sim de Guardiola i Hortoneda

was the bishop of Urgell from 1827 to 1851

Josep Caixal i Estrad (18031879) was Bishop of Urgell from 1853 until his death and co-prince of Andorra during
the New Reform period.

Salvador Casaas y Pags (September

5, 1834 October 27, 1908) was a Spanish cardinal of

the Roman Catholic Church. He served as Bishop of Urgeil from 1879 to 1901 and Bishop Barcelona from
1901 until his death, and was elevated to the cardinalate in 1895. Salvador Casaas y Pags was born
in Barcelona, and studied at the seminary in Barcelona and the University of Valencia, from where he
obtained his licentiate in theology in 1857. He was ordained to the priesthood on 18 December 1858, and
then did pastoral work in Barcelona for several years. He later became a professor and the rector of its
seminary, and was made canon administrator of its cathedral chapter. On June 22, 1896, Casaas was
appointed Apostolic Administrator sede plena of Urgell on January 18, 1879 by Pope Leo XIII, and on the
following February 7, Titular bishop of Ceramus. He received his episcopal consecration on 23 March that
same year from Bishop Jos de Urquinaona y Vidot, with Bishops Toms Sivilla y Gener and Toms Costa y Fornaguera serving
as co-consecrators, in the Cathedral of Barcelona. Casaas was later named Bishop of Urgell on the following 22 September;
in this position he also served as Co-Prince of Andorra. The French Co-Princes of Andorra during his leadership were Jules
Grvy, Sadi Carnot, Jean Casimir-Perier, and Flix Faure. He was a senator for the ecclesiastical province of Tarragona as well.
Pope Leo created him Cardinal Priest of Santi Quirico e Giulitta in the consistory of 29 November 1895. Casaas was
made Bishop of Barcelona on 18 April 1901, and later participated in the papal conclave of 1903, which selected Pope Pius X.
On Christmas Day 1905, ananarchist made an unsuccessful attempt to assassinate the Cardinal in the cloister of the
Barcelona cathedral. Casaas died in his Barcelona, at the age of 74. He is buried in the cathedral of the same.

Ramon Riu i Cabanes was the bishop of Urgell in

1901.

Toribio Martn (Vicar capitular) was the bishop of Urgell in 1902.

Joan Josep Laguarda i Fenollera

was the bishop of Urgell from 1902 to 1906.

Josep Pujargimz (Vicar capitular) was the bishop of Urgell in 1907.

Joan Baptista Benlloch i Viv (December

29, 1864 February 14, 1926) was a Valencian Cardinal of the Roman
Catholic Church who served as Archbishop of Burgos from 1919 until his death, and was elevated to the cardinalate in 1921.
Born in Valencia, Joan Benlloch i Viv studied at its seminary, and obtained his doctorate in theology and in canon law in
October 1887. He was ordained to the priesthood on February 25, 1888, and then served as an auxiliary professor at the
Valenica seminary and coadjutor in Almssera, teaching humanities and metaphysics. From 1893 to 1898, Benlloch
was pastor of the parish of Santos Juan Evangelista y Bautista in Valencia. He then taught at the seminary of Segovia, where
he was also chantre of the cathedral chapter, provisor and vicar general (1899-1900), and vicar capitular (1900-1901). On

December 16, 1901, Benlloch was appointed Apostolic Administrator of Solsona and Titular
Bishop of Hermopolis Maior. He received his episcopal consecration on 2 February 1902 from
Bishop Jaime Cardona y Tur, with Bishops Jos Cadena y Eleta and Salvador Castellote y Pinazo serving
as co-consecrators, in Madrid. Benlloch was later named Bishop of Urgell on 6 December 1906; in this
position, he was also Co-Prince of Andorra and composed the text for its national anthem. His tenure
saw his country enter World War I on the side of the Allies, but Andorra was not included in the Treaty
of Versailles and officially remained in a state of belligerency until 1957. The French Co-Princes of
Andorra during Benlloch's leadership include Armand Fallires and Raymond Poincar. Benlloch was
eventually advanced to Archbishop of Burgos on January 7, 1919. Pope Benedict XV created
him Cardinal Priest of Santa Maria in Aracoeli in the consistory of March 7, 1921. Benlloch was one of
the cardinal electors who participated in the 1922 papal conclave, which selected Pope Pius XI. He
served as a special envoy of the Spanish Government to the Latin American republics from September
1923 to January 1924. He wrote the music to "El Gran Carlemany", the national anthem of Andorra. The Cardinal died in
Madrid, at the age of 61. He is buried in the Real Baslica de la Virgen de los Desamparados in Valencia, Spain.

Jaume Viladrich i Gaspa (Vicar capitular) was the bishop of Urgell from 1919 to 1920.
Just Guitart i Vilardeb (December

16, 1875 January 30, 1940) was Bishop of Urgell and Episcopal CoPrince of Andorra from 1920 to 1940. Born in Barcelona, Vilaredb was ordained as a priest in 1901, and was consecrated as
Bishop of Urgell on May 23, 1920. He took the oath as Prince on July 27 of the same year. During his reign, numerous
improvements, such as the introduction of electricity, the construction of roads, and establishment of Spanish post offices,
came to Andorra. Vilardeb died in Barcelona.

Ricard Fornesa i Puigdemasa (Vicar capitular) was the bishop of Urgell from 1940 to 1943.
Ramon Iglesias i Navarri (January

28, 1889, Vall de Bo March 31, 1972) was the Bishop of Urgell and Episcopal
Co-Prince of Andorra from 4 April 1943, until 29 April 1969. Navarri was first ordained as a priest on July 14, 1912, at the age
of 23.

Ramon Malla i Call (born

September 4, 1922 in La Seu d'Urgell, Catalonia) is Emeritus Bishop of Lleida. From 1969
until 1971 he was Apostolic Administrator of the Diocese of Urgell during a sede vacante and therefore acting Episcopal CoPrince of Andorra. He was ordained as priest on 16 December 1948, in Salamanca. On July 24, 1968 he was ordered as bishop
of Lleida. On December 19, 1999 he became Emeritus Bishop.

Joan Mart i Alanis (November 29, 1928 - October 11, 2009) was a former Bishop of Urgell and hence former co-Prince
of Andorra. He was Bishop of Urgell from 1971 to 2003. He was a co-signatory, along with Franois Mitterrand, of Andorra's
new constitution in 1993.

Joan Enric Vives i Siclia (born July 24, 1949) is the current Bishop of Urgell, a Roman
Catholic diocese, and ex officio Co-Prince of Andorra since May 12, 2003. On the retirement of his
predecessor Joan Mart Alanis, he succeeded as Bishop of Urgell on May 12, 2003, and hence as Co-Prince of
Andorra. Born in Barcelona, he was ordained as a priest in 1974, became Auxiliary Bishop of Barcelona
(andTitular Bishop of Nona) in 1993, Coadjutor Bishop of Urgell in 2001 and in 2003 succeeded as Bishop of
Urgell. In March 19, 2010, Vives i Siclia was elevated to the dignity of archbishop as a personal title.

List of heads of government of Andorra

Oscar Ribas Reig (born October 26, 1936 in Sant Juli de Lria) was twice Head of Government of
Andora, firstly from January 8, 1982 until May 24, 1984 with National Liberal party and then from January
12, 1990 until December 7, 1994 with the National Democratic Agreement party. He is still alive today,
and was succeeded by Marc Forne Molne. Reig announced when he was elected that he would
concentrate on fiscal and tax reforms. There is also evidence to suggest that he improved tourism in the
country. In 1992 Ribas resigned after his efforts to introduce a new constitution securing civil human
rights were blocked by the conservatives His party returned to power following the general election held
on 12 December 1993 in which it won the majority of seats. He formed a new coalition government
shortly after. In 1994, Andorra became a member of the United Nations. This occurred while Reig was
prime minister. Reig's party Agrupament Nacional Democratic (AND; National Democratic Group) lost the
support of independents. In December 1994, he was removed in a no-confidence vote by Parliament.

Josep Pintat- Solans (1925

October 20, 2007) was the second Head of Government of Andorra

from May 21, 1984 until January 12, 1990. A local business executive, he was unanimously elected Head of
Government by the General Council of Andorra and began serving on May 21, 1984; Pintat-Solans was reelected in January 1986, receiving the votes of 27 of the General Council's 28 members, serving as Head of
Government until January 12, 1990. He died on October 20, 2007, after a long illness.

Marc Forn i Moln (born

December 30, 1946) was the Head of Government of Andorra from

December 7, 1994 until May 27, 2005. After 2 full terms, he was succeeded by Albert Pintat after he won the
April 2005 election. He is a lawyer by profession, and was president of the Liberal Party of Andorra (Partit
Liberal d'Andorra). The policy led by Marc Forn is inspired by liberalism and aims to maintain a low taxation
level and avoid any statist drift.

Quotes
"We want to take into account the latest debates on the so-called Welfare State, to be found in the
documents of the United Nations and of the European Union, in order to avoid sterile imitations and the

most common dysfunctions of this model: very high social expenditure, heavy-handed State control and an excessive
bureaucracy, lack of efficiency in the distribution of resources, an excessive protectionism that engenders the dependency of
the citizens, and the demobilization of social initiatives." (at World Summit for Social Development, Copenhagen, Denmark,
March 11, 1995)
"A country's strategy is always based on a fundamental philosophical outlook. Discoveries made during the last hundred
years have shown that liberalism is the best system to improve a country's well being - This is why Andorra's strategy is
based on a liberal way of thinking" (at Liberal International Congress, Oxford, United Kingdom, November 27 30, 1997)

Albert Pintat Santolria (born 23 June 1943) was the head of government of

Andorra from
May 27, 2005 until June 5, 2009. Pintat graduated from the University of Fribourg in Switzerland in
1967, majoring in economics. He is a member of the Liberal Party of Andorra and was the foreign
minister of Andorra from 1997 to 2001. He also served as Ambassador to the European Union (1995
to 1997) and to Switzerland and the United Kingdom (2001 to 2004). He held the position of head of
government since being appointed by the General Council on May 27, 2005 until June 5, 2009.

Jaume Bartumeu Cassany (born November 10, 1954) is an Andorran lawyer and politician, who
served as head of government Andora from June 5, 2009 until April 28, 2011. He was a founding member
of the Social Democratic Party (PS) in June 2000, in which he held the position of first secretary between
2000 and 2004. He was the leader of the opposition at the General Council between 2005 and 2009. In
the parliamentary election held on April 26, 2009, Bartumeu's party was the clear winner with a 45,03% of
the national list vote and the majority in 4 of the 7 parishes, giving to the Social Democratic Party a
relative majority of 14 seats out of 28. He was therefore the only candidate that could achieve the
necessary majority to be invested head of the government of Andorra during the parliamentary vote held
on May 29, 2009. Following the ApC's decision to abstain, however, he failed to be elected in that session
(he received 14 votes and Joan Gabriel of the Reformist Coalition 11; 15 were required); another vote was
set for June 3, 2009. He was confirmed on June 3, 2009 with a simple majority of 14 votes, and took office on June 5, 2009.
His party was heavily defeated in the 2011 parliamentary election.

Pere Lpez Agrs

(born 1971) is an Andorran politician who served as an acting Prime Minister of Andora
from April 28 until May 11, 2011. He was also Minister of Economy and Finance of Andora from June 8, 2009 until
April 28, 2011.

Antoni Mart Petit (born

November 10, 1963) is an Andorran architect and politician who is the

country's head of government since May 11, 2011, following a parliamentary election in 2011. He is a
member of the Democrats for Andorra. In the parliamentary election held on April 3, 2011, the Democrats
for Andorra defeated the incumbent Social Democrats with an absolute majority making Mart prime
minister. Mart fought on an anti-income tax platform. On April 24, 2014, the Andorran "Consell", with the
absolute majority of DA, approved the establishment of an income tax starting in 2015.

Gilbert Saboya Suny (born

July 28, 1966) is an Andorran economist and politician who is

current Minister of Foreign Affairs to the Principality of Andorra. He was also acting Prime Minister of
Andora from March 23 until April 1, 2011.

ARUBA
List of Prime Minister of Aruba

Jan Hendrik Albert "Henny" Eman (born

March 20, 1948) was the first Prime Minister of

Aruba from January 1, 1986 until February 9, 1989 and again from July 29, 1994 until October 30, 2001. Jan
Hendrik Albert Eman, simply known as Henny, was born on Aruba on the 20th of March 1948. His
grandfather (also known as Henny) founded the Christian Democratic PartyAruban People's Party (AVP) and
is considered pioneer of Aruba's political "Seperacion" from the Netherlands Antilles. His father, Albert Eman,
better known as Shon A Eman, carried on the AVP's leadership banner. Shon A dedicated his life to Aruba's
quest for a "Separate Status within the Kingdom" as presented to Holland during the Round Table Conference of
the
Kingdom of the Netherlands in 1948 at The Hague (Henny was born two days later). Henny grew up in a political
environment. At an early age he went to the Netherlands. As a high school graduate he became a student at
the Leiden University's Law School. Upon the unexpected early death of his father, Henny Eman was forced
to undertake some business activities in Leiden in addition to his studies. In 1977 the AVP was confronted with serious deeling
and was struggling for survival with only one seat in the Insular Parliament. Henny Eman interrupted his studies to tend a
helping hand to the party. His relatively brief stay in Aruba became decisive for his future career: politics. In 1978 he obtained
his law degree. He presented his thesis dealing with the historical and judicial aspects of Aruba's Status Aparte. Three months
before April 1979 elections Henny Eman arrived in Aruba. He became leader of the remains of Aruba's only political party still
holding on to Status Aparte. The AVP was reinforced with young and capable people running for office as did Henny Eman.
The 1979 elections outcome turned the tide for the AVP party that obtained four seats in Parliament. After an absence of six
years the AVP also made its re-entrance into Federal Parliament during 1979. Henny Eman became a well-respected member
of the Antillean Parliament as well as the Insular Parliament of Aruba. In 1986 he became the first Prime Minister of the
newborn country Aruba then besieged by the crisis resulting from LAGO's departure. The Eman administration executed a
well prepared economic rescue plan and within a couple of years Aruba was once again afloat sailing in waters of prosperity.
The party's growth in 1989 elections did not permit Henny Eman's return to office. He accepted a seat in the opposition
bench of Parliament. Henny Eman was condecorated by the Government of Venezuela with the "Orden Francisco de Miranda"
and "Orden del Libertador" and by the Government of the Netherlands with "Officier in de orde van de Nederlandse Leeuw".

Nelson Orlando Oduber (born

February 7, 1947) was the Prime Minister of Aruba, the first

time from February 9, 1989 until July 29, 1994 and the second time from October 30, 2001 until
October 30, 2009. He is a member of the Movimiento Electoral di Pueblo (People's Electoral Movement).
He was prime minister for the first time from 1989 until 1994, when his party lost parliamentary
elections, and has been prime minister again from 2001 until 2009. He led the MEP to victory in the
2001 and 2005 Estates elections, the first consecutive election victories since Aruban status aparte in
1986. In the general elections for seats in the Seventh Estates held on 25 September 2009, Prime
Minister Oduber's People's Electoral Movement lost its majority for the first time in eight years. His
party (MEP) lost the majority to the largest opposition party on the island. He was succeeded by the leader of the Aruban
People's Party (AVP) and the now incumbent Prime Minister Mike Eman. Oduber's term ended on October 30, 2009. Oduber
has recently announced that he will not lead the opposition in the parliament, meaning that he will not take the position
of Member of Parliament but will remain leader of his party. He wanted a new candidate in his place.

Michiel Godfried "Mike" Eman (born

September 1, 1961) is an Aruban politician who is the

5th Prime Minister of Aruba since October 30, 2009 and the current leader of the Aruban People's
Party (AVP) (Arubaanse Volkspartij/Partido di Pueblo Arubano), which holds the new majority in the Aruban
Estates as a result of the seventh Aruban General Elections held on 25 September 2009. His political career
began in 2001, but Eman has been involved in politics in one way or another since his childhood. His
grandfather, father and brother were all prominent politicians in their time, with Henny Eman having
preceded him in service (twice) as Prime Minister of Aruba, including as the first to ever hold the office.
Eman is a graduate of the University of the Netherlands Antilles (UNA) earning his law degree in 1992 with a
thesis entitled The Position of the Institution of the Public Prosecutor vis vis the Minister of Justice in a Small Scale
Community. In 1996 he earned a degree in Civil Notary Law from the same university. From 1992 to 2001, Eman worked as
a civil law notary and co-founded several private commercial ventures and foundations for political studies. He began his
formal political career in September 2001 when he appeared 3rd on the list of the AVP. The 2001 elections did not go in favor
of the AVP causing the party to lose 4 seats in the parliament. This led to the decision of the AVP leader, Tico Croes, to
relinquish his leadership. The leadership was handed over to ex-minister of Justice, Pedro E. (Eddy) Croes. Mike Eman became
the vice-president of the party and the leader of the AVP faction in the Parliament of Aruba. In 2003, Mike Eman was elected
leader of the AVP. After the 2005 elections, the AVP regained 2 seats and Eman emerged as the defacto vote getter of the
elections with more than 12% of the votes to his name. Eman was sworn in October 30, 2009. Michiel Godfried Eman was
born in the San Pedro de Verona in Oranjestad, Aruba, to Albert (Shon A) Eman, at the time leader of the AVP and his wife
Blanche Eman-Harthogh. Mike became the youngest brother of Maria Albertina (Chuchu), Jan Hendrik Albert (Henny), Melva,
Godlieb, Siegfried (Ven), Frederik Everhard (Braat) and Albert.

ANGOLA
Kingdom of Ndongo
The Kingdom of Ndongo, formerly known as Dongo or Angola, is the name of an early-modern African state located in what
is modern day Angola. Ndongo was built by the Northern Mbundu people, a Bantu-speaking people inhabiting
northern Angola. The Kingdom of Ndongo is first recorded in the sixteenth century. It was one of a number of vassal states
to Kongo that existed in the region, though Ndongo was the most powerful of these with a king called the Ngola. Little is
known of the kingdom in the early sixteenth century. "Angola" was listed among the titles of the King of Kongo in 1535, so it
is likely that it was in somewhat subordinate to Kongo. Its own oral traditions, collected in the late sixteenth century,
particularly by the Jesuit Baltasar Barreira, described the founder of the kingdom, Ngola Kiluanje, also known as "Ngola
Inene", as a migrant from Kongo. The Mbundu-speaking region was known as the land of Mbundu, and according to late
sixteenth century accounts, it was divided into 736 small political units ruled by sobas. These sobas and their territories
(called murinda) were compact groupings of villages (senzala orlibatas, probably following the Kikongo term divata)
surrounding a small central town (mbanza). These political units were often grouped into larger units called kanda and
sometimes provinces. Larger kingdoms may have emerged in earlier times, but in the sixteenth century most of these
regions had been united by the rulers of Ndongo. Ndongo's capital city was called Kabasa, located on the highlands near
modern-day N'dalatando. This was a large town, holding as many as 50,000 people in its densely populated district. The king
of Ndongo and the leaders of the various provinces ruled with a council of powerful nobles, the macota, and had an
administration headed by the tendala, a judicial figure, and the ngolambole, a military leader. In Ndongo itself, the ruler had
an even larger group of bureaucrats, including a quartermaster called kilunda and another similar official called the mwene
kudya. Social structure was anchored on the ana murinda ("children of the murinda") or free commoners. In addition to the
commoners, there were two servile groups the ijiko (sing.,kijiko), unfree commoners who were permanently attached to the
land as serfs, and the abika (sing., mubika) or salable slaves.

List of Rulers of Ndongo as a BaKongo Tributary

Ngola-a-Nzinga was King of Kingdom of Ndongo around 1358.
Ngola Kiluanji Inene was King of Kingdom of Ndongo from around 1515 until 1556.
List of Rulers of Ndongo as an Independent State
Ndambi a Ngola was King of Kingdom of Ndongo from 1556 until around 1562.
Ngola Kiluanji kia Ndambi

was King of Kingdom of Ndongo from around 1562 until around 1575.

Njinga Ngola Kilombo kia Kasenda was King of Kingdom of Ndongo from around 1575 until 1592.
Mbandi Ngola Kiluanji was King of Kingdom of Ndongo from 1592 until 1617.
Ngola Nzinga Mbandi was King of Kingdom of Ndongo from 1617 until 1624.
List of Rulers of Ndongo under Portuguese Vassalage
Hari a Kiluanje

was King of Kingdom of Ndongo around 1626.

Ngola Hari was King of Kingdom of Ndongo from 1626 until 1657.
Ruler of rump state of Pungo a Ndongo
Mukambu Mbandi

was a ruler of rump state of Pungo a Ndongo from 1663 until 1671; after the death of her sister,
Queen Ana de Sousa Nzingha Mbande).

Kingdom of Matamba
The Kingdom of Matamba was a pre-colonial African state located in what is now the Baixa de Cassange region ofMalanje
Province of modern day Angola. It was a powerful kingdom that long resisted Portuguese colonisation attempts and was only
integrated into Angola in the late nineteenth century. The Kingdom of Matamba was 16th before Century to around 1550

founded and dominated by the Kongo kingdom. Under Nzinga a war against the Portuguese was performed, which was
finished 1656th After her death, a civil war followed in 1666, won the descendants of Nzingas General Joo Guterres Ngola
Kanini. This was followed by short-term border dispute with the neighboring kingdom Kasanje to areas on Kwango until Queen
Vernica Guterres Ngola Kanini the boundaries clearly stipulated. In the following period the relations with Portugal were
mostly peaceful, though there were short periods of war. 1744 beat the Portuguese an army of the kingdom, which thus
became virtually a vassal state of Portugal in 1767 and split briefly in two. Since the 1830s Matamba reappeared increasingly
been targeted by the Portuguese, who wanted to conquer territories for its coffee plantations, but was also in the 1890s, can
not stop the Portuguese expansion and therefore were soon also integrated into their empire. The Phantasialand theme park
in Brhl (Rhineland), opened on August 23, 2008, the Hotel Matamba, which was named after the Kingdom.

List of Rulers of the Matamba Kingdom

Kambolo Matamba was King of Matamba in late 16th century. The arrival of the Portuguese colonists under

Paulo Dias
de Novais in Luanda in 1575 altered the political situation as the Portuguese immediately became involved in Ndongo's
affairs, and war broke out between Ndongo and Portugal in 1579. Although Matamba played a small role in the early wars, the
threat of a Portuguese victory stirred the ruler of Matamaba (probably a king named Kambolo Matamba) to intervene. He sent
an army to aid Ndongo against the Portuguese, and with these forces the combined armies were able to defeat and rout
Portuguese forces at the Battle of the Lukala in 1590.

Mwongo Matamba

was Queen of Matamba during 1620s. She was capture and prison in 1624 by Nzingha Queen of
Ndonga. From at least 1631 onward, Nzingha made Matamba her capital, joining it to the Kingdom of Ndongo.

Nzingha a Mbande (c. 1583 December 17, 1663), also known as

Ana de Sousa Nzingha Mbande, was a 17th century

queen (muchino a muhatu) of the Ndongo and Matamba Kingdoms of the Mbundu people in southwestern Africa (Ngola was
both a name and a title in Ndongo). Queen Nzingha was born to Ngola (King) Kiluanji and Kangela in 1583. According to
tradition, she was named Nzingha because her umbilical cord was wrapped around her neck (the Kimbundu
verb kujinga means to twist or turn). It was said to be an indication that the person who had this characteristic would be
proud and haughty, and a wise woman told her mother that Nzingha will become queen one day. According to her
recollections later in life, she was greatly favoured by her father, who allowed her to witness as he governed his kingdom, and
who carried her with him to war. She also had a brother, Mbandi and two sisters Kifunji and Mukambu. She lived during a
period when the Atlantic slave trade and the consolidation of power by the Portuguese in the region were growing rapidly. In
the 16th century, the Portuguese position in the slave trade was threatened by England and France. As a result, the
Portuguese shifted their slave-trading activities to The Congoand South West Africa. Mistaking the title of the ruler (ngola) for
the name of the country, the Portuguese called the land of the Mbundu people "Angola"the name by which it is still known
today. Nzinga first appears in historical records as the envoy of her brother, the ngiolssa Ngola Mbande, at a peace
conference with the Portuguese governor Joo Correia de Sousa inLuanda in 1599. The immediate cause of her embassy was
her brother's attempt to get the Portuguese to withdraw the fortress of Ambaca that had been built on his land in 1618 by the
Governor Mendes de Vasconcelos, to have some of his subjects (semi-servile groups called kijiko (plural ijiko) in Kimbundu
and sometimes called slaves in Portuguese) who had been taken captive during Governor Mendes de Vasconcelos' campaigns
(161721) returned and to persuade the governor to stop the marauding of Imbangala mercenaries in Portuguese service.
Nzinga's efforts were successful. The governor, Joo Correia de Sousa, never gained the advantage at the meeting and
agreed to her terms, which resulted in a treaty on equal terms. One important point of disagreement was the question of
whether Ndongo surrendered to Portugal and accepted vassalage status. A famous story says that in her meeting with the
Portuguese governor, Joo Correia de Sousa did not offer a chair to sit on during the negotiations, and, instead, had placed a
floor mat for her to sit, which in Mbundu custom was appropriate only for subordinates. The scene was imaginatively
reconstructed by the Italian priest Cavazzi and printed as an engraving in his book of 1687. Not willing to accept this
degradation she ordered one of her servants to get down on the ground and sat on the servant's back during negotiations. By
doing this, she asserted her status was equal to the governor, proving her worth as a brave and confident individual. Nzinga
converted to Christianity, possibly in order to strengthen the peace treaty with the Portuguese, and adopted the name Dona
Anna de Sousa in honour of the governor's wife when she was baptised, who was also her godmother. She sometimes used
this name in her correspondence (or just Anna). The Portuguese never honoured the treaty however, neither withdrawing
Ambaca, nor returning the subjects, who they held were slaves captured in war, and they were unable to restrain the
Imbangala. Nzinga's brother committed suicide following this diplomatic impasse, convinced that he would never have been
able to recover what he had lost in the war. Rumours were also afoot that Nzinga had actually poisoned him, and these
rumours were repeated by the Portuguese as grounds for not honouring her right to succeed her brother. Nzinga assumed
control as regent of his young son,Kaza, who was then residing with the Imbangala. Nzinga sent to have the boy in her
charge. The son returned, who she is alleged to have killed for his impudence. She then assumed the powers of ruling in
Ndongo. In her correspondence in 1624 she fancifully styled herself "Lady of Andongo" ( senhora de Andongo), but in a letter
of 1626 she now called herself "Queen of Andongo" (rainha de Andongo), a title which she bore from then on. In 1641,
the Dutch, working in alliance with the Kingdom of Kongo, seized Luanda. Nzinga soon sent them an embassy and concluded
an alliance with them against the Portuguese who continued to occupy the inland parts of their colony of males with their
main headquarters at the town of Masangano. Hoping to recover lost lands with Dutch help, she moved her capital to
Kavanga in the northern part of Ndongo's former domains. In 1644 she defeated the Portuguese army at Ngoleme, but was
unable to follow up. Then, in 1646, she was defeated by the Portuguese at Kavanga and, in the process, her other sister was
captured, along with her archives, which revealed her alliance with Kongo. These archives also showed that her captive sister
had been in secret correspondence with Nzinga and had revealed coveted Portuguese plans to her. As a result of the woman's
spying, the Portuguese reputedly drowned the sister in the Kwanza River. However, another account states that the sister
managed to escape, and ran away to modern-day Namibia. The Dutch in Luanda now sent Nzinga reinforcements, and with
their help, Nzinga routed a Portuguese army in 1647. Nzinga then laid siege to the Portuguese capital of Masangano. The
Portuguese recaptured Luanda with a Brazilian-based assault led by Salvador Correia de S, and in 1648, Nzinga retreated
to Matamba and continued to resist Portugal. She resisted the Portuguese well into her sixties, personally leading troops into
battle. In 1657, weary from the long struggle, Nzinga signed a peace treaty with Portugal. After the wars with Portugal ended,
she attempted to rebuild her nation, which had been seriously damaged by years of conflict and over-farming. She was
anxious that Njinga Mona's Imbangala not succeed her as ruler of the combined kingdom of Ndongo and Matamba, and
inserted language in the treaty that bound Portugal to assist her family to retain power. Lacking a son to succeed her, she
tried to vest power in the Ngola Kanini family and arranged for her sister to marry Joo Guterres Ngola Kanini and to succeed
her. This marriage, however, was not allowed, as priests maintained that Joo had a wife in Ambaca. She returned to the
Christian church to distance herself ideologically from the Imbangala, and took a Kongo priest Calisto Zelotes dos Reis Magros
as her personal confessor. She permitted Capuchin missionaries, first Antonio da Gaeta and the Giovanni Antonio Cavazzi da
Montecuccolo to preach to her people. Both wrote lengthy accounts of her life, kingdom, and strong will. She devoted her

efforts

to resettling former slaves and allowing women to bear children. Despite numerous efforts to dethrone her,
especially by Kasanje, whose Imbangala band settled to her south, Nzinga would die a peaceful death at age
eighty on December 17, 1663 in Matamba. Matamba went though a civil war in her absence, but Francisco
Guterres Ngola Kanini eventually carried on the royal line in the kingdom. Her death accelerated the
Portuguese occupation of the interior of South West Africa, fueled by the massive expansion of the Portuguese
slave trade. Portugal would not have control of the interior until the 20th century. Today, she is remembered
in
Angola for her political and diplomatic acumen, great wit and intelligence, as well as her brilliant military
tactics. In time, Portugal and most of Europe would come to respect her. A major street in Luanda is named
after her, and a statue of her was placed in Kinaxixi on an impressive square. Angolan women are often
married near the statue, especially on Thursdays and Fridays. Nzinga has many variations on her name
and, in some cases, is even known by completely different names, because of the multiple aliases she
used in correspondence with the Portuguese. These names include (but are not limited to): Queen Nzinga,
Nzinga I, Queen Nzinga Mdongo, Nzinga Mbandi, Nzinga Mbande, Jinga, Singa, Zhinga, Ginga, Njinga, Njingha, Ana Nzinga,
Ngola Nzinga, Nzinga of Matamba, Queen Nzinga of Ndongo, Zinga, Zingua, Ann Nzinga, Nxingha, Mbande Ana Nzinga, Ann
Nzinga, Anna de Sousa, andDona Ana de Sousa. In current Kimbundu language, her name should be spelled Njinga, with the
second letter being a soft "j" as the letter is pronounced in French and Portuguese. She wrote her name in several letters as
"Ginga". The statue of Njinga now standing in the square of Kinaxixi in Luanda calls her "Mwene Njinga Mbande". According to
the Marquis de Sades Philosophy in the Boudoir, Nzinga was a woman who "immolated her lovers." De Sade's reference for
this comes from History of Zangua, Queen of Angola. It claims that after becoming queen, she obtained a large, all
male harem at her disposal. Her men fought to the death in order to spend the night with her and, after a single night of
lovemaking, were put to death. It is also said that Nzinga made her male servants dress as women. In 1633, Nzinga's oldest
brother died of cancer, which some attribute to her. Njinga is one of Africa's best documented early-modern rulers. About a
dozen of her own letters are known (all but one published in Brsio, Monumenta volumes 6-11 and 15 passim). In addition,
her early years are well described in the correspondence of Portuguese governor Ferno de Sousa, who was in the colony
from 1624 to 1631 (published by Heintze). Her later activities are documented by the Portuguese chronicler Antnio de
Oliveira de Cadornega, and by two Italian Capuchin priests, Giovanni Cavazzi da Montecuccolo and Antonio Gaeta da Napoli,
who resided in her court from 1658 until her death (Cavazzi presided at her funeral). Cavazzi included a number
of watercolours in his manuscript which include Njinga as a central figure, as well as himself. Brsio, Antnio.

Barbara a Mbande (died 1666) was Oueen of Matamba and Ndongo from 1663 until 1666. She was sister of Nzingha a
Mbande famous queen of Matamba and Ndongo After Nzingha's death, a period of tension, punctuated by civil war, broke out.
Barbara succeeded Nzingha, but was killed by forces loyal to Njinga Mona in 1666.

Nzingha Mona

(died 1680) was King of Matamba and Ndongo from 1666 until 1669 and from 1670 until 1680. After
Nzingha's a Mbande death, a period of tension, punctuated by civil war, broke out. Barbara her sister succeeded Nzingha a
Mbande, but was killed by forces loyal to Nzingha Mona in 1666. Joo Guterres managed to temporarily oust Nzingha Mona in
1669, but was defeated and killed in 1670. Njinga Mona would rule the kingdom until Joo Guterres' son, Francisco,
oustedand killed Njinga Mona becoming ruler in 1680.

Joao Guterres Ngola kannini

(died 1670) was King of Matamba and Ndongo from 1669 until 1670. Joo Guterres
managed to temporarily oust Nzingha Mona in 1669, but was defeated and killed in 1670.

Francisco Guterres Ngola kannini (died 1681) was King of Matamba and Ndongo from 1680 until 1681, Previous
ruler of Matamba and Ndongo Njinga Mona would rule the kingdom until Joo Guterres' son, Francisco, oustedand killed
Njinga Mona becoming ruler in 1680. In 1681, King Francisco invaded the neighboring Imbangala kingdom of Kassanje to
place his own candidate on the throne. While on campaign, he robbed the pombeiros, Afro-Portuguese slaving agents, and
beheaded the kingdom's ruler. This angered the Portuguese, who had never been comfortable with an independent Matamba
in the first place. The Portuguese immediately sent the victor of Mbwila, Lus Lopes de Sequeira, to crush the kingdom once
and for all. On September 4, 1681, Sequeira arrived at Katole, which was but three day's march from the royal kabasa or
palace. He came with over ten thousand infantry and even a small complement of horses (virtually unheard of in Central
African warfare). He was met by King Francisco's forces sometime before dawn that day. In the course of the fighting, both
Sequeira and Francisco were killed. Matamba's forces retreated, and the Portuguese were able to claim at least a tactical
victory by holding their position. Despite taking the field, which had never been an objective in the first place, the Portuguese
losses were such that the invasion of Matamba's capital was called off. After encamping at Katole for nearly thirty days, the
Portuguese and their African allies retired to Mbaka under the command of Joo Antnio de Brito The Portuguese army,
having suffered heavy losses withdrew to Ambaca and then to Masangano. Francisco Guterres was succeeded by his
sister Vernica I Guterres Kandala Kingwanga, whose long rule from 1681 to 1721 consolidated the control of the Guterres
dynasty and created a lasting precedent for female rulers.

Vernica Guterres Kangala Kingwanda (Cangala Quinguanda in contemporary spelling) was the Queen of the
joint kingdom of Ndongo and Matamba from 1681 until 1721. Vernica was daughter to King Joo Guterres Ngola Kanini of the
combined kingdom of Ndongo and Matamba and was an important ruler of the Guterres Dynasty established by Queen Njinga
Mbande. She was probably most important in establishing the frequent practice of having female rulers in the country
following the turbulent and often challenged reigns of Njinga and her sister Barbara in the period between 1624 and 1666. No
contemporary documentation give any indication of her age. She was probably baptized along with most other NdongoMatamba nobles during the period of missionary activity in Matamba following the establishment of the Capuchin mission in
1656. She appears to have always regarded herself as a Christian. Vernica came to power following the Portuguese war
against Matamba in 1681 in which her predecessor and brother was killed at the Battle of Katole. Although her brother was
killed in the action, the forces of Matamba won the battle and the Portuguese withdrew their army. Nevertheless, Queen
Vernica decided to treat for peace, signing the agreement with Portugal in 1683. This peace treaty would govern relations
between Portugal and Matamba for a long time to come, but was, in fact rarely followed by either partcipant. In 1689 she
attacked the Portuguese in Cahenda in the "Dembos" region to her west, an area that was disputed between Ndongo, Kongo,
and Portugal. She was anxious to reestablish Matamba's claims over the Dembos region that lay directly to the east of
Matamba, and in 1688-89 her armies moved into the area and threatened Portuguese positions around Ambaca, their fortified
town that marked the western most edge of the colony of Angola. The Portuguese intervened, and blunted the effectiveness
of the campaign. In around 1701, Luca da Caltanisetta, the prefect of the Capuchin mission in Angola wrote to her asking to
re-establish the mission which had fallen vacant, and "to return that people to the granary of the Holy Church." Vernica,
whose country had "not fallen entirely back to heathendom" wrote back a pious letter expressing her concern that "it pained
her to see her children die without baptism" but that she was "disgusted with the whites," and she would "not see any of
them in her court with the missionaries." She sought once again to expand the kingdom into Portuguese domains in 1706,

and it was probably for this reason that she had ambassadors in the court of Kongo's King Pedro IV
that year. But her attempts to do this were thwarted, as Portuguese forces were too strong and
she abandoned the attempt. Nevertheless, a state of constant low level conflcit between her army
and the Portuguese at Ambaca and Cahenda led to the virtual depopulation of the country to the
west of Matamba, as the people either fled or were captured and deported to the Americas. Those
captured by the Portuguese tended to be sent to Brazil, those captured by Vernica were often
sold to Vili merchants, based in the Kingdom of Loango to the north, and subsequently sold
to English, Dutch, or French merchants who frequented that coast. Vernica continued her
attempts to expand Matamba's control over the territories that it claimed in the early seventeenth
century. She died in 1721 and was succeeded by her son, Afonso I.

Afonso I lvares de Pontes

was King of Matamba and Ndongo from 1721 until 1741. When Vernica died in 1721
she was succeeded by her son Afonso I lvares de Pontes. During his reign the northern district of Holo seceded from
Matamba to form its own kingdom and entered into relations with Portugal. As a result of Matamba's attempts to prevent the
secession and Portuguese trade with the rebel province, relations between Matamba and the Portuguese colony deteriorated.

Ana II

(Ana I was Queen Njinga as Matamba accepted the Christian names of former rulers and their dynasty, died 1756)
was Queen of Matamba and Ndongo from 1741 until 1756. She was came to power in 1741, faced a Portuguese invasion in
1744. The invasion of Matamba by Portuguese forces in 1744 was one of their largest military operations in the eighteenth
century. In the course of their attack, Matamba's army inflicted a serious defeat on the Portuguese, but in spite of this, a
remnant of the army managed to reach the capital of Matamba. In order to avoid a long war and to get them to withdraw,
Ana II signed a treaty of vassalage with Portugal which renewed points conceded by Vernica in 1683. While the treaty
allowed Portugal to claim Matamba as a vassal, and opened up Matamba to Portuguese trade, it had little effect on the real
sovereignty of Matmaba, or indeed in the conduct of trade. Ana II, like Vernica before her, was interested in developing
Matamba as a Christian country, routinely sending letters to the Capuchin prefect of Congo and Angola or the Portuguese
authorities requesting missionaries come and establish permanent bases in her country. While the country was visited by
missionaries from Cahenda and also from the Barefoot Carmelites, a permanent mission was not established. Ana II died in
1756 and a civil war broke out at that time among rival contenders for the throne, during which Vernica II ruled briefly for a
time but she was overthrown sometime after 1758, leaving Ana III on the throne.

Vernica II

was Queen of Matamba and Ndongo from 1756 until 1758. Vernica II ruled briefly for a time but she was
overthrown sometime after 1758, leaving Ana III on the throne.

Ana III was Queen of Matamba and Ndongo in 1758. Ana III was in turn overthrown by Kalwete ka Mbandi, a military leader.
Kalwete won the war, and was baptized as Francisco II upon taking the throne.

Francisco II,

Kalwete ka Mbandi was King of Matamba and Ndongo from 1758 until probably early 19th century. Ana III
previous Queen of Matamba and Ndongo was in turn overthrown by Kalwete ka Mbandi, a military leader. Kalwete won the
war, and was baptized as Francisco II upon taking the throne. However, two of Ana's daughters, Kamana and Murili escaped
the civil war, took refuge in the ancient capital of Ndongo on the Kindonga islands and successfully resisted Francisco II's
attempts to oust them.

Kasanje Kingdom
The Kasanje (Kasanzi) Kingdom, also known as the Jaga Kingdom, (16201910) was a pre-colonial Central African state. It was
formed in 1620 by a mercenary band of Imbangala, which had deserted the Portuguese ranks. The state gets its name from
the leader of the band, Kasanje, who settled his followers on the upper Kwango River. The Kasanje people were ruled by the
Jaga, a king who was elected from among the three clans who founded the kingdom. In 1680 the Portuguese traveller Antnio
de Oliveira de Cadornega estimated the kingdom had 300,000 people, of whom 100,000 were able to bear arms. However, it
is noted that this claim may be exaggerated. The kingdom of Kasanje remained in a constant state of conflict with its
neighbours, especially the kingdom of Matamba then ruled by queen Nzinga Mbande. The Imbangala state became a strong
commercial center until being eclipsed by Ovimbundu trade routes in the 1850s. Kasanje was finally incorporated into
Portuguese Angola in 19101911.

List of Rulers (Yaka) of the Kasanje (Kasanzi) Kingdom

Kasanje was the founder of Kasanje (Kasanzi) Kingdom around 1620. The state gets its name from the leader of the band,
Kasanje, who settled his followers on the upper Kwango River.

Mbumba

was a ruler (Yaka) of Kasanje (Kasanzi) Kingdom from ? until 1848 and from 1853 until ?.

Kandumba Kapenda kwa Mbangu

was a ruler (Yaka) of Kasanje (Kasanzi) Kingdom from ? until 1911.

Kanhama

Kanhama Kingdom
Kanhama was a Kingdom in the present Angola founded around 1700.

List of Rulers of the Kanhama Kingdom

Simbilinga

was a ruler of the Kanhama Kingdom from ? until 1804.

Haimbili "o Bom"

Haikukutu

was a ruler of the Kanhama Kingdom from 1804 until 1854.

was a ruler of the Kanhama Kingdom from 1854 until ?.

Siefeni was a ruler of the Kanhama Kingdom in the second half 19th century.
Osipandika
Nampandi

was a ruler of the Kanhama Kingdom in the second half 19th century.

was a ruler of the Kanhama Kingdom from ? until 1884.

Uedjulu was a ruler of the Kanhama Kingdom from 1884 until 1904.
Nande was a ruler of the Kanhama Kingdom from 1904 until 1911.

Nandume was a ruler of the Kanhama Kingdom from 1911 until 1917.

Ngoya Kingdom
Ngoya was a Kingdom in the present Angola.

List of Rulers (Mambouk) of the Ngoya Kingdom

Mafouk Kokelo

was a ruler of the Ngoya Kingdom from ? until 1800.

Maitica was a ruler of the Ngoya Kingdom in the first half 19th century.
Moe Gimbi I

(N'Pandi Sili) was a ruler of the Ngoya Kingdom in the first half 19th century.

Pucuta Poabo

was a ruler of the Ngoya Kingdom in the first half 19th century.

Mbatchi Nyongo

(Bar' Chi-N'Congo) (died around 1830)was a ruler of the Ngoya Kingdom from ? until his death in

1830.

Moe Npongonga
Moe Gimbi II

(Bar' Chi-Nbongo) (died 1830) was a ruler of the Ngoya Kingdom in 1830.

was a ruler of the Ngoya Kingdom in 1830.

Loemba "king Jack" was a ruler of the Ngoya Kingdom from 1830 until around 1852.
Npuna

was the regent of the Ngoya Kingdom from around 1852 until 1853.

Francisco Franque

(1776-1875) was a ruler of the Ngoya Kingdom from 1853 until his death in 1875.

Bastian was regent of the Ngoya Kingdom from 1875 until 1882.
Domingos Jos Franque

(1855-1941) was a ruler of the Ngoya Kingdom from 1882 until his death in 1841.

Cingolo Kingdom
Cingolo was one of the traditional independent Ovimbundu kingdoms in Angola.

List of Rulers of the Cingolo Kingdom

Ekundi

was a ruler of the Cingolo Kingdom around 1800.

Ulundu was a ruler of the Cingolo Kingdom around 1820.

Kalukongolo was a ruler of the Cingolo Kingdom around 1840.
Kalueyo I
Cimina

was a ruler of the Cingolo Kingdom around 1860.

was a ruler of the Cingolo Kingdom around 1870.

Kalueyo II

was a ruler of the Cingolo Kingdom around 1880.

Cimbalandongolo was a ruler of the Cingolo Kingdom around 1890.

Nandi was a ruler of the Cingolo Kingdom around 1900.

Ciyaka Kingdom
Ciyaka (also known as Quiyaca or Quiaca) was one of the traditional independent Ovimbundu kingdoms in Angola.

List of Rulers of the Ciyaka Kingdom

Atende II
Cikoko I

was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom around 1810.

was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom around 1820.

Kuvombo-inene
Ndumbu III

was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom in the first half 19th century.

was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom in the first half 19th century.

Handa II Kaciyombo
Njimbi Ukulundu

was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom around 1835.

was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom from 1842 util 1850.

Canja I Cimbua Cahuku Luanjangombe III was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom from 1850 until 1870.
Handa Njundo
Cilulu III

was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom from 1870 until 1898.

was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom from 1898 until 1904.

Handa III

was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom from 1904 until 1911.

Atende III

was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom from 1911 until 1915.

Cikoko II

was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom from 1915 until 1918.

Cilulu IV

was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom from 1920 until 1925.

Handa IV Kalumbombo

was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom from 1925 until 1928.

Sakulanda Luanjangombe IV

was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom from 1929 until 1939.

Cilulu V was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom from 1939 until 1940.
Tomasi

was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom from 1940 until ?.

Gumba Kingdom
Gumba was one of the traditional independent Ovimbundu kingdoms in Angola.

List of Rulers of the Gumba Kingdom

Ciweka
Mbati

was a ruler of the Gumba Kingdom from around 1903.

was a ruler of the Gumba Kingdom from ? until 1934.

Simbwyikoka was a ruler of the Gumba Kingdom from 1935 until 1938.
Kakope was a ruler of the Gumba Kingdom from 1938 until 1940.
Kafelo was a ruler of the Gumba Kingdom from 1940 until 1954.
Kutenga Lusase
Cilombo

was a ruler of the Gumba Kingdom from 1954 until 1956.

was a ruler of the Gumba Kingdom from 1956 until 1964.

Kalembe Kingdom
Kalembe was one of the traditional independent Ovimbundu kingdoms in Angola.

List of Rulers of the Kalembe Kingdom

Njundu

was a ruler of the Kalembe Kingdom around 1810.

Cinguangua II

was a ruler of the Kalembe Kingdom around 1835.

Cikomo was a ruler of the Kalembe Kingdom around 1850.

Ndumba

was a ruler of the Kalembe Kingdom around 1860.

Nyime was a ruler of the Kalembe Kingdom around 1895.

Sakatilo was a ruler of the Kalembe Kingdom around 1900.

Kalukembe Kingdom
Kalukembe (also
known
as Caluquembe, Caluguembe,
independent Ovimbundu kingdoms in Angola.

or Caluqueme)

was

one

of

the

traditional

List of Rulers of the Kalukembe Kingdom

Ndumbu Saciyambu
Keita Hungulu

was a ruler of the Kalukembe Kingdom around 1835.

was a ruler of the Kalukembe Kingdom around 1845.

Kamupula was a ruler of the Kalukembe Kingdom around 1850.

Ngandu Kapembe

was a ruler of the Kalukembe Kingdom around 1860.

Pomba Kalukembe
Muengo Njamba
Kavala Hungulu

was a ruler of the Kalukembe Kingdom around 1880.

was a ruler of the Kalukembe Kingdom around 1890.

was a ruler of the Kalukembe Kingdom in the early 20th century.

Mbailundu Kingdom
Mbailundu (also known as Bailundi, Bailundo) was the largest and the most powerful of the traditional Ovimbundu kingdoms
in Angola.

List of Rulers of the Mbailundu Kingdom

Katiavala I

was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom around 1700.

Njahulu I was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom around 1720.

Somandulo was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom in the 18th century.
Cingi I was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom around 1774 until around 1776.
Cingi II

was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom around 1778.

Ekuikui I
Numa I

was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom around 1780.

was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom in the late 18th century.

Hundungulu I was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom in the late 18th century.
Cisende I was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom in the late 18th century.
Njunjulu was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom in the late 18th century.
Ngungi

was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom in the early 19th century.

Civukuvuku was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom in the early 19th century.
Utondosi I

was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1818 until 1832.

Bungi was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1833 until 1842.
Mbonge was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1842 until 1861.
Cisende II

was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1861 until 1869.

Vasovv was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1869 until 1872.
Ekongo-liohombo

was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1872 until 1876.

Ekuikui II

Numa II

was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1890 until 1892.

Katiavala II
Moma

(died 1893) was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1876 until 1890.

was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1893 until 1895.

was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1895 until 1896.

Kangovi

was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1897 until 1898.

Hundungulu II

was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1898 until 1900.

Kalandula was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1900 until 1902.
Mutu ya Kevela
Cisende III

was the regent of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1903 until 1904.

was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1904 until 1911.

Njahulu II Kandimba

was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1911 until 1915.

Musita was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1935 until 1938.
Cinendele was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1938 until 1948.
Filipe Kapoko
Flix Numa

was a ceremonial ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1948 until 1970.

was a ceremonial ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1970 until 1982.

Congolola was a ceremonial ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1982 until 1985.
Ekuikui III

(died 1996) was a ceremonial ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1985 until his death in 1996.

Utondosi II

was a ceremonial ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1996 until 1999.

Augusto Cachitiopolo,

known by the royal title of Ekuikui IV, (c. 1913 January 14, 2012) was an
Angolan royal and politician, who served as the ceremonial King of Mbailundo in Huambo Province from 2002
until his death on January 14, 2012. Politically, Cachitiopolo served as a member of the National Assembly of
Angola and a member of the MPLA's central committee. King Ekuikui IV died from an illness on January 14,
2012, at the age of 98.

Ndulu Kingdom
Ndulu (also known as Andulo, Ondulu or Ondura) was one of the traditional independent Ovimbundu kingdoms in Angola.

List of Rulers of the Ndulu Kingdom

Cindele was a ruler of the Ndulu Kingdom around 1800.
Mbundi was a ruler of the Ndulu Kingdom around 1810.
Siakalembe was a ruler of the Ndulu Kingdom around 1835.
Lusse

was a ruler of the Ndulu Kingdom around 1850.

Elundu Civava

was a ruler of the Ndulu Kingdom from 1870 until 1890.

Civange was a ruler of the Ndulu Kingdom from 1890 until ?.

Cipati

was a ruler of the Ndulu Kingdom around 1897.

Cisusulu was a ruler of the Ndulu Kingdom around 1900.

Kasuanje

was a ruler of the Ndulu Kingdom in the early 20th century.

Siakanjimba was a ruler of the Ndulu Kingdom in the early 20th century.
Ndingilinya was a ruler of the Ndulu Kingdom in the early 20th century.
Sihinga was a ruler of the Ndulu Kingdom in the early 20th century.
Congolola was a ruler of the Ndulu Kingdom around 1910.
Cisokokua

was a ruler of the Ndulu Kingdom around 1917.

Cihopio was a ruler of the Ndulu Kingdom from ? until 1935.

Sangombe Esita

was a regent of the Ndulu Kingdom from 1935 until ?.

Ngalangi Kingdom
Ngalangi (also known as Galangue) was one of the traditional independent Ovimbundu kingdoms in Angola.

List of Rulers of the Ngalangi Kingdom

Ndumba II Cihongo
Kambuenge II

was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom in the first half 19th century.

was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom around 1835.

Ndumba III Epope Kateyavilombo

Etumbu Lutate

was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom from 1844 untill 1860.

was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom from 1860 until ?.

Ndumbu I was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom around 1886.

Ekumbi was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom around 1890.
Cihongo II

was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom around 1895.

Ciyo was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom around 1899.

Cipala was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom around 1905.
Kangombe

was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom around 1916.

Ngangawe was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom around 1920.

Cuvika was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom during 1920s.
Cikuetekole

was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom around 1925.

Mbumba Kambuakatepa

was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom from ? until 1931.

Cingelesi was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom from 1931 until 1933.
Ndumbu II

was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom from 1933 until 1935.

Congolola was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom from ? until 1935.

Sambu Kingdom
Sambu (also known as Sambo or Sambos) was one of the traditional independent Ovimbundu kingdoms in Angola.

List of Rulers of the Sambu Kingdom

Handa was a ruler of the Sambu Kingdom in the early 19th century.
Usinhalua II

was a ruler of the Sambu Kingdom in the early 19th century.

Kambangula

was a ruler of the Sambu Kingdom around 1820.

Congolola was a ruler of the Sambu Kingdom in the first half 19th century.
Lundungu was a ruler of the Sambu Kingdom in the first half 19th century.
Ekuikui
Mandi

was a ruler of the Sambu Kingdom in the first half 19th century.

was a ruler of the Sambu Kingdom in the second half 19th century.

Citangeleka Komundakeseke

was a ruler of the Sambu Kingdom in the second half 19th century.

Viye Kingdom
Viye (also known as Bi or Bihe) was one of the traditional independent Ovimbundu kingdoms in Angola.

List of Rulers of the Viye Kingdom

Kawewe was a ruler of the Viye Kingdom from 1795 until 1810.
Moma Vasovv

was a ruler of the Viye Kingdom from 1810 until 1833.

Mbandua was a ruler of the Viye Kingdom from 1833 until 1839.
Kakembembe Hundungulu

was a ruler of the Viye Kingdom from 1839 until 1842.

Liambula was a ruler of the Viye Kingdom from 1842 until 1847.
Kayangula was a ruler of the Viye Kingdom from 1847 until 1850.
Mukinda was a regent of the Viye Kingdom from 1850 until 1857.
Nguvenge

was a ruler of the Viye Kingdom from 1857 until 1859.

Konya Cilemo

was a ruler of the Viye Kingdom from 1860 until 1883.

Ciponge Njambayamina

was a ruler of the Viye Kingdom from 1883 until 1886.

Ciyoka was a ruler of the Viye Kingdom from 1886 until 1888.
Cikunyu Ndunduma
Kalufele

was a ruler of the Viye Kingdom from 1888 until 1890.

was a ruler of the Viye Kingdom from 1890 until 1895.

Kaninguluka

was a ruler of the Viye Kingdom from 1895 until 1901.

Ciyuka was a ruler of the Viye Kingdom from 1901 until 1903 and from 1928 until 1940.
Kavova

was a ruler of the Viye Kingdom from 1903 until 1915.

Ngungu was a ruler of the Viye Kingdom from 1915 until 1928.

Wambu Kingdom
Wambu (also known as Andulo, Ondulu or Ondura) was one of the traditional independent Ovimbundu kingdoms in Angola.

List of Rulers of the Wambu Kingdom

Kahala I Kanene

was a ruler of the Wambu Kingdom around 1800.

Vilombo II Vinene Kaneketela II

Cingi II Cinene Livonge

was a ruler of the Wambu Kingdom around 1805.

was a ruler of the Wambu Kingdom from 1813 until 1825.

Ngelo II Yale

was a ruler of the Wambu Kingdom from 1825 until 1840.

Ciasungu Kiapungo
Kapoko II

was a ruler of the Wambu Kingdom fom 1840 until April 1846.

was a ruler of the Wambu Kingdom from 1846 until 1860.

Atende II a Njamba

was a ruler of the Wambu Kingdom from 1860 until 1870.

Vilombo III Kacingangu

was a ruler of the Wambu Kingdom from 1870 until 1877.

Hungulu II Kapusukusu

was a ruler of the Wambu Kingdom from 1877 until 1885.

Wambu II

was a ruler of the Wambu Kingdom from 1885 until 1891.

Njamba Cimbungu

was a ruler of the Wambu Kingdom from 1891 until 1894.

Livonge was a ruler of the Wambu Kingdom from 1894 until 1902.

Republic of Cabinda
The Republic of Cabinda (Ibinda: Kilansi kia Kabinda), also called the Rpublique du Cabinda, is an unrecognized state in
southern Africa. The Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda-Foras Armadas de Cabinda (FLEC-FAC) claims
sovereignty from Angola and proclaimed the Republic of Cabinda as an independent country in 1975. The government of this
(internationally not recognized) entity operates in exile, with offices located in Paris and Pointe Noire, Congo. The 1885 Treaty
of Simulambuco designated Cabinda a Portuguese protectorate known as the Portuguese Congo, which was administratively
separate from Portuguese West Africa (Angola). In the 20th century, Portugal decided to integrate Cabinda into Angola, giving
it the status of a district of that "overseas province". During the Portuguese Colonial War, FLEC fought for the independence
of Cabinda from the Portuguese. Independence was proclaimed on August 1, 1975, and FLEC formed a provisional
government led by Henriques Tiago. Luiz Branque Franque was elected president. In January 1975, Angolas three national
liberation movements (People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA) and
National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA)) met with the colonial power in Alvor, Portugal, to establish the
modalities of the transition to independence. FLEC was not invited. The Alvor Agreement was signed, establishing Angolan
independence and confirming Cabinda as part of Angola. After Angolan independence was declared in November 1975,
Cabinda was occupied by the forces of the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), which had been present in
Cabinda since the mid-1960s, sustaining an anti-colonial guerrilla war that was rather more efficient than the one run by
FLEC. For much of the 1970s and 1980s, FLEC fought a low-intensity guerrilla war, attacking the troops of what was by then
the People's Republic of Angola, led by the MPLA. FLEC's tactics included attacking economic targets and kidnapping foreign
employees working in the provinces oil and construction businesses. In July 2006, after ceasefire negotiations, Antnio Bento
Bembe as president of the Cabindan Forum for Dialogue and Peace, vice-president and executive secretary of FLEC
announced that the Cabindan separatist forces were ready to declare a ceasefire. A peace treaty was signed. FLEC-FAC from
Paris contends Bembe had no authority or mandate to negotiate with the Angolans and that the only acceptable solution is
total independence.

List of Presidents of the Republic of Cabinda

Pedro Simba Macosso

(born 1927) was a President of the Republic of Cabinda from January 10 until August 1, 1975.
In the early 1960s, several independence movements advocating a separate status for Cabinda came into being. The
Movement for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda (MLEC) was formed in 1960 under the leadership of Luis Ranque
Franque. Resulting from the merger of various migr associations in Brazzaville, the MLEC rapidly became the most
prominent of the separatist movements. A further group was the Alliama (Mayombe National Alliance), representing the
Mayombe, a small minority of the population. In an important development, these movements united in August 1963 to form
a common, united front called the Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda (FLEC). The leadership role was taken by
the MLECs Ranque Franque. FLEC established a Cabindan government in exile in Kinshasa. In marked contrast with the FNLA,
the FLECs efforts to mobilize international support for its government in exile met with little success. In fact, the majority of
OAU members, concerned that this could encourage separatism elsewhere on the continent and duly committed to the
sanctity of African state borders, firmly rejected recognition of the FLECs government in exile. Later, in the course of Angola's
turbulent decolonisation process, Ranque Franque proclaimed the independence of the Republic of Cabinda in Kampala on
August 1, 1975 at an OAU summit which was discussing Angola at that precise moment. Zairian President Mobutu Sese Seko
called for a referendum on the future of the Cabinda. Congolese Prime Minister Henri Lopes is reported to have said at the
time that "Cabinda exists as a reality and is historically and geographically different from Angola." The Alvor Agreement,
signed on January 15, 1975, granted Angola independence from Portugal on November 11. The agreement, signed by the
MPLA, FNLA, UNITA, and the Portuguese government, was never signed by the FLEC or any representatives of Cabinda. MPLA
(mainly Cuban) troops entered Cabinda via Pointe Noire on November 11, 1975 and incorporated Cabinda into Angola proper
as "Cabinda Province". The Alvor Agreement states that "Angola constitutes one indivisible unity. In this context, Cabinda is
an integral and inalienable part of Angola." At the time, Cabinda was producing nearly all of Angola's oil, which accounted for
close to half of the nation's gross national product. During much of the 1970s and 1980s, FLEC operated a low intensity,
guerrilla war, attacking Angolan government troops and economic targets or creating havoc by kidnapping foreign employees
working in the provinces oil and construction businesses. In July 2006 after ceasefire negotiations in Brazzaville, Antnio
Bento Bembe as a president of Cabindan Forum for Dialogue and Peace, vice-president and executive secretary of FLEC
announced that the Cabindan separatist forces were ready to declare a ceasefire. The peace was recognized by the United
States, France, Portugal, Russia, Gabon, DR Congo, Republic of the Congo, Japan, South Korea, the European Union and the
African Union. After the peace agreement, Bento Bembe was elected Minister without portfolio in the Government of Angola.
FLEC-FAC from Paris contends Bembe has no authority or mandate to negotiate with the Angolans and that the only
acceptable solution is total independence.

Luis de Gonzaga Ranque Franque

(1925-2007) was a President of the Republic of Cabinda from August 1975

until January 1976. In the early 1960s, several independence movements advocating a separate status for Cabinda came into
being. The Movement for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda (MLEC) was formed in 1960 under the leadership of Luis
Ranque Franque. Resulting from the merger of various migr associations in Brazzaville, the MLEC rapidly became the most
prominent of the separatist movements. A further group was the Alliama (Mayombe National Alliance), representing the
Mayombe, a small minority of the population. In an important development, these movements united in August 1963 to form
a common, united front called the Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda (FLEC). The leadership role was taken by
the MLECs Ranque Franque. FLEC established a Cabindan government in exile in Kinshasa. In marked contrast with the FNLA,
the FLECs efforts to mobilize international support for its government in exile met with little success. In fact, the majority of
OAU members, concerned that this could encourage separatism elsewhere on the continent and duly committed to the
sanctity of African state borders, firmly rejected recognition of the FLECs government in exile. Later, in the course of Angola's
turbulent decolonisation process, Ranque Franque proclaimed the independence of the Republic of Cabinda in Kampala on
August 1, 1975 at an OAU summit which was discussing Angola at that precise moment. Zairian President Mobutu Sese Seko
called for a referendum on the future of the Cabinda. Congolese Prime Minister Henri Lopes is reported to have said at the
time that "Cabinda exists as a reality and is historically and geographically different from Angola." The Alvor Agreement,
signed on January 15, 1975, granted Angola independence from Portugal on November 11. The agreement, signed by the
MPLA, FNLA, UNITA, and the Portuguese government, was never signed by the FLEC or any representatives of Cabinda. MPLA
(mainly Cuban) troops entered Cabinda via Pointe Noire on November 11, 1975 and incorporated Cabinda into Angola proper
as "Cabinda Province". The Alvor Agreement states that "Angola constitutes one indivisible unity. In this context, Cabinda is
an integral and inalienable part of Angola." At the time, Cabinda was producing nearly all of Angola's oil, which accounted for
close to half of the nation's gross national product. During much of the 1970s and 1980s, FLEC operated a low intensity,
guerrilla war, attacking Angolan government troops and economic targets or creating havoc by kidnapping foreign employees
working in the provinces oil and construction businesses. In July 2006 after ceasefire negotiations in Brazzaville, Antnio
Bento Bembe as a president of Cabindan Forum for Dialogue and Peace, vice-president and executive secretary of FLEC
announced that the Cabindan separatist forces were ready to declare a ceasefire. The peace was recognized by the United
States, France, Portugal, Russia, Gabon, DR Congo, Republic of the Congo, Japan, South Korea, the European Union and the
African Union. After the peace agreement, Bento Bembe was elected Minister without portfolio in the Government of Angola.
FLEC-FAC from Paris contends Bembe has no authority or mandate to negotiate with the Angolans and that the only
acceptable solution is total independence.

Prime Minister of the Republic of Cabinda

Francisco Xavier Lubota

(1942-2006) was a Prime Minister of the Republic of Cabinda from July

1975 until January 1976 (provisonal Prime Minister from July until August 1975).

Democratic and People's Republic of Angola

On November 11, Democratic and People's Republic of Angola (at Huambo) declared by FNLA and UNITA in opposition to
MPLA backed People's Republic of Angola. On February 11, 1976 Democratic and People's Republic of Angola suppressed by
Angolan government when it overruns FNLA positions in the north and UNITA strongholds in the south. In 1979 Democratic
and People's Republic of Angola restored in rebellion; at Cunjamba and later Jamba.
From May 31, 1991 until October 31, 1992 brief end to civil war which resumes after UNITA disputes the results of national
elections. On April 4, 2002
cease-fire ends Angolan civil war, UNITA demobilizes in August 2002.

List of Presidents of the National Council of the Revolution of Democratic and People's
Republic of Angola and Presidents of Democratic and People's Republic of Angola
Holden lvaro Roberto

(January 12, 1923 August 2, 2007) founded and led the National Liberation Front of Angola
(FNLA) from 1962 to 1999 and Presidents of the National Council of the Revolution of Democratic and People's Republic of
Angola jointly with Jonas Malheiro Savimbi from November 11, 1975 until February 11, 1976. His memoirs are unfinished.
Roberto, son of Garcia Diasiwa Roberto and Joana Lala Nekaka (and a descendant of the monarchy of the Kongo Kingdom.),
was born in So Salvador, Angola. His family moved to Lopoldville, Belgian Congo in 1925. In 1940 he graduated from a
Baptist mission school. He worked for the Belgian Finance Ministry in Lopoldville, Bukavu, and Stanleyville for eight years. In
1951 he visited Angola and witnessed Portuguese officials abusing an old man, inspiring him to begin his political career.
Roberto and Barros Necaca founded the Union of Peoples of Northern Angola (UPNA), later renamed the Union of Peoples of
Angola (UPA), on July 14, 1954. Roberto, serving as UPA President, represented Angola in the All-African Peoples Congress of
Ghana which he secretly attended in Accra, Ghana in December 1958. There he met Patrice Lumumba, the future Prime
Minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Kenneth Kaunda, the future President of Zambia, and Kenyan nationalist
Tom Mboya. He acquired a Guinean passport and visited the United Nations. Jonas Savimbi, the future leader of UNITA, joined
the UPA in February 1961 at the urging of Mboya and Kenyan Prime Minister Jomo Kenyatta. Later that year Roberto
appointed Savimbi Secretary-General of the UPA. The United States National Security Council began giving Roberto aid in the
1950s, paying him $6,000 annually until 1962 when the NSC increased his salary to $10,000 for intelligence-gathering. After
visiting the United Nations, he returned to Kinshasa and organized Bakongo militants. He launched an incursion into Angola
on March 15, 1961, leading 4,000 to 5,000 militants. His forces took farms, government outposts, and trading centers, killing
everyone they encountered. At least 1,000 whites and an unknown number of natives were killed. Commenting on the
incursion, Roberto said, "this time the slaves did not cower". They massacred everything. Roberto met with United States
President John F. Kennedy on April 25, 1961. When he applied for aid later that year from the Ghanaian government, President
Kwame Nkrumah turned him down on the grounds that the U.S. government was already paying him. Roberto merged the
UPA with the Democratic Party of Angola to form the FNLA in March 1962 and a few weeks later established the Revolutionary
Government of Angola in Exile (GRAE) on March 27, appointing Savimbi to the position of Foreign Minister. Roberto
established a political alliance with Zairian President Mobutu Sese Seko by divorcing his wife and marrying a woman from
Mobutu's wife's village. Roberto visited Israel in the 1960s and received aid from the Israeli government from 1963 to 1969.
Savimbi left the FNLA in 1964 and founded UNITA in response to Roberto's unwillingness to spread the war outside the

traditional Kingdom of Kongo. Zhou Enlai, Premier of the People's Republic of China, invited Roberto to
visit the PRC in 1964. Roberto did not go because Moise Tshombe, the President of Katanga, told him he
would not be allowed to return to the Congo. On the eve of Angola's independence from Portugal, Zaire, in
a bid to install a pro-Kinshasa government and thwart the MPLA's drive for power, deployed armored car
units, paratroops, and three battalions to Angola. However, the FNLA and Zaire's victory was narrowly
averted by a massive influx of Cuban forces, who resoundingly defeated them. In 1976, the MPLA
defeated the FNLA in the Battle of Dead Road and the FNLA retreated to Zaire. While Roberto and
Agostinho Neto's proposed policies for an independent Angola were similar, Roberto drew support from
western Angola and Neto drew from eastern Angola. Neto, under the banner of nationalism and Communism, received
support from the Soviet Union while Roberto, under the banner of nationalism and anti-Communism, received support from
the United States, China, and Zaire. Roberto staunchly opposed Neto's drive to unite the Angolan rebel groups in opposition
to Portugal because Roberto believed the FNLA would be absorbed by the MPLA. The FNLA abducted MPLA members,
deported them to Kinshasa, and killed them. In 1991, the FNLA and MPLA agreed to the Bicesse Accords, allowing Roberto to
return to Angola. He ran unsuccessfully for President, receiving only 2.1% of the vote. However, the FNLA won five seats in
Parliament but refused to participate in the government. Roberto died on August 2, 2007 at his home in Luanda. After
Roberto's death, President Jos Eduardo dos Santos eulogized, "Holden Roberto was one of the pioneers of national liberation
struggle, whose name encouraged a generation of Angolans to opt for resistance and combat for the country's
independence," and released a decree appointing a commission to arrange for a funeral ceremony.

Jonas Malheiro Savimbi

(August 3, 1934-February 22, 2002) was an Angolan political and military leader who
founded and led the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA). He was also President of the National
Council of the Revolution of Democratic and People's Republic of Angola jointly with Holden lvaro Roberto from November
11, 1975 until February 11, 1976 and President of Democratic and People's Republic of Angola from 1979 until his death on
February 22, 2002. UNITA first waged a guerrilla war against Portuguese colonial rule, 196674, then confronted the rival
People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) during the decolonization conflict, 197475, and after independence
in 1975 fought the ruling MPLA in the Angolan Civil War until his death in a clash with government troops in 2002. Savimbi
was born on August 3, 1934, in Munhango, Moxico Province, a small town on the Benguela Railway, and raised in Bi
Province. Savimbi's father, Lote, was a stationmaster on Angola's Benguela railway line and a preacher of the Protestant
Igreja Evanglica Congregacional de Angola, founded and maintained by American missionaries. Both his parents were
members of the Bieno group of the Ovimbundu, the people who later served as Savimbi's major political base. In his early
years, Savimbi was educated mainly in Protestant schools, but also attended Roman Catholic schools. At the age of 24, he
received a scholarship to study in Portugal. There he finished his secondary studies, with the exception of the subject
"political organization" that was compulsory during the regime established by Antnio de Oliveira Salazar, so that he was
unable to start studying medicine as originally intended. Instead he became associated with students from Angola and other
Portuguese colonies who were preparing themselves for anti-colonial resistance and had contacts with the clandestine
Portuguese Communist Party. He knew Agostinho Neto, who was at that time studying medicine and who later went on to
become president of the MPLA and Angola's first state President. Under increasing pressure from the Portuguese secret police
(PIDE), Savimbi left Portugal for Switzerland with the assistance of Portuguese and French communists and other
sympathizers, and eventually wound up in Lausanne. There he was able to obtain a new scholarship from American
missionaries and studied social sciences. He then went on to the University at Fribourg for further studies. While there,
probably in August 1960, he met Holden Roberto who was already a rising star in migr circles. Roberto was a founding
member of the UPA (Unio das Populaes de Angola) and was already known for his efforts to promote Angolan
independence at the United Nations. He tried to recruit Savimbi who seems to have been undecided whether to commit
himself to the cause of Angolan independence at this point in his life. Savimbi sought a leadership position in the MPLA by
joining the MPLA Youth in the early 1960s. He was rebuffed by the MPLA, and joined forces with the National Liberation Front
of Angola (FNLA) in 1964. The same year he conceived UNITA with Antonio da Costa Fernandes. Savimbi went to China for
help and was promised arms and military training. Upon returning to Angola in 1966 he launched UNITA and began his career
as an anti-Portuguese guerrilla fighter. He also fought the FNLA and MPLA, as the three resistance movements tried to
position themselves to lead a post-colonial Angola. Portugal later released PIDE[clarification needed] archives revealing that
Savimbi had signed a collaboration pact with Portuguese colonial authorities to fight the MPLA. Following Angola's
independence in 1975, Savimbi gradually drew the attention of powerful Chinese and, ultimately, American policymakers and
intellectuals. Trained in China during the 1960s, Savimbi was a highly successful guerrilla fighter schooled in classic Maoist
approaches to warfare, including baiting his enemies with multiple military fronts, some of which attacked and some of which
consciously retreated. Like the People's Liberation Army of Mao Zedong, Savimbi mobilized important, although ethnically
confined segments of the rural peasantry overwhelmingly Ovimbundu as part of his military tactics. From a military strategy
standpoint, he can be considered one of the most effective guerrilla leaders of the 20th century. As the MPLA was supported
by the Soviet bloc since 1974, and declared itself Marxist-Leninist in 1977, Savimbi renounced his earlier Maoist leanings and
contacts with China, presenting on the international scene as a protagonist of anti-communism. The war between the MPLA
and UNITA, whatever its internal reasons and dynamics, thus became a sub-plot to the Cold War, with both Moscow and
Washington viewing the conflict as important to the global balance of power. In 1985, with the backing of the Reagan
administration, Jack Abramoff and other U.S. conservatives organized the Democratic International in Savimbi's base in
Jamba, in Cuando Cubango Province in southeastern Angola. The meeting included several of the anti-communist guerrilla
leaders of the Third World, including Savimbi, Nicaraguan Contra leader Adolfo Calero, and Abdul Rahim Wardak, then leader
of Afghan mujahideen who later became Afghanistan's Defense Minister. Savimbi was strongly supported by the influential,
conservative Heritage Foundation. Heritage foreign policy analyst Michael Johns and other conservatives visited regularly with
Savimbi in his clandestine camps in Jamba and provided the rebel leader with ongoing political and military guidance in his
war against the Angolan government. The African-American Texas State Representative Clay Smothers of Dallas was a strong
Savimbi supporter. Savimbi's U.S.-based supporters ultimately proved successful in convincing the Central Intelligence
Agency (CIA) to channel covert weapons and recruit guerrillas for Savimbi's war against Angola's Marxist government, which
greatly intensified and prolonged the conflict. During a visit to Washington, D.C. in 1986, Reagan invited Savimbi to meet with
him at the White House. Following the meeting, Reagan spoke of UNITA winning "a victory that electrifies the world." Two
years later, with the Angolan Civil War intensifying, Savimbi returned to Washington, where he was filled with gratitude and
praise for the Heritage Foundation's work on UNITA's behalf. "When we come to the Heritage Foundation", Savimbi said
during a June 30, 1988 speech at the foundation, "it is like coming back home. We know that our success here in Washington
in repealing the Clark Amendment and obtaining American assistance for our cause is very much associated with your efforts.
This foundation has been a source of great support. The UNITA leadership knows this, and it is also known in Angola."
Complementing his military skills, Savimbi also impressed many with his intellectual qualities. He spoke seven languages
fluently four European, three African. In visits to foreign diplomats and in speeches before American audiences, he often cited
classical Western political and social philosophy, ultimately becoming one of the most vocal anti-communists of the Third
World. Some dismiss this intellectualism as nothing more than careful handling by his politically shrewd American supporters,
who sought to present Savimbi as a clear alternative to Angola's communist government. But others[who?] saw it as genuine

and a product of the guerrilla leader's intelligence. Savimbi's biography describes him as "an
incredible linguist. He spoke four European languages, including English although he had never lived
in an English-speaking country. He was extremely well read. He was an extremely fine
conversationalist and a very good listener." These contrasting images of Savimbi would play out
throughout his life, with his enemies calling him a power-hungry warmonger, and his American and
other allies calling him a critical figure in the West's bid to win the Cold War. As U.S. support began to
flow liberally and leading U.S. conservatives championed his cause, Savimbi won major strategic
advantages in the late 1980s, and again in the early 1990s, after having taken part unsuccessfully in
the general elections of 1992. As a consequence, Moscow and Havana began to reevaluate their
engagement in Angola, as Soviet and Cuban fatalities mounted and Savimbi's ground control
increased. By 1989, UNITA held total control of several limited areas, but was able to develop
significant guerrilla operations everywhere in Angola, with the exception of the coastal cities and
Namibe Province. At the height of his military success, in 1989 and 1990, Savimbi was beginning to
launch attacks on government and military targets in and around the country's capital, Luanda. Observers felt that the
strategic balance in Angola had shifted and that Savimbi was positioning UNITA for a possible military victory. Signaling the
concern that the Soviet Union was placing on Savimbi's advance in Angola, Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev raised the
Angolan war with Reagan during numerous U.S.-Soviet summits. In addition to meeting with Reagan, Savimbi also met with
Reagan's successor, George H. W. Bush, who promised Savimbi "all appropriate and effective assistance." In January 1990
and again in February 1990, Savimbi was wounded in armed conflict with Angolan government troops. The injuries did not
prevent him from again returning to Washington, where he met with his American supporters and President Bush in an effort
to further increase US military assistance to UNITA. Savimbi's supporters warned that continued Soviet support for the MPLA
was threatening broader global collaboration between Gorbachev and the US. In February 1992, Antonio da Costa Fernandes
and Nzau Puna defected from UNITA, declaring publicly that Savimbi was not interested in a political test, but on preparing
another war. Under military pressure from UNITA, the Angolan government negotiated a cease-fire with Savimbi, and Savimbi
ran for president in the national elections of 1992. Foreign monitors claimed the election to be fair. But because neither
Savimbi (40%) nor Angolan President Jos Eduardo dos Santos (49%) obtained the 50 percent necessary to prevail, a run-off
election was scheduled. In late October 1992, Savimbi dispatched UNITA Vice President Jeremias Chitunda and UNITA senior
advisor Elias Salupeto Pena to Luanda to negotiate the details of the run-off election. On November 2, 1992 in Luanda,
Chitunda and Pena's convoy was attacked by government forces and they were both pulled from their car and shot dead.
Their bodies were taken by government authorities and never seen again. The MPLA offensive against UNITA and the FNLA
has come to be known as the Halloween Massacre where over 10,000 of their voters were massacred nationwide by MPLA
forces. Alleging governmental electoral fraud and questioning the government's commitment to peace, Savimbi withdrew
from the run-off election and resumed fighting, mostly with foreign funds. UNITA again quickly advanced militarily, encircling
the nation's capital of Luanda. One of Savimbi's largest sources of financial support was the De Beers corporation, which
bought between US$500 to 800 million worth of illegally mined diamonds in 199293. In 1994, UNITA signed a new peace
accord. Savimbi declined the vice-presidency that was offered to him and again renewed fighting in 1998. Savimbi also
reportedly purged some of those within UNITA whom he may have seen as threats to his leadership or as questioning his
strategic course. Savimbi's foreign secretary Tito Chingunji and his family were murdered in 1991 after Savimbi suspected
that Chingunji had been in secret, unapproved negotiations with the Angolan government during Chingunji's various
diplomatic assignments in Europe and the United States. Savimbi denied his involvement in the Chingunji killing and blamed
it on UNITA dissidents. After surviving more than a dozen assassination attempts, and having been reported dead at least 15
times, Savimbi was killed on February 22, 2002, in a battle with Angolan government troops along riverbanks in the province
of Moxico, his birthplace. In the firefight, Savimbi sustained 15 gunshot wounds to his head, throat, upper body and legs.
While Savimbi returned fire, his wounds proved fatal almost immediately; he died almost instantly. Savimbis somewhat
mystical reputation for eluding the Angolan military and their Soviet and Cuban military advisors led many Angolans to
question the validity of reports of his 2002 death. Not until pictures of his bloodied and bullet-ridden body appeared on
Angolan state television, and the United States State Department subsequently confirmed it, did the reports of Savimbis
death in combat gain credence in the country. Savimbi was interred in Luena Main Cemetery in Luena, Moxico Province. On
January 3, 2008, Savimbis tomb was vandalised and four members of the youth wing of the MPLA were charged and
arrested. Savimbi was succeeded by Antnio Dembo, who assumed UNITAs leadership on an interim basis in February 2002.
But Dembo had sustained wounds in the same attack that killed Savimbi, and he died from them ten days later and was
succeeded by Paulo Lukamba. Six weeks after Savimbi's death, a ceasefire between UNITA and the MPLA was signed, but
Angola remains deeply divided politically between MPLA and UNITA supporters. Parliamentary elections in September 2008
resulted in an overwhelming majority for the MPLA, but their legitimacy was questioned by international observers. In the
years since Savimbi's death, his legacy has been a source of debate. "The mistake that Savimbi made, the historical, big
mistake he made, was to reject (the election) and go back to war," Alex Vines, head of the Africa program at London-based
Chatham House research institute said in February 2012. University of Oxford Africa expert Paula Roque says Savimbi was "a
very charismatic man, a man that exuded power and leadership. We can't forget that for a large segment of the population,
UNITA represented something." He was survived by "several wives and dozens of children," the latter numbering at least 25.
Savimbi is a minor character in Call of Duty: Black Ops II, a video game released in 2012. Savimbi and the player take part of
a fictional battle during Operation Alpha Centauri against the MPLA in 1986. He is voiced by Robert Wisdom.

Antnio Sebastio Dembo

(1944-March 3, 2002) served as Vice President (19922002) and later President (2002)
of UNITA, an anti-Communist rebel group that fought against the MPLA in the Angolan Civil War. He was also President of
Democratic and People's Republic of Angola from February 22 until his death on March 3, 2002. Born to Sebastio and
Muhemba Nabuko in Nambuangongo, Bengo Province, he completed his primary schooling at Muxaluando and Quimai
Methodist schools. His secondary education was at El Harrach and cole Nationale d'Ingnieurs et Techniciens d'Algrie in
Algeria. Antnio Dembo joined UNITA in 1969. After traveling throughout Africa on behalf of UNITA, he returned in 1982 to
become commander for the Northern Front and later the Northern Front chief of staff. He became UNITA's Vice President in
1992 when the Angolan Civil War resumed, succeeding Jeremias Chitunda, who was assassinated by the Angolan government
in Luanda that year. He also became the general in charge of UNITA's Special Commandos, the Tupamaros. After the war
turned against UNITA in 2001-02, Dembo's forces were constantly on the run from government troops. Following the
assassination of its leader Jonas Savimbi on February 22, 2002, Dembo became the President of UNITA. However, Dembo was
also wounded in the same attack that killed Savimbi and, already weakened by diabetes, died ten days later. Dembo's
succession of Savimbi had been pre-ordained by Savimbi and the UNITA leadership. In 1997, Savimbi and the UNITA
leadership named Dembo Savimbi's successor in the event of Savimbi's death. Consistent with this pre-ordained succession,
Dembo assumed leadership of UNITA immediately following Savimbi's death in combat. Following Dembo's death, UNITA's
leadership was assumed by Isaas Samakuva, who had served as UNITA's ambassador to Europe under Savimbi.

Paulo Armindo Lukamba "Gato"

(born as Armindo Lucas Paulo on May 13, 1954) led UNITA, a former anticolonial movement that fought against the MPLA in the Angolan Civil War, from the death of Antnio Dembo on March 3, 2002

until he lost the 2003 leadership election to Isaas Samakuva. He was also Acting President (chairman of
managerial commission) of Democratic and People's Republic of Angola from March 3 until April 4, 2002.
Lukamba was born in the province of Huambo, in central Angola. Lukamba joined UNITA during the Carnation
revolution in Portugal. He eventually served eight years in France as UNITA's representative there. From 1995
until the death of Jonas Savimbi in February 2002, Lukamba served as UNITA's Secretary-General. Upon
Savimbi's death and the subsequent death of Vice President Antnio Dembo just 10 days later from diabetes
and battle wounds, Lukamba assumed control of the rebel group. Lukamba led UNITA in negotiations that
ended the Angolan Civil War in April 2002. Lukamba led UNITA's political party until 2003 when Isaas
Samakuva won the leadership election. Samakuva is the current President of UNITA. Lukamba was the fifth candidate on
UNITA's national list in the September 2008 parliamentary election. He was one of 16 UNITA candidates to win seats in the
election.

List of Prime Ministers of Democratic and People's Republic of Angola

Jos de Assuno Alberto Ndele

(born 1940) was the Prime Ministers of Democratic and People's Republic of
Angola jointly with Johnny Eduardo Pinnock from November 11, 1975 until February 11, 1976.

Johnny Eduardo Pinnock

(January 19, 1946-February 23, 2000) was the Prime Ministers of Democratic
and People's Republic of Angola jointly with Jos de Assuno Alberto Ndele from November 11, 1975 until
February 11, 1976.

List of Presidents and Prime Ministers of Angola

Antnio Agostinho Neto

(September 17, 1922 September 10, 1979) served as the first

President of Angola from November 11, 1975 until September 10, 1979, leading the Popular
Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) in the war for independence and the civil war. His
birthday is celebrated as National Heroes Day, a public holiday in Angola. Born at colo e Bengo, in
Bengo Province, Angola, in 1922, Neto attended high school in the capital city, Luanda; his father, also
called Agostinho Neto, was a Methodist pastor. The younger Neto left Angola for Portugal, and studied
medicine at the universities of Coimbra and Lisbon. He combined his academic life with covert political
activity of a revolutionary sort; and PIDE, the security police force of the Estado Novo regime headed by
Portuguese Prime Minister Salazar, arrested him in 1951 for his separatist activism. Seven years later he
was released from prison, and he finished his studies, marrying a white 23-years-old Portuguese woman
who was born in Trs-os-Montes, Maria Eugnia da Silva, the same day he graduated. He returned to
Angola in 1959. In December 1956 the Angolan Communist Party (PCA) merged with the Party of the United Struggle for
Africans in Angola (PLUA) to form the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola with Viriato da Cruz, the President of the
PCA, as Secretary General and Neto as President. The Portuguese authorities in Angola arrested Neto on June 8, 1960. His
patients and supporters marched for his release from Bengo to Catete, but were stopped when Portuguese soldiers shot at
them, killing 30 and wounding 200 in what became known as the Massacre of Icolo e Bengo. At first Portugal's government
exiled Neto to Cape Verde. Then, once more, he was sent to jail in Lisbon. After international protests were made to Salazar's
administration urging Neto's release, Neto was freed from prison and put under house arrest. From this he escaped, going
first to Morocco and then to Zaire. In 1962 Neto visited Washington D.C. and asked the Kennedy administration for aid in his
war against Portugal. The U.S. government turned him down, choosing instead to support Holden Roberto's comparatively
anti-Communist FNLA. Neto met Che Guevara in 1965 and began receiving support from Cuba. He visited Havana many
times, and he and Fidel Castro shared similar ideological views. Following the Carnation Revolution in Portugal during April
1974 (which deposed Salazar's successor Marcelo Caetano), three political factions vied for Angolan power. One of the three
was the MPLA, to which Neto belonged. On November 11, 1975, Angola achieved full independence from the Portuguese, and
Neto became the nation's ruler. His government developed close links with the Soviet Union and other nations in the Eastern
bloc and other Communist states, particularly Cuba, which aided the MPLA considerably in its war with the FNLA, UNITA and
South Africa. However, while Neto made the MPLA declare Marxism-Leninism its official doctrine, his position was to favour a
socialist, not a communist model. As a consequence, he violently repressed a movement later called Fractionism which in
1977 attempted a coup d' tat inspired by OCA (Organizao dos Comunistas de Angola). An estimated 18,000 followers (or
alleged followers) of Nito Alves were killed in the aftermath of the attempted coup, over a period that lasted up to two years.
Neto died in a hospital in Moscow, while undergoing surgery for cancer, shortly before his 57th birthday. Jose Eduardo dos
Santos succeeded him as president. But the Angolan civil war continued to rage for almost a quarter of a century more. The
Soviet Union awarded Neto the Lenin Peace Prize for 1975-76. The public university of Luanda, the Agostinho Neto University,
is named after him. A poem by Chinua Achebe entitled Agostinho Neto was written in his honor.[7] An airport in Santo Anto,
Cape Verde, is named after him, due to the beloved work he performed there as a doctor. There is also a morna dedicated to
him. A street in New Belgrade in Serbia is named after him, the Dr. Agostina Neta street. In 1973, during one of his few
unofficial visits to Bulgaria, Neto met a woman with whom he had a daughter called Mihaela Marinova. Unfortunately Neto's
sudden death did no favor for his daughter who had been raised in orphanages in Bulgaria. Neto's family has not recognised
the child.

Lopo

Fortunato

Ferreira

do

Nascimento (born

June
10,
1942) is
an Angolan retired politician. He served as the first Prime Minister of Angola from November 11,
1975 until December 9, 1978 and was Secretary-General of the Popular Movement for the
Liberation of Angola (MPLA). Nascimento was later Minister of Territorial Administration; after
resigning from that post, he was replaced by Paulo Kassoma on April 9, 1992. He was elected as
MPLA Secretary-General by the party's Central Committee in 1993. He was the 66th candidate on
the MPLA's national list in the September 2008 parliamentary election.He won a seat in that
election, in which MPLA won an overwhelming majority in the National Assembly.On January 27,
2013 he announced his retirement from active politics.

Jos Eduardo dos Santos

(born August 28, 1942) is an Angolan politician who has been the second and current
President of Angola since September 10, 1979. As President, Jos Eduardo dos Santos is also the commander in chief of the
Angolan Armed Forces (FAA) and president of the MPLA (People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola), the party that has
been ruling Angola since independence in 1975. Eduardo dos Santos, born in the district of Sambizanga in Luanda, is the son
of Avelino Eduardo dos Santos and Jacinta Jos Paulino, immigrants from So Tom and Prncipe. He attended primary school
in his neighborhood in Luanda, and received his secondary education at the colonial elite school Liceu Salvador Correia, today
called Mutu ya Kevela. He began his political activity integrating clandestine groups that formed in suburban neighbourhoods
of the capital, following the establishment on December 10, 1956 the MPLA (People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola).
While studying in school, Jos Eduardo dos Santos joined the MPLA, which marked the beginning of his political career. Due to
the repression of the colonial government, dos Santos went into exile in neighbouring Congo-Brazzaville in 1961. From there
he collaborated with the MPLA and soon became an official member of the party. To continue with his education, he moved,
once again, to the Soviet Union, where by 1969, he received degrees in petroleum engineering and in radar communications
from the Azerbaijan Oil and Chemistry Institute in Baku, Azerbaijan. In 1970 he returned to Angola, which was still a
Portuguese territory known as the Overseas Province of Angola, and joined the MPLA's guerrilla forces EPLA (Exrcito Para a
Libertao de Angola) later on August 1, 1974 to be known as FAPLA (Foras Armadas Populares de Libertao de Angola), a
branch of the MPLA, becoming a radio transmitter in the second political-military region of the MPLA in Cabinda Province. In
1974, he was promoted to sub commander of the telecoms service of the second region. He served as the MPLA's
representative to Yugoslavia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the People's Republic of China before being elected
to the Central Committee and Politburo of the MPLA in Moxico (province) in September 1974. In June 1975, dos Santos
became coordinator of the MPLA's Department of Foreign Affairs; he also coordinated the MPLA's Department of Health at this
time. Upon Angolan independence in November 1975, the MPLA held power in Luanda, but the new MPLA government faced
a civil war with the other political formations UNITA and FNLA; the civil war continued for most of the period until 2002. Dos
Santos was appointed as Angola's first Minister of Foreign Affairs upon independence, and in this capacity he played a key
role in obtaining diplomatic recognition for the MPLA government in 197576. At the MPLA's First Congress in December 1977,
Eduardo dos Santos was re-elected to the Central Committee and Politburo. In December 1978, he was moved from the post
of First Deputy Prime Minister in the government to that of Minister of Planning. After the death of Angola's first president,
Agostinho Neto, on September 10, 1979, Jos Eduardo dos Santos was elected as President of the MPLA on September 20,
1979, and he took office as President of Angola, President of the MPLA, and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces on
September 21. He was also elected as President of the People's Assembly on November 9, 1980. On September 29 and
September 30, 1992, elections occurred in Angola. Jos Eduardo dos Santos won the election against his main rival, Jonas
Savimbi (49.5% vs. 40.7%), but since no candidate achieved the required 50% of the votes, a second round of voting was
called. Savimbi then quit, alleging voting fraud, and immediately resumed the civil war, while Jos Eduardo dos Santos
remained in office. In 2001, dos Santos announced that he would step down at the next presidential election. However, in
December 2003 he was reelected as head of the MPLA and no further presidential election took place, despite these being
announced for 2006, then 2007 and finally announced that the next presidential election would be held in 2009. After
legislative election in 2008 in which the ruling MPLA won a landslide victory, the party started working on a new constitution
that was introduced early in 2010. In terms of the new constitution, the leader of the party with the most seats in Parliament
automatically becomes the president of the country. In November 2006, Eduardo dos Santos adopted an initiative created by
veteran Diamantaire, Dr. Andr Action Diakit Jackson, to launch the African Diamond Producers Association (ADPA), an
intergovernmental offshoot of the African Diamond Council (ADC), consisting of approximately 20 African nations founded to
promote market cooperation and foreign investment in the African diamond industry. Jos Eduardo dos Santos married three
times and has six children from his wives, and one born out of wedlock. He and his family have amassed a significant
personal fortune. The actual value is unknown, but in recent years his daughter Isabel dos Santos, who manages the family
fortune, has made multi-million dollar investments in Angola and in Portugal, in her name and that of her husband. Since
2010 manifestations of protest against Jos Eduardo dos Santos are on record. Jos Eduardo dos Santos escaped an
assassination attempt on October 24, 2010 when a vehicle tried to intercept his car as he was returning from the beach with
his family. His escort opened fire killing two passengers in the vehicle, and weapons were found on board. This incident has
not been confirmed by any other source. In February/March 2011, and then again in September 2011, public manifestations
were organized in Luanda by young Angolans, mostly via internet (where violent criticisms of the President, and the regime
he stands for, have become frequent). In the 2012 general election, his party, the MPLA, won more than two-thirds of the
votes. As dos Santos had been the top candidate of the party, he automatically became the President of the Republic, in line
with the constitution adopted in 2010. In September 2014, Jos Eduardo dos Santos announced the end of the cumulation of
the position of provincial governor with provincial first secretary of MPLA. This measure aimed to improve the operation of the
provincial administration and the municipal administrations, as a way to adjust the governance model to a new context and
bigger demand for public services. Jos Eduardo dos Santoss role in the development of the oil sector was praised in London,
during the opening of the first annual world conference to support the national business sector, which was held in October
2014. The name of the Angolan President was hailed for his commitment in the integration of the national entrepreneurship
in the sector and staff training, as well as for his incentive towards young peoples training in technical areas, namely in
Petroleum Engineering. Jos Eduardo dos Santos was named "Man of the Year 2014" by Africa World magazine. According to
the newspaper, the choice of the Angolan leader is due to his contribution to the great process of economic and democratic
recovery of Angola since the end of the war. Dos Santos has been accused of leading one of the most corrupt regimes in
Africa by ignoring the economic and social needs of Angola and focusing his efforts on amassing wealth for his family and
silencing his opposition. In Angola, nearly 70% of the population lives on less than $2 a day and yet he and his family have
amassed a massive sum of wealth, with stakes in the leading businesses of the nation as well as international corporations.
Dos Santos became wealthy when he first took power, but only began amassing his incredibly large assets during and after
the Angolan civil wars. When the ceasefire occurred and large portions of the economy were being partially privatized, he
took control of several emerging companies and industries. He helped arrange similar takeovers of several other natural
resource industries. Eventually the Angolan Parliament made it illegal for the president to have financial holdings in
companies and organizations. In response to this, Dos Santos supposedly began arranging for his daughter to receive the
financial kickbacks and assets from these companies. In addition he began using the government to take direct control of
stakes in companies offered as kickbacks which he indirectly controlled and reaped the benefits of. Despite being barred from
direct involvement in the nations corporate assets, Dos Santos has managed to still retain large corporate assets through
proxies. Along with this, the government budget had grown over a decade to 69 billion dollars in 2012 through oil revenues.
However the International Monetary Fund reported that there was 32 billion in oil revenue simply missing from the
governments ledger. Eventually the missing money was tracked to have been used on quasi-fiscal activities. It has been
alleged that Dos Santos and his cabinet are responsible for silencing the media and harassing journalists who attempt to
uncover details about their financial dealings. But none of these assumptions were ever confirmed. The role of the President
Jos Eduardo dos Santos, in the growth of the Angolan economy, was the topic of a lecture held on August 28. The Angolan
economist Jos Pedro de Morais, the lecturer, stressed the various pragmatic steps taken by the Angolan Head of State, in all
stages of the complex context of the country. According to the speaker, President Jose Eduardo dos Santos has always had to
solve complex problems in the leadership of the country's destiny, ranging from war to the pacifying of the spirits of citizens

and through economic and political stabilization.Jos Eduardo dos Santos married three times and has six
children from his wives, and one born out of wedlock. He and his family have amassed a significant
personal fortune. The actual value is unknown, but in recent years his daughter Isabel dos Santos,
who manages the family fortune, has made multi-million dollar investments in Angola and in Portugal,
in her name and that of her husband.

Fernando Jos de Frana Dias Van-Dnem

(born 1934) is
Angolan political figure who was the First Vice-President of the African Union's PanAfrican Parliament. He is a member of the ruling Popular Movement for the
Liberation of Angola (MPLA) and served as Prime Minister of Angola, the first time
from from July 19, 1991 until August 27, 1992 and from June 3, 1996 until January
29, 1999. He was the first Prime Minister appointed since the post was abolished in
1978. After four years out of office, Dias was reappointed as Prime Minister on June
3, 1996 and remained in office until a cabinet reshuffle in January 1999, when the
post of Prime Minister
was again eliminated. He received a Master's Degree in Public Law, and a Ph.D. in
Public
Law,
both
in Aix-en-Provence, France. From 1964 to 1965 was a research assistant for
Professor Maarten Bos regarding international law at the University of Utrecht in the Netherlands In that same year he
conducted a study on Recognition of States and Government. Ambassador Van-Dnem has been a member of the American
Society of International Law since 1964. For three years starting in 1969 to 1971 he was a lecturer on Public International
Law, Constitutional Law and Administrative Law in Bujumbura, Burundi.For two years starting in 1970 he was Deputy Legal
Advisor to the Organisation of African Unity. From 1972 to 1978 he was Chief Personnel Officer of the same organization. For
one year starting in 1978 Ambassador Van-Dnem was OAU Deputy Representative for Political and Legal Affairs near
the United Nations inGeneva, Switzerland. From 1979 to 1982 he was Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Ambassador of the
People's Republic of Angola to Belgium, the Netherlands and the European Economic Community. For four years starting in
1982 he was Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Ambassador of the People's Republic of Angola to Portugal and Spain. From
1985 to 1986, Van-Dnem was Deputy Minister of External Relations, and from 1986 to 1990 he was Minister of Justice. He
was Minister of Planning from 1990 to 1991, then Prime Minister from 1991 to 1992. After serving as President of the National
Assembly of Angola from 1992 to 1996, he was Prime Minister for a second time from 1996 to 1999. Van-Dnem was a
member of the National Assembly of Angola in 1999. At the same time, he was a Professor of International Law, History
of Political Thought, and a member of the Faculty of Law at Catholic University of Angola. Van-Dnem was the 71st candidate
on the MPLA's national list in the September 2008 parliamentary election. Van-Dnem won a seat in this election, in which
MPLA won an overwhelming majority.
an

Marcolino Jos Carlos Moco

(Chitue, Ekunha, June 19, 1953) is an Angolan politician.

He was the Prime Minister of Angola from December 2, 1992 until June 3, 1996. Moco was fired
from his role by President Jos Eduardo dos Santos. Santos removed the entire cabinet alongside
the Governor of the central bank in a bid to be seen as decisive. Moco was a member of
the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), the party of the President, which had
been the ruling party until 1991, shortly before Moco became Prime Minister (with an interlude
by a government of national unity, after which the MPLA again became the ruling party until the
present). In July 1996, Moco became the first Executive Secretary of the Community of
Portuguese Language Countries, a new international organization which Portugal and most of its former colonies, including
Angola, joined. Moco's term as Executive Secretary ended in 2000.

Fernando da Piedade Dias dos Santos

(born March 5, 1950), known as Nand, is

an Angolan politician who was Vice President of Angola from February 18, 2010 until September 26, 2012.
He was the Prime Minister of Angola from December 6, 2002 until September 30, 2008 and President of
the National Assembly of Angola from 2008 to 2010. He has again served as President of the National
Assembly since 2012. Piedade is a cousin of President Jos Eduardo dos Santos. His parents emigrated to
Angola from So Tom and Prncipe. He obtained a BA in Law in 2009 at Agostinho Neto University in
Angola. In 1971, Piedade joined the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA). Following
Angola's independence from Portugal in 1975 he began a career in the People's Police Corps of Angola,
becoming a division head in 1978. In 1981 he moved to the Ministry of the Interior, becoming Deputy Minister in 1984. The
following year he was elected as a member of the MPLA-Workers' Party congress and given the rank of colonel in the Angolan
military. He later became a member of the People's Assembly, beginning a succession of appointments to government
ministerial posts. After having served as Interior Minister since 1999, Piedade was appointed as Prime Minister in November
2002 and took office on December 6, 2002. The office of Prime Minister had previously been unoccupied for three years.
Piadade was the 14th candidate on the MPLA's national list in the September 2008 parliamentary election. In the election, the
MPLA won an overwhelming majority, and Piedade was elected to a seat in the National Assembly.Following the 2008
election, the MPLA Political Bureau chose Piedade to become the President of the National Assembly on September 26, 2008.
It also chose Paulo Kassoma to replace Piedade as Prime Minister. On September 30, the newly elected members of the
National Assembly met and were sworn in; Piedade was elected as President of the National Assembly on this occasion,
receiving 211 votes in favor and three opposed. On January 21, 2010, the National Assembly approved a new constitution that
would increase presidential powers, eliminate the office of Prime Minister, and eliminate popular elections for the office of
President. Piedade described the National Assembly's adoption of the constitution as a "historic moment". President dos
Santos then appointed Piedade to the newly established office of Vice-President of Angola on February 3, 2010. Having long
served as a close and powerful associate of dos Santos, his appointment as Vice-President made it appear more likely that he
was being envisioned as the eventual successor to dos Santos. However, dos Santos had already been designated as the
MPLA candidate for President in 2012, suggesting that he had no intention of retiring. In 2012, Manuel Vicente, who had
headed the state oil company Sonangol, was believed to have been selected by the President as his likely successor. Vicente
was designated as the second candidate on the MPLA's list of parliamentary candidates, making him the party's nominee for
the post of Vice-President. Following the MLPA's victory in the 2012 parliamentary election, Vicente took office as Vice
President on September 26, 2012, succeeding Piedade. A day later, on September 27, 2012, Piedade was instead elected as
President of the National Assembly.

Antnio Paulo Kassoma

(born June 6, 1951) is a former Prime Minister of Angola from September 30, 2008 and
remained in office until the new constitution replaced this function in February 4, 2010. Kassoma then served as President of
the National Assembly of Angola from 2010 to 2012. Kassoma was born in Rangel municipality, located in Luanda, the capital.
His parents, Paulo Kassoma and Laurinda Katuta, were from Bailundo, a town in Huambo Province. He
studied electromechanical engineering. From 1978 to 1979, Kassoma was Deputy Minister of Defense for Weapons and

Technology in the government of thePopular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA). He
was later Deputy Minister of Transport and Communication from 1988 to 1989, then Minister of
Transport and Communications from 1989 to 1992. He was moved to the post of Minister of
Territorial Administration on April 9, 1992. Kassoma was later the Governor of Huambo
Province and First Secretary of the MPLA in Huambo Province. On February 11, 2002, Kassoma
offered white farmers in Zimbabwe who lost their farms as a result of that country's land
reform the opportunity to resettle on 10,000 hectares of abandoned farmland in
Huambo (specifically, in Chipipa[6]) and grow maize. According to Kassoma, this could contribute to
Huambo's economic development. At the party's Fifth Ordinary Congress in December 2003, Kassoma was elected to the
MPLA Political Bureau. On September 26, 2008, following the MPLA's victory in the September 2008 parliamentary election,
the MPLA Political Bureau chose Kassoma to succeedFernando da Piedade Dias dos Santos as Prime Minister. In accordance
with the Political Bureau's decision, President Jos Eduardo dos Santos appointed Kassoma as Prime Minister on September
30, 2008; in the same decree, he dismissed Kassoma from his post as Governor of Huambo Province. Kassoma was sworn in
by dos Santos at the Presidential Palace in Luanda on the same day. Speaking to the press afterwards, Kassoma said that he
would place a priority on accelerating the process of national reconstruction. He said that he was proud of his appointment,
while also expressing some sadness about leaving the people of Huambo. Kassoma's government was appointed on 1
October. There were 35 members of this government, 17 of whom were new to the government. Under the terms of a new
constitution passed by the National Assembly on 21 January 2010, the office of Prime Minister was eliminated. Kassoma was
then designated as President of the National Assembly, replacing Fernando da Piedade Dias dos Santos, who was appointed
as Vice-President of Angola. Following the 2012 parliamentary election, Piedade was elected to replace Kassoma as President
of the National Assembly on September 27, 2012. On June 28, 2013, Kassoma was designated as Chairman of the Board of
Directors of Banco Esprito Santo Angola, a major bank in Angola. He consequently was replaced in his seat in the National
Assembly on July 18, 2013.

ANGUILLA
List of Chief Ministers of Anguilla
James Ronald Webster (born

March 2, 1926) is a politician from Anguilla. He served as the island

territory's Chief Minister of Anguilla from February 10, 1976 until February 1, 1977 and from May 1980 until
March 12, 1984. Prior to serving as Chief Minister, Webster was designated Chairman of the Anguilla Island
Council when the territory declared its independence from the Saint Christopher-Nevis-Anguilla government
in
1967, through the Anguillan Revolution which he led. Anguillans forced the Saint Kitts officials and police off
of
the island, due to alleged mistreatment of the public and governmental misuse of funds (as an example,
Anguilla received financial assistance from Canada to build a pier on the island; the money was sent to the
central government on Saint Kitts, and a pier was built - on Saint Kitts). In a referendum held on 11 July the
inhabitants of Anguilla voted overwhelmingly to secede from the Associated State and to become a separate
colony of Britain. Britain sent an advisor, Tony Lee, to exercise an "interim basic administrative authority" in conjunction with
Ronald Webster, from January 1968 to January 1969; St. Kitts refused to extend the interim agreement and the British
authorities left. In February 1969 islanders voted again to remain separate from Saint Kitts and Nevis and to become an
"independent republic". A British Junior Minister from the UK arrived in March 1969 to establish another "interim agreement",
and was expelled within hours of arrival. Eight days later 315 British paratroopers and two frigates arrived to "restore order".
Tony Lee was installed as a Commissioner for local administration. An interim agreement in 1971 was followed by a new
constitution in 1976. In 1980 Anguilla was formally separated from Saint Kitts and Nevis and became a British colony again.
Webster's birthday, 2 March, has been celebrated as a public holiday in Anguilla since its proclamation in 2010.

Emile Gumbs (born

1928) is a politician from Anguilla. He served as the island territory's Chief Minister of
Anguilla from February 1, 1977 until May 1980 and from March 12, 1984 until March 16, 1994. He is the only
person from Anguilla to have been knighted.

Hubert Benjamin Hughes (born

1933) is a politician from Anguilla. He was the island

territory's Chief Minister of Anguilla from March 16, 1994 until March 6, 2000 and has held that post again
from February 16, 2010 until April 23, 2015. He has stated his intention to lead the island to separation from
the UK. This is despite the fact that European Union assistance funds, and visa-free entry to
the US, Canada, EU and islands in the French and Dutch Caribbean such as Saint Martin would stop.

Osbourne Berrington Fleming (born February 18, 1940) is a politician and the Chief
Minister of
Anguilla from March 6, 2000, three days after the Anguilla United Front,
a conservative coalition which included Fleming's Anguilla National Alliance won parliamentary
elections, gaining at least 4 of the 7 seats, until February 15, 2010, in which he retired from his
seat as the chief minister of Anguilla. Mr. Fleming was a prominent and successful businessman
prior to entering politics. He served for many years as Minister of Finance before winning election
as Anguilla's Chief Minister.

Victor Franklin Banks

(born November 8, 1947) is an Anguillan politician. A member of

the Anguilla United Front (AUF), he has served as Chief Minister of Anguilla since April 23, 2015. The oldest
of six siblings, Banks grew up in The Valley. His father died when he was a teenager. His first job was as a
teacher at Valley Secondary School, where he worked from 1964 until 1968. He then attended
the University of the Virgin Islands, where he obtained a BA in social sciences in 1972. He then attended
the New School for Social Research in New York, where he obtained a master's degree in political science.
He started a PhD at the same institution, but left in 1979 at the all but dissertation stage. A member of
the Anguilla National Alliance, he was elected to the House of Assembly in the Valley North constituencyin the 1981 elections.
Then 33, he became the island's youngest government minister when he was appointed Minister of Social Services. He
moved to the Anguilla Democratic Party (ADP) prior to the 1984 elections, in which he lost his seat and place in the cabinet. In
a by-election in 1985 he was elected in the Valley South Constituency for the ADP. He retained the Valley South seat until
the 2010 elections. In 1994 he was appointed Minister of Finance and Economic Development, serving until 1999. In 2000 he
became Minister of Finance, Economic Development, Investment and Commerce, with Tourism added to the portfolio in 2005.
He left the cabinet after losing his seat in 2010. Banks became Chief Minister after the AUF won six of the seven elected seats
in the House of Assembly in the 2015 elections, in which he also regained the Valley South seat.

ANTIGUA AND BARBUDA

List of Prime Ministers of Antigua and Barbuda
Vere Cornwall Bird Sr. (December

9, 1910, St. John's June 28, 1999, St. John's) was the first Prime Minister of
Antigua and Barbuda, the first time as Chief Minister of Antigua from January 1, 1960 until February 27, 1967, the second
time as Premier of Antigua from February 1, 1976 until November 1, 1981 and third time as Prime Minister of Antigua from
November 1, 1981 until March 9, 1994. His son, Lester Bryant Bird, succeeded him as Prime Minister. In 1994 he was declared
a national hero. Bird was unique from other West Indian politicians, lacking in any formal education except primary schooling.
He attended the St. John's Boys School, now known as The T.N. Kirnon Primary School. He was an officer in the Salvation
Army for two years interspersing his interests in trade unionism and politics. He gave up the Salvation Army because he saw
the way the land owners were treating the local black Antiguans and Barbudans; And decided to leave his post to fight for the
freedom of his people, which he succeeded in doing. In 1943, he became the president of the Antigua Trades and Labour
Union. He achieved national acclaim politically for the first time when he was elected to the colonial legislature in 1945. He
formed the Antigua Labour Party and became the first and only chief minister, first and last premier, and first prime minister
from 1981 to 1994. His resignation was due to failing health and internal issues within the government. In 1985 Antigua's
international airport, which was first named Coolidge, was renamed V.C. Bird International Airport in his honour. The biggest
criticism from the public of Antigua is the corruption and cronyism within the Labour Party and many claim the government is
essentially a "family business" with the continuance of the Bird dynasty in control of political power as unquestioned. Bird's
supporters reject these accusations and say that his actions were justified in order to throw off the institution of colonial sugar
planters and the British colonial overlords. The Antiguan author Jamaica Kincaid compared the Bird government to

the Franois Duvalier dictatorship in Haiti in her politically charged narrative A Small Place.
Former Antigua and Barbuda Prime Minister Vere Cornwall Bird was a member of an elite
group of militant trade unionists who blazed a trail through colonial times up to or near
political independence of the Caribbean countries. The group included Alexander
Bustamante and Norman Manley of Jamaica, Robert Bradshaw of St Kitts and Nevis, Grantley
Adams of Barbados, Cheddi Jagan of Guyana, Ebenezer Joshua of St Vincent and the
Grenadines and Eric Gairy of Grenada. Bird was among the early organizers of labour in
colonial Antigua and Barbuda of the 1930s and 1940s. His biggest battles were fought in the
sugar industry, where he achieved better wages for workers and recognition of the right of
workers to have annual holidays with pay. Bird, a tall, imposing figure (standing at 7 feet)
even in his last years, was astute enough to recognize that those benefits would be limited as
long as the big landowners held control of the government. Therefore, he actively encouraged the top executive of his union the Antigua Trades and Labour Union - to run for legislative office. He agitated for a change in the qualification of candidates
for the parliamentary elections since up to that time, only property owners could run for election. Bird won a seat to
parliament in the late 1940s and his party went on to dominate electoral politics in Antigua and Barbuda for several years. He
was eventually to lead the islands into political independence from Britain. Bird left his mark on the labour movement,
education and the Caribbean integration movement. One of Bird's dreams was a Caribbean that was united politically and
economically. Bird ardently supported the West Indies Federation and when that collapsed in 1962, negotiated hard for a
federation of the "Little Eight" countries. In 1965, together with premiers Errol Barrow of Barbados and Forbes Burnham of
Guyana, he brought the Caribbean Free Trade Association (CARIFTA) into being. That Association later led to the Caribbean
Community and Common Market (Caricom), comprising 12 of the English-speaking Caribbean countries, two more than were
members of the West Indies Federation. On 1 November 1981, he became the first Prime minister of Antigua and Barbuda.
Since then, in a rare case in modern day Caribbean politics, he led his party to an election victory in 1984 in which the
Antigua Labour Party (ALP) won all the Antiguan seats in the Legislature. Bird was born in a poor area of St John's, the capital.
Unlike most of his giant political contemporaries - such as Manley and Adams, who were distinguished lawyers, and
Trinidadian Sir Eric Williams, a scholar - Bird had little formal education. He received only a primary education at the St John's
Boys School. In 1939, when the Antigua Trades and Labour Union (ATLU) was formed Bird was an executive member. By 1943
he had become president of the union and was leading a battle for better working conditions and increased pay against the
white sugar barons. The union entered electoral politics for the first time in 1946 and Bird won, in a by-election, a seat in the
legislature and was appointed a member of the Executive Council. When universal adult suffrage was introduced here in
1951, the ATLU, under the banner of the Antigua Labour Party, won all seats in the legislature, a feat it repeated until 1967,
making Antigua a country with a multi-party system but a freely voted one-party control. The ministerial system was
introduced in 1956 and the Governor gave Bird the trade and production portfolio, and when further constitutional
advancement came in 1960, he was named Chief Minister. In 1967, Antigua became the first Eastern Caribbean island to
receive the associated statehood constitution from Britain that gave internal self-government but with London remaining
responsible for foreign policy and defence. Bird, radical in his younger days, had been shifting to the right, and in the face of
severe social unrest that forced a split in the ATLU in 1967 and rioting in 1968, the ATLU lost its tight hold of Antigua and
Barbuda politics. Out of the split, the Antigua Workers Union was formed and later the Progressive Labour Movement (PLM),
and Bird decided to resign because he felt it was not right to hold both positions. In 1968 the PLM won four seats in a byelection and by 1971 Bird was out of power having not only lost the government to the PLM but also the parliamentary seat
he had held for 25 years. A former Lieutenant, the PLM's George Walter, became the island's new premier. But Vere Bird's
political exile was to last for only five years and by 1976, he regained the government, having campaigned against
independence on the grounds that Antigua was not yet psychologically ready. He won the election again in 1980, this time
with independence being a major campaign plank. With his powerful family, he ruled Antigua and Barbuda up to 1994, when
he quit politics, having paved the way for one of his sons, Lester, to take over as Prime Minister. He died in St. John's on 28
June 1999.

George Herbert Walter, KNH (1928

March 4, 2008) was an Antiguan politician of

the Progressive Labour Movement and Premier of Antigua and Barbuda from February 14, 1971 until
February 1, 1976. Born 1928, Sir George was the second premier of Antigua and Barbuda, the
founder of the Antigua Workers' Union (AWU) and the Progressive Labour Movement (PLM) and a
former general-secretary of the Antigua Trades & Labour Union (AT&LU). Walter won Premiership in
the 1971 elections, defeating Vere Bird four years after the colony became a British dependency with
domestic autonomy. He advocated full independence for Antigua and Barbuda and opposed a British
proposal to make Antigua and Barbuda an island federation. He was defeated in the 1976 elections
by Bird. The PLM headed the government from 1971 to 1976. During his tenure as premier of Antigua
and Barbuda, Sir George was the representative of All Saints, which was then one constituency. In
all, he had 10 years in government five as premier and the other five as leader of the opposition.
The Social Security Act, the Labour Code that was copied in every Caribbean territory, the
Representation of the People's Act and the founding of the Antigua & Barbuda Development Bank were all the work of his PLM
government. After the 1982 elections, he gave up politics and went back to his cattle farm. Sir George was married to the
late Lady Hyacinth Walter, a former teacher and principal of the Antigua Girls' High School, who contested the All Saints seat
in 1980 on behalf of her husband, narrowly losing to then ALP member of Parliament Hilroy Humphreys by nine votes. Sir
George also left behind children Sharon, Paul, Senator Gregory Walter and Vaughn Walter along with other members of the
Walter family. The former premier was awarded the Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St. Michael and St. George in the
2000-millennium honours. In 2006, the former Airport Road was renamed the Sir George H. Walter Highway, as a permanent
memory to his life's work in the development of the nation. In 2008 he ascended to the Most Exalted Order of National Hero
(NH) to become the country's fifth national hero. After being defeated, Walter was convicted of allegedly selling metal
illegally to the Antiguan government. He was imprisoned for three months whilst his rivals came up with a case against
him. It was successfully appealed to the West Indies Court of Appeal, which ruled it groundless. George Walter died March 4,
2008 aged 79 in St. John's. The cause of death was stated to be a heart attack by his younger brother Selvyn after being
hospitalised for about a week.

Lester Bryant Bird (born

February 21, 1938) was the second Prime Minister of Antigua and Barbuda from March 9,
1994 until March 24, 2004 and a well-known athlete. He was chairman of the Antigua Labour Party (ALP) from 1971 to 1983,
then became Prime Minister when his father,Sir Vere Bird, the previous Prime Minister, resigned. Bird was born in New York
City on February 21, 1938. Lester and his elder brother Vere Bird, Jr., also a British-educated lawyer, have been considered
sometime rivals, with the New York Times writing in 1990 that Lester had always overshadowed his brother, according to
those who have known them both. He was educated at Antigua Grammar School and was brought up as a Methodist. Bird was
a cricket player in his youth, playing for the Leeward Islands, and a long jump champion. He attended the University of
Michigan, where he was All-American long jumper in 1960 and graduated in 1962. Bird completed his study of law in Britain
and was called to the bar at Gray's Inn in 1969. From 1969 to 1976, Bird engaged in private practice in Antigua. Bird's
political career began in 1971, when he was nominated to the Senate. The frequently-dominant Antigua Labour Party was in
opposition for a five-year period. Lester Bird was named chairman of the ALP and the leader of the opposition in the Senate.
Lester continued to served as leader of the opposition until he was elected to the House of Representatives at the 1976
elections, when the ALP returned to power. Bird joined his father's government at deputy prime minister. In addition to
serving as deputy prime minister, Bird also served as was minister of economic development, tourism, and energy. Bird's
tenure as minister of tourism and minister of economic development was controversial, and he personally benefited from
tourism partnerships with foreign investors, including in the construction of the Royal Antiguan Hotel.
Following
independence in 1981, Bird gained the external affairs portfolio and was the first chairman of the Organization of Eastern
Caribbean States in 1982. He was chairman of OECS for a second time in 1989. The ALP government and Bird himself won reelection in 1994 and 1999. These elections, as well an the 1989 elections, were highly controversial; the 1989 elections were
"marred by irregularities and fraud" and charges made by the opposition, described as credible by Freedom House, that the
ALP used bribery and intimidation and exerted undue influence over the elections supervisor. The 1999 was deemed nor free
or fair in an independent report which concluded that the oppositionUnited Progressive Party (UPP) could "conceivably could
have won a majority of seats in parliament" if the election had been fair. The ALP had been divided by a succession crisis
between Lester Bird and Vere Bird, Jr., since 1989. Lester Bird lost his deputy prime minister post in 1991, but retired the
external affairs ministry and the planning and trade portfolio. Sir Vere Bird was initially thought to have favoured Vere Jr. until
an arms scandal in which the elder son had been found to have been involved in the smuggling of weapons from Antigua to
the Colombian Medelln Cartel. Vere Bird, Jr., then Minister of Public Works, was dismissed from office and an inquiry, led
by Sir Louis Blom-Cooper, Q.C., recommended that he never be allowed to hold office again (although he subsequently did
return to office), and the elder Vere Bird banned his Vere Bird, Jr., boosting Lester Bird's chances to follow his father in the
prime ministership and defusing pressure for Vere Bird to step down. In 1992, another scandal, involving Sir Vere Bird's
siphoning of public funds into a personal account, furthered calls for him to step down, with three opposition parties uniting to
form the UPP under the leadership of Baldwin Spencer. Following a successful general strike called by the UPP, Sir Vere
announced in March 1992 he would step down at the 1994 general elections. The ALP succession crisis continued following
this, with a special convention to elect a successor on May 24, 1992 resulting in a deadlock between Lester Bird and John St.
Luce, the information minister. The ALP leadership question was finally settled at the party's September 1993 convention, at
which Lester won the leadership of the party, defeating St Luce, 169 votes to 131. The party post of ALP chairman went to
Vere Jr. In the March 1994 elections, the ALP under Bird's leadership won 11 out of 17 seats even as the opposition criticized
the ALP over corruption issues. During the election the ALP pledged open government, an ombudsman to deal with citizen
complaints, and new jobs, especially in tourism. Bird assumed the prime ministership on March 9, 1994. He appointed St.
Luce (but not his brother Vere Jr.) to the cabinet. (Vere Jr. was subsequently named special adviser). Lester Bird took the
portfolios for external affairs, planning,social services, and information for himself, and in a 1996 cabinet reshuffle also took
the communications, civil aviation, international transport, and gaming portfolios. In the 1999 elections, the ALP increases
their parliamentary majority by one seat, holding 12 seats. Bird was reconfirmed as prime minister and elevation Vere Jr. to
the cabinet asminister of agriculture, marking his full political rehabilitation. Bird also shuffled his own portfolios and by

by Ga

December 2002 held the foreign affairs, finance, legal affairs, justice, andnational security ministries in
addition to being the prime minister. In the March 2004 election, the ALP was defeated by
the United Progressive Party (UPP) led by Baldwin Spencer. Bird's party lost eight seats, and he
himself was defeated byErrol Cort, who became Minister of Finance in the new UPP government. Bird
has remained the ALP's political leader following the party's 2004 defeat. He led the party in the March
2009 election; although the ALP lost the election, it gained 3 seats from the UPP and Bird defeated Cort
by 96 votes in the St John's Rural East constituency, where he had lost in 2004. He now holds the
position of Leader of Her Majesty's Loyal Opposition. Bird was subsequently succeeded as ALP leader
ston Browne, who led the party to victory in June 2014 general election. Bird won a seat and again
defeated Errol Cort.

"There was a specific philosophical basis on which we levied taxes. We wanted high disposable income for
the
people and efficient government providing excellent services with minimum taxes. So we carefully
created this low tax jurisdiction to keep more money in the hands of people. As a result, there was rapid
upward mobility from being an agriculture based people to being a new middle class." - Lester Bryant Bird
Lester Bryant Bird is an Honorary Member of The International Raoul Wallenberg Foundation

Winston Baldwin Spencer (born

October 8, 1948) is the former Prime Minister of Antigua

and Barbuda from March 24, 2004, when his party, the United Progressive Party (UPP), which he had
led as the opposition party for several years, won a parliamentary election until June 13, 2014. He was
also been Minister of Foreign Affairs of Antigua and Barbuda from January 6, 2005 until June 13,
2014. Baldwin Spencer is rooted in labour. For a quarter-century, he was a prominent labour leader
with the Antigua and Barbuda Workers Union. HE was first elected to Parliament in 1989 as the MP
for the St. John's Rural West constituency. In 1992, Spencer played an integral role in the formation
of the United Progressive Party. He previously served as a leader with the United National Democratic
Party and spearheaded collaborative meetings with the Antigua Caribbean Liberation Movement that
resulted in the formation of the United Progressive Party. Upon formation of the party, Spencer rose
to become the political leader of the party and the Opposition Leader in the Parliament. As
Opposition Leader Baldwin Spencer organised public demonstrations and went on a hunger strike to advocate for electoral
reform after the widely criticised 1999 elections. His advocacy led to the formation of an independent Electoral Commission
to oversee elections in Antigua and Barbuda. He also led the fight to ensure that opposition had access to state-owned
media, such as the television station, Antigua Broadcasting Service (ABS). To that end, he filed a writ and took the Bird
Government to court arguing that, in a democratic society, citizens have a right to hear an opposing political perspectives on
government airwaves. In 2004, Baldwin Spencer led the United Progressive Party to a landslide victory in the general election.
He defeated Lester Bird's ALP, which had ruled Antigua and Barbuda for the previous 28 years. In Government he moved to
enact a trio of good government reforms: a nationwide school meals programme, raising the minimum wage and paying all
civil servants. Internationally Baldwin Spencer is known as a skilled diplomat who helped his country assume the leadership
of the Group of 77 in 2008. He received the highest order of Cote d'Ivoire, the Commander of the National Order. He was also
recognized by the United Nations for his leadership, receiving the Millennium Development Goals Achievement Award in
recognition for his work advancing the cause of international development. The UPP won the March 2009 election with a
reduced majority of nine out of 17 seats. Spencer himself defeated ALP candidate Gail Christian in the St John's Rural West
constituency, receiving 2,259 votes against 1,753 for Christian. Spencer said on this occasion that it would "not be business
as usual", and he was promptly sworn in for another term as Prime Minister when vote counting was completed. Prime
Minister Spencer is married to Jacklyn Spencer and is the father of two children. On 16 August 2008, Spencer was inducted as
an honorary member of the Pathfinder Club, a Seventh-day Adventist youth service organization. Antigua Prime Minister
Baldwin Spencer received the ranking during a gathering of more than 3,000 Pathfinders from around the Caribbean. After 10
years in power, the UPP was defeated by the ALP in the general election held on June 12, 2014. Out of 17 seats, the UPP
retained only three; Spencer won re-election to his own seat by a very narrow margin. Spencer accepted defeat, saying that
the people had clearly chosen the ALP. He was succeeded as Prime Minister by ALP leader Gaston Browne on June 13, 2014.

Gaston Browne (February 9, 1967) is the current Prime Minister of Antigua and Barbuda, in office since June 13, 2014.
He led the Antigua Labour Party to victory in the 2014 general election. He was born in Potters Village on the island of
Antigua. Led by Browne, the ALP returned to power in the June 2014 general election after 10 years in opposition, winning 14
out of 17 seats. Browne was sworn in as Prime Minister on June 13, 2014. Browne was born on February 9, 1967, in Potters
Village on the island of Antigua. His life as a teenager was extremely tough. As a child, he lived in Grays Farm commonly
referred to as the ghetto on the island with his paternal great-grandmother, who was in her eighties, at the time, partially
blind, poor and aging. After her passing, he later grew up in Point, another poor area on island. Browne was appointed to the
position of Commercial Banking Manager in the Swiss American Banking Group, having served for many years in the Group,
which was a major banking consortium in Antigua and Barbuda, comprising offshore and onshore banks and a trust company.
In 1999, Browne answered an obvious call to promote the welfare of his fellow citizens by entering the political arena. He was
duly appointed as the Parliamentary Representative for the Constituency of St. John's City West. His outstanding dedication
and commitment to service and distinguished credentials in the field of finance propelled him to the portfolio of Minister of
Planning, Trade, Industry, Commerce and Public Service Affairs in his very first term as an MP. As a child, he attended the Villa
Primary School and later the Princess Margaret School after successfully passing the nation's common entrance examination.
After completing his secondary education, Gaston attended the City Banking College in the United Kingdom, where he gained
a first degree in banking and later pursued studies at the University of Manchester, he earning an MBA in Finance. Gaston
Browne led the Antigua Labour Party to victory in the June 12, 2014 general election, after 10 years in opposition, winning 14

out

of 17 seats. Browne was sworn in as Prime Minister on June 13, 2014. He defeated Baldwin Spencer's UPP, which
had ruled for 10 years. Browne is married to Maria Bird, niece of the second Prime Minister Lester Bird. The
couple have a son, Prince Gaston Browne, who is Browne's third son, as he had three children prior to marriage.

ARGENTINA
Comechingn (Comechingones) people

Comechingn (plural Comechingones) is the common name for a group of people indigenous to the Argentine provinces of
Crdoba and San Luis. They were thoroughly displaced or exterminated by the Spanish conquistadores by the end of the 17th
Century. The two main Comechingn groups called themselves Henia (in the north) and Kamiare (in the south), each
subdivided into a dozen or so tribes. The name comechingn is a deformation of the pejorative term kamichingan "cave
dwellers" used by the Sanavirn tribe. They were sedentary, practiced agriculture yet gathered wild fruits, and raised animals
for wool, meat and eggs. Their culture was heavily influenced by that of the Andes. Several aspects seem to differentiate the
Henia-Kamiare from inhabitants of nearby areas. They had a rather Caucasian appearance, with beards and supposedly a
minority with greenish eyes. Another distinctive aspect was their communal stone houses, half buried in the ground to endure
the cold, wind and snow of the winter. Their language was lost when Spanish politicies favoured Quechua. Nevertheless, they
left a rich pictography and abstract petroglyphs. A cultural contribution is the vowel extension in the Spanish of the present
inhabitants of Crdoba, but also not uncommon in San Luis and other neighbouring provinces. It is claimed that there are still
six Comechingn families in Crdoba in the barrio Alto alberdi. Information is available from direction de cultura Crdoba.

Chief (Cacique) of the Comechingn (Comechingones) people

Olayn (died 1620) was a Chief (Cacique) of the Comechingn (Comechingones), indigenous people from
Argentine provinces of Crdoba and San Luis from 1690 until his death in 1620. He died in combat, fighting
the Spanish in singular duel with Captain Tristan de Allende, whom he managed to kill.

Guarani Peoples
Guaran are a group of culturally related indigenous peoples of South America. They are distinguished from the related Tup
by their use of the Guaran language. The traditional range of the Guaran people is in what is now Paraguay between the
Uruguay River and lower Paraguay River, the Misiones Province of Argentina, southern Brazil once as far as north as Rio de
Janeiro, and parts of Uruguay and Bolivia. Although their demographic dominance of the region has been reduced by
European colonisation and the commensurate rise of mestizos, there are contemporary Guaran populations in these areas.
Most notably, the Guarani language, still widely spoken across traditional Guaran homelands, is one of the two official
languages in Paraguay, the other one being Spanish. The language was once looked down upon by the upper and middle
classes, but it is now often regarded with pride and serves as a symbol of national distinctiveness. The Paraguayan population
learns Guaran both informally from social interaction and formally in public schools. In modern Spanish Guaran is also
applied to refer to any Paraguayan national in the same way that the French are sometimes called Gauls. The history and
meaning of the name Guaran are subject to dispute. Prior to their encounter with Europeans, the Guaran referred to
themselves simply as Ab, meaning "men" or "people." The term Guaran was originally applied by early Jesuit missionaries
to refer to natives who had accepted conversion to the Christian religion; Cayua or Caingua (ka'aguygua) was used to refer to
those who had refused it. Cayua is roughly translated as "the ones from the forest". While the term Cayua is sometimes still
used to refer to settlements of indigenous peoples who have not well integrated into the dominant society, the modern usage
of the name Guaran is generally extended to include all people of native origin regardless of societal status. Barbara Ganson
writes that the name Guaran was given by the Spanish as it means "warrior" in the Tupi-Guaran dialect spoken there.
Guarin is attested in 16th-century Old Tupi, by Jesuit sources, as war, warrior, to wage war. Early Guaran villages often
consisted of communal houses for 10 to 15 families. Communities were united by common interest and language, and tended
to form tribal groups by dialect. It is estimated that the Guaran numbered some 400,000 people when they were first
encountered by Europeans. At that time, they were sedentary and agricultural, subsisting largely on manioc, maize, wild
game, and honey. Equally little is known about early Guaran society and beliefs. They practiced a form
of animistic pantheism, much of which has survived in the form of folklore and numerous myths. According to the Jesuit
missionary Martin Dobrizhoffer, they practiced cannibalism at one point, perhaps as a funerary ritual, but later disposed of
the dead in large jars placed inverted on the ground. Guaran mythology is still widespread in rural Paraguay.

List of Guarani Leaders

Tep Tiaraju (unknown1756) was an indigenous Guarani leader in the Jesuit reduction mission of So
Luiz Gonzaga and who died on February 7, 1756, in the municipality of So Gabriel, in the present-day
state of Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil. Sep Tiaraju led the fight against the Portuguese and Spanish colonial
powers in the Guerras Guaranticas (Guarani War) and was killed three days before a massacre that killed
around fifteen hundred of his fellow warriors. After 250 years of the date of his death he still remains a
very influential figure in the popular imagination, considered a saint by some. This conflict in South
America resulted from the land demarcations established by the European powers with the Tratado de
Madrid (1750). According to this treaty the Guarani population inhabiting the Jesuit missions in the region
had to be evacuated. After one hundred and fifty years living a unique communal life, neither the prospect
of returning to the forests nor moving to another place were considered as options by most mission
Guaranis. Further treaties such as the San Idelfonso Treaty (1777) and the Badajoz Treaty (1801) still grappled with issues
related to this topic. The Christianized Guarani population residing in the Jesuit missions (called misses or redues, in
Portuguese), that is in Brazil, Paraguay and Argentina combined, is estimated to have numbered approximately eighty
thousand at the start of the conflict. At that time these so-called evangelized Guaranis as opposed to the many Guaranis
living the traditional way and not in the Jesuit missionsmraised what is believed to have been the largest herd of cattle in all
of Latin America. Therefore, the Europeans' interests in the area extended beyond land appropriations. Sep Tiaraju was
immortalized in the letters by Brazilian writer Baslio da Gama in the epic poem O Uraguai (1769) and in the poem "O Lunar
de Sep", collected by Simes Lopes Neto and published in the beginning of the 20th century. Since then, he has been a
character in many major literary works, like "O tempo e o vento" ["The time and the wind"], by Erico Verissimo. The
expression and battle cry "Esta terra tem dono!" (or "This land has owners!") is attributed to Sep Tiaraju. Santo ngelo
Airport, in Santo ngelo, Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil is named after Sep Tiaraju.

Apiaguaiki Tumpa

(ca. 1863 January 28/29, 1892) was a Guarani cacique regarded by many
Guaran people as a national hero, known for his struggle to defend his peoples' land and liberty from the
encroaching Bolivian government. He was killed at the age of 28 in the Kuruyuki Massacre by the Bolivian
Army along with approximately one thousand of his followers. His death is commemorated annually by many
Guarani, and a Guaran language university in Kuruyuki, Bolivia is named after him.

Mapuche Indians
The Mapuche are a group of indigenous inhabitants of south-central Chile and southwestern Argentina, including parts of
present-day Patagonia. The collective term refers to a wide-ranging ethnicity composed of various groups who shared a
common social, religious and economic structure, as well as a common linguistic heritage as Mapudungun speakers. Their
influence once extended from the Aconcagua River to the Chilo Archipelago and spread later eastward to the Argentine
pampa. Today the collective group makes up 80% of the indigenous peoples in Chile, and about 9% of the total Chilean
population They are particularly concentrated in Araucana. Many have migrated to the Santiago area for economic
opportunities. The term Mapuche is used both to refer collectively to the Picunche (people of the north), Huilliche (people of
the South) and Moluche or Nguluche from Araucana, or at other times, exclusively to the Moluche or Nguluche from
Araucana. The Mapuche traditional economy is based on agriculture; their traditional social organisation consists of extended
families, under the direction of a lonko or chief. In times of war, they would unite in larger groupings and elect a toki
(meaning "axe, axe-bearer") to lead them. They are known for the textiles woven by women, which have been goods for
trade for centuries, since before European encounter. The Araucanian Mapuche inhabited at the time of Spanish arrival the
valleys between the Itata and Toltn rivers. South of it, the Huilliche and the Cunco lived as far south as the Chilo
Archipelago. In the 17th, 18th and 19th centuries, Mapuche groups migrated eastward into the Andes and pampas, fusing
and establishing relationships with the Poya and Pehuenche. At about the same time, ethnic groups of the pampa regions, the
Puelche, Ranquel and northern Aonikenk, made contact with Mapuche groups. The Tehuelche adopted the Mapuche language
and some of their culture, in what came to be called Araucanization. Historically the Spanish colonizers of South America
referred to the Mapuche people as Araucanians (araucanos). However, this term is now mostly considered pejorative by some
people. The name was likely derived from the placename rag ko (Spanish Arauco), meaning "clayey water". The Quechua
word awqa, meaning "rebel, enemy", is probably not the root of araucano. Some Mapuche mingled with Spanish during
colonial times, and their descendants make up the large group of mestizos in Chile. But, Mapuche society in Araucana and
Patagonia remained independent until the Chilean Occupation of Araucana and the Argentine Conquest of the Desert in the
late 19th century. Since then Mapuches have become subjects, and then nationals and citizens of the respective states.
Today, many Mapuche and Mapuche communities are engaged in the so-called Mapuche conflict over land and indigenous
rights in both Argentina and in Chile.

List of Mapuche Chiefs ("cacique lonco")

Juan Francisco Mariluan

was a lonko and toqui (Chief) Mapuche people who fought in the so-called "War to the
Death", one of the last stages of the War of Arauco during the early 1820s.

Ignacio Coliqueo

(Boroa, 1786 - Los Toldos, February 16, 1871) was a Lonco (Cacique) of Mapuche people who led a
community from Araucana to install in 1861 in the area that later would be called Los Toldos, in the province of Buenos Aires
in Argentina.

Calfucur

also known as Juan Calfucur or Cufulcur (late 1770-1873), was a leading Mapuche lonco and
military figure in Patagonia in the 19th century. He crossed the Andes from Chile to the Pampas around 1830
after a call from the governor of Buenos Aires, Juan Manuel de Rosas, to fight the Boroanos tribe. Calfucur
succeeded in ending the military power of the Boroanos when he massacred a large part of them in 1834
during a meeting for trade. In 1859 he attacked Baha Blanca in Argentina with 3,000 warriors. The decision of
planning and executing the Conquest of the Desert was probably triggered by the 1872 assault of Calfucur
and his 6,000 followers on the cities of General Alvear, Veinticinco de Mayo and Nueve de Julio, where 300
criollos were killed, and 200,000 heads of cattle taken.

Marimn was the Chief (Lonco) of Mapuche people in the late nineteenth century.
Marcelino Chagallo

or Chagayo, known as Utrailln (died 1912) was the Mapuche Chief in the southern region of the
present Province of Neuquen, Patagonia in Argentina since the death of Cacique Chocor in 1834 until 1850s when Sayhueque
assuming command during 1850s.

Foyel

was the Mapuche Chief in the southern region of the present Province of Neuquen, Patagonia in
Argentina in the second half 19th century.

Rayel

was the Mapuche Chief in the southern region of the present Province of Neuquen, Patagonia in Argentina in the
second half 19th century.

Valentine Sayhueque

(around 1818 - September 8, 1903) was the Mapuche Chief in the southern region
of the present Province of Neuquen, Patagonia in Argentina in the second half 19th century.

Manuel Namuncur

(Araucana Region, Chile, February 1, 1811 - San Ignacio, Province of Neuquen,

Argentina, July 31, 1908) was the Lonco (Chief) of Mapuche people in the second half 19th century. He was son of
Calfucur, famous Lonco (Chief) of Mapuche people.

Tehuelche people
The Tehuelche people is a collective name for some native tribes of Patagonia and the southern pampas region in Argentina
and Chile. Tehuelche is a Mapudungun word meaning "Fierce People". They were also called Patagons, thought to mean big
feet, by Spanish explorers, who found large footprints made by the tribes on the Patagonian beaches. These large footprints
were actually made by the guanaco leather boots that the Tehuelche used to cover their feet. It is possible that the stories of
the early European explorers about the Patagones, a race of giants in South America, are based on the Tehuelche, because
the Tehuelche were typically tall, taller than the average European of the time. According to the 2001 census (INDEC), 4,300
Tehuelche lived in the provinces of Chubut and Santa Cruz, and an additional 1,637 in other parts of Argentina. There are now
no Tehuelche tribes living in Chile, though some Tehuelche were assimilated into Mapuche groups over the years. The
Tehuelche people have a history of over 14,500 years in the region, based on archeological findings. Their pre-Columbian
history is divided in three main stages: a stage with highly-sized rock tools, a stage where the use of bolas prevailed over the
peaked projectiles, and a third one of highly complex rock tools, each one with a specific purpose. The nomadic lifestyle of
Tehuelches left scarce archeological evidence of their past. They were hunter-gatherers living as nomads. During the winters
they lived in the lowlands, catching fish and shellfish. During the spring they migrated to the central highlands of Patagonia
and the Andes Mountains, where they spent the summer and early fall, and hunted game. Although they developed no
original pottery, they are well known for their cave paintings. The Spanish arrived in the early 16th century. On March 31,
1520, the Portuguese explorer Ferdinand Magellan landed and made contact with the Tehuelche people. The Spanish never
colonized their lands, with the exception of some coastal settlements and a few missions. It took more than 300 years before
the Argentine government occupied the southern Patagonia. As nomads, the Tehuelche lived with limited possessions, as they
had to move across long distances. Their rock tools were usually made of obsidian or basalt, as those rocks were malleable
but not so soft that they broke too easily. Those rocks, however, could be found in only certain parts of Patagonia, so the
Tehuelche had to make long journeys to renew their supplies. The Tehuelche hunted many species in the Patagonia, including
whales, sea mammals, small rodents and sea birds; their main prey was guanacos and Rheas. Both species were usually
found at the same places, as the rheas eat the larvae that grow in the guanaco's manure. Everything from the guanaco was
used by the Tehuelche: the meat and blood were used for food, the fat to grease their bodies during winter, and the hide to
make clothing and canopies. The Tehuelches also gathered fruits that grew during the Patagonian summer. Those fruits were
the only sweet foods in their diet. The Tehuelche originally spoke Tehuelche, also known as Aonikenk, a Chon language. Later,
with the Araucanization of Patagonia, many tribes started to speak variants of Mapudungun. Their name, Tehuelche, comes
from that language.

List of Caciques (chiefs) of the Tehuelche people

Lozano Cacapol

(died 1735) was a Chief (Cacique) of the Tehuelche people ruled in the area of Huilin, on the Negro
River in today's Argentina from 1715 until his death in 1735. He was recognized as the first chief of the "mountain pampas"
or leuvuches, as he called Falkner.

Cangapol

(died 1752) was a Chief (Cacique) of the Tehuelche people ruled in the area of Huilin, on the Negro
River in today's Argentina from 1735 until his death in 1752. He was the chieftain of the nomadic Leuvuche people,
who moved through a huge area from the Negro River to the Vulcan hills, today known as Tandilia hills, between the
modern cities of Tandil and Mar del Plata. The Leuvuches were in fact called Serranos (people from the hills) by the
Spaniards. In 1751, Cangapol and his warriors expelled the Jesuits from Laguna de los Padres and destroyed the
settlement built by them five years before. In 1753, he became an allied of the Spaniards against the Mapuches,
who used to take profit of the Leuvuches' plunder raids north of the Salado river and then sought safe haven in
Chile, leaving the Leuvuches to face the Spanish retaliation alone. He died the same year and was succeeded by his
son Nicols.

Nicols was a Chief (Cacique) of

the Tehuelche people ruled in the area of Huilin, on the Negro River in today's Argentina

from 1752 until ?.

Maria Grande,

Mara la Vieja (died 1840 or 1848) was the Chief (Cacique) of the Tehuelche people in Patagonia,
Argentina in the early nineteenth century. Her power spanned virtually the entire Patagonia, from Punta Arenas to Carmen de
Patagones and the Black River. It was called "the Great" by Luis Vernet, referring to the Russian Empress Catherine II of
Russia, when he met her in 1823 in Peninsula Valdes.

Chocor

(died 1834) was a Lonko (Chief) of the Tehuelche people in Patagonia, Argentina ruled in much of the territory of
the present province of Colorado River between the rivers Black, Black and Limay and near Bahia Blanca and the Sierra de la
Ventana in the province of Buenos Aires during the first decades of the nineteenth century, setting up camp on the Big Island
of Choele Choel. He died in 1834 in a clash with troops of Colonel Francisco Sosa, to pursue outstanding, belonging to the
column of this first campaign of the Desert commanded by General Angel Pacheco.

Loncopn also known as Lonkopan (died April 17, 1853), was a Tschen Chief (Cacique) of the Tehuelche people and also a
general of the Argentine Army. He was son of Al-Aan. He was part of the Boreal Tehuelches Tschen, sometimes confused with
the Pampas and Puelches gnn a knna. Of nomadic character, the tschen travelled through the south area of the provinces
of Buenos Aires, La Pampa and Cordoba. He forged alliances with Calfulcur and received protection from Don Juan Manuel de
Rosas. Tried the peaceful unification of all Native nations in a large American Native Confederation (Confederacin Indgena
Americana), but the lack of communications and the disparity of interests made it fail. He had a large army and controlled
much of the strategic "rastrillas" (trade routes) in southern Buenos Aires province. After the battle of Caseros, he refused to
participate in the war against the Government, causing a rupture with the chief Cafulcur. Flanked by internal divisions, the
tribe is attacked and absorbed by the tehuelches of Gervasio Chipitruz.

Casimiro Fourmantin,

Casimiro Bigua (1819/1820-1874) was a Chief (Cacique) of the Tehuelche people

from 1840 until his death in 1874.

Papn

(died 1892) was a Chief (Cacique) of the Tehuelche people from 1874 until his death in 1892. He was
the son of Cacique Casimiro Bigua, and brother of the Cacique Mulato.

Mulato,

whose Indian name was Chumjaluwn (died 1905) was a Chief (Cacique) of the Tehuelche people
from 1892 until his death in 1905. He was the son of Cacique Casimiro Bigua, and brother of the Cacique
Papon.

Inacayal

(1835-1888) was a cacique (chief) of the Tehuelche people in Patagonia, Argentina who
led a resistance against government. They were hunter-gatherers who had a nomadic society, and had
long been independent of the Argentine government established in coastal areas. He was one of the
last indigenous rulers to resist the Argentine Conquest of the Desert in the late 19th century and its
resultant campaigns. He did not surrender until 1884. His hospitality to Francisco Moreno during the
explorer's 1880 expedition to Patagonia was recalled after his surrender, which was covered by the
press. Moreno argued with the government on his behalf to spare Inacayal time in military prison. In
exchange, Moreno studied him for anthropology. Along with others in his clan, Inacayal was studied for his resemblance to
"prehistoric man." After his death in 1888, anthropologists displayed the indigenous chief's brain and skeleton as an exhibit in
the anthropological museum in Buenos Aires. His remains were finally returned to his people in 1994 for reinterment in the
Comunidad Tehuelche Mapuche of Chubut Province.

Pichi Curuhuinca

was a northern, or guennekenk, Tehuelche leader in the late 19th century in Patagonia, Argentina.

Chikichan was a northern, or guennekenk, Tehuelche leader in the late 19th century in Patagonia, Argentina.
Salpul

(also called Salpu and Juan Salp) was a northern, or guennekenk, Tehuelche leader in the late 19th century in
Patagonia, Argentina. He allied with the tribes of Sayhueque, Inacayal, and Foyel (the last Patagonian indigenous chieftains
who refused to recognize the Argentine government). They fought against the Argentine Army during the Conquest of the
Desert. In 1897, Salpul and a shaman named Cayupil (Caypl) tried to organize an uprising against the government. Their
activities were quickly discovered by the authorities. Salpul was arrested and taken to Buenos Aires, but he was released
within a month and returned home. Afterward he allied his people with the tribe of his relative Juan Sacamata. Between the
1890s and 1900, both lived in Nueva Lubecka, located in the Genoa Valley, Chubut province. Salpul died some years later in
Pastos Blancos, near the Senguerr River.

List of the independent Chiefs of the Province of Buenos Aires in Argentina

Ancafil (died 1823) was Chief (Cacique) of the Plains Indian tribes that inhabited the mountains of Tandil of the Province
of Buenos Aires in Argentina from 1820 until his death in 1823.

Cachul

was Chief (Cacique) who established himself with his tribe on the banks of Tapalque, Province of Buenos Aires in

1845.

Dynasty of Catriel
Dynasty of Catriel was a Indian Dynasty which ruled in the nineteenth century in the Province of Buenos Aires.

List of Chiefs (Cacique) of the dynasty of Catriel

Juan Catriel,

called "Old" (c.1770-1848) was Chief (Cacique) who lived in the nineteenth century in the
Province of Buenos Aires and ruled in pampas, characterized by friendship and appreciation for the Creoles who
colonized the coast of Rio de la Plata to the Salado River. He was the father of John "the Younger" Catriel. On many
occasions the tribe of Juan Catriel collaborated with the authorities to prevent the looting of Aucas Chilean rebels
and renegade Christian groups and flooding the Argentina campaign. In 1827 he had collaborated with the colonel
Federico Rauch. He was a collaborator and assistant in the expedition of Juan Manuel de Rosas to the desert in
1833 and collaborated with him the Fracam, Reilet, Venancio Cayupn, Llanqueln, Cachul chiefs and others. At
his death in 1848 he succeeded him in command of his tribe his son John "the Younger" Catriel. Indigenous known
later as catrieleros live today in small properties that stays close to the town of Los Toldos in the Province of Buenos Aires.

Juan Catriel, called "the Younger" (died 1866) was Chief (Cacique) of the dynasty of Catriel in the Province of
Buenos Aires and ruled in pampas from 1848 until his death in 1866. He was son of the Chief (Cacique) Juan
Catriel, called "Old."

Cipriano Catriel

(died November 26, 1874) was Chief (Cacique) of the dynasty of Catriel in the Province of
Buenos Aires and ruled in pampas from 1866 until his death on November 26, 1874. He was son of the Chief
(Cacique) Juan Catriel, called "the Younger."

Juan Jose Catriel

(died 1879) was Chief (Cacique) of the dynasty of Catriel in the Province of Buenos Aires
and ruled in pampa from 1874 until his death in 1879. He was son of the Chief (Cacique) Juan Catriel, called "the
Younger" and brother of Chief (Cacique) Cipriano Catriel.

Marcelino Catriel

was Chief (Cacique) of the dynasty of Catriel in the Province of Buenos Aires
and ruled in pampas in he late 1870s. He was son of the Chief (Cacique) Juan Catriel, called "the
Younger" and brother of Chief (Cacique) Cipriano Catriel and Chief (Cacique) Juan Jose Catriel.

Huarpes (Warpes) tribe

The Huarpes or Warpes are indigenous inhabitants of Cuyo, in Argentina. Some scholars assume that in the Huarpe language,
this word means "sandy ground," but according Arte y Vocabulario de la lengua general del Reino de Chile, written by Andrs
Fabres in Lima in 1765, the word Cuyo comes from Araucanian cuyum puulli, meaning "sandy land" or "desert country".
Huarpe people settled in permanent villages beginning in the 5th century CE. About 50 to 100 people lived in a village,
making them smaller than Diaguita settlements. They were agrarian people who grew corn (Zea mays), beans, squash, and
quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa). Towards the 15th century, Huarpe territory expanded into the current Argentinian provinces of
San Luis, Mendoza and San Juan and even on the north of the Neuquen Province. They inhabited between the Jchal River at
north, to the Diamante River at south and between the Andes and Conlara Valley on San Luis. They were never fully part of
the Incan Empire, but were influenced by Inca culture and adopted llama ranching and the Quechua language after 1480.
Chilean encomenderos who had encomiendas in Cuyo introduced to Chile indigenous Huarpes who they hired to other
Spaniards without encomiendas.

List of Chiefs (Cacique) of Huarpes (Warpes) tribe

Juan Huarpe de Angaco

was a Chief (Cacique) of Huarpes or Warpes, indigenous inhabitants of Cuyo, in Argentina

during 1560s. He ruled over the lands north of the valley of Tulum.

San Juan Pismanta

was a Chief (Cacique) of Huarpes or Warpes, indigenous inhabitants of Cuyo, in Argentina during
1560s. He ruled the villages north of the province and was a contemporary of Cacique Angaco peoples who ruled south.

Ranquel Tribe
The Ranquel are an indigenous tribe from the northern part of La Pampa Province, Argentina, in South America. With Puelche,
Pehuenche and also Patagones from the Gnn-a-Kna group origins, they were conquered by the Mapuche. The name
Ranquel is the Spanish name for their own name of Ranklche: rankl -cane-, che -man, people- in Mapudungun; that is to
say "cane-people" In the late 18th and early 19th centuries, the Ranquel controlled two chiefdoms in Argentina Between
1775-1790 a group of Pehuenche advanced from the side of the Andes mountains east to the territory they called Maml
Mapu (maml: kindling, woods; mapu: land, territory) as it was covered by dense woods of Prosopis caldenia, Prosopis nigra,

and Geoffroea decorticans. They settled along the Cuarto and Colorado rivers, from the south of today's Argentine provinces
of San Luis, Crdoba, to the south of La Pampa. They were hunters, nomads and during a good part of the 19th century they
had an alliance with the Tehuelche people, with whom they traveled east into the western part of today's Buenos Aires
Province and southern end of Crdoba Province, and also to Mendoza, San Luis and Santa Fe. In 1833 Julio Argentino Roca led
the Desert Campaign (183334), in which he attempted to eliminate the Ranquel. Their leader at that time was Yanquetruz,
and they put up a skilled defense, making good use of the desert terrain. Yanquetruz was succeeded around 1834 by Pain
Guor. Their last chief was Pincn, who was confined to the prison at Martn Garca island (1880). They allied themselves with
the forces of Felipe Varela during the rebellion against the Paraguayan War and the Central Government in Buenos Aires. After
Pincn's capture, the Ranquels were further reduced in population during the Conquest of the Desert, with their lands being
occupied by the army. A reservation, the Colonia Emilio Mitre, was established for them in today's La Pampa province, where
their descendants lived today.

List of Chiefs (Cacique) of Ranquel tribe

Mscara Verde

(Green Mask) was the Chief (Cacique) of Ranquel, indigenous tribe of Leubuc lagoon in the present
province of La Pampa in Argentina around 1812.

Carripilum

(died 1820) was the Chief (Cacique) of Ranquel, indigenous tribe of Leubuc lagoon in the present province of
La Pampa in Argentina from ? until his death in 1820.

Yanquetruz

(or Llanquetruz) (died 1836) was the Chief (Cacique) of Ranquel indigenous tribe of Leubuc lagoon in the
present province of La Pampa in Argentina from around 1820 until his death in 1836 who fought the Europeans in the pampas
of what is now Argentina in the early nineteenth century. Yanquetruz's family had ruled over the region from the cordillera to
the Atlantic from around 1680 to 1856, but his authority was confined to the Ranqueles. The Ranquel people, a Mapuche
tribe, were led by a chief named Mscara Verde (Green Mask) in 1812. Yanquetruz came to these people from Chile in 1818.
He had a reputation as a great warrior, and taught them techniques of war, making the Ranquel warriors known throughout
the pampas. The men of fighting age were organized into bands of between ten and thirty people whose leader obeyed the
command of the Ranquel chief. When Mscara Verde died, Yanquetruz was elected to take his place. His first major assault
was made on the settlers in Salta Province, helped by Chilean allies under a leader named Carreras. The Indian attacks were
ferocious, and they gained considerable booty. In August 1831 Yanquetruz laid siege to Villa Concepcin (now Ro Cuarto,
Crdoba), apparently in a preemptive strike since he had heard that a large army was preparing to attack his people. During
the civil war in 1831 there were rumors that Yanquetruz was assisting the Unitiarian side, and this may have been part of the
motive for the campaign against the Indians launched soon after by Juan Manuel de Rosas. The main reason was the
Ranquels' desire to remain independent. In 1833 Rosas initiated the Desert Campaign (183334), an expedition against the
desert Indians. The columns led by Jos Flix Aldao from Mendoza Province and Ruiz Huidobro from San Luis Province were
charged with exterminating the Ranquels. Ruiz Huidobro's column had 1,000 men from the Division of the Andes and the
Crdoba and La Rioja provincial forces. He advanced at the start of March from the San Lorenzo fort towards the Quinto River
in San Luis Province, intending to surprise the Ranquels at their settlement of Leubuc. However, the Indians had been
forewarned. On March 16, 1833 the troops under Huidobro clashed with the Ranquels at a location called Las Acollaradas.[a]
It was a fight with swords, spears and knives because rain prevented the use of firearms. The result was inconclusive, and the
Indians disappeared into the pampas. The Division continued its march to Leubuc, 25 leagues from the Trapal lagoon, which
Yanquetruz had abandoned. Huidobro suspected that Francisco Reinaf, chief of the troops from Crdoba, had been the one
who warned Yanquetruz of the advance. He had Reinaf relieved of his command. Yanquetruz's men harassed the Argentine
troops in a form of guerrilla warfare, disrupting their supplies and making it hard for them to get water. Huidobro was forced
to retreat from the desert in disarray. Nazario Benavdez and Martn Yanzn, both later to be provincial governors, were on the
staff of the second Auxiliary regiment of the Andes commanded by Aldao. This column gained a partial victory over chief
Yanquetruz two weeks after the Las Acollaradas action. The regiment participated in fierce fighting on March 31 and April 1,
1833 in which the Spanish prevailed but suffered considerable losses. Rosas was furious at the damage that Yanquetruz had
inflicted on his forces. In 1834 Yanquetruz returned to invade San Luis Province. This was his last raid. Yanquetruz died in
1838 and was succeeded by Pain Guor, who was later captured and made a prisoner of Rosas. Yanquetruz became a legend,
the most famous chief in the Pampas after Calfucur. One of the soldiers who fought Yanquetruz said it would be difficult to
find anywhere in America a more prompt, intelligent and insightful approach than the predatory raids of these Indians, and at
the same time more calm, brave and wise in making a stand against much better armed adversaries, always thinking quickly
despite the noise and confusion. Colonel Manuel Baigorria, a young officer, left the army and joined Yanquetruz. He became a
close friend of the leader, and Yanquetruz named his eldest son Baigorrita (little Baigorria). Another son, Jos Maria Bulnes
Yanquetruz, born in 1831, became a famous warrior in his own right.

Manuel Baigorria

Gual, alias Maric (1809-1875) was a Chief (Cacique) of Ranquel, indigenous people of Leubuc
lagoon in the present province of La Pampa in Argentina during 1840s and in early 1850s. He was a soldier who fought in the
Argentine Civil Wars. Of mixed origins, he spent many years living with the Ranqueles, an independent people who lived to
the south of the area colonized by Europeans in what is now Argentina. He was recognized as a leader by the Ranqueles, who
provided support to his Unitarian side in the civil wars. Manuel Baigorria was born in San Luis de la Punta de los Venados
around 1809, son of Blas Baigorria and Petrona Ledesma. Ignacio Fotheringham, a contemporary, described him as short in
stature but muscular, strong and agile, with reckless courage. Baigorria joined the army and became an officer while a young
man. He served under the Unitarian General Jos Mara Paz and was captured in 1831 after the Battle of Rodeo de Chacn. It
only through good luck that he avoided being included in a group of prisoners who were to be shot. Following that he decided
to live with the Ranqueles in their tolderas. Baigorria became well-established among the Ranqueles, and recognized as a
leader. He became a close friend of their chief Yanquetruz, who named his eldest son Baigorrita (little Baigorria). Over a
period of forty years he had four wives, three Christian and one a Mapuche. He became the adopted brother of the Ranquele
chief Pichn. In 1838 Baigorria led a party of Ranqueles on an unsuccessful raid into northern Buenos Aires Province and
southern Santa Fe Province. Baigorria became a Colonel in the Unitarian forces. In November 1840 he took part in a
revolution in San Luis Province, and after being defeated again returned to the Ranqueles. In April 1843 he led 600 Indians on
a raid, which was repelled. In 1845 he launched a raid with 900 Indians and whites who had taken refuge in their tolderas.
The Malnes, as the raids were called, were an effective method for assisting his political allies. After the dictator Juan Manuel
de Rosas fell from power in 1852, Baigorria returned to the European side of the border. He forgot his old friendship to the
point that he made several campaigns against the Indians on the border. He also fought on both sides in the civil wars at that
time, the Argentine Confederation and the secessionist State of Buenos Aires. In his later years he advised General Julio

Argentino Roca, teaching him the secrets of the desert geography and the customs of the Indians. Roca
was to make his reputation with his success against the Indians in his ruthless Conquest of the Desert.
Baigorria was sixty when he started to write his memoirs in 1868. He died on June 21, 1875 in San Luis.
He died poor, but as a good soldier his widow Lorenza Barbosa received a pension. From Baigorria's book
one gathers the impression of a modest person, courageous, honest, consistent and dependable.
Although at times he led hordes of wild horsemen on raids, he was not excessively greedy or
bloodthirsty, mainly wanting foals, books and newspapers as his share of the loot. The historian Alvaro
Yunque said of his life that it needed little change to make it a novel.

Pain Ger

(Zorro Azul) (died 1856) was a Chief (Cacique) of Ranquel, indigenous people of Leubuc lagoon in the
present province of La Pampa in Argentina from ? until his death in 1856. He was father of Chief (Cacique) Calvai Ger and
Chief (Cacique) Panguitruz Guor.

Calvai Ger

(died 1858) was a Chief (Cacique) of Ranquel, indigenous people of Leubuc lagoon in the present
province of La Pampa in Argentina from 1856 until his death in 1858. He was son of Chief (Cacique) Pain Ger (Zorro Azul)
and brother of Chief (Cacique) Panguitruz Guor.

Panguitruz Guor,

better known as Mariano Rosas (Leuvuc, to 1825 - August 18, 1877) was a Chief
(Cacique) of Ranquel, indigenous people of Leubuc lagoon in the present province of La Pampa in Argentina
from 1858 until his death on August 18, 1877. He was son of Chief (Cacique) Pain Ger (Zorro Azul) and
brother of Chief (Cacique) Panguitruz Guor.

Ramn Cabral

(Nahuel, el Platero) was a Chief (Cacique) of Ranquel, indigenous people of Leubuc lagoon in the
present province of La Pampa in Argentina in the late 1870s.

Pichn Huala

(Pichn Gual) was a Chief (Cacique) of Ranquel, indigenous people of Leubuc lagoon in Poitahu in the
present province of La Pampa in Argentina in the late 1870s. He was confined to the prison at Martn Garca Island in 1880.

Epumer (c. 1820-1886) was a Chief (Cacique) of Ranquel, indigenous people of Leubuc lagoon in the present province of
La Pampa in Argentina in the early 1880s.

List of Presidents of Argentina

List of Junta Presidents of Argentina
Cornelio Judas Tadeo de Saavedra y Rodrguez (September 15, 1759 in Otuyo March 29, 1829 in Buenos
Aires) was a military officer and statesman from the Viceroyalty of the Ro de la Plata. He was instrumental in the May
Revolution, the first step of Argentina's independence from Spain, and was appointed president of the Primera Junta.
Saavedra was the first commanding officer of the Regiment of Patricians created after the ill-fated British invasions of the Ro
de la Plata. The increased militarization of the city and the relaxation of the system of castas allowed him, as other criollo
peoples, to become a prominent figure in local politics. His intervention was decisive to thwart the Mutiny of lzaga and allow
Viceroy Santiago de Liniers to stay in power. Although he supported the establishment of a government Junta, as others
created in Spain during the contemporary Peninsular War, he desired that criollos had an important role in it (the mutiny of
lzaga was promoted by peninsulars). He advised against rushed actions as well, and as his Regiment was crucial in any
action against the viceroy, he denied his help until it was a good strategic moment to do so. The opportunity came in May,
1810, and the May Revolution successfully ousted the viceroy. Saavedra was appointed president of the Primera Junta, which
took government after it. The local politics were soon divided between him and the secretary Mariano Moreno. Saavedra
wanted gradual changes, while Moreno promoted more radical ones. Saavedra encouraged the expansion of the Junta with
deputies from the other provinces; this left Moreno in a minority, and he resigned. A later rebellion made in behalf of
Saavedra forced the remaining supporters of Moreno to resign as well. He left the presidency after the defeat of the first
Upper Peru campaign, and headed to lead the Army of the North. His absence was exploited by political opponents, who
established the First Triumvirate and issued an arrest warrant against Saavedra. Saavedra stayed in exile until 1815, when all
the charges against him were dropped. Saavedra was born at the hacienda "La Fombera", located in the town of Otuyo, near
the former Imperial City of Potosi. The city was part of the Spanish Viceroyalty of Peru by that time, but would be annexed
into the Viceroyalty of the Ro de la Plata some years later. His father was Santiago Felipe de Saavedra y Palma, a native
of Buenos Aires, whose ancestry reached to Hernando Arias de Saavedra.[1] His mother was Mara Teresa Rodrguez Michel, a
native of the Villa Imperial de Potosi. Santiago had left Buenos Aires and married Mara. They were a wealthy family, with
many sons, Cornelio being the last one. The family moved to Buenos Aires in 1767. There, during his adolescence, Cornelio
attended the Real Colegio de San Carlos. The school was only for the elite, and to attend it was required to be allowed by the
viceroy, know reading and writing, be at least ten years old, be a legitimate son and have certified limpieza de sangre;
Saavedra met all the requirements. He studied philosophy and Latin Grammar between 1773 and 1776. However, he could
not graduate due to overwhelming duties in the management of the family ranch. Unlike other rich youths of the time, he did
not attend to university. In 1788, he married Maria Francisca Cabrera y Saavedra, his cousin. Francisca was rich, and it is
likely that it was an arranged marriage. They had three sons, Diego, Mariano and Manuel. Francisca died in 1798. Saavedra
began his political career in 1797, working at the Buenos Aires Cabildo, assuming various administrative roles. By then, the
city had become the capital of the Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata. His first political appointment was as fourth alderman,
and third alderman the following year. In 1801, he was appointed Mayor of First Vote. That same year he married his second
wife, Doa Saturnina Otrola del Rivero. In 1805, he was appointed to the position of Grain manager, within a local
governmental body that dealt with the provision of wheat and other cereals in the city. It is considered that Saavedra
supported the proposals of Manuel Belgrano at theCommerce Consulate of Buenos Aires, which promoted agriculture,
education and industrialization, but there is no definitive evidence of it. Buenos Aires faced the British invasions of the Ro de
la Plata in 1806, when British forces led by William Carr Beresford invaded the city. Saavedra was still a civilian by

then.Santiago de Liniers organized an army in Montevideo to liberate Buenos Aires, and Saavedra was among the civilians
that joined Liniers, despite the lack of military instruction. [7]His role in this battle was a minor one. Liniers successfully
liberated Buenos Aires, and organized the resistance against a likely British counter-attack. All the male population of the city
aged from 16 to 50 was drafted into the army, and divided in battalions by casta or origin. The largest one was the Regiment
of Patricians, made up of volunteer infantrymen born in Buenos Aires. The Regiment was composed of three infantry
battalions, commanded by Esteban Romero, Domingo Urien and Manuel Belgrano, who would later pass that command
to Juan Jos Viamonte. Each battalion could elect their own leaders, including their commander, and the Regiment of
Patricians elected Saavedra. The British returned in 1807. Cornelio Saavedra marched to Montevideo, but was informed
at Colonia del Sacramento of the capture of the city. The British planned to use it as a lodgement for the invasion of Buenos
Aires. To give difficulty to the British operations, Saavedra ordered the withdrawal of all military hardware from Colonia,
considered indefensible at that point, and mobilized those troops and equipment to Buenos Aires to fortify the city. The
renewed attack to Buenos Aires took place shortly afterwards, the invading army had 8,000 soldiers and 18 cannons
significantly more than the 1,565 men, 6 cannons and 2 howitzers used for the first British invasion attempt. After an initial
victory in the pens of Miserere, the invading army entered into Buenos Aires on July 5. The British army encountered an
extremely hostile population, prepared to resist to the degree that even women, children and slaves voluntarily participated
in the defense. The headquarters of the Regiment of Patricians were located at the Real Colegio de San Carlos, where
Saavedra and Juan Jos Viamonte stopped the column of Denis Pack and Henry Cadogan, composed of British infantry and a
cannon. Pack united his remaining forces with Craufurd and resisted inside the Santo Domingo convent. Cadogan took the
nearby house of Pedro Medrano, and fired from the rooftop. Both groups were finally defeated by the local soldiers. Finally,
the British General John Whitelocke surrendered, ending the attack and pledging to withdraw all British forces from
Montevideo. The victory against the British invasions brought forth great changes in the politics of Buenos Aires. The viceroy
Sobremonte was discredited by his management of the conflict, and the Cabildo increased its influence; as such, it removed
the viceroy and appointed Liniers as replacement, an unprecedented action. The local criollos, who had limited chances of
social promotion in the system of castas, got such a chance with the increased influence of the militias. Cornelio Saavedra,
head of the biggest crioolo militia, thus became a highly influential man in the politics of Buenos Aires. He resented the weak
support from the Spanish monarchy to the war effort, compared with the strong one received from the cabildos of other cities
in the Americas. As a result, he was loyal to the new viceroy, of French ancestry, considering him to be less subject to the
internal disputes of the House of Bourbon. The outbreak of the Peninsular War in Spain and the capture of the Spanish
king Ferdinand VII generated a political crisis in the Spanish colonies in the Americas. The first project to maintain the
monarchy was the short-lived Carlotism, which sought to crown Carlota Joaquina as regent. This project was supported by
criollos like Manuel Belgrano and Juan Jos Castelli, but whether Saavedra supported it is disputed. The Carlotism was
abandoned soon afterwards, and the people sought other projects. Francisco Javier de Elo established a government Junta in
Montevideo, similar to the ones established in Spain, and his ally in Buenos Aires, Martn de lzaga, sought to do a similar
thing. The Mutiny of lzaga took place on January 1, 1809. He accused Liniers of trying to appoint loyal members to the
Cabildo, and gathered a small demonstration to request his resignation. The rebels, backed by some peninsular militias,
occupied the Plaza. Liniers was about to resign, to prevent further conflicts. Cornelio Saavedra, who was aware of the
conspiracy, considered it a plot by peninsulars to secure political power over the criollo peoples. He marched with the
Regiment of Patricians swiftly to the Plaza, and thwarted the mutiny. There was no violence in the operation, as the criollos
forced the rebels to give up just by the sheer force of numbers. Thus, Liniers stayed in office as viceroy. All the heads of the
mutiny were sentenced to prison at Carmen de Patagones, and the militias that took part in it were dissolved. The only
peninsular militias remaining were those of Andaluces and Montaeses, who did not join the mutiny; criollos obtained the
military command, and the political power of Saavedra increased even more. A few months later, the Junta of
Seville appointed a new Viceroy, Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros. Some patriots proposed a self-coup to keep Liniers in power
and resist the new viceroy, but Saavedra and Liniers himself did not accept it and the transition was performed without
problems. Although Saavedra supported the plans of the criollos to seize power, he warned about taking rushed measures,
considering that the ideal time to do so would be when the Napoleonic forces achieved a decisive advantage in the Spanish
conflict. Until then, he forced the other revolutionaries to stay quiet by denying the help of his regiment. His usual quote was
"Peasants and gentlemen, it is not yet time -- let the figs ripen, and then we'll eat them." Although he was sometimes
suspected of sympathy for Cisneros for his reluctance to take action against him, he maintained his strategy. Saavedra's
political moderation may have been influenced by his previous career in the Cabildo. The chance expected by Saavedra came
in May 1810, when two British ships came with news of the peninsular war. The previous January Seville was invaded, the
Junta of Seville ceased working, and some members took refuge at Cadiz and Leon, the last undefeated Spanish provinces.
The complete Spanish defeat seemed imminent. The viceroy tried to conceal the information by seizing all newspapers, but
some of them were leaked into the possession of the revolutionaries. Colonel Viamonte called Saavedra and informed him of
the news, requesting once again his military support. Saavedra agreed that it was a good context to proceed, and gave his
famous answer: "Gentlemen: now I say it is not only time, but we must not waste a single hour." Cisneros called Saavedra
and Martn Rodrguez, and requested their military support in the case of a popular rebellion. They refused to give such
support, and Saavedra argued that Cisneros should resign because the Junta of Seville that had appointed him did not exist
anymore. As a result, Cisneros gave in to the request of Juan Jos Castelli: to celebrate an open cabildo, an extraordinary
meeting of the noteworthy peoples of the city, and discuss the situation. The next day an armed mob, led by Antonio
Beruti and Domingo French, occupied the Plaza to demand the making of the open cabildo, doubting that Cisneros would
actually allow it. Saavedra addressed the crowd and assured them that the Regiment of Patricians supported their claims. The
open cabildo was held on May 22. The people discussed if Cisneros should stay in power and, in the case he was removed
from office, which type of government should be established. Saavedra stayed silent for the most part, awaiting his turn to
speak. The most important speakers were Bishop Benito Lue y Riega, Juan Jos Castelli, Ruiz Huidobro, Manuel Genaro
Villota, Juan Jos Paso and Juan Nepomuceno de Sola, among others. Saavedra was the last one to speak, and suggested that
the political control should be delegated to the Cabildo until the formation of a governing Junta, in the manner and form that
the Cabildo deemed appropriate. In his speech, he pointed out the phrase: "(...) "And there be no doubt that it is the people
that confers the authority or command." This statement was in line with the Retroversion of the sovereignty to the people, a
political concept formulated by Castelli, stating that in the absence of the rightful governor the sovereignty returned to the
peoples, who had then the power to give it to someone else. Castelli aligned his position with Saavedra's, becoming the
common position which was eventually passed with 87 votes. However, the Cabildo appointed a Junta headed by Cisneros,
who would stay in power, even if under a new office. Saavedra was appointed to this Junta, as well as Castelli and two
peninsulars. They made the oath of office, but the Junta was received with strong popular unrest, as it was perceived as going
contrary to the result of the open cabildo. By the night, Saavedra and Castelli resigned, convincing Cisneros to do the same.
The Cabildo rejected Cisneros' resignation, and ordered the military to control the crowd and enforce the resolution of the
previous day. The commanders pointed out that if they did so, their soldiers would mutiny. As the demonstration overran
some sections of the cabildo, Cisneros' resignation was finally accepted. The members of the new Junta were the result of a
document with hundreds of signatures, drafted among the people in the plaza. Cornelio Saavedra was the president of this
Junta. He rejected this at first, fearing that he may be suspected of promoting the revolution for personal interest, but finally

accepted at Cisneros' request. As the Junta was established on May 25, the other cities were invited to send deputies to a
constituent assembly to discuss the type of government; on May 27, they were invited to send deputies to join the Junta. Both
invitations were contradictory, but the consequences would take place some months later. The precise authorship of the
aforementioned document is unclear, and so is the origin of the composition of the Junta. Saavedra said in his memoirs that it
was "the people", without being more precise. As he protested being appointed president, he could not be part of the
negotiations (Manuel Belgrano and Mariano Moreno, other members, are reported to have been appointed without their
consent as well). It could not have been the Regiments of Patricians either: the Junta was not a military junta (only two of nine
members were military), and the Regiment would not have appointed Moreno, whose rivalry with Saavedra was known. A
common accepted theory considers it to be a balance between Carlotists andAlzaguists. The presidency of the Junta was the
result of the high influence of the militias in general and Saavedra in particular in the local politics. From that time on, he
spent most of his time at the fort of Buenos Aires, managing the government with Moreno, Belgrano and Castelli. It is likely
that he left his business for this. Cornelio Saavedra was aware that the Junta would be resisted by factions still loyal to the old
authorities. It was resisted locally by theCabildo and the Royal Audiencia; the nearby plazas of Montevideo and Paraguay did
not recognize it; and Santiago de Liniers organized a counter-revolution at Crdoba. During this early period, the Junta worked
united against the royalist threats. Mariano Moreno, the secretary of war, drafted the decrees and regulations to deal with
royalists. First, a decree ordered punishment for anyone attempting to generate disputes, and for those concealing
conspiracies against the Junta or other people. The Royal Audiencia swore loyalty to the Regency Council, in defiance to the
Junta, so they were summoned, along with former viceroy Cisneros, and exiled to Spain with the pretext that there was a
threat to their lives. The Junta appointed new members for the Audiencia loyal to the revolution. Moreno organized as well
the Paraguay campaign and the First Upper Peru campaign, to the plazas that resisted the Junta. The second one, headed
by Francisco Ortiz de Ocampo, would move to Crdoba and attack the counter-revolution; before marching to Upper Peru.
Ocampo's initial orders were to capture the counter-revolutionary leaders and send them to Buenos Aires, so that they could
be judged. When the counter-revolution became stronger Moreno called the Junta and proposed that the enemy leaders
should be shot as soon as they were captured instead of brought to trial. The new orders were carried out by Juan Jos
Castelli. Cornelio Saavedra supported all these measures. However, as time passed, Saavedra and Moreno distanced from
each other. There was some initial distrust in the Junta towards Saavedra, but it was just the result of his desire for honours
and privileges rather than an actual power struggle. When the initial difficulties were solved, Saavedra promoted an indulgent
policy, while Moreno insisted on taking radical measures. For instance, the Junta discovered on October 16 that some
members of the Cabildo secretly swore loyalty to the Regency Council. Moreno proposed executing them as a deterrent, and
Saavedra replied that the government should promote leniency, and rejected the use of the Regiment of Patricians to carry
out such executions. Saavedra prevailed, and the plotting members of the Cabildo were exiled instead of executed. Overall,
Moreno was supported by "The Star" regiment, the other members of the Junta, and the activists of the May Revolution;
Saavedra was supported by the merchants, the loyals to the old regime that saw him as a lesser evil, and the Regiment of
Patricians, which was the largest one. To counter the power of Saavedra, Moreno sought to modify the military balance of
power by reforming the promotion rules. Up until that point, the sons of officials were automatically granted the status of
cadet and were promoted just by seniority; Moreno arranged that promotions were earned by military merits instead.
However, in the short run this measure worked against him, as it antagonised members of the military who got promoted
precisely because of such rules. Saavedra thought that the victory at the battle of Suipacha strengthened his perspective, as
the Junta would have defeated its enemies. He considered that Moreno's animosity was rooted in the aforementioned mutiny
of lzaga, as Moreno took part in it. The victory was celebrated at the barracks of the Patricians, where the officer Anastasio
Duarte, who was drunk, made a toast to Saavedra, as if he was the king of the Americas. Moreno drafted the Honours
Suppression decree when he knew about it, which suppressed the ceremonies and privileges of the president of the Junta
inherited from the former office of viceroy. However, Saavedra signed it without complaint. The Regiment of Patricians
resented Moreno because of this, but Saavedra considered that it was a disproportionated response to a trivial issue. The
arrival of the deputies called months ago generated disputes about the role they should have. Mariano Moreno supported the
May 25 invitation, and wrote at the Gazeta de Buenos Ayres newspaper that the deputies should create a constituent
assembly. Most of them, however, were aligned with the more moderated style of Saavedra. Lead by Gregorio Funes from
Crdoba, they requested to join the Junta, as told in the second invitation. Saavedra and Funes thought that, with this
change, Moreno would be left in a minority group, unable to advance his more radical measures. The deputies and the Junta
met on December 18, to decide what to do. Funes, who was close to Saavedra, argued that Buenos Aires had no right to
appoint national authorities by itself and expect obedience from the provinces. The nine deputies voted for their
incorporation, as did Larrea, Azcunaga, Matheu and Alberti, founding members of the Junta. Saavedra declared that the
incorporation was not fully legal, but that he supported it for public convenience. Only Juan Jos Paso voted with Moreno
against the incorporation of the deputies. Left in a minority within the Junta, Moreno resigned. He was appointed to a
diplomatic mission in Europe, but died in high seas, in unclear circumstances. Some historians consider that Saavedra plotted
to murder Moreno, others that it was a negligence of the captain, and others that it was because of Moreno's frail health. With
the new members, the Junta was renamed as Junta Grande. Cornelio Saavedra, who continued being president, had a clear
control of it, together with Gregorio Funes. Although Moreno was no longer part of the Junta, his former supporters still plotted
against Saavedra, meeting at the "Caf de Marcos". They accused Funes and Saavedra of beingcarlotists. The regiment of
Domingo French attempted to mutiny, but they were discovered and defeated. It is unknown if Moreno was involved in this
attempted mutiny or not. The dispute was finally settled by the Revolution of the shoreline dwellers. The mayors Toms
Grigera and Joaqun Campana, supporters of Saavedra, led the "shoreline dwellers" (Spanish: orilleros, poor people living in
the outskirts of Buenos Aires) to the Plaza, along with the Regiment of Patricians, and demanded the resignation of the
morenists Hiplito Vieytes, Azcunaga, Larrea and Rodrguez Pea, appointing the Saavedrists Juan Alagn, Atanasio
Gutirrez, Feliciano Chiclana and Campana as their replacements. It was requested as well that the government should not
change its political style without voting it first. However, although the revolution was done in support of Saavedra, Saavedra
denied having any involvement in it, and condemned it in his autobiography. Saavedra began to lose political power from this
point. The decree of Mariano Moreno that changed the military promotions, which was never derogated, began to bear fruit,
even if Moreno was not in the Junta anymore. The army became more professional, and less based on militias. Many of the
new military authorities opposed Saavedra. The political crisis increased with the unfavourable military outcomes of the war:
Belgrano was defeated at the Paraguay campaign, Castelli at the Upper Peru campaign, and the capture of Montevideo
became increasingly difficult with the intervention of Portuguese troops supporting it. The many members of the Junta made
the internal work difficult, as all measures were discussed by all members, hindering the swift reactions needed by the war.
Saavedra left Buenos Aires at this point, and headed to the Upper Peru, to take command of the Army of the North. He
thought that he could be of greater help as a military leader than facing the political struggles of Buenos Aires. Saavedra was
warned by fellow members of the Junta, military leaders and even the Cabildo that if he left Buenos Aires, the government
would be prone to fall into a political crisis. He left anyway, convinced that he would be able to reorganize the Army of the
North. The warnings were justified; shortly after his departure, the Junta was turned into a legislative power, while the
executive would be managed by the First Triumvirate. This arrangement lasted for a short time, then the Junta was abolished.
The Regiment of Patricians made a mutiny against the triumvirate, but failed. Saavedra received the news eight days after

arriving in Salta. He was informed that he was deposed as president of the Junta, and that he
should hand the command of the Army of the North to Juan Martn de Pueyrredn. Trying to
avoid returning to Buenos Aires, he requested to be relocated at Tucumn or Mendoza. He was
allowed to stay at the later city, rejoining his wife and children. The press of Buenos Aires was
very harsh about him, so the Triumvirate asked the governor to capture Saavedra and send him
to Lujn, near Buenos Aires. The order, however, was never carried out because the triumvirate
was deposed by the Revolution of October 8, 1812, and replaced by the Second Triumvirate.
The appointment of the supreme director Gervasio Antonio de Posadas fostered further
hostilities towards Saavedra. Posadas was among the people banished in 1811, and made him
a trial of residence as a revenge. Saavedra, defended by Juan de la Rosa Alba, was accused of
organizing the 1811 revolution, along with Campana. The sentence ruled that Saavedra should
be exiled, but he avoided it by crossing the Andes with his son and seeking political asylum at
Chile. Juan Jos Paso requested the extradition of Saavedra, but the Chilean supreme
director Francisco de la Lastra denied it. Saavedra did not stay in Chile for long; a huge royalist
attack to Chile (which would end in the Disaster of Rancaguaand the royalist reconquest of
Chile) made him cross the Andes again and seek refuge at Mendoza, along with Chilean
expatriates. Jos de San Martn, ruling Mendoza at the time, allowed him to settle in San Juan. Saavedra settled in San Juan in
1814. He had a new son, Pedro Cornelio, and maintained a simple life growing grapes. He awaited the final decision of
Posadas, but the supreme director had a political crisis at the time. The Spanish king Ferdinand VII had returned to the throne
and demanded the colonies to return to their former organization, the royalists at Upper Peru were still a threat, and Jos
Gervasio Artigas opposed Buenos Aires as well, because of its high centralism. As a result, Carlos Mara de Alvear became the
new supreme director, who would decide the final fate of Cornelio Saavedra. Alvear ordered Saavedra to move immediately
to Buenos Aires, to close the case. He arrived to the city in time, and Alvear was sympathetic to his situation. However,
Alvear was forced to resign a few days later, before being able to rule the case. The Buenos Aires Cabildo, the interim
government, restored Saavedra's military rank and honours, but the rule was abolished by Ignacio lvarez Thomas, the
following supreme director. He moved then to the countryside, to live with his brother Luis. He kept requesting to the
government the restoration of his rank. Finally, the supreme director Juan Martn de Pueyrredn appointed a commission to
discuss the case of Saavedra. By this time, theCongress of Tucumn had made the Argentine Declaration of Independence a
couple of years before. The commission restored Saavedra with the military rank of brigadier, and ordered the payment of all
the wages he did not receive during the time he was demoted. A second commission ratified the ruling. The payment was not
enough to compensate Saavedra's losses, but he considered it a token of his restored prestige. He was appointed then to
help with the protection of the frontier with the natives at Lujn. Angered with the passivity of Buenos Aires during the LusoBrazilian invasion of the Banda Oriental, Francisco Ramrez from Entre Ros and Estanislao Lpez from Santa Fe joined forces
against the city. Saavedra fled to Montevideo, fearing that Buenos Aires would be obliterated if defeated. Ramrez and Lpez
won the battle of Cepeda, but the city was not destroyed, so Saavedra returned. He retired in 1822, and lived with his family
in the countryside. He offered his services at the beginning of the War of Brazil, despite being 65 years old, but Balcarce
declined the offer. He wrote his memoirs, Memoria autgrafa, in 1828. He died on March 29, 1829. He was taken to the
cemetery by his sons. There was no state funeral at the time, because Juan Lavalle made a coup against the governor Manuel
Dorrego and executed him, starting a period of civil war. Lavalle was defeated by Juan Manuel de Rosas, who was appointed
governor. Once he restored peace, Rosas made a state funeral for Saavedra, on January 13, 1830. As president of the first
government body created after the May Revolution, Saavedra is considered the first ruler of Argentina. However, as the
Spanish juntas were not a presidential system, Saavedra was not the first President of Argentina; that office would be created
a decade afterwards. The Casa Rosada, official residence of the President of Argentina, holds a bust of Saavedra at the Hall of
busts. The Regiment of Patricians is still an active unit of the Argentine Army, currently as an air assault infantry. It is also the
custodian of the Buenos Aires Cabildo, the welcoming party for visiting foreign dignitaries to Argentina and the escort and
honor guard battalion for the City Government of Buenos Aires. As of September 22, 2010, the Regiment's headquarters
building has been declared as a National Historical Monument by the Argentine government, on the occasion of the country's
bicentennial year. The historiography of Cornelio Saavedra is closely related to that of Mariano Moreno. As Saavedra had a
conflict with him in the Junta, the perspectives towards him complement those about Moreno. The first liberal historians
praised Moreno as the leader of the Revolution and a great historical man; Saavedra was treated either as a weak man
overwhelmed by Moreno, or as a counter-revolutionary. This perspective did not acknowledge that Saavedra, as head of the
Regiment of Patricians, was the most popular and influential man of the city since before the Revolution, and that he was
reported to be staunch, cunning and ruthless. Subsequently, revisionist authors would formulate accusations against Moreno,
depicting him as a British agent and a man of mere theoretical European ideas without a strong relation with the South
American context. Saavedra is depicted instead as a popular caudillo, a predecessor of Jos de San Martn and Juan Manuel
de Rosas. This perspective did not acknowledge that the wealthy citizens were aligned with Saavedra against Moreno, that
Saavedra himself was wealthy and aristocratic, and that the 1811 revolution made no requests of a social nature, save for the
removal of Morenist forces from the Junta.

Domingo Bartolom Francisco Matheu (August

4, 1765, in Barcelona, Spain March 28, 1931, in Buenos

Aires, Argentina) was a Spanish businessman and politician. He was a member of the Primera Junta, the first national
government of modern Argentina. Domingo Bartolom Francisco Matheu was born in August 4, 1765, in Matar. His parents
were Pablo Matheu Boter and Antonia Chicola. He studied in the school "Pas" of Matar, and then focused in maths and naval
studies. He became a pilot, and visited other Spanish territories as La Habana, Philippines and the Canary Islands. He moved
to Buenos Aires in 1791, and opposed the trade regulations of the time. He sought both economic and political support
among the local society. Matheu joined the Regiment of Miones during the British invasions of the Ro de la Plata. He was
appointed liutenant of the second company, under the command of Juan Larrea. On August 19, 1806, a few days after the
liberation of Buenos Ares from British rule, Matheu, Larrea and other neighbours requested authorization to create a new
military unit, "Urbanos Voluntarios de Catalua". ViceroySantiago de Liniers approved it on September 26. As Larrea got ill,
Matheu led this unit during the second British attack in 1807. He retired from the combats in Miserere, and waged urban
warfare from the buildings of the city. He was awarded by a Real Order on January 1809 for his role in the defense of Buenos
Aires. The Peninsular War in Spain, along with the capture of the king Ferdinand VII and the fall of the Junta of Seville,
escalated political disputes in Buenos Aires that led to the May Revolution. Several criollos thought that the viceroy Baltasar
Hidalgo de Cisneros, appointed by the fallen Junta, did not have legitimacy, and requested an open cabildo to discuss it.
Azcunaga attended it, and voted for the creation of a Junta with deputies from all the provinces, with the Cabildo ruling in
the interregnum. However, the majority agreed with the creation of a junta, but with another junta of people from Buenos
ruling during in the meantime. The viceroy tried to stay in government as president of the Junta, which was resisted by the
criollos. The reasons of Matheu's inclusion in the Junta are unclear, as with all its members. A common accepted theory
considers it to be a balance between Carlotists, Alzaguists, the military and the clergy. The May Revolution began

the Argentine War of Independence, which was complicated by the lack of weapons in the country.
Without enough resources to buy them, the Primera Junta established armories. The first director, Juan
Taragona, was soon replaced by Matheu. Working alongside German gunsmiths as Juan Frye and
Fernando Lamping, he directed the creation of several muskets and some pieces of artillery. The
armory of Buenos Aires, located at the site of the modern Palace of Justice, had only 90 employees,
including seven slaves and seven natives. They had limited technical knowledge, but managed to build
and repair nearly three hundred muskets and a hundred of carbines. Matheu gave financial support to
the armory with his own wealth. Eduard Holmberg was appointed director in 1813, replacing Matheu,
but Matheu kept working for the armory anyway. He supervised as well the armory of the Tucumn
Province. He directed later the manufacture of military uniforms. After the departure of Cisneros
following the May Revolution he was designated vocal of the Primera Junta. The Primera Junta became the Junta
Grande afterwards, and Matheu was designated its president when Cornelio Saavedra left it to join the battles in the north.
Matheu and Larrea supported the national government with the money they obtained from commerce. He retired from
political life in 1817, staying just in commercial activities until his death in 1831. Domingo Matheu led the first armory of
Argentina. General Manuel Nicols Savio organized the construction of an arsenal in Rosario, Santa Fe, named after Matheu.
The cornerstone was placed on October 3, 1942, and worked for many decades. The place was used as a detention center
during the Dirty War in the 1970s.

Triumvirates
First Triumvirate
Feliciano Antonio Chiclana (Buenos

Aires, June 9, 1761 Buenos Aires, September 17, 1826)

was an Argentine lawyer, soldier, and judge. He studied at the Colegio de San Carlos. In 1783 he
attained a law degree from the Universidad de Chile. After returning to Buenos Aires in 1791 he became
secretary to the mayor of the Buenos Aires Cabildo. During the British invasions of the Ro de la Plata in
1806 he fought as captain of the 1st Patricians' Infantry Regiment. In 1810, he helped on the planning for
the May Revolution as legal counsel to the Cabildo. He was part of the group of moderates which wanted
the Cabildo to assume command of the government during the Napoleonic invasion of Spain to later
return it to the Spanish Crown. He therefore voted on May 22, 1810 to depose the viceroy. The Primera
Junta named him comptroller of the Auxiliary Army of Upper Peru with the rank of colonel. In August 1810
he was named governor of Salta Province, which at the time also encompassed present-day Jujuy
Province. In November 1810 he received orders from Buenos Aires to leave that post and occupy the new
post of governor of Potos. Returning later to Buenos Aires, he was part of the First Triumvirate, along with Juan Jos
Paso and Manuel de Sarratea in 1811. He was a triumvir until October 8, 1812, when he was deposed. In November 1812 he
was again named governor of Salta, where he worked closely with Manuel Belgrano. He stayed on the post until October 26,
1813, when he was succeeded by Francisco Fernndez de la Cruz. Between 1814 and 1816 he was in charge of provisioning
for the Auxiliary Army of Upper Peru; returning afterwards to Buenos Aires. In 1817 he was opposed politically to the Supreme
director Juan Martn de Pueyrredn, which made him eave to exile in Baltimore,United States of America. Having been able to
return to Argentina in 1818, he was then exiled again, this time to Mendoza, but due to illness he did not make the trip. In
1819, replaced in his rank of colonel, he accomplished what was to be his last mission: to negotiate peace with
the Ranquel native tribe, which whom he signed a treaty. He retired from the army in 1822 and died in Buenos Aires in
September 1826. He was interred in the La Recoleta Cemetery in Buenos Aires.

Manuel de Sarratea,

(Buenos Aires, August 11 1774 Limoges, France, 21 September 1849), was an Argentine
diplomat, politician and soldier. He was the son of Martin de Sarratea (1743-1813), of the richest merchant of Buenos-Aires
and Tomasa Josefa de Altolaguirre. His sister Martina de Sarrateas (1772-1805) married Santiago de Liniers, vice-roy del Rio
de la Plata. Sarratea was educated in Madrid. He returned to the country to work as a diplomat. He participated in theMay
Revolution of 1810 and per advice from Belgrano he was named ambassador in Ro de Janeiro. When the Primera Junta was
dissolved, he returned and took part on the following government body, the so-called First Triumvirate. One of the
Triumvirate's political accomplishments was a treaty signed with vicerroy Francisco Javier de Elo, where the Banda
Oriental (present-day Uruguay was ceded to the crown. In 1812, after the change of government in Montevideo, the treaty
was broken and the war against theroyalists in the city was resumed. Most of the Criollo soldiers had abandoned the territory,
following theircaudillo, Jos Artigas. Sarratea took charge of the army in the Banda Oriental, making his primary mission to
get back the troops from Artigas. He attempted to convince him and when this failed he attempted to bribe him, also without
success. He then declared Artigas a traitor but this measure was rejected by the rest of the Triumvirate. The Triumvirate was
dominated by minister Rivadavia, until its fall in October 1812. Sarratea continued to be in charge of the Banda Oriental army
until the first part of the following year, when he was replaced by Jos Rondeau. Only when the ex-Triumvir Sarratea left, did
Artigas and his men return to the siege of Montevideo. Sarratea remained inactive for more than two years,
until Director Gervasio Posadas sent him on a diplomatic mission to Madrid andLondon. Arriving in Spain he offered the
recently restored king, Ferdinand VII, the submission of the United Provinces to the Spanish crown under a certain autonomy.
Instead he was treated as the representative of a group of rebels and had to leave and go to England. Sarratea returned to
Buenos Aires in mid 1816, and was named government minister of foreign relations for the Supreme Director, Juan Martn de
Pueyrredn. He later resigned for health reasons and made contacts within the porteo political opposition, so he was
expelled and exiled to Montevideo by order of the same Director. After the battle of Cepeda he joined the federalist army
commanded by Estanislao Lpez and Francisco Ramrez. They then sent him as their representative to the Buenos Aires
Cabildo, whom he convinced to name him provincial governor. He assumed the governorship on February 18, 1820 and soon
after he signed the Treay of Pilar with the federalist chiefs, through which the Buenos Aires province agreed to be recognized
as equal to the other United Provinces. As one of the secret clauses of the treaty, he promised the delivery of armament to
the federalist caudillos. When the Buenos Aires military found he was to deliver armament, they raised against him, and
deposed him on March 6, replacing him with general Balcarce. He lasted only one week as governor, when general Ramrez
threatened with attacking the city if they did not deliver the promised armament. Sarratea assumed government again on
May 11, and also gave Ramrez some military units under the command of colonel Mansilla. Sarratea could not contain the
permanent state of anarchy in the province, nor gain the obedience and trust of the military, so he was forced to resign at the
end of May. He joined Ramrez's army in his campaign against Artigas, and defeating him was probably his greatest personal
success. Later on he took part in the preparations for the war Ramirez would fight against Buenos Aires, Santa
F and Crdoba, which ended in disaster. Sarratea then recused himself from politics for a time. On August 31, 1825, Juan
Gregorio de Las Heras, named Sarratea as Encargado de Negocios de las Provincias Unidas del Ro de la Plata cerca de Gran

Bretaa (Commercial representative of the United Provinces of the River Plate to Great Britain). President
Rivadavia sent him in 1826 to be the United Provinces representative in London again. There he
supported the British policy of separating the Banda Oriental from the rest of the provinces, which was
accomplished in 1828. Governor Manuel Dorrego kept him as ambassador, and Juan Manuel de
Rosas later named him ambassador to Brazil andFrance.

Juan Jos Paso,

(January 2, 1758, Buenos Aires September 10, 1833) was

an Argentine politician who participated in the events that started the Argentine War
of Independence known as May Revolution of 1810. Paso studied at the University of
Crdoba and graduated in Theology in 1779. Back in Buenos Aires, he was named
professor of Philosophy at the Colegio Real de San Carlos (Royal School of San Carlos).
In 1783 he moved
to the Upper Peru and studied law in theUniversity of Chuquisaca; only to return to
Buenos Aires as a
lawyer in 1803. After the British invasions of the Ro de la Plata he pursued a political
career
as
a
revolutionary leader moved by the new national identity that was growing among the
'criollos'.
Paso
assisted with the Cabildo Abierto of May 22, 1810 and supported the faction that
sought the dismissal of viceroy Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros, convincing many others with a fervent speech. He participated
in the creation of the First Junta (Primera Junta) government on May 25 and was named Secretary of the Junta along
with Mariano Moreno, with whom he shared political points of view. He was sent by the Junta
to Montevideo (today's Uruguay capital city) to spread the ideas of the revolution. Paso was also part of the First
Triumvirate and the Second Triumvirate that ruled the United Provinces of the Ro de la Plata (Argentina) between 1811 and
1814. During this period he participated in the Asamblea del ao XIII and was sent to Chile as a representative. But the
negotiations with Chilean patriots failed and the Capitaincy of Chile refused to take part in the Union. In 1815 Paso was
named assistant to the Supreme Director and war consultant. He was later elected a representative to the Congress of
Tucumn that declared the Argentine Independence on July 9, 1816. As Secretary to this Congress, Paso had the honor of
reading the independence act. However, he was then imprisoned and charged of treason for supporting the monarchist
faction that wanted a monarchy as government for the new nation. He was quickly released along with the other monarchist
deputies. Elected a member of the Buenos Aires Province Legislature in 1822, Paso later became president of that body. In
1824, he was again elected representative for the National Congress and supported the nomination of Bernardino
Rivadavia as the first President of Argentina. He retired from politics in 1826 disgusted with the violent disagreements among
the provinces that divided themselves betweenUnitarians and Federalists.

Juan Martn de Pueyrredn y O'Dogan (December

18, 1777 March 13, 1850) was

an Argentine general and politician of the early 19th century. He was appointed Supreme Director of the
United Provinces of the Ro de la Plata after the Argentine Declaration of Independence. Pueyrredn was
born in Buenos Aires, the fifth of eight sons of Juan Martn de Pueyrredn y Labroucherie and Mara Rita
Dogan. Pueyrredon's father was a French merchant who established himself in Cadiz with his brother and
later in Buenos Aires, getting married to Maria in the Argentine city. He was educated at the Royal
College, up until the death of his father in 1791. Mara became the head of the family, assisted by
Anselmo Senz Valiente in business, and retired Juan Martn from his studies at the age of 14. He then
moved to live with a relative in Cdiz, Spain to learn about commerce. His first business took him to
Madrid and France. He returned briefly to Buenos Aires to conclude his father's testament, and got
married to Dolores in Spain upon his return. They returned to Buenos Aires, but Dolores lost her pregnancy during the trip.
Pueyrredn thought of returning to Spain with her, hoping to restore her health by visiting her family, but she lost another
pregnancy and her health worsened until she died on May 1805. Buenos Aires was invaded by British forces in 1806, during
the first British invasions of the Ro de la Plata. Pueyrredn was among the criollos who did not believe that the British would
help them to became independent from Spain. He moved to Montevideo and got an interview with governor Pascual Ruiz
Huidobro. Huidobro authorized him to organize a resistance, so he returned to Buenos Aires and secretly prepared an army at
the Perdriel ranch. The British, however, discovered it and defeated the half-prepared army. Pueyrredn escaped to Colonia
del Sacramento and joined Santiago de Liniers, whose army would eventually defeat the British. In 1807 he was sent as
representative of Buenos Aires to Spain again, but returned in 1809 via Brazil to Buenos Aires, where he subsequently
participated in the independentist movement. After the May Revolution of 1810, which gave birth to the first local
government junta, he was appointed governor of Crdoba, and in 1812 he became the leader of the independent forces and a
member of the short-lived First Triumvirate. From 1812 to 1815, he was exiled in San Luis. In 1816, Pueyrredn was
elected Supreme Director of the United Provinces of the Ro de la Plata. He strongly supported Jos de San Martn's military
campaign in Chile, and also founded the first national bank of Argentina and the national mint. After the declaration of
a Unitarian constitution, revolts forced him to resign as Supreme Director in 1819 and go into exile in Montevideo. He
subsequently played a very small role in politics, most notably serving in 1829 as a mediator between Juan Manuel de
Rosas and Juan Lavalle. He died in retirement on his ranch in San Isidro, Buenos Aires. Pueyrredn was married to Mara
Calixta Tellechea y Caviedes. Their only son, famous painter and civil engineer Prilidiano, was born in Buenos Aires on January
24, 1823. From 1835 to 1849, Pueyrredn and his family lived in Europe.

Second Triumvirate
Nicols Rodriguez Pea (Buenos

Aires 1775 Santiago de Chile; 1853) was an Argentine politician. Born in Buenos
Aires in April 1775, he worked in commerce which allowed him to amass a considerable fortune. Among his several successful
businesses, he had a soap factory partnership withHiplito Vieytes, which was a center of conspirators during the revolution
against Spanish rule. In 1805 he was a member of the "Independence Lodge", a masonic lodge, along with other prominent
revolutionary patriots such as Juan Jos Castelli and Manuel Belgrano. This group used to meet in his ranch, then situated in
what today is Rodriguez Pea square in Buenos Aires. He was a member of the local militia in the British invasions of the Ro
de la Plata (1806 and 1807), and after taking part as promoter and financier of the May Revolution, he collaborated in the
formation of the Primera Junta. Was secretary to Castelli, and went with him in the liberation army's expedition to Crdoba,
where he authorized the death by firing squad of the previous viceroy Santiago de Liniers. After fighting at the Battle of
Suipacha he entered Upper Peru, where he was for a short time governor of La Paz. Returning to Buenos Aires in February, he
took the place of Mariano Moreno at the First Junta ("Primera Junta"). He was deposed by the revolution of April 1811 and
confined to San Juan Province. Rodiguez Pea returned later the same year to Buenos Aires, returning to commerce once
again. He joined the Logia Lautaro, directed by Carlos Mara de Alvear. Due to the revolution of October 1812, he was elected
member of the Second Triumvirate, a government just created by the Constitutional Congress. When the Triumvirate was
dissolved, the Supreme Director, Gervasio Antonio de Posadas, selected him to preside the State Council ("Consejo de

Estado"). He was also assigned as a colonel in the army. In 1814 he was named first governor
delegate of the Eastern Province (present-day Uruguay), a post he held for only a short time. After
the fall of Director Alvear, he was charged, judged, and exiled, and was allowed to live in San Juan. In
1816 he went back to Buenos Aires, but the new Supreme Director, Juan Martn de Pueyrredn,
forced him to return to exile in San Juan where he helped Jos de San Martn organize the Army of
the Andes for the crossing into Chile. After the Battle of Chacabuco he self-exiled himself in Santiago
de Chile, where he remained until his death in December 1853. His remains were interred in La
Recoleta Cemeteryin Buenos Aires.

Antonio lvarez Jonte (Madrid,

1784 Pisco, Per, October 18, 1820)

was an Argentine politician. He was born in Madrid in 1784 and moved with
parents to Crdoba when young. He studied law at Crdoba University and
obtained
his doctorate at the Real Universidad de San Felipe in Santiago de Chile. He
opened a law practice
in Buenos Aires, and lived there at the time of the British invasions. He offered
his
services
as
volunteer in the militia but was declined due to poor health. lvarez Jonte took
part
on
the
preparations for the May Revolution in 1810. After the revolution, the newly
constituted Primera
Juntasent him to Chile to try to foment a similar revolution there. This happened
in October 1810, and
lvarez Jonte became the first Argentine ambassador to this country. Towards
the end of 1810 he
was in Buenos Aires and he joined Mariano Moreno's revolutionary group. The
Junta named him member of the Cabildo, where he pressed to dissolve the governing Junta when news of the Battle of
Huaqui disaster arrived. He supported the formation of the First Triumvirate, and by their initiative he was named again rector
of the Cabildo for the year 1812. He moved to the opposition when the government of Rivadavia dissolved the first national
assembly in 1812. lvarez Jonte joined the Lautaro lodge, founded by Alvear and San Martn, and supported the October
1812 revolution, (started by San Martn after the arrival of the news of the military victory at the Battle of Tucumn). By this
movement the First Triumvirate was dissolved and replaced by a Second Triumvirate, formed by Juan Jos Paso, Nicols
Rodrguez Pea, and lvarez Jonte. A short while later Paso was replaced by Jos Julin Prez, and a few months later,
Rodrguez Pea was replaced by Gervasio Posadas, Alvear's uncle. In reality, the government was controlled by the Lautaro
Lodge and by Alvear. The Triumvirate called for a National Constitutional Assembly, dominated by Buenos Aires where most of
the deputies from the interior of the country were named by the Lodge, in Buenos Aires. The Assembly did not meet its
objectives, not having declared independence from Spain, nor sanctioning any constitution. By the end of 1813, Juan
Larrea (a rich and influential friend of Alvear and of British commerce) replace lvarez Jonte, who was named to lead the
commission investigating the military defeats at Vilcapugio and Ayohuma. lvarez Jonte travelled to Tucumn to start the
investigations and legal proceedings, but later he declined to judge general Belgrano. In early 1814 he reorganized the
government ofTucumn Province. Was then named as military comptroller to the Army of the North during the short period
where its commander in choief was San Martn. lvarez Jonte then returned to Buenos Aires, where he served as general war
comptroller, and worked in this post during the brief government of Alvear. After the mutiny that led to the Alvear's fall from
government, he was exiled to London. There he joined the local Lautaro Lodge and dedicated himself to the formation of a
navy squadron for Chile, recently liberated from Spain by San Martn, supporting the latter's plans to attack the Viceroyalty of
Peru by sea. He arrived in Chile with Admiral Thomas Cochrane in November 1818, with the navy's ships intended to move
the Army of the Andes to Peru. Even though he fell ill, he was named army comptroller and secretary to San Martn. He
accompanied Cochrane in the first naval campaign to the port of El Callao. In August 1820 he embarked with San Martn
towards Peru again. A short time after arriving, he fell gravelly il (probably of tuberculosis) and died in October 1820 in the
port of Pisco. An avenue in Buenos Aires's Monte Castro neighborhood, is named after him.

List of Supreme Directors of Argentina

Gervasio Antonio de Posadas y Dvila (June

18, 1757, in Buenos Aires July 2, 1833, in

Buenos Aires) was a member ofArgentina's Second Triumvirate from August 19, 1813 until January 31,
1814, after which he served as Supreme Director of Argentina until January 9, 1815. Posadas' early studies
were at the convent of San Francisco. Then he studied and practiced law with Manuel Jos de Labardn. In
1789 Posadas was appointed notary general for the bishopric, and held that post until the events of
the May Revolution. He was unaware of the impending revolution and was caught by surprise when
the Buenos Aires Cabildo (town hall) was occupied on May 25, 1810; he did not agree that it had been
legitimately done. His donations to the Sociedad Patritica made him an associate of
theSaavedrist faction, so the leaders of the riots of April 5, 1811 exiled him to Mendoza. A month later he was appointed
solicitor-procurator for the City of Buenos Aires. The Second Triumvirate commissioned Posadas, Nicols Rodrguez
Pea and Juan Larrea to draft a Constitution for consideration by the Asamblea del Ao XIII, then he became part of the
Triumvirate when the Assembly granted Executive Power to the Triumvirate. Then on 22 January 1814 the same Assembly
decided to concentrate the Executive Power in him as a Supreme Director for the United Provinces, and so he took that office
for a one-year period. During his rule, Saavedra and Campana were exiled, Montevideo fell to theUnited Provinces but serious
problems arose with Jos Gervasio Artigas and the Liga Federal on the Banda Oriental. Moreover,Ferdinand VII of
Spain regained his throne in 1815. Posadas was succeeded in office by his nephew, Carlos Mara de Alvear, who was removed
soon afterwards by a military coup d'tat. By August 1815 the whole Alvearista faction was in disgrace and Posadas was
jailed. The former Supreme Director spent the next six years in 22 different jails. He began writing his memoirs in 1829.

Carlos Mara de Alvear (October 25, 1789 in Santo ngel, Misiones November 3, 1852 in New York, United States)
was an Argentinesoldier and statesman, Supreme Director of the United Provinces of the Ro de la Plata in 1815. He was born
in the northern part of the Viceroyalty of the River Plate to a Spanish nobleman father, Diego de Alvear y Ponce de Len, and
a criollo mother, Mara Balbastro and baptised Carlos Antonio del Santo ngel Guardin. His birthplace Santo ngel was, at
that time, part of Misiones Province, but currently belongs to the Brazilian state of Rio Grande do Sul. While travelling
in Spain, Alvear's brothers and mother died in an incident that took place on October 5, 1804, when English frigates opened
fire on the Spanish ship that was transporting them. This incident was a preamble to the Battle of Trafalgar and the
consequent war between both countries. The English took Alvear and his father, together with other survivors, as prisoners
to England, where Diego de Alvear would later marry an Irish woman. Honouring his mother, Carlos de Alvear adopted the
name of Carlos Mara de Alvear. Notwithstanding the fate of his mother and brothers at the hands of the English, 15-year-old
Carlos was partially educated in the English culture, adopting, in his adult age, what some would later see as a position
partial to English interests. Alvear was one of the few professional military officers to participate of the Argentine War of
Independence on the side of the revolutionaries, having served in the Spanish Armyduring the Napoleonic Wars. While

in Cadiz, he founded the Sociedad de los Caballeros Racionales, a masonic secret society, made up of
South Americans. Jos de San Martn, with whom Alvear would always have a conflictive and
contradictory relationship, would later also become a member of this secret society. He returned
to Buenos Aires on board the English frigate George Canning, in which were also travelling San Martn,
Juan Matas Zapiola, Francisco Chilavert and other soldiers. Upon his arrival, Alvear was named
Lieutenant Coronel of the young Argentine army. He led the action against the Royal army
under Gaspar Vigodet in Montevideo, replacing Jos Rondeau and making the Oriental leader Jos
Gervasio Artigas an enemy. Alvear was a leader of the constituent Assembly of the year 1813 and,
goaded by political ambition, succeeded in establishing an Unitarian (centralizing) form of government,
having his uncle Gervasio Antonio de Posadas named Supreme Director (chief executive). In early
1814, Alvear was appointed commander in chief of the forces defending the capital. A few months
later, he replaced General Jos Rondeau as commander in chief of the army besieging Montevideo, the
last bastion of Spanish power in the River Plate, which was defended by 5,000 troops. In late June 1814, as news
that Ferdinand VII had recovered the crown of Spain, Alvear managed to force the surrender of the Spanish troops in
Montevideo. It was the biggest victory for the cause of independence since 1810. He was only 25 and the most successful
general of the revolution. He returned to Buenos Aires to claim his laurels but a revolt forced him back to the Banda Oriental.
After a quick and decisive campaign, his forces defeated the caudillos that opposed the government. At the end of 1814
Alvear was named commander of the Army of the North, but he lacked of support from Posadas, and his unpopularity among
the troops, and other disagreements -including a project for a constitutional monarchy that he sent to Europe to be
negotiated by Manuel Belgrano, that was fiercely opposed by the League of the Free Peoples- made him return to Buenos
Aires. On January 9, 1815, at 25 years of age, he was chosen to replace his uncle Posadas as Supreme Director. Having
neither the support of the troops nor sufficient influence on the people of the hinterland provinces, Director Alvear then
attempted to come to an alliance with Artigas, to whom he offered the independence of the Banda
Oriental (current Uruguay). In exchange, Artigas would withdraw his army from the Argentine Littoral. But Artigas declined the
offer, and Alvear sent troops to occupy the area. At this time he was in correspondence with the British ambassador in Rio de
Janeiro, in order to ask for a British intervention. Following a mutiny among his troops, and under pressure from the Cabildo,
Alvear resigned on April 15, and left the country. He was in exile in Rio de Janeiro until 1818. In May of that year, he moved to
Montevideo where he joined his friend, the Chilean Jose Miguel Carrera, also exiled due to political differences with San Martin
and Bernardo O'Higgins. Alvear returned to Argentina in 1822 thanks to an amnesty law (Ley del olvido). At the end of
1823, Bernardino Rivadavia named him minister plenipotentiary to the United States. Before going to Washington, Alvear
stopped in London and managed to get an interview with George Canning, Britain's Foreign Secretary. Weeks after this
interview, the British cabinet formally recognized the independence of the United Provinces of the Rio de la Plata. In 1825
Alvear was sent by the Buenos Aires government to Bolivia to meet with Simn Bolivar. The real objective of this mission was
to seek Bolivar's support in the looming war with the Empire of Brazil, over the Banda Oriental. Alvear had also a project of
his own: the creation of big republic in South America comprising Argentina, Chile, Bolivia, Paraguay and Uruguay. He asked
Bolivar to be its first president. The Venezuelan leader was sympathetic to this project but dissensions in Gran
Colombia forced him to abandon it. To neutralize Alvear's political ambitions, newly elected President Bernardino
Rivadavia appointed him his Minister of War and Navy in early 1826. In a short period of time, and with limited resources,
Alvear was able to raise an army of 8.000 men to wage war against the Empire of Brazil. Conflicting claims over the Banda
Oriental (current Uruguay) pushed both countries into conflict. Victory seemed unattainable to the Argentines. At the time,
Brazil had a population of close to 5 million inhabitants (including 2 million slaves), a standing army of 120.000 men and a
naval fleet of almost 80 vessels. In contrast, the fledgling Argentine Republic had only 700,000 inhabitants and faced the
secession of almost half of its provinces. Fearing a Brazilian invasion of Argentine territory, in mid 1826, President Rivadavia
appointed Alvear as commander in chief of the Argentine army, which was in mutiny. Alvear quickly restored discipline and
put the troops in fighting condition. By the end of the year, after only three months on the job, he took the initiative and
launched an invasion of the Brazilian province of Rio Grande do Sul. Among Alvear's objectives was to promote a slave
rebellion which would force the Emperor to seek an armistice. During the first months of 1827 Cisplatine War, the Argentine
Army entered Brazilian territory and defeated the Brazilians at Bag, Omb, Camacu and the great Battle of Ituzaing,
probably the most important victory of his career. It was his brilliant and fearless conduct during this campaign, and the
memorable victory which ended it, that made controversial Alvear a national hero among Argentine people ever since.
However, internal disenssions in Argentina and the signing of what was perceived to be a humiliating peace treaty brought
down Rivadavia's presidency. Without any political backing or support from Buenos Aires. Alvear tendered his resignation and
returned to Buenos Aires. When he arrived in the capital, he realized he had been removed by the new government, which
did everything possible to discredit him and Rivadavia. In 1829 Juan Manuel de Rosas appeared in the Argentine political
scene, inaugurating a controversial regime that on and off would last almost 23 years. Alvear was one of the leader's of the
opposition and, in 1832, Rosas very shrewdly appointed him ambassador to the United States, as a way of neutralizing his
political ambitions. A change in government the following year allowed Alvear to remain in Buenos Aires. However, when
Rosas returned to power in 1835, he again tried to get rid of Alvear, who he suspected was conspiring against his
government. In early 1837, after discovering evidence that linked Alvear to a new conspiracy, Rosas appointed him
Argentina's first minister plenipotentiary to the United States. However, he was only able to depart the following year. Alvear
spent the rest of his life as ambassador in the U.S. and died in his house in New York in November 1852. During his residence
in the United States, Alvear had the opportunity to meet and interact with important political figures such as Joel Roberts
Poinsett, Daniel Webster, John Calhoun and James Buchanan, among others. Alvear's instructions were mostly concerned with
obtaining an apology from the United States regarding the conduct of an American warship at the Falkland Islands, and to
reassert Argentine claims to those islands. The U.S. government was indifferent to the Argentine claims. Seeing that nothing
more could be expected from Washington, Alvear requested to be transferred to Europe, but Rosas refused. As the conflict
between Argentina and France, and later Britain, intensified, Alvear tried to get the support of the United States arguing that
it would be consistent with the Monroe Doctrine. At the time, however, the United States was more concerned about the
situation in Texas and Oregon, so remained neutral in this conflict. Although a political enemy of Rosas, Alvear admired him
for his stance against France and England. Although he had been a lifelong admirer of the United States, after the annexation
of Texas (1845) and the subsequent war with Mexico (18461848), Alvear became wary of American intentions
towards Spanish America. According to his American biographer Thomas Davis, his diplomatic correspondence shaped
Argentina's traditional distrust to U.S. policies, which Alvear felt included the desire to conquer, or at least dominate, all
of Latin America. Carlos Mara de Alvear was buried in La Recoleta Cemetery in Buenos Aires. Bartolom Mitre, author of the
biography of San Martn Historia de San Martn y de la emancipacin sudamericana, was very critical of Alvear, describing
him as an ambitious and dictatorial. Most later historians reject Alvear as well, albeit for different reasons. Leftist authors
support Monteagudo but reject Alvear, despite their political relation. Revisionist authors, supporters of anti-imperialism,
condemn Alvear for the attempt to turn the United Provinces into a British protectorate and relate him with the party
of Bernardino Rivadavia, despite them being enemies.

Jos Casimiro Rondeau Pereyra (March

4, 1773 November 18, 1844) was a general and

politician in Argentina and Uruguay in the early 19th century. He was born in Buenos Aires but soon
after his birth, the family moved to Montevideo, where he grew up and went to school. At the age of
twenty, he joined the armed forces in Buenos Aires, but later transferred to a regiment in Montevideo.
During the British invasion of 1806, he was captured and sent to England. After the defeat of the British
troops, he was released and went to Spain, where he fought in the Napoleonic Wars. When he returned
to Montevideo in August 1810, he joined the independentist forces and was nominated military leader of
the independentist armies of the Banda Oriental, later Uruguay. His military successes in the various
battles for Montevideo won him the post of the military leader of the campaign in Peru, replacing Jos de
San Martn, who had to resign due to health reasons. In 1815, the Constituting General Assembly of the
provinces of La Plata elected Rondeau their Supreme Director, but due to his absence, he never served
as director. Ignacio lvarez Thomas was named acting Supreme Director in his place. After two defeats against the Spanish
royalist troops in Peru at Venta y Media and Sipe-Sipe, he was relieved from his command in 1816. He returned to Buenos
Aires, where he became governor for a brief stint from June 5 to July 30, 1818. In 1819 he became Pueyrredn's successor as
Supreme Director (serving this time), but had to resign the following year after the Battle of Cepeda. Subsequently, Rondeau
retreated to Montevideo and tried to keep out of the internal wars between competing generals of the independentists.
Nevertheless, he led several military campaigns against the Indians and in the independence wars against Brazil. In 1828,
after the Treaty of Montevideo, he was elected as the governor of the newly founded Eastern Republic of Uruguay. Rondeau
occupied this post from December 22, 1828 until April 17, 1830, when he was forced to abdicate by his opponent Juan
Antonio Lavalleja, who held the majority in the still young parliament. Lavalleja was named governor ad interim. Rondeau still
served as general in the army, though. In the civil war of Uruguay from 1836 between the Blancos ("White") and
theColorados ("Red"), he fought on the side of the latter and served as their war minister. He was killed in 1844 during a
siege of Montevideo.

Jos Ignacio lvarez Thomas (February

15, 1787 July 19, 1857) was a South

American military commander and politician of the early 19th century. lvarez Thomas was born
in Arequipa, Peru, and his family lived for some time in Lima. When his father, who was
in Spanish service, was called back to Madrid in 1797, they travelled via Buenos Aires. The family
stayed there while his father continued the voyage alone, and lvarez joined the army in 1799.
Subsequently, he got heavily involved in the independence war in Argentina. In the war against
the British in 1806/07, he was wounded and captured, and released only after the withdrawal of the
British troops. Under Carlos Mara de Alvear, he fought as a Colonel at Montevideo, where he was
awarded a medal. However, soon after he openly opposed the politics of de Alvear's government, and
his insurrection caused the resignation of the latter and resulted in a new election of a Supreme Director in the Constituting
General Assembly, where he was designated interim Supreme Director from April 20, 1815 to April 16, 1816 in place of the
electedJos Rondeau, who was absent on a military campaign in Peru. lvarez was sworn in on May 6 but had to resign a year
later after some military failures. When the Constituting General Assembly was dissolved in 1820, he was, as a still-influential
member of the former leadership, sent to prison, but released after 19 days. Subsequently, his political influence was greatly
diminished. In 1825, he was named ambassador in Peru, and in October also named ambassador to Chile. After his return to
Buenos Aires, he was exiled and also spent some time in prison for his opposition against the government of Juan Manuel de
Rosas. He emigrated to Rio de Janeiro, from where he tried to mount an insurrection against Rosas in 1840. In 1846, he fled
first the Chile and then Peru, before returning to Buenos Aires after the fall of Rosas government in 1852.

Antonio Gonzlez de Balcarce (June

24, 1774 August 15, 1819) was an Argentine military

commander in the early 19th century. Gonzlez de Balcarce was born in Buenos Aires. He joined the armed
forces as a cadet in 1788. In the battle for Montevideo in 1807, he was captured by the British forces and
taken to England. After his release, he fought in the service of Spain during the Peninsular War against the
Emperor Napoleon. Returning to Buenos Aires, he participated in the May Revolution in 1810. Subsequently, he
was named second commander for the military campaign of the independentist forces in the Viceroyalty of
Per, where he won the Battle of Suipacha on November 7, 1810, the first victory over the Spanish royal
forces. Eventually, he was called back and became the Governor of Buenos Aires Province in 1813. In 1816, he
served as the Supreme Director of the United Provinces of the Ro de la Plata ad interim, and became the Major General of
the armed forces the following year under the government of Juan Martn de Pueyrredn. According to historian William
Denslow, Antonio Balcarce was a member of the well-known masonic lodge Lautaro. He took part of the crossing of the
Andes to Chile and was San Martin's second-in-command during the battles of Cancha Rayada and Maipu. He fell ill in Chile
and had to return to Buenos Aires, where he died in 1819.

Juan Pedro Julin Aguirre y Lpez de Anaya (October

19, 1781 July 17, 1837) was

an Argentine revolutionary and politician. Aguirre was born in Buenos Aires. He fought in the wars against
the British troops of 1806/07, rising to the rank of Captain. In 1820, he briefly served as interim Supreme
Director of the United Provinces of the Ro de la Plata, and was the last official to hold that title. In 1824, he
was minister of economics, and in 1826, he became the first president of the newly established national
bank.

First presidential government of Argentina

Bernardino de la Trinidad Gnzalez Rivadavia y Rivadavia (May

20, 1780 September 2, 1845) was

the first president of Argentina, then called the United Provinces If Rio de la Plata, from February 8, 1826 to July 7, 1827. He
was educated at the Royal College of San Carlos, but left without finishing his studies. During the British Invasions he served
as Third Lieutenant of the Galicia Volunteers. He participated in the open Cabildo on May 22, 1810 voting for the deposition of
the viceroy. He had a strong influence on the First Triumvirate and shortly after he served as Minister of Government and

Foreign Affairs of the Province of Buenos Aires. Although there was a General Congress intended to
draft a constitution, the beginning of the War with Brazil led to the immediate establishment of the
office of President of Argentina; with Rivadavia being the first to be named to the post. Argentina's
Constitution of 1826 was promulgated later, but was rejected by the provinces. Strongly contested
by his political party, Rivadavia resigned and was succeeded by Vicente Lpez y Planes. Rivadavia
retired to Spain, where he died in 1845. His remains were repatriated to Argentina in 1857, receiving
honors as Captain General. Today his remains rest in a mausoleum located in Plaza Miserere,
adjacent to Rivadavia Avenue, named after him. Rivadavia was born in Buenos Aires in 1780. In 1809
he married Juana del Pino y Vera, daughter of the viceroy of the Ro de la Plata,Joaqun del Pino. His
military appointment was rejected by Mariano Moreno. Rivadavia was active in both the Argentine
resistance to the British invasion of 1806 and in the May Revolution movement for Argentine
Independence in 1810. In 1811, Rivadavia became the dominating member of the
governing triumvirate as Secretary of the Treasury and Secretary of War. Until its fall in October
1812, this government focused on creating a strong central government, moderating relations
with Spain, and organizing an army. By 1814 the Spanish King Ferdinand VII had returned to the throne and started
the Absolutist Restauration, which had grave consequences for the governments in the Americas.Manuel Belgrano and
Rivadavia were sent to Europe to seek support for the United Provinces from both Spain and Britain. They sought to promote
the crowning of Francisco de Paula, son of Charles IV of Spain, as regent of the United Provinces, but in the end he refused to
act against the interests of the King of Spain. The diplomatic mission was a failure, both in Spain and in Britain. He visited
France as well, and returned to Buenos Aires in 1821, at their friends' request. During his stay in Britain, Rivadavia saw the
growing development of the Industrial Revolution, and the rise of Romanticism. He sought to promote a similar development
in Buenos Aires, and nvited many people to move to the city. He convinced Aim Bonpland to visit the country, but few other
invitations were accepted. In June 1821, he was named minister of government to Buenos Aires by governor Martn
Rodrguez. Over the next five years, he exerted a strong influence, and focused heavily on improving the city of Buenos Aires,
often at the expense of greater Argentina. To make the former look more European, Rivadavia constructed large avenues,
schools, paved and lighted streets. He founded the University of Buenos Aires, as well as the Theater, Geology,
and Medicine Academies and the continent's first museum of natural science. He persuaded the legislature to authorize a
one-million pound loan for public works that were never undertaken. The provincial bonds were sold in London through
the Baring Brothers Bank, local and Buenos Aires-based British traders also acting as financial intermediaries. The borrowed
money was in turn lent to these businessmen, who never repaid it. Of the original million pounds the Buenos Aires
government received only 552,700. The province's foreign debt was transferred to the nation in 1825, its final repayment
being made in 1904. A strong supporter of a powerful, centralized government in Argentina, Rivadavia often faced violent
resistance from the opposition federalists. In 1826, Rivadavia was elected the firstPresident of Argentina. During his term he
founded many museums, and expanded the national library. His government had many problems, primarily an ongoing
war with Brazil over territory in modern Uruguay and resistance from provincial authorities. Faced with the rising power of the
Federalist Party and with several provinces in open revolt, Rivadavia submitted his resignation on June 29, 1827. He was
succeeded by Vicente Lpez y Planes. At first he returned to private life, but fled to exile in Europe in 1829. Rivadavia
returned to Argentina in 1834 to confront his political enemies, but was immediately sentenced again to exile. He went first to
Brazil and then to Spain, where he died September 2, 1845. He asked that his body would never be brought back to Buenos
Aires. Rivadavia is recognized as the first president of Argentina, even though his rule was accepted only in Buenos Aires, he
did not complete a full mandate, there was no constitution for more than half of his rule, and did not start a presidential
succession line. The chair of the President of Argentina is known as the "chair of Rivadavia", but only metaphorically:
Rivadavia took everything when he left office, including the chair, which could never be retrieved. Liberal historians praise
Rivadavia as a great historical man, for his work improving education, culture and separation of church and state. Revisionist
authors condemn hisAnglophilia, the weak customs barriers that allowed the entry of big British imports, harming the weak
Argentine economy of the time, and the Baring Brothers loan that started the Argentine External debt.

Alejandro Vicente Lpez y Planes (May

3, 1785 October 10, 1856) was an Argentine

writer and politician who acted as interim President of Argentina from July 7, 1827 to August 18, 1827.
He also wrote the lyrics of the Argentine National Anthem adopted on May 11, 1813. Lpez began his
primary studies in the San Francisco School and later studied in the Real Colegio San Carlos, today
the Colegio Nacional de Buenos Aires. He obtained a doctorate of laws in the University of Chuquisaca.
He served as a captain in the Patriotic Regiment during the English invasions. After the Argentine
victory he composed a poem entitled El triunfo argentino (The Argentine Triumph). He participated in
the Cabildo Abierto of May 22, 1810 and supported the formation of the Primera Junta. He had good
relations with Manuel Belgrano. When the royalist members of the city government of Buenos Aires
were expulsed, he was elected mayor of the city; he was an enemy of the party of Cornelio
Saavedra and one of the creators of the First Triumvirate, of which he was the Treasurer. Lpez was a
member of the Constituent Assembly of year XIII, representing Buenos Aires. At the request of the
Assembly, he wrote the lyrics to a "patriotic march", which eventually became the Argentine National
Anthem. It was a military march, whose music was composed by the Catalan Blas Parera; it was
approved on March 11, 1813. The first public reading was at a tertulia on May 7 in the house of Mariquita Snchez de
Thompson. It displaced a different march, written by Esteban de Luca, which would have been the hymn if not for the more
militaristic Lopez. Lpez participated in the government of Carlos Mara de Alvear, and with his fall he was sent to prison. He
held a few more public offices, and was then named Secretary of the Constituent Congress of 1825, and, a little later,
minister for the president Bernardino Rivadavia. After the scandal of negotiations with the Brazilian Empire, Rivadavia
resigned the presidency. In his place, Lpez was elected as caretaker, signing the dissolution of the Congress and calling
elections in Buenos Aires. The new governor, Manuel Dorrego took charge of the ministry; this unified the federalists. When
Dorrego fell from grace and was executed by firing squad by Juan Lavalle, Lopez was exiled to Uruguay. He returned in 1830
as a member of the Tribunal of Justice for Juan Manuel de Rosas. He was president of the Tribunal for many years and, among
other things, presided over the judgement of the assassins of Juan Facundo Quiroga. He was president of the literary salon
led by Marcos Sastre, but was not part of the group known as the Generation of '37, to which belonged his two sons, Vicente
Fidel Lpez and Lucio Vicente Lpez.

List of Governors of Buenos Aires managing international relations

Manuel Dorrego (June 11, 1787 December 13, 1828) was an Argentine statesman and soldier. He
was governor of Buenos Aires from June 29 until Septembar 20, 1820, and then again from August 13, 1827
to December 1, 1828. Dorrego was born in Buenos Aires on June 11, 1787. He enrolled in the Real Colegio
de San Carlos in 1803, and moved to the Real Universidad de San Felipe in the Captaincy General of
Chile to continue his studies. He supported the early steps of the Chilean War of Independence in 1810,
which led to the removal of the Spanish colonial authorities and the establishment of the first
ChileanGovernment Junta. He moved to the United Provinces of the Ro de la Plata (modern Argentina),
and joined the Army of the North, under the command ofManuel Belgrano. He fought in the battles
of Tucumn and Salta, being injured in both. He was sanctioned by Belgrano for promoting a duel. As a
result, he did not take part in the battles of Vilcapugio and Ayohuma, two defeats of the Army of the
North, and Belgrano regretted later the absence of Dorrego from them. Dorrego opposed the LusoBrazilian invasion of the Banda Oriental, encouraged by Juan Martn de Pueyrredn to counter the
influence of Jos Gervasio Artigas. He was exiled by Pueyrredn, and stayed some time in Baltimore (United States). He
studied federalism in the United States, and thought that each state of a country should have some autonomy, rejecting the
strong centralization into a single government sought by Pueyrredn. [1] During this times he wrote the Cartas apologticas,
criticizing the support of Pueyrredn to the Luso-Brazilian invasion. He returned to Buenos Aires in 1819, following the
departure of Pueyrredn. He was appointed as interim governor, and fought against the armies of Alvear, Carrera
and Estanislao Lpez. Still, he was resisted in the city, and the stable appointment as governor was given to Martn
Rodrguez instead. He was banished again, and moved to Upper Peru. He met Simn Bolvar in Quito, and supported his ideas
of unifying all the continent into a giant federation. Dorrego returned to Buenos Aires a short time afterwards and worked in
the legislature of Buenos Aires in the 1826 Constituent Assembly. He strongly supported a federal system of government and
criticized the qualified suffrage. However, the 1826 Constitution promoted a strong centralized government and qualified
suffrage. Dorrego opposed the government of the unitarian Bernardino Rivadavia, who was appointed as the first president of
Argentina, and voiced his criticism in the newspaper "El Tribuno". Resisted by all the provinces, Rivadavia resigned as
president, and vice president Vicente Lpez y Planes resigned as well. No longer having a national head of state, the
legislature appointed Dorrego as governor of the Buenos Aires province. He took measures to support the poor people,
promote a federal organization of the country, and ended the Argentine-Brazilian War. The Argentine troops were
discontented with Dorrego because he accepted the conditions imposed by the British diplomacy despite their military
victories in the conflict. Encouraged by the Unitarian party, Juan Lavalle led a coup against Dorrego on December 1, 1828.
Dorrego left the city and organized his forces in the countryside. He was defeated, and then executed by Lavalle. Lavalle
closed the legislature and began a period of political violence against the Federals, but he was defeated and forced to resign
by Juan Manuel de Rosas, who restored the institutions that existed before Lavalle's coup.

Juan Galo Lavalle (October

17, 1797 October 9, 1841) was an Argentine military and political figure. He was
governor of Buenos Aires from June 29 until Septembar 20, 1820, and then again from December 1, 1828 until June 26, 1829.
Lavalle was born in Buenos Aires to Mara Mercedes Gonzlez Bordallo and Manuel Jos Lavalle, general accountant of rents
and tobacco for the Viceroyalty of the Ro de la Plata. In 1799, the family moved to Santiago de Chile, to return to Buenos
Aires in 1807. In 1812 he joined the Regiment of mounted grenadiers as a cadet. Lavalle reached the grade of lieutenant in
1813, and moved to the army that, under the orders of Carlos Mara de Alvear, besiegedMontevideo. He also fought Jos
Gervasio Artigas in 1815, and the Battle of Guayabos under the command of Manuel Dorrego. A year later he moved
to Mendoza to join the Army of the Andes of "liberator" Jos de San Martn, to fight in Chacabuco and Maip, Chile. He
continued along with San Martn on his way to Peru and Ecuador and took part in the battles of Pichincha and the Riobamba,
after which he became known as the Hero of Riobamba. Because of disagreements with Simn Bolvar, Lavalle returned
to Buenos Aires by the end of 1823. He would later govern Mendoza Province for a short time. He then fought in the war
against Brazil in command of 1,200 cavalry, with great episodes of valour in the battles of Bacacay and Ituzaing in February
1827, beating the forces of General Abreu and being himself proclaimed General on the field of battle itself. By the time he
returned to Buenos Aires, the President of the United Provinces, Unitarian Bernardino Rivadavia, had resigned, and Manuel
Dorrego was elected the federal governor of Buenos Aires Province. Lavalle, a Unitarian himself, led a coup to take the
government and executed governor Dorrego without a trial. His government then started a reign of terror, aiming to destroy
the Federal Party, but the resistance in the countryside didn't recede. In 1829, the demographic growth was negative as there
were more deaths than births. During that time, Jos de San Martn had returned from Europe. While he was in Montevideo,
Lavalle offered him the government of Argentina as he probably was the only man capable of putting an end to the chaotic
situation, because of his authority over leaders on both sides. But when he learned about the spiraling factionalist violence,
San Martn realised that he would have to choose sides as the only actual way to govern, so he refused and returned instead
to self-exile in Europe. The other provinces did not recognize Lavalle as the legitimate governor, and supported
the rosista resistance instead. Lavalle would be defeated a short time later at the Battle of Mrquez Bridge by the forces
of Juan Manuel de Rosas and Santa Fe governor Estanislao Lpez. Lpez returned to his province, menaced by Unitarian Jos
Mara Paz, who had taken power in Crdoba. Meanwhile, Rosas kept Lavalle under siege and forced him to resign with
the Cauelas pact. Juan Jos Viamonte was designated as interim governor, and the legislature that was removed during
Lavalle's coup d'tat was restored. This legislature would elect Rosas as the governor. Lavalle retired to the Banda Oriental.
During the French blockade to the Ro de la Plata, Fructuoso Rivera was reluctant to take military actions against Rosas,
aware of his strength. Unitarians, who thought that the whole Argentine Confederation would rise against Rosas at the first
chance, urged Lavalle to lead the attack, who requested not to share command with Rivera. As a result, they led both their
own armies. His imminent attack was backed up by conspiracies in Buenos Aires, which were discovered and aborted by
the Mazorca. Manuel Vicente Maza and his son were among the perpetrators, and were executed as a result. Pedro Castelli
also organized an ill-fated demonstration against Rosas, and was executed as well. Rosas did not wait to be attacked and
ordered Pascual Echage to cross the Paran river and take the fight to Uruguay. The Uruguayan armies split: Rivera returned
to defend Montevideo, and Lavalle moved to Entre Ros Province. He expected that the local populations would join him
against Rosas and increase his forces, but he found severe resistance, so he moved instead to Corrientes Province.
Governor Pedro Ferr defeated Lpez, and Rivera defeated Pascual Echage, clearing for Lavalle the way to Buenos Aires.
However, by that point France had given up its trust on the effectiveness of the blockade, as what was thought it would be an
easy and short conflict was turning into a long war, without clear security of a final victory. France began peace negotiations
with the Confederation and cut its financial support to Lavalle. He didn't find help at local towns either, and there was
widespread desertion among his ranks. Buenos Aires was ready to resist his military attack, but the lack of support forced him
to give up and retire from the battlefield, without starting any battle. Persecuted, his troops suffered constant attacks and
Lavalle was forced to move further north, being defeated by Manuel Oribe in La Rioja and Tucumn. Escaping with a small
group of 200 men, he was accidentally shot by a Montonera detachment which spread-shot a reputed Unitarian's house, not
realizing that Juan Lavalle, the very chief of the Unitarians, was staying there. This occurred in 1841 in San Salvador de Jujuy.
Afraid that his body would be desecrated by the Federales, his followers fled to Bolivia carrying Lavalle's decomposing

remains with them. Hurrying over the Humahuaca pass, they finally decided to strip the skeleton by
boiling it and, after burying the flesh in an unmarked grave, carry the bones, which are today buried at
the La Recoleta Cemetery in Buenos Aires. A statue of the general standing on top of a long, slender
column, commemorates the figure of Lavalle at Plaza Lavalle in Buenos Aires.

Juan Jos Viamonte Gonzlez (February

9, 1774 March 31, 1843) was

an Argentine general in the early 19th century. He was governor of Buenos Aires from
June 26 until December 8, 1929 and then again from November 4, 1833 until June
27, 1834. Viamonte was born in Buenos Aires and entered the army in his youth
following in his father's footsteps. He fought in the First British Invasion with the rank
of lieutenant, and
after his participation in the Second Invasion, having distinguished himself in the
defense
of
the
Colegio de San Carlos, was promoted to captain. He took part on the Buenos Aires
Cabildo of May 22
1810 and after the revolution he fought at the battles of Suipacha and Huaqui. After
this latter battle he
was accused of not joining with the 1,500 men under his command, while he was
doing
military
exercises nearby. This accusation led to a long court-martial which finally acquitted
him
and
he
remained
in
the
army.
In
November
1814,
when
the
civil
war
between Federales and Unitarians had started, he was named governor of Entre Ros Province. The following year he took
part in the revolution against Supreme Director Carlos Mara de Alvear, and later he was sent to Santa Fe Province to control
the advance of the federalists. The day after his arrival governor Francisco Candioti died, which gave Viamonte the
opportunity to make the province depend again on Buenos Aires. The following year he was expelled in a rising organized by
localcaudillos Mariano Vera and Estanislao Lpez, and he was sent to be imprisoned at Artigas encampment. In May 1818 he
was a deputy to the Congress of Tucumn, and the following year he was named chief of the expeditionary army of Santa Fe,
replacing Juan Ramn Balcarce. Estanislao Lpez immobilized the army directed from Crdoba by Juan Bautista Bustosand
captured Viamonte at Rosario, forcing him to sign the armistice of Santo Tom. He was exiled to Montevideo after the Battle
of Cepeda (1820), but he returned a year later in 1821 and was named governor of Buenos Aires Province due to the absence
of Martn Rodrguez. He was a deputy to the General Congress of 1824 and he supported the unitarian constitution of 1826,
but later on he changed sides and joined Dorrego's Federal Party. After the failed unitarian experiment of Juan Lavalle, he was
interim governor in 1829, a post in which he did practically nothing but ensure the ascent to power of Juan Manuel de Rosas.
In 1833, when governor Balcarce was deposed in the Revolution of the Restorers, he returned to the governorship but Rosas
forced him to resign in June 1834, a resignation that was not readily accepted as nobody wanted to take the post. Finally in
October the legislature reached a compromise and its president Manuel Vicente Maza, was forced to take the governorship.
Viamonte was exiled in Montevideo in 1839 for the last time where he died in 1843. His remains were transported back to
Buenos Aires, and were interred in the La Recoleta Cemetery.

Juan Manuel de Rosas (born Juan Manuel Jos Domingo Ortiz de Rozas y Lpez de Osornio; March

30, 1793 March

14, 1877), was an Argentine governor of the Buenos Aires province first from December 8, 1929 until December 17, 1932 and
second time from March 7, 1935 until February 3, 1952. He began as a rancher and intervened in 1820 in the Argentine Civil
Wars, helping with the peace negotiations with the governor of Santa Fe. The Unitarian Juan Lavalle deposed and executed
the Federal governor Manuel Dorrego years later; Rosas led the resistance that ousted Lavalle from power. As the Unitarian
League was still a threat, Rosas was appointed governor in 1829 to wage the war against it. With the league defeated, he
waged the First Conquest of the Desert against the natives that made malones against the populations. The political
commotion caused by the murder of Facundo Quiroga led Rosas to become governor once more. He was elected by popular
vote: 9.316 positive votes against 4. Andrs de Santa Cruz, protector of the PeruBolivian Confederation, declared the War of
the Confederation against Argentina and Chile. However, most of the fight against Santa Cruz was waged by Chile, whereas
Rosas faced the oppostion of France, allied to Santa Cruz. France began the French blockade of the Ro de la Plata and, as the
president of Uruguay Manuel Oribe refused to attack Rosas, France helped Fructuoso Rivera to depose him and declare war
on Argentina. Lavalle organized a new army in Uruguay, but the campaign against Rosas failed. With the Chilean victory
against the PeruBolivian Confederation, the opposition of Britain and the failure of Lavalle, France lifted the blockade.
However, the Guerra Grande continued: Rosas welcomed Oribe as a president in exile and gave him military support against
Rivera, who mantained the war against Argentina despite the French defeat. A joint Anglo-French navy began the AngloFrench blockade of the Ro de la Plata, which captured the Argentine navy and secured the Uruguay River. The allies cannot
achieve the same on the Paran river, and eventually withdrew their fleet. Justo Jos de Urquiza, governor of Entre Ros,
turned against Oribe and Rosas and defeated both of them, ending both the Guerra Grande with the defeat of Oribe and
deposing Rosas at the battle of Caseros. Rosas spent the rest of his life in Southampton, Britain. The historiography of Juan
Manuel de Rosas was highly controversial. The first Argentine historians of the XIX century, such asBartolom Mitre, aligned
with the Unitarian party, considered him a ruthless dictator. New historians of the XX century, such as Jos Mara Rosa,
consider him instead a defender of national sovereignty. The historiographical dispute about Rosas is currently considered to
be over, and most modern historians do not engage in it. Juan Manuel de Rosas was the son of Len Ortiz de Rozas and his
wife Agustina Lpez de Osornio, who had twenty sons in total. Born to one of the wealthiest families in the Ro de la
Plata region, Rosas ran away from home at a young age and began working in the fields of his cousins Juan Jos and Nicols
Anchorena. He modified his last name from "Rozas" to "Rosas" and removed the "Ortiz" part of it. In 1806, during
the Napoleonic Wars, Britain launched the British invasions of the Rio de la Plata and captured Buenos Aires. Santiago de
Liniers organized a counter-attack in Montevideo. Juan Manuel de Rosas, aged 13, joined the forces of Liniers during his
landing at Olivos along with several friends. Liniers wrote to the parents of Rosas after the battle, congratulating them for the
bravery shown by Rosas in the liberation of Buenos Aires. It was suspected that there would be a new British attack soon, and
the city organized the military defense. As he preferred being in the cavalry, he joined the regiment of Migueletes, with the
rank of ensign. Before the conflict, he disarmed and captured an insubordinate drunk corporal, but intervened before the
military authorities to prevent a death sentence on him. Rosas fought in the battle of Miserere; the British were ultimately
defeated. Liniers made further praises about Rosas' bravery to his parents, and proposed to send him to Spain to pursue a
military career. Agustina opposed the proposal, because she had lost her father and a brother in military conflicts with the
natives. Rosas accepted her request, and declined the proposal of Liniers. He left the regiment of Migueletes when Liniers,
who had been promoted to viceroy, was replaced byBaltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros. After that, he resumed working in the fields
as an arriero, driving cattle through the immense pampas. When he was twenty-two, he created a business with Juan
Nepomuceno Terrero and Luis Dorrego (brother of Manuel Dorrego) which immediately flourished. He married on March 16,
1813, shortly before turning 20 the almost 18-year-old Mara de la Encarnacin de Ezcurra y Arguibel. They had one child, a
daughter Manuela Robustiana de Rosas y Ezcurra, born in Buenos Aires on May 24, 1817. Manuela eventually married the son
of Juan Terrero. Rosas' businesses benefited when the Supreme Director Juan Martn de Pueyrredn ordered the closing of saltmeat plants, which allowed him to buy 300,000 hectares of land. He commanded a strict discipline from the gauchos under
his command by sharing their conduct and customs, and by subjecting himself to the same conduct he demanded from them.

The territories of Rosas were next to those of the pampas, the Tehuelches andRanqueles, so his
gauchos were organized as a military force to resist malones. In 1820, during the Brazilian invasion of
the Banda Oriental, provincial caudillos Estanislao Lpez and Francisco Ramrez joined forces and
advanced on Buenos Aires. The Supreme Director Jos Rondeau requested Jos de San
Martn and Manuel Belgrano to return to Buenos Aires with the Army of the Andes and the Army of the
North, but San Martn stayed in Peru to keep fighting against the Royalists, and the Army of the North
mutinied to avoid joining the Argentine Civil War. Buenos Aires had weak local defenses, which were
defeated during the battle of Cepeda. The authority of the Supreme Directors was terminated.
Ranchers feared that the ongoing events would lead to anarchy, and organized a regiment of gauchos
to face the situation. Rosas was trusted to lead them. He promoted the designation of Martn
Rodrguez as governor of Buenos Aires, and negotiated with Lpez his return to Santa Fe in exchange
of 25,000 cattle. This started a strong relation between Rosas and Lpez, which lasted for years. Years
later, Bernardino Rivadavia resigned as president of Argentina, incapable of securing the military
victory in the Cisplatine War, and Manuel Dorrego was chosen as governor of Buenos Aires. Under his rule, Rosas would be
promoted to commander of the militias of Buenos Aires. However, the armies returning from Brazil turned against Dorrego,
and Juan Lavalle executed him and conducted a coup against the government of Buenos Aires. The Unitarians started a reign
of terror, aiming to destroy all Federalists. In 1829, because of higher death rates than births the demographic growth was
negative. During that time, Jos de San Martn had returned from Europe, but disgusted with the new political situation, he
refused to leave the ship and returned to Europe. The other provinces did not recognize Lavalle as a legitimate governor, and
supported the Rosist resistance instead. Lavalle was defeated a short time later at the Battle of Mrquez Bridge by the forces
of Rosas and Lpez. Lpez returned to Santa Fe, which was menaced by Jos Mara Paz, while Rosas kept Lavalle under siege
and forced him to resign with the Cauelas pact. Juan Jos Viamonte was designated as governor, and the legislature
removed during Lavalle's revolution was restored. This legislature then elected Rosas as governor. As a governor, Rosas ruled
with strict authority. He considered that, given the social segregation of the Argentine Confederation at the time, it was the
only way to keep it together and prevent anarchy.
The King can be compared with a father, and reciprocally a father can be compared with the King, and then set the duties of
the monarch by those of the parental authorithy. Love, govern, reward and punish is what a King and a father must do. In the
end, there's nothing less legitimate than anarchy, which removes property and security from the people, as force becomes
then the only right.
Rosas faced opposition from the unitarian provinces in the north. Jos Mara Paz, after defeating Facundo Quiroga at the battle
of Tablada, took control of Cordoba province and started a reign of terror to destroy all federals in the zone, similar to the one
started by Lavalle in Buenos Aires. The newspaper "La Gaceta" numbered the victims of the unitarian terror as 2,500 victims.
Paz expanded his influence by creating the Unitarian League, while Rosas created the Federal Pact instead. The plans of Paz
would fail when his horse was taken down and he was captured. Federalist Jos Vicente Reinaf, close to Lpez, replaced him
as governor of Crdoba. Crdoba, Santiago del Estero, La Rioja and the provinces of Cuyo joined the Federal Pact in 1831,
Catamarca, Tucumn and Salta did so the following year. As for Paz himself, he was held captive by Estanislao Lpez, who
refused to execute him. He requested Rosas to check that it was the will of all the provinces to execute Paz, but Rosas did not
accept the request. He considered that the fate of Paz should be decided solely by Lpez, who held him prisoner. One of the
keys to the economic supremacy of Buenos Aires was its monopoly over the port and customs of Buenos Aires, the only one
linking the Confederation with Europe. Rosas refused to lift control over it, considering that Buenos Aires faced alone the
international debt that was generated by the Argentine War of Independence and the Cisplatine War. The defeat of Paz and
the expansion of the Federal Pact further ushered in a period of economic and political stability. As a result, Federalists were
divided between two political trends: those who wanted the calling of a Constituent Assembly to write a Constitution, and
those who supported Rosas in delaying it. Rosas thought that the best way to organize the Argentine Confederation was as
a federation of federated states, similar to the successful States of the United States; each one should write its own local
constitution and organize itself, and a national constitution should be written at the end, without being rushed. He had a
successful and popular first term, but refused to run for a second even though public support was strong. After his resignation
as governor, Rosas left Buenos Aires and started the first Conquest of the Desert, to expand and secure the farming
territories and prevent indigenous attacks. Rosas was aware that malones were not done because of evil desires but because
of the lacking lifestyle condition of the indigenous peoples. As a result, he had preference for a policy of doing pacts or giving
gifts or bribes to the caciques before employing military force. The hostile ranquel cacique Yanquetruz was replaced by
Payn, who became a Rosas ally. Juan Manuel, in turn, adopted his son and raised him at his estancia.
The pehuenche Cafulcur was made colonel and allowed to distribute large numbers of gifts among his people; in turn, he
made the compromise of not making any more malones. On the other hand, caciques like the pehuenche Chocor who defied
Rosas were defeated. Charles Darwin met Rosas in 1833, and wrote about it in The Voyage of the Beagle. He was at Carmen
de Patagones and knew that Rosas was located nearby, close to the Colorado River. He had heard about him from before, so
he moved to meet him. He described him as a man of extraordinary character, a perfect horseman who conformed to the
dress and habits of the Gauchos and "has a most predominant influence in the country, which it seems he will use to its
prosperity and advancement". Although in a footnote added in the second edition published in 1845, Darwin notes that "This
prediction has turned out to be entirely and miserably wrong." Darwin included a story of how Rosas had himself put in the
stocks for inadvertently breaking his own rule of not wearing knives on Sundays. This appealed to his men's sense of
egalitarianism and justice. Darwin also described an anecdote about a pair of buffoons. By the end of the first Conquest of
the Desert, Buenos Aires increased its lands by thousands of square kilometers, which were distributed among new and older
hacendados. The natives did not make any more malones, accepted to provide military aid to Rosas in case of need, and
stayed in peaceful terms for all the remainder of Rosas' government. Even being absent, the political influence of Rosas in
Buenos Aires was still strong, and his wife Encarnacin Ezcurra was in charge of keeping good relations with the peoples of
the city. On October 11, 1833, the city was filled with announcements of a trial against Rosas. A large number of gauchos and
poor people made the Revolution of the Restorers, a demonstration at the gates of the legislature, praising Rosas and
demanding the resignation of governor Juan Ramn Balcarce. The troops organized to fight the demonstration mutinied and
joined it. The legislature finally gave up the trial, and a month later ousted Balcarce and replaced him with Juan Jos
Viamonte. The Revolution also led to the creation of the Sociedad Popular Restauradora, also known as "Mazorca". The weak
governments of Balcarce and Viamonte led the legislature to request Rosas to take the government once more. For doing so
he requested the sum of public power, which the legislature denied four times. Rosas even resigned as commander of militias
to influence the legislature. The context changed with the social commotion generated by the death of Facundo Quiroga,
responsibility for which is disputed (different authors attribute it to Estanislao Lpez, the Reinaf brothers, or Rosas himself).
The legislature accepted then to give him the sum of public power. Even so, Rosas requested confirmation on whenever the
people agreed with it, so the legislature organized a referendum about it. Every free man within the age of majority living in
the city was allowed to vote for "Yes" or "No": 9.316 votes supported the release of the sum of public power on Rosas, and

only 4 rejected it. There are divided opinions on the topic: Domingo Faustino Sarmiento compared Rosas with
historical dictators, while Jos de San Martn considered that the situation in the country was so chaotic that a strong
authority was needed to create order. Although slavery was not abolished during Rosas' rule, Afro Argentines had a positive
image of him. He allowed them to gather in groups related to their African origin, and financed their activities. Troop
formations included many of them, because joining the army was one of the ways to become a free negro, and in many cases
slave owners were forced to release them to strengthen the armies. There was an army made specifically of free negros, the
"Fourth Battalion of Active Militia". The liberal policy towards slaves generated controversy with neighbouring Brazil, because
fugitive Brazilian slaves saw Argentina as a safe haven: they were recognized as free men at the moment they crossed the
Argentine borders, and by joining the armies they were protected from persecution of their former masters. The people who
opposed Rosas formed a group called Asociacion de Mayo or May Brotherhood. It was a literary group that became politically
active and aimed at exposing Rosas' actions. Some of the literature against him includes The Slaughter House, Socialist
Dogma, Amalia and Facundo. Meetings which had high attendance at first soon had few members attending out of fear of
prosecution. Rosas' opponents during his rule were dissidents, such as Jos Mara Paz, Salvador M. del Carril, Juan Bautista
Alberdi, Esteban Echeverria, Bartolom Mitre and Domingo Faustino Sarmiento.[4] Rosas political opponents were exiled to
other countries, such asUruguay and Chile. The PeruBolivian Confederation declared the War of the Confederation against
Argentina and Chile. Its protector Andrs de Santa Cruzsupported European interests in South America, as well as the
Unitarians, whereas Rosas and the Chilean Diego Portales did not. As a result, France gave full support to Santa Cruz in this
war. Britain also supported Santa Cruz, but only by diplomatic means. Trusting in the military power at his disposal, Santa
Cruz declared war against both countries at the same time. Initially, the Peruvian-Bolivian forces had the advantage, and
captured and executed Portales. The war did not develop favorably for Argentina in the north, and the French Roger moved to
Buenos Aires to request the surrender of Argentina. He demanded that two French citizens be released from prison, that two
more be exempted from military service, and that France receive the same commercial privileges as granted by Bernardino
Rivadaviato Britain. Although the demands themselves were not onerous, Rosas considered that they would set a precedent
for further French interference in the internal affairs of Argentina, and refused to comply. As a result, France started a naval
blockade against Buenos Aires. Rosas took advantage of British interests in the zone: minister Manuel Moreno pointed out to
the British Foreign Office that commerce between Argentina and Britain was being harmed by the French blockade, and that it
would be a mistake for Britain to support it. The French judged that the people would seize the opportunity to stand against
Rosas, but underestimated his popularity. With the nation being threatened by two European powers as well as two
neighbouring countries allied with them, internal patriotic loyalty increased to the point that even some notable Unitarians
who had fled to Montevideo returned to the country to offer their military help, such as Soler, Lamadrid and Espinosa. Things
became more complicated for France as time passed: Andrs Santa Cruz was weakening, the strategy employed by Moreno
was bearing fruit, and the French themselves started to have doubts about maintaining a conflict that they had expected to
be quite short. Also, Britain would not allow the French to deploy troops, as they did not want a European competitor gaining
territorial strength in the zone. Domingo Cullen, governor of Santa Fe replacing the ill Lpez, considered that Rosas had
nationalized a conflict that involved just Buenos Aires, and proposed to the French that they should encourage Santa Fe,
Crdoba, Entre Ros and Corrientes to secede, creating a new country that would obey them, if this new country would be
spared the naval blockade. Also,Manuel Oribe, president of Uruguay and allied with Rosas, was ousted by Fructuoso
Rivera with French aid. France wanted Rivera and Cullen to join forces and take Buenos Aires, while their ships kept the
blockade. This alliance did not take place, as Juan Pablo Lpez, brother of Estanislao Lpez, defeated Cullen and drove him
away from the province. Also, Andrs Santa Cruz was defeated by Chile in the Battle of Yungay, and the PeruBolivian
Confederation ceased to exist. Now Rosas was free to focus all his attention on the French blockade. His wife Encarnacin
died in Buenos Aires on October 20, 1838. Rivera was urged by France to take military action against Rosas, but he was
reluctant to do so, considering that the French underestimated his strength, even more after Santa Cruz's defeat. As a result,
they elected Juan Lavalle to lead the attack, who asked not to share command with Rivera. As a result, each led his own army.
His imminent attack was backed up by conspiracies in Buenos Aires, which were discovered and aborted by the
Mazorca. Manuel Vicente Maza and his son were among the conspirators, and were executed as a result. Pedro Castelli also
organized an ill-fated demonstration against Rosas, and was executed as well. Rosas did not wait to be attacked, and
ordered Pascual Echage to cross the Parana river and move the fight to Uruguay. The Uruguayan armies split: Rivera
returned to defend Montevideo, and Lavalle moved to Entre Ros alone. He expected that local populations would join him
against Rosas and increase his forces, but he found severe resistance, so he moved to Corrientes. Ferr defeated Lpez, and
Rivera defeated Echage, leaving Lavalle a clear path towards Buenos Aires. However, by that point France had lost faith in
the effectiveness of the blockade, as what had been thought would be an easy and short conflict was turning into a long,
possibly unwinnable, war. France started to negotiate for peace with the Confederation, and removed financial support from
Lavalle. He found no help from local towns either, and there was strong desertion in his ranks. Buenos Aires was ready to
resist Lavalle's attack, but his lack of support forced him to withdraw. The unitarians and colorados (federalists) kept up their
hostilities against Rosas, even after the defeat of France. The new plan was that Ferr and Rivera, in Corrientes and Uruguay,
would create a new army, while Lavalle and Lamadrid moved to the north. Lavalle would move to La Rioja and distract the
Federal armies, while Lamadrid organized another army at Tucumn. By this time Jos Mara Paz had escaped from his
imprisonment. Rosas spared his life because he had sworn never to attack the Confederation again, but he broke his oath. His
presence benefited the anti-Rosas forces, but also generated internal strife: Ferr gave him the command of the armies of
Corrientes, which Rivera did not like. Rivera even accused Paz of being a spy of Rosas. Nevertheless, the combined forces of
Paz, Rivera and unitarian ships at the river had the federal forces of Echague at Santa Fe surrounded. To counter the unitarian
naval supremacyGuillermo Brown organized a naval squadron; it defeated captain Coe at Santa Luca. Oribe defeated the
forces of Lavalle at La Rioja, but Lavalle himself managed to escape to Tucuman. Lamadrid attacked San Juan, but was
completely defeated. At Tucuman Oribed defeated Lavalle, who barely escaped with a group of 200 men to the north; he was
killed shortly after in a confusing episode. This ended the anti-Rosas threat in the Argentine northwest. Rivera threatened to
end their alliance if Ferr insisted in favoring Paz. Rivera wanted to annex the Riograndense Republic (part of Rio Grande do
Sul, that had declared independence from Brazil and was fighting the War of the Farrapos) and the Argentine mesopotamia
into a projected Federation of Uruguay, but Paz was against that. Paz defeated Echague, and Rivera defeated the new federal
governor of Entre Ros, Justo Jos de Urquiza. Federalist Juan Pablo Lpez from Santa Fe changed sides to the unitarian ranks.
Rosas was again in a weak position, and would not have been able to resist an attack. But Paz, Ferr, Rivera and Lpez had
conflicting battle plans, and their armies did not move, which gave Oribe time to return from the north. The forces of Santa Fe
refused to fight for the unitarians, and massive defection reduced Lpez's armies from 2.500 men to 500. He was easily
defeated at Coronda and Paso Aguirre. Ferr was finally interested in Rivera's federation, and put Paz aside. Rivera and Oribe,
both considering themselves rightful presidents of Uruguay, would battle. The battle of Arroyo Grande was a decisive victory
for Oribe, and Rivera barely escaped alive. The unitarian threat to Rosas had been again removed. After the victory of Oribe
at Arroyo Grande, Britain and France intervened in the conflict. Their ambassadors, Mandeville and De Lurde, demanded that
Rosas retreat from Uruguayan territory. Rosas did not reply, and ordered Brown to support Oribe by blockading Montevideo.
British commodore John Brett Purvis attacked the Argentine navy, taking over the vessels. Mandeville and De Lurde were
replaced by Ousley and Deffaudis. The public purposes of the Anglo-French intervention were to protect the Uruguayan

independence against Oribe, defend the recently-proclaimed independence of Paraguay, and end the civil wars in the La Plata
River region. But there were also secret purposes: to turn Montevideo into a "commercial factory", to force the free navigation
of the rivers, to turn the Argentine Mesopotamia into a new country, to set the borders of Uruguay, Paraguay and the
Mesopotamia (without Brazilian intervention), and to help the anti-rosists to depose the governor of Buenos Aires and install
one loyal to the European powers instead. The European powers needed a convincing argument to justify a declaration of
war. To this end, Florencio Varela requested that former Federalist Jos Rivera Indarte write a list of crimes that Rosas could
be blamed for. The French firm Lafone & Co paid him with a penny for each death listed. The list, named Blood tables,
included deaths caused by military actions of the unitarians (including Lavalle's invasion of Buenos Aires), soldiers shot
during wartime because of mutiny, treason or espionage, victims of common crimes and even people who were still alive. He
also listedNomen nescio (NN) deaths (unidentified people); some entries were listed more than once. He also blamed Rosas
for the death of Facundo Quiroga. With all this, Indarte listed 480 deaths, and was paid with two pounds sterling (about 140
in 2011 based on the retail price index, or 1500 based on average earnings). He tried to add to the list 22,560 deaths, the
number caused by military conflicts in Argentina from 1829 to that date, but the French refused to pay for them. Indarte
wrote in his libel that "it is a holy action to kill Rosas". Lafone & Co, who paid for the Blood tables, had control of Uruguayan
customs, and would have greatly benefited from a new blockade of Buenos Aires. In March 1841, Indarte was the mastermind
behind a failed bid against Rosas life, which consisted in sending him a firing device concealed in a diplomatic box, known
as La Mquina Infernal("The Infernal Machine").Giuseppe Garibaldi, commanding an Italian group, started hostilities by
occupying Colonia del Sacramento and Isla Martn Garca, and led the controversial sack of Gualeguaych. With the Uruguay
river secured, the Anglo-French navy intended to control the Paran river as well. Worried by the gravity of the danger, Rosas
instructed Lucio Mancilla to fortify a section of the Parana to prevent the foreign navy from going any further. A similar study
had been made years earlier by Hiplito Vieytes during the Argentine War of Independence, finding that a good strategic
point was in Obligado. An Anglo-French a convoy of three steamboats, many armed sailboats, and 90 merchant ships sailed
up the Parana. Mansilla fortified Obligado with artillery, and closed the river with chains. The battle of Vuelta de Obligado took
many hours, and the navy finally forced their way through. However, 38 merchant ships returned to Montevideo, and word of
the unequal fight generated support for Rosas across most of South America. Mansilla continued the attack at San Lorenzo
and Quebracho. The expedition was a commercial failure, and the second battle at Quebracho resulted in the sinking of
several merchant vessels. Although the Anglo-French force defeated Argentine forces, the cost of victory proved excessive in
light of the ferocious resistance from the Argentines. As a result, the British sought to exit from the confrontation, followed
later by their French allies. After long negotiations, Britain, and then France, agreed to lift the blockade. Both countries made
a 21-gun salute to the flag of Argentina. Both treaties are viewed as a considerable triumph for General Rosas as it was the
first time the emerging South American nations were able to impose their will on two European Empires. With the victory
over Britain and France and the decline of the resistance in Montevideo, the civil war began to near its end, and several
people who had fled from the country began to return to it. Rosas' tenure as governor was to end in 1850, but the legislature
of Buenos Aires reelected him once more, rejecting his resignation. Several other provinces manifested their desire to keep
Rosas in power: Crdoba, Salta, Mendoza, San Luis, Santa Fe, Catamarca. However, Justo Jos de Urquiza, governor of Entre
Ros, had growing conflicts with Rosas, and sought to depose him. For this purpose, he began to seek allies to reinforce him.
His only support within the country was from Benjamn Virasoro, governor of Corrientes. Montevideo welcomed Urquiza's
support, but Paraguay refused to join forces with him. On May 1, 1851, Urquiza announced that he accepted Rosas'
resignation, retrieving for Entre Ros the power to manage international relations delegated on Buenos Aires. Without ships,
Urquiza sought the help of the Empire of Brazil as well. However, he thought that the Brazilian help would be of little use, and
only agreed to accept them by the intervention of Herrera. Urquiza began his military campaign in Uruguay, attacking the
forces of Manuel Oribe. With the new military conflict, Rosas declined his resignation request. Without further support from
Buenos Aires, Oribe was finally defeated, and his forces incorporated to those of Urquiza. Rosas took the personal command
of the forces of Buenos Aires, being critiziced by his generals Lucio Mansilla and ngel Pacheco for his passivity. He did not
attack Entre Ros during Urquiza's campaign in Uruguay, when his forces would have had the advantage, and spent his time
with trivial concerns. Entre Ros, Corrientes, Brazil and Uruguay agreed the actions against Rosas in the secured Montevideo,
where Entre Ros and Corrientes would lead the operation and Uruguay and Brazil would provide only auxiliar armies. Urquiza
defeated Rosas in the Battle of Caseros, on February 3, 1852. Rosas spent the rest of his life in exile, in the United Kingdom,
as a farmer in Southampton. He was resident at "Rockstone Lodge" No.8 Carlton Crescent (now known as "Ambassador
House") from 1852 until 1865 when he moved to Burgess Street Farm. Rosas inherited the 'combat saber' of General Jos de
San Martin, maximum hero of Argentina, who praised Rosas for successfully defending Argentina against the European
powers. The figure of Juan Manuel de Rosas and his government generated strong conflicting viewpoints, both in his own
time and afterwards. In the context of the Argentine Civil War, Rosas was the main leader of the Federalist party, and as such
the most part of the controversies around him were motivated by the preexistent antagonism of Federalism with the Unitarian
Party. During the government of Rosas most unitarians fled to neighbour countries, mostly to Chile, Uruguay and Brazil;
among them we can find Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, who wroteFacundo while living in Chile. Facundo is a
critic biography of Facundo Quiroga, another federalist caudillo, but Sarmiento used it to pass many indirect or direct critics to
Rosas himself. Some members of the 1837 generation, such as Esteban Echeverra or Juan Bautista Alberdi, tried to generate
an alternative to the unitarians-federalists antagonism, but had to flee to other countries as well. After the defeat of Rosas in
Caseros and the return of his political adversaries, it was decided to portray him in a negative light. The legislature of Buenos
Aires charged him with High treason in 1857; Nicanor Arbarellos supported his negative vote with the following speech:
Rosas, Sir, that tyrant, that barbarian, so barbaric and cruel, was not considered as such by the European and civilized
nations, and this assessment by the European and civilized nations, when it is told to posterity, will call into question, at least,
the barbaric and execrable tyranny that Rosas exercised among us. It is therefore necessary to make a legislative sanction
declaring him guilty of treason so that this fact is recorded in history, and ensure that the most powerful court, that is the
court of the people, which is the voice of the sovereign people whom we represent, casts a curse on the monster by labeling
him a traitor and guilty of treason against his country... Judgements like these should not be left to history
The first historians of Argentina, such as Bartolom Mitre, were vocal critics of Rosas, and for many years there was a clear
consensus in condemning him. However, authors like Mitre or Sarmiento can't be considered exclusively from the
perspectives of historiography or the history of ideas, as they were active people and even protagonists of the political
struggles of their time; and their works were used as tools to advertise their political ideas. Adolfo Saldas was the first in not
condemning Rosas entirely, and in the bookHistoria de la Confederacin Argentina he supported his international policy, while
keeping the usual rejection on the treatment given by Rosas to detractors. Authors like Levene, Molinari or Ravignani, in the
1930 decade, would develop a neutral approach to Rosas, that Ravignani defined as "Nor with Rosas, nor against Rosas".Their
work would be more oriented towards the positive things of the early years of Rosas, and less into the most polemic ones.
Years later, a new historiographical flow made an active and strong support of Rosas and other caudillos. Because of its great
differences with the early historians the local historiography knows them as revisionists, while the early one is named
"official" or "academic" instead. However, despite namings, the early historiography of Argentina hasn't always followed

standard academic procedures, nor developed hegemonic views at all topics. They would expand the work of Saldas and
Ernesto Quesada, and developed instead negative views about Mitre, Sarmiento, Rivadavia and the unitarians. Modern
historians like Felipe Pigna or Flix Luna avoid joining the dispute, describing instead the existence of conflicting viewpoints
towards Rosas. The historiographical dispute about Rosas is currently considered to be over. The date of November 20,
anniversary of the battle of Vuelta de Obligado, has been declared "Day of National Sovereignty" of Argentina, following a
request by revisionist historian Jos Mara Rosa. This observance day was raised in 2010 to a public holiday by Cristina
Fernndez de Kirchner. Rosas has been included in the banknotes of 20 Argentine pesos, with his face and his
daughter Manuela Rosas in the front and a depiction of the battle of Vuelta de Obligado in the back. A monument of Rosas, 15
meters tall and with a weight of three tons, has been erected in 1999 in the city of Buenos Aires, at the conjunction of the
"Libertador" and "Sarmiento" avenues. The aforementioned law that charged Rosas of high treason was abrogated in 1974.
A portrait of Rosas was included in 2010 in a gallery of Latin American patriots, held at the Casa Rosada. The gallery, which
included works provided by the presidents of other Latin American countries, was held because of the 2010 Argentina
Bicentennial. Silver and gold coins were struck during Rosas' tenure both with his portrait and without, but bearing his name.
Portrait coins were issued in 1836 with a more youthful portrait and again in 1842 with a more mature portrait. Shown at right
is a silver 8 soles (approx. 39 mm) coin from 1836.

Juan Ramn Gonzlez de Balcarce (March

16, 1773 November 12, 1836) was

an Argentine military leader and politician. He was governor of Buenos Aires three times, the first time from
July 30 until November 12, 1818, the second time from March 19, 1819 until February 9, 1820 and the third
time from December 17, 1832 until November 4, 1833. Juan was the older brother of Antonio Gonzlez de
Balcarce and of Marcos Gonzlez de Balcarce. He fought against the British in 1807, and in the 1812 military
campaign in Peru under General Manuel Belgrano.. Under the government of Juan Manuel de Rosas, he
served as the defense minister. In 1832, he was again elected governor of Buenos Aires. On October 11,
1833, the city was filled with announcements of a trial against Rosas. A large number of gauchos and poor
people made a demonstration at the gates of the legislature, praising Rosas and demanding the
resignation of Balcarce. The troops organized to fight demonstration mutinied and joined it. The legislature
finally gave up the trial, ousted Balcarce and replaced him withJuan Jos Viamonte. Balcarce was imprisoned
and died in exile in Concepcin del Uruguay.

Manuel Vicente Maza (1779 June 27, 1839) was an Argentine lawyer and federal politician.
He was governor of Buenos Aires from October 1, 1834 until March 7, 1835, and was killed after the
discovery of a failed plot to kill Juan Manuel de Rosas. Even though Maza was born in Buenos Aires,
he finished his university studies in Law at the Universidad de Santiago in Chile. As the
independence movement from Spain grew in South America, Maza was taken prisoner in Lima, by
that time the centre of theViceroyalty of Peru, and later spent time in reclusion in Buenos Aires,
released in 1815. That year he started his political activity as head of the Civil Commission of Justice
of Buenos Aires, bringing about the justice administration regulation named after him. In 1816 he
served as mayor at the Buenos Aires Cabildo. In the following years he developed a friendship and
political relationship with Juan Manuel de Rosas. During the 1820s Maza became widely involved in political activity. He was
sent to exile for the first time in 1823 because of his participation in the uprising against Martn Rodrguez, and then again in
1829 to Baha Blanca for rising up against Juan Lavalle. When Rosas returned to power, Maza assumed an important role in
Rosas' government. At the meeting with Jos Mara Paz inCrdoba, Maza accompanied Rosas, when they suffered an
assassination attempt. With Rosas gone in 1832, Maza was named Chief Minister by Juan Ramn Balcarce, but a year later he
took part in the movement that demanded Balcarce's resignation. He also took part in the following brief administration
of Juan Jos Viamonte. In 1834, and after several potential candidates refused to take the government of the Buenos Aires
Province, Maza, as president of the legislature, was designated interim governor. In February 1835 he sent Facundo
Quiroga as mediator in the conflict between the governors of the provinces of Salta and Tucumn. As Quiroga was
assassinated on his way back to Buenos Aires, Maza was forced to resign on March 7; Rosas once again became governor on
April 13. Maza went back to the legislature in spite of the growing confrontations with Rosas that started during Maza's term
in the government. He was also designated as judge in the trial to the Reinaf brothers, accused of Quiroga's assassination.
In June 1839 Maza's son, coronel Ramn Maza, was taken prisoner, suspected of a conspiracy against Rosas. During
the French blockade of the Ro de la Plata Juan Lavalle organized an army in Uruguay, attempting to attack Buenos Aires. His
plans were supported by conspiracies in Buenos Aires by former member of the May Association. The most notable member
of the conspiration was Ramn Maza, son of the former governor Manuel Vicente Maza, who got military support. As Lavalle
was delaying, they developed a new plan: Pedro Castelli and Nicols Granada would make a revolt at Tapalqu, while the
military in the city killed Rosas, Manuel Maza assumed government and allowed Lavalle to take the city. [1] The plot was
discovered by the Mazorca, but Rosas thought that Manuel Maza was innocent and carried to the plots of his son, so he urged
him to leave the country. He could not: Martnez Fontes, one of the military talked into the complot, revealed it in public.
Popular commotion was high, and the people took the streets demanding the execution of the people involved with the
complot. Ramn Maza was executed, and his parent was killed in his office by the Mazorca. Nevertheless, Pedro Castelli
attempted to make a rebellion in the countryside. The people did not follow him, and he was executed as well.

List of Presidents of Argentina

Justo Jos de Urquiza y Garca (October

18, 1801 April 11, 1870) was anArgentine general and politician. He
was president of the Argentine Confederation from March 5, 1854 until March 5, 1860. He was governor of Entre Ros during
the government of Juan Manuel de Rosas, governor of Buenos Aires with powers delegated from the other provinces from
September 11, 1852 until March 4, 1854. Rosas presented a resignation to his charge frequently, but only as a political
gesture, counting that the other governments would reject it. However, in 1851, resentful of the economic and political
dominance of Buenos Aires, Urquiza accepted Rosas resignation and resumed for Entre Rios the powers delegated in Buenos
Aires. Along with the resuming of international commerce without passing through the port of Buenos Aires, Urquiza replaced
the "Death to the savage unitarians!" slogan with "Death to the enemies of national organization!", requesting the making of
a national constitution that Rosas had long rejected. Corrientes supported Urquiza's action, but Rosas and the other provinces
condemned the "crazy, traitor, savage, unitarian" Urquiza. Supported by Brazil and the Uruguayan liberals, he created the
"Big Army" and forced Manuel Oribe to capitulate, ending the long siege of Montevideo in October 1851, and finally defeating
Rosas on 3 February 1852 at the Battle of Caseros. The other provinces that supported Rosas against Urquiza's pronunciation
changed sides and supported his project of creating a National Constitution. Urquiza immediately began the task of national
organization. He became provisional director of the Argentine Confederation in May 1852. In 1853, a constituent
assembly adopted a constitution based primarily on the ideas of Juan Bautista Alberdi, and Urquiza was inaugurated president

in March 1854. During his administration, foreign relations were improved, public education was
encouraged, colonization was promoted, and plans for railroad construction was initiated. His work
of national organization was, however, hindered by the opposition of Buenos Aires, which seceded
from the Confederation. Open war broke out in 1859. Urquiza defeated the provincial army led
by Bartolom Mitre in October 1859, at the Battle of Cepeda, and Buenos Aires agreed to re-enter
the Confederation. Constitutional amendments proposed by Buenos Aires were adopted in 1860 but
the settlement was short-lived, and further difficulties culminated in civil war. Urquiza met the army
of Buenos Aires, again led by Mitre, in September 1861. The battle was indecisive, but Urquiza
withdrew from the field, leaving the victory with Mitre. He retired to San Jos Palace, his residence
in Entre Ros, where he ruled until he was assassinated at age 69 (along with his
sons Justo and Waldino) by followers of dissident and political rival Ricardo Lpez Jordn.

Santiago Rafael Luis Manuel Jos Mara Derqui Rodrguez

(Crdoba June 21,

1809 November 5, 1867) was president of Argentina from March 5, 1860 to November 5, 1861. He
was featured on the 10 Australes note, which is now obsolete. Derqui studied at the Crdoba National
University, receiving a degree in law in 1831. At the university he was professor of law, then of
philosophy, and finally vice-dean. In 1845 he married Modesta Garcia de Cossio with whom he had three
boys and three girls. He was first assistant and then Minister of the government of Corrientes
Province under Jos Mara Paz. Justo Jos de Urquiza named him 'Business administrator' and sent him
to Paraguay on a foreign business mission. He became deputy for Crdoba Province. In 1854 Urquiza
named him head of the Ministry of Justice, Education and Public Instruction, were he worked for the six
years of Urquiza's mandate, pushing forward the still-emerging nation. After Urquiza's mandate, Derqui became constitutional
president. Being from Crdoba and not from Buenos Aires, it was expected that under his rule the continuous revolts of the
provincial governments against the federal government would end. Derqui accepted the revised national constitution with the
changes that would favour Buenos Aires, and named the country Repblica Argentina. This and other unpopular policies
towards the rest of the country provoked a general discontent in the provinces that led to the Battle of Pavn. Unable to
maintain authority, Derqui resigned and fled to Montevideo. While in exile, Bartolom Mitre helped him to go back to his
wife's native city of Corrientes, were he would die a few years later.

Juan Esteban Pedernera (December

25, 1796 February 1, 1886) was interim President of

Argentina during a brief period from November 4 until December 12, 1861. Born in 1796 in San Luis
Province, he studied in a Franciscan monastery when young, and left his studies to join the Regiment of
Mounted
Grenadiers being
summoned
by Jos
de
San
Martn to
fight
in
the War
of
Independence against Spanish rule. In 1815, he fought in the Battles of Chacabuco and Battle of Maip,
in Chile; and then in the campaign to liberate Peru. He was imprisoned by the Spanish during the former
campaign in Chilo Island, but managed to escape and rejoin his army. Lieutenant-general Juan Esteban
Pedernera married the former Rosa Juana Heredia in Callao on September 23, 1823; she was born in
Per, in 1805, and died in Buenos Aires, on August 26, 1886. In 1826 engaged again in military activity,
this time in the Cisplatine War. In the Argentine Civil War, he joined the Unitarian side, under the command of General Jos
Mara Paz, and fought in La Tablada against federalist forces. After a long time in exile, he returned to the country after
the fall of the Rosas' regime, and acted as Senator for San Luis Province. In 1856, he was designated commander of the
frontier armed forces, and in 1859 he was elected Governor of San Luis, and fought at the Battle of Cepeda that same year.
He then was elected Vice-President to President of the Argentine Confederation Santiago Derqui, and served from 1860 until
1861, when Derqui resigned after the Battle of Pavn. Pedernera then acted as President until the political situation forced the
dissolution of the office. In 1882 he was designated Lieutenant General of the Armies of the Republic.

Bartolom Mitre Martnez (June

26, 1821 January 19, 1906) was an Argentine statesman,

military figure, and author. He was the President of Argentina from April 12, 1862 until Octobar 11,
1868. Mitre was born in Buenos Aires to a Greek Argentine family originally named Mitropoulos. As a
liberal, he was an opponent of Juan Manuel de Rosas, and he was forced into exile. He worked as
a soldier and journalist inUruguay as a supporter of General Fructuoso Rivera, who named Mitre
Lieutenant Coronel of the Uruguayan Army in 1846. Mitre later lived in Bolivia, Peru, and Chile, and in
the latter country, he collaborated with legal scholar and fello Mitre returned to Argentina after the
defeat of Rosas. at the 1852 Battle of Caseros. He was a leader of the revolt of Buenos
Aires against Justo Jos de Urquiza's federal system, and was appointed to important posts in the
provincial government after Buenos Aires seceded from theConfederation. The civil war of 1859
resulted in Mitre's defeat by Urquiza at the Battle of Cepeda, in 1860. Issues of customs revenue
sharing were settled, and Buenos Aires reentered the Argentine Confederation. Victorious at the 1861 Battle of Pavn,
however, Mitre obtained important concessions from the national army, notably the amendment of the Constitution to
provide for indirect elections through an electoral college. In October 1862, Mitre was elected president of the republic, and
national political unity was finally achieved; a period of internal progress and reform then commenced. During
the Paraguayan War, Mitre was initially named the head of theallied forces. Mitre was also the founder of La Nacin, one of
South America's leading newspapers, in 1870. His opposition to Autonomist Party nominee Adolfo Alsina, whom he viewed as
a veiled Buenos Aires separatist, led Mitre to run for the presidency again, though the seasoned Alsina outmaneuvered him
by fielding Nicols Avellaneda, a moderate lawyer from remote Catamarca Province. The electoral college met on April, 12,
1874, and awarded Mitre only three provinces, including Buenos Aires. Mitre took up arms again. Hoping to prevent
Avellaneda's October 12 inaugural, he mutineered a gunboat; he was defeated, however, and only President
Avellaneda's commutation spared his life. Following the 1890 Revolution of the Park, he broke with the conservative National
Autonomist Party PAN) and co-founded the Civic Union with reformist Leandro Alem. Mitre's desire to maintain an
understanding with the ruling PAN led to the Civic Union's schism in 1891, upon which Mitre founded the National Civic Union,
and Alem, the Radical Civic Union (the oldest existing party in Argentina). He dedicated much of his time in later years to
writing. According to some of his critics, as a historian Mitre took several questionable actions, often ignoring key documents
and events on purpose in his writings. This caused his student Adolfo Saldas to distance himself from him, and for
future revisionist historians such as Jos Mara Rosa to question the validity of his work altogether. He also wrote poetry and
fiction (Soledad: novela original), and translated Dante's La divina commedia (The Divine Comedy) into Spanish. On his
passing in 1906, he was interred in La Recoleta Cemetery in Buenos Aires. January 19, 2006 marked the centenary of Mitre's
death.

Domingo Faustino Sarmiento (February

15, 1811 September 11, 1888) was

an Argentine activist, intellectual, writer, statesman and the seventh President of Argentina from
October 12, 1868 until October 11, 1874. His writing spanned a wide range of genres and topics,
from journalism to autobiography, to political philosophy and history. He was a member of a group
of intellectuals, known as the "Generation of 1837", who had a great influence on nineteenthcentury Argentina. He was particularly concerned with educational issues and was also an
important influence on the region's literature. Sarmiento grew up in a poor but politically active
family that paved the way for much of his future accomplishments. Between 1843 and 1850 he
was frequently in exile, and wrote in both Chile and in Argentina. His greatest literary achievement
was Facundo, a critique of Juan Manuel de Rosas, that Sarmiento wrote while working for the
newspaper El Progreso during his exile in Chile. The book brought him far more than just literary
recognition; he expended his efforts and energy on the war against dictatorships, specifically that of Rosas, and contrasted
enlightened Europea world where, in his eyes, democracy, social services, and intelligent thought were valuedwith the
barbarism of the gaucho and especially the caudillo, the ruthless strongmen of nineteenth-century Argentina. While president
of Argentina from 1868 to 1874, Sarmiento championed intelligent thoughtincluding education for children and women
and democracy for Latin America. He also took advantage of the opportunity to modernize and develop train systems, a
postal system, and a comprehensive education system. He spent many years in ministerial roles on the federal and state
levels where he travelled abroad and examined other education systems. Sarmiento died in Asuncin, Paraguay, at the age of
77 from a heart attack. He was buried in Buenos Aires. Today, he is respected as a political innovator and writer. Sarmiento
was born in Carrascal, a poor suburb of San Juan, Argentina on February 15, 1811. His father, Jos Clemente Quiroga
Sarmiento y Funes, had served in the military during the wars of independence, returning prisoners of war to San Juan. His
mother, Doa Paula Zoila de Albarracn e Irrzabal, was a very pious woman, who lost her father at a young age and was left
with very little to support herself. As a result, she took to selling her weaving in order to afford to build a house of her own. On
September 21, 1801, Jos and Paula were married. They had 15 children, 9 of whom died; Domingo was the only son to
survive to adulthood. Sarmiento was greatly influenced by his parents, his mother who was always working hard, and his
father who told stories of being a patriot and serving his country, something Sarmiento strongly believed in. In Sarmiento's
own words:
"I was born in a family that lived long years in mediocrity bordering on destitution, and which is to this day poor in every
sense of the word. My father is a good man whose life has nothing remarkable except [for his] having served in subordinate
positions in the War of Independence... My mother is the true figure of Christianity in its purest sense; with her, trust in
Providence was always the solution to all difficulties in life."
At the age of four, Sarmiento was taught to read by his father and his uncle, Jos Eufrasio Quiroga Sarmiento, who later
became Bishop ofCuyo. Another uncle who influenced him in his youth was Domingo de Oro, a notable figure in the young
Argentine Republic who was influential in bringing Juan Manuel de Rosas to power. Though Sarmiento did not follow de Oro's
political and religious leanings, he learned the value of intellectual integrity and honesty. He developed scholarly and
oratorical skills, qualities which de Oro was famous for. In 1816, at the age of five, Sarmiento began attending the primary
school La Escuela de la Patria. He was a good student, and earned the title of First Citizen (Primer Ciudadano) of the school.
After completing primary school, his mother wanted him to go to Crdoba to become a priest. He had spent a year reading
the Bible and often spent time as a child helping his uncle with church services, but Sarmiento soon became bored with
religion and school, and got involved with a group of aggressive children. Sarmiento's father took him to the Loreto Seminary
in 1821, but for reasons unknown, Sarmiento did not enter the seminary, returning instead to San Juan with his father. In
1823, the Minister of State, Bernardino Rivadavia, announced that the six top pupils of each state would be selected to
receive higher education in Buenos Aires. Sarmiento was at the top of the list in San Juan, but it was then announced that
only ten pupils would receive the scholarship. The selection was made by lot, and Sarmiento was not one of the scholars
whose name was drawn. In 1826, an assembly elected Bernardino Rivadavia as president of the United Provinces of Ro de la
Plata. This action roused the ire of the provinces, and civil war was the result. Support for a strong, centralized Argentine
government was based in Buenos Aires, and gave rise to two opposing groups. The wealthy and educated of the Unitarian
Party, such as Sarmiento, favored centralized government. While Sarmiento was pro-American and two contemporary U.S.
presidents (John Quincy Adams andJohn Adams) belonged to Unitarian churches, the two similarly named groups were not the
same. In opposition to them were theFederalists, who were mainly based in rural areas and tended to reject European mores.
Numbering figures such as Manuel Dorrego andJuan Facundo Quiroga among their ranks, they were in favor of a loose
federation with more autonomy for the individual provinces. Opinion of the Rivadavia government was divided between the
two ideologies. For Unitarians like Sarmiento, Rivadavia's presidency was a positive experience. He set up a European-staffed
university and supported a public education program for rural male children. He also supported theater and opera groups,
publishing houses and a museum. These contributions were considered as civilizing influences by the Unitarians, but they
upset the Federalist constituency. Common laborers had their salaries subjected to a government cap, and the gauchos were
arrested by Rivadavia for vagrancy and forced to work on public projects, usually without pay. In 1827, the Unitarians were
challenged by Federalist forces. After the resignation of Rivadavia, Manuel Dorrego was installed as governor of Buenos Aires
province. He quickly made peace with Brazil but, on returning to Argentina, was overthrown and executed by the Unitarian
general Juan Lavalle, who took Dorrego's place. However, Lavalle did not spend long as governor either: he was soon
overthrown by militias composed largely of gauchos led by Rosas and Estanislao Lpez. By the end of 1829 the old legislature
that Lavalle had disbanded was back in place and had appointed Rosas as governor of Buenos Aires. The first time Sarmiento
was forced to leave home was with his uncle, Jos de Oro, in 1827, because of his military activities. Jos de Oro was a priest
who had fought in the Battle of Chacabuco under General San Martn.[20] Together, Sarmiento and de Oro went to San
Francisco del Monte, in the neighbour province of San Luis. He spent much of his time with his uncle learning and began to
teach at a small school in the Andes. Later that year, his mother wrote to him asking him to come home. Sarmiento refused,
only to receive a response from his father that he was coming to collect him. His father had persuaded the governor of San
Juan to send Sarmiento to Buenos Aires to study at the College of Moral Sciences (Colegio de Ciencias Morales). Soon after
Sarmiento's return, the province of San Juan broke out into civil war and Facundo Quiroga invaded Sarmiento's town. As
historian William Katra describes this "traumatic experience":
At sixteen years of age, he stood in front of the shop he tended and viewed the entrance into San Juan of Facundo Quiroga
and some six hundred mounted montonera horsemen. They constituted an unsettling presence [. . . ]. That sight, with its
overwhelmingly negative associations, left an indelible impression on his budding consciousness. For the impressionable
youth Quiroga's ascent to protagonist status in the province's affairs was akin to the rape of civilized society by incarnated
evil.

Unable to attend school in Buenos Aires due to the political turmoil, Sarmiento chose to fight against Quiroga. He joined and
fought in the unitarian army, only to be placed under house arrest when San Juan was eventually taken over by Quiroga after
the battle of Pilar. He is later released, only to join the forces of General Paz, a key unitarian figure. Fighting and war soon
again resumed, but, one by one, Quiroga vanquished the main allies of General Paz, including the Governor of San Juan, and
in 1831 Sarmiento fled to Chile. He did not return to Argentina for five years. At the time, Chile was noted for its good public
administration, its constitutional organization, and the rare freedom to criticize the regime. In Sarmiento's view, Chile had
"Security of property, the continuation of order, and with both of these, the love of work and the spirit of enterprise that
causes the development of wealth and prosperity." As a form of freedom of expression, Sarmiento began to write political
commentary. In addition to writing, he also began teaching in Los Andes. Due to his innovative style of teaching, he found
himself in conflict with the governor of the province. He founded his own school in Pocuro as a response to the governor.
During this time, Sarmiento fell in love and had an illegitimate daughter named Ana Faustina, who Sarmiento did not
acknowledge until she married. In 1836, Sarmiento returned to San Juan, seriously ill with typhoid fever; his family and
friends thought he would die upon his return, but he recovered and established an anti-federalist journal called El Zonda. The
government of San Juan did not like Sarmiento's criticisms and censored the magazine by imposing an unaffordable tax upon
each purchase. Sarmiento was forced to cease publication of the magazine in 1840. He also founded a school for girls during
this time called the Santa Rosa High School, which was a preparatory school. In addition to the school, he also founded a
Literary Society. It is around this time that Sarmiento became associated with the so-called "Generation of 1837". This was a
group of activists, who includedEsteban Echeverra, Juan Bautista Alberdi, and Bartolom Mitre, who spent much of the 1830s
to 1880s first agitating for and then bringing about social change, advocating republicanism, free trade, freedom of speech,
and material progress. Though, based in San Juan, Sarmiento was absent from the initial creation of this group, in 1838 he
wrote to Alberdi seeking the latter's advice; and in time he would become the group most fervent supporter. In 1840, after
being arrested and accused of conspiracy, Sarmiento was forced into exile in Chile again. [36] It was en route to Chile that, in
the baths of Zonda, he wrote the graffiti "On ne tue point les ides," an incident that would later serve as the preface to his
book Facundo. Once on the other side of the Andes, in 1841 Samiento started writing for the Valparaso newspaper El
Mercurio, as well working as a publisher of the Crnica Contempornea de Latino Amrica ("Contemporary Latin American
Chronicle").In 1842, Sarmiento was appointed the Director of the first Normal School in South America; the same year he also
founded the newspaper El Progreso. During this time he sent for his family from San Juan to Chile. In 1843, Sarmiento
published Mi Defensa ("My Defence"), while continuing to teach. And in May 1845, El Progreso started the serial publication of
the first edition of his best-known work, Facundo; in July, Facundoappeared in book form. Between the years 1845 and 1847,
Sarmiento
travelled
across
parts
of
South
America
to Uruguay, Brazil,
to
Europe, France, Spain, Algeria,Italy, Armenia, Switzerland, England, to Cuba, and to North America, the United States and
Canada in order to examine different education systems and the levels of education and communication. Based on his
travels, he wrote the book Viajes por Europa, frica, y Amricawhich was published in 1849. In 1848, Sarmiento voluntarily
left to Chile once again. During the same year, he met widow Benita Martnez Pastoriza, married her, and adopted her son,
Domingo Fidel, or Dominguito, who would be killed in action during the War of the Triple Alliance at Curupayt in
1866. Sarmiento continued to exercise the idea of freedom of the press and began two new periodicals entitled La
Tribuna and La Crnicarespectively, which strongly attacked Juan Manuel de Rosas. During this stay in Chile, Sarmiento's
essays became more strongly opposed to Juan Manuel de Rosas. The Argentine government tried to have Sarmiento
extradited from Chile to Argentina, but the Chilean government refused to hand him over. In 1850, he published
both Argirpolis and Recuerdos de Provincia (Recollections of a Provincial Past). In 1852, Rosas's regime was finally brought
down. Sarmiento became involved in debates about the country's new constitution. In 1854, Sarmiento briefly visited
Mendoza, just across the border from Chile in Western Argentina, but he was arrested and imprisoned. Upon his release, he
went back to Chile. But in 1855 he put an end to what was now his "self-imposed" exile in Chile: he arrived in Buenos Aires,
soon to become editor-in-chief of the newspaper El Nacional. He was also appointed town councillor in 1856, and 1857 he
joined the provincial Senate, a position he held until 1861. It was in 1861, shortly after Mitre became Argentine president,
that Sarmiento left Buenos Aires and returned to San Juan, where he was elected governor, a post he took up in 1862. It was
then that he passed the Statutory Law of Public Education, making it mandatory for children to attend primary school. It
allowed for a number of institutions to be opened including secondary schools, military schools and an all-girls school. While
governor, he developed roads and infrastructure, built public buildings and hospitals, encouraged agriculture and allowed for
mineral mining. He resumed his post as editor of El Zonda. In 1863, Sarmiento fought against the power of the caudillo of La
Rioja and found himself in conflict with the Interior Minister of General Mitre's government, Guillermo Rawson. Sarmiento
stepped down as governor of San Juan, but ran unsuccessfully for president of the Argentine Republic in 1864 against General
Mitre. He did, however, become the Plenipotentiary Minister to the United States where he was sent in 1865, soon after the
assassination of President Abraham Lincoln. Moved by the story of Lincoln, Sarmiento ended up writing his book Vida de
Lincoln. It was on this trip that Sarmiento received an honorary degree from the University of Michigan. A bust of him stood in
the Modern Languages Building at the University of Michigan until multiple student protests prompted its removal. Students
installed plaques and painted the bust red to represent the controversies surrounding his policies towards the indigenous
people in Argentina. There still stands a statue of Sarmiento at Brown University. While on this trip, he was asked to run for
President again. He won, taking office on October 12, 1868. Domingo Faustino Sarmiento was President of the Republic of
Argentina from 18681874. He became president despite the maneuverings of his predecessor Bartolom Mitre. According to
biographer Allison Bunkley, his presidency "marks the advent of the middle, or land-owning classes as the pivot power of the
nation. The age of the gaucho had ended, and the age of the merchant and cattleman had begun." Sarmiento sought to
create basic freedoms, and wanted to ensure civil safety and progress for everyone. Sarmiento's tour of the United States had
given him many new ideas about politics, democracy, and the structure of society, especially when he was the Argentine
ambassador to the country from 1865 to 1868. He found New England, specifically the Boston-Cambridgearea to be the
source of much of his influence, writing in an Argentine newspaper that New England was "the cradle of the modern republic,
the school for all of America." He described Boston as "The pioneer city of the modern world, the Zion of the
ancient Puritans ... Europe contemplates in New England the power which in the future will supplant her." Not only did
Sarmiento evolve political ideas, but also structural ones by transitioning Argentina from a primarily agricultural economy to
one focused on cities and industry. Historian David Rock notes that, beyond putting an end to caudillismo, Sarmiento's main
achievements in government concerned his promotion of education. As Rock reports, "between 1868 and 1874 educational
subsidies from the central government to the provinces quadrupled." He established 800 educational and military
institutions, and his improvements to the educational system enabled 100,000 children to attend school. He also pushed
forward modernization more generally, installing 5,000 kilometres (3,100 mi) of telegraph line across the country for
improved communications, modernizing the post and train systems which he believed to be integral for interregional and
national economies, as well as building the Red Line, a train line that would bring goods to Buenos Aires in order to better
facilitate trade with England. By the end of his presidency, the Red Line extended 1,331 kilometres (827 mi). In 1869, he
conducted Argentina's first national census. Though Sarmiento is well known historically, he was not a popular president.
[50]
Indeed, Rock judges that "by and large his administration was a disappointment". [46] During his presidency, Argentina
conducted an unpopular war against Paraguay; at the same time, people were displeased with him for not fighting for

the Straits of Magellan from Chile. Though he increased productivity, he increased expenditures, which also negatively
affected his popularity. In addition, the arrival of a large influx of European immigrants was blamed for the outbreak of Yellow
Fever in Buenos Aires and the risk of civil war. Moreover, Sarmiento's presidency was further marked by ongoing rivalry
between Buenos Aires and the provinces. In the war against Paraguay, Sarmiento's adopted son was killed. Sarmiento
suffered from immense grief and was thought to never have been the same again. On August 22, 1873, Sarmiento was the
target of an unsuccessful killing attempt, when two Italian anarchist brothers shot at his coach. They had been hired by
federal caudilloRicardo Lpez Jordn. A year later in 1874, he completed his term as President and stepped down, handing his
presidency over to Nicols Avellaneda, his former Minister of Education. In 1875, following his term as President, Sarmiento
became the General Director of Schools for the Province of Buenos Aires. That same year, he became the Senator for San
Juan, a post that he held until 1879, when he became Interior Minister. But he soon resigned, following conflict with the
Governor of Buenos Aires, Carlos Tejedor. He then assumed the post of Superintendent General of Schools for the National
Education Ministry under President Roca and published El Monitor de la Educacin Comn, which is a fundamental reference
for Argentine education. In 1882, Sarmiento was successful in passing the sanction of Free Education allowing schools to be
free, mandatory, and separate from that of religion. In May 1888, Sarmiento left Argentina for Paraguay. He was accompanied
by his daughter, Ana, and his companion Aurelia Vlez. He died in Asuncin on September 11, 1888, from a heart attack, and
was buried in Buenos Aires. His tomb at La Recoleta Cemetery lies under a sculpture, a condor upon a pylon, designed by
himself and executed byVictor de Pol. Pedro II, the Emperor of Brazil and a great admirer of Sarmiento, sent to his funeral
procession a green and gold crown of flowers with a message written in Spanish remembering the highlights of his life:
"Civilization and Barbarism, Tonelero, Monte Caseros, Petrpolis, Public Education. Remembrance and Homage from Pedro de
Alcntara." Sarmiento was well known for his modernization of the country, and for his improvements to the educational
system. He firmly believed in democracy and European liberalism, but was most often seen as a romantic. Sarmiento was
well versed in Western philosophy including the works of Karl Marx and John Stuart Mill. He was particularly fascinated with
the liberty given to those living in the United States, which he witnessed as a representative of the Peruvian government. He
did, however, see pitfalls to liberty, pointing for example to the aftermath of the French Revolution, which he compared to
Argentina's own May Revolution. He believed that liberty could turn into anarchy and thus civil war, which is what happened
in France and in Argentina. Therefore, his use of the term "liberty" was more in reference to a laissez-faire approach to the
economy, and religious liberty. Though a Catholic himself, he began to adopt the ideas of separation of church and state
modeled after the US. He believed that there should be more religious freedom, and less religious affiliation in schools. This
was one of many ways in which Sarmiento tried to connect South America to North America. Sarmiento believed that the
material and social needs of people had to be satisfied but not at the cost of order and decorum. He put great importance on
law and citizen participation. These ideas he most equated to Rome and to the United States, a society which he viewed as
exhibiting similar qualities. In order to civilize the Argentine society and make it equal to that of Rome or the United States,
Sarmiento believed in eliminating the caudillos, or the larger landholdings and establishing multiple agricultural colonies run
by European immigrants. Coming from a family of writers, orators, and clerics, Domingo Sarmiento placed a great value on
education and learning. He opened a number of schools including the first school in Latin America for teachers in Santiago in
1842: La Escuela Normal Preceptores de Chile. He proceeded to open 18 more schools and had mostly female teachers from
the USA come to Argentina to instruct graduates how to be effective when teaching. Sarmiento's belief was that education
was the key to happiness and success, and that a nation could not be democratic if it was not educated. "We must educate
our rulers," he said. "An ignorant people will always choose Rosas." He had vollowing Major works: Facundo - Civilizacin y
Barbarie - Vida de Juan Facundo Quiroga, 1845. Written during his long exile in Chile. Originally published in 1845 in Chile in
installments in El Progreso newspaper, Facundo is Sarmiento's most famous work. It was first published in book form in 1851,
and the first English translation, by Mary Mann, appeared in 1868. A recent modern edition in English was translated by
Kathleen Ross. Facundo promotes further civilization and European influence to Argentine culture through the use of
anecdotes and references to Juan Facundo Quiroga, Argentine caudillo general. As well as being a call to progress, Sarmiento
discusses the nature of Argentine peoples as well as including his thoughts and objections to Juan Manuel de Rosas, governor
of Buenos Aires from 1829 to 1832 and again from 1835, due to the turmoil generated by Facundo's death, to 1852. As
literary critic Sylvia Molloy observes, Sarmiento claimed that this book helped explain Argentine struggles to European
readers, and was cited in European publications. Written with extensive assistance from others, Sarmiento adds to his own
memory the quotes, accounts, and dossiers from other historians and companions of Facundo Quiroga. Facundo maintains its
relevance in modern day as well, bringing attention to the contrast of lifestyles in Latin America, the conflict and struggle for
progress while maintaining tradition, as well as the moral and ethical treatment of the public by government officials and
regimes, Recuerdos de Provincia (Recollections of a Provincial Past), 1850. In this second autobiography, Sarmiento displays
a stronger effort to include familial links and ties to his past, in contrast to Mi defensa, choosing to relate himself to San Juan
and his Argentine heritage. Sarmiento discusses growing up in rural Argentina with basic ideologies and simple
livings. Recuerdos discusses his Similar to Facundo, Sarmiento uses previous dossiers filed against himself by enemies to
assist in writing Recuerdos and therefore fabricating an autobiography based on these files and from his own memory.
Sarmiento's persuasion in this book is substantial. The accounts, whether all true or false against him, are a source of
information to write Recuerdos as he is then able to object and rectify into what he creates as a 'true account' of
autobiography. Sarmiento was a prolific author. The following is a selection of his other works: Mi defensa, 1843. This was
Sarmiento's first autobiography in a pamphlet form, which omits any substantial information or recognition of his illegitimate
daughter Ana. This would have discredited Sarmiento as a respected father of Argentina, as Sarmiento portrays himself as a
sole individual, disregarding or denouncing important ties to other people and groups in his life, Viajes por Europa, frica,
Amrica 1849. A description and observations while travelling as a representative of the Peruvian government to learn more
about educational systems around the world, Argirpolis 1850. A description of a future utopian city in the River Plate States,
Commentarios sobre la constitucin 1852. This is Sarmiento's official account of his ideologies promoting civilization and the
"Europeanization" and "Americanization" of Argentina. This account includes dossiers, articles, speeches and information
regarding the pending constitution, Informes sobre educacin, 1856. This report was the first official statistic report on
education in Latin America includes information on gender and location distribution of pupils, salaries and wages, and
comparative achievement. Informes sobre educacin proposes new theories, plans, and methods of education as well as
quality controls on schools and learning systems, Las Escuelas, base de la prosperidad y de la republica en los Estados
Unidos 1864. This work, along with the previous two, were intended to persuade Latin America and Argentines of the benefits
of the educational, economic and political systems of the United States, which Sarmiento supported, Conflictos y armonas de
las razas en Amrica 1883, deals with race issues in Latin America in the late 1800s. While situations in the book remain
particular to the time period and location, race issues and conflicts of races are still prevalent and enable the book to be
relevant in the present day, Vida de Dominguito, 1886. A memoir of Dominguito, Sarmiento's adopted son who was the only
child Sarmiento had always accepted. Many of the notes used to compile Vida de Dominguito had been written 20 years prior
during one of Sarmiento's stays in Washington, Educar al soberano, a compilation of letters written from 1870 to 1886 on the
topic of improved education, promoting and suggesting new reforms such as secondary schools, parks, sporting fields and
specialty schools. This compilation was met with far greater success than Ortografa, Instruccin Publica and received greater
public support, El camino de Lacio, which impacted Argentina by influencing many Italians to immigrate by relating

Argentinas history to that of Latium of the Roman empire, Inmigracin y colonizacin, a publication which led to mass
immigration of Europeans to mostly urban Argentina, which Sarmiento believed would assist in 'civilizing' the country over
the more barbaric gauchos and rural provinces. This had a large impact on Argentine politics, especially as much of the civil
tension in the country was divided between the rural provinces and the cities. In addition to increased urban population,
these European immigrants had a cultural effect upon Argentina, providing what Sarmiento believed to be more civilized
culture similar to North America's, On the Condition of Foreigners, which helped to assist political changes for immigrants in
1860, Ortografa, Instruccin Publica, an example of Sarmiento's passion for improved education. Sarmiento focused on
illiteracy of the youth, and suggested simplifying reading and spelling for the public education system, a method which was
never implemented, Prctica Constitucional, a three volume work, describing current political methods as well as propositions
for new methodologies, Presidential Papers, a history of his presidency, formed of many personal and external documents
and Travels in the United States in 1847, (Edited and translated into English by Michael Aaron Rockland.). The impact of
Domingo Faustino Sarmiento is most obviously seen in the establishment of September 11 as Latin AmericanTeacher's
Day which was done in his honor at the 1943 Interamerican Conference on Education, held in Panama. Today, he is still
considered to be Latin America's teacher. In his time, he opened countless schools, created free public libraries, opened
immigration, and worked towards a Union of Plate States. His impact was not only on the world of education, but also on
Argentine political and social structure. His ideas are now revered as innovative, though at the time they were not widely
accepted. He was a self-made man and believed in sociological and economic growth for Latin America, something that the
Argentine people could not recognize at the time with the soaring standard of living which came with high prices, high wages,
and an increased national debt. Today, there is a statue in honor of Sarmiento in Boston on the Commonwealth Avenue Mall,
between Gloucester and Hereford streets, erected in 1973. There is a square, Plaza Sarmiento in Rosario, Argentina. One
of Rodin's last sculptures was that of Sarmiento which is now in Buenos Aires.

Nicols Remigio Aurelio Avellaneda Silva (October

3, 1837 24 November 1885) was

an Argentine politician and journalist, andpresident of Argentina from October 12, 1874 until October
11, 1880. Avellaneda's main projects while in office were banking and education reform, leading to
Argentina's economic growth. The most important events of his government were the Conquest of the
Desert and the transformation of the City of Buenos Aires into a federal district. Born in San Miguel de
Tucumn, his mother moved with him to Bolivia after the death of his father, Marco Avellaneda, during a
revolt against Juan Manuel de Rosas. He studied law at Crdoba, without graduating. Back at Tucumn
he founded El Eco del Norte, and moved to Buenos Aires in 1857, becoming director of the El
Nacional and editor of El Comercio de la Plata. He finished his studies at Buenos Aires,
meeting Domingo Faustino Sarmiento. Sarmiento helped him to become teacher of economy at
the University of Buenos Aires. He wrote "Estudio sobre las leyes de tierras pblicas" (Spanish: Study of
the laws about public lands), proposing to give the lands to producers that make production from them. This system, similar
to the one employed at the United States, suggested to reduce bureaucracy and pointed that this would allow stable
populations and population growth. He was a member of the house of representatives in 1859 and Minister of Government
of Adolfo Alsina in the Buenos Aires province in 1866. During Domingo Faustino Sarmiento's presidency, he was Minister of
Justice and Education. He implemented the educationalreform that was defining of his government. Avellaneda attained the
presidency in 1874 but had its legitimacy contested by Bartolom Mitre and supported by Domingo Faustino Sarmiento. Mitre
deployed the army against Avellaneda but was defeated by Julio Argentino Roca. Mitre was held prisoner and judged by
military justice, but Avellaneda indulted him in order to promote pacification. He also included Rufino de Elizalde and Jos
Mara Gutirrez, supporters of Mitre, as members of his cabinet. In line with people like Alberdi or Sarmiento, who thought
that European immigration was crucial to the Argentine development, he promoted the "Avellaneda law" that allowed
European farmers ease to get terrains. The immigration numbers were doubled in a few years. Having won the revolution and
bringing peace to the country, Avellaneda faced the serious economic crisis, centering his efforts on the control of the land
with the Conquest of the Desert and expanding the railroads, the cereal and meat exports, and the European immigration,
specially to Patagonia. During his presidency, the economy of Argentina was seriously affected by the European crisisputting
the country on the edge of debt default. Deciding to take Argentina from its debts, he said that "[...]there are two million
Argentines who would economize even to their hunger and thirst to fulfill the promises of our public committments in the
foreign markets".He reduced the budget and applied a weak protectionism. The crisis was eventually fixed with the growing
exports of refrigerated meat to Europe, a new developing industrial method of the time. A prolific writer, his works have been
published in 12 volumes. Aged 37, he was the youngest Argentine president ever elected. He had served in the Argentine
Senate for five months in 1874 and returned to the Senate in 1883 until his death. He died on a ship returning from medical
treatment in France.

Alejo Julio Argentino Roca Paz (July 17, 1843 October 19, 1914) was an army general who served as

President
of Argentina from October 12, 1880 to October 12, 1886 and again from October 12, 1898 to October 12, 1904. Julio Roca
was born in the northwestern city of San Miguel de Tucumn in 1843 into a prominent local family. He graduated from the
National College in Concepcin del Uruguay, Entre Ros. Before he was 15, Roca joined the army of the Argentine
Confederation, on 19 March 1858. While still an adolescent, he went to fight as a junior artillery officer in the struggle
between Buenos Aires and the interior provinces, first on the side of the provinces and later on behalf of the capital. He also
fought in the War of the Triple Alliance against Paraguay between 1865 and 1870. Roca rose to the rank of colonel serving in
the war to suppress the revolt of Ricardo Lpez Jordn in Entre Ros. President Nicols Avellaneda later promoted him to
General after his victory over rebel general Jos M. Arredondo in the battle of Santa Rosa, leading the loyalist forces. In 1878,
during Avellaneda's presidency, he became Minister of War and it was his task to prepare a campaign that would bring and
end to the "frontier problem" after the failure of the plan of Adolfo Alsina (his predecessor). The Indians frequently assaulted
frontier settlements and stole horses and cattle, and the captured women and children were enslaved or offered as brides to
the warriors. Roca's approach to dealing with the Indian communities of the Pampas, however, was completely different from
Alsina's, who had ordered the construction of a ditch and a defensive line of small fortresses across the Province of Buenos
Aires. Roca saw no way to end native attacks (malones) but by putting under effective government control all land up to
the Ro Negro in a campaign (known as theConquest of the Desert) that would "extinguish, subdue or expel" the Indians who
inhabited there. This land conquest would also strengthen Argentina's strategic position against Chile. He devised a
"tentacle" move, with waves of 6,000 men cavalry units stemming coordinately from Mendoza, Crdoba, Santa F andBuenos
Aires on July 1878 and April 1879 respectively, with an official toll of nearly 1,313 Native Americans killed and 15,000 taken
as prisoners, and is credited with the liberation of several hundred European hostages. Due to his military successes and the
massive territorial gains linked with them, Roca was put forward as a successor to President Avellaneda. In October 1879 he
gave up his military career to get ready for the election campaign. When Carlos Tejedor instigated a revolution in 1880 Roca
was one of the key figures in the federalization of the country and the naming of Buenos Aires as the capital of Argentina,
settling the question of central rule. After triumphing over Tejedor, Roca took over the presidency on 12 October 1880. Under

his mandate the so-called "laicist laws" (Leyes Laicas) were passed, which nationalized a series of
functions that previously were under the control of the Church. He also created the so-called Registro
Civil, an index of all births, deaths and marriages. President Roca also made primary education free of
charge by nationalizing education institutions run by the Church. This led to a break in relations with the
Vatican. Under Roca's rule the economy became state controlled and he presided over an era of rapid
economic development fueled by large scale European immigration, railway construction, and
agricultural exports. However, financial speculation and government corruption marred his
administration. In May 1886 Roca was the subject of a failed assassination attempt. Roca did not
participate in the 1890 revolution, which was instigated by Leandro N. Alem and Bartolom Mitre (Unin
Cvica, laterUnin Cvica Radical). However, he was pleased in the resulting weakness of Miguel Jurez
Celman. Roca himself had put forwardJurez Celman as his successor, who also happened to be his
brother-in-law. However, Celman distanced himself from Roca and reprivatized large sectors of the
economy in a corrupt fashion. After his first presidency Roca became a senator and Minister of the
Interior under Carlos Pellegrini. After President Luis Senz Pea resigned in January 1895, Jos Evaristo Uriburu took over the
presidency, during which Roca was President of the Senate. Because of this, Roca again assumed the duties of President
between 28 October 1895 and 8 February 1896, when Uriburu was ill. In the middle of 1897 the Partido Autonomista
Nacional party put forward Roca as a presidential candidate once more. Unopposed, he was able to begin a second regular
time in office on 12 October 1898. During his second presidency, the so-called Ley de Residencia law was passed, which
made it possible to expel Argentina's trade union leaders. During this presidency military service was introduced in 1901 and
a border dispute with Chile was settled in 1902. Luis Drago, Rocas foreign minister, articulated the Drago Doctrine of 1902
asserting that foreign powers could not collect public debts from sovereign American states by armed force or occupation of
territory. Roca's second term ended in 1904. In 1912 Roca was appointed as Special Ambassador of Argentina to Brazil by
President Roque Senz Pea. Roca returned to Argentina in 1914 and died in Buenos Aires on October 19, 1914. His son, Julio
Argentino Roca, Jr., became vice-president of Argentina in 1932-1938. Julio Argentino Roca was buried in La Recoleta
Cemetery in Buenos Aires.

Miguel Angel Jurez Celman (Crdoba,

September 29, 1844 Arrecifes, April 14, 1909)

was President of Argentina from October 12, 1886 to August 6, 1890. A lawyer and politician, his career
was defined by the influence of his kinsman, Julio Argentino Roca, whom propelled him into a legislative
career. He was a staunch promoter of separation of church and state and an aristocratic liberal. As
president of Argentina, he promoted public works, but was not capable of maintaining economic stability
and had to contend with the powerful opposition of the Civic Union Party, and his leader Leandro N.
Alem. After the Revolucin del Parque even though having defeated the uprising, he was forced to resign
and retired from political life. Jurez Celman was born and raised in Crdoba, where he studied under
the Jesuits at the Colegio de Montserrat. He studied Law, becoming a lawyer in 1869. Thanks to his
family connections, he came from an aristocratic family, he entered political life early. He was elected
Representative just after obtaining his doctorate and from the provincial parliament he headed the movement to promote
the secularization of education. Two years later he was elected to the Senate of Argentina and in 1877 became its president.
He spent little time as president as after the death of Governor Climaco de la Pea, the new Government of Antonio Del
Viso nominated him as Government Minister. His energetic work earned him the nomination and election as Governor of
Crdoba on May 17, 1880. He was Governor-elect when there was an insurrection in Buenos Aires, led by Carlos
Tejedor and Lisandro Olmos, opposed to thefederalization of Buenos Aires. The federalization succeeded in 1880 and was
followed by the establishment of state elementary education in the capital during the presidency of Julio A. Roca. Having
become a national Senator in 1883 and becoming close to President Roca, he obtained his support in his bid to become
candidate for president for the National Autonomist Party (PAN). He won the 1886 national election, not without accusations
of fraud, which was not uncommon in the PAN. His Vice-President was Carlos Pellegrini, ex-War Minister under Roca, who had
supported his candidacy from the pages of the Sud Amrica newspaper. His presidency was marked by a degree of paranoia.
An 1890 rugby match in Buenos Aires resulted in both teams, and all 2,500 spectators being arrested. Jurez Celman was
particularly vigilant after the Revolution of the Park in the city earlier in the year, and the police had suspected that the
match was in fact a political meeting. Most observers expected Jurez Celman's administration to be a continuation of Roca's
with the retired president managing from behind the scenes, but in a display of independence, he took control of the PAN with
in a more authoritative form becoming what his opponents dubbed the unicato (one-man rule). This, combined with economic
regression, led to the formation of the Civic Union, an opposition group that was later split into the National Civic Union and
the Radical Civic Union, the latter being still important in Argentinian politics. In 1890, a revolution forced Celman to resign,
and Vice-President Carlos Pellegrini, succeeded him.

Carlos Enrique Jos Pellegrini Bevans (October 1, 1846, Buenos Aires July 17, 1906, Buenos Aires) was Vice
President of Argentina and became President of Argentina from August 6, 1890 until October 12, 1892, upon Miguel ngel
Jurez Celman resignation (see Revolucin del Parque). During his administration he cleaned up finances, created the Banco
de la Nacin Argentina, Argentina's national bank, and the prestigious high-school that carries his name: Escuela Superior de
Comercio Carlos Pellegrini (a public school of noted academic level, part of the University of Buenos Aires). After the end of
his term, he served as senator between 1895 and 1903, and in 1906 he was elected national deputy in the lower house.
Carlos Enrique Jos Pellegrini was born in Buenos Aires on October 11, 1846, just when the season ended Rosas, was the son
of Mary Bevans Bright English and French Swiss engineer Carlos Enrique Pellegrini department of Savoie Chambery, France.
Carlos Enrique Pellegrini engineer had arrived in the country from Italy in 1828, and was hired by President Bernardino
Rivadavia, for the construction of the port of Buenos Aires.1 August 6 The young learned to read and write at home, using
what he learned parents instilled. At the age of eight he entered the school of Anne Bevans, aunt. There he learned
languages that characterized it in their language, precisely because their language heterogeneous fellow National College of
Buenos Aires he was nicknamed "the gringo" .6 education center that graduated in the year 1862. He joined the Faculty of
Law at Buenos Aires in 1863, but two years later abandoned that submitted to join the army and fight in the War of Paraguay,
where he reached the rank of Oficial. Pellegrini had an outstanding performance in the Tuyut battle, as well as other battles,
but fell ill and had to abandon the cured ejrcito. After returning to Buenos Aires, finished law school in 1869 and entered the
newly founded newspaper La Prensa. With your degree started working for the state as Deputy Minister of Finance, 6 under
President Domingo F. Sarmiento. He graduated in 1869 and wrote his thesis The electoral law, where he criticized the current
system at the time, proposed a major education campaign cvica. A brief quote: "The protection of the government is
necessary for industrial development of Argentina." In 1871, the year in Buenos Aires mourning as thousands of people died
of yellow fever, Pellegrini married Carolina Garcia Lagos, that union was childless. In that year there was his approach to
politics through the Autonomist Party of Adolfo Alsina, when presented in the legislative elections of 1871 and 1872, but lost
in both.2 Finally in 1873 he was elected deputy for the province of Buenos Aires. Above, in 1873 was elected national deputy,

and in 1878 the governor appointed him Minister Carlos Casares Government of the province of Buenos
Aires.His work as a deputy for six years was characterized by his great oratorical skills and concepts
clearly in their reported . Fellow legislator, Jose Manuel Estrada but was opposition, the qualities
expressed in the speech he had Pellegrini, saying: "If you do not understand, I will ask the deputy
Pellegrini to clarify what he just knows it as" During his years as a deputy took a position in favor of free
education, taking as an example (as Domingo Faustino Sarmiento) to U.S. educational model. During the
debate between liberalism and protectionism (circa 1875), Pellegrini was in favor of the implementation
by the national state policies for the protection of domestic industry, and is one of the major players in
the founding of Club Industrial. In the following excerpt from a parliamentary speech Pellegrini can
appreciate their tendency to industrialization:
"If free trade develops industry has acquired a certain force and provides access to all the splendor
possible, free trade kills infant industry. Agriculture and livestock are two key industries, but no nation on earth has reached
the economic development summit with only these industries. Industries that have led to the maximum of power are
manufacturing industries, manufacturing industry and is the first in merit and the last to be reached, because it is the highest
expression of progress industrial ".
On October 9, 1879 President Nicols Avellaneda Carlos Pellegrini appointed Minister of War and Navy, replacing Julio
Argentino Roca (a position he held also during the rule of the same rock until October 12, 1886). At that faced by the rebellion
of 1880, Carlos Tejedor, governor of Buenos Aires at the time: he refused to accept the Federalization Act, which took away
the province of Buenos Aires Capital Territory Federal.6 2 was dissolved by this rebellion, this episode gave prominence to
politics Pellegrini within Argentina. Working for the Naval Academy created bodies: Naval Artillery, Engineers and Pilots of the
Navy. Also he was built a gunpowder factory in Lujan. He was imposed regulations of the Naval Academy and the signal code
martimas. In 1881 he was elected senator for the province of Buenos Aires, this role was played until October 12, 1886. In his
term as Senator got a vote in Congress approval to resume construction of the port of Buenos Aires, which had been left
unfinished since prescidencia Bernardino Rivadavia. He adopted the old project of Eduardo Madero, and through funding and
technical British port could end nine years later (when he was vice president) .Pellegrini undertook a trip to the United States
and Canada in 1883, in order to observe and learn about the industry in the first world, visited factories, laboratories and
workshops. Like Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, also traveled to the north of the continent to see how education is organized in
those naciones. It was commissioned by the government of Julio Argentino Roca to perform a delicate business of a loan to
the creditors in Europe in 1885. In 1886, he finished his term as a senator, he ran for vice president by the PAN with Miguel
Juarez Celman for president. Thanks to the electoral fraud, the new candidate for the PAN were victorious by fraud electoral.6
During Celman management, more precisely in March 1890 the Argentine peso suddenly began to lose its value against gold
(average international payment) began to occur five bankruptcies and collapses in the stock market. Increased cost of life.
Undertook a trip to Europe in 1889 to represent Argentina at the World Expo held in Paris to commemorate the centenary of
the French Revolution, the Argentine flag was the surprise, to seek financial support in London and Paris, and also to resolve
economic problems approaching. Pellegrini was awarded in Spain, UK and Francia. The growing allegations of corruption,
authoritarianism and economic slump led to an explosion in Buenos Aires known as Revolution Park, when the July 26, 1890
civilian-military group led by the newly formed Civic Union, under the leadership of Leandro Alem, Bartolom Mitre,
Aristobulus Valley, Bernardo de Irigoyen and others tried to take the government by force. Although they failed in their
attempt, President Celman renunci.6 Previously on April 11 of that year many ministers had resigned in view of the
problematic situation avecinaba. Just two days after a crowd of thirty thousand people demonstrated in The pediment of
Buenos Aires, Crdoba monopolizing Avenue, between Liberty and Cerrito streets. The President changed the cabinet on April
18, as a reinforcement to the crisis. The situation was further aggravated when the June 28 Valley Aristobulus Senator
denounced several irregularities in public finances, especially fraudulent currency emissions. On August 5, the same
lawmakers called for the resignation of Celman. The next day the order was designed and approved by 61 to 22, took over as
president, Carlos Pellegrini. Pellegrini had kept a low profile until then, but now it had become the new head of state, and
consequently, in the center of politics in Argentina, plunged into a crisis caused by the failure of individual institutions
financieras. In a correspondence with his brother, Pellegrini explained about the recent crisis: "I tell you what to do then?. But
what the farmer loses his crop: endure; tightens the tummy and saves all he can, while re-sow. Protect industry by all means;
and left and Exchange Treasures and bimetallism and celestial music ". As a result of the revolution, resigned Celman Miguel,
so Pellegrini succeeded to the presidency on August 6, 1890, ending the term on October 12, 1892, as agreed in this
Constitution.6 The new president took office in a country afflicted by the crisis, with tax revenues fell by 30% compared to
previous years, banks were paralyzed, gold was rising, leading the economy into a deep recession that "froze" finance
entities. One of the first steps taken by his government was sending a group of bankers, ranchers and merchants sign a loan
of 15 million pesos to pay external maturities. Once reunited the capital, Victorino de la Plaza was selected to negotiate debt,
had to embark for London, where he received negative London bank. But got the Rothschild Banking supports a moratorium
before the cessation of payment by the government. Following this, Pellegrini apply austerity measures and adjustment, as
the suspension of public works such as the Government House, Congress, the post office (which turned up at the end of his
administration), and nationalized the waterworks Miguel Juarez privatized Celman. Minister Vicente Fidel Lpez sent Congress
a number of laws in order to improve and expand tax revenues. Another plan as completely out of the crisis was the project
presented with Aristobulus Valley in 1881, during his time as a senator for the province of Buenos Aires, this new scheme was
the creation of the Bank of the Republic. In 1891 was the National Bank of mixed capital and the sum of fifty million dollars,
its first president was Vicente Casares. After Argentina's currency recovered backup, created the Currency Board, these
measures coupled with the increase in currency in circulation was what ended the crisis. He built the National History
Museum and the School of Commerce Carlos Pellegrini, work began for the Botanical Garden of Buenos Aires. They rescued
land held by railway companies, the dealers had not come to make payments. For these protectionist policies Pellegrini was
considered, he said: "When necessary, the state should get into economic life, and if it is not essential should not." It
uncovered a plot anarchist whose mission was to kill the President. He resigned in August 1892 after a major crisis in his
government, but was persuaded to continue until October 12, 1892. The presidential election of 1892, after many years were
the first to be exercised without any fraud , was elected as president Luis Saenz Pena, and enabling the election of senators
as Aristobulus and Leandro N. Valley Senz Pea Alem. Pellegrini offered the post of Minister of War and Navy, but this did not
acepto. After Pellegrini cede the presidency, went to his residence in Florida and Viamonte, walking without any custody. The
National Autonomous Party leaders, Carlos Pellegrini and Julio Argentino Roca, had doubts about the effectiveness of
President Luis Senz Pea, although he had been a judge of the Supreme Court and legislature on several occasions, had had
no experience governing. Although the economic situation was fairly wealthy (thanks to gold brought exports of raw materials
such as leather, wool and oilseeds), the political situation at that time was living complicated. After the resignation of several
ministers, Miguel Cane proposed remake the cabinet, for that Luis Saenz Pea asked her to call three key political figures of
the time Argentina: Pellegrini, Mitre and Roca. There was a meeting to bring together the three politicians, but the deal did
not work, so much so that Rock resigned. They called Aristobulus Valley to achieve convince Leandro N. Alem to help, but he

refused flatly and July 30, 1893 organized another civil uprising in San Luis, Santa Fe and Buenos Aires. Del Valle was
appointed Minister of the Interior on July 4, 1893. Finished his presidency, he was elected senator for the period from 1895 to
1904. Had an outstanding performance to be approved in 1896 a law that ensured the payment of external debt of Argentina.
He had many offers to run for president in 1898, but no run. In 1904 he traveled to the United States where he witnessed the
takeover of President Theodore Roosevelt. Pellegrini account the experiences of this trip in six letters that later appeared in
the newspaper La Nacin, where among other things, spoke of strengthening relations with the Norh America country. The
political alliance between Carlos Pellegrini and Julio Argentino Roca weakened in July 1901, without even disappear
altogether, by differences on a financial project. The break had occurred when Roca during his second government asked
Pellegrini developing a legislative initiative to consolidate public debt of 392 million gold pesos in a single loan of 453 million
gold weight. Pellegrini drafted a unification of the external public debt, through a single loan at 4% annual interest and
amortization 0.5%, long-term obligations and garantidas by customs revenues. The proposal received the initial approval of
the Senate. But after many newspaper articles and statements criticizing the measure, Rock withdrew the project without the
consent of Pellegrini, an action that angered the senator, to the point of cutting personal relationship with the president, while
still remaining within the Autonomous Party Nacional. From July 1902 occurred in Argentina a split in the pan around the
succession of President Julio A. Roca. The "remarkable convention", established since 1903 as a body no formal selection of
the presidential candidate of the ruling party, broke around the breach of the undertaking to nominate former President
Carlos Pellegrini and Roca's decision to boost the lawyer Manuel Quintana in the election of 1904. From then until his death,
Pellegrini demanded a law guaranteeing a thorough electoral reform to end the fraud and promote the freedom cvicas. There
born two political expressions within conservative ideology: the "national autonomy" or Roquistas, with its policy of
maintaining uncompromising electoral fraud, and the "autonomists" or pellegrinistas, PAN split sectors influenced by radical
revolutions, anarchist attacks and labor strikes. One of the biggest concerns was transpolar pellegrinistas street protests to
parliament policy making room for new social actors. To do this it was necessary to give representation spaces main
opposition party, the Radical Civic Union, but also the moderate Socialist Party. That way, it would weaken the two major
emerging social forces of the time: workerism and anarquismo. Upon breaking the PAN and confirmed the candidacy of
Manuel Quintana on October 12, 1903, Senz Pea banquet organized a relief to Pellegrini two days later at the Caf de Paris.
There, the former president announced the reasons antirroquista new political movement: "The political party they belonged
gone one head replacing him thinking, a willingness to solve, a voice commands, a voter who chooses" In this context, the
autonomists are contesting the elections for senator by the City of Buenos Aires from March 6, 1904. Senz Pea withdrew his
candidacy and instead presented candidate Carlos Pellegrini facing the government deputy Benito Villanueva, chairman of
the National Capital Autonomist Party, and the engineer Emilio Mitre, GOP candidate. The ruling was devastating triumph:
Villanueva won with 11,516 votes and 28 voters, followed by Pellegrini with 9075 votes and 6 electors, and Mitre with 7547
votes and 10 voters. Meanwhile, most voters Quintana obtained on April 10 and elections for vacancies complementary
deputies, Pellegrini won comfortably on June 16, 1905 back to the House after twenty-eight years. Among the institutional
vagaries of presidential politics Manuel Quintana and radical revolution of 1905, the enemies of Julio A. Roca outnumbered
their friends and allies. Thus, in the election of March 11, 1906, again under the list system is imposed Concentration
coalition to list Popular ruling amid scandals and protests over vote buying. An autonomous political front, Mitristas,
conservative and radical bernardistas Benito Villanueva who was running for Pellegrini, Emilio Mitre, Roque Senz Pea and
Ernesto Tornquist in the first lugares. On January 9, 1906 died Bartolom Mitre, that although he had announced his
retirement from politics on reaching the age of 80 years continued to enjoy at least some influence in the capital and the
province of Buenos Aires, and on March 12, less twenty-four hours after the defeat of the ruling party in the Capital, President
Manuel Quintana dies. In this context, Carlos Pellegrini had chances to run for "natural" reformist conservatives for the
presidency in 1910, for its national prestige gained in his short presidency, his knowledge of public finance, his position on
reform electoral and close political ties with the new president, Jose Figueroa Alcorta. Carlos Pellegrini had during his last
years of life very poor health for a disease that Miguel Cane in private correspondence called neurasthenia. He returned to
Europe and took the bench legislator who had just won. At the meeting of May 9, 1906, delivered fiery words on opportunity
to challenge the qualifications of the elected members of the ruling Buenos Aires: "I come with fewer illusions, with less
enthusiasm, more experienced. Tired I bring the machine because the journey has been long and often bumpy road and
thorny. But I come with the same blind faith in the future of my country and the same resolution serving far reach my
strength ". Pellegrini and Figueroa Alcorta had taken note of the teachings of radical revolution of 1905, and promoted an Act
of Oblivion, to grant amnesty to exiled radicals in Montevideo and Santiago, who were hidden or prisoners. On June 11, in his
last speech, denounced the errors and excesses of a political regime in decline: "All that is forgotten and forgotten are the
lessons of our history, of our sad experience. Forget that these is the fifth amnesty law dictates that in a few years and that
the events occur with painful regularity: rebellion , repression, forgiveness ... It is in the consciousness of all that this
amnesty is supposed to be the last, not the last. shall, perhaps very soon, the penultimate. And why, Mr. President? For that
the causes of these events remain and not only in its entirety, but worse every day ". His early death, in Buenos Aires on July
17, 1906 at 59 years old, did not surprise his friends and colleagues, due to the deterioration of his health, but had a
profound national impact on the expectations about the need for electoral reform, and created a political vacuum that would
then occupy Roque Senz Pea. In his tomb in La Recoleta Cemetery, President Figueroa Alcorta, and enrolled in a reformist
position, found the perfect note in his elegy: "Tighten the ranks, he has dropped the strongest" .

Luis Senz Pea (April 2, 1822 December 4, 1907) was a lawyer and

President of Argentina from October

12, 1892 until January 23, 1895. He graduated in law from the University of Buenos Aires, and participated in the
constitutional assembly of 1860. He was a number of times a national deputy and senator. In 1882 he
occupied a seat on the Supreme Court of the Province of Buenos Aires. Later he was employed as president of
the Provincial Bank, director of the Academy of Jurisprudence, and had a seat in the General Council of
Education. On 12 October 1892 Senz Pea was inaugurated president of the country. Weakened by many
radical uprisings, on 23 January 1895 he presented his resignation to Congress, which accepted it. The
government passed into the hands of Jos Evaristo Uriburu, who completed the term ending in 1898.

Jos Evaristo de Uriburu y lvarez de Arenales (November 19, 1831 October 23, 1914) was President of
Argentina from January 23, 1895 until October 12, 1898. Uriburu began his career in 1867 as Minister of Justice in the
government of Bartolom Mitre, from 1872 to 1874 he was a federal judge in Salta, then a deputy in the lower house of
Congress. After Salpeterkrieg (1879 to 1884) between Chile, Peru and Bolivia, he took part as a mediator in the peace
negotiations. From 1892 to 1895 he was vice-president and became president when Luis Senz Pea resigned. From 1901 to
1910 Uriburu was a senator for the city of Buenos Aires. During his tenure as president, the constitutional reform was in 1898,
he also created the National Lottery and founded the Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes in Buenos Aires and the Escuela Tcnica
Otto Krause. Uriburu is the son of Evaristo de Uriburu and Mara Josefa Alvarez de Arenales. He was married twice, first
marriage to Virginia Uriburu, with whom he had five children (Rita, Sara Jorge, Carlos and Virginia de Uriburu); second wife,
Leonor Tezanos Pinto, with whom he had two more children (Jos Evaristo jun. and Leonor de Uriburu).

Manuel Pedro Quintana y Senz de Gaona (October

19, 1835
March 12, 1906) was the President of Argentina from October 12, 1904 until
March 12, 1906. Quintana became a lawyer at the University of Buenos Aires in
1855 at the age of twenty-two years later would direct the chair of Civil Law at
the same university. Participated in politics since his youth and in 1860 was
elected deputy by the legislature of the Province of Buenos Aires, for the party of
Bartolom Mitre. He was subsequently passed to the Autonomist Party of Adolfo
Alsina to oppose
the project name Mitre Capital of the Republic to the City of Buenos Aires. In 1864
he was elected
deputy for the province of Buenos Aires and presented a bill to name the City of
Rosario
as
the
nation's capital. In 1870 he was elected Senator and President Sarmiento in 1871
sent
him
to
Asuncion, Paraguay to negotiate the peace treaty that ended the War of the Triple
Alliance
against
Paraguay. In 1873 Manuel Quintana is a candidate in the presidential election to
succeed Sarmiento
from 1874, but lost to Nicols Avellaneda. In 1877 occupied the rector of the
University of Buenos Aires until 1881 when his term ends. In 1876 there was an incident between the government of Santa
Fe, then by Servando Bayo, and the London branch of the Bank of Rosario, for not having complied with this law that ordered
the conversion to gold of all emissions paper money made by the provincial government. Following this situation, ordered the
arrest of the branch manager and the intervention of the same. Quintana was Senator and the bank's legal adviser at the
time of the crisis, and did not hesitate to give up his seat for "health reasons". However Quintana traveled to London, where
he proposed to the British government Rosario City bombing if the government of Santa Fe expunged no bank intervention.
Estanislao Zeballos, eyewitness to the incident, relates what happened next:
Just the lawyer Manuel Quintana said in an intimidating manner the presence of a British gunboat in the port of Rosario, the
Chancellor, with decent reaction, stood up and refused to continue until Quintana retire from office, not accepting that an
Argentine was spokesman for a foreign intimidating. "the strong position of Bernardo de Irigoyen, International Relations
Minister Nicols Avellaneda President halted the action blica.
After this, Quintana settled for two years in Europe. On his return, he devoted himself to private practice as a lawyer, with
significant success. In 1893, President Luis Senz Pea was appointed Home Secretary. During his tenure involved the
provinces of Santa Fe and San Luis, and declared a state of emergency throughout the country. Following this, and after a
very tough questioning in Congress, had to resign. At the end of the second presidency of Julio A. Roca, the National
Autonomous Party was divided into two factions, led by the Rock and that led former President Carlos Pellegrini, hence Roca
sought alliance with the party of Bartolom Mitre, proposing an alliance formula, which take as candidate a mistrista
president, Manuel Quintana, accompanied by Jos Figueroa Alcorta roquista. In the presidential elections of April 10, 1904,
this formula was triumphant, and were proclaimed President and Vice President's Office on June 12 of that year by the
Electoral College. Quintana had at that time 69 years. His presidency is developed in the context of the period called "Liberal
Republic", marked by the government's National Autonomous Party elite and electoral fraud. In his tenure as head of the
Executive Power of Argentina include: The promotion of immigration, extension of the trackshe increase in trade and the
general improvement of the country's economy, nationalized the National University of La Plata, exercise of regulated
professions, implement the law of Sunday rest and promoted the "Law Linez" building elementary schools in the provinces.
In 1905 underwent radical revolution that sought to end voter fraud. Although the revolution failed, the stress suffered by the
president during this conflict damaged his health. As a consequence, reduce their working hours which begins to cause
problems in management. On August 11, Quintana suffered an attempt on his life when Salvador Planas, a Catalan anarchist,
shoot the carriage that carried him to the Casa Rosada. The gun fails and the president saves his life, but his health began to
deteriorate rapidly. On January 25, 1906 Quintana requested license in office of president for health reasons and retired to a
farm in the present district of Belgrano, where he died on March 12, 1906. His remains rest in the Recoleta Cemetery.

Jos Figueroa Alcorta (November

20, 1860 December 27, 1931) was President of Argentina from March 12, 1906
until October 12, 1910. Figueroa Alcorta was born in Crdoba as the son of Jos Figueroa and Teodosia Alcorta. He studied at
the College of Monserrat, and the University of Cordoba. He participated as a constructor for the Municipality of Cordova, and
the North Central Argentine Railway. He was also a journalist and wrote in newspapers "The Interior" and "The Era". Like
many of the political leaders of the time, was part of secret societies. Being dissolved the Lodge and Union Piedad Cordoba
No. 34, establishing a secret circle where Figueroa Alcorta login, regularized on February 19, 1892 to resettle freely. Later
member of the Lodge No. 174 Bernardino Rivadavia in Buenos Aires. A year after graduation from law school comprised the
Legislature Senator Crdoba. It was a time of "juarismo" and the young lawyer frequented "Honeycomb", the main political
club of the Mediterranean city led by Mark N. Juarez, brother of President Miguel Jurez Celman, Chief of Police and promoter
of the presidential candidacy of Ramon J. Carcano and his own for governor of Crdoba. Figueroa did merits ruling in "The
Interior" juarismo organ, and in March 1888 as a legislator and journalist helped to promote a political trial for embezzlement
of public funds against Governor Ambrosio Olmos, who became enthusiastic about the candidacy of Carcano, The young
director of Post and Telegraph Office. From Local autonomism supported the arrival Juarez governorate, the May 18, 1889, he
was appointed Secretary of the Interior Minister, Justice and Worship. The fall of President Miguel Jurez Celman in August
1890, dragged the executive Figueroa Cordoba and left out of the cabinet. Ubiquitous and has good political connections, the
new governor did Eleazar Garzon provincial deputy first, and then Secretary of the Treasury Minister with the consent of Julio
A. Roca. On February 7, 1892, at the hands of powerful former President Roca, was elected National Deputy for Crdoba. The
work of the House was not remarkable, but only the podium where newly graduated lawyers rehearsing his oratorical gifts,
but Figueroa was the springboard to their next political goal: the governor of Cordoba. In late 1894, again looming election
time, and beyond the internal disputes in the National Autonomous Party and the fierce opposition of the Civic, the
government retained the Provincial Executive of the binomial hand made by Figueroa Alcorta and Joseph A. Ortiz and Herrera,
then director of the newly created Children's Hospital. From Cordoba executive will be one of the supporters of the
presidential candidacy of Rock in the year ninety-eight. Finished his gubernatorial term, the Legislature appointed him to the
Senate of the Nation, natural refuge of former governors, for nine years. Approaching the end of the second constitutional
mandate Julio A. Roca, the Convention of 1903 Notable Congressman Manuel Quintana ran for president of the nation, without
ruling on the Vice President, because Rock wanted to Marco Aurelio Avellaneda in that place if he could not impose it in the
first term of the formula. The National Autonomous Party primary election was faced with not knowing who would be the vice
president. Refusal of Avellaneda spiteful, gave rise to Figueroa Alcorta, Roca told Quintana, Marcelino Ugarte and Benito
Villanueva in a private meeting. Figueroa took over as vice president, accompanying President Manuel Quintana, on October

12, 1904. He was taken hostage in the radical revolution of 1905, while vacationing in Crdoba, in
a confusing episode that President Manuel Quintana distanced. Figueroa kept prudently silent, but
was attributed weakness of character and moved a campaign to remove the charge. Quintana's
resentment and political game of Marcelino Ugarte, afraid that ill health to occupy the post of
president a "roquista" prenunciaron impeachment. Emilio Mitre began the attack from the nation,
only silenced by the state of siege. It came to nothing because Carlos Pellegrini took his defense
from Europe, and because Quintana die before maturing the Coup. Order of Maria Luisa granted by
the Spanish government to Argentine President for the centenary of the May Revolution. White
gloves and the watch belonged to President Manuel Quintana. He became president of Argentina in
1906 on the death of Manuel Quintana, who was vice president. He had serious problems getting
support in Congress, which finally closed in 1908. He was sought a rapprochement with the
radicals, pardoning those arrested for the attempted coup of 1905 and paved the way for electoral
changes Roque Senz Pea. The anarchist groups were active in numerous attacks, coming to kill
the police chief Ramon Falcon, killed by Simon Radowitzky in 1909 as revenge for the crackdown by police during protests on
May 1 (red week). The anarchist Francisco Solano Regis made a failed attempt on Jose Figueroa Alcorta on February 28, 1908.
In late 1907 Figueroa Alcorta sent Congress the draft budget to be treated in special session, at a time when the opposition
dominated the legislature. On January 25, 1908, in an unpublished decision, the Chairman adjourned the special session, said
current 1907 budget and Congress ordered the occupation by the police, as Estanislao Zeballos called "coup" 2 In
international relations, should be highlighted tensions with Brazil. During his term oil is discovered in Comodoro Rivadavia, in
southern Argentina, and gives the first law to regulate exploitation, prohibiting its privatization / concession. He sat statist a
precedent that would later become the YPF inspire, something that today is curious, given the strong reputation economically
liberal National Autonomist Party. The President of the Court of Accounts of the nation was, during his administration, former
religious Cobas Julian Figueroa, a senior economist born in Santiago de Compostela, which support throughout his
administration. It fell to preside over the celebration of the centenary of the May Revolution. During his presidency took place
one of the major milestones in the development of telegraphy Argentina: on June 3, 1910 inaugurated the Argentine cable to
Europe via Ascension with a greeting of Argentine President Jos Figueroa Alcorta to King George V of Great Britain:
"Jos Figueroa Alcorta, President of Argentina, greets with joy on this day to HM King George V of Great Britain and Ireland
and their domains, for two reasons being the birthday of SM vowing personal happiness , for his family, and for a long and
prosperous reign, and also celebrating the Argentine direct cable to Ascension is inaugurated and dedicated to public service
today, between the two countries and will serve to facilitate communications, give greater impetus to trade and further
strengthen the cordial relations which happily join the States."
After presidency ha was Ambassador to Spain (1912), Minister of the Supreme Court (1915 until his death) and President of
the Supreme Court (1929 to his death). As Minister of the Supreme Court, was the only judge to waive proposed in response
to the coup of 1930, but ultimately not only failed but also resigned, along with the other judges of the court signed the
agreed to legalize the acts and appointments of all coups in Argentina until 1983. In the nearly 150 years of constitutional life
of Argentina, Figueroa Alcorta boasts to be the only person who has pursued throughout his life, the ownership of the three
branches of government: Between 1904 and 1906 he was Vice President of the Nation, the authority which holds the
Presidency of the Senate. Then, due to the death of Manuel Quintana in 1906 had completed his term of office as President
until 1910. Finally, years later, in 1915, was elected to the Supreme Court, of which he was president from 1929 until his
death in 1931. His remains rest in the Recoleta Cemetery.

Roque Senz Pea Lahitte (March

19, 1851 August 9, 1914) was President of

Argentina from October 12, 1910 until August 9, 1914, when he died in office. He was the son of
former President Luis Senz Pea. He came from a family of supporters Roses: paternal and maternal
grandparents, Julian Roque Senz Pea and Eduardo Lahitte, had been members of the Legislature
during the government of the day. After the defeat of Rosas at the Battle of Caseros, federal tradition
of grandparents and father, who did not change their beliefs, kept away from the public. He attended
high school at the Colegio Nacional de Buenos Aires, directed by Jacques Amadeo. In 1875 he
graduated Doctor of Laws, with a thesis on "Status of foundlings." During the revolution of 1874 he
was defend the nation as authorities Captain Regiment No. 2, under the command of Luis Maria
Campos. Losing the revolution, he was promoted to Deputy Commander of National Guards, but asked
to be relieved of the rows. Mitre opponent, plays for Autonomous Party headed by Adolfo Alsina and in
1876 was elected to a deputy seat in the Legislature of the Province of Buenos Aires. He came to play body president at age
26, making it one of the youngest presidents of the Chamber. In 1878, following the disagreements within the autonomist
produced because of the policy of reconciliation initiated by President Avellaneda which opposed Senz Pea, resigned and
ended up temporarily abandon politics. Upon the declaration of war in the Pacific between Chile and Peru, in 1879 is absent
from his country quietly traveling to Lima. It offers its services to Peru, which gives the rank of Lieutenant Colonel
(Commander). In the battle of Tarapaca, serving under Colonel Andrs Avelino Cceres, where his side get a temporary
victory over Chile. At the Battle of Arica commanded the battalion Iquique, after being wounded in the right arm and watch
helplessly the death of many of his fellow Peruvians, taken prisoner in the hands of the Captain of the 4th Line Chilean army
Arriagada Ricardo Silva.
"Don Roque Senz Pea stays calm, impassive, someone tells me that is Argentine, so I look more into it, is tall, has a
mustache and beard puntudita, its size is not very martial, because it is something gibado; represents about 32 years; black
dress blue coat, as a sailor, the belt, the saber shots, has not above the Levite tassel pants, slightly gray color; granaderas
boots and hat, holding militarily. At first glance it shows the man worship, world. Later prisoners to surrender my military
superiority, which deposits them, first to the Customs, and then embark on the Itata. " - Ricardo Silva Arriagada.
Roque Senz Pea is subject to a court-martial and confined him near the Chilean capital. He was released after six months,
at the request of his family and the Argentine government, returned to Buenos Aires in September 1880. The Congress of
Argentina, in a unanimous vote, citizenship returns Argentina, who had lost in law to join the Peruvian army. Then the country
chairing the General Julio Argentino Roca, and his Foreign Minister, Bernardo de Irigoyen is appointed Secretary in 1880. A
year after resignation as Secretary, and moved to Europe for two years. In 1884, back in Buenos Aires, conceived the project
of founding the magazine South America with his friends Paul Groussac, Carlos Pellegrini and Exequiel Ramos Meja, in which
his ideas were publicized widely Americanists. He supported the presidential candidacy of Miguel Jurez Celman. In 1887,
with Celman already in office, is appointed plenipotentiary ambassador in Uruguay. In 1889 he was stands as the
representative of the country in the Montevideo Conference. Mason was launched on 14 March 1882 in the Lodge teaching,
the institution operating in particular recalls the founding of the newspaper Sud America, with Pellegrini and Gallo, at the

request of his lodge to address the ideas of Dardo Rocha In 1889 - 1890, with Manuel Quintana represents Argentina in the
Washington Conference. There upholds the principle of inviolability of States and ardently opposed to U.S. plans to create a
continental customs union and a single currency in the continent. The Monroe Doctrine, which held the slogan "America for
Americans" opposed the slogan "America for mankind." The prestige acquired by its diplomatic performance in Washington,
and the political and financial crisis management Juarez, catapulted him to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on April 18, 1890, a
position he held until the president's resignation in August. Upon assuming the presidency Carlos Pellegrini, Senz Pea is
appointed chairman of the National Bank. The banking consolidation task was not easy. The financial crisis of 1889, the
continuing rise in the price of gold, and the enormous flexibility of the system unicato loans, to finance land purchases, and
investments in the stock market, made unenforceable obligations of entities bank officers, among whom were the National
Bank and the Bank of the Province of Buenos Aires. In this context, the signing of an internal loan through the Exchange, at
the initiative of President Pellegrini, failed and meant the suspension of operations of public banks on April 7, 1891. The
National Bank never failed to recover and eventually drew in 1893. Amid the political and economic crisis that shook the
country, the figure of the young Roque Senz Pea emerges as favorite for the presidential election of 1892 led by the
governor of Buenos Aires Julio Costa on December 17, 1891. It is the first serious attempt at political and institutional renewal
since 1880, and has strong political support: youth Juarez, which had been with Senator Leandro Alem Radical Civic Union,
which rejected the revolutionary plans of it, the governors of Buenos Aires , Crdoba, Santa Fe, Entre Ros, Corrientes and
Santiago del Estero, induced by President Carlos Pellegrini who had proposed to his former law firm partner in 1889 to replace
the weathered candidacy of Ramon J. Carcano, and important figures such as Cordovan antirroquistas Manuel D. Pizarro.
However, the candidacy of the young lawyer has enemies porteo important since threatened to take control of the National
Autonomous Party of former President Julio A. Roca, faced with youth juaristas politically and who Senz Pea called
"Napoleon brown sugar" 1 To hinder his candidacy, Mitre, an ally of Roca, drives Roque's own father, Judge of the Supreme
Court, Luis Senz Pea. Figure dull and inconsequential politically's father, Luis, former legislator and former deputy governor
of Buenos Aires, enough to mortally wound the candidacy of the son, "the boy Roque", and her close friend Bernardo de
Irigoyen, supported by the revolutionary Radical Civic Union. The Mosquito mocked the High Court judge William Tell
presenting it as an aged and senile, reluctant to fire the head of the arrow hit by son Roca and Mitre. Rather than face his
father, Roque prefer withdrew her application and kill the "modernism", after which declares: "I regret that circumstances
beyond my control, but not foreign to my heart, keep me from accepting the honor". Elections as the winner to give Luis
Senz Pea Roque chief designating National Guards Regiment. In June 1892 he joined the Senate of the Province of Buenos
Aires, but soon give up both positions to retire from public life. The political alliance between Pellegrini and Julio A. Roca
weakened in July 1901, without even disappear altogether, by differences on a financial project. In this context, Roque Saenz
Pena will head the list of national deputies in the Federal Capital pellegrinismo to be defeated at the polls on March 9, 1902.
As the system still ruled complete list of Act 140, the former foreign minister could not enter the national Congress. From July
1902 occurs in Argentina and final formal division in the National Autonomous Party around the succession of President Julio
A. Roca. The "remarkable convention", established since 1903 as a body no formal selection of the presidential candidate of
the ruling party, fractures around the breach of the undertaking to nominate former President Carlos Pellegrini and Roca's
decision to boost the lawyer Manuel Quintana in the election of 1904. Alli born two political expressions within conservative
ideology: the "national autonomy" or Roquistas, with its policy of maintaining uncompromising electoral fraud, and the
"autonomists" or pellegrinistas, PAN split sectors influenced by radical revolutions, attacks anarchists and labor strikes. One
of the biggest concerns was transpolar pellegrinistas street protests to parliament policy making room for new social actors.
To do this it was necessary to give representation spaces main opposition party, the Radical Civic Union, but also the
moderate Socialist Party. That way, it would weaken the two major emerging social forces of the time: workerism and
anarchism. Upon rupture P.A.N. and confirmed the nomination of Quintana on October 12, 1903, Senz Pea organized a relief
to Pellegrini banquet two days later at the Caf de Paris. There, the former president announced the reasons antirroquista
new political movement:
"The political party they belonged gone one head replacing him thinking, a willingness to solve, a voice commands, a voter
who chooses."
Among the institutional vagaries of presidential politics Manuel Quintana and radical revolution of 1905, the enemies of Julio
A. Roca outnumbered their friends and allies. So, that in the election of March 11, 1906, again under the list system, the
coalition is imposed "Concentration Popular" to the official list amid scandals and protests over vote buying. A former political
front modernist Mitristas, conservative and radical bernardistas Benito Villanueva who was running for Carlos Pellegrini,
Emilio Mitre, Roque Senz Pea and Ernesto Tornquist in the first place. The year 1906 will be the time of sunset and
personalistic system of corporate fraud in Argentina, marked by the death of some of its key political figures and the birth of
new leadership. On January 9 died Bartolom Mitre, who although had announced his retirement from politics on reaching the
age of 80 years continued to enjoy at least some influence in the Capital and the Province of Buenos Aires, on March 12, less
than 24 hours after the defeat of the ruling party in the Capital, President Manuel Quintana died, July 17, dies Carlos
Pellegrini, and December 27, dies Bernardo de Irigoyen. In that fateful frame, Roque Senz Pea will become the political heir
of Pellegrini and the candidate "natural" reformist conservatives for the presidency in 1910, for its international prestige and
political proximity to the new president, Jose Figueroa Alcorta. The greater international recognition, though not without
criticism in political circles of Buenos Aires, comes from Peru for its military action. On October 5, 1905 the authorization
given by law to accept Roque Senz Pea for the post of "General of the Army of Peru." In 1879, he enlisted to fight for Peru
in response to their convictions, while waging bloody war with Chile. Built with the rank of Lieutenant Colonel attended the
Battle of Tarapac, where he commanded the battalion Iquique, Arica moving then. On July 5, 1880, Chileans bombarded from
sea and land that square and began the assault on the 7th. The fight ended in the Morro and the result was favorable to
Chile. Lieutenant Colonel Senz Pea fought with courage in that action, looking down beside her other heads Peruvians, as
the Colonels Bolognesi Francisco Ruiz and Juan Guillermo More. On October 25, 1885 the government of Peru promoted him
to colonel and years later, on 26 August 1905, at the proposal of Peruvian President Jos Pardo Barreda, Parliament granted
the title of "Brigadier". On November 6, at the opening ceremony of the monument to Colonel Bolognesi, was given command
of the Army of Peru General Roque Senz Pea, during the ceremony. It was touch call honor and commanders of each of the
units delivered them to Senz Pea. The assistant to the minister of war, Lieutenant Colonel Dupont, presented the command
pronouncing the following words: "From Supreme Order, handed over command of the Army of Peru General Roque Saenz
Pena, who was obey and respect". The Peru Senz Pea honored with the following awards: Silver Medal of Tarapaca,
Meritorious honor to declare him Peru and Peruvian Army Command Ceremony for Memorial General Bolognesi and the Gold
Medal Ceremony. In 1906 the government of Jos Figueroa Alcorta appointed him special representative to attend the events
of the wedding of Alfonso XIII of Spain. There he was appointed envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Spain,
Portugal, Italy and Switzerland. Back in Argentina, in 1907 he was appointed to head the diplomatic missions in Switzerland
and Italy. Arriving in Rome, receives instructions from his government to represent the country in the Second Peace
Conference at The Hague with Luis Maria Drago, there hold a position favorable to the creation of an international court of
arbitration. In 1909 part of the arbitral tribunal lauda differences between the U.S. and Venezuela. His diplomatic mission to
Italian and Swiss governments continued until 1910, in Italy will find out its official announcement to run for President. The

election rally was held on March 13, 1910, with a lot of irregularities common in that era. He assumed office on October 12,
1910. Shortly after arriving in the country he was held a meeting with President Figueroa Alcorta and another with the
opposition leader, Hiplito Yrigoyen. In this last interview pledged radical leader to abandon the revolutionary path, and
Senz Pea to enact an electoral law that modernize the elections and prevent electoral fraud. Yrigoyen requested the
intervention of the provincial governors to prevent interfering with this process, Senz Pea refused but allowed the
government formed radicalism. With the passage of the electoral law, radicalism also promised to abandon the position held
abstentionist to protest irregularities election system before. The proposed law was based on three key elements: the secret
ballot, compulsory and universal, using the military standard. The law was a breakthrough in his time and that allowed
masses participate population of the election, but still far from being completely universal: women and foreigners (who by
then was a large part of society) still had no right to vote. Furthermore, although foreigners did not vote, instead were taken
into account in determining the population of the districts and the number of deputies who were eligible for each. Senz Pea
presented the project at the conference with these words: "I said to my country all my thoughts, my beliefs and my hopes.
Want my country hear the word and the advice of its chief executive, wants the people to vote." Among the opponents of his
government are the beneficiaries of the old electoral system, whose privileges were clearly threatened by the reform. Thus,
many lawmakers from conservatives, yet openly oppose, hinder reform. However, thanks in large part to a defense that made
the project's interior minister, Indalecio Gomez - coauthor of it - this would be enacted on February 10, 1912 as Act 8871,
known ever since as "Senz Pea Law". The first elections held in Argentina under the new law took place that year, the
socialist bloc grew significantly and triumphs were radical in Entre Rios and Santa Fe turnout, which in the last election before
the law was around 5%, rose to 62.85% for 1914. From the time of his inauguration as president, his health was not good, but
it deteriorated significantly from 1913. The version that was circulating at the time was that the president was suffering from
neurological consequences that would have caught syphilis during the war between Chile and had to ask several times Per.
Finally, he was delegated presidential power to his vice president Victorino de la Plaza. He died on August 9, 1914, two years
before leaving office. Her figure is well remembered in Peru, where many cities in this country have a street named in Senz
Pea and there are monuments to his memory. In Lima, describes the historical monument made by sculptor Jose Vivanco
Quintanilla.

Victorino de la Plaza y Palacios (November

2, 1840 October 2, 1919) was President of

Argentina from August 9, 1914 until October 11, 1916. He was the second son of Jos Roque Mariano de
la Plaza Elejalde and Manuela de la Silva Palacios; his older brother, Rafael de la Plaza, was also a
politician and acted as governor of Santiago del Estero Province. After the early death of his father, the
Plaza had to work selling some products made by her mother also worked as a tutor and notary.
Performed the primary in his home town and later won a scholarship for his secondary education at the
College of Uruguay. In pleading the War of the Triple Alliance, Plaza dropped out of college and enlisted
in the army. He excelled in battles and Tuyut Bellaco Estero, for which he was awarded both the
Uruguayan government as Mitre.General Bartolome returned to Buenos Aires and completed his legal
career, with the thesis sponsor Dalmacio Velez Sarsfield, who assisted in drafting the Civil Code
Argentino. Victorino de la Plaza was born on November 2, 1840 in the village of Cachi, in the province of
Salta.1 was the first child of the marriage between the Plaza Mariano Roque and Maria Manuela Silva. His brother Rafael, born
in 1844, was highlighted as a politician in the province of Santiago del Estero, becoming governor. De la Plaza began their
studies in a public school. However, he was soon in that institution, and he entered a convent franciscano. He was did some
work during his childhood, worked as a teacher in a school run by Pedro Arze, and sold newspapers, as well as sweets, soap
and empanadas prepared Joined by his madre.Zorreguieta Mariano studying and started working as a clerk and procurado,
subsequently passed an examination before the Supreme Court, so he got the title of notary in 1859. He received a
scholarship from the government of the Confederation, led by Justo Jos de Urquiza, which allowed him to enter the College of
Uruguay, located in Concepcin del Uruguay, his date of admission to the institution is disputed, but it is known that it was
between 1859 and 1862.9 4 Here completed high school, having among its peers Julio Argentino Roca. Later he traveled to
Buenos Aires, to enter university. He began to study Philosophy, where he excelled. This allowed the president to appoint him
as scribe Mitre second in the National Accounts, in 1864 and the following year was appointed clerk primero.The military
career of the Plaza was very short. He joined an artillery regiment to fight against Paraguay in the War of the Triple Alliance,
and was chosen as assistant general Julio de Vedia. He fought in the battles of Estero Bellaco, the May 2, 1866, and Tuyut, on
24 May of the same year.6 Subsequently, the Uruguayan government awarded him the Medal Silver Sol for his actions during
the Battle of Estero Bellaco and Honor Cords for his performance in Tuyut. Bartolome Mitre, meanwhile, promoted him to the
rank of captain and handed a citation for his herosmo.5 However, the Plaza had to return to Buenos Aires by problems
health. On his return, he enrolled in law school to study law. Was received July 13, 1868, with his thesis called Credit as
capital. Dalmacio had as godfather to Velez Sarsfield, for whom he had worked as a clerk while he was writing the code Civil.
De la Plaza began his public and political career under President Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, who appointed him professor
of philosophy at the National College of Buenos Aires, replacing Pedro Goyena. The 21 December 1909 approved an
ordinance of the city of Buenos Aires, which authorized the Tramway Company Anglo-Argentina to build a subway line in the
city, however, works only began on 15 September 1911, with the presence of the president and the mayor Senz Pea
Anchorena. Thus, Buenos Aires became the thirteenth city in the world to have an underground train service, and the first in
South America. The opening of the line was held on December 1, 1913. His remains rest in the cemetery of Recoleta, Buenos
Aires. He was married twice. He married for the first time on May 20, 1870, with Ecilda Belvis Castellanos, 17 however, it died
soon after, on 30 August 1875. After the death of his first wife, Piazza married his second wife, the Scottish Emily Henry, 19,
with whom she had her only son, the engineer Victoriano, born in London, England, in 1885.

Juan Hiplito del Sagrado Corazn de Jess Irigoyen Alem (July

12, 1852 July 3, 1933) was

twice President of Argentina, the first time from October 12, 1916 until October 11, 1922, and again the second time from
October 12, 1928 until September 6, 1930. His activism became the prime impetus behind the obtainment of universal
(male) suffrage in Argentina in 1912. Known as the father of the poor, Yrigoyen presided over a rise in the standard of living
of Argentina's working class together with the passage of a number of progressive social reforms, including improvements in
factory conditions, regulation of working hours, compulsory pensions, and the introduction of a universally accessible public
education system. He was born in Buenos Aires, and worked as a school teacher before entering politics. In 1891 he cofounded the Radical Civic Union(Unin Cvica Radical), together with his uncle, Leandro Alem. Yrigoyen (he signed that way to
distinguish himself from Bernardo de Irigoyen's political ideas) was popularly known as "el peludo" (the hairy armadillo) due
to his introverted character and aversion to being seen in public. Following Alem's suicide in 1896, Hiplito Yrigoyen assumed
sole leadership of the Radical Civic Union. It adopted a policy of intransigency, a position of total opposition to the regime
known as "The Agreement". Established by electoral fraud, this was an agreed formula among the political parties of that
time for alternating in power. The Radical Civic Union took up arms in 1893 and again in 1905. Later, however, Yrigoyen
adopted a policy of nonviolence, pursuing instead the strategy of "revolutionary abstention", a total boycott of all polls until
1912, when President Roque Senz Pea was forced to agree to the passage of the Senz Pea Law, which established secret,

universal, and compulsory male suffrage. Yrigoyen was elected President of Argentina in 1916. He
frequently found himself hemmed in, however, as the Senate was appointed by the legislatures of
the provinces, most of which were controlled by the opposition. Several times, Yrigoyen resorted
to federal intervention of numerous provinces by declaring a state of emergency, removing willful
governors, and deepening the confrontation with the landed establishment. Pro-Yrigoyen political
supporters were known as "personalistas", a blunt suggestion that they weresycophants of Yrigoyen,
anti-Yrigoyen elements were known as "anti-personalistas". Yrigoyen was popular, however, among
middle and working class voters, who felt integrated for the first time in political process, and the
Argentinian economy prospered under his leadership. Yrigoyen preserved Argentine neutrality
during World War I, which turned out to be a boon, owing to higher beef prices and the opening up of
many new markets to Argentina's primary exports (meat and cereals). Yrigoyen also
promoted energy independence for the rapidly growing country, obtaining Congressional support for
the establishment of the YPF state oil concern, and appointing as its first director General Enrique
Mosconi, the most prominent advocate forindustrialization in the Argentine military at the time. Generous credit and
subsidies were also extended to small farmers, while Yrigoyen settled wage disputes in favour of the unions. [3] Following four
years of recession caused by war-related shortages of credit and supplies, the Argentine economy experienced significant
economic growth, expanding by over 40% from 1917 to 1922. Argentina was known as "the granary of the world", its gross
domestic product per capita placing it among the wealthiest nations on earth. Yriyogen also expanded the bureaucracy and
increased public spending to support his urban constituents following an economic crisis in 1919, although the rise in urban
living standards was gained at the cost of higher inflation, which adversely affected the export economy. Constitutionally
barred from re-election, Yrigoyen was succeeded by Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear. On the expiration of Alvear's term in 1928,
Yrigoyen was overwhelmingly elected President for the second time. In December of that year, U.S. President-elect Herbert
Hoover visited Argentina on a goodwill tour, meeting with President Yrigoyen on policies regarding trade and tariffs. Radical
anarchist elements attempted to assassinate Hoover by attempting to place a bomb near his rail car, but the bomber was
arrested before he could complete his work. President Yrigoyen accompanied Hoover thereafter as a personal guarantee of
safety until he left the country. In his late seventies, he found himself surrounded by aides who censored his access to news
reports, hiding from him the reality of the effects of the Great Depression, which hit towards the end of 1929. On December
24 of this year he survived an assassination attempt. Fascist and conservative sectors of the army plotted openly for a regime
change, as did Standard Oil of New Jersey, who opposed both the president's efforts to curb oil smuggling from Salta
Province to Bolivia, as well as the existence of YPF, itself. On September 6, 1930, Yrigoyen was deposed in a military coup led
by General Jos Flix Uriburu. This was the first military coup since the adoption of the Argentine constitution. After his
overthrow, Yrigoyen was placed under house arrest and confined several times to Isla Martn Garca. He died in Buenos
Aires in 1933. Hiplito Yrigoyen was buried in La Recoleta Cemetery in Buenos Aires.

Mximo Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear Pacheco (October 4, 1868 March 23, 1942), better known as

Marcelo
T. de Alvear was an Argentine politician and President of Argentina from October 12, 1922 to October 12, 1928. Alvear was
the son of Torcuato de Alvear, first Mayor of Buenos Aires. He joined the National College of Buenos Aires in 1879, his studies
were very irregular, finished second and third year in 1881, two years after the fourth and fifth, concluding his studies in
1885, but had finished high school at the National College Rosario. In February 1886 asked Dr. Manuel Obarrio, dean of the
Faculty of Law, University of Buenos Aires, who matriculase as a regular student to study law. In that year failed in
Introduction to Law, Public International Law but approved. Subjects was performing regularly, without postponements and
with high marks, especially in courses on law Civil. The young Alvear with his fellow students and friends, among whom were
later radical political future as Jos Luis Cantilo, Fernando Saguier and Thomas Le Breton, formed a group with some fame,
which occurred repeatedly civil commotion, some of these altercations ended with some of the band members in jail. Finally
he graduated in 1891, just a year after the death of his father. In June 1890 came the Revolution of the Park, a rebellion in
Buenos Aires, which was devised in the meeting held in the Garden Florida. This civil uprising occurred renunciation of
President Miguel Angel Celman, replaced by Vice President Carlos Pellegrini, while Alvear was heavily involved in the
revolutions of 1893 and 1905, always remained anonymous. It was on the eve of the revolution when contacted Alvear
Hiplito Yrigoyen, more precisely when it was looking for a police chief for Federal Capital. Valley Aristobulus proposed a
relative of Alem, who had been commissioner, Yrigoyen contacted Alvear, and other personalities of civility as Le Breton,
Apellniz and Senillosa. Yrigoyen was followed Alvear and watching at the Caf de Paris and committee meetings. Yrigoyen
always retain a special appreciation for Alvear, even in the last years of the furry, years ago when both leaders were radicals
enfrentados. The young Marcelo began organizing committees, participated in revolutions, toured the countryside to tour, I
plan meetings and actions of propaganda. This type of political life was exceptional for a young social origin. The signatories
of the successive meetings of 1889 and the years immediately following were also members of traditional families, who are
beginning to launch into action poltica. Alvear was an important organizer of the meeting in the Florida Garden, fact occurred
on September 1, 1889, meeting that helped to publicize the name of Leandro N. Alem portea youth. Alvear was responsible
for organizing the event, which was well attended. Immediately after the meeting in the Florida Garden, Alvear began
working as a secretary Alem, in the newly formed Civic Union party in 1890. Vocal turn was then President of the Club of
Socorro, member of the Board of the Civic Union and secretary of the Committee Nacional. At the time of the division of the
Civic Union in mid-1891, Alvear chose to stay on the side of Leandro N. Alem, and signed the manifesto of July 2, 1891, the
founding act of the Radical Civic Union. In that year, Alvear accompanied the radical leader on a tour of the interior of the
country to launch Formula Juan Bernardo de Irigoyen, M. Garro. Besides being the first time I left Buenos Aires Alvear, the
young nobleman lived popular delusions of people in political acts, as well as threats of aggression towards radical leaders. It
was in Jujuy where he befriended and Lapo Remigio Delfor Valley. The tour ended with the April 2, 1892 police arrested all
present radical leaders, Alvear is arrested for the first time in his life. First it was confined to the corvette La Argentina, then
transferred to the gunboat Paran, with Juan Posse, Julio Castro Arraga and Celindo. Once they were transferred to the
pontoon Rossetti, where they were arrested all radical leaders, including Alem, prisoners were deported to Montevideo. On
May 27 he returned to country. In the elections for governor of Buenos Aires that took place in 1892, the Committee of the
province of Buenos Aires had entrusted the leadership of the party in Chacabuco. Then, Alvear found that there was a 'fix'
between curator and Conservative leader. The young Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear, close up to the time of the Revolution of the
Park, 1890. In 1899 Alvear left for Europe on the longest journey of the many who performed. Shortly before this he had met
the outstanding opera singer Regina Pacini Portuguese. Apparently, after unsuccessfully courting Regina, Alvear decided to go
after the artist coming to follow across Europe. Finally got married on Saturday April 29, 1907 in the church of Our Lady of the
Incarnation (built in 1567 in the Chiado), in the district of Lisbon, were married at seven o'clock, eight from that moment,
thanks to inheritance millionaire who owned Alvear, marriage lived without known occupation. Regina had a prominent
cultural role during the presidency of her husband, she was born in Rua de Loreto, Portugal, and Andalusia had Italian
ancestry. Alvear-Pacini marriage resided on a farm located in Paris, where they moved several relatives of him. Alvear had
inherited land in San Isidro Pacheco: three rooms, and money earned. To get involved in politics, lived for these goods, which
were selling little poco. It was one of the competitors in one of the first automobile races in Argentina, on November 16, 1901.

First had run seven cars, winning the race with a Rochester John Cassoulet steam, at a speed of 73 km / h. But Alvear
competed in the second race, only race against Baron Aaron Anchorena, in a contest of three thousand feet, came victorioso.
He was delegated by the city of Buenos Aires between 1912 and 1916. Alvear cartoonists caricatured as a very large sitting
sideways, apparently this was true. Other people on the legislative floor Alvear said that when he sat in his Representative
seat, had to sit in such a way to put their legs to the side, and he had developed a huge physical during his youth, to practice
all kinds of sports. In 1917 when I had left the previous year-parliamentary activity, Hipolito Yrigoyen was offered the job of
Ambassador to France, a position he held between 1917 and 1922. In fact, when Alvear won the presidential election was in
Francia. Alvear making a stopover in Rio de Janeiro, on his return trip to Argentina After the first government of Hiplito
Yrigoyen radical, was the issue of presidential succession. Faced with disputes within the party, in March 1922 the National
Convention of the UCR, with the endorsement of Yrigoyen, resolved to support Alvear, then ambassador to France. Alvear
belonged to the conservative faction of the UCR, social origin and patrician landowner, and with few links to the grassroots of
the party. With the decisive support of Yrigoyen, despite having markedly different ideological and style trumps Alvear
conservatives in the elections of April 2, 1922, and gained access to the presidency with 47.5% of the vote, or is 419,172
votes. Radio Argentina aired the ceremony of transfer of power for the first time in the history of Argentina was heard the
voice of a president by his fellow radio.Yrigoyen and Alvear had designated as a candidate with the intent to manipulate, but
this was not possible. On the return trip from France to Argentina aboard the French ship Massilia, Alvear visited several
European countries and made stops in Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) and Uruguay, accepting invitations in his capacity as presidentelect. In September he returned to Argentina and upon arrival was greeted by his predecessor, whom he hugged on the deck
of the ship that brought him to regreso.He was the second president radical as also the second law chosen by Senz Pea.
Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear became president of Argentina on October 12, 1922, but his cabinet caused a bad impression
among many radicals, since almost none of the ministers was a friend of the former president, but this was, in all cases, of
Certain personalities destacables.10 ministerial appointments were surprising, as was the case of Admiral Manuel Domecq
Garcia repressor fervent demonstrations strike during Yrigoyen's government, as well as the appointment of General
Augustine Justo. His term of office began just as the global crisis ended the war, which has improved the economy and
finance without major contratiempos, reached Argentina's economy during his administration the most prosperous situation
have ever had in its history, mainly to a favorable external front, with the recovery after World War. In this period, the Alvear
government policies focused on agro-export, meat and cereals. There was a large increase in the area planted with cereals,
as in the case of the pampa hmeda.In addition to growth in agriculture, also spread industrial development, settling in 1922
the first Ford automobile production plant in Latin America, with an investment of 240,000 dollars for the construction of the
same. Just a year later, the state YPF install the first supplier of gasoline, on the corner of Bartolom Mitre and Rosales, in the
city of Buenos Aires. In 1925 was released the popular Ford T, after two years of production reached 100,000 unidades.In
1923 Hampton and Watson rented a shed in the street Garay 1, and the following year began to produce the first units
Double Phaeton model for General Motors Argentina. During the administration of Alvear, was remarkable growth in the
vehicle fleet, both the automotive manufacturing as imports: in 1920 it was 48 000 units, an average of 187 inhabitants per
automobile, for 1930 increased to 435 822 units at an average of 27.6 people per vehicle. Example automotive growth was
the production of Ford managed to sell at nine months of opening its plant, a total of 6663 unidades.From the year 1925 saw
a huge increase in foreign investment from the United States were made by companies involved in the meat industry, with
organizations of energy production and distribution, and consumer goods. This "invasion" of U.S. capital caused sudden
competition for funds from the United Kingdom, that rivalry was reflected in areas such as transport (automotive products
exported between U.S. and British railways). But competition also sharpened with refrigeration companies linked with these
two countries. These conflicts led to the deterioration of relations with ingleses.12 Although these events began that year,
and in 1923 predicting these drawbacks, President Alvear created a domestic refrigerator (later to be known as the Fridge
Lisandro de la Torre) , to end the intrigues that existed in refrigerators extranjeros.The first Book Fair in Argentina took place
in Buenos Aires in September 1928, pictured is the President and his ministers Ortiz and Jose Roberto Tamborini, walking on
the opening day. Alvear vacation in Mar del Plata in 1927, the photo of the magazine Caras and masks said: "'Alvear admiring
the sea' as an ancient Greek, like the outdoor full life." It adopted laws on social security as the law n. 11,289 in 1923, but
was a step forward towards universal and compulsory retirement later in 1925, the Industrial Union managed to cancel,
saying it would be expensive to maintain. The labor movement also complained about it, and they did not want to be
deducted from their salaries 5% corresponding to the contributions workers. The law n. No. 11,371 enacted in 1924 regulated
the labor of women and children in Capital Federal and National Territories, 3 the law n. 11,278, of 1925 regulated the
payment of salarios.17 18 In 1926, the law declaring the May Day holiday, sent to Congress by the executive in 1924,
received no legislative sanction. The text said it was "the duty of public authorities tending to be serene and auspicious day,
social solidarity and peace of mind", in the form of Labor Day recognized by the state, linking the commemoration working
with the date of sanction of the Constitution of 1853.Moreover, were enacted: the law to combat "trusts", which controls the
trade of meat (such as price controls maximum and minimum selling, transaction control cattle) to avoid vouchers, common
in the interior. Also pension laws were enacted, such as banking and retirement for teachers, created the Social Welfare Fund
for pensions to employees and workers, Industrial Goods identity Argentina, mandatory salary payments in national currency
(to avoid the use of vouchers exchange) and taxes on inheritances. In 1924 it increased the retirement of teachers, before it
was too low. Was regulated closure of shops to 20:00. During his presidency, and to mark the end of the war was revived
immigration flow towards Argentina. From 1924-1929 entered the country nearly two million people, of whom were based in
the country 650 000. In 1924 there were major strikes and labor protests by the veto of the law that extended the retirement
of large sections of workers. In April of that year Argentina Trade Union (USA), organized a general strike, but as there had
been supported by the anarchists and the socialists, the strike became a fracaso.President Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear gives a
speech to the people of Mendoza. Although there were few conflicts and crises, but there was a deep crisis in the sugar
industry Tucuman, which resulted in the cane (covered by the Federacin Agraria Argentina) undertake a strike to the workers
who joined the mills and included the assault on freight trains, reeds and industrial facilities. The following year, Alvear spoke
through an award, which established the average sales price of cane to the mill, and instituted a provincial agency to resolve
conflicts thereafter. The result was openly appreciated as favorable for sugarcane. During his political tours in the 1930s, this
policy would take it as an example of justice social. Although in the election of national deputies of 1926, managed to win in
yrigoyenismo most important districts, Congress could punish successfully several laws, among them were: the regulating
night work in bakeries, which recognizes the women's civil rights, which supersedes the pension regulations (expressed
above), the prophylaxis of leprosy, which regulates the activity of cooperatives, which devotes a significant sum to renew the
naval armament, which provides a new general enrollment electoral. In 1924 celebrations were held and official
entertainment, during the country visit the throne Crown Prince of Italy, Umberto Saboya. The visit of the Prince of Italy
produced an overshoot in the expenditure for the reception. The total was about five hundred thousand pesos. Molinas Victor
told the President that had happened in the amount. Molinas wanted to go to general revenue spending, but nonetheless, it
was Alvear who paid half a million dollars, thanks to the subdivision and sale of part of their land inherited from Don Torcuato.
To mark the centenary of the Battle of Ayacucho, in 1924 the Argentine government sent a delegation to Peru. He was the
minister of war, General Agustn P. On March 24, 1925 came to Argentina the scientist Albert Einstein and his wife Elsa, he
stayed at home for exactly a month, and he left the country on April 24, although no records or testimony has been interview

with the President, is a remarkable fact that Einstein has arrived in Argentina, during this prosperous
period in Argentina's history. The historic visit connotes the condition of the country at that time.
Einstein who was already world famous for his Theory of Relativity, came to the country at the
invitation of the University of Buenos Aires and the Sociedad Hebraica Argentina. During his visit gave
twelve lectures, most to explain his new teora. In 1925 Alvear met with Chilean President Arturo
Alessandri, on August 17 in Argentina arrived at the Prince of Wales, Edward of Windsor, heir to the
crown britnica. One of the first actions of the government of General Alvear was appointed as
Director General Enrique Mosconi Oilfield (YPF). With government support this growth boosted YPF in
order to achieve self-sufficiency in oil, vital for the autonomous development of the country, and
promoted measures to reduce competition from foreign companies. In 1924 the first decrees were
enacted restricting exploration concessions, limited potential productive zones and fixed maturities to
perform scans. This achievement increase capacity exploitation and exploration. It ended in 1925 the
construction of the distillery of La Plata (in use today). This makes working naphtha, kerosene and fuel oil. A few months after
his habilitation began production of gasoline for airplanes. This distillery was the tenth largest distillery world. Both oil and
the question of achieving self-sufficiency became campaign issues for the elections of 1928.26 in the same year began oil
exploration in the province of Salta, and in 1933 oil was discovered in Tranquitas.War Minister Agustn Pedro Justo increased
expenditures in equipment of war, to modernize the armed forces, among other things, bought five hundred guns Schneider
of 155 mm. He settled the submarine base in Mar del Plata and were renewed fleet units Argentina. In October 1927, the
factory built aircraft of Cordoba, this was the first high-tech factory in Argentina.But expenses for the army soon wake of
criticism oposicin.President Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear kicked off to open the new stadium of Club Atltico Boca Juniors. In
public works, construction began of the Ministry of Finance, Public Works, War and Navy and the National Bank building in
Plaza de Mayo. In contrast to his predecessor Alvear liked to show off. Never in management were so many other
monuments, there were never so many prestigious official ceremonies by the Head of State. In 1923 he opened the Museum
of Lujn. Among the works of such management include the completion of the tour of the South Coast, the construction of
ovens for the incineration of garbage and buying the farm to build the park Lezica Rivadavia. Noel also sent many paved city
streets. The summer of that year was one of the hottest ever, with temperatures above 40 C. In 1925 opened the descent of
Maip and the Paseo de Julio, a monument to commemorate Leandro N. Alem, hereby are with President Hipolito Yrigoyen, is
one of the few times they appeared together, and by that time had separated into two distinct lines radicalismo.In July 1924,
the Club Atltico Boca Juniors debut in their new stadium facing the National Football Club, the kick was given by President
Marcelo of Alvear. In 1928, shortly before the transfer of power, the President opens the Central Post Office and get the first
aircraft built by the National Factory of Airplanes, an Avro Gosport. On September 6 that year will begin construction for the
subway line B, which binds Lacroze with Plaza de Mayo with Chacarita.The division of the Radical Party, went back inevitable
in 1923: nine senators pleaded radical "antipersonalistas", ie contrary to the personalism of Hiplito Yrigoyen, and offered
their support for President Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear, there was also friction between him and his Vice President Elpidio
Gonzalez, as the latter was yrigoyenista. The yrigoyenismo antipersonalistas took to conservatives. Moreover the
antipersonalistas Yrigoyen said that violated the rules of the political game. These disputes continued, and what was worse,
they moved to Congress, where deputies used Yrigoyen faithful to impede the initiatives of the executive branch, either
through discussion or by withdrawing from the enclosure to avoid giving quorum. In this context, President Alvear closed by
decree special sessions, in view of legislative activity was almost nula.The antipersonalistas (line radicalism sympathetic to
the president), Alvear pressured to intervene the province of Buenos Aires. But Alvear refused to perform such an act.
Because of this controversy, resigned Interior Minister Carmelo Vincent Gallo, and August 5, 1925 President swore Tamborini
Jos Pascual, who clung to legalism Alvear. As they neared the presidential election of 1928, the Radical Civic Union was
divided in two ways: first Yrigoyen followers, called personalist, caudillo pushed himself as a candidate for President of the
country, while the UCR antipersonalista (with the sympathetic Alvear), presented as candidate Leopoldo Melo. Yrigoyen's
victory in the 1928 elections by a landslide, with 62% of the votes, Yrigoyen was taken back to the presidency. Three days of
transfer of power, Alvear changed his cabinet ministers antiyrigoyenistas. A street is stifled by political propaganda posters,
in them you can see the formula Alvear - Mosca, and also you can see posters of the candidate who won under electoral
fraud, Roberto Ortiz. After completing his government, Alvear went to Paris in 1930, he was passionate city. There he learned
of the coup of Jos Flix Uriburu fact that did not surprise him much, since the situation in power Yrigoyen had deteriorated
rapidly due to the shock that had the global crisis of 1929 and the lack of reaction by Yrigoyen part of an old man and
enfermo.Two days after the coup, Alvear said: "It had to be. Yrigoyen, with a total ignorance of any practice of democratic
government, would seem to undermine the institutions pleased. Govern, not Payar ... My impression, which convey the
Argentine people, is that the army, sworn to defend the Constitution, deserves our trust and will not be a Praetorian Guard or
willing to tolerate any dictator nefarious work." After the overthrow of Yrigoyen, the UCRA was dissolved, making Alvear took
control of his party and reunited, the main opposition force against the authoritarian governments of the infamous decade,
including the abortive revolution of December 1932 during which Alvear was seized with Pueyrredn, Tamborini and General
Dellepiane. Shortly after this, Alvear shared prison on the island Martn Garca Yrigoyen. He was finally released in April 1933
after four months in prison, but was deported to Europe.6 Before the exile, Alvear said: "I watch from afar, on the boat that
takes me away, the town in which stand statues of my ancestors. I felt entitled to the respect of all classes, because I knew
govern with legality, order and prudence. Away from me her womb clenched hands." On May 1, 1936 the UCR called a rally,
which met for the first time all opposition parties and the labor movement. That same year union pressure obtained the
sanction of Law 11,729 of employment contract for the services sector. That same year, the divisions within the radicalism is
again emphasized by the scandal of the grant of the Spanish-American Company of Electricity (CHADE), who had bribed
politicians and radical conservatives to get the grant. While Alvear not accept bribes, advised the radical councilors vote in
favor of the concession, which aroused criticism expresidente.Alvear returned to Argentina to chair the UCR on July 21, 1932.
He was greeted by a large crowd, regardless of party or nacionalidad.6 At that time it was the only veteran left in figure
radicalism. Next to the UCR, criticized conservative fascist regime led by the first president de facto Uriburu, with continued
Augustine P. In the election of 1937 was the victim of fraud patriotic, and command was given to Roberto Ortiz. During the
last years of his life, began to tour around the country party. In political acts was accompanied by young radicals who were
later prominent party politicians as Ricardo Balbin and Crisologo Larralde.

Jos Flix Benito Uriburu y Uriburu (18681932) was the first de facto President of Argentina, achieved through
a military coup, from September 6, 1930 to February 20, 1932. Uriburu was born in Salta Province, and was a nephew of
President Jos Evaristo Uriburu. He graduated from the military college in 1890. He was born in the city of Salta, on July 20,
1868. His illustrious family was related to Martin Miguel de Guemes and Jos de San Martn. Uriburu military vocation,
explains the March 17, 1885, when you enter as a cadet at the Military Academy. With the rank of second lieutenant was one
of the leaders of the Lodge of the 33 officers who participated in the organization of the Revolution of the Park in 1890, but
defeated caused the resignation of President Miguel Jurez Celman. In 1894 he married Aurelia Bujn Madero (1873-1959),
with whom he had three children. He was assistant to his uncle Joseph E. Uriburu and President Luis Senz Pea. In 1905
Manuel Quintana supported to quell radical revolution of 1905. In 1907, he was director of the War College and was

subsequently sent to Germany for three years to perfect themselves in military training programs and
equipment. When he returned to Buenos Aires, attended scientific meetings of the Centennial
celebration and then was in charge of border posts as staff officer. In 1913, he returned to Europe as a
military attache in Germany and England. When he returned to Argentina in 1914, was elected national
deputy in the National Congress. In 1921 amounted to major general. The following year, served as
army inspector general appointed by President Marcelo T. de Alvear. He was a member of the Supreme
War Council from 1926 until Yrigoyen did withdraw for having reached the statutory age. On September
6, 1930, Uriburu led a coup that overthrew the constitutional government of Hiplito Yrigoyen and
established a military dictatorship, the first in a series that lasted until 1983. The coup that enabled
him to power was unprecedented in the history of Argentina. Commenting about him the
epistemologist Mario Bunge says: The military coup of September 6, 1930 ended a period of half a
century of internal peace and the country's continued progress in the economic, political and cultural. It was also the first
time on the continent that fascism raised its head, the first in the country's history that the military led the political power,
the first, from the Tragic Week (1919) and repression of workers Patagonia (1922 ), the government union militants shot, and
also the first time since the fall of the tyranny of Rosas, the Catholic Church involved in politics again, this time with a focus
purely fascist. Uriburu instructed the poet Leopoldo Lugones drafting the revolutionary proclamation, but the first version was
criticized for its contents fascists by Colonel Jos Mara Sarobe and General Augustine P. Right. Lugones must then modify it.
The proclamation said: The Army and Navy of the country, responding to heat unanimous people of the Nation and the
purposes peremptory duty imposed on us by the Argentines in this solemn hour for the fate of the country, raise their flags
resolved Urging men government have betrayed the trust of the people and the Republic immediately drop the charges, no
longer exercised for the common good, but to achieve their personal appetites. Notified them categorically that no longer
have the support of the armed forces, whose primary objective is to defend the personal dignity, that they have committed,
and that there will be in our ranks one man get up in front of their comrades to defend a cause that has become ashamed of
the Nation. Also notified them that we will not tolerate maneuvers and communications by breaking a government seeking to
save repudiated by the public, or keep in power residues polity that is strangling the Republic. On September 10, Uriburu was
recognized as the nation's president by a celebrated and questioned Agreed the Supreme Court that gave rise to the doctrine
of governments facto.4 dissolved Congress declared a state of siege, intervened all provinces and, in general terms, would
implement a government similar to fascism regime that saw an example of peace and political order which could learn useful
lessons. On September 18, the ambassadors of the United States and England, a country that had been military attache,
Uriburu do know that the powers that they represent have recognized the provisional government. While publicly declaring
Uriburu respect the constitution, personally felt that the country needed to return to the regime of conservative rule, prior to
the enactment of Senz Pea Law of universal and secret ballot for males. In a speech at the War College, Uriburu expressed
his opposition to universal suffrage in the following words: We must work for a political authority that is not a reality to live
purely of theories ... Aristotle defined democracy the government saying it was the most exercised by the best. The difficulty
is just to make it the best exercise. That's hard to happen in any country, as in ours, there is a sixty percent illiterate, what is
clear and obvious, without distortion possible that sixty percent of illiterates is governing the country, because in legal
choices they are a mayora. He established a repressive regime that first included the systematic use of torture against
political opponents, including anarchists, communists and radicals yrigoyenistas by Section Political Order of Police Capital,
led by Leopoldo Lugones (son) declared martial law and did run clandestinely or after judgment sumarsmo parodies,
anarchist militants, including Severino Di Giovanni, Paulino Scarfo, Joaquin Penina, Jorge Tamayo Gavilan Galeano and Jose
Gregorio Gatti. Arrested several political leaders, including Hipolito Yrigoyen, imposed censorship on newspapers, universities
intervened overriding the autonomy and co-governance regime established since 1918 university reform. After the coup
occurred, the General Confederation of Labour brand adopted attitudes of complacency against the regime militar. In early
1931 called for elections in the province of Buenos Aires, but then canceled because it had won the Radical Civic Union. In
November of that year reconvened after ban election candidates of radicalism and organize a system that is publicly
recognized as fraudulent, 8, beginning the infamous decade was called. In these conditions was elected president General
Agustn P. Justo, who represented the liberal conservatism that had ended with the enactment of Law Senz Pea. After
handing over power, Uriburu went abroad for health reasons and died in Paris, two months later, after surgery for stomach
cancer. The house where he was born, also in Salta, is now a museum named after his uncle President Jos Evaristo Uriburu.

Agustn Pedro Justo Roln (February

26, 1876 January 11, 1943) was President of Argentina from February 20,
1932, to February 20, 1938. He was a military officer, diplomat, and politician, and was president during the Infamous
Decade. Appointed War Minister by President Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear, his experience under a civilian administration and
pragmatic outlook earned him the conservative Concordance's nomination for the 1931 campaign. He was elected president
on November 8, 1931, supported by the political sectors that would form shortly after la Concordancia, an alliance created
between the National Democratic Party (Partido Demcrata Nacional), the Radical Civic Union (Unin Cvica Radical) (UCR),
and the Socialist Independent Party (Partido Socialista Independiente). Around the elections there were accusations
of electoral fraud, nevertheless, the name patriotic fraud was used for a system of control established from 1931 to 1943.
Conservative groups wanted to use this to prevent any radicals from coming to power. During this period there was persistent
opposition from the supporters of Yrigoyen, an earlier president, and from the Radical Civic Union. The outstanding diplomatic
work of his Foreign Minister, Carlos Saavedra Lamas, was one of the greatest accomplishments of his administration, stained
by constant accusations of corruption and of delivering the national economy into the hands of foreign interests, the British in
particular, with whom his vice-president Julio A. Roca, Jr. had signed the Roca-Runciman Treaty. His name was mentioned as a
candidate a new period during the unsteady government of Ramn Castillo, but his early death at 66 thwarted his plans. He
worked on a preliminary study for the complete works of Bartolom Mitre, whom he admired profoundly. Justo took part in the
coup of 1930, becoming president two years later thanks to widespread electoral fraud. His presidency was part of the period
known as the Infamous Decade, which lasted from 1930 until 1943. He established the country's central bank and introduced
a nationwide income tax. Justo was born in Concepcin del Uruguay, Entre Ros Province. His father, also named Agustn, had
been governor of Corrientes Province and was soon a national deputy. He was active in politics, and soon after his son was
born he moved with his family toBuenos Aires. His mother Otilia Roln, came from a traditional Corrientes family. When he
was 11 Justo went to the Colegio Militar de la Nacin (National Military College). As a cadet, and joined with various other
students and participated in the Revolucin del Parque, taking the weapons off the guards to add to the column of the
revolutionaries. Arrested and later given amnesty, he graduated with the rank of ensign. Without abandoning his military
career, he studied engineering at the University of Buenos Aires. In 1895 he was promoted to second lieutenant. In 1897 he
became first lieutenant. In 1902 he became a captain. Having attained a civil engineering degree at the University of Buenos
Aires, a governmental decree validated his title as a military engineer in 1904. He was appointed as teacher at the Escuela
de Aplicacin para Oficiales. With his promotion to the rank of major two years later he was proposed for the school of
mathematics at the Military Academy and for the studies of telemetry and semaphores at the Escuela Nacional de
Tiro (National Gunnery School), which would be granted in 1907. The following year, he received the nomination as executive
officer in the Batalln de Ferrocarrileros, at the same time in which they were promoting him to be subdirector at the gunnery

school. With the rank of Lieutenant Colonel he completed diplomatic actions, becoming military attach to the Argentina's
envoy at the centennial festivities in Chile in 1910. His return to Argentina was to Crdoba, as commander of the Fourth
Artillery Brigade. In 1915, during the term of office of Victorino de la Plaza, he was appointed director of the Military College,
a post where he would remain for the following seven years. The great influence of this position helped him to weave
contacts in political circles, just as in the military. Pursuant to the radical anti-personalist political branch (those that opposed
the party leadership of Hiplito Yrigoyen), he established good relations with Marcelo T. de Alvear. During his tenure he
enlarged the curriculum of the college and promoted the formation of the faculty. During Alvear's administration in 1922 he
left the Military College to become the Minister of War. Promoted to the rank of brigadier general on August 25, 1923, Justo
requested an increase of the defense budget to get equipment and improve the Army infrastructure. He also fomented the
reorganization of the armed forces structure. At the end of 1924 he was sent as plenipotentiary to Peru, where they were
celebrating the centennial of the Battle of Ayacucho. During the next few years he temporarily was the Minister of Agriculture
and Public Works, besides holding the post at as Minister of War, which he would not abandon until the end of the term of
office of Alvear. In 1927 he had received the promotion toGeneral de Divisin (Major General). With his constant antipersonalist temperament, Justo supported the candidates Leopoldo Melo and Vicente Gallo, of the Alvear Line of the UCR.
Before the triumph of the formula of Yrigoyen and Beir, who began in 1928 their second term of office with massive support
of the voters and the majority in the House of Representatives. Justo received invitations of the ever more organized right to
join the shock program against the radical caudillo. Although close to the concepts of the publications La Nueva
Repblica (The New Republic) managed by Ernesto Palacios and the brothers Rodolfo and Julio Irazusta and La Fronda,
under the direction of Francisco Uriburu, they stayed close to the need of "order, hierarchy and authority". He did not adhere
closely to them, the program of suppression of a republican government and their substitution with a corporativesystem,
similar to the fascists in Italy and Spain, went against his liberal vocation. Around Justo another faction assembled, not any
less intent on taking arms against the constitutional government of Yrigoyen. Actively promoted by general Jos Luis
Meglione, a Justo classmate, and by colonel Luis J. Garca, who soon would be one of the heads of the Grupo de Oficiales
Unidos, he wrote for the newspapers La Nacin and Crtica. Declarations made by Justo in July 1930 about the inconvenience
of military intervention, which would put the constitutional rule of law in danger, testify to the opposition between the
factions. By contrast with the more radicalized Argentine Navy, a significant part of the Army supported the ideas proposed
by Justo, with the notable exception of the nationalist core that soon would converge at the Grupo de Oficiales Unidos. Before
the promise of Jos Flix Uriburu, the head of an extremist group, to maintain institutional order, Justo gave his agreement to
the coup, which he expressed on the early morning of September 6, thus starting a military government in Argentina for the
first time since the signing of the Constitution. He did not join the government's direction nor, in the first instance, the
governing group, which was led by Uriburu with a cabinet that was composed largely of local lobbyists of the multinational oil
companies. Justo expressly sought to distance himself from Uriburu, who counted on a large group of supporters among the
military officials but could not get the same support from the political parties, which quickly divided themselves after
Yrigoyen's death, the focus of the antipathy against him. He rejected the vice-presidency that Uriburu offered him, and he
only briefly accepted the command of the army, resigning soon after. In Buenos Aires Province, Uriburu did not manage to
implement the corporate model with which he wished to replace the republican system, and this failure cost him the political
career of his Interior Minister, Matas Snchez Sorondo. Justo again rejected the offers of Uriburu to join the government and
form a coalition. With the support of an alliance of the conservative National Democratic Party, the Independent Socialist
Party, and the most anti-personalist faction of the Radical Party (then to be the Coalition of Parties for Democracy), he ran for
president on the elections of November 8, 1931. With Yrigoyen's faction banned from the elections and its supporters using
the strategy of "revolutionary abstention", Justo easily won against Lisandro de la Torre and Nicols Repetto, although under
suspicion of fraud. Julio Argentino Roca, Jr., from the conservative faction, joined him as Vice-President. Justo became
president on February 20, 1932. In addition to political turmoil caused by the coup, he had to make progress on the problems
relating to the Great Depression, which had put an end to commercial profits and the full employment enjoyed by the
Yrigoyen and Alvear administrations. His first minister of the Treasury, Alberto Hueyo, took very restrictive measures against
the economy. The independent socialist Antonio de Tomaso joined him in Agriculture. He reduced the public expense, and
restricted the circulation of currency and applied harsh fiscal measures. An emprstito patritico, or patriotic loan, was made,
attempting to strengthen the financial coffers. The first of these measures was imposed on gasoline. It was meant to finance
the newly-created Direccin Nacional de Vialidad, or the National Office of Public Highways, which undertook the betterment
of the highway network. The difficulies for Hueyo's program would finally convince Justo to adopt this model, (de ndole
dirigista), in his economic policy. In addition, he encouraged the project of the mayor of Buenos Aires, Mariano de Vedia y
Mitry, who undertook an ambitious project of urban organization, opening the Diagonales Norte y Sur, paving Avenue General
Paz, widening Avenue Corrientes, constructing the first stretch of Avenue 9 de Julio and building the Obelisk of Buenos Aires.
The substitution of Hueyo by the socialist Frederico Pinedo would mark a change in the political scene in the government. The
intervention of the government in the economy was more significant, creating the Junta Nacional de Granos, or the National
Grain Committee, and of Meat, and soon after, with the advice of English economist Otto Niemeyer, the creation of the Banco
Central de la Repblica Argentina, or the Central Bank of the Argentine Republic. The radical opposition was very significant.
On April 5, 1931 the political ideology of the supporters of Yrigoyen had won the election for governor in the province of
Buenos Aires against the hopes of Uriburu and Snchez Sorondo; though the military government rings, cost the career of the
Minister and forced Uriburu to give up his power. Before this, soldiers loyal to the constitutional government of Yrigoyen, with
the support of armed civilians, organized insurrections to restore that earlier government. The first of these was directed by
the Yrigoyenist general Severino Toranzo in February 1931. In June, in Curuz Cuati in the province of Corrientes, they
assassinated Colonel Regino Lescano, who was preparing a Yrigoyenist mobilization. In December, before an attempted coup
led by Lieutenant Colonel Atilio Cattneo, Justo decreed a state of siege, and again imprisoned the old Yrigoyen, and also
arrested Alvear, Ricardo Rojas, Honorio Pueyrredn, and other leaders of the party. In 1933, the attempted coups continued.
Buenos Aires, Corrientes, Entre Rios, and Misiones would be the stage of radical uprisings, which would not end before more
than a thousand people being detained. Seriously ill, Yrigoyen was returned to Buenos Aires and kept under house arrest. He
died on June 3, and his burial in La Recoleta Cemetery which was the occasion of a mass demonstration. In December, during
a meeting of the national convention of the UCR, a joint uprising of the military and politicians broke loose in Santa Fe,
Rosario, and Paso de los Libres. Jos Benjamin Abalos, who was Yrigoyen's ex-Minister, and Colonel Roberto Bosch were
arrested during the uprising and the organizers and leaders of the party were imprisoned at Martn Garca. Alvear, Justo's
former patron, was exiled, while others were detained in the penitentiary in Ushuaia. One of the most controversial successes
of the presidency of Justo took place in 1933, when the measures of production protectionism that were adopted by the UK
led Justo to send his vice-president at the head of a technology delegation, to deal with the adoption of a commercial
agreement that might benefit Argentina. At the 1932 Ottawa Conference, the British had adopted measures that favored
imports from its own colonies and dominions. The pressure from the Argentine landowners for whom the government restored
trade with the main buyer of Argentine grain and meat had been very strong. Led by the president of the British Trade
Council, Viscount Walter Runciman, they were intense and resulted in the signing on April 27 of the Roca-Runciman Treaty.
The treaty created a scandal because the UK allotted Argentina a quota less than any of its other dominions. In exchange for
many concessions to British companies, 390,000 tons of meat per year were allotted to Argentina. British refrigerated

shippers arranged 85% of exportation. The tariffs of the railways operated by the UK were not
regulated. They had not established customs fees over coal. They had given special dispensation to
the British companies with investments in Argentina. They had reduced the prices of their exports. As
many problems resulted from the declarations of the vice-president Roca, who affirmed after the
signing of the treaty that "by its economic importance, Argentina resembled just a large British
dominion." Lisandro de la Torre, one of his principal and most vociferous opponents, mocking the
words of Roca in an editorial, wrote that "in these conditions we wouldn't be able to say that
Argentina had been converted into a British dominion because England does not take the liberty to
impose similar humiliations upon its dominions." In the National Democratic Party, one of those who
had supported the nomination of Justo for President, had split because of this controversy. Finally, the
Senate rescinded the treaty on July 28. Many workers strikes followed the deliberations, especially
in Santa F Province, which ended with government intervention. He died in 1943 and was buried
in La Recoleta Cemetery in Buenos Aires.

Jaime Gerardo Roberto Marcelino Mara Ortiz Lizardi (September

24, 1886
July 15, 1942) was President of Argentina from February 20, 1938 to June 27, 1942. Roberto M. Ortiz
was born in Buenos Aires. The son of immigrants, his parents were Spanish born, the father in Zalla,
Vizcaya and mother in Yanci, Navarra.1 His father, Fermin stay established trade on the lands that
were former San Juan.2 His mother stay Lizardi named Josefa. As a student at the University of
Buenos Aires, took part in the failed revolution of 1905, by the Radical Civic Union party to which he
belonged until 1925. In 1909 he graduated from university with a law degree. In 1912 he married
Maria Luisa Iribarne (1887-1940), with whom she had three children: Maria Angelica 1914, Roberto
Jorge Luis Fermin 1915 and 1918. In 1920 he was elected national deputy. He was part of the sector
that the Radical Hiplito Yrigoyen questioned by their authoritarian attitudes and were known as
antipersonalistas. In 1925 he was removed from the UCR to found together with other radicals
Antipersonalista Radical Civic Union. Between 1925 and 1928, he served as Minister of Public Works
President Marcelo T. de Alvear. Ortiz actively supported the military coup that deposed President
Hiplito Yrigoyen in 1930. In 1931 he helped form the Concordance, a coalition of the Democratic
National Antipersonalista UCR, and Socialist Independent, which said the police and fraudulent regime that ruled until 1943,
known as the infamous decade. As part of that regime was General Exchequer Augustine P. Just from 1935 to 1937. In the
presidential election of 1937, Ortiz (wing antipersonalista moiety) was accompanied by a mate of the conservative wing of
the Match: Ramon Castillo. The elections were won by the ruling formula and have been publicly recognized as fraudulent.
Roberto Ortiz unsuccessfully attempted to promote reforms that would restore democratic rule. In this aspect did not hesitate
to intervene in the Province of Buenos Aires, ruled by the famous Conservative leader Manuel Fresco, after the fraudulent
elections of February 1940, preventing the inauguration as governor of Buenos Aires Alberto Barcel. Same as adopted by the
Province of Catamarca intervene after the February 1940 elections, the electoral irregularities denounced the Conservatives
benefited. Shortly after he took over as president, seriously ill Ortiz diabetes, which would then completely blind. Proceeds of
this license must apply to the front of the executive, taking over as the Vice President Ramn Castillo Argentina. During this
period broke the so-called "scandal of the Palomar land sales", consistent in reporting a sale of land for the expansion of the
military base in the town of the province of Buenos Aires by a broker, a price overvalued so that the benefits once paid the
real owners, were distributed between officials of the Ministry of War. The sum had been approved in the budget of the
Ministry of War by Congress, upon payment of sums of money to radical deputies and the president of the Chamber of
Deputies and the Budget Committee. This complaint was fueled by Conservative Senator Benjamin Villafane, and discovered
by the former governor of the Province of Buenos Aires, Manuel Fresco, who was moved by the rancor following the
intervention decreed by his government Ortiz. The complaint called into question the political moralizing Ortiz because he
had signed the decree authorizing finalize the purchase of the land at the request of the Minister of War, General Carlos
Marquez. The investigative committee was chaired by Alfredo Palacios, who determined the participation of the deputies
involved and requested the formation of an impeachment of Minister of War, avoiding prosecution request to Ortiz, who made
a serious cause institutional situation, given the real possibility of a policy reversal fraud initiated by the President.
Unexpectedly, President Ortiz resigned the Presidency of the Nation, August 22, 1940, in protest of the Senate vote on the
report submitted by the Investigating Committee questioning the report suspicions about his Minister of War, which was
considered by Ortiz as an attack on his person. This decision was also a political strategy intended to disable the advance of
the parliamentary inquiry, encouraged by conservative lawmakers harder. The Legislature rejected the resignation of
President Ortiz, on 24 August of that year, by 170 votes to one, after a campaign of support in his favor by the Radical Civic
Union, the Socialist Party and the Concordance, who looked upon Ortiz as innocent of the charge of complicity in this scandal.
This vote was considered by Ortiz as a "national pronuciamiento" in his favor, announcing his willingness to carry to resume
the presidency when his health improved, political project had the support of the Radical Civic Union, previously headed by
Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear, who had been favored with a large number of seats in Congress in the legislative elections of
1940, thanks to electoral politics driven by Ortiz moralizing. The outbreak of World War II in September 1939 found that
Argentina was declared neutral in the conflict. But armed struggle reached the Rio de la Plata, when in December 1939, the
pocket battleship Admiral Graf Spee fought a naval battle with British ships in the waters of the estuary. Cornered and
damaged the ship, Captain Hans Langsdorff ordered autohundimiento ship while the crew was interned in Argentina, amid the
turmoil of public opinion in Argentina and Uruguay, which continued with Langsdorff's suicide in hotel Immigrants in Buenos
Aires. One of the most controversial measures of its mandate in relation to the conflict was the secret circular Semitic signed
in 1938 by Foreign Minister Jos Mara Cantilo too radical, he ordered "Argentine consuls in Europe to deny visas to
'undesirable or expelled', referring to Jewish citizens of the continent " The president's health worsened progressively Ortiz,
being completely blind, so definitive resigned as president June 27, 1942. He died on July 15 of that year, assuming the chair
Ramon S. Castillo, who would drop policies Ortiz and entrench the return of conservatives to key political posts in the
administration.

Ramn S. Castillo Barrionuevo (November 20, 1873 October 12, 1944) was a conservative Argentine politician
who served as President of Argentina from June 27, 1942 to June 4, 1943. He studied at the Faculty of Law, University of
Buenos Aires. Designated criminal judge in San Nicolas de los Arroyos (Buenos Aires province), among cases that had to be
solved, is sentenced to eight years in prison when gauchos Black Ant, for a murder he did not then proved committed.2 In
reach the judicial member of the Chamber of Appeals in Commercial before retiring. Dedicated to teaching, he served as
professor and dean at UBA (University of Buenos Aires) between 1923 and 1928. In 1930 he was appointed Governor
Comptroller of the province of Tucuman by the de facto government of Jos Flix Uriburu, was senator for his province, and
then Minister of the Interior between 1932 and 1935. He resigned from this position to introduce the post of vice president
Roberto Ortiz in the formula of the "Concordance" a temporary alliance between the National Democratic Party, the Radical
Civic Union Antipersonalista and the Independent Socialist Party, which triumphed in fraudulent elections and assumed office

on February 20, 1938. When Ortiz waiver by serious health problems, suffering from severe diabetes-,
Castillo took over to complete the presidential term since 1940 was effectively in charge of the executive
branch. Castillo continued the foreign policy of his predecessor, maintaining neutrality Argentina in World
War II, a move driven by trends progermanas proaliadas and dividing the army and the entire society
Argentina. The need to maintain the maritime supply led him to promote the creation of the State
Merchant Fleet, which nourished with the purchase of belligerent vessels anchored in Argentine ports.
Took like other nationalist measures, such as revocation of the concession of the port of Rosario, in the
hands of a French operator, the nationalization of British Primitive Gas Company, the creation of the
Directorate of Military Industries and the opening of the High Zapla Horn. He was conducted a rigidly
authoritarian politics, having ministerial portfolios with ease and dissolving the Legislative Council of
Buenos Aires to allegations of corruption in it. This policy is also reflected in its policy toward the opposing provinces, with the
fact that most notorious nature, the intervention decreed the Electoral College of the Province of Tucuman, in September
1942, to prevent the triumph of radical candidacy Mario Miguel Campero opponent. The unprecedented for this decision
favored delaying the election of provincial authorities to produce the legal expiration of the mandate of Miguel Critto and
therefore justify intervention Tucumn final (February 1943). This return to the worst practices of falsifying the will and
practice of electoral violence as a common procedure for resolving conflicts generated a precarious balance of power with the
army, in 1942 there were two attempts to "do something", led by supporters the old general Agustn Pedro Justo. The
opposition between "aliadfilos", "neutralist" and "pro-Germans" were becoming more pronounced. Castillo remained
neutralist mainly supported by the Army but isolated from the Concordance. The death of Justo Castillo took a break, but
could not stop in the presidential elections of 1943's Concordance take a formula consisting of the conservative salteo
Robustiano Patron Costas (National Democratic Party) and the Radical Antipersonalista. Fifteen months after his overthrow, on
October 12, 1944 Castillo died in the province of Buenos Aires.

Arturo Rawson (June

4, 1885 October 8, 1952) was the President of Argentina from June 4,

1943 to June 7, 1943. Born in Santiago del Estero, Rawson attended Argentinas Military College, which
he graduated from in 1907 and subsequently taught at for a time. Rawson rose through the ranks of
the Argentine Army and was eventually promoted to general. By 1943, Rawson was the Commanding
Officer of Cavalry at Campo de Mayo. On June 3, 1943, Rawson was contacted by members of the GOU
(United Officers' Group), a group of military officers planning to overthrow Argentinas civilian
government. The GOU, lacking the sufficient number of troops needed to successfully implement
a coup, knew Rawson could provide the soldiers they required. Rawson, who had been scheming to
overthrow the government even before he was contacted by the GOU, agreed to their plan. On June 4,
Rawson and 10,000 troops under his command entered Buenos Aires and overthrew the government
of Ramn Castillo. This ended the historical period known as the Infamous Decade and started
the Revolution of '43. Rawson promptly declared himself president of Argentina the same day, beating Pedro Pablo Ramrez to
do so. However, his choices for his cabinet alienated the GOU leadership, who forced him to resign on June 7. Rawson, as
Castillo, supported the Allies of World War II, but the bulk of the military that organized the coup wanted Argentina to stay
neutral in the conflict, considering that joining the war would prove destructive for the country. Colonel Elbio Anaya appeared
at his office and told him that he was ruling because of a misunderstanding, as the president was Ramrez. Rawson resigned,
and rejected the military escort, leaving the Casa Rosada on a military jeep. His time as president was so brief that he never
actually made the Oath of office. Even so, he did not took power as an interim president, but expecting to rule for a long time.
Thus, Rawson is the president of Argentina with the shortest mandate, just three days. After resigning as president, Rawson
was appointed Ambassador to Brazil, a post he would hold until 1944. He congratulated Ramrez when he broke relations with
Germany and Japan. In 1945, Rawson was arrested and brought before a military tribunal for opposing the government of
President Edelmiro Farrell, but he was quickly released. In September 1951, Rawson supported General Jos Benjamn
Menndezs failed attempt to overthrow the government of Juan Pern, for which Rawson was temporarily imprisoned. He
wrote the book "Argentina y Bolivia en la epopeya de la emancipacin" (Spanish: Argentina and Bolivia at the epic of the
emancipation). Rawson died of a heart attack in Buenos Aires in 1952. He is buried at La Recoleta Cemetery.

Pedro Pablo Ramrez (January

30, 1884 May 12, 1962) was de facto President of

Argentina from June 7, 1943 to February 24, 1944. He was the founder and leader of Guardia Nacional,
Argentina's Fascist militia. After graduating from the Argentine military college in 1904 as a second
lieutenant, Ramrez was promoted in 1910 as first lieutenant of the cavalry. In 1911, he was sent to
Germany for training with the Fifth Hussars cavalry in Kaiser Wilhelm's Prussian Army. He returned
home in 1913, with a German wife, and prior to the outbreak of World War One. Advancing in rank as a
specialist in cavalry tactics, he assisted fellow General Jos Flix Uriburu in a fascist coup that
deposed Hiplito Yrigoyen in 1930. Ramrez was sent to Rome to observe Mussolini's army until his
return in 1932. When Uriburu set free elections and was voted out of office, General Ramrez worked
behind the scenes to plan a return of fascism to Argentina. Over the next several years, he organized
the Milicia Nacionalista (later the Guardia), and authored a program for a state ruled by the militia. In 1942, Ramrez was
appointed as War Minister by President Ramn Castillo, and began to reorganize the Argentine Army. At the same time, the
Guardia Nacional joined with another party to form "Recuperacion Nacional," a fascist political party. Castillo fired Ramrez
following a cabinet meeting on May 18, 1943. Two weeks later, on June 4, 1943, Ramrez assisted Arturo Rawson in
overthrowing Castillo's government, and was again made Minister of War. Three days later, on June 7 Ramrez forced
Rawson's resignation and maintained Argentina's neutrality during World War II. Argentina was torn by then between Britain,
who wanted the country to stay neutral, and the US, who wanted it to join the Allies. Ramrez stayed neutral and,
consequently, the United States refused requests for Lend-Lease aid. Argentina finally declared war on Germany and Japan
during
the
government
of Edelmiro
Farrell.
Despite
having
been
brought
to
power
through
a coup
d'tat, Peronist historiography never calls him a dictator.

Edelmiro Julin Farrell Plaul (February 12, 1887 October 21, 1980) was an Argentine general of Irish descent. He
was the de facto President of Argentina from February 24, 1944 until June 3, 1946. Farrell had a great influence on later
Argentine history by introducing his subordinate Juan Pern into government and paving the way for Pern's subsequent
political career. He was born on 12 February 1887 in Villa de los Industriales (Lans, Buenos Aires). He was the tenth son of
Juan Farrell (1846 -?) and Catalina Plaul (18521917), and grandson of Matthew Farrell (died 1860) of Co. Longford and Mnica
Ibaez. Farrell graduated from Argentine military school in 1907 as an infantry sub-lieutenant. He served in
an Italian alpine regiment in Fascist Italy between 1924 and 1926. He then returned to Argentina. After the 1943 coup, Farrell
was promoted to Brigadier General and became vice-president during the military government of GeneralPedro Pablo
Ramrez, who had deposed President Arturo Rawson. He was simultaneously Minister of War. Farrell appointed Juan Pern as
his secretary. Ramrez named Farrell president on February 25, 1944. Farrell appointed Pern as vice-president. After popular
demonstrations in favour of Pern in 1945 made Pern the most influential and important man in the government, Farrell

announced presidential elections for 1946, in which Pern was elected. On June 4, 1946, Farrell was
succeeded as president by Pern, whose commander he had been while Pern was a colonel. Despite
having been brought to power through a coup d'tat, Peronist historiography never calls him a dictator.
Edelmiro Julin Farrell was married in 1919 to Conrada Victoria Torni y Carpani (January 1, 1893 - August
16, 1977), a teacher. They had three children: Nelly Victoria (born 1923), Jorge Edelmiro (19251950), and
Susana Mabel (born 1929). A widower, Edelmiro Farrell died at the age of 93 in 1980.

Juan Domingo Pern (October

8, 1895 July 1, 1974) was an Argentine military officer and

politician. After serving in several government positions, including those of Minister of Labour and Vice
President of the Republic, he was three times elected as President of Argentina although he managed to
serve only one full term in this function, the first time from June 4, 1946 until September 21, 1955 and again as President of
the Republic began in October 12, 1973 and lasted for just nine months, until his death in July 1, 1974, whereupon he was
succeeded by his third wife, the Vice President of the Republic, Mara Estela Martnez. Pern and his second wife, Eva Duarte,
were immensely popular among many Argentines. They are still considered icons by thePeronists. The Perns' followers
praised their efforts to eliminate poverty and to dignify labor, while their detractors considered them demagogues and
dictators. The Perns gave their name to the political movement known as Peronism, which in present-day Argentina is
represented mainly by the Justicialist Party. Pern was born in Lobos, Buenos Aires Province, on October 8, 1895. He was the
son of Juana Sosa Toledo and Mario Toms Pern. Juana Sosa was descended from indigenous Tehuelche[1] from Patagonia in
Argentina's south and his father, Mario Pern's forbears emigrated to Argentina from France, Scotland, and the Italian island
of Sardinia; in later life Pern would publicly express his pride in his Sardinian roots. The Pern branch of his family originated
in Sardinia, from which his great-grandfather emigrated in the 1830s. The latter became a successful shoe merchant in
Buenos Aires, and Pern's grandfather was a prosperous physician; his death in 1889 left his widow nearly destitute, however,
and Pern's father relocated to then-rural Lobos, where he administered an estancia and met his future wife. The couple had
their two sons out of wedlock and married in 1901. His father migrated to the Patagonia region that year, where he later
purchased a sheep ranch. Pern himself was sent away in 1904 to a boarding school in Buenos Aires directed by his paternal
grandmother, where he received a strict Catholic upbringing. His father's undertaking ultimately failed, and he died in Buenos
Aires in 1928. The youth entered the National Military College in 1911 at age 16 and graduated in 1913. He excelled less in
his studies than in athletics, particularly boxing and fencing. Pern began his military career in an Infantry post in Paran,
Entre Ros. He went on to command the post, and in this capacity mediated a prolonged labor conflict in 1920 at La Forestal,
then a leading firm forestry in Argentina. He earned instructor's credentials at the Superior War School, and in 1929 was
appointed to the Army General Staff Headquarters. Pern married his first wife, Aurelia Tizn (Potota, as Pern fondly called
her), on January 5, 1929. Pern was recruited by supporters of the director of the War Academy, General Jos Flix Uriburu, to
collaborate in the latter's plans for a military coup against President Hiplito Yrigoyen. Pern, who instead supported
General Agustn Justo, was banished to a remote post in northwestern Argentina after Uriburu's successful coup in September
1930. He was promoted to the rank of Major the following year and named to the faculty at the Superior War School,
however, where he taught military history and published a number of treatises on the subject. He served as military
attach in the Argentine Embassy in Chile from 1936 to 1938, and returned to his teaching post. His wife was diagnosed
with uterine cancer that year, and died on September 10 at age 29; the couple had no children. Pern was assigned by the
War Ministry to study mountain warfare in the Italian Alps in 1939. He also attended the University of Turinfor a semester and
served as a military observer in Italy, France, Germany, Hungary, Albania and Yugoslavia, and Spain. He studiedBenito
Mussolini's Italian Fascism, Nazi Germany, and other European governments of the time, concluding in his
summary, Apuntes(Notes), that social democracy could be a viable alternative to liberal democracy (which he viewed as a
veiled plutocracy) or totalitarian regimes (which he viewed as oppressive). He returned to Argentina in 1941, and served as
an Army skiing instructor in Mendoza Province. A June 4, 1943, coup d'tat was led by General Arturo Rawson against
conservative President Ramn Castillo, who had been fraudulently elected to office. The military was opposed to
Governor Robustiano Patrn Costas, Castillo's hand-picked successor, who was the principal landowner in Salta Province, as
well as a main stockholder in its sugar industry. As a colonel, Pern took a significant part in the military coup by the GOU
(United Officers' Group, a secret society) against the conservative civilian government of Castillo. At first an assistant
to Secretary of War General Edelmiro Farrell, under the administration of General Pedro Ramrez, he later became the head of
the then-insignificant Department of Labor. Pern's work in the Labor Department led to an alliance with the socialist
and syndicalist movements in the Argentine labor unions. This caused his power and influence to increase in the military
government. After the coup, socialists from the CGT-N1 labor union, through mercantile labor leader ngel
Borlenghi and railroad union lawyer Juan Atilio Bramuglia, made contact with Pern and fellow GOU Colonel Domingo
Mercante. They established an alliance to promote labor laws that had long been demanded by the workers' movement, to
strengthen the unions, and to transform the Department of Labor into a more significant government office. Pern had the
Department of Labor elevated to a cabinet-level secretariat in November 1943. Following the devastating January 1944 San
Juan earthquake, which claimed over 10,000 lives and leveled the Andes range city, Pern became nationally prominent in
relief efforts. Junta leaderPedro Ramrez entrusted fundraising efforts to him, and Pern marshalled celebrities from
Argentina's large film industry and other public figures. For months, a giant thermometer hung from the Buenos Aires
Obelisk to track the fundraising. The effort's success and relief for earthquake victims earned Pern widespread public
approval. At this time, he met a minor radio matinee star, Eva Duarte. Following President Ramrez's January 1944 suspension
of diplomatic relations with the Axis Powers (against whom the new junta would declare war in March 1945), the GOU junta
unseated him in favor of General Edelmiro Farrell. For contributing to his success, Pern was appointed Vice President and
Secretary of War, while retaining his Labor portfolio. As Minister of Labor, Pern established the INPS (the first national social
insurance system in Argentina), settled industrial disputes in favor of labor unions (as long as their leaders pledged political
allegiance to him), and introduced a wide range of social welfare benefits for unionized workers. Leveraging his authority on
behalf of striking abattoir workers and the right to unionize, he became increasingly thought of as presidential timber. On
September 18, 1945, he delivered an address billed as "from work to home and from home to work." The speech, prefaced by
an excoriation of the conservative opposition, provoked an ovation declaring that "we've passed social reforms to make the
Argentine people proud to live where they live, once again." This move fed growing rivalries against Pern and on October 9,
1945, he was forced to resign by opponents within the armed forces. Arrested four days later, he was released due to
mass demonstrations organized by the CGT and other supporters; October 17 was later commemorated as Loyalty Day. His
paramour, Eva Duarte, became hugely popular after helping organize the demonstration; known as "Evita", she helped Pern
gain support with labor and women's groups. She and Pern were married on October 22. Pern and his running
mate, Hortensio Quijano, leveraged popular support to victory over a Radical Civic Union-led opposition alliance by about
11% in the February 24, 1946 presidential elections. Pern's candidacy on the Labor Party ticket, announced the day after the
October 17, 1945, mobilization, became a lightning rod that rallied an unusually diverse opposition against it. The majority of
the centrist Radical Civic Union (UCR), the Socialist Party, Communist Party of Argentina and most of the
conservative National Autonomist Party (in power during most of the 18741916 era), had already been forged into a
fractious alliance in June by interests in the financial sector and the chamber of commerce, united solely by the goal of

keeping Pern from theCasa Rosada. Organizing a massive kick-off rally in front of Congress on December 8, the Democratic
Union nominated Jos Tamborini andEnrique Mosca, two prominent UCR congressmen. The alliance failed to win over several
prominent lawmakers, such as Congressmen Ricardo Balbn and Arturo Frondizi and former Crdoba governor Amadeo
Sabattini, all of whom opposed the Union's ties to conservative interests. In a bid to support their
campaign, U.S. Ambassador Spruille Braden published a white paper accusing Pern, President Farrell and others of Fascist
ties. Fluent in Spanish, he addressed Democratic Union rallies in person. Braden's move backfired, however, when Pern
summarized the election as a choice between "Pern or Braden." He persuaded the president to sign the nationalization of
the Central Bank and the extension of mandatory Christmas bonuses, actions that contributed to his decisive victory. When
Pern became president on June 4, 1946, his two stated goals were social justice and economic independence. These two
goals avoidedCold War entanglements from choosing between capitalism over socialism, but he had no concrete means to
achieve those goals. Pern instructed his economic advisors to develop a five-year plan with the goals of increasing workers'
pay, achieving full employment, stimulating industrial growth of over 40% while diversifying the sector (then dominated
by food processing), and greatly improving transportation, communication, energy and social infrastructure (in the private, as
well as public, sectors). Pern's planning prominently included political considerations. Numerous military allies were fielded
as candidates, notably Colonel Domingo Mercante who, when elected Governor of the paramount Province of Buenos Aires,
became renowned for his housing program. Having brought him to power, the General Conference of Labour (CGT) was given
overwhelming support by the new administration, which introduced labour courts and filled its cabinet with labor union
appointees, such as Juan Atilio Bramuglia (Foreign Ministry) and ngel Borlenghi (Interior Ministry, which, in Argentina,
oversees law enforcement). It also made room for amenable wealthy industrialists (Central Bank President Miguel Miranda)
and socialists such as Jos Figuerola, a Spanish economist who had years earlier advised that nation's ill-fated regime
of Miguel Primo de Rivera. Intervention of their behalf by Pern's appointees encouraged the CGT to call strikes in the face of
employers reluctant to grant benefits or honor new labor legislation. Strike activity (with 500,000 working days lost in 1945)
leapt to 2 million in 1946 and to over 3 million in 1947, helping wrest needed labor reforms, though permanently aligning
large employers against the Peronists. Labor unions grew in ranks from around 500,000 to over 2 million by 1950, primarily in
the CGT, which has since been Argentina's paramount labor union. As the country's labor force numbered around 5 million
people at the time, Argentina's labor force was the most unionized in South America. During the first half of the 20th
century, a widening gap had existed between the classes; Pern hoped to close it through the increase of wages and
employment, making the nation more pluralistic and less reliant on foreign trade. Before taking office in 1946, President
Pern took dramatic steps which he believed would result in a more economically independent Argentina, better insulated
from events such as World War II. He thought there would be another international war. The reduced availability of imports
and the war's beneficial effects on both the quantity and price of Argentine exports had combined to create a US$1.7 billion
cumulative surplus during those years. In his first two years in office, Pern nationalized the Central Bank and paid off its
billion-dollar debt to the Bank of England; nationalized the railways (mostly owned by British and French
companies), merchant marine, universities, public utilities, public transport (then, mostly tramways); and, probably most
significantly, created a single purchaser for the nation's mostly export-oriented grains and oilseeds, the Institute for the
Promotion of Trade (IAPI). The IAPI wrested control of Argentina's famed grain export sector from entrenched conglomerates
such as Bunge y Born; but when commodity prices fell after 1948, it began shortchanging growers. IAPI profits were used to
fund welfare projects, while internal demand was encouraged by large wage increases given to workers; average real wages
rose by about 35% from 1945 to 1949, while during that same period, labor's share of national income rose from 40% to
49%. Access to health care was also made a universal right by the Workers' Bill of Rights enacted on February 24, 1947
(subsequently incorporated into the 1949 Constitution as Article 14-b), while social security was extended to virtually all
members of the Argentine working class. In 1949 Pern first articulated his foreign policy, the "Third Way", developed to
avoid the binary Cold War divisions and keep other world powers, such as the United States and the Soviet Union, as allies
rather than enemies. He restored diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union, severed since the Bolshevik Revolution in 1918,
and opened grain sales to the shortage-stricken Soviets. As relations with the U.S. deteriorated, Pern made efforts to
mitigate the misunderstandings, which was made easier after Truman replaced the hostile Braden with AmbassadorGeorge
Messersmith. He negotiated the release of Argentine assets in the U.S. in exchange for preferential treatment for U.S. goods,
followed by Argentine ratification of the Act of Chapultepec, a centerpiece of Truman's Latin America policy. He even
proposed the enlistment of Argentine troops into the Korean War in 1950 under UN auspices (a move retracted in the face of
public opposition). Pern was opposed to borrowing from foreign credit markets, preferring to float bonds domestically. He
refused to enter the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (precursor to the World Trade Organization) or the International
Monetary Fund. Believing that international sports created goodwill, however, Pern hosted the 1950 World Basketball
Championship and the 1951 Pan American Games, both of which Argentine athletes won resoundingly. His bid to host
the 1956 Olympic Games in Buenos Aires was defeated by the International Olympic Committee by one vote. Economic
success was short-lived. Following a lumbering recovery during 1933 to 1945, from 1946 to 1948 Argentina gained benefits
from Pern's five-year plan. The GDP expanded by over a fourth during that brief boom, about as much as it had during the
previous decade. Using roughly half the US$1.7 billion in reserves inherited from wartime surpluses for nationalizations,
economic development agencies devoted most of the other half to finance both public and private investments; the roughly
70% jump in domestic fixed investment was accounted for mostly by industrial growth in the private sector All this muchneeded activity exposed an intrinsic weakness in the plan: it subsidized growth which, in the short term, led to a wave of
imports of the capital goods that local industry could not supply. Whereas the end of World War II had allowed Argentine
exports to rise from US$700 million to US$1.6 billion, Pern's changes led to skyrocketing imports (from US$300 million to
US$1.6 billion), and erased the surplus by 1948. Pern's bid for economic independence was further complicated by a number
of inherited external factors. Great Britain owed Argentina over 150 million pounds Sterling (nearly US$450 million) from
agricultural exports to that nation during the war. This debt was mostly in the form of Argentine Central Bank reserves which,
per the 1933 Roca-Runciman Treaty, were deposited in the Bank of England. The money was useless to the Argentine
government, because the treaty allowed Bank of England to hold the funds in trust, something British planners could not
compromise on as a result of that country's debts accrued under the Lend-Lease Act. The nation's need for U.S. made capital
goods increased, though ongoing limits on the Central Bank's availability of hard currencyhampered access to them.
Argentina's pound Sterling surpluses earned after 1946 (worth over US$200 million) were made convertible to dollars by a
treaty negotiated by Central Bank President Miguel Miranda; but after a year, British Prime Minister Clement Attlee suspended
the provision. Pern accepted the transfer of over 24,000 km (15,000 mi) of British-owned railways (over half the total in
Argentina) in exchange for the debt in March 1948. Due to political disputes between Pern and the U.S. government (as well
as to pressure by the U.S. agricultural lobby through the Agricultural Act of 1949), Argentine foreign exchange earnings via its
exports to the U.S. fell, turning a US$100 million surplus with the U.S. into a US$300 million deficit. The combined pressure
practically devoured Argentina's liquid reserves and Miranda issued a temporary restriction on the outflow of dollars to U.S.
banks. The nationalization of the Port of Buenos Aires and domestic and foreign-owned private cargo ships, as well as the
purchase of others, nearly tripled the national merchant marine to 1.2 million tons' displacement, reducing the need for over
US$100 million in shipping fees (then the largest source of Argentina's invisible balancedeficit) and leading to the
inauguration of the Ro Santiago Shipyards at Ensenada (on line to the present day). Exports fell sharply, to around

US$1.1 billion during the 194954 era (a severe 1952 drought trimmed this to US$700 million), due in part to a deterioration
in terms of trade of about a third. The Central Bank was forced to devalue the peso at an unprecedented rate: the peso lost
about 70% of its value from early 1948 to early 1950, leading to a decline in the imports fueling industrial growth and to
recession. Short of central bank reserves, Pern was forced to borrow US$125 million from the U.S. Export-Import Bank to
cover a number of private banks' debts to U.S. institutions, without which their insolvency would have become a central bank
liability. Austerity and better harvests in 1950 helped finance a recovery in 1951; but inflation, having risen from 13% in 1948
to 31% in 1949, reached 50% in late 1951 before stabilizing, and a second, sharper recession soon followed. Workers'
purchasing power, by 1952, had declined 20% from its 1948 high and GDP, having leapt by a fourth during Pern's first two
years, saw zero growth from 1948 to 1952. (The U.S. economy, by contrast, grew by about a fourth in the same interim). After
1952, however, wages began rising in real terms once more. The increasing frequency of strikes, increasingly directed
against Pern as the economy slid into stagflation in late 1948, was dealt with through the expulsion of organizers from the
CGT ranks. To consolidate his political grasp on the eve of colder economic winds, Pern called for a broad constitutional
reform in September. The elected convention (whose opposition members soon resigned) approved the wholesale
replacement of the 1853 Constitution of Argentina with a new magna carta in March, explicitly guaranteeing social reforms;
but also allowing the mass nationalization of natural resources and public services, as well as the re-election of the president.
Emphasizing an economic policy centerpiece dating from the 1920s, Pern made record investments in Argentina's
infrastructure. Investing over US$100 million to modernize the railways (originally built on a myriad of incompatible gauges),
he also nationalized a number of small, regional air carriers, forging them into Aerolneas Argentinas in 1950. The airline,
equipped with 36 new DC-3 and DC-4 aircraft, also counted with a new international airport and a 22 km (14 mi) freeway into
Buenos Aires. This freeway was followed by one between Rosario and Santa Fe. Pern had mixed success in expanding the
country's inadequate electric grid, which grew by only one fourth during his tenure. Argentina's installed hydroelectric
capacity, however, leapt from 45 to 350 MW during his first term (to about a fifth of the total public grid). He promoted
the fossil fuel industry by ordering these resources nationalized, inaugurating Ro Turbio (Argentina's only active coal mine),
having natural gas flared by the state oil firm YPF captured, and establishing Gas del Estado. The 1949 completion of a gas
pipeline between Comodoro Rivadavia and Buenos Aires was another significant accomplishment in this regard. The 1700 km
(1060 mi) pipeline allowed natural gas production to rise quickly from 300,000 m 3to 15 million m3 daily, making the country
self-sufficient in the critical energy staple; the pipeline was, at the time, the longest in the world. Oil production, however,
rose only by about a fourth. As most manufacturing was powered by on-site generators and the number of motor vehicles
grew by a third, the need for oil imports grew from 40% to half of the consumption, costing the national balance sheet over
US$300 million a year (over a fifth of the import bill). Pern's government is remembered for its record social investments. He
introduced a Ministry of Health to the cabinet; its first head, the neurologist Dr. Ramn Carrillo, oversaw the completion of
over 4,200 health care facilities. Related works included construction of more than 1,000 kindergartens and over 8,000
schools, including several hundred technological, nursing and teachers' schools, among an array of other public
investments. The new Minister of Public Works, General Juan Pistarini, oversaw the construction of 650,000 new, public sector
homes, as well as of the international airport, one of the largest in the world at the time. The reactivation of the dormant
National Mortgage Bank spurred private-sector housing development: averaging over 8 units per 1,000 inhabitants (150,000
a year), the pace was, at the time, at par with that of the United States and one of the highest rates of residential
construction in the world. Pern modernized the Argentine Armed Forces, particularly its Air Force. Between 1947 and 1950,
Argentina manufactured two advanced jet aircraft: Pulqui I(designed by the Argentine engineers Cardehilac, Morchio and
Ricciardi with the French engineer mile Dewoitine, condemned in France in absentia for collaborationism), and Pulqui II,
designed by German engineerKurt Tank. In the test flights, the planes were flown by Lieutenant Edmundo Osvaldo Weiss and
Tank, reaching 1000 km/h with the Pulqui II. Argentina continued testing the Pulqui II until 1959; in the tests, two pilots lost
their lives. The Pulqui project opened the door to two successful Argentinian planes: the IA 58 Pucar and the IA 63 Pampa,
manufactured at the Aircraft Factory of Crdoba. Pern announced in 1951 that the Huemul Project would produce nuclear
fusion before any other country. The project was led by an Austrian, Ronald Richter, who had been recommended by Kurt
Tank. Tank expected to power his aircraft with Richter's invention. Pern announced that energy produced by the fusion
process would be delivered in milk-bottle sized containers. Richter announced success in 1951, but no proof was given. The
next year, Pern appointed a scientific team to investigate Richter's activities. Reports by Jos Antonio Balseiro and Mario
Bncora revealed that the project was a fraud. After that, the Huemul Project was transferred to the Centro Atmico Bariloche
(CAB) of the new National Atomic Energy Commission (CNEA) and to the physics institute of the Universidad Nacional de
Cuyo, later named Instituto Balseiro (IB). U.S. policy restricted Argentine growth during the Pern years; by placing
embargoes on Argentina, the U.S. hoped to discourage the nation in its pursuit of becoming economically sovereign during a
time when the world was divided into two influence spheres. U.S. interests feared losing their stake, as they had large
commercial investments (over a billion dollars) vested in Argentina through the oil and meat packing industries, besides
being a mechanical goods provider to Argentina. His ability to effectively deal with points of contention abroad was equally
hampered by Pern's own mistrust of potential rivals, which harmed foreign relations with Bramuglia's 1949 dismissal. The
rising influence of theorist George F. Kennan, a staunch anti-communist, within U.S. foreign policy circles fed US suspicions
that Argentine goals for economic sovereignty and neutrality were Pern's disguise for a resurgence of communism in the
Americas. The U.S. Congress took a dislike of Pern and his government. In 1948 they excluded Argentine exports from
the Marshall Plan, the landmark Truman administration effort to combat communism and help rebuild war-torn European
nations by offering U.S. aid. This contributed to Argentine financial crises after 1948 and, according to Pern biographer
Joseph Page, "the Marshall Plan drove a final nail into the coffin that bore Pern's ambitions to transform Argentina into an
industrial power." The policy deprived Argentina of potential agricultural markets in Western Europe, to the benefit
of Canadian exporters, for instance. Eva Pern was instrumental as a symbol of hope to the common laborer during the
first five-year plan. When she died in 1952, the year of the presidential elections, the people felt they had lost an ally. Coming
from humble origins, she was loathed by the elite but adored by the poor for her work with the sick, elderly, and orphans. It
was due to her behind-the-scenes work that women's suffragewas granted in 1947 and a feminist wing of the 3rd party in
Argentina was formed. Simultaneous to Pern's five-year plans, Evita supported a women's movement that concentrated on
the rights of women, the poor and invalids. Although her role in the politics of Pern's first term remains disputed, Eva
introduced social justice and equality into the national discourse. She stated, "It is not philanthropy, nor is it charity It is not
even social welfare; to me, it is strict justice I do nothing but return to the poor what the rest of us owe them, because we
had taken it away from them unjustly." She established the Eva Pern Foundation in 1948, which was perhaps the greatest
contribution to her husband's social policy. Enjoying an annual budget of around US$50 million (nearly 1% of GDP at the
time), the Foundation had 14,000 employees and founded hundreds of new schools, clinics, old-age homes and holiday
facilities; it also distributed hundreds of thousands of household necessities, physicians' visits and scholarships, among other
benefits. Among the best-known of the Foundation's many large construction projects are the Evita City development south of
Buenos Aires (25,000 homes) and the "Republic of the Children", a theme park based on tales from the Brothers Grimm.
Following Pern's 1955 ousting, twenty such construction projects were abandoned incomplete and the foundation's
US$290 million endowment was liquidated. The portion of the five-year plans which argued for full employment, public
healthcare and housing, labour benefits, and raises are a result of Eva's influence on the policy-making of Pern in his first

term, as historians note that at first he simply wanted to keep imperialists out of Argentina
and create effective businesses. The humanitarian relief efforts embedded in the five-year
plan are Eva's creation, which endeared the Peronist movement to the working-class people
from which Eva had come. Her strong ties to the poor and her position as Pern's wife
brought credibility to his promises during his first presidential term and ushered in a new
wave of supporters. The first lady's willingness to replace the ailing Hortensio Quijano as
Pern's running mate for the 1951 campaign was defeated by her own frail health and by
military opposition. An August 22 rally organized for her by the CGTon Buenos Aires'
wide Nueve de Julio Avenue failed to turn the tide. On September 28, elements in
the Argentine Army attempted a coup against Pern. Although unsuccessful, the mutiny
marked the end of the first lady's political hopes. She died the following July. Among upperclass Argentines, improvement of the workers' situation was a source of resentment; industrial workers from rural areas had
formerly been treated as servants. It was common for better-off Argentines to refer to these workers using classist slurs like
"little black heads" (cabecitas negras, the name of a bird), "greased" (grasas which came from people with grease on their
hands or fingernails, i.e. blue-collar workers), "un-shirted" (descamisados, since they doffed their shirts to perform manual
labor). Conservative Radical Civic Union Congressman Ernesto Sammartino mused that Pern's voters were a "zoological
flood" (aluvin zoolgico). In the 1940s, upper-class students were the first to oppose Peronist workers, with the slogan: "No
to cheap shoe dictatorship" (No a la dictadura de las alpargatas). A graffiti revealing the strong opposition between Peronists
and anti-Peronists appeared in upper-class districts in the 1950s, "Long live cancer!" ( Viva el cncer!), when Eva Pern was
ill. She died of cervical cancer in 1952 at the age of thirty-three. At a time when credentialed teaching personnel were in
short supply, Pern had fired more than 1,500 university faculty who opposed him. These included Nobel laureateBernardo
Houssay, University of La Plata physicist Rafael Grinfeld, painter Emilio Pettoruti, art scholars Po Collivadino and Jorge
Romero Brest, and noted author Jorge Luis Borges, who was appointed "poultry inspector" at the Buenos Aires Municipal
Wholesale Market (a post he refused). Many faculty left the country and migrated to Mexico or the United States. Weiss
(2005, p. 45) recalls events in the universities: As a young student in Buenos Aires in the early 1950s, I well remember the
graffiti found on many an empty wall all over town: "Build the Fatherland. Kill a Student" (Haga patria, mate un estudiante).
Pern opposed the universities, which questioned his methods and his goals. A well-remembered slogan was, Alpargatas s,
libros no ("Shoes? Yes! Books? No!"). Universities were then 'intervened'. In some, a Peronist mediocrity was appointed
rector. Others were closed for years." The labor movement that had brought Pern to power was not exempt from the iron
fist. Elections in 1946 to the post of Secretary General of the CGT resulted in telephone workers' union leader Luis Gay's
victory over Pern's nominee, former retail workers' leader ngel Borlenghiboth central figures in Pern's famed October 17
comeback. The president had Luis Gay expelled from the CGT three months later, and replaced him with Jos Espejo, a littleknown rank-and-filer who was close to the first lady. This was done on unsubstantiated charges that he had colluded with
Pern's enemy, the former U.S. Ambassador Spruille Braden. The meat-packers' union leader, Cipriano Reyes, turned against
Pern when he replaced the Labor Party with the Peronist Party in 1947. Organizing a strike against these moves, Reyes was
arrested on the charge of plotting against the lives of the president and first lady, though accusations of a plot were never
substantiated. Tortured in prison, Reyes was denied parole five years later, and freed only following the regime's 1955
downfall. Cipriano Reyes was one of hundreds of Pern's opponents held at Buenos Aires' Ramos Meja General Hospital, one
of whose basements was converted into a police detention center where torture became routine. The populist leader was
intolerant of both left-wing and conservative opposition. Though he used violence, Pern preferred to deprive the opposition
of their access to media. Interior Minister Borlenghi administered El Laborista, the leading official news daily. Carlos Aloe, a
personal friend of Evita's, oversaw an array of leisure magazines published by Editorial Haynes, which the Peronist Party
bought a majority stake in. Through the Secretary of the Media, Ral Apold, socialist dailies such as La
Vanguardia or Democracia and conservative ones such as La Prensa or La Razn were simply closed or expropriated in favor
of the CGT or ALEA, the regime's new state media company. Intimidation of the press increased: between 1943 and 1946, 110
publications were closed down; others such asLa Nacin and Roberto Noble's Clarn became more cautious and selfcensoring. Pern appeared more threatened by dissident artists than by opposition political figures (though UCR
leader Ricardo Balbn spent most of 1950 in jail). Numerous prominent cultural and intellectual figures were imprisoned
(publisher and critic Victoria Ocampo, for one) or forced into exile, among them comedienne Nin Marshall, film maker Luis
Saslavsky, pianistOsvaldo Pugliese and actress Libertad Lamarque, victim of a rivalry with Eva Pern. In 1938 Pern was sent
to many countries of Europe, to study them. At his return, he would explain that he had a positive impression about national
syndicalism during the government of Benito Mussolini in Italy and Adolf Hitler in Germany. By that year, he thought that
those countries would become social democracies. His exact words were as follows:
Italian Fascism led popular organizations to an effective participation in national life, which had always been denied to the
people. Before Mussolini's rise to power, the nation was on one hand and the worker on the other, and the latter had no
involvement in the former. [...] In Germany happened exactly the same phenomenon, meaning, an organized state for a
perfectly ordered community, for a perfectly ordered population as well: a community where the state was the tool of the
nation, whose representation was, under my view, effective. I thought that this should be the future political form, meaning,
the true people's democracy, the true social democracy. Juan Pern
After the end of World War II and the rise of Pern to a popular leader, antiperonist politicians and authors would point that
Pern once manifested support for Mussolini and Hitler, implying that such support involved the whole of their governments
or the paths actually taken by Italy or Germany after 1938. One of the most famous examples was when Spruille Braden did
so during the 1946 election, leading to the "Braden or Pern" slogan that was key of the Peronist victory. However,
historian Felipe Pigna states that no researcher who has deeply studied Pern would consider him fascist. Pigna identifies
Pern as a pragmatist who took useful elements from all modern ideologies of the time, such as fascism, but also the " New
Deal" policies of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, "national defense" principles, social views from religion, and even some socialist
principles. According to historian Tulio Halpern Donghi, Pern was driven by strong convictions but not by full support to any
mainstream ideology; although he did not try to hide his old admiration of fascist Italy, it wasn't a strong influence on
him. Arturo Jauretche said that Pern was neither fascist or anti-fascist, simply realist, and that the active intervention of the
working class in politics, as he saw in those countries, was a definitive phenomenon. After World War II, Argentina became a
haven for Nazi war criminals, with explicit protection from Pern. Author Uki Goi alleges that Axis Power collaborators,
including Pierre Daye, met with Pern at Casa Rosada (Pink House), the President's official residence. In this meeting, a
network would have been created with support by the Argentine Immigration Service and the Foreign Office. The Swiss Chief
of Police Heinrich Rothmund and the Croatian Roman Catholic priest Krunoslav Draganovi also helped organize the ratline.
An investigation of 22,000 documents by the DAIA in 1997 discovered that the network was managed by Rodolfo Freude who
had an office in the Casa Rosada and was close to Eva Pern's brother, Juan Duarte. According to Ronald Newton, Ludwig
Freude, Rodolfo's father, was probably the local representative of the Office Three secret service headed by Joachim von
Ribbentrop, with probably more influence than the German ambassador Edmund von Thermann. He had met Pern in the
1930s, and had contacts with Generals Juan Pistarini, Domingo Martnez, and Jos Molina. Ludwig Freude's house became the

meetingplace for Nazis and Argentine military officers supporting the Axis. In 1943, he traveled with Pern to Europe to
attempt an arms deal with Germany. And after the war, Ludwig Freude was investigated over his connection to possible
looted Nazi art, cash and precious metals on deposit at two Argentine banks, Banco Germanico and Banco Tournquist. But on
September 6, 1946, the Freude investigation was terminated by presidential decree. Examples of Nazis and collaborators who
relocated to Argentina include Emile Dewoitine, who arrived in May 1946 and worked on the Pulqui jet, Erich Priebke, who
arrived in 1947, Josef Mengele in 1949, Adolf Eichmann in 1950, his adjutant Franz Stangl, Austrian representative of Spitzy in
Spain, Reinhard Spitzy, Charles Lescat, editor of Je Suis Partout in Vichy France, SS functionary Ludwig Lienhardt, German
industrialist
Ludwig
Freude,
and SS-Hauptsturmfhrer Klaus
Barbie.
Many
members
of
the
notorious
Croatian Ustae (including their leader, Ante Paveli) took refuge in Argentina, as did Milan Stojadinovi, the
former collaborationist Prime Minister of monarchist Yugoslavia. In 1946 Stojadinovi went to Rio de Janeiro, and then to
Buenos Aires, where he was reunited with his family. Stojadinovi spent the rest of his life as presidential advisor on economic
and financial affairs to governments in Argentina and founded the financial newspaper El Economista. A Croatian
priest, Krunoslav Draganovi, organizer of the San Girolamo ratline, was authorized by Pern to assist Nazi operatives to
come to Argentina and evade prosecution in Europe after World War II, in particular the Ustae. Ante Paveli became a
security advisor of Pern, before leaving for Francoist Spain in 1957. As in the United States (Operation Paperclip), Argentina
also welcomed displaced German scientists such as Kurt Tank and Ronald Richter. Some of these refugees took important
roles in Pern's Argentina, such as French collaborationist Jacques de Mahieu, who became an ideologue of the Peronist
movement, before becoming mentor to a Roman Catholic nationalist youth group in the 1960s. Belgian collaborationist Pierre
Daye became editor of a Peronist magazine. Rodolfo Freude, Ludwig's son, became Pern's chief of presidential intelligence in
his first term. Milan Stojadinovi founded El Economista (The Economist magazine) in 1951, which still carries his name on its
masthead. Recently, Goi's research, drawing on investigations in Argentine, Swiss, American, British
and Belgian government archives, as well as numerous interviews and other sources, was detailed in The Real Odessa:
Smuggling the Nazis to Pern's Argentina (2002), showing how escape routes known as ratlines were used by former NSDAP
members and like-minded people to escape trial and judgment. Goi places particular emphasis on the part played by Pern's
government in organizing the ratlines, as well as documenting the aid of Swiss and Vatican authorities in their flight. The
Argentine consulate in Barcelona gave false passports to fleeing Nazi war criminals and collaborationists.
When I realized that Pern, contrary to previous governments, gave Jewish citizens access to public office, I began to change
my way of thinking about Argentine politics... Ezequiel Zabotinsky, president of the Jewish-Peronist Organizacion Israelita
Argentina, 19521955.
Fraser and Navarro write that Juan Pern was a complicated man who over the years stood for many different, often
contradictory, things. In the book Inside Argentina from Pern to Menem author Laurence Levine, former president of the USArgentine Chamber of Commerce, writes, "although anti-Semitism existed in Argentina, Pern's own views and his political
associations were not anti-Semitic...." Laurence also writes that one of Pern's advisors was a Jewish man from Poland
named Jos Ber Gelbard. U.S. Ambassador George S. Messersmith visited Argentina in 1947 during the first term of Juan
Pern. Messersmith noted, "There is not as much social discrimination against Jews here as there is right in New York or in
most places at home..." Pern sought out other Jewish Argentines as government advisers, besides Ber Gelbard. The
powerful Secretary of Media, Ral Apold, also Jewish, was (ironically) called "Perns Goebbels." He favoured the creation of
institutions like New Zion (Nueva Sin), the Argentine-Jewish Institute of Culture and Information, presided by Simn
Mirelman, and the Argentine-Israeli Chamber of Commerce. Also, he named Rabbi Amran Blum the first Jewish professor of
philosophy in the National University of Buenos Aires. After being the first Latin American government to acknowledge
the State of Israel, he sent a Jewish ambassador, Pablo Mangel, to that country. Education and Diplomacy were the two
strongholds of Catholic nationalism, and both appointments were highly symbolic. The same goes for the 1946 decision of
allowing Jewish army privates to celebrate their holidays, which was aimed at fostering the Jewish position in another
traditionally Catholic institution, the army. Argentina signed a generous commercial agreement with Israel that granted
favourable terms for Israeli acquisitions of Argentine commodities, and also the Eva Pern Foundation sent significant
humanitarian aid. Chaim Weizmann and Golda Meir expressed their gratitude during their visit to Buenos Aires in 1951.
The German Argentine community in Argentina is the third largest ethnic group in the country, after the Spanish
Argentines and the Italian Argentines. The German Argentine community predates Juan Pern's presidency, going back as far
as the time of the unification of Germany. Laurence Levine writes that Pern found German civilization too "rigid" and
therefore had a "distaste" for it. Crassweller writes that while Juan Pern's own personal preference was for argentine culture,
with which he felt a spiritual affinity, Pern was "pragmatic" in dealing with the diverse populace of Argentina. While Juan
Pern's Argentina allowed many Nazi criminals to take refuge in Argentina, Juan Pern's Argentina also accepted more Jewish
immigrants than any other country in Latin America, which in part accounts for the fact that Argentina to this day has a
population of over 200,000 Jewish citizens, the largest in Latin America, the third largest in the Americas, and the sixth
largest in the world. TheJewish Virtual Library writes that while Juan Pern had sympathized with the Axis powers, "Pern also
expressed sympathy for Jewish rights and established diplomatic relations with Israel in 1949. Since then, more than 45,000
Jews have immigrated to Israel from Argentina." Toms Eloy Martnez, professor of Latin American studies at Rutgers
University, writes that Juan Pern allowed Nazi criminals into the country in hopes of acquiring advanced German technology
developed during the war. Martnez also notes that Eva Pern played no part in allowing Nazis into the country. Facing only
token UCR and Socialist Party opposition and despite being unable to field his popular wife, Eva, as a running mate, Pern
wasre-elected in 1951 by a margin of over 30%. This election was the first to have extended suffrage to Argentine women
and the first in Argentina to be televised: Pern inaugurated Channel 7 public television that October. He began his second
term in June 1952 with serious economic problems, however, compounded by a severe drought that helped lead to a
US$500 million trade deficit (depleting reserves). Pern called employers and unions to a Productivity Congress to regulate
social conflict through dialogue; but, the conference failed without reaching an agreement. Divisions among Peronists
intensified, and the President's worsening mistrust led to the forced resignation of numerous valuable allies, notably Buenos
Aires Province Governor Domingo Mercante. Again on the defensive, Pern accelerated generals' promotions and extended
them pay hikes and other benefits. He also accelerated landmark construction projects slated for the CGT or government
agencies; among these was the 41-story and 141 m (463 ft) high Atlas Building (transferred to the Air Force by a later
regime). Opposition to Pern grew bolder following the first lady's July 26, 1952, passing. On April 15, 1953, a terrorist group
(never identified) detonated two bombs in a public rally at Plaza de Mayo, killing 7 and injuring 95. Amid the chaos, Pern
exhorted the crowd to take reprisals; they made their way to their adversaries' gathering places, the Socialist
Party headquarters and the aristocratic Jockey Club (both housed in magnificent turn-of-the-century Beaux-Arts buildings),
and burned them to the ground. A stalemate of sorts ensued between Pern and his opposition and, despite austerity
measures taken late in 1952 to remedy the country's unsustainable trade deficit, the president remained generally popular. In
March 1954, Pern called Vice-Presidential elections to replace the late Hortensio Quijano, which his candidate won by a
nearly two-to-one margin. Given what he felt was as solid a mandate as ever and with inflation in single digits and the
economy on a more secure footing, Pern ventured into a new policy: the creation of incentives designed to attract foreign

investment. Drawn to an economy with the highest standard of living in Latin America and a new steel mill in San Nicols de
los Arroyos, automakers FIAT and Kaiser Motors responded to the initiave by breaking ground on new facilities in the city
of Crdoba, as did the freight truck division of Daimler-Benz, the first such investments since General Motors' Argentine
assembly line opened in 1926. Pern also signed an important exploration contract with Standard Oil of California, in May
1955, consolidating his new policy of substituting the two largest sources of that era's chronic trade deficits (imported
petroleum and motor vehicles) with local production brought in through foreign investment. The centrist Radical Civic Union's
1951 Vice-Presidential nominee, Arturo Frondizi, publicly condemned what he considered to be an anti-patriotic decision; as
president three years later, however, he himself signed exploration contracts with foreign oil companies. As 1954 drew to a
close, Pern unveiled reforms far more controversial to the normally conservative Argentine public, the legalization of divorce
and of prostitution. The Roman Catholic Church's Argentine leaders, whose support of Pern's government had been steadily
waning since the advent of theEva Pern Foundation, were now open antagonists of the man they called "the tyrant." Though
much of Argentina's media had, since 1950, been either controlled or monitored by the administration, lurid pieces on his
ongoing relationship with an underage girl named Nlida "Nelly" Rivas, something Pern never denied, filled the gossip
pages. Pressed by reporters on whether his supposed new paramour was, as the magazines claimed, thirteen years of age,
the witty, fifty-nine year-old Pern responded that he was "not superstitious." Before long, however, the president's humor on
the subject ran out and, following the expulsion of two Catholic priests he believed to be behind his recent image problems,
Pern was excommunicated by Pope Pius XII on June 15, 1955. The following day, Pron called for a rally of support on the
Plaza de Mayo, a time-honored custom among Argentine presidents during a challenge. However, as he spoke before a crowd
of thousands, Navy fighter jets flew overhead and dropped bombs into the crowded square below before seeking refuge
in Uruguay. The incident, part of a coup attempt against Pern, killed 364 people and was, from a historical perspective, the
only air assault ever on Argentine soil, as well as a portent of the mayhem that Argentine society would suffer in the
1970s. It, moreover, touched off a wave of reprisals on the part of Peronists. Reminiscent of the incidents in 1953, Peronist
crowds ransacked eleven Buenos Aires churches, including the Metropolitan Cathedral. On September 16, 1955, a nationalist
Catholic group from both the Army and Navy, led by GeneralEduardo Lonardi, General Pedro E. Aramburu, and Admiral Isaac
Rojas, led a revolt from Crdoba. Taking power in a coup three days later, which they named Revolucin Libertadora (the
"Liberating Revolution"). Pern barely escaped with his life, leaving Nelly Rivas behind, and fleeing on the
gunboat ARP Paraguay provided by Paraguayan leader Alfredo Stroessner, up the Paran River. At that point Argentina was
more politically polarized than it had been since 1880. The landowning elites and other conservatives pointed to an exchange
rate that had rocketed from 4 to 30 pesos per dollar and consumer prices that had risen nearly fivefold. Employers and
moderates generally agreed, qualifying that with the fact the economy had grown by over 40% (the best showing since the
1920s). The underprivileged and humanitarians looked back upon the era as one in which real wages grew by over a third
and better working conditions arrived alongside benefits like pensions, health care, paid vacations and the construction of
record numbers of needed schools, hospitals, works of infrastructure and housing. The new military regime went to great
lengths to destroy both the President's and Eva Pern's reputation, putting up public exhibits of what they maintained was
the Perns' scandalously sumptous taste for antiques, jewelry, roadsters, yachts and other luxuries. They also accused other
Peronist leaders of corruption; but, ultimately, though many were prosecuted, no one was convicted. The junta's first
leader, Eduardo Lonardi, appointed a Civilian Advisory Board. Its preference for a gradual approach to de-Pernization helped
lead to Lonardi's ousting, however (though most of the board's recommendations stood the new president's scrutiny).
Lonardi's replacement, Lieutenant-General Pedro Aramburu, outlawed the mere mention of Juan or Eva Pern's names
under Decree Law 4161/56. Throughout Argentina, Peronism and the very display of Peronist mementoes was banned. Partly
in response to these and other excesses, Peronists and moderates in the army organized a counter-coup against Aramburu, in
June 1956. Possessing an efficient intelligence network, however, Aramburu foiled the plan, having the plot's leader,
General Juan Jos Valle, and 26 others executed. Aramburu turned to similarly drastic means in trying to rid the country of the
spectre of the Perns, themselves. Eva Pern's cadaver was removed from its display at CGT headquarters and ordered
hidden under another name in a modest grave in Milan, Italy. Pern himself, for the time residing in Caracas, Venezuela at the
kindness of ill-fated President Marcos Prez Jimnez, suffered a number of attempted kidnappings and assassinations ordered
by Aramburu. Continuing to exert considerable direct influence over Argentine politics despite the ongoing ban of Peronism
or the Justicialist Party as Argentina geared for the 1958 elections, Pern instructed his supporters to cast their ballots for the
moderate Arturo Frondizi, a splinter candidate within the Peronists' largest opposition party, the Radical Civic Union (UCR).
Frondizi went on to defeat the better-known (but, more anti-Peronist) UCR leader, Ricardo Balbn. Pern backed a "Popular
Union" (UP) in 1962, and when its candidate for governor of Buenos Aires Province (Andrs Framini) was elected, Frondizi was
forced to resign by the military. Unable to secure a new alliance, Pern advised his followers to cast blank ballots in the 1963
elections, demonstrating direct control over one fifth of the electorate. Pern's stay in Venezuela had been cut short by the
1958 ousting of General Prez Jimnez. In Panama, he met the nightclub singer Mara Estela Martnez (known as "Isabel").
Eventually settling in Madrid, Spain under the protection of Francisco Franco, he married Isabel in 1961 and was admitted
back into the Catholic Church in 1963. Following a failed December 1964 attempt to return to Buenos Aires, he sent his wife
to Argentina in 1965, to meet political dissidents and advance Pern's policy of confrontation and electoral boycotts. She
organized a meeting in the house of Bernardo Alberte, Pern's delegate and sponsor of various left-wing Peronist movements
such as the CGT de los Argentinos(CGTA), an offshoot of the umbrella CGT union. During Isabel's visit, adviser Ral
Lastiri introduced her to his father-in-law, Jos Lpez Rega. A policeman with an interest in the occult, he won Isabel's trust
through their common dislike of Jorge Antonio, a prominent Argentine industrialist and the Peronist movement's main
financial backer during their perilous 1960s. Accompanying her to Spain, Lpez Rega worked for Pern's security before
becoming the couple's personal secretary. A return of the Popular Union (UP) in 1965 and their victories in congressional
elections that year helped lead to the overthrow of the moderate President Arturo Illia, and to the return of dictatorship. Pern
became increasingly unable to control the CGT, itself. Though he had the support of its Secretary General, Jos Alonso, others
in the union favored distancing the CGT from the exiled leader. Chief among them was Steel and Metalworkers Union
head Augusto Vandor. Vandor challenged Pern from 1965 to 1968 by defying Pern's call for an electoral boycott (leading
the UP to victories in the 165 elections), and with mottos such as "Peronism without Pern" and "to save Pern, one has to be
against Pern." Dictator Juan Carlos Ongana's continued repression of labor demands, however, helped lead to Vandor's
rapproachment with Perna development cut short by Vandor's as-yet unsolved 1969 murder. Labor agitation increased;
the CGTA, in particular, organized opposition to the dictatorship between 1968 and 1972, and it would have an important role
in the MayJune 1969Cordobazo insurrection. Pern began courting the far left during Ongana's dictatorship. In his book La
Hora de los Pueblos (1968), Pern enunciated the main principles of his purported new Tricontinental political vision: Mao is
at the head of Asia, Nasser of Africa, De Gaulle of the old Europe and Castro of Latin America. He supported the more militant
unions and maintained close links with the Montoneros, a far-left Catholic Peronist group. On June 1, 1970, the Montoneros
kidnapped and assassinated former anti-Peronist President Pedro Aramburu in retaliation for the June 1956 mass execution of
a Peronist uprising against the junta. In 1971, he sent two letters to the film director Octavio Getino, one congratulating him
for his work with Fernando Solanas and Gerardo Vallejo, in the Grupo Cine Liberacin, and another concerning twofilm
documentaries, La Revolucin Justicialista and Actualizacin poltica y doctrinaria. He also cultivated ties with conservatives
and the far right. He supported the leader of the conservative wing of the UCR, his erstwhile prisoner Ricardo Balbn, against

competition from within the UCR itself. Members of the right-wing Tacuara Nationalist Movement, considered the first
Argentine guerrilla group, also turned towards him. Founded in the early 1960s, the Tacuaras were a fascist, anti-Semitic and
anti-conformist group founded on the model of Primo de Rivera's Falange, and at first strongly opposed Peronism. However,
they split after the 1959 Cuban Revolution into three groups: the one most opposed to the Peronist alliance, led by Catholic
priest Julio Meinvielle, retained the original hard-line stance; the New Argentina Movement (MNA), headed by Dardo Cabo,
was founded on June 9, 1961, to commemorate General Valle's Peronist uprising on the same date in 1956, and became the
precursor to all modern Catholic nationalist groups in Argentina; and the Revolutionary Nationalist Tacuara Movement (MNRT),
formed by Joe Baxter and Jos Luis Nell, who joined Peronism believing in its capacity for revolution, and without forsaking
nationalism, broke from the Church and abandoned anti-Semitism. Baxter's MNRT became progressively Marxist, and many of
the Montoneros and of theERP's leaders came from this group. Following Ongana's replacement in June 1970,
General Roberto M. Levingston proposed the replacement of Argentina's myriad political parties with "four or five" (vetted by
the Revolucin Argentina regime). This attempt to govern indefintely against the will of the different political parties united
Peronists and their opposition in a joint declaration of November 11, 1970, billed as la Hora del Pueblo (The Hour of the
People), which called for free and immediate democratic elections to put an end to the political crisis. The declaration was
signed by the Radical Civic Union (UCRP), the Justicialist Party (Peronist Party), the Argentine Socialist Party (PSA),
theDemocratic Progressive Party (PCP) and the Partido Bloquista (PB). The opposition's call for elections led to Levingston's
replacement by General Alejandro Lanusse, in March 1971. Faced with strong opposition and social conflicts, General Lanusse
declared his intention to restore constitutional democracy by 1973, though without Peronist participation. Lanusse proposed
the Gran Acuerdo Nacional (Great National Agreement) in July 1971, which was to find an honorable exit for the military junta
without allowing Peronism to participate in the election. The proposal was rejected by Pern, who formed the FRECILINA
alliance (Frente Cvico de Liberacin Nacional, Civic Front of National Liberation), headed by his new delegate Hctor Jos
Cmpora (a member of the Peronist Left). The alliance gathered his Justicialist Party and the Integration and Development
Movement (MID), headed by Arturo Frondizi. FRECILINA pressed for free and unrestricted elections, which ultimately took
place in March 1973. General elections were held on March 11, 1973. Pern was banned from running, but a stand-in, Hctor
Cmpora, a left-wing Peronist and his personal secretary, was elected and took office on May 25. On June 20, 1973, Pern
returned from Spain to end his 18-year exile. According to Pgina 12 newspaper, Licio Gelli, headmaster of Propaganda Due,
had provided an Alitalia plane to return Pern to his native country. Gelli was part of a committee supporting Pern, along
with Carlos Sal Menem (future President of Argentina, 19891999). The former Italian Premier Giulio Andreotti recalled an
encounter between Pern, his wife Isabel Martnez and Gelli, saying that Pern knelt before Licio Gelli to salute him. On the
day of Pern's return, a crowd of left-wing Peronists (estimated at 3.5 million) gathered at the Ezeiza Airport in Buenos Aires
to welcome him. Pern was accompanied by Cmpora, whose first measures were to grant amnesty to all political
prisoners and re-establish relations with Cuba, helping Fidel Castro break the United States embargo against Cuba. This,
along with his social policies, had earned him the opposition of right-wing Peronists, including the trade-unionist bureaucracy.
Camouflaged snipers opened fire on the crowd at the airport. The left-wing Peronist Youth Organization and
the Montoneros had been trapped. At least 13 people were killed and 365 injured in this episode, which became known as
the Ezeiza massacre. Cmpora and Vice President Vicente Solano Lima resigned in July 1973, paving the way for new
elections, this time with Pern's participation as the Justicialist Party nominee. Argentina faced mounting political instability,
and Pern was viewed by many as the country's only hope for prosperity and safety. UCR leader Ricardo Balbn and Pern
contemplated a Peronist-Radical joint government, but opposition in both parties made this impossible. Besides opposition
among Peronists, Ricardo Balbn had to consider opposition within the UCR itself, led by Ral Alfonsn, a leader among the
UCR's center-left. Pern received 62% of the vote, returning him to the presidency. He began his third term on October 12,
1973, with Isabel, his wife, as Vice President. Upon Cmpora's inaugural, Pern had him appoint a trusted policy adviser to
the critical Economy Ministry, Jos Ber Gelbard. Inheriting an economy that had doubled in output since 1955 with little
indebtedness and only modest new foreign investment, inflation had become a fixture in daily life and was worsening:
consumer prices rose by 80% in the year to May 1973 (triple the long-term average, up to then). Making this a policy priority,
Ber Gelbard crafted a "social pact" in hopes of finding a happy median between the needs of management and labor.
Providing a framework for negotiating price controls, guidelines for collective bargaining and a package of subsidies and
credits, the pact was promptly signed by the CGT (then the largest labor union in South America) and management
(represented by Julio Broner and the CGE). The measure was largely successful, initially: inflation slowed to 12% and real
wages rose by over 20% during the first year. GDP growth accelerated from 3% in 1972 to over 6% in 1974. The plan also
envisaged the paydown of Argentina's growing public external debt, then around US$8 billion, within four years. The
improving economic situation encouraged Pern to pursue interventionist social and economic policies similar to those he
carried out in the Forties: nationalizing banks and various industries, subsidizing native businesses and consumers, regulating
and taxing the agricultural sector, reviving the IAPI, placing restrictions on foreign investment, and funding a number of social
welfare programs. The 1973 oil shock, however, forced Ber Gelbard to rethink the Central Bank's projected reserves and,
accordingly, undid planned reductions in stubborn budget deficits, then around US$2 billion a year (4% of GDP). Increasingly
frequent collective bargaining agreements in excess of Social Pact wage guidelines and a resurgence in inflation led to
growing strain on the viability of the plan by mid-1974, however. Pern's third term was also marked by an escalating conflict
between the Peronist left- and right-wing factions. This turmoil was fueled primarily by calls for repression against the left on
the part of leading CGT figures, a growing segment of the armed forces (particularly the navy) and right-wing radicals within
his own party, notably Pern's most fascist adviser, Jos Lpez Rega. Lpez Rega, appointed Minister of Social Welfare, was in
practice given power far beyond his purview, soon controlling up to 30 percent of the federal budget. Diverting increasing
funds, he formed the Triple A, a death squad that soon began targeting not only the violent left; but moderate opposition, as
well. The Montoneros became marginalized in the Peronist movement and were mocked by Pern himself after the Ezeiza
massacre. In his speech to the governors on August 2, 1973, Pern openly criticized radical Argentine youth for a lack of
political maturity. The rift between Pern and the far left became irreconciliable following the September 25, 1973, murder
of Jos Ignacio Rucci, the moderately conservative Secretary General of CGT. Enraged, Pern enlisted Lpez Rega to target
left-wing opponents. Shortly after Pern's attack on left-wing Peronism, the Montoneros went underground. The murder itself,
a commando ambush in front of Rucci's Buenos Aires residence long attributed to the Montoneros (whose record of violence
had been well-established by then), remains arguably Argentina's most prominent unsolved mystery. Another guerrilla group,
the Guevarist ERP, also opposed the Peronist right-wing. The started engaging in armed struggle, assaulting an important
Army barracks in Azul, Buenos Aires Province on January 19, and creating a foco (insurrection) in Tucumn, a historically
underdeveloped province in Argentina's largely rural northwest. Pern's somewhat precarious health complicated matters. He
suffered from an enlarged prostate and heart disease, and by at least one account, he may have been senile by the time he
was sworn in for his third term. His wife frequently had to take over as Acting President over the course of the next year.
Pern maintained a full schedule of policy meetings with both government officials and chief base of support, the CGT. He
also presided over the inaugural of the Atucha I Nuclear Power Plant (Latin America's first) in April; the reactor, begun while
he was in exile, was the fruition of work started in the 1950s by the National Atomic Energy Commission, his landmark
bureau. His diminishing support from the far left (which believed Pern had come under the control of the rightwing entorno (entourage) led by Lpez Rega, UOM head Lorenzo Miguel, and Pern's own wife) turned to open enmity

following rallies on the Plaza de Mayo on May 1 and June 12 in which the president condemned their demands and
increasingly violent activities. Pern was reunited with another friend from the 1950s Paraguayan dictator Alfredo
Stroessner on June 16 to sign the bilateral treaty that broke ground on Yacyret Hydroelectric Dam (the world's secondlargest). Arriving in Asuncin during an autumn rainstorm, he refused an umbrella while reviewing the honor guard. Pern
returned to Buenos Aires with clear signs of pneumonia and, on June 28, he suffered a series of heart attacks. The vicepresident, on a trade mission in Europe, returned urgently, secretly sworn in on an interim basis on June 29. Following a
promising day, Pern suffered a final attack on July 1, 1974. He was 78. Pern had recommended that his wife, Isabel, rely on
Balbn for support, and at the president's burial Balbn uttered an historic phrase: "The old adversary bids farewell to a
friend." Isabel Pern succeeded her husband to the presidency, but proved incapable of managing the country's political and
economic problems, including the left-wing insurgency and the reactions of the extreme right. Ignoring her late husband's
advice, Isabel gave Balbn no role in her new government, instead granting broad powers to Lpez Rega, who started a "dirty
war" against political opponents. Isabel Pern's term ended abruptly on March 24, 1976, during a military coup d'tat.
A military junta, headed by General Jorge Videla, took control of the country, establishing the self-styled National
Reorganization Process. The junta ramped up the "dirty war", combining widespread persecution of political dissidents
with state terrorism. The death toll rose to thousands (at least 9,000, with human rights organizations claiming it was closer
to 30,000). Many of these were "the disappeared" (desaparecidos), people kidnapped and executed without trial or record.
Pern was buried in La Chacarita Cemetery in Buenos Aires. On June 10, 1987, his tomb was desecrated, and his hands and
some personal effects, including his sword, were stolen. Pern's hands were cut off with a chainsaw. A ransom letter asking
for US$8 million was sent to some Peronist members of Congress. This profanation was a ritualistic act to condemn Pern's
spirit to eternal unrest, according to journalists David Cox and Damian Nabot in their book La segunda muerte (Peron's
Second Death), who connected it to Licio Gelli and military officers involved during Argentina's Dirty War. The bizarre incident
remains unresolved. On October 17, 2006, his body was moved to a mausoleum at his former summer residence, rebuilt as a
museum, in the Buenos Aires suburb of San Vicente. A few people were injured in incidents as Peronist trade unions fought
over access to the ceremony, although police were able to contain the violence enough for the procession to complete its
route to the mausoleum. The relocation of Pern's body offered his self-proclaimed illegitimate daughter, Martha Holgado, the
opportunity to obtain a DNA sample from his corpse. She had attempted to have this DNA analysis performed for 15 years,
and the test in November 2006 ultimately proved she was not his daughter. Holgado died of liver cancer on June 7, 2007.
Before her death, she vowed to continue the legal battle to prove she was Peron's biological child. His
namesake Peronist movement, to the present day a struggle of ideologically diverse and competing interests, remains the
central political development of Argentina since 1945.

Eduardo Lonardi Doucet (September

15, 1896 March 22, 1956) was an Argentine Lieutenant

General and served as de facto President of Argentina from September 23 to November 13, 1955. Lonardi
was born on September 15, 1896. Lonardi was appointed military attache to Chile during the presidency
of Ramn Castillo in 1942, but shortly afterwards he was declared "persona non grata" by the Chilean
government on accusations of espionage. Returning to Argentina, he participated in the coup that overthrew
Castillo. He then was appointed military attache to Washington, DC around 1946 where he stayed for a few
years. He then permanently returned to Argentina. Eduardo Lonardi, a Catholic nationalist, assumed
leadership of the Revolucin Libertadora junta that overthrew Juan Pern on September 16, 1955. He was
greeted by chants of Cristo Vence ("Christ is Victorious") when arriving in Buenos Aires. Favoring a transition with "neither
victors nor vanquished", his conciliatory approach was deemed too soft by the liberal faction of the armed forces, who
deposed him less than two months into his de facto presidency and replaced him with hard-liner Pedro Aramburu. He went to
the United States to receive cancer treatment. He returned to Argentine and died on March 22, 1956 from cancer.

Pedro Eugenio Aramburu Silveti (Ro

Cuarto, Crdoba, May 21, 1903 May 29, 1970) was an Argentine
Army General. He was a major figure behind the military coup against Juan Pern in 1955. He became de facto President
of Argentina from November 13, 1955 until May 1, 1958. He was kidnapped by the radical organization Montoneros on May
29, 1970 and murdered, allegedly in retaliation for the June 1956 execution of General Juan Jos Valle, an Army officer
associated with the Peronist movement and 26 Peronist militants after a botched attempt to overthrow his government. Born
in the province of Cordoba and his parents were Nuez and Carlos Aramburu Clivet or Cilveti Leocadia. In 1933 he married in
Santiago del Estero with teacher Sara Contreras Lucia Herrera (1910-1997), a native of that city, with whom he had two
children: Sara Elena and Eugenio Aramburu Herrera. He began his studies at the Military Academy of the Nation, on reaching
grades of lieutenant (1922), and Major (1939). He taught at the War College in 1943. Brigadier General in 1951 and
Commander in Chief of the Army in 1955, was promoted to Lieutenant General in 1958. He was one of the proponents of the
self Liberating Revolution that overthrew the constitutional government of Juan Domingo Peron on 16 September 1955 and
appointed de facto president Gen. Eduardo Lonardi. However, after the overthrow of Peron in 1955, the policy was
conciliatory towards Lonardi Peronism. This caused the November 13, 1955 the armed forces replace him in office by General
Aramburu. The new government advisory body remained the "Advisory Board" consisting of members of political parties and
sectors that had opposed the Peronist government. One of the main objectives of the Liberating Revolution was the
"desperonizacin the country", so we investigated and in some cases were prosecuted ousted government officials, the CGT
is intervened, destroyed all symbols of Peronism that had been incorporated into the state apparatus and it was banning the
mention of the name of Peron, who became known in the media as the "former president", the "fugitive tyrant" or "dictator
deposed." Peronism replied with a series of strikes and sabotage, initiating what became known as the Peronist Resistance.
Also rescinded Peronism allusive names such as Eva Peron, Juan Domingo Peron, July 26, October 8, May 7 and October 17
among others, which designated streets, plazas, subway stations and railway (President Pern station resumed its name
Retiro), municipalities, schools, hospitals and other public facilities. Also changed the name of the provinces Eva Peron (who
took the name of La Pampa and President Pern (which was renamed Chaco) and Eva Pern City who returned to the name of
La Plata. In the cultural area created the National Endowment for the Arts, it lifted the ban affecting function entities such as
Argentina Scientific Society, the Free School of Secondary Education and the independent theater IFT and restored the
autonomy to allowing public universities spend their authorities to be elected by the teaching staff, alumni and students. On
the night of June 9, 1956 began a civil-military uprising led by General Juan Jos Valle. The movement was active in various
parts of the country, but was quickly defeated and the rebels during clashes killed three people-Blas Closs, Rafael RodrguezFernndez and Bernardino and had in turn two dead-Carlos Yrigoyen and Rolando Zanera-not counting, of course, which were
then fusilados.On the purpose of the rebels says Page: "The manifesto outlining the objectives of the movement was
somewhat vague, calling for elections as soon as possible and called for the preservation of the national heritage but said
nothing about Pern. Though a group of Peronist individually joined the conspiracy and the party base saw it as an attempt to
enthrone the driver again, the Peronist resistance remained at a distance." By order of the military government were
executed and 17 other military Valley, and some 15 civilians in what the writer Rodolfo Walsh later called Operation
Slaughter. Peron did not support the revolt and so Miguel Bonasso account: "In a letter to Cooke, Pern bitterly criticized" the

frustrated coup which he attributed to "the lack of prudence that characterized the military". Then
accused them of betraying him and surmised that without having left the country, had killed "to
make merit with the victors." Meanwhile the historian Joseph A. Page says about the episode: "In a
letter sent Pern John William Cooke on the day of lifting Valley, there was not the slightest trace
of sympathy for the rebel. The driver criticized his haste and lack of prudence and ensured that
only his anger for having due suffer involuntary act had led to" Aramburu's military dictatorship did
enter the country by the International Monetary Fund and IAPI dissolved but kept some
protectionist measures coming from previous decades. So the National Grain Board and the
National Meat Board controlled the export of these products. To promote agricultural technology
created the National Institute of Agricultural Technology and coal mining was established in Rio
Turbio (YCF). Also opened plants and pipelines. In 1957 elections were held for a Constituent
Assembly, in a framework of proscription of Peronism. These elections resulted in the division of
the Radical Civic Union to consolidate a sector acuerdista with Peronism, led by Arturo Frondizi. Upon retiring Frondizi
constituents, the Constituent Assembly simply retrieve the text of 1853 and adopt a comprehensive set of social rights that
were included as Article 14a. Finally, Aramburu called elections in which he could not present the Peronist Party that still
banned, but they did some new parties, called neo-Peronist Peronist politicians composed. Pern chose to agree to support
Arturo Frondizi, who won the February 23, 1958 and took office on May 1 * year, despite pressure from some sectors who
opposed military, and immediately asked Aramburu retirement Army. In the 1963 elections, with Peronism still banned, he ran
for president of the Argentine People's Union (UDELPA), obtaining the third highest number of votes. The Electoral College
then appointed as President Arturo Umberto Illia in elections that had won first place with 22 percent of the vote. Pedro
Eugenio Aramburu was kidnapped on May 29, 1970 in the first public action of the Montoneros. In captivity, was indicted for
his actions during the coup of 1955, the shooting of Jose Leon Suarez, 1956 and the disappearance of the embalmed corpse
of Eva Peron. The Montoneros organization called the accusations "popular trial" and ordered his death. Aramburu was killed
by Fernando Abal Medina of a pistol shot in the basement of stay in the village Celma Timote (match Carlos Tejedor, province
of Buenos Aires). On this death would be written later varied and extensive texts, approving or criticizing the decision of the
guerrilla organization. The Montoneros published a report on September 3, 1974 in his magazine "The Peronist Cause" in
which Mario Firmenich and Norma Arrostito operacin, relate the various journalists and writers also issued their opinions:
"Although Aramburu had been responsible for numerous crimes, his death all it does is add another murder to the list.
Unresolved or cancels or compensates nothing.'s another crime." The future facto president dismisses Alejandro Lanusse
Aramburu son next to the remains of Lieutenant General. According to historian Carlos Altamirano: "In early 1970 it was an
open secret that Aramburu was in search of a match for an electoral Pern and of course, the Montoneros not ignored."
Currently Aramburu regime means a letter ", consigned the first statement of the armed group, which denounced the
purpose of deceiving the people into a false democracy. (...) Cancel the "letter of the regime" meant void the possibility that
Peronism was diverted from its destination revolutionary " The judgment was rendered following the death of Aramburu
sentenced several of the authors of the crime of murder, but the sentences were never fulfilled as they were arriving
aministiados Hector Jose Campora for president. In 1974 the body of Aramburu was kidnapped in order to pressure the
government to bring constitutional Peron Evita's corpse, which was in the fifth "October 17" Peron property in Spain. This fact
was recognized by the organization Montoneros. His remains are in the Recoleta Cemetery in the vault designed by architect
Alejandro Bustillo in 1972. A street in the district of San Isidro (Buenos Aires) and a district of the Province of San Juan bears
his name.

Arturo Frondizi Ercoli (October 28, 1908 April 18, 1995) was the President of Argentina between May 1, 1958, and
March 29, 1962, for the Intransigent Radical Civic Union. Frondizi was born in Paso de los Libres, Corrientes Province. Born to
Isabel Ercoli and Giulio Frondizi, Italian Argentine immigrants from the Umbria Region, Arturo had ten brothers,
including Silvio, who became a lawyer and was assassinated in 1974 by the Triple A, and Risieri, who became a philosopher
and rector of the University of Buenos Aires(UBA). The family relocated to Concepcin del Uruguay in 1912, and in 1923
to Buenos Aires, where Frondizi enrolled in the UBA, in 1926. Frondizi graduated from the UBA Law School with honors in
1930, and entered politics following the coup against President Hiplito Yrigoyen, the longtime leader of the centristUCR, and
the first Argentine President elected via universal (male) suffrage. Arrested in 1931, he emerged as an editor of a number of
UCR-leaning journals, and formally joined the party the following year. He earned a juris doctor in 1932, and in July of that
year, was among those who spoke in eulogy at Yrigoyen's funeral march. His first case as an attorney was representing
300 political prisoners detained in his native Paso de los Libres for their support of the banned UCR. In the interim, Frondizi
married the former Elena Faggionato in 1933, and in 1935, built a summer cottage in the then-secluded seaside resort town
of Pinamar, which after the birth of their daughter, Elena (their only child), in 1937, the Frondizis christened Elenita.[3] He led
the Argentine League for the Rights of Man, the nation's first recorded human rights organization, upon its founding in 1936,
and in December, narrowly escaped an assassination attempt while addressing a crowd. Drafting a progressive platform
alternative for the UCR ahead of the February 1946 elections (the 1945 Declaration of Avellaneda), he was elected to
the Argentine Chamber of Deputies in 1946. He founded the Intransigence and Renewal Movement (MIR) faction of the UCR
and stood for Vice President on Ricardo Balbn's UCR ticket for the 1951 elections, which they lost overwhelmingly to
incumbent, President Juan Pern. Parting ways with Balbin, he formed an "intransigent" wing of the UCR, the UCRI, which
parted with the more conservative and anti-Peronist Ricardo Balbn in the UCR's 1956 convention. Enjoying support
from Peronist Party voters (whose party had been banned by outgoing President Pedro Aramburu) after Frondizi's closest
collaborator, businessman Rogelio Frigerio, obtained the exiled Pern's endorsement, the UCRI won the February 1958
elections. Frondizi's term in office was marked by conservative and military interference over much domestic and
international policy, leading to harsh 1959 austerity measures which caused civil unrest. Better able to maneuver after the
1959 recession, his economic policies (known as desarrollismo "developmentalism") had paid off by 1961, and he earned
the support of much of the country's large middle class. He attempted to lift the electoral ban on Peronism, and met with Che
Guevara and Fidel Castro in an attempt to mediate their dispute with the United States. This led the military to withdraw their
grudging support. Peronists, for their part, feared being associated with left-wing figures, and sided with the military in their
opposition to the left. Military pressure on Frondizi did not relent, and he signed the Conintes Plan in 1960, which
banned communism and suspended civil liberties, but which he eschewed implementing. Frondizi attempted to negotiate an
entente between the U.S. and Cuba with a secret, August 1961 meeting at theQuinta de Olivos residence with Cuban envoy
(and fellow Argentine) Che Guevara. The military, however, scuttled any future talks, and Frondizi adopted a neutral stance
afterwards. Elections in March 1962, ahead of which Frondizi lifted the ban on Peronists, resulted in significant victories for
the latter, notably the election ofAndrs Framini as Governor of Buenos Aires Province (the nation's largest). The news
triggered a constitutional crisis(instigated by the Argentine military), however, and though the President annulled the results,
on March 29, he was deposed by a coup d'tat. Frondizi sought to strengthen the economy by solving the main economic
problems that had haunted Argentina over the last twenty years. Some of these main problems were the insufficiency in oil
production (60% of the oil had to be imported and 80% of all the oil was used to generate electricity), inadequate steel

production, the lack of electricity and the insufficiency and obsolescence of transport (especially railways). Many of the
economic problems that the country had when Frondizi came into office were inheritited from Pern's 1946-55 administration,
particularly that of the budget deficits caused by the huge railroad subsidies during this period. These subsidies alone cost
the treasury a million dollars a day and in fact, much of the US$1.7 billion in reserves Pern had inherited were used
to purchase the various private railway companies from French and British interests. The panoply of nationalized companies
were modernized and expanded, but were also left with bloated payrolls that had strained national budgets since. On taking
office, Frondizi called on economist Rogelio Frigerio to institute a bold plan to make Argentina self-sufficient in motor vehicles
and petroleum, as well as to quickly extend the country's semi-developed road and electric networks (that, in the 1950s,
reached less than half the population, and fewer than 20% in the poorer north). Frondizi's economic vision was a radical
departure from the nationalist one pursued early on by Pern, though as a young congressman he supported them (as
evidenced by the Declaration of Avellaneda). Frigerio put Frondizi's vision into practice by sanctioning a key law: the Law of
Foreign Investment. This law gave the same incentives, especially tax benefits, that local companies had to foreign
corporations and created the Department and Commission of Foreign Investments, which was designed to give foreign
investors more legal recourse. Frigerio's plans were ambitious, calling for greatly expanded public lending for homebuilders
and local industry, as well as related public works, and he enjoyed broad support from Argentina's large middle class. Foreign
direct investment, though concentrated in the oil and auto sectors, extended into appliance manufacturing, and other
industries, and of the sum total invested in Argentina between 1912 and 1975, 23% took place in Frondizi's four years. One
major obstacle was the military, whose upper echelons were larded with men from Argentina's old agricultural elites (many of
whom were ultraconservative and had well-documented racist, anti-Semitic attitudes and fascist ties). The generals,
therefore, objected to Frigerio and imposed one of their own on the presidentdefense contractor lvaro Alsogaray. Ignored
by Frondizi as long as possible, Alsogaray finally forced his austerity "shock treatment" on the president in December, 1958.
Sharply devaluing the currency, curtailing Frigerio's lending programs and shredding subsidies and other social programs, the
perennially TV-conscious Alsogaray apperared before viewers and armed with pie charts, he infamously declared that
Argentines "must go through winter." The measures forced consumer prices to double in less than year (the country had been
used to 20-30%), and hammered real wages and business investment, both of which fell by about 20%. The 1959 recession,
however, allowed Frondizi to marginalize Alsogaray in favor of Rogelio Frigerio, and the former eventually resigned. Frigerio
revived the suffering loan, public works and social programs and benefitting from his earlier measures, automakers (most of
whom were subsidiaries of U.S. and European firms and in partnership with Argentine investors) primed production from
30,000 units in 1958 (60% of the market) to 137,000 by 1961, making Argentina a self-sufficient auto market. These
investments also benefited the agrarian sector by raising tractor output from 10,000 to 25,000, and contributing to a marked
rise in exports after 1961. Subsidiaries of European and U.S. automakers were joined by local startups, notably Siam di Tella,
which benefited from increased public credit availability.
Steel production was prioritized, and fostered with the
establishment of a State enterprise, SOMISA, in July 1960, and with the completion of a steel mill in San Nicols de los
Arroyos. Steel production tripled to 700,000 tons (40% of the local market), and the production of pig iron, from 30,000 to
400,000 tons. The segment of GDP most tied to industrial growth, capital goods investment, was the only one to grow
substantially during Frondizi's tenure: while the economy grew by a modest 8% from 1958 to 1961 (Frondizi's last full year in
office), that portion nearly doubled in real value. The development of Argentina's sizable petroleum reserves had played a
key role in Argentine politics since the formation of the state oil concern YPF in 1922 and, as well as becoming critical to
industrialization, it soon became a tool to foster nationalism among voters. When Frondizi came into office in 1958 the oil
production had not grown significantly since the sometimes abusive Standard Oil was forced out in the 1930s and as
Argentina became more motorized, oil imports were soon the country leading drain of foreign exchange. A contentious issue
by the 1940s, the UCR (Radical Civic Union) favoured a state monopoly, which they felt was the only way to maintain control
on the oil reserves. In the Declaration of Avellaneda (later the common platform shared by Balbin's UCRPhis wing of the
UCRand Frondizi's UCRI) the state's need to invest in oil exploration and to make Argentina self-sufficient in the short term
became policy. As the Declaration of Avellaneda mentioned these ends but not the means, this statement was later used by
Frondizi to justify the use of foreign investment. The issue became among the most debated political controversies, and
reportedly resulted in the resignation of the Vice President, Alejandro Gmez, in late 1958. During Frondizi's administration, in
summary, foreign investment was most encouraged into the sectors creating most of the trade deficits chronic to
the Argentine economybetween 1949 and 1962; indeed, 90% of all foreign investment during his term went into oil
exploration, oil refineries, the auto industry, steel and household durables. Ten of the 25 greatest projects went into the
exploration of new oil fields, and record public investment in the petrochemical sector led to a fivefold increase in synthetic
rubber production; by 1962, production of crude tripled to 16 million cubic meters, which achieved self-sufficiency, freed
hundreds of millions of dollars in import costs yearly, and helped lead to thirteen years of nearly uninterrupted growth,
particularly in industry. Infrastructure had been the object of growing public investment since 1920; but, where Argentina's
educational and health network had grown into the most extensive ones in Latin America, the road network and public
transport had changed little since the 1940s. Although it managed to breathe new life into important highway projects, the
Frondizi administration accomplished less than it had set out to. Many of the projects mentioned required an enormous
amount to finance, money which the administration did not have. To be able to finish these "monumental" projects, Frondizi's
plan called on a combination of foreign and state investment. Frondizi prioritized electricity and directed then-record
resources into hydroelectric dams. The two main hydroelectric dams in discussion were El Chocn, near the border with Chile,
and Salto Grande, on the border with Uruguay. The "feasibility studies" for both these projects was already done in Yrigoyen's
first presidency (191622) but they were never put into practice. These projects would help meet the increasing demand for
electricity, decreasing reliance on oil powered generators. Frequent power outages in the Buenos Aires metro area were
eased by the establishment of Segba, and work began on initiating regional power grid integration with Chile and Uruguay.
Although none of these projects was entirely finished during Frondizi's presidency, both of them were eventually finished
because his administration not only started with the construction itself, but also laid the necessary diplomatic framework with
Argentina's neighbors. Public transport, however, did not improve, as the administration prioritized growth in the auto
industry. Rail transport in Argentina had been operated by the state-ownedFerrocarriles Argentinos since 1947, and despite
subsequent investment in standardizing the myriad rail gauges, for instance, service continued to gradually deteriorate.
During Frondizi's administration no new subway or train stations were built or improved. Moreover, he implemented a World
Bank project endorsed by Alsogaray, and entailing the lifting of a third of the nation's 47,000 km (29,000 mi) of track, the
disposal of 70,000 wagons, and the dismissal of as many workers (triggering a six-week strike in the critical sector in 1961).
He promoted growth in the nation's air travel sector, however, having 10 new regional airports built during his brief
presidency, and further encouraged growth in the auto industry by paving 10,000 km (6,300 mi) of intercity roadways. During
Frondizi's administration the country experienced an important economic transition. The policy of Developmentalism brought
with it foreign investment in underdeveloped industries like petrochemicals, the auto industry and steel and helped usher in
over a decade of relative prosperity. Although some important projects were started there was, however, no unified policy
towards infrastructure, which did not dramatically improve. Frondizi's economic vision can be summarized as progressive,
since it defeated long-held fears of economic development among many in Argentina. Although some aspects of the
economy, especially heavy industry, were improved, Frondizi's administration failed to improve other important aspects such

as public transport and agriculture. Some of the problems that the administration was unable to solve dated from Pern's
presidency, as discussed. Due to the enormous opposition to the privatisation of state-owned companies, some key sectors in
which foreign investment could have arguably made a great differencetelecommunications, in particularcontinued to
grow very slowly. Pern's influence on public opinion, particularly on that of working class Argentines, was partially
responsible for this problem. The broad agenda he pursued while overshadowed by conservative and military threats, and
during his brief tenure, can be summarized with what President Ral Alfonsn said about his own presidency twenty five years
later: "We wanted, we had the resources, but we only accomplished part of our plan." During the developmentalist years,
Frondizi focused social policy on the relationship between the state and trade unions, the largest of which (the CGT) had
been in government receivership since 1956. The "backbone of the Peronist movement", as Pern referred to it, Frondizi's
rappraochment with the CGT was designed to distance the powerful union, then South America's largest, from Peronism.
Trade union leaders, however, remained extremely loyal to Pern, due as much to gratitude for past policies, as for the
expectation of the power they could wield if Pern's return took place. Following Pern's fall in 1955, this loyalty continued
intact. Pern, in exile and initially stapped for funds, still wielded control over his movement and over the trade unions. The
new peronism that emerged, "resistance Peronism," was based on strikes and violent manifestations by the trade unions
against the state, and the main objective was to destabilize any government that was not Peronist. Following a relatively calm
1958, Pern's agreement with Frondizi soured when the latter opened oil exploration contracts to foreign bidders, and
particularly during Alsogaray's "winter" of 1959. The constant resistance of organised labor provoked increasing friction with
the military, which threatened the president with a coup no less than 26 times (not including 6 attempts by renegade
generals). Although in theory, Frondizi's administration wanted to avoid state intervention, and encourage a progressive
social policy, it failed to democratize trade unions, most of whose leadership and systems were inherited from Pern's
system. Education was another controversial policy aspect. Frondizi's administration not only changed the curriculum; but
also opened education to the private sector, including parochial schools. His policies also discouraged youth organizations,
many of which were a Peronist legacy, or represented far-left, or far-right, agendas. Other reforms backed by Frondizi until the
1958 campaign, such as the legalization of divorce (briefly accomplished by Pern, in 1954-55), were sidestepped in the
interest of placating conservatives. After the fall of the Peronist regime in 1955 its vital structure, the CGT, a union of all trade
unions, came under receivership from the military government, displacing its leadership. This clearly anti-Peronist policy
would eventually lead to massive strikes and other types of resistance from the rank-and-file. At the time, Frondizi's position
was against military control and in favour of a united trade union (Frondizi was the only non-Peronist politician who favoured
this option), and this made the trade unions sympathetic to him, initially. When Frondizi took office, he fulfilled his promise of
maintaining a united CGT. Three groups of trade unions operated under the CGT umbrella at the time, and the idea was
fiercely opposed by the 32s and 19s, since one centralized trade union would mean, in practice, that the workers movement
would be controlled by the Peronists. The government faced two options, one was an election in which the proportional
representation system was used; the other option was an electoral system which hand control of the trade unions to the
majority (Peronist). Frondizi reversed Aramburu's attempts to de-Peronize labor, promptly returning six unions to their
Peronist leadership, and appointing one of their own, Alfredo Allende, as Labor Minister. To satisfy Peronist demands and avoid
short term conflict, Frondizi issued new wage guidelines calling for a 60% raise in collective bargainingcontracts, and control
of the CGT was given to the majority faction. Nevertheless, during 1958 the 62s supported the government and tried to
reduce any working conflict. On the other hand the 19s and the 32s opposed the government by encouraging strikes and
other workers' demonstrations. In the context of Economy Minister Alsogaray's "shock treatment" and ensuing inflation, the
contracts that had been frozen by law in 1958 meant that the real salaries, which already had been sliding since Pern's fall
in 1955, fell even further. During 1959 the situation dramatically changed. The government issued Law 9270/56 of
Professional Association which defined the relationship between state, employers and trade unions. This law among other
things, allowed the state to intervene in the trade unions when it considered it necessary, by the use of force. The new law
alarmed the Peronists, since it undermined their control over the trade unions, and also represented a threat to the so-called
"democratic" trade unions (non Peronist), since this law also stated that the CGT would be governed by its majority factions.
The faction gaining control of the CGT during 1960 was the 20s, whose leader, textile union leader Andrs Framini, was least
willing to accept any form of government receivership over the CGT's governing board. Following a series of meetings with
Frondizi and the president's political point man, Internal Affairs Minister Alfredo Vtolo, Framini obtained the lifting of federal
receivership over the CGT in March 1961. Following the university reform of 1918, Argentine education, especially at
university level, became more independent of the government, as well as the influential Catholic Church. The church began
to re-emerge in country's secular educational system during Pern's rule, when catechism was reintroduced in public schools,
and parochial institutions began receiving subsidies. A sudden reversal in the policy in 1954 helped lead to Pern's violent
overthrow, however, after which his earlier, pro-clerical policies were reinstated by Aramburu. Frondizi initially opposed
Aramburu's Law 6403 of 1955, which advanced private education generally, and parochial, or more often, Catholic-run
schools (those staffed with lay techers), in particular. Confident the new policy would be upheld, church supporters founded
the Argentine Catholic University. The UCRI campaigned against the policy, though when Frondizi took office, he shifted in
favor of further, pro-clerical reforms, which he then referred to as "free education." Opposed by many in his own party, and
especially by the President of the University of Buenos Aires (his brother, Risieri), Frondizi was open about his motivation for
the policy change, declaring that "I need the support of the church." The Educational Freedom Law, signed in early 1959,
also freed private universities from limits imposed by the 1885 Avellaneda Law, which forbad them from issuing official
degrees directly, but only through a public university. The law led to controversy because most of the new universities and
private schools, which would become eligible for state subsidies, were religious. Supporters applauded Frondizis vision of
private universities that could co-exist with public ones, and it was seen as a progressive measure. Those in favour of a
strictly secular educational system believed the law to be a concession given to the church in exchange for support, however,
and became disillusioned with the pragmatic Frondizi. Frondizi, however, advanced other educational reforms to dovetail with
his economic policy. His administration incorporated the National Workers' University network of campuses (technical
schools inaugurated by Pern in 1948) into the national university aegis, by which he established the UTN system in 1959,
and opened numerous new campuses. The UTN became the leading alma mater for Argentine engineers in subsequent
decades. The social aspect of Frondizi's government was influenced more by pressure groups than by its own initiative.
Although some of the measures taken can be understood as part of a progressive movement, most of them are in fact
conservative, since their intent was to maintain the status quo established by the previous military government. His
administration enacted numerous progressive measures despite ongoing military threats of coup, including the lifting of
government receivership over the CGT to its trade union leadership in 1961, and the opening of education to the private
sector. He also enacted more conservative measures, such as financing religious education, intervening the trade unions
when needed, and imprisonment of trade union leaders, which continued after Frondizi took office. The Conintes Plan in 1960,
which was just shy of martial law, was lightly implemented, however, despite military enthusiasm for the policy. It banned
the Communist Party of Argentina and other parties and groups on the far left, ahead of the March 1960mid-term elections,
and became a pretext for surveillance and arrests during the 1961 Bay of Pigs Invasion crisis, when communist elements and
radical leftists within his own coalition began demanding action in support of Cuba. Most of the measures in the second
category were responses to pressure from anti-Peronist elements in the society, especially from the armed forces. Others,

such as aiding religious education, were a response to the need for support from conservative
groups, such as the Church, which still had a great influence on the majority of the society.
Summarizing the social policies carried out by Frondizi's administration it could be said that overall
it was not a progressive one; but, rather one careful to abide by conservative interests. Frondizi
cultivated good relations with the United States without straining those with Brazil or the NonAligned Movement. U.S. PresidentDwight D. Eisenhower visited Argentina in March 1959, the first
such visit since 1936, and the resulting Bariloche Declaration promoted the mutual protection
of natural parks. Returning the courtesy in January 1961, he became the first Argentine president
to visit the United States, as well as the first to visit India and Japan. He formalized Argentina's
support for LAFTA, the first Latin American free trade association, and for the Alliance for Progress,
the landmark Western Hemisphere policy of the new U.S. President, John F. Kennedy. Helping
remove obstacles to cooperation, he resolved minor but long-standing border disputes with Brazil.
Though commercial concerns continued to dominate foreign policy, Frondizi took part in
negotiations between President Kennedy and Cuban representative Ernesto Che Guevara after an Inter-American Economic
and Social Council summit in Punta del Este, Uruguay, in August 1961. The secret meeting took place in the Quinta de
Olivos presidential residence on 19 August. Guevara encouraged Frondizi to act as an intermediary between Cuba and the
Kennedy administration, having already himself made conciliatory - but ultimately rejected - proposals in talks at Punta del
Este with Kennedy's envoy Richard Goodwin. Frondizi's efforts were sabotaged by the Argentine Intelligence Agency, which
learned of the meeting with Guevara. Ultimately, Cuba was expelled from the Organization of American States in January
1962. The effort, though fruitless, showed audacity on the part of Frondizi, whom President Kennedy called "a really tough
man." The sizable Cuban exile community in Argentina reacted vigorously to the news, and organized a furtive misinformation campaign utilizing forged documents by which they believed the Argentine military could become convinced that
a Cuban-sponsored communist takeover was in the planning. Calligraphers at Frondizi's service easily uncovered the hoax,
however. Displeasure in the military and among conservatives for Frondizi's Cuban initiative, as well as for his lifting the ban
on Peronism ahead of the March 1962 mid-term elections made a coup d'tat increasingly likely. Running on the Popular
Union ticket, Peronists nominated Framini for governor of the Province of Buenos Aires (home to 38% of Argentines).
Distanced from Frondizi since the 1959 recession, Pern added a further point of contention by having himself named
Framini's running mate, a symbolic spot on the ticket which, unable to return, he could never fill, but which would prove a
powerful endorsement to Framini. Framini and Pern's other proxies won 10 of 14 governorships at stake, and Frondizi was
forced to annul Framini's victory. He stopped short of annulling other Peronist victories, however, and in the face of a nearcertain coup, he defiantly announced that he would not "resign, commit suicide, or leave the country." He was overthrown on
March 29, after being surrounded in the presidential offices at the Casa Rosada by a decision ofArmy Chief of Staff General
Ral Poggi. Frondizi was spirited to Martn Garca Island, a tiny exclave on the Ro de la Plata, and subsequently to
the Andes resort town of Bariloche, where he would spend the next year. His appointed successor,Senate President Jos Mara
Guido, initially refused the dubious honor, citing loyalty to the president. He accepted, however, after a request he do so by
Frondizi, himself. The coup itself led to more rivalries within the military than it had calmed, and following a power struggle
between Poggi and the hard-line Commander of the Cavalry Corps, General Enrique Rauch, the relatively moderate ("blue"
faction) prevailed with the appointment of General Juan Carlos Ongana as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs; Ongana only
narrowly avoided a takeover by the far-right, "red" faction of the military in the difficult subsequent months. Following
Frondizi's release from detention in July 1963, and Frigerio's return from exile, they founded the Integration and Development
Movement (MID) on a developmentalistplatform. Unable to field candidates in the 1963 elections due to military and
conservative opposition, the MID and Pern agreed on a "National Popular Front." The alliance was again scuttled by military
pressure, and the MID endorsed a "blank vote" option. Those among Frondizi's former allies who objected to this move backed
the progressive formerBuenos Aires Province Governor, Oscar Alende, an erstwhile Frondizi ally who ran on the UCRI ticket (its
last) and finished second. Following the pragmatic Arturo Illia's election, the MID was allowed to participate in the 1965
legislative elections, sending 16 members to the Argentine Chamber of Deputies. Policy differences over Frondizi-era oil
contracts, which Illia rescinded, led the MID to actively oppose him, however, and he initially welcomed the 1966 coup
against Illia. Frigerio became a significant shareholder in Argentina's largest newsdaily, Clarn, following a 1971 deal made
with the newsdaily's owner, Ernestina Herrera de Noble, whose late husband (Clarn founder Roberto Noble), had supported
Frondizi. Pern's return from exile imminent, Frondizi opted to endorse the aging leader's ticket for the 1973 elections, and
following seven years of military rule, the reopened Argentine Congress included 12 MID Deputies. The return of peronism to
power exacerbated political tensions in Argentina, however, and among the hundreds of victims of the growing wave of
violence was his own brother, Law Professor Silvio Frondizi, who served as chief counsel to the Trotskyite ERP, and who lost
his life in a 1974 attack by the fascist Triple A. Given little say by the new Peronist government, which, instead saw its policy
shift from populism to erratic crisis management measures, Frondizi initially supported the 1976 coup against Pern's
successor (his hapless widow, Isabel Pern). He dropped his early support for the regime in response to their ultraconservative Economy Minister, Jos Alfredo Martnez de Hoz, leading to death threats against numerous MID figures.
Allowing elections in 1983, the dictatorship left an insolvent Argentina, its business and consumer confidence almost
shattered and its international prestige damaged following the 1982 Falklands War, an invasion Frondizi opposed. Suffering
from the early stages of Parkinson's Disease, Frondizi named his friend, Frigerio, the MID nominee for President. Refusing to
condemn the regime's human rights atrocities, something which deprived their longshot candidacy of needed support, the
MID fared poorly on election night, garnering 4 th place (1.5%) and electing no congressmen. Elected by an ample margin, UCR
leader Ral Alfonsn left Frondizi out of the economic policy discussions he held before taking office, and Frigerio succeeded
the ailing Frondizi as President of the MID in 1986, though the latter remained influential in the party. The MID maintained a
considerable following in a number of the less developed Argentine provinces, where voters had fond memories of the
Frondizi administration's development projects, and helped elect allies within the Justicialist Party (Peronists),
in Formosa andMisiones Provinces, as well as Mayoral candidate Nstor Kirchner in Ro Gallegos, Santa Cruz Province;
Kirchner went on become governor and, in 2003, President of Argentina. Frondizi supported Peronist candidate Carlos
Menem in the May 1989 elections, though his support soured when Menem turned to neo-liberal and free trade policies.
Frondizi lost his daughter in 1976, and his wife in 1990. Living in seclusion in his Beruti Street apartment (in Buenos
Aires' northside), Frondizi occasionally received political figures seeking advice, as was the case for former Formula
One driver Carlos Reutemann, who as a supporter of his, sought his opinion on a 1991 bid for governor of Santa Fe
Province (to which Reutemann was elected). Frondizi died on April 18, 1995, at age 86.

Jos Mara Guido (August

29, 1910 June 13, 1975) was an interim President of Argentina from March 30, 1962 until
October 12, 1963. The military coup of March 29, 1962 was tragicomic elements that determined who was not a soldier, but a
civilian, Jos Mara Guido, who acceded to the government after ousting President Arturo Frondizi (Radical intransigent).
Frondizi endured during his government and military insurrections planteos repeated, through which came to impose even
the Minister of Economy (Alvaro Alsogaray) and ended in the coup of March 29, 1962, led by Lieutenant General Raul Poggi,

Admiral Augustine Punishment and Brigadier General Cayo Alsina.The fact that precipitated the coup
was the Peronist landslide victory in the elections held eleven days before, in ten of the fourteen
provinces, including the Province of Buenos Aires, where he triumphed textile union leader Andrs
Framini. Peronism was banned by the military dictatorship in 1955, but returned to enable electorally
Frondizi, while maintaining the ban on Juan Domingo Peron as a candidate and return home. Frondizi
immediately intervened provinces where Peronism had won, but the blow was unstoppable. Produced
military uprising on March 29, 1962, President Frondizi, arrested by the military in the Martin Garcia
Island, refused to give up ("I do not kill myself, do not give up and I will not leave the country" 2) That
led to endless movements, threats and negotiations that ran out to the leaders of the insurrection,
who went to bed before formally taking power. On the morning of March 30, General Raul Poggi,
leader of the victorious uprising, went to Government House to take over the government, and was
surprised by the fact that the journalists commented that a civilian, Jos Mara Guido , was sworn in as
President in the Palace of the Supreme Court. Guido was an uncompromising radical presiding Senate
tentatively due to the resignation of Vice President Alejandro Gomez. Given this, the night of the coup,
and in a clever maneuver, the Minister of the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation, July Oyhanarte, the overthrow of Frondizi
considered as a case of vacancy, corresponding to Guido taking office, by found at the top of the line of succession under Law
252. The military coup ended up accepting the situation and called Guido at Government House to inform him that it would
be recognized as president, as long as they committed in writing to implement the policy measures indicated by the Armed
Forces, the first of which override elections in which Peronism had won. Guido accepted military impositions, signed a
document noting that and was then enabled these to be installed with the title of president, but closing the Congress and
intervening in all provinces. Guido enforced military orders. The day after Congress annulled the elections of March 18, 1962
and addressed all provinces and then be dissolved. Thus Guido assumed the executive and legislative branches of the
country, under the control and supervision of the armed forces, who reserved the right to remove it. He was appointed a
liberal economic team (with the likes of Federico Pinedo and Jos Alfredo Martnez de Hoz). Shortly after (July 24) issued a
Status of Political Parties was instrumental not legalize Peronism. His brief tenure was marked by clashes between opposing
military factions (red versus blue). His government survived several uprisings of the three army forces.On April 20, 1962, the
garrison commander at Campo de Mayo, Enrique Rauch, belonging to the Army nationalist line, revolts and demands the
resignation of the Commander in Chief of the Army, Lieutenant General Raul Alejandro Poggi and the Minister of Army, Marine
Major General Racing. However, on April 22, Guido manages to reach an agreement between the parties before the hostilities
began: Rauch, Poggi and Racing went into retirement cash. The office of Minister rests with the Army Brigadier General Juan
Bautista Loza, took on April 23 and temporarily served as commander in chief until the appointment of Juan Carlos Lorio on
August 14 in the latter cargo.The September 20, 1965, the Commander in Chief of the Argentine Army, Brigadier General
Juan Carlos Lorio revolted and tried to depose to retire Guido and several officers of his weapon but failed and Lorio was
relieved of his post by John Carlos Ongana.On December 11 of that year also revolted Cayo Alsina Brigadier General,
commander of the Air Force Argentina, however the uprising was defeated and was replaced by Carlos Alsina Armanini.The
last coup against his government held the Armada Argentina on April 1, 1963, was led by Admiral Jorge Palma and had the
support of the head of the navy, Vice Admiral Henry Grnwaldt. However, this act of insurrection suffered the same fate as
the other two mentioned above, so that the leaders of the uprising were arrested and the new chief of the naval force was
Eladio Vzquez.Finally in 1963 reconvened limited choices, with proscription of Peronism, which was elected president Arturo
Illia of the Radical Civic Union of the People (UCRP), who took office on October 12, 1963, coming in second vote white many
Peronists used as a form of protest. The President Illia would also turn overthrown by a military coup on June 28, 1966.

Arturo Umberto Illia (19001983)

was President of Argentina from October 12, 1963, until June 28, 1966, and a
member of the centrist UCR. Arturo Umberto Illia was born August 4, 1900 in Pergamino, Buenos Aires Province, to Emma
Francesconi and Martn Illia, Italian Argentine immigrants from the Lombardy Region. He enrolled in the School of Medicine at
the University of Buenos Aires in 1918. That year, he joined the movement for University reform in Argentina (Reforma
Universitaria), which first emerged in the city of Crdoba, and set the basis for a free, open and public university system less
influenced by the Catholic Church. This development changing the concept and administration of higher education in
Argentina, and in a good portion of Latin America. As a part of his medical studies, Illia begun working in the San Juan de Dios
Hospital in the city of La Plata, obtaining his degree in 1927. In 1928 he had an interview with President Hiplito Yrigoyen, the
longtime leader of the centrist UCR, and the first freely-elected President of Argentina. Illia offered him his services as a
physician, and Yrigoyen, in turn, offered him a post as railroad medic in different parts of the country, upon which Illia
decided to move to scenic Cruz del Eje, in Cordoba Province. He worked there as a medic from 1929 until 1963, except for
three years (19401943) in which he was Vice-Governor of the province. On February 15, 1939, he married Silvia Elvira
Martorell, and had three children: Emma Silvia, Martn Arturo and Leandro Hiplito. Martn Illia was elected to Congress in
1995, and served until his death in 1999. Arturo Illia became a member of the Radical Civic Union when he reached
adulthood, in 1918, under the strong influence of the radical militancy of his father and of his brother, Italo. That same year,
he began his university studies, with the events of the aforementioned Universitarian Reform taking place in the country.
From 1929 onwards, after moving to Cruz del Eje, he began intense political activity, which he alternated with his professional
life. In 1935 he was elected Provincial Senator for the Department of Cruz del Eje, in the elections that took place on
November 17. In the Provincial Senate, he actively participated in the approval of the Law of Agrarian Reform, which was
passed in the Crdoba Legislature but rejected in the National Congress. He was also head of the Budget and Treasury
Commission, and pressed for the construction of dams, namely Nuevo San Roque, La Via, Cruz del Eje and Los Alazanes. In
the elections that took place on March 10, 1940, he was elected Vice-Governor of Crdoba Province, with Santiago del
Castillo, who became Governor. He occupied this post until the provincial government was replaced by the newly-installed
dictatorship of General Pedro Ramrez, in 1943. From 1948 to 1952, Illia served in the Argentine Chamber of Deputies.
Working in a Congress dominated by the Peronist Party, he took an active part in the Public Works, Hygiene and Medical
Assistance Commissions. After the fall of the populist government of Juan Pern in 1955, a long period of political instability
took over Argentina. During this period, the army would have a large influence over the politics of the country, and, even
though elections would still take place, these would be marked by a considerable lack of legitimacy, since Peronism (which
was supported by a great portion of the Argentine citizenry) would be banned during this period. From 1955 to 1963 the
country had five presidents, of which only one was democratically elected: Arturo Frondizi, who governed the country from
May 1, 1958, until his March 29, 1962, overthrow by a military coup. Frondizi's removal was precipitated by his lifting the ban
on Peronism ahead of the March 1962 mid-term elections. Among those also affected was Illia, who, though a UCR candidate,
was thus barred from office following his election as Governor of Crdoba. After the fall of Frondizi, the President of the
Senate, Jos Mara Guido, became interim President of the country, starting a process of 'normalization' which would
eventually lead to new elections, on July 7, 1963. The 1963 elections were made possible by support from the moderate,
"Blue" faction of the Argentine military, led by the Head of the Joint Chiefs, General Juan Carlos Ongana and by the Internal
Affairs Minister, General Osiris Villegas. Together, they exercised control over Guido's puppet presidency though they shared

his commitment to elections. The UCR, out of power since Yrigoyen's 1930 overthrow, had been divided since their
contentious 1956 convention into the mainstream "People's UCR" (UCRP) and the center-left UCRI. The leader of the
UCRP, Ricardo Balbn, withdrew his name from the March 10 nominating convention and instead supported a less
conservative, less anti-Peronist choice, and the party nominated Dr. Illia for President and Entre Ros Province lawyer Carlos
Perette as his running-mate. A military ban on the Popular Front organized by Pern and Frondizi led to their joint call for
blank voting as a means of protest. The moderately anti-Peronist UCRP was also hampered by former President Pedro
Aramburu's candidacy, which made opposition to Pern central to its platform. Ultimately, however, Illia would win, and
despite carrying only a fourth of the vote, he also "defeated" the blank vote option (a proxy for the Pern vote) by 4 points.
The results were: People's Radical Civic Union (Arturo Illia Carlos Perette): 2,441,000, Intransigent Radical Civic Union ( Oscar
Alende Celestino Gelsi): 1,593,000, UDELPA-PDP alliance (General Pedro Aramburu Horacio Thedy): 1,346,000, Others:
2,272,000 and Blank and invalid votes: 2,058,000. In the electoral college on July 31, 1963, the Illia-Perette ticket obtained
169 votes out of 476 on the first round of voting (70 short of an absolute majority), but the support of three centrist parties
on the second round gave them 270 votes, thus formalizing their election. Arturo Illia became President on October 12, 1963,
and promptly steered a moderate political course, while remaining mindful of the spectre of a coup d'tat. A UCRP majority in
the Senate contrasted with their 73 seats in the 192-seat Lower House, a disadvantage complicated by Illia's refusal to
include UCRI men in the cabinet (which, save for Internal Affairs Minister Juan Palmero, would all be figures close to Balbn).
Illia also refused military requests to have a general put in charge of the Federal District Police, though he confirmed Ongana
as Head of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and named numerous "Blue" generals to key posts. Countering military objections, he
made political rights an early policy centerpiece, however. His first act consisted in eliminating all restrictions
over Peronism and its allied political parties, causing anger and surprise among the military (particularly the right-wing "Red"
faction). Political demonstrations from the peronist party were forbidden after the 1955 coup, by the Presidential Decree
4161/56, however, five days after Illia's inaugural, a Peronist commemorative act for the October 17 (in honor of the date in
1945 when labor demonstrations propelled Pern to power) took place in Buenos Aires' Plaza Miserere without any official
restrictions. Illia similarly lifted electoral restrictions, allowing the participation of Peronists in the 1965 legislative elections.
The prohibition over theCommunist Party of Argentina and the pro-industry MID (which many in the military, then controlled
by cattle barons, termed "economic criminals") was also lifted. Among Illia's early landmark legislation was an April 1964 bill
issuing felony penalties for discrimination and racial violence, which he presented in an address to a joint session of
Congress. Domestically, Illia pursued a pragmatic course, restoring Frondizi's vigorous public works and lending policies, but
with more emphasis on the social aspect and with a marked, nationalist shift away from Frondizi's support for foreign
investment. This shift was most dramatic in Illia's energy policy. On November 15, 1963, Illia issued the decrees 744/63 and
745/63, which rendered said oil contracts null and void, for being considered "illegitimate and harmful to the rights and
interests of the Nation." Frondizi had begun, during his 195862 presidency, a policy of oil exploration based on concessions
of oil wells to foreign private corporations, leaving the state oil companyYacimientos Petrolferos Fiscales (YPF) the sole
responsibility of exploration and buying oil from private extractors. Arguing that such contracts were negative for the
Argentine state and its people (YPF had to assume all the risks of investing in exploration of new wells, the price of oil had
risen steadily since the contracts were negotiated, etc.), Illia denounced the Frondizi policy as negative for national Argentine
interests, and promised to render the contracts of concession void, renegotiating them. On June 15, 1964, the Law 16.459
was passed, establishing a minimum wage for the country. "Avoiding the exploitation of workers in those sectors in which an
excess of workforce may exist", "Securing an adequate minimum wage" and "Improving the income of the poorest workers"
were listed among the objectives of the project. With the same aims, the Law of Supplies was passed, destined to control
prices of basic foodstuffs and setting minimum standards for pensions. During Illia's government, education acquired an
important presence in the national budget. In 1963, it represented 12% of the budget, rising to 17% in 1964 and to 23% in
1965. On November 5, 1964, the National Literacy Plan was started, with the purpose of diminishing and eliminating illiteracy
(At the time, nearly 10% of the adult population was still illiterate). By June, 1965, the program comprised 12,500 educational
centers and was assisting more than 350,000 adults of all ages. Law 16.462, also known as 'Oativia Law' (in honor of
Minister of Health Arturo Oativia), was passed on August 28, 1964. It established a policy of price and quality controls for
pharmaceuticals, freezing prices for patented medicines at the end of 1963, establishing limits to advertising expenditures
and to money sent outside the country for royalties and related payments. The reglamentation of this law by the Decree
3042/65, also forced pharmaceutical corporations to present, to a judge, an analysis of the costs of their drugs and to
formalize all their existing contracts. Both supporters, detractors and impartial observers of Illia agree that this policy helped
array opposition by business interests that was decisive in his eventual overthrow by a military coup. In the economic sphere,
Arturo Illia's presidency was characterised by regulation of the public sector, a decrease of the public debt, and a
considerable push for industrialization. The Syndicate of State Businesses was created, to achieve a more efficient control of
the public sector. Among his brief presidency's most notable public works initiatives were theVilla Lugano housing
development (in the poorest section of Buenos Aires) and El Chocn Dam, then the largest such project in Argentina. National
GDP had contracted by 2.4% in 1963; it expanded by 10.3% in 1964 and 9.1% in 1965. Industrial GDP had shrunk by 4.1% in
1963; it leapt by 18.9% in 1964 and 13.8% in 1965. The external debt was reduced from 3.4 billion dollars to 2.7 billion.[4] The
median real wage grew by 9.6% during calendar 1964, alone, and had expanded by almost 25%,by the time of the coup.
[5]
Unemployment declined from 8.8% in 1963, to 5.2% on 1966. Ironically, the Argentine middle class (who were generally as
anxious as anyone to see President Illia leave office) benefited even more: auto sales leapt from 108,000 in 1963 to 192,000
in 1965 (a record at the time). Organized labour initially supported Illia for his expansionist economic policy. This support
turned to antagonism during 1964, however, as secret plans for Pern's return from exile took shape. Accordingly, CGT labor
union head Jos Alonso called a general strike in May, and became a vocal opponent of the president's this antagonism
intensified after Pern's failed attempt to return in December, and during 1965, CGT leaders began publicly hinting at support
for a coup. Legislative elections took place on March 17, and despite the unions' hostility towards Illia, Peronists were free of
the restrictions existing up to 1963. Thanks to this, the Peronists presented their own party lists, rallying behind the Popular
Union. The Popular Union won the popular vote (3,278,434 votes against Illia's UCRP, which obtained 2,734,970 votes), and
elected 52 Congressmen (the first time Peronists had been allowed to do so in a decade). The triumph of the Peronists shook
the Argentine Armed Forces, both among internal military factions linked to the Peronist movement, and in particular among
the large section of the army which remained strongly anti-Peronist. In addition, a campaign against the government was also
being carried out by important parts of the media, notably Primera Plana and Confirmado, the nation's leading
newsmagazines. Seizing on minimally relevant events such as the President's refusal to support Operation Power
Pack (Lyndon Johnson's ill-justified, April 1965 invasion of the Dominican Republic), Illia was nicknamed "the turtle" in both
editorials and caricatures, and his rule was vaguely referred to as "slow," "dim-witted" and "lacking energy and decision,"
encouraging the military to take power and weakening the government even more; Confirmado went further, publicly
exhorting the public to support a coup and publishing a (non-scientific) opinion poll touting public support for the illegal
measure. Under the planning of the Commander of the First Division of the Army, General Julio Alsogaray, and with the
support of the military, economic groups, a considerable part of the media, and numerous politicians (notably UCRI
leader Oscar Alende, former President Frondizi, and Alsogaray's brother, right-wing economist Alvaro Alsogaray), the military
coup took place on June 28, 1966. General Alsogaray presented himself in Illia's office that day, at 5:00 a.m, and 'invited' him

to resign his post. Illia refused to do so at first, citing his role as Commander-in-Chief, but at 7:20,
after seeing his office invaded by military officers and policemen with grenade launchers, he was
forced step down. The next day, General Juan Carlos Ongana became the new Argentine
President. Illia lost his wife, Silvia Martorell, to cancer in November of that year. He then relocated
to the upscale Buenos Aires suburb of Martnez, though he would still make frequent trips
toCrdoba. He continued participating in politics actively insupport of the UCR until his death in
Crdoba on January 18, 1983. Following a state memorial in Congress, Arturo Umberto Illia was
buried in La Recoleta Cemetery, in Buenos Aires.

Juan Carlos Ongana (March

17, 1914 June 8, 1995) was de

facto President of Argentina from June 29, 1966 until June 8, 1970. He
rose to power as military dictator after toppling, in a coup dtat selfnamed Revolucin
Argentina (Argentine
Revolution),
the
democratically
(although
peronism,
the
main
political force at the time, was proscripted) elected president Arturo
Illia (UCR).
While
preceding military coups in Argentina were aimed at establishing
temporary,
transitional juntas, the Revolucin Argentina headed by Ongana aimed
at establishing a new
political
and
social
order,
opposed
both
to liberal
democracy and communis
m, which gave to the Armed Forces of Argentina a leading, political role
in
the
economic
rationalization of the country. The political scientist Guillermo
O'Donnell named this type
of regime "authoritarian-bureaucratic state",in reference both to
the Revolucin Argentina,
the Brazilian military regime (19641985), Augusto Pinochet's regime
(starting in 1973) and Juan
Mara Bordaberry's regime in Uruguay. As military dictator, Ongana
suspended political parties and supported a policy of Participacionismo (Participationism, supported by the trade unionist Jos
Alonso and then by the general secretary of the CGT-Azopardo, Augusto Vandor), by which representatives of various interest
groups such as industry, labor, and agriculture, would form committees to advise the government. Yet these committees were
largely appointed by the dictator himself. Ongana also suspended the right to strike (Law 16,936) and supported
acorporatist economic and social policy, enforced particularly in Cordoba by the appointed governor, Carlos Caballero.
Ongana's Minister of Economy, Adlbert Krieger Vasena, decreed a wage freeze (amid 30% inflation) and a 40% devaluation,
which adversely impacted the state of the Argentine economy (agriculture in particular), favoring foreign capital. Krieger
Vasena suspendedcollective labour conventions, reformed the Fossil Fuels Law which had established a partial monopoly of
the Yacimientos Petrolferos Fiscales (YPF) state enterprise and signed a law facilitating tenants' expulsions in case of nonpayment of rent. Ongana's rule signified an end to university autonomy, which had been achieved by theUniversity Reform of
1918. Barely a month into his administration, he was responsible for the so-called La Noche de los Bastones Largos ("The
Night of the Long Police Batons"), where university autonomy was violated, in which he ordered police to invade the Faculty of
Sciences of the University of Buenos Aires; students and professors were beaten up and arrested. Many were later forced to
leave the country, touching off a "brain drain" that saddles Argentine academics, generally, to this day. Ongana also ordered
repression on all forms of "immoralism", proscribing miniskirts, long hair for boys, and all avant-garde artistic movements.
This moral campaign favorized the radicalization of middle classes, who were massively present in universities. In 1969,
Ongania dedicated the country to the Immaculate Heart of Mary. Eventually, this position was opposed by the other factions
in the military, which felt that its influence in government would be diminished. Thus, end of May 1968, General Julio
Alsogaray dissented from Ongana, and rumors spread about a possible coup d'tat, Algosaray leading the conservative
opposition to Ongana. Finally, at the end of the month, Ongana dismissed the leaders of the Armed Forces: Alejandro
Lanusse replaced Julio Alsogaray, Pedro Gnavi replaced Benigno Varela, and Jorge Martnez Zuvira replaced Adolfo Alvarez.
Also, Ongania's ruthless government was weakened by a popular uprising of workers and students that took place in the
whole of the country, in particular in the interior, in cities such as Crdoba in 1969 (known as "El Cordobazo")
or Rosario (the Rosariazo). In May 1970, a Cordobazo bis happened, named el Viborazo.[2] Led by General Alejandro Lanusse,
the dominant military faction demanded that Ongana resign. When he refused, he was toppled by a military junta.

Roberto Marcelo Levingston Laborda (January

19, 1920 June 17, 2015) was a general

in the Argentine Army and president of Argentina from June 18, 1970 until March 22, 1971, during
the Revolucin
Argentina period
in
Argentine
history. His
military
expertise
includedintelligence and counterinsurgency, and he took the presidency of Argentina in a military coup
that deposed Juan Carlos Ongana over his ineffective response to the Montoneros and other guerillas.
His regime was marked by a protectionist economic policy that did little to overcome
the inflation and recession that the country was undergoing at the time, and by the imposition of
the death penaltyagainst terrorists and kidnappers. In response to renewed anti-government rioting
in Crdoba and to the labor crisis under his leadership, he was deposed by another military junta led
by Alejandro Lanusse. The journalist Roberto Di Chiara review and the period that witnessed: "The
regime was no longer such. Ten days after the dismissal of Ongana by decision of the three members of the Board was
appointed a general stationed in Washington called Roberto Marcelo Levingston, for whom the appointment was as surprising
as for review public did not know. On March 23, 1971 he was resigned. During those three hundred days, Levingston
management showed how a charge could be reached without the limits of perception. The first temptation of the new
president was to be decided by the "deepening "a revolution had accepted rule nonexistent while under the tutelage of the
military junta in significant resolutions grow transcendence and saw violence crusade.'s wave of political assassinations
Aramburu swept not only, but also with important union leader Jos Alonso, and continued with the assault of La Calera and
Garin, attributed to a group called the Revolutionary Armed Forces. Amid the guerrilla siege of mistrust association and
military surveillance, behead Levingston proposed matches, call the middle generation, arm a new model of country and
retake the ambiguous idea of a national project. In sum: Peronism without Pern, radicalism without Balbin, and parties
without their leaders.'s response-political mediators Ricardo Balbin, Vicente Solano Lima, Jorge Paladino by Peronism, Manuel
Paz and others Rawson was a document called The People's Time November 11, demanding the fulfillment of a political plan
with call for free elections and without proscriptions, and changing economic orientation . I subscribed to the Radical Civic
Union of the People, the Justice Party, liberal democracy, the Argentine Socialist Party, the UCR Bloquista San Juan, and the
Democrats were not Christians, uncompromising radicalism, democratic socialism, communism and the Movement
Integration and Development of Frondizi. objective Coalition La Hora del Pueblo was evoked mainly of Peronists and Radicals,
when political parties and leaders Levingston marginalized. Beginning 1971, the appointment as governor of Crdoba a
reactionary conservative named Joseph C. Uriburu, was allowed to check how far the president to understand what was
happening around him, and what was the balance of the "revolution in Argentina". had come with a constitutional coup
against a president in name order, authority, economic rationality, the modernization of the country. Five years had
accumulated frustrations. On March 23, 1971 Levinsgton's resignation ended a double adventure: the first, a revolution that
was not, the second that of a president who was summoned to administer a transition and wanted to be a leader without
followers. Both failures were the argument of the management of General Alejandro Agustn Lanusse." He died on June 17,
2015, at the age of 95.

Alejandro Agustn Lanusse Gelly (August

28, 1918 August 26, 1996) was the 38th President of the Argentine
from March 22, 1971 until May 25, 1973, during the Argentine Revolution. A graduate of the Army Academy (Colegio Militar
de la Nacin, class of 1938), he was head of the Regimiento de Granaderos a Caballo (Regiment of Horse Grenadiers,
presidential escort unit). In 1951 he was sentenced to life imprisonment for his part in an attempted coup to overthrow Juan
Pern. He was released in 1955 with the Revolucin Libertadora, a military uprising which ousted General Pern and set up a
military dictatorship which was in power from 1955 to 1958. In 1956 he was designated Ambassador to the Holy See. In 1960
he became Assistant Director of the Superior Military School and later Commander of the First Armored Cavalry Division. In
1962 he took part in the overthrowing of president Arturo Frondizi, and in 1966 supported General Juan Carlos Ongana in the
ousting of president Arturo Illia. In 1968 Lanusse became Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces. The policy differences
with Juan Carlos Ongania and weakening of the Argentina Revolution to the insurrectional climate generated by the
clandestine armed groups emerging from Cordobazo led him to demand its resignation, and after his refusal, to overthrow
him. The Board of Commanders in Chief of the Armed Forces, which integrated Lanusse as Army Chief in this instance
replaced by Roberto Marcelo Levingston Ongana, who after a brief stint as president, was in turn dismissed and replaced by
the very Lanusse who became president in March 1971. During his administration showed traits of pragmatism, restoring
diplomatic relations with China, repatriating the body of Eva Peron Peron and motivating to return from exile in Spain in 1972.
Economically were implemented and initiated major infrastructure such as roads, dams, power plants and bridges. While
judicially made significant progress under its legislative mandate (unless beyond itself since it was legislation subverted the
rule of law), as the first organic law of its kind in the country, the National Administrative Procedures Act (Decree 19549), the
first System Law on Companies (Decree Law 19,550) and the first law, outside of what was the old Commercial Code,
Bankruptcy (Decree 19551), among others. In his presidency Florida Street became pedestrian tunnel opened on Libertador
Avenue. He was very active with their Latin American counterparts, unlike several presidents de facto, not disagreeing in
ideologies, arriving to meet with the conservative Uruguayan Jorge Pacheco Areco and even Chile's socialist President
Salvador Allende.The basic objective of Lanusse was trying to block any possibility of return of Peronism to power. One of his
first acts was to form his cabinet with political sectors considered "close", and the game functional obstruction Peronism. In
front of the Interior Ministry, the people appointed to radical Arturo Mor Roig, with the consent of Ricardo Balbn. Political
initiative implemented by Interior Minister Mor Roig, was promoting the formation of a force of right, a left (expressed through
Peronism), and another center (expressed by the radical). This promotes the completion of the old dispute between those
who considered legitimate repositories of UCR acronym without attachments. Thus the UCRP returns to the UCR, while what
had been the UCRI is structured around Integration and Development Movement (MID), headed by Arturo Frondizi, and
Intransigent Party, led by Oscar Alende. He began to rise to the idea of a return to Juan Domingo Peron. This pointed to two
tactics. He was empowering the Montoneros and the Peronist Party, while negotiating with political parties conducting
elections. To carry out the project of a democratic, Lanusse appointed as Minister of the Interior to a radical political activism,
Arturo Mor Roig, who was the driver of the Grand National Agreement also created to find the best way to clear the name of
the Armed Forces. In April 1971, Mor Roig announced the lifting of the closure policy, and reinstated the goods to political
parties, reopened political committees are led to political freedom, without any restriction and committing emanated
Document of the call La Hora del Pueblo. In a political climate of increasing violence in which among other bloody events
happened the Slaughter of Trelew. The slaughter of Trelew further weakened the de facto government. The incident began on
August 15, 1972, a group of guerrillas FAR, ERP and Montoneros in a joint operation, took a clean sweep Rawson prison for
the escape. The plan failed, due to several faults, making only their heads to escape the country is heading to Chile and then
to Cuba. The rest were delivered to the Navy, a few days later, on August 22 were shot, simulating an escape attempt. The
confusion made them from being three survivors, but these could not survive the dictatorship of 1976-1983. The government
announced that elections would be realized on March 11, 1973, and the transfer of power will take place on May 25, was
imposed as a condition that candidates have to be found in the country before August 25, 1972, and remain in the country
until the date of assumption. From Madrid, Juan Pern appointed as personal representative for President Hector Campora,

the leader of the Justicialist Party was not in accordance with these conditions, he said, were "anticonstitutional". The elections were won by the formula Campora-Solano Lima with 5,908,414 votes,
followed by radical formula-Gamond Balbin, with 2,537,605 votes. Lanusse transfer power through
free elections, without any ban on May 25, 1973 at Campora, to twenty-one who happened not control
free presidential elections, although unusual conditions compared to other elecciones. Given the
refusal of Pern to the conditions imposed on the ballot, Lanusse famously said: "Peron is because it
gives the leather to come." In 1977 his former Press Secretary Edgardo Saxon was kidnapped and
murdered in the School of Naval Mechanics. And in December 1978 he was abducted and murdered
his cousin Angelica Elena Holmberg clandestine Navy commands Argentina, in Paris, both were
victims of National Reorganization Process. Lanusse was an active critic of the military juntas during
the National Reorganization Process, questioning their methodologies. It was against this coup as well
as their "procedures on the left", and stated in the trials after the return of democracy in 1985. Here a
paragraph notable for his testimony about the case Saxon:
Dr. Strassera: "Have you ever any authority she interviewed recognized the illegal use of these methods?"
Lanusse: "Being held in custody in Campo de Mayo, in the School of Communications, ordered my capture, say my
confinement, in the Warden with sentinel sight and the raid on my home on May 4, two days appeared after the head of the
garrison of Campo de Mayo with his second, I mean the overall Riveros and Bignone, at that time General Riveros intended or
challenge me to reproach myself for my public statements of condemnation proceedings against the left, adding that thanks I
lived them. had opportunities I told him that it was better not to live, general Riveros. addition you have no hierarchy or
authority to pretend to me tell me how I should proceed. Tempers flared between them and General Bignone own personality
and idiosyncrasies, tried to mediate with little true happiness and said, sir, until last year I thought like you, I have changed
my way of thinking, generally sorry Bignone, as frankly tell him then to Last year I had a concept of General Bignone and now
do not keep well and do not know if you remember that in his time but at the present time, that there are procedures
prescribed in the Military College in which some of the hooded enforcement officials come through that do guard where
cadets and I ask you and I ask you to reflect, not that I answer to me, if that's a way to educate future officers. " - Trial of the
military juntas. He rote three autobiographical books: My testimony, Protagonist and Confessions of a general, in these
publications allowed testimony about his private life and politics, one of the few (and last), Argentine president to write his
memoirs. According Lanusse himself, his de facto government had a center-left position, he was also proud to have presided
over a "government that was intended to return to the people, without discrimination or proscriptions, their right to choose".
With just two days to meet 78, Alejandro Agustn Lanusse died on August 26, 1996.

Hctor Jos Cmpora Demaestre (March 26, 1909 December 18, 1980) was the President
of Argentina from May 25 until July 13, 1973. Cmpora, affectionately known as el To (the Uncle), was
born in the city of Mercedes, in the Province of Buenos Aires. He earned a degree
in dentistry in Crdoba University and practiced his profession in his hometown before moving to
nearby San Andrs de Giles. He knew General Juan Pern when the latter visited San Andrs de Giles as
ministry of labour in 1944. After Pern was elected president in 1945, Cmpora led an independent
coalition of laboriousts and radicals and won a seat in the House of Representatives, which he presided
during the period 19481952. He was commissioned for a diplomatic trip through 17 countries
as plenipotentiaryambassador
in
1953.
He
was
arrested
and
indicted
for
corruption
and embezzlement by the Revolucin Libertadora which overthrew Pern in 1955. After fleeing the country in 1956, he
returned three years later when all the charges were dropped. Pern chose him as his "personal delegate" in 1971. He ran for
president in 1973 to circumvent the veto on Pern's participation in the election which had been issued by Argentine dictator
General Alejandro Lanusse. His running-mate was Vicente Solano Lima. Despite Cmpora's own left-leaning tendencies,
Solano Lima belonged to the Popular Conservative Party. Cmpora won the March 1973 election with 49.5% of the votes.
The Radical leader, Ricardo Balbn, had arrived second with 25%, but it was enough to include him in the runoff with
Cmpora, as absolute majority was necessary to avoid a second ballot. However, he resigned his right in order to avoid a
political crisis, and recognized his defeat. Cmpora assumed his functions on 25 May 1973, in the presence of Chilean
President Salvador Allende and Cuban President Osvaldo Dortics. A million persons gathered on the Plaza de Mayo to
acclaim the new President. One of Cmpora's first presidential actions was a granting of amnesty to political prisoners who
were jailed during the dictatorship prior to his assumption of office. On May 28, Argentina restored diplomatic relations with
Cuba, which then received Argentine aid - such as food and industrial products - to break the United States embargo against
Cuba. During Cmpora's first months of government, approximatively 600 social conflicts, strikes and factory occupations had
taken place. The revolutionary left had however suspended armed struggle, joining itself to the participative democracy
process, which created alarms in the Peronist right-wing bureaucracy. Cmpora's ideology set him against the right-wing
tendencies of Peronism. When Pern returned to Argentina on June 20, 1973, his plane had to be redirected to a military
airport because of fighting between armed Peronist factions that had massed to greet his arrival at Buenos Aires's main
airport. This event, known as the Ezeiza Massacre, left 13 killed and more than 300 wounded. Jos Ber Gelbard, president the
CGE, a small and medium-sized enterprise association, was designated as minister of economics. Gelbard tried to establish a
"social pact" among the CGT workers and the "National Bourgeoisie", including a price freeze and widespread salary hikes.
Finally, on July 13, 1973, Cmpora resigned to allow Juan Pern to return to power. New elections were held on September 23,
twelve days after the Chilean coup. Cmpora was later designated as Argentine ambassador to Mxico. After the March 1976
coup d'tat that displaced Pern's successor, wife Isabel Pern, Cmpora sought refugee at the Mexican embassy in Buenos
Aires. Three years later, after being diagnosed with cancer, he was allowed to fly to Mxico. Cmpora died in Cuernavaca a
few months after his arrival, on December 1980.

Ral Alberto Lastiri (September

11, 1915 December 11, 1978) was an Argentine politician who was interim
president of Argentinafrom July 13 until October 12, 1973. Lastiri, who presided over the Argentine Chamber of Deputies, was
promoted to the presidency of the country after Hctor Cmpora and Vicente Solano Lima resigned, he organized new
elections and delivered the country's government to Juan Pern, who won with over 60% of the votes. His brief tenure marked
a turn towards right-wing policies and factions within the Peronist Party. His father-in-law, Jos Lpez Rega, aP2 member and
the creator of the paramilitary organization Triple A, was confirmed as Minister of Social Welfare. Alberto Juan
Vignesreplaced Puig in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Benito Llamb took over from Esteban Righi as Minister of Interior. In
spite of this, Argentine foreign policy kept a Third World orientation; for example, in August 1973, Argentina granted Cuba a
200 million US$ loan to buy machinery and cars. Jos Ber Gelbard, also confirmed as Economy Minister, continued with his
previous policy, nationalizing bank deposits and announcing a "Triennial Plan" for development. Anti-government violence
experienced sustained growth in the last days of his presidency. On September 25 a Montoneros commando allegedly

killed Jos Ignacio Rucci, Secretary-General of the CGT National trade union center and Pern's good
friend. The same month, the Ejrcito Revolucionario del Pueblo (ERP) had assaulted the Army medical unit
located at Parque Patricios, a neighborhood of Buenos Aires, killing an officer. This action served to justify
the ERP illegalization and the closedown of the newspaper El Mundo. Lastiri was on Licio Gelli's list of P2
members, a masonic lodge involved in Italy's strategy of tension, discovered in 1980.

Mara Estela Martnez Cartas de Pern (born

February 4, 1931) better known as Isabel

Martnez de Pern or Isabel Pern, is a former President of Argentina from July 1, 1974 until March 24, 1976.
She was also the third wife of another former President, Juan Pern. During her husband's third term as
president, Isabel served as Vice President of Argentina from October 12, 1973 until July 1, 1974. She was
the first non-royal female head of state and head of government in the Western Hemisphere. In 2007, an Argentine judge
ordered the arrest of Isabel Pern over the forced disappearance of an activist in February 1976, on the grounds that the
disappearance was authorized by her signing of decrees allowing Argentina's armed forces to take action against
"subversives". She was arrested near her home in Spain on 12 January 2007. Spanish courts subsequently refused her
extradition to Argentina. Mara Estela Martnez Cartas was born in La Rioja, Argentina, into a lower middle-class family,
daughter of Mara Josefa Cartas Olgun and Carmelo Martnez. She dropped out of school after the fifth grade, and in the early
1950s became a nightclub dancer, adopting a variant of her patron saint, Saint Isabel, as her stage name. She met her
future husband during his exile in Panama. Juan Pern, who was 35 years her senior, was attracted by her beauty and
believed she could provide him with the female companionship he had been lacking since the death of his second wife, Eva
Peron. Pern brought Isabel with him when he moved to Madrid, Spain, in 1960. Authorities in this Roman Catholic nation did
not approve of Pern's living arrangements with the young woman, so on November 15, 1961, the former president
reluctantly married for a third time. As Pern resumed an active role in Argentine politics, Isabel acted as a go-between from
Spain to South America. Having been deposed in a coup in 1955, Pern was forbidden from returning to Argentina, so his new
wife would travel in his stead. The CGTleader Jos Alonso became one of her main advisers in Pern's dispute against
Steelworkers' leader Augusto Vandor's Popular Unionfaction during mid-term elections in 1965; Alonso and Vandor were both
later assassinated in as-yet unexplained circumstances. Isabel met Jos Lpez Rega, an occult philosopher and fortune teller,
around 1965. She was interested in occult matters (and as president reportedly employed astrological divination to determine
national policy), so the two quickly became friends. Under pressure from Isabel, Pern appointed Lpez as her personal
secretary; he later founded theArgentine Anticommunist Alliance (Triple A), a death squad accused of 1,500 crimes in the
1970s. Hctor Cmpora was nominated by Pern's Justicialist Party to run in the 1973 presidential elections and won. It was,
however, generally understood that Pern held the real power; a popular phrase at the time was "Cmpora al gobierno, Pern
al poder" (Cmpora in government, Pern in power). Later that year, Pern returned to Argentina, and Cmpora resigned to
allow Pern to run for president. Isabel had very little in the way of political experience or ambitions and she was a very
different personality from Evita, who was more involved with politics and had been denied the post of Vice President in
the 1951 elections. In a surprisingly uncontroversial move, he chose Isabel as his nominee for the Vice Presidency to mollify
feuding Peronist factions, as these could agree on no other running mate. Pern's return from exile was marked by a growing
rift between the right and left wings of the Peronist movement. Cmpora represented the left wing, while Lpez Rega
represented the right wing; under Lpez Rega's influence, Isabel Pern also favored the right wing, and were thought of by
the left as the entorno. Pern had long been inimical to the left, but had cultivated their support while in exile; this rapport
ended after the assassination of CGT leader Jos Ignacio Rucci by the leftist Montoneros, however. Pern's victory in
the ensuing election in September was a foregone conclusion, and he won with 62% of the vote. He began his third term on
October 12, 1973, with Isabel, as Vice President. Pern, however, was in precarious health; by at least one account he was
actually senile; Isabel had to take over as Acting President on several occasions during his tenure. Juan Pern suffered a
series of heart attacks on June 28, 1974. Isabel was summoned home from a European trade mission and secretly sworn in as
interim president the next day. Juan Pern died on July 1, 1974, less than a year after his third election to the presidency.
Isabel formally assumed the office, becoming the first non-royal female head of state and head of government in the Western
Hemisphere. She was popularly known as La Presidente. Grammatically, she should have been called La Presidenta, but the
constitution only referred to El Presidente. Although she lacked Evita's charisma, the nation at first rallied to the grieving
widow. Even extremist groups were publicly offering her support, it seemed, following their falling out with Juan Pern
between May and June. Meetings with various constituent and political groups were cancelled, and the goodwill her husband's
death had left her soon dissipated. Most leftists who had not been already were purged from government and university
posts. Following a string of political murders, a break by the Montoneros with the government, and a wave of industrial strikes
in September, 1974, she became unpopular for the first time since the public had become acquainted with her. Another
source of contention between her and the voters was the increasing appearance that Jos Lpez Rega, the Minister of Social
Welfare, set the agenda over a broad swath of Pern's policies. Vetting nearly all domestic and foreign policy, he became de
facto prime minister, something not lost on the Argentine public, then benefiting from Latin America's highest access to
newspapers, radio, television and education. Never liked by the public, and loathed by the Roman Catholic Church and
the Armed Forces despite his avowed right-wing views, Lpez Rega was a man considered by others in the halls of power as a
borderline psychopath, and, worse, the sport of being the "power behind the throne," which he leveraged to secure business
partnerships with Muammar Gaddafi, Zairean dictator Joseph Mobutu, and the Italian Fascist Licio Gelli (to whose P-2 lodge
Lpez Rega belonged). More of a mystery at time was the extent of the Social Welfare Minister's involvement in the recently
formed Argentine Anticommunist Alliance (Triple A), a paramilitary force that, between late 1973 and late 1974, had already
carried out nearly 300 murders, including that of former President Arturo Frondizi's brother, Professor Silvio Frondizi,
Congressman Rodolfo Ortega Pea, activist Father Carlos Mugica, Buenos Aires Province Assistant Police Chief Julio Troxler,
former Crdoba Vice-Governor Atilio Lpez, and former Chilean Army headCarlos Prats. Other prominent public servants, such
as UCR Senator Hiplito Solari Yrigoyen and left-wing University of Buenos AiresPresident Rodolfo Puiggrs, narrowly escaped
Triple A attacks with their lives; Puiggrs was then removed from his post. Atrocities were also being committed by left-wing
extremists. Organized in 1968, the mysterious Roman Catholic-oriented anarchist Montoneros had already carried out the
murder of former de facto President Pedro Aramburu, popular CGT union Secretary General Jos Ignacio Rucci, construction
workers' union leader Rogelio Coria, former Interior MinisterArturo Mor Roig, and U.S. Consul John Egan, among other murders
and kidnappings. Throughout 1974, moreover, the appearance of a new, nearly equally violent Trotskyite group, the ERP,
sped the vicious cycle of violence. Having gained notoriety after the murder of FIAT executive Oberdan Sallustro, they began
the year with a violent assault on the Azulbarracks and murdered, among others, criminal court Judge Jorge Quiroga,
writer Jordn Bruno Genta, and the publisher of La Plata's centrist El Da, David Kraiselburd. Their kidnapping
of Esso executive Victor Samuelson, freed for a ransom of US$12 million, ignited what would become a rash of such crimes.
Following the murder of Buenos Aires Police Chief Alberto Villar (one of Lpez Rega's closest collaborators in the Triple A) and
his wife, as well as amid increasing activity by the ERP in the Province of Tucumn, Pern was persuaded to declare a state of
siege on November 6 (suspending, among other rights, Habeas Corpus). Censorship also increased markedly, culminating in
the closure by decree of one of the leading news dailies in Latin America ( Crnica) and several other publications, as well as

the banning of Argentine television figures standards such as talk show host Mirtha Legrand and comedian Tato Bores.
Operation Independence was then initiated in Tucumn on February 5, 1975. This military campaign gained notoriety for the
brutality it exacted on not only the violent; but also elected officials, magistrates and University of Tucumn faculty (even
secondary school teachers). The Peronists' own political mainstay (the labor movement) was also subject to the "subversive"
labels and consequent reprisals. The November 1974 election of a left-wing union shop steward at a Villa Constitucin steel
mill and its disapproval by steelworkers' leader Lorenzo Miguel (a leading figure in the paramount CGT), resulted in a brutal
March 20, 1975, police assault on the facility. The raid, executed jointly with Triple A heavies, led to the "disappearance" of
many of the 300 workers arrested. Lpez Rega, meanwhile, had many of the most competent policy makers Pern had
inherited from her husband's brief last turn at the presidency dismissed; by May, 1975, both Economy Minister Jos Ber
Gelbard and Central Bank President Alfredo Gmez Morales had been replaced with Lpez Rega loyalists. Stacking the State
Intelligence Secretariat (SIDE) with Fascists loyal to him, this policy led the corrupt agency to engage in unprecedented
intrigue, culminating in the kidnapping of Jorge and Juan Born, prominent local executives who paid US$60 million for their
release (a world record at the time). Using contacts from among the Montoneros' many double agents (allegedly including the
leader, Mario Firmenich), the agency kept the Born brothers in a known SIDE safehouse for nine months until their June 1975
release without public suspicion of SIDE involvement, a successful false flag operation that led to others (albeit less ambitious
ones) in the following months. Faced with record trade and budget deficits, though with an otherwise stable economy, the
new Economy Minister, Celestino Rodrigo proceeded to apply "shock therapy," ordering a surprise halving of the peso's value
and, by forcing those who could to stampede towards the U.S. dollar, destroying the fragile financial balance that had been
maintained to that point. Consumer prices doubled between May and August, alone, and though sharp, mandatory wage
hikes had been negotiated between the government, labor and employers, the resulting shock (known as the Rodrigazo)
ignited protest across Argentina, including a two-day general strike by the CGT (the first ever against a Peronist
administration). Following a riot in front of his offices, the now hated Jos Lpez Rega was hastily appointed Ambassador to
Spain and boarded a flight into exile. Lpez Rega left the country July 19; shortly afterward, Pern dismissed his protgs in
the Economy Ministry, Celestino Rodrigo, and in the Armed Forces High Command, General Alberto Numa Laplane, whom she
replaced with General Jorge Videla, a quiet career officer with an uneventful military record. The president's appointment of a
pragmatic economist, Peronist wheelhorse Antonio Cafiero and her September 13 announcement of a leave of absence
relieved ample sectors of society, from labor unions to business. Designating Senate President talo Lder, a moderately
conservative Peronist, in her stead, it was widely hoped that her leave would become permanent; but, it was not to be.
Having claimed over 800 lives, violence between Trotskyite and Fascist extremists had abated somewhat since Lpez Rega's
July exile; the Montoneros, however, began a series of audacious attacks on military installations, including August
dynamiting of a nearly finished Navy destroyer near the port of La Plata and the Operation Primicia, a terrorist attack on a
military base in Formosa Province on October 5. To make matters worse, these groups and (in a bid to control the agenda),
the Triple A themselves, both began taking to midnight lightning strikes against civilian targets (such as banks, buses, yachts,
parking lots and restaurants), each blaming the other and, as it turned out, both right. This, in any case, forced society into a
state of terror very much alien to Argentina's upwardly mobile majority. Anxious to placate the exasperated public, the
military, hard-line labor leaders (particularly the steelworkers' Lorenzo Miguel), and most other Peronists, on October 6 she
and Lder signed new measures giving blanket immunity for the Armed Forces that they may (in her words) "annihilate the
subversives." The measure won her just enough support to return from "sick leave" and on October 17, (on Peronists'
historically central "Loyalty Day"), Pern appeared at the balcony of the Casa Rosada, back at her post. This was, in effect, an
extension nationwide of the state of emergency that had been imposed in Tucumn. That operation's military success and the
president's November 17 announcement that elections (scheduled for March 1977) would be held in November 1976 instead,
again brought renewed hope that an increasingly rumored coup d'tat could yet be averted. Anxiety over inflation,
meanwhile, continued to dominate daily life. Monthly inflation did slow from the (then-record) 35% logged in July, but
remained at 10-15% monthly between September and January 1976 (a level more familiar to the Argentine consumer). A
sudden fall in business investment had by then sent the economy into a sharp recession, however. GDP growth had already
slowed from a 6.8% rate in the fourth quarter of 1974 to 1.4% in the second quarter; following the Rodrigazo crisis, the
economy shrank 4.4% by the first quarter of 1976, with fixed investment falling by one sixth and auto production by a
third. The mid-year recession had significantly curbed the growth in imports; but because exports continued to fall, the trade
deficit reached a record billion dollars in 1975, nearly depleting foreign exchange reserves. The government's 1975 budget
had been derailed by the crisis and by earlier commitments to cancel its then still-modest foreign debt, something which,
even so cost Argentina US$2.5 billion that year, alone. The resulting budget deficits (over US$5 billion, in 1975) and a series
of lockouts in the agricultural and commercial sectors began to reassert pressure on prices after November, leading to
hoarding and shortages. The appointment of General Hctor Fautario, a loyalist of Pern, to the branch's high command,
fueled broader in the Air Force for action against her administration, and on December 18, General Jess Capellini attempted
a coup d'tat by seizing the Mron Air Force base. The military joint chiefs, however, who obtained Fautario's dismissal,
stayed the mutiny's hand, secretly concluding that the timing was premature. Partly in response, the nearly
defeated ERP besieged the important Monte Chingolo Armory on December 23. This, the most violent among the numerous
such attacks in 1975, cost over 100 lives and marked the end of the ERP's violent campaign. Economy Minister Antonio
Cafiero was dismissed on February 4, 1976, and, within days, the head of the General Economic Council, Julio Broner, left
Argentina with his family, altogether. CGT Secretary General Casildo Herreras followed suit, announcing from exile that he
had "erased" himself. Cafiero's replacement, Eugenio Mondelli, announced a new devaluation of the shredded peso, causing
prices to jump by over 60% in two months. Near defeat, though still active, the Montoneros detonated a bomb at Army
headquarters on March 15, killing one and injuring 29. Soon afterward, allegations surfaced that Pern had embezzled large
sums from a government-run charity into her personal accounts in Spain. The allegations destroyed her remaining support
in Congress, and the UCR initiated impeachment proceedings against the President with the support of many in her own
Justicialist Party. However, it was expected that Pern would be thrown out of office by the military before the legislature
could impeach her. Indeed, the media were by then openly counting down the days to the expected coup d'tat. As it turned
out, even as the joint chiefs of staff were professing loyalty to La Presidente, they were secretly planning "Operation Aries."
Calling it a day at the Casa Rosada after working late into the evening of March 23, 1976, in the hope of averting an renewed
business lockout, Pern celebrated her executive assistant's birthday with staff. Alerted to suspicious military exercises, she
boarded the presidential helicopter shortly after midnight. It did not fly her to the Quinta de Olivospresidential residence as
she intended; but, instead to an Air Force base in nearby Jorge Newbery International Airport, where she was formally
deposed and arrested. The majority of Peronist officials in the national, provincial, and municipal governments were promptly
arrested, and many would join the ranks of the "disappeared" during the subsequent Dirty War, including numerous rightwing Peronists.[12] Isabel Pern herself remained under house arrest in Villa La Angostura and other secluded locations for five
years, eventually sent into exile in Spain in 1981. She continued to serve as official head of the Peronist Justicialist Party until
her resignation in 1985, nearly a decade after her fall from power. Though there were some who desired her return and
wished for her return to power, she refused to stand for election to the presidency. She lived in Madrid, maintained close links
with Francisco Franco's family, and sometimes went to Marbella, a Spanish coastal city. Following the restoration of
democracy in Argentina, she was pardoned from charges of corruption during her presidency and returned in May 1984 to

participate in policy talks arranged by President Ral Alfonsn and opposition leaders. Still nominally
head of Pern's Justicialist Party, she played a constructive role in the talks - supporting cooperation
between the restive CGT labor union (her party's political base) and Alfonsn. The talks concluded with a
weak agreement, and she resigned from her post as titular head of the party. Pern resumed residence
in Spain under a very low profile. A judge in Mendoza, Argentina in November 2006 demanded
testimony from Isabel Pern, along with other Peronist ministers of her government, in a case involving
forced disappearances during her presidency; on January 12, 2007, she was arrested in Madrid. She was
charged by the Argentine authorities with the disappearance of Hctor Aldo Fagetti Gallego on February
25, 1976, and her issuance of her October 6, 1975, decree calling the Armed Forces to "annihilate
subversive elements throughout the country". The Nunca Mas ("Never Again") report released in 1984
by the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons recorded 600 disappearances and 500
assassinations under the Peronist governments from 1973 to 1976, and it is today acknowledged that
the Triple A alone murdered about 600 people. The 2006 capture in Spain of Triple A death-squad
overseer Rodolfo Almirn (then also in charge of Lpez Rega's and Isabel Pern's personal security) shed further light on the
extent of Triple A involvement. Mrs. Pern's extradition to Argentina was denied in Spain on March 28, 2008. In two rulings,
Spain's National Court said the charges against Isabel did not constitute crimes against humanity. They also said that the
statute of limitations for her charges expired 20 years ago.

Jorge Rafael Videla (August 2, 1925 May 17, 2013) was a former senior commander in the

Argentine Army who was

the de facto President of Argentina from March 29, 1976 until March 29, 1981. He came to power in a coup d'tat that
deposed Isabel Martnez de Pern. After the return of a representative democratic government, he was prosecuted for largescale human rights abuses andcrimes against humanity that took place under his rule, including kidnappings or forced
disappearance, widespread torture andextrajudicial murder of activists, political opponents (either real, suspected or alleged)
as well as their families, at secret concentration camps. Justice Minister Ricardo Gil Lavedra, who formed part of the 1985
tribunal judging the military crimes committed during the Dirty War would later go on record saying that "I sincerely believe
that the majority of the victims of the illegal repression were guerrilla militants".Some 10,000 of the disappeared were
guerrillas of the Montoneros (MPM), and the People's Revolutionary Army(ERP). The accusations also included the theft of
many babies born during the captivity of their mothers at the illegal detention centres. He was under house arrest until 10
October 2008, when he was sent to a military prison. On 5 July 2010, Videla took full responsibility for his army's actions
during his rule. "I accept the responsibility as the highest military authority during the internal war. My subordinates followed
my orders," he told an Argentine court. On 22 December 2010, Videla was sentenced to life in a civilian prison for the deaths
of 31 prisoners following his coup d'tat. On 5 July 2012, Videla was sentenced to 50 years in prison for the systematic
kidnapping of children during his tenure. Jorge Rafael Videla was born on 2 August 1925, in the city of Mercedes, the third of
five sons of Colonel Rafael Eugenio Videla (18881952) and Mara Olga Redondo Ojea (18971987). He was christened in
honor of two older twin brothers who had died of measles in 1923. Videla's family was an old and prominent one in San Luis
Province, and many of his ancestors had held high public offices. His grandfather Jacinto had been governor of San Luis
between 1891 and 1893, and his great-great-grandfather Blas Videla had fought in the South American wars of
independence and had later been a leader of the Unitarian Party in San Luis. In 1948 Jorge Videla married Alicia Raquel
Hartridge, daughter of Samuel Alejandro Hartridge, an Anglo-Argentine professor of physics and Argentine ambassador
to Turkey. They had seven children: Mara Cristina (1949), Jorge Horacio (1950), Alejandro Eugenio (19511971), Mara Isabel
(1958), Pedro Ignacio (1966), Fernando Gabriel (1961) and Rafael Patricio (1953). Two of these, Rafael Patricio and Fernando
Gabriel, joined the Argentine Army. Videla joined the National Military College (Colegio Militar de la Nacin) on 3 March 1942
and graduated on 21 December 1944 with the rank of second lieutenant.After steady promotion as a junior officer in the
infantry, he attended the War College between 1952 and 1954 and graduated as a qualified staff officer. Videla served at the
Ministry of Defence from 1958 to 1960 and thereafter he directed the Military Academy until 1962. In 1971, he was promoted
to brigadier general and appointed by Alejandro Agustin Lanusse as Director of the National Military College. In late 1973 the
head of the Army, Leandro Anaya, appointed Videla as the Chief of Staff of the Army. During July and August 1975, Videla was
the Head of the Joint Chiefs of Staff (Estado Mayor Conjunto) of the Argentine Armed Forces. In August 1975, the
President, Isabel Pern, appointed Videla to the Army's senior position, the General Commander of the Army. Isabel Pern,
former Vice President to her husband Juan Pern, had come to the presidency following his death. Her authoritarian
administration was unpopular and ineffectual. Videla headed a military coup which deposed her on 24 March 1976. A
militaryjunta was formed, made up of himself, representing the Army, Admiral Emilio Massera representing the Navy, and
Brigadier General Orlando Ramn Agosti representing the Air Force. Two days after the coup, Videla formally assumed the
post of President of Argentina. The military junta took power during a period of extreme instability, with terrorist attacks from
the Marxist groups ERP, the Montoneros, FAL, FAR and FAP, who had gone underground after Juan Pern's death in July 1974,
from one side and violent right-wing kidnappings, tortures and assassinations from the Argentine Anticommunist Alliance, led
by Jos Lpez Rega, Pern's Minister of Social Welfare, and otherdeath squads on the other side. The Baltimore Sun reported
at the beginning of 1976 that, "In the jungle-covered mountains of Tucuman, long known as "Argentina's garden," Argentines
are fighting Argentines in a Vietnam-style civil war. So far, the outcome is in doubt. But there is no doubt about the
seriousness of the combat, which involves 2,000 or so leftist guerrillas and perhaps as many as 10,000 soldiers." In late 1974
the ERP set up a rural front in Tucumn province and the Argentine Army deployed its 5th Mountain Brigade in
counterinsurgency operations in the province. In early 1976 the mountain brigade was reinforced in the form of the crack 4th
Airborne Infantry Brigade that had until then been withheld guarding strategic points in the city of Crdoba against ERP
guerrillas and militants that had staged a massive armed uprising in the last week of August 1975 that had cost the lives of at
least five policemen. The members of the junta took advantage of the guerrilla threat to authorize the coup and naming the
period in government as the "National Reorganization Process". In all, 293 servicemen and policemen were killed in left wing
terrorist incidents in 1975 and 1976. Videla himself narrowly escaped three Montoneros and ERP assassination attempts
between February 1976 and April 1977. According to estimates, at least 9,000 and perhaps up to 30,000 Argentinians were
subjected to forced disappearance (desaparecidos) and most likely killed; many were illegally detained and tortured, and
others went into exile. Terence Roehrig, who wrote The prosecution of former military leaders in newly democratic nations:
The cases of Argentina, Greece, and South Korea (McFarland & Company, 2001) estimates that of the disappeared "at least
10,000 were involved in various ways with the guerrillas". In the bookDisposicin Final by Argentine journalist Ceferino Reato,
Videla confirms for the first time that between 1976 and 1983, 8.000 argentinians have been murdered by his regime. The
bodies were hidden or destroyed to prevent protests at home and abroad. Some 11,000 Argentines have applied for and
received up to US$200,000 as monetary compensation from the state for the loss of loved ones during the military
dictatorship. The Asamblea por los Derechos Humanos (APDH or Assembly for Human Rights) believes that 12,261 people
were killed or disappeared during the "National Reorganization Process".Politically, all legislative power was concentrated in
the hands of Videla's nine-man junta, and every single important position in the national government was filled with loyal
military officers. During Videla's regime, Argentina rejected the binding Report and decision of the Court of Arbitration over

the Beagle conflict at the southern tip of South America and started Operation Soberana in order to
invade the islands. In 1978, however, Pope John Paul IIopened a mediation process. His
representative, Antonio Samor, successfully prevented full-scale war. The conflict was not completely
resolved until after Videla's time as president. Once the democratic rule was restored in 1983, the Treaty
of Peace and Friendship of 1984 between Chile and Argentina (Tratado de Paz y Amistad), which
acknowledged Chilean sovereignty over the islands, was signed and ratified by popular referendum.
Videla largely left economic policies in the hands of Minister Jos Alfredo Martnez de Hoz, who adopted
a free trade and deregulatoryeconomic policy. During his tenure, the foreign debt increased fourfold,
and disparities between the upper and lower classes became much more pronounced, ending in
a tenfold devaluation and one of the worst financial crisis in Argentine history. One of Videla's greatest
challenges was his image abroad. He attributed criticism over human rights to an anti-Argentine
campaign. On 19 May 1976, Videla attended a luncheon with a group of Argentine intellectuals,
including Ernesto Sbato, Jorge Luis Borges, Horacio Esteban Ratti (president of the Argentine Writers
Society) and Father Leonardo Castellani. The latter expressed to Videla his concern regarding the
disappearance of another writer, Haroldo Conti. Borges and Sbato both praised the military regime after
this meeting. On 30 April 1977, Azucena Villaflor, along with 13 other women, started demonstrations on the Plaza de Mayo,
in front of the Casa Rosada presidential palace, demanding to be told the whereabouts of their disappeared children; they
would become known as the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo (Madres de Plaza de Mayo). During a human rights investigation
in September 1979, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights denounced Videla's government, citing many
disappearances and instances of abuse. In response, the junta hired the Burson-Marsteller ad agency to formulate a pithy
comeback: Los argentinos somos derechos y humanos (Literally, "We Argentines are honest and humane") The slogan was
printed on 250,000 bumper stickers and distributed to motorists throughout Buenos Aires to create the appearance of a
spontaneous support of pro-junta sentiment, at a cost of approximately $16,117. Videla used the 1978 FIFA World Cup for
political purposes, citing the enthusiasm of the Argentine fans for their eventually victorious football(soccer) team as
evidence of his personal and the junta's popularity. Adolfo Prez Esquivel, leader of the Peace and Justice Service (Servicio
Paz y Justicia, SERPAJ) organization, was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1980 for exposing many of Argentina's human
rights violations to the world at large. Videla relinquished power to Roberto Viola on 29 March 1981. Democracy was restored
in 1983, and Videla was put on trial and found guilty. The tribunal found Videla guilty of numerous homicides, kidnapping,
torture, and many other crimes. He was sentenced to life imprisonment and was discharged from the military in 1985. Videla
was imprisoned for only five years. In 1990, President Carlos Menem pardoned Videla together with many other former
members of the military regime. Menem also pardoned the leftist guerrilla commanders accused of terrorism. In a televised
address to the nation, President Menem said, "I have signed the decrees so we may begin to rebuild the country in peace, in
liberty and in justice ... We come from long and cruel confrontations. There was a wound to heal." Videla briefly returned to
prison in 1998 when a judge found him guilty of the kidnapping of babies during the Dirty War, including the child of
the desaparecida Silvia Quintela and the disappearances of the commanders of the People's Revolutionary Army (ERP), Mario
Roberto Santucho and Benito Urteaga. Videla spent 38 days in the old part of theCaseros Prison, and was later transferred
to house arrest due to health issues. Following the election of President Nstor Kirchner in 2003, there was a widespread
effort in Argentina to show the illegality of Videla's rule. The government no longer recognized Videla as having been a legal
president of the country, and his portrait was removed from the military school. There were also many legal prosecutions of
officials associated with the crimes of the regime. On 6 September 2006, Judge Norberto Oyarbide ruled that the pardon
granted by Menem was unconstitutional, opening up the possibility of a trial. But the courts refused to prosecute the crimes
of the left-wing guerrilla groups that according to Argentina's Center for the Legal Study of Terrorism and its Victims killed or
maimed some 13,000 Argentines. On 25 April 2007, a federal court struck down his presidential pardon and restored his
human rights abuse convictions. He was put on trial on 2 July 2010 for human rights violations relating to the deaths of 31
prisoners who died under his rule. [7] Three days later, he took full responsibility for his army's actions during his rule,
saying, "I accept the responsibility as the highest military authority during the internal war. My subordinates followed my
orders." The commander of the Montoneros guerrilla army, Mario Firmenich, dropped a political bombshell during the
presidency of Fernando de la Ra, when in a radio interview in late 2000 from Spain he claimed that "In a country that
experienced a civil war, everybody has blood in their hands." On 22 December 2010, the trial ended, and Videla was found
guilty and sentenced to life in prison. He was ordered to be transferred to a civilian prison immediately after the trial. In
handing down the sentence, judge Mara Elba Martnez said that Videla was "a manifestation of state terrorism." During the
trial, Videla had said that "yesterday's enemies are in power and from there, they are trying to establish a Marxist regime" in
Argentina. On July 5, 2012, Videla was sentenced to 50 years in prison for his participation in a scheme to steal babies from
parents detained by the military regime. According to the court decision, Videla was an accomplice "in the crimes of theft,
retention and hiding of minors, as well as replacing their identities." On May 17, 2013, Videla was reported as having died of
natural causes in his sleep while serving his sentence at a Marcos Paz prison. An autopsy revealed he died from multiple
fractures and internal hemorrhaging caused by having slipped in a prison shower on May 12. According to a 2009 ruling by
the military, he (and others) convicted of human rights violations were not eligible for a military funeral. A private ceremony
was held by his family. Human rights organizations throughout the political compass denounced Videla, saying that he died
without admitting what he was aware of the disappeared persons and kidnapped children. None of the tried ex-officers has
provided details about the fate of those missing. Videla appeared mostly unrepentant for the actions against those whom he
deemed terrorist subversives. Several Argentine politicians commented on his death. Deputy Ricardo Gil Lavedra of
the Radical Civic Union said that Videla will be remembered as a dictator, while Hermes Binner expressed condolences to the
victims of his government. Hernn Lombardi, Minister of Culture of Buenos Aires city, praised Argentine democracy for having
tried and sentenced the dictator. Ricardo Alfonsn said it was good that Videla had died in prison. Adolfo Prez Esquivel,
Argentine recipient of the 1980 Nobel Peace Prize, said, "The death of Videla should not delight anybody, we have to keep
working for a better society, more just, more humane, so that all that horror never happens again". Chief of the Cabinet of
Ministers Juan Manuel Abal Medina, Jr. said that he was glad that, "Videla died prosecuted, sentenced and imprisoned in a
common cell, repudiated by the Argentine people". At the time of Videla's death he was one of two surviving dictators of
Argentina. His death leaves Argentina's last president during the dictatorship surviving: Reynaldo Bignone.

Roberto Eduardo Viola Redondo (October 13, 1924 September 30, 1994) was an Argentine military officer who
briefly served as President of Argentina from March 29 until December 11, 1981 during a period of military rule. Viola
appointed Lorenzo Sigaut as finance minister, and it became clear that Sigaut (and his protg Domingo Cavallo) were
looking for ways to reverse some of the economic policies of Videla's minister Jos Alfredo Martnez de Hoz. Notably, Sigaut
abandoned the sliding exchange rate mechanism and devalued the peso, after boasting that "they who gamble on the dollar,
will lose". Argentines braced for a recession after the excesses of the plata dulce ("sweet money") years, which destabilized
Viola's position. Viola was also the victim of infighting within the armed forces. After being replaced as Navy chief, Eduardo
Massera started looking for a political space to call his own, even enlisting the enforced and unpaid services of political

prisoners held in concentration camps by the regime. The mainstream of the Junta's support was strongly
opposed to Massera's designs and to any attempt to bring about more "populist" economic policies. Viola
found his maneuvering space greatly reduced, and was ousted by a military coup in December 1981, led
by the Commander-in-Chief of the Army, Lieutenant General Leopoldo Galtieri, who soon became
President. The official explanation given for the ousting was Viola's alleged health problems. Galtieri
swiftly appointed Roberto Alemann as finance minister and presided over the build-up and pursuit of
the Falklands War. After the collapse of the military regime and the election of Ral Alfonsn in 1983, Viola
was arrested, judged for human rights violations committed by the military junta during the Dirty War,
and sentenced to 17 years in prison. His health deteriorated in prison; Viola was pardoned by Carlos
Menem in 1990 together with all junta members. He died on September 30, 1994.

Carlos

Alberto Lacoste (February 2, 1929 June 24, 2004) was an Argentine navy vice-

admiral
and
11 until December
Football
World
Viola was ousted
December 11 to
presidential office
his
connections
1986
he
was
He died on June

politician who briefly served as interim de facto President of Argentina from December
22, 1981. In addition to a naval career, Lacoste undertook the organization of the 1978
Cup, hosted by Argentina. In December 1981 the then head of state General Roberto
in a coup d'tat. Lacoste served as interim de factoPresident of Argentina from
December 22, 1981, during a period of military rule. He was succeeded in the
by Lieutenant General Leopoldo Galtieri. After the military government, he preserved
with football associations, becoming a South American representative inFIFA, and in
assigned as Argentine supervisor in the drawing of the Mexico World Cup's matches.
24, 2004.

Leopoldo Fortunato Galtieri Castelli (July 15, 1926 January 12, 2003) was an Argentine general and President
of Argentina from December 22, 1981 until June 18, 1982, during the last military dictatorship (known officially as
the National Reorganization Process). The death squad Intelligence Battalion 601 directly reported to him. He was removed
from power soon after the British retook theFalklands Islands, whose invasion he had ordered. Galtieri was the child of
working class parents who were poor Italian immigrants. At 17 he enrolled at the National Military Academyto study civil
engineering, and his early military career was as an officer in the engineering branch. In 1975, after more than 25 years as a
combat engineer, he became commander of the Argentine engineering corps. He was an enthusiastic supporter of the
military coup that started the self-styled National Reorganisation Process in 1976 and rose further, becoming a major general
in 1977, and commander-in-chief in 1980 with the rank of lieutenant general. During the junta's rule, Congress was
suspended, unions, political parties and provincial governments were banned, and in what became known as the "Dirty
War" between 9,000 and 30,000 people deemed left-wing "subversives" disappeared from society. Tortureand mass
executions were both commonplace. The economy, which had been in dire condition prior to the coup, recovered for a short
time, then deteriorated further.In March 1981, Galtieri visited the United States and was warmly received, as the Reagan
administration viewed the regime as abulwark against communism. National Security Advisor Richard V. Allen described
him as a "majestic general." An adherent to the Argentine military's Cold War-era doctrine of "ideological frontiers," Galtieri
secured his country's support for the Contras in August, sending advisers to help organize the Nicaraguan Democratic
Force (FDN, for a time the principal Contra group), as well as training FDN leaders in Argentine bases. His support for this
initiative, in turn, allowed Galtieri to remove a number of rival generals and, in December 1981, he rose to the Presidency of
Argentina by means of a coup that ousted General Roberto Viola. Argentine support became the principal source of funds and
training for the Contras during Galtieri's tenure. Galtieri retained direct control of the army and did not appoint a new
commander-in-chief. He appointed conservative economist and publisher Roberto Alemann as Economy Minister. Alemann
inherited an economy in deep recession in the aftermath of Jos Alfredo Martnez de Hoz's deregulatory and free
trade policies of the late 1970s. Alemann slashed spending, began selling off government-owned industries (with only minor
success), enacted a tight monetary policy, and ordered salaries frozen (amid 130% inflation). The Central Bank Circular 1050,
which tied mortgage rates to the value of the US dollar locally, was maintained, however, leading to further deepening of the
crisis; GDP fell by 5%, and business investment by 20% over the weakened levels of 1981. One of his closest allies, the head
of the First Army Corps, General Guillermo Surez Mason, was named Chairman of YPF, at the time the state petroleum
concern, and the largest company of any type in Argentina. Surez Mason's turn at YPF would help result in a US$6 billion loss
for the company the largest recorded corporate loss in the world, up to that point. Galtieri instituted limited political reforms
which allowed the expression of dissent, and anti-junta demonstrations soon became common, as did agitation for a return to
democracy. Throughout his time in power Galtieri was rumoured to be an alcoholic. In April 1982, after Galtieri had been in
office for four months and with his popularity low, Argentine forces invaded the lightly defended Falkland Islands, governed by
the United Kingdom and subject to a long-standing Argentine territorial claim. The United Kingdom and many other countries
around the world condemned the annexation, whilePeru and other Latin American countries supported it (the U.S.
and Chile eventually joined the group of countries supporting the British position). In Argentina the invasion was enormously
popular, and the anti-junta demonstrations were replaced by patriotic demonstrations in support of Galtieri. On the morning
of April 2, 1982, the first day of the invasion, a small group of people gathered in the historic Plaza de Mayo, across from
the Casa Rosada, the government site. After a while Galtieri showed up on one of the balconies (not the same used
by Pern but one to the left of it) and raised his hands to cheer the small group of supporters. A few minutes later a siren was
heard and many bystanders started to flee in panic, reminiscent of the tough repression that happened just a few days before
in the same place, on March 30. Galtieri, and most of his government, thought that the United Kingdom would never respond
militarily[9] and in the worst case scenario the United States would not interfere after the support given by the junta to
the Central Intelligence Agency in its fight against the Sandinistas in Nicaragua and the warm welcome given to Galtieri after
a recent visit to Washington DC. However, critics of Galtieri would later charge that there had never been any evidence to
suggest the UK would not fight to retake the Falklands, or that the United States would not support its closest ally in Europe.
After diplomatic pressure and negotiations led nowhere, the UK government, led by the Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher,
decided to re-take the islands, and deployed naval task forces to do so. Despite the numerical and geographic advantages
held by Argentina, the superior training and technology of the British armed forces ensured British victory in the Falklands
War within two months. Falklands capital Stanley was retaken by the British forces in June 1982, and within days General
Galtieri was removed from power. He spent the next 18 months at a well-protected country retreat while democracy was
restored to Argentina. Along with other members of the former junta, he was arrested in late 1983 and charged in a military
court with human rights violations during the Dirty War, and with mismanagement of the Falklands War. The Argentine Army's
internal investigation, known as the Rattenbach report after the General who led it, recommended Galtieri be stripped of all

rank, dismissed and face a firing squad, but in 1986 he was sentenced to 12 years prison. He was
cleared of the civil rights charges in December 1985 but (together with the Air Force and Navy
commanders-in-chief) found guilty of mishandling the war in May 1986 and sentenced to prison. All
three appealed (this time in a civil court) while the prosecution appealed for heavier sentences. In
November 1988 the original sentences were confirmed and all three commanders were stripped of
their rank. In 1989, Galtieri and 39 other officers of the dictatorship received President Carlos
Menem's pardon. Galtieri was heavily blamed for Argentina's humiliating defeat in the Falklands
War. He lived reclusively in a modest Buenos Aires neighbourhood and refused to give interviews to
journalists. In July 2002 new civil charges were brought concerning the kidnapping of children and
disappearance of 18 leftist sympathizers in the late 1970s (while Galtieri was commander of the
Second Army Corps), and the disappearance or death of three Spanish citizens at about the same
time. Galtieri was placed under house-arrest. He underwent surgery forpancreatic cancer on August
16, 2002 at a hospital in Buenos Aires. He died there of a heart attack at the age of 76.

Alfredo Oscar Saint-Jean (November

11, 1926 September 2, 1987) was an Argentine

Army major general and politician, who served as President of Argentina from June 18 until July 1, 1982.
Having been appointed Interior Minister in 1981 by Leopoldo Galtieri, he briefly served as President of
Argentina from June 18 until July 1, 1982, during a period of military rule, after Galtieri was ousted from
office due to the country's defeat in the Falklands War. After the palace coup of December 11, 1981 that
overthrew the military government of Lieutenant General Roberto Eduardo Viola and interim mandate of
Vice Admiral Carlos Alberto Lacoste which lasted eleven days, Major General Alfredo Oscar Saint-Jean
was appointed to the position of Minister of the Interior on December 22, 1981, thus going to integrate
the cabinet of Lieutenant General Leopoldo Fortunato Galtieri, who had assumed the presidency of
Argentina facto same day. Once put in charge of the portfolio of the interior, stopped serving as Secretary General of the
Argentine Army, his final destination militar. Saint-Jean had been in charge of the secretariat general of the army and the
Interior Ministry under President Galtieri. From this portfolio, Saint Jean was responsible for the suppression of the March 30,
1982 protesters who participated in the march to Plaza de Mayo "Peace, bread and work" called by the CGT, with Saul
Ubaldini unions and other sectors to head. The then Minister justified the violence: "It was a real intention to gymnastics, I
will not say terrorist, but not far behind, with subversion". Give up the portfolio of the interior after the end of the Falklands
War and fall of Galtieri. After the fall of Lepoldo Fortunato Galtieri the June 17, 1982, due to the defeat Argentina in the
Falklands War, Major General Alfredo Saint-Jean suffered the loss of prestige associated with the performance of ground
forces in the conflict. The appointment of Lieutenant General Cristino Nicolaides as head of the army on June 18, 1982, led to
Oscar Saint-Jean necessarily pass to retirement. The internal dissension between the representative of the Argentine Army in
the military junta, Lieutenant General Cristino Nicolaides, and the heads of the Argentina Navy, Admiral Jorge Isaac Anaya
and Argentina Air Force, Brigadier General Basilio Arturo Ignacio Lami Dozo allowed him to occupy temporarily as Chairman
until July 1, when the military junta appointed as president retired Major General Reynaldo Bignone, who immediately took
charge, announcing the beginning of the process of transfer of power to civilian authorities. Major General Alfredo Saint-Jean
was prosecuted for committing 33 crimes against humanity in the various positions he held, especially as head of subzona
12, center and west of the province of Buenos Aires. However, the enactment of laws of Full Stop and Due Obedience
prevented processing could continuar.Alfredo Oscar Saint-Jean is the son of the marriage of Manuel Saint-Jean and Joan
Larralde, who had five children. He was the younger brother of Brigadier General Manuel Ibrico Saint-Jean, who was
appointed by the military regime self-styled National Reorganization Process as governor of the Province of Buenos Aires.

Reynaldo Benito Antonio Bignone (born

January 21, 1928) is an Argentine general who served as dictatorial

President of Argentina from July 1, 1982 until December 10, 1983. In 2010, he was sentenced to 25 years in prison for his role
in the kidnappings, torture, andmurders of the Dirty War. Reynaldo Benito Antonio Bignone Ramayn was born in Morn,
Buenos Aires in 1928. Enlisting in the Argentine Army in 1947, he enrolled at the prestigious National War College, and was
stationed in Spain. Bignone returned to Argentina to be named head of the "General Viamontes" (6th) Infantry Regiment in
1964, and later directed the National War College. An August 1975 reshuffling of theArmed Forces High Command by
President Isabel Martnez de Pern resulted in the appointment of General Jorge Videla to the post of Chairman of the Joint
Chiefs. A quiet career military officer, Videla brought with him a number of protgs, among them Brigadier General Bignone,
whom Videla named Secretary of the Joint Chiefs. Worsening economic and security conditions helped trigger a March 24,
1976 coup d'tat against the hapless Mrs. Pern. The coup was welcomed by most Argentines at the time, following a wave of
terrorism and kidnappings by leftist guerrilla groups, as well a by the far-right death squads of the Argentine Anticommunist
Alliance. On March 28, Bignone led a regiment into the Alejandro Posadas Hospital in the western Buenos Aires suburb
of Haedo. He converted a wing in the respected medical facility into his own personal "Chalet" (one of 340 detention
centers operated by Argentina's last dictatorship). Just two days after the military coup and under his instructions, 36
members of the hospital's own staff were detained for presumably having links with the ultra-left, and three (Jacobo Chester,
Jorge Roitman and Julio Csar Quiroga) disappeared and are presumed to have been killed. His quiet administration of the
facility earned him a promotion as head of "Area 480," a larger detention center in Argentina's most important military
training base, theCampo de Mayo; of the 4,000 prisoners detained at the facility during his 197678 tenure, 50 survived. He
was made Director of Military Institutes by de facto President Videla in 1980. Bignone retired from the Armed Forces following
Videla's decision to transfer power to General Roberto Viola in March 1981. Presiding over the unraveling of
dictatorship's economic policies, the ailing Viola was replaced in December by General Leopoldo Galtieri, the Army Chief of
Staff and the junta leader closest to the Reagan Administration in the United States. Argentina's defeat by the United
Kingdom in the Falklands War on June 16, 1982, however led not only to President Galtieri's resignation, but also to a power
vacuum, wherein the Chiefs of Staff of all three services resigned. Bignone's association with Videla and his low profile before
and after retirement helped secure him the Presidency on July 1, 1982. Inheriting international isolation and an economy
hobbled by speculative losses and foreign debt exceeding US$40 billion, Bignone replaced Galtieri's conservative economic
team with a moderate academic, Dr. Jos Mara Dagnino Pastore, as Minister of the Economy and a young, relatively unknown
former adviser, Dr. Domingo Cavallo, as head of theArgentine Central Bank. Dagnino Pastore canceled his predecessor's wage
freeze (which had caused a 30% collapse in real wages) and attempted, with only partial success, to curb the growing wave
of exports transacted outside official channels. This practice, designed to take full advantage of the rapidly plummeting peso,
deprived national coffers of foreign exchange and tax revenue on around 90% of Argentina's soy harvest, for instance (the
fourth-largest in the World at the time). Central Bank President Cavallo inherited external and internal financial crises: the
first owing to foreign debt installments twice Argentina's trade surplus in 1982 and the second the result of Central Bank
Circular 1050. The policy, instituted in 1980, tied adjustable loan installment to the value of the US dollar in Argentina, which
rose over tenfold in the year after March 1981. Forcing Argentine banks to write off billions in domestic business and
mortgage loans (shattering lenders' confidence for years) and thousands of homeowners out of their homes, the Circular

1050 was rescinded by Cavallo days into his tenure. Cavallo also inherited a foreign debt installment
guarantee program that shielded billions of private debt from the collapse of the peso, costing the
treasury billions. Instituting controls over the facility, such as the indexation of payments, this move
and the rescission of the Circular 1050 threw the banking sector against him and he and Dagnino
Pastore were replaced in August. Bignone's new President of the Central Bank, Julio Gonzlez del Solar,
undid many of these controls, transferring billions more in private foreign debt to the Central Bank,
though he stopped short of reinstating the hated "1050." Uncomfortable with the media, Bignone's
press statements were halting and laconic, leaving doubts as to the most pressing issue of the day: the
imminent call for elections. His loosening of certain free speech restrictions also put his regime's
unpopularity in evidence and the newsstands brimmed with satirical publications. Perhaps the most
memorable,Humr, had its January 1983 issue confiscated after Army Chief of Staff, General Cristino
Nicolaides, objected to caricaturist Andrs Cascioli's irreverent portrayals of the stodgy junta. Six years
of intermittent wage freezes had also left real wages close to 40% lower than during Mrs. Pern's rocky tenure, leading to
growing labor unrest. Bignone's decision to restore limited rights of speech and assembly, including the right to strike,
inevitably led to increased strike activity, particularly by Sal Ubaldini, the new leader of the reinstatedCGT, Argentina's
largest labor union. Bignone's new Economy Minister, Jorge Wehbe, a banking executive with previous experience in the post,
reluctantly granted two large, mandatory wage increases in late 1982. Calls for immediate elections led, likewise, to frequent
demonstrations at the President's executive offices, the Casa Rosada. One such protest, on December 16, led to the death of
a demonstrator, making the return to democracy practically inevitable. Supportive of this solution, which he termed a
"democratic way out," Bignone was opposed by the Army Chief, General Nicolaides, and other conservatives. Partly in
response, Bignone decreed a blanket amnesty on April 28, 1983 for those involved in human rights abuses (including
himself). In statements made during his dour press statements, he conditioned the return to democracy by imposing limits to
any future investigations of human rights violations that had taken place during the 1976-83 military dictatorship, as well as
into allegations of insider trading, numerous extortion kidnappings and other corruption. Rejected by the majority of society,
this proposal met with thunderous opposition fromRal Alfonsn, the head of the centrist UCR's progressive wing. Drawing a
contrast between his position and the lukewarm reproach by others in his own party and in other parties, Alfonsn, who had
also opposed the Falklands War when few others in Argentina did, earned his party's nomination in July. The hastily organized
convention was called only days after Bignone publicly announced the scheduling of elections (to be held on October 30,
three months after the announcement). The UCR's only important opposition, the Justicialist(Peronist) Party, was hamstrung
by voters' memories of President Isabel Pern's chaotic two years in office and by internal friction that dragged their
nominating process on by nearly two months. The Argentine economy, which had recovered modestly following the July 1982
rescissions of prevailing wage freezes and the "Circular 1050," was saddled with foreign debt interest payments of over US$4
billion, capital flight, budget deficits around 10% of GDP and a resulting rise in inflation: rising to 200% in 1982, it approached
400% in 1983. The peso in tatters (trading at 90,000 per US dollar by mid-1983), Economy Minister Jorge Wehbe trotted out a
new currency in June, the peso argentino, to replace the worthless peso ley at 10,000 to one. This move secured him
concessions from international creditors, but did not slow inflation, and the economy slipped back into recession during the
second half of 1983. Careful to avoid the appearance of endorsement of any one candidate (a mistake made by a previous
dictator, Gen. Pedro Aramburu, in 1958), Bignone concerned himself with the marathon shredding of documents and other
face-saving measures, such as generous new wage guidelines. The economy, which had contracted by around 12% in the
eighteen months before he took office, managed a recovery of around 4% during Bignone's eighteen month term. Following a
brief, though intense campaign and tight polls, election nightresulted in a decisive 12-point margin for the UCR's Alfonsn
over Justicialist nominee talo Lder, who, tied to repressive measures he signed in 1975, could not avoid suspicion of a
gentlemen's agreement with Bignone for the sake of preventing future investigations. Presiding over a difficult six years,
President Ral Alfonsn advanced the Trial of the Juntas in 1985, proceedings which acquitted Bignone of responsibility, but
left civil trials against him open. These, however, were precluded by decrees signed by Alfonsn himself in early 1987, the
result of pressure from the Armed Forces. Bignone in 1993 authored a reflection on his brief tenure, El ltimo de facto (The
Last De Facto President[12] or The truly last one), to condemnation over the book's marginalizing of Dirty War abuses. He was
again placed at the disposal of the courts in January 1999, after the reopening of trials for misappropriation of children. Under
house arrest in October 2006, a consideration accorded him on account of his advanced age, he was arrested in March 2007
and taken into custody at a military base outside Buenos Aires as part of an investigation into past human rights abuses,
including the atrocities at the Posadas Hospital and complicity in the trafficking of infants abducted from the roughly 500
pregnant women who were among the disappeared. These were ruled to have no statute of limitations owing their nature
as crimes against humanity. On April 20, 2010, Bignone was sentenced to 25 years in prison for his involvement in the
kidnapping, torture and murder of 56 people, including guerrilla fighters, at the extermination center that worked in
the Campo de Mayo military complex. On April, 2011, Reynaldo Bignone was sentenced to life in prison. On December 29,
2011 Bignone received a further 15-year prison sentence for crimes against humanity for setting up a secret torture center
inside a hospital during the 1976 military coup. On July 5, 2012, Bignone was sentenced to 15 years in prison for his
participation in a scheme to steal babies from parents detained by the military regime. According to the court decision,
Bignone was an accomplice "in the crimes of theft, retention and hiding of minors, as well as replacing their identities."

Ral Ricardo Alfonsn (March

12, 1927 March 31, 2009) was an Argentine lawyer, politician and statesman, who
served as the President of Argentina from December 10, 1983, to July 8, 1989. Alfonsn was the first democratically elected
president of Argentina following the military government known as the National Reorganization Process. He was awarded
the Prince of Asturias Award for International Cooperation in 1985, among numerous other such recognitions. Alfonsn was
born in the city of Chascoms, in eastern Buenos Aires Province, to Ana Mara Foulkes and Ral Serafn Alfonsn, and raised in
the Roman Catholic faith. Following his elementary schooling he enrolled at the General San Martn Military Lyceum, where he
graduated after five years as a second lieutenant. He became affiliated with the centrist Radical Civic Union (UCR) in 1945
while taking an active role in the reform group, Intransigent Renewal Movement. He enrolled at the University of Buenos
Aires Law School, from where he graduated in 1950 and returned to Chascoms as an attorney. He married Mara Lorenza
Barreneche the same year. Alfonsn founded a local newspaper (El Imparcial) and was elected to the city council in 1951.
Running as a UCR candidate for a seat in the Chamber of Deputies (the lower house of the Argentine Congress) later that
year, he lost to an opponent supported by the country's newly elected populist leader, Juan Pern. His periodical's opposition
to the increasingly intolerant Pern led to Alfonsn's incarceration in 1953. A violent September 1955 coup d'tat (the selfstyled Revolucin Libertadora) brought Pern's reign to an end, however, and the resulting ban of Peronist political activity
returned the UCR to its role as Argentina's most important political party. He was elected to the Buenos Aires provincial
legislature in 1958 on the UCRP ticket, a faction of the UCR slightly to the right of the winners of the 1958 election, the UCRI.
Alfonsn was elected to the Chamber of Deputies in 1963, becoming one of President Arturo Illia's most steadfast supporters
in Congress; he lost his seat when a military coup removed Illia from office in 1966. Developing differences with the party's
moderately conservative leader, Ricardo Balbn, Alfonsn announced the formation of a Movement for Renewal and

Changewithin the UCR in 1971. He stood for the UCR's nomination for the 1973 presidential election with Conrado Storani as
his running mate, but lost to Balbn, who was in turn defeated by Pern's Justicialist Party. Argentina's return to democracy in
1973 did not improve the country's difficult political rights climate. An increasingly violent conflict between far-left and farright groups led to a succession of repressive measures, mostly against the former. Amid spiraling violence in December
1975, Alfonsn helped establish the Permanent Assembly for Human Rights. The March 1976 coup against the hapless
President Isabel Pern did not lead to the Permanent Assembly's closure and, instead, prompted its affiliated lawyers,
including Alfonsn, to lend their services to the growing ranks of friends and relatives of the disappeared, arguably risking
their lives to do so. Alfonsn was among the few prominent Argentine political figures to vocally oppose President Leopoldo
Galtieri's April 1982 landings on the Falkland Islands. The 1981 collapse of conservative economist Jos Alfredo Martnez de
Hoz's free trade and deregulatory policies and the defeat in the Falklands War, among other reasons, led theNational
Reorganization Process to seek a "democratic exit" in 1983, and new general elections were held on October 30. Alfonsn,
who had been elected leader of the party in July that year, defeated Justicialist Party candidate talo Lder by 12 points,
carrying a majority in the Chamber of Deputies and, though garnering only 18 of 46 seats in the Senate and 7 of 22
governors, the UCR's Alejandro Armendriz scored an upset victory in Buenos Aires Province, home to one in three
Argentines. Alfonsn persuaded President Reynaldo Bignone to advance the inaugural three months and he took office on
December 10. Chief among Alfonsn's inherited problems was an economic depression stemming from the 1981-82 financial
collapse and its resulting US$43 billion foreign debt, with interest payments that swallowed all of Argentina's US$3 billion
trade surplus. The economy recovered modestly in 1983 as a result of Bignone's lifting of wage freezes and crushing interest
rates imposed by the Central Bank's "Circular 1050;" but inflation raged at 400%, GDP per capita remained at its lowest level
since 1968 and fixed investment was 40% lower than in 1980. Naming a generally center-left cabinet led by Foreign
Minister Dante Caputo and Economy Minister Bernardo Grinspun (his campaign manager), Alfonsn began his administration
with high approval ratings and with the fulfillment of campaign promises such as a nutritional assistance program for the 27%
of Argentines under the poverty line at the time, as well as the recission of Bignone's April 1983 blanket amnesty for those
guilty of human rights abuses and his September decree authorizing warrantless wiretapping. Defense Minister Ral
Borrs advised Alfonsn to remove Fabricaciones Militares, then Argentina's leading defense contractor, from the Armed
Forces' control, ordering the retirement of 70 generals and admirals known for their opposition to the transfer of the lucrative
contractor. Appointing renowned playwright Carlos Gorostiza as Secretary of Culture and exiled computer scientist Dr. Manuel
Sadosky as Secretary of Science and Technology, hundreds of artists and scientists returned to Argentina during 1984.
Gorostiza abolished the infamous National Film Rating Entity, helping lead to a doubling in film and theatre production. The
harrowing La historia oficial (The Official Story) was released in April 1985 and became the first Argentine film to receive
an Academy Award for Best Foreign Language Film. Alfonsn created the National Commission on the Disappearance of
Persons (CONADEP) to document human rights abuses. Led by novelist Ernesto Sbato, CONADEP documented 8,960 forced
disappearances and presented the President with its findings on September 20. The report drew mixed reaction, however, as
its stated total of victims fell short of Amnesty International's estimate of 16,000 and of the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo's
estimate of 30,000. Alfonsn had leading members of leftist groups prosecuted, leading to jail sentences for, among
others, Montoneros leader Mario Firmenich. He sought to improve relations with Peronists by pardoning former
President Isabel Pern in May 1984 for her prominent role in the early stages of the Dirty War against dissidents and for her
alleged embezzlement of public funds, though his introduction of legislation providing for secret ballot labor union elections
led to opposition by the CGT, Argentina's largest, and handed his administration its first defeat when the Senate struck it
down by one vote. Relations with the United States suffered when Alfonsn terminated the previous regime's support for
the Contras. Two meetings with U.S. President Ronald Reagan failed to bring economic concessions towards Argentina.
Alfonsn initiated the first diplomatic contact with the United Kingdom since the Falklands War two years earlier, resulting in
the lifting of British trade sanctions. Proposing a Treaty with Chile ending a border dispute over the Beagle Channel, he put
the issue before voters in a referendum and won its approval with 82%. Inheriting a foreign debt crisis exacerbated by high
global interest rates, Alfonsn had to contend with shattered business confidence and record budget deficits. GDP grew by a
modest 2% in 1984, though fixed investment continued to decline and inflation rose to 700%. Losses in the State enterprises,
service on the public debt and growing tax evasion left the federal budget with a US$10 billion shortfall in 1984 (13% of GDP).
Unable to finance the budget, the Central Bank of Argentina "printed" money and inflation, which was bad enough at around
18% a month at the end of the dictatorship, rose to 30% in June 1985 (the world's highest, at the time). Attempting to control
the record inflation, the new Minister of the Economy, Juan Sourrouille, launched the Austral Plan, by which prices were frozen
and the existing currency, the peso argentino, was replaced by the Argentine austral at 1,000 to one. Sharp budget cuts were
enacted, particularly in military spending which, including cutbacks in 1984, was slashed to around half of its 1983 level.
Responding to financial sector concerns, the government also introduced a mechanism called desagio, by which debtors
whose installments were based on much higher built-in inflation would received a temporary discount compensating for the
sudden drop in inflation and interest rates; inflation, running at 30% in June, plummeted to 2% a month for the remainder of
1985. The fiscal deficit fell by two-thirds in 1985, helping pave the way for the first meaningful debt rescheduling since the
start of the crisis four years earlier. Sharp cuts in military spending fed growing discontent in the military, and several bomb
threats and acts of sabotage at numerous military bases were blamed on hard-line officers, chiefly former 1 st Army Corps
head Gen. Guillermo Surez Mason, who fled to Miami following an October arrest order. Unable to persuade the military to
court martial officers guilty of Dirty War abuses, Alfonsn sponsored the Trial of the Juntas, whose first hearings began at
the Supreme Court on April 22, 1985. Prosecuting some of the top members of the previous military regime for crimes
committed during the Dirty War, the trial became the focus of international attention. In December, the tribunal handed down
life sentences against former President Jorge Videla and former Navy Chief Emilio Massera, as well as 17-year sentences
against three others. For these accomplishments, Alfonsn was awarded the first Prize For Freedom of the Liberal
International and the Human Rights Prize by the Council of Europe, never before awarded to an individual. Four defendants
were acquitted, notably former President Leopoldo Galtieri, though he and two others were court-martialed in May 1986 for
malfeasance during the Falklands War, receiving 12-year prison sentences. These developments contributed to a strong
showing by the UCR in the November 1985 legislative elections. They gained one seat in the Lower House of Congress and
would control 130 of the 254 seats. The Justicialists lost eight seats (leaving 103) and smaller, provincial parties made up the
difference. Alfonsn surprised observers in April 1986 by announcing the creation of a panel entrusted to plan the transfer of
the nation's capital to Viedma, a small coastal city 800 km (500 mi) south of Buenos Aires. His proposals boldly called for
constitutional amendments creating a Parliamentary system, including a Prime Minister, and were well received by the Lower
House, though they encountered strong opposition in the Senate. Economic concerns continued to dominate the national
discourse, and sharp fall in global commodity prices in 1986 stymied hopes for lasting financial stability. The nation's record
US$4.5 billion trade surplus was cut in half and inflation had declined to 50% in the twelve months to June 1986 (compared to
1,130% to June 1985). Inflation, which had been targeted for 28% in the calendar year, soon began to rise, however,
exceeding 80% in 1986. GDP, which had fallen by 5% in 1985, recovered by 7% in 1986, led by a rise in machinery purchases
and consumer spending. Repeated wage freezes ordered by Economy Minister Sourouille led to an erosion in real wages of
about 20% during the Austral Plan's first year, triggering seven general strikes by the CGT during the same period. The
President's August appointment of a conservative economist, Jos Luis Machinea, as President of the Central Bank pleased

the financial sector; but it did little to stem continuing capital flight. Affluent Argentines were believed to hold over US$50
billion in overseas deposits. Alfonsn made several state visits abroad, securing a number of trade deals. The President's
international reputation for his human rights record suffered in December 1986, when on his initiative Congress passed
the Full Stop Law, which limited the civil trials against roughly 600 officers implicated in the Dirty War to those indicted within
60 days of the law's passage, a tall order given the reluctance of many victims and witnesses to testify. Despite these
concessions, a group identified as Carapintadas ("painted faces," from their use of camouflage paint) loyal to Army Major Aldo
Rico, staged a mutiny of the Army training base of Campo de Mayo and near Crdoba during the Easter weekend in 1987.
Negotiating in person with the rebels, who objected to ongoing civil trials but enjoyed little support elsewhere in the Armed
Forces, Alfonsn secured their surrender. Returning to the Casa Rosada, where an anxious population was waiting for news, he
announced: La casa est en orden y no hay sangre en Argentina. Felices pascuas! ("The house is in order and there's no
blood in Argentina. Happy Easter!"), to signify the end of the crisis. His subsequent appointment of General Dante Caridi as
Army Chief of Staff further strained relations with the military and in June, Congress passed Alfonsn's Law of Due Obedience,
granting immunity to officers implicated in crimes against humanity on the basis of "due obedience." This law, condemned by
Amnesty International, among others, effectively halted most remaining prosecutions of Dirty War criminals. The climate of
tension between those on either side of the issue was aggravated by the suspicious death in 1986 of Defense Minister Roque
Carranza while at the Campo de Mayo military base [12] and by the September 1987 discovery of the body of prominent banker
Osvaldo Sivak, the victim of a police-orchestrated kidnapping for a ransom of over a million US dollars. During this political
turn to the right, Alfonsn did manage the passage of the legalization ofdivorce, helping resolve the legal status of 3 million
adults (1 in 6) who were separated from their spouses. He also passed the Antidiscrimination Law of 1987, a bill supported by
Argentina's sizable Jewish and Gypsy communities. He was awarded the Moiss (Moses) Prize by the Argentine Jewish
community for the accomplishment. A severe drought early in 1987 led to a new decline in exports, which reached their
lowest level in a decade, nearly cancelling the vital trade surplus and leaving a US$6 billion current account deficit. The
problem and the efforts of Alfonsn's debt negotiator, Daniel Marx, helped secure the record rescheduling of US$19 billion in
foreign public debt (a third of the total); but speculators' concerns led to a sudden fall in the value of the austral, which lost
half its value between June and October. As most Argentine wholesalers accepted only U.S. dollars at the time, this inevitably
led to higher inflation, which leapt from 5% monthly in the first half of 1987 to 20% in October. Unimpressed by Alfonsn's
appointment of a Labor Minister from within the CGT's ranks, their leader, Sal Ubaldini, called two more general strikes
during the year (hundreds of smaller, sectoral strikes erupted, as well). A positive rapport between Alfonsn and the new,
democratically-elected President of Brazil, Jos Sarney, helped lead to initial agreements for a common market between the
two nations and Uruguay in January 1988. Meeting in the Uruguayan resort of Punta del Este, they agreed to subsidize intraregional exports with a special currency for the purpose (the Gaucho). A new Minister of Public Works, Rodolfo Terragno, an
academic with a long history in the UCR, prevailed on the administration to allow a novel, if controversial, search for needed
foreign exchange: privatizations. A number of factories and rail lines were offered for sale and, in September 1987, the effort
yielded its first results with the sale of Austral Airlines, a domestic carrier. Subsequent instability and the fallout from the Wall
Street Crash of 1987 dampened further deals, however, and left Sourouille little choice but to raise taxes. GDP managed a 3%
rise in 1987, led by higher construction spending, though inflation rose to 175% and real wages declined around 10%, leaving
them lower than they were in 1983. This turn for the worse helped to a significant setback for Alfonsn's UCR in local and
legislative elections in September 1987. The UCR lost 13 seats in Congress (leaving 117). Though still enjoying a 12-seat
advantage over Justicialists, this deprived the UCR of its absolute majority in the Lower House and, five seats short of a
majority in the Senate, this effectively suspended much of the UCR's legislative agenda, particularly the planned transfer of
the capital to the Patagonia region. UCR governors fared even worse: the 1987 mid-term election left only two, toppling,
among four others, Governor Armendriz of the paramount Province of Buenos Aires. Ongoing military discontent reached a
flash point when Major Aldo Rico, the instigator of the Easter Rebellion, escaped from house arrest and promptly organized a
second mutiny in January 1988; this mutiny was, again, quickly subdued. The resulting tension and continuing stagflation set
the stage for Alfonsn's announcement that elections, scheduled for October 1989, would be moved up five months earlier.
The campaign made strange bedfellows of Alfonsn and the CGT during the May 1988 Justicialist Party convention. The CGT
was adverse to the frontrunner for the nomination, Buenos Aires Governor Antonio Cafiero. The President, in turn, preferred to
see his struggling UCR (14 points behind in the polls) matched against Cafiero's rival, Carlos Menem, a little-known and
flamboyant governor of one of the nation's smallest provinces. The primaries resulted in an upset, however, and Menem was
nominated the Justicialist Party's standard bearer. The UCR, for its part, made a safe choice: Eduardo Angeloz, the centrist
governor of Crdoba Province (Argentina's second-largest) and the most prominent UCR figure not closely tied to the
unpopular Alfonsn. The Austral Plan continued to disintegrate as the economy slipped back into recession. Inflation continued
at 15-20% a month and in August, reached 27%. Foreign debt installments fell into arrears in April when Alfonsn ordered the
Central Bank to curtail payments. Coinciding with the Southern Hemisphere's change of seasons, Economy Minister Sorouille
announced a Plan Primavera ("Springtime Plan") on August 3, whose centerpiece was a price truce agreed on with 53 leading
wholesalers. The plan also included a fresh wage freeze, however, triggering a September 9 general strike by the CGT that
turned violent when police repressed demonstrators at the Plaza de Mayo. Violent and white collar crime were of increasing
concern among the public and, though the judicial system scored a victory when Banco Alas executives were convicted the
same day for fraud committed against the Central Bank totalling US$110 million, their receiving a suspended sentence in
exchange for the return of half the funds and the subsequent discovery of a sub-rosa "parallel customs" operated by National
Customs Director Juan Carlos Delconte cast serious doubts on Alfonsn's commitment against large-scale corruption, which
had become endemic to Argentine government and business during the 1970s. Alfonsn obtained INTERPOL's cooperation in
extraditing fugitive Army Corps leader Gen. Guillermo Surez Mason (a leading Dirty War perpetrator whose control
over YPF nearly bankrupted the state oil concern in 1983) and Argentine Anticommunist Alliancemastermind Jos Lpez Rega,
who were found exiled in the United States and returned to stand trial in 1987. The President's relationship with the military
remained tenuous. Continuing military budget cuts and opposition to democratic rule led the extremistCarapintadas to stage
a third mutiny on December 1, receiving support from disaffected members of the Coast Guard, among others. The impasse
lasted six days, resulting in the arrest of their leader, Col. Mohamed Al Seineldn, an Army officer with a long history of
violence and anti-semitism. In the interest of compromise, Alfonsn announced a modest military budget increase and the
dismissal of the moderate Gen. Dante Caridi as Army Chief of Staff. A January 23, 1989 attack on the Regiment of La
Tablada by a leftist armed organization led to 39 deaths and tested Alfonsn's improved rapport with the military, which was
consequently given wide latitude to prosecute the matter, leading to the alleged torture of a number of the conspirators. The
economy had benefited only modestly from lower inflation, which had fallen from 27% in August to 5-10% monthly for the
rest of 1988. Owing to the mid-year recession, GDP fell 2% in 1988 and inflation rose to 380% while real wages continued to
slide. Exports did recover and the trade surplus rose to nearly US$4 billion. The Springtime Plan, however, increasingly
depended on its reserves to shore up the austral, whose stability guaranteed lower inflation rates. In so doing, the Central
Bank shed almost all its US$3 billion in reserves and, in heavy trading on "Black Tuesday," February 7, 1989, the U.S. dollar
gained around 40% against the austral. The sudden drop in the austral's value threatened the nation's tenuous financial
stability and, later that month, the World Bank recalled a large tranche of a loan package agreed on in 1988, sending the
austral into a tailspin: trading at 17 to the dollar in January, the dollar quoted at over 100 australes by election day, May 14.

Inflation, which had been held below 10% a month as late as February, rose to 78.5% in May,
shattering records and leading to a landslide victory for the Justicialist candidate, Carlos Menem.
Polling revealed that economic anxieties were paramount among two-thirds of voters and Menem
won in 19 of 22 provinces, while losing in the traditionally anti-Peronist Federal District (Buenos
Aires). The nation's finances did not stabilize after the election, as hoped. The dollar doubled in
value that next week, alone and, on May 29, riots and looting broke out in the poorer outskirts of a
number of cities, particularly Rosario. Inflation continued its dizzying rise: 114% a month in June and
197% in July. Income poverty leapt from around 30% to 47% during the debacle and the economy
shrank by 7% in 1989, pushing per capita GDP to its lowest level since 1964. Having declared his
intention to stay on until inaugural day, December 10, these events and spiraling financial chaos led
Alfonsn to transfer power to President-elect Menem on July 8. Alfonsn was forced to step down as
President of the UCR following that party's defeat at the September 1991 midterm elections. He
defeated former Governor Armendriz for the post in 1993, however, on anticipation of a powersharing deal with the then-popular President Carlos Menem. Alfonsn and Menem signed the
November 1993 Olivos Pact, through which the two largest Argentine parties agreed to support a constitutional reform which
(among other things) provided the party in opposition increased representation in the Senate and paved the way for
President Menem's reelection. He resigned as leader of the UCR after their poor performance in the 1995 elections; but he
continued to be an important figure within the party, negotiating a successful alliance with the center-left Frepaso (who
garnered 30% in 1995), ahead of the 1997 midterm elections. Alfonsn suffered a serious automobile accident en route to a
campaign event in June 1999, though he recovered quickly. He was returned as leader of the UCR in October 2000 amid
growing difficulties surrounding President Fernando de la Ra, a prominent UCR figure elected in 1999 on the Alliance ticket
with the center-left Frepaso. He was elected Senator for Buenos Aires Province in October 2001, but health problems led him
to step down after a year, to be replaced by Diana Conti. In 2006, Alfonsn supported a faction of the UCR that favoured the
idea of carrying an independent candidate for the 2007 presidential elections. The UCR, instead of fielding its own candidate,
endorsed Roberto Lavagna, a center-left economist who presided over the dramatic recovery in the Argentine economy from
2002 until he parted ways with President Nstor Kirchner in December 2005. Unable to sway enough disaffected Kirchner
supporters, Lavagna garnered third place. Alfonsn was a member of the Club of Madrid[23] and was honored by
President Cristina Fernndez de Kirchner with a bust of his likeness at theCasa Rosada on October 1, 2008. He was the only
former Argentine president to receive that homage during his lifetime. Alfonsn died on 31 March 2009, at the age of 82, after
being diagnosed a year before with lung cancerand enduring a surgery intervention in the United States. He died peacefully
in his home, surrounded by his family. Argentina declared three days of national mourning following his death through 2 April
2009. He was buried in La Recoleta Cemetery in Buenos Aires. Thousands of Argentines mourned his death by
crowding Callao Avenue in Buenos Aires, waiting to accompany Dr. Alfonsn to his final resting place. The media captured the
popular sentiment by pointing out that "the Argentine people wants to send a message: it is time to return to the values
taught to us by Dr. Alfonsn: honesty, hard work, justice and equality for all." Some critics point out that he failed to stave off
a deep economic crisis; but his political achievements were of such magnitude, that they were summed up by President
Cristina Kirchner when she unveiled his bust in 2008: "Whether you like it or not, you are a symbol of the return of
democracy."

Carlos Sal Menem (born

July 2, 1930) is an Argentine politician who was President of Argentina from July 8, 1989
until December 10, 1999. He has been Senator for La Rioja Province since 2005. Carlos S. Menem was born on July 2, 1930 in
Anillaco, a small town in the mountainous north of La Rioja Province, Argentina. His immigrant parents
were Armenian and Alawi, born in the town of Yabrud (part of the Ottoman Empire at the time, currently in
southwestern Syria, near the border with Lebanon). As a young man, Menem joined his father as a traveling salesman dealing
in feed and sundry items. Menem attend the National University of Crdoba. In 1955, he earned the degree of Abogado,
equivalent to a Bachelor of Laws. As a law student, he became a vocal Peronist. Menem returned to Argentina. After
President Juan Pern's overthrow in 1955, Menem was briefly incarcerated. He later joined the successor to the Peronist Party,
the Justicialist Party. He was elected president of its chapter in La Rioja Province in 1983. Menem Carlos "el patillas" La
Rioja in 1973, a prominent post that left him exposed after the overthrow of President Isabel Martnez de Pern in March
1976. Having been close to La Rioja Bishop Enrique Angelelli (a Third World Priest opposed by much of Argentina's
conservativeRoman Catholic Church), he was imprisoned by the military junta in Formosa Province until 1981, reportedly
tortured in the process. In October 1983, with the collapse of military rule, Menem was elected once again as Governor of La
Rioja, and reelected in 1987. During this second turn at the Governor's desk, Menem implemented generous corporate tax
exemptions, attracting the first sizable presence of light manufacturing his province had ever seen. The pragmatic Governor
Menem, nevertheless, kept provincial payrolls well-padded. Campaigning as a maverick within his own party, he defeated
longtime Peronist leader Antonio Cafiero in the 1988 primary elections and was elected President on May 14, 1989,
succeeding Ral Alfonsn. His campaign was centered on vague promises of a "productive revolution" and
a "salariazo" (jargon for big salary increases), aimed at the working class, the traditional constituents of the Peronist
Party. Jacques de Mahieu, a French ideologue of the Peronist movement (and former Vichy Collaborationist), was
photographed campaigning for Menem. Menem was originally slated to take office on December 10. However, amid a
massive economic downturn, Alfonsin opted to transfer power to Menem five months early, on July 8. Menem's accession
marked the first time since Hiplito Yrigoyen took office in 1916 that an incumbent government peacefully surrendered power
to a member of the opposition. Menem assumed duties in the midst of a major economic crisis which included
hyperinflation and recession. After a failed stabilization program sponsored by Bunge y Born (a leading agribusiness firm),
and another one involving the conversion of time deposits into government bonds, newly appointed Finance
Minister Domingo Cavallo introduced a series of reforms in 1991 and a fixed exchange rate of the Argentine peso to the US
dollar. This Convertibility Plan was followed by a wholesale privatization of utilities (including the oil company Yacimientos
Petrolferos Fiscales(YPF), the post office, telephone, gas, electricity and water utilities). A massive influx of foreign direct
investment funds helped tame inflation (from 5,000% a year in 1989 to single digits by 1993) and improved long-stagnant
productivity, though at the cost of considerable unemployment. Menem's successful turnaround of the economy made the
country one of the top performers of the developing countries in the world. Argentina's GDP (below 1973 levels when Menem
took office) increased 35% from 1990 to 1994 and fixed investment, by 150%.[6] Negotiations with Brazil resulted in
the Mercosur customs union, in March 1991, and on November 14, he addressed a joint session of the U.S. Congress, being
one of only three Argentine presidents who had that distinction (together with Ral Alfonsn and Arturo Frondizi). Menem was
reelected to the presidency by a large majority in the 1995 elections. The early success of the dollar peg (when the dollar was
falling) was followed by increasing economic difficulties when the dollar began to rise from 1995 onwards in international
markets. High external debt also caused increasing problems as financial crises affecting other countries (the Tequila Crisis in
Mexico, the East Asian financial crisis, the Russian financial crisis in 1998) led to higher interest rates for Argentina as well. At
the end of his term, Argentina's country risk premium was a low 6.10 percentage points above yield on comparable US

Treasuries. In the years immediately following Menem's term, the combination of fixed-rate convertibility and high fiscal
deficits proved unsustainable, despite massive loan support from the International Monetary Fund, and had to be abandoned
in 2002, with disastrous effects on the Argentine economy. Though most of the State enterprises privatized during his tenure
remain in private hands, perhaps the most significant economic legacy of his administration, private pension funds, have
since largely been returned to the public sector. First licensed in 1994, these grew to over us$ 30 billion in assets, but
suffered large losses during the 19982002 crisis, and by 2008, depended onsubsidies to cover minimum monthly pensions.
Most affiliates, moreover, had stopped making contributions. [7] The 2008 financial crisis exacerbated the problem, and the
funds were largely replaced by the public social security system in late 2008. Menem's presidency was initially bolstered by
the significant economic recovery in evidence following Cavallo's appointment as Economy Minister, and his Justicialist
Party enjoyed victories in mid-term elections in 1991 and 1993, as well as in his 1995 campaign for reelection. Menem's
government re-established relations with the United Kingdom, suspended since the Falklands War, within months of taking
office. He also earned plaudits for resolving territorial disputes with neighboring Chile, and during his administration, over
20 border issues with Chile, including the arbitration of the especially serious Laguna del Desierto dispute, were peacefully
solved. In domestic policy, programs were created for improving AIDS awareness, flood prevention, vaccination, and
improving child nutrition.[9] In addition, a Social Plan was launched which increased spending on antipoverty programs, while
a number of social programs executed by other government agencies targeted poor Argentines. These policies arguably had
a positive impact on poverty reduction, with the percentage of Argentines estimated to living in poverty falling during
Menem's first term as president. In 1994, after a political agreement (the Olivos Pact) with the Radical Civic Union party
leader, former president Ral Alfonsn, Menem succeeded in having the Constitution modified to allow presidential reelection, so that he could run for office once again in 1995. The new Constitution, however, introduced decisive checks and
balances to presidential power. It made the Mayor of Buenos Aires an elective position (previously the office belonged to a
presidential appointee and was in control of a huge budget), to be lost to the opposition in 1996; the president of the Central
Bank and the Director of the AFIP (Federal Tax & Customs Central Agency) could only be removed with the Congress's
approval. It also created the ombudsman position, as well as a board to propose new judicial candidates. His tenure suffered,
however, from local economic fallout due to the Mexican peso crisis of 1995, and became tainted with repeated accusations
of corruption. His handling of the investigations of the 1992 Israeli Embassy bombing and the 1994 bombing of the AMIA
Jewish community center was often criticised as being dishonest and superficial. He is suspected of diverting the
investigation from the "Iranian clue", which would lead to the responsibility of that country in the attack. One of the most
criticized measures of his administration was the pardon he granted on December 29, 1990, to Jorge Videla, Emilio
Massera, Leopoldo Galtieri and other leaders of the 197683 dictatorship convicted in the 1985 Trial of the Juntas, and some
guerrilla leaders as well, on the grounds of "national reconciliation". This action sparked a protest of nearly 50,000 people in
Buenos Aires. Former President Ral Alfonsn called it "the saddest day in Argentine history." His neoliberal policies were also
criticized by the majority of the population and by some in the Catholic Church, and gave rise to the Piquetero movement of
unemployed workers. His policies were labeled as anti-liberal by some economists. These mounting problems and a rise in
crime rates helped lead to the president's first electoral defeat, during the 1997 mid-term elections. With regards to the
military, Menem ordered the forceful repression of a politically motivated uprising by a far-right figure, Col. Mohamed Al
Seineldn, on December 3, 1990, and thus ended the military's involvement in the country's political life. Menem also effected
drastic cuts to the military budget, and appointed Lt. Gen. Martn Balza as the Army's General Chief of Staff (head of the
military hierarchy); Balza, a man of strong democratic convictions and a vocal critic of the Falklands War, had stood up for the
legitimate government in every attempted coup d'tat throughout his senior career, and gave the first institutional selfcriticism about the Armed Forces' involvement in the 1976 coup and the ensuing reign of terror. Following the brutal death of
a conscript, Menem abolished conscription in 1994, decisively ending a military prerogative over society and its selfperceived role as an institution that it "made men out of boys". Menem's attempt to run for a third term in 1999 was
unsuccessful, as it was ruled to be unconstitutional. Opposition candidate Fernando de la Ra defeated Eduardo Duhalde, the
nominee of Menem's party, and succeeded Menem as President. Menem tried again four years later, winning the greatest
number of votes, 24%, in the first round of the April 27, 2003presidential election. This was far from the 45% required for
election (or 40% if the margin of victory is 10 or more percentage points), and so a second-round run-off vote between
Menem and second-place finisher and fellow PeronistNstor Kirchner, who had gotten 22%, was scheduled for May 18.
However, by this time Menem had become very unpopular, and the consensus of most polls was that he faced almost certain
defeat by Kirchner in the runoff. A few polls showed Menem losing by 40 points. Certain that he was about to face a
humiliating electoral defeat, Menem withdrew his candidacy on May 14, effectively handing the presidency to Kirchner. In
June 2004 Menem announced that he had founded a new faction within the Justicialist Party, called "People's Peronism," and
stated his ambition to run in the 2007 election. In 2005, the press reported that he was trying to make an alliance with his
former Minister of Economy Domingo Cavallo to fight in the parliamentary elections. The alliance was apparently frustrated;
Menem said that there had been only preliminary conversations. In the October 23 elections, Menem won the minority seat in
the Senate representing his province of birth. This was viewed as a catastrophic defeat, signaling the end of his political
dominance in La Rioja, since the two senators for the majority were won by President Kirchner's faction, locally led by former
Menemist governor ngel Maza. It was the first time in 30 years that Menem lost an election. Menem ran for Governor of La
Rioja in August 2007, but was defeated, receiving third place with about 22% of the vote. Following this defeat in his home
province, he withdrew his candidacy for president. At the end of 2009 he announced that he intends to run for the presidency
again in the 2011 elections. On June 7, 2001, Menem was arrested over an arms export scandal relating to exports
to Ecuador and Croatia in 1991 and 1996, and remained under house arrest until November. He appeared before a judge in
late August 2002 and denied all charges. It was hinted that Menem held more than US$ $10 million in Swiss bank accounts.
However, the Swiss banks and authorities denied these allegations. Menem and his second wife Cecilia Bolocco, who had had
a child since their marriage in 2001, moved to Chile. Argentine judicial authorities repeatedly requested Menem's extradition
to face embezzlement charges, but this was rejected by the Chilean Supreme Court, as under Chilean law people cannot be
extradited for questioning. On December 22, 2004, he returned to Argentina after his arrest warrants were cancelled. He still
faces charges of embezzlement and failing to declare illegal funds outside ofArgentina. In August 2008, it was announced
Menem was under investigation for his role in the 1995 Ro Tercero explosion, which is alleged to have been part of the arms
scandal involving Croatia and Ecuador. In December 2008, the German multinational Siemens agreed to pay an $800 million
fine to the United States government, and approximately 700 million to the German government, to settle allegations of
bribery. The settlement revealed that Menem received about US$2 million in bribes from Siemens in exchange for awarding
the national ID card and passport production contract to Siemens; Menem denied the charges. On March 31, 2012, Menem
was ordered to stand trial for obstruction of justice in a probe of the 1994 bombing of the AMIA Jewish community center that
killed 85 people. Menem is accused of covering up evidence linking the attack to Hezbollah and Iran. However, no trial date
has been set. Following an Appeals Court ruling that found Menem guilty of aggravated smuggling, he was sentenced to
seven years in prison on June 13, 2013, for his role in illegally smuggling weapons to Ecuador and Croatia; his position as
senator earned him immunity from incarceration, and his advanced age (82) afforded him the possibility of house arrest. His
Defense Minister during the weapons sales, Oscar Camilin, was concurrently sentenced to 5 and a half years. He received
the following honours and awards: Knight Grand Cross with Gold Collar of the Order of Manuel Amador Guerrero (Panama),

Knight Grand Cross of the Grand Order of King Tomislav ("For outstanding achievements in
promoting the development of friendship and fruitful cooperation in political, cultural and
economic development between the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Argentina, and in
promoting peace, democracy, stability and international cooperation in the world based on the
principles of the UN Charter and the provisions of international law." January 5, 1995, Grand
Cross of the Order of Merit of the Republic of Poland (1995), Honorary Knight Grand Cross of the
Order of St Michael and St George (United Kingdom) and Grand Cross of the Order of Vytautas
the Great (Lithuania, 1996-03-07).

Fernando

de

la

Ra (born

September 15, 1937) is

an Argentine politician. He was President of Argentina from December
10, 1999 until December 21, 2001 for the Alliance for Work, Justice
and
Education (a
political
alliance
of
the Radical
Civic
Union and Frepaso). Born to Eleonora Bruno and Antonio De la Ra in
the city of Crdoba, he attended the local Military Lyceum before
entering
theNational
University of Crdoba, from which he obtained his law degree. The son
of a judge and longtime
supporter of the centristRadical Civic Union (UCR), de la Ra became
involved in politics at a
young age, and entered public service in 1963 as an advisor to
President Arturo
Illia's Internal Affairs Minister. He married the former Ins Pertin,
a Buenos Aires socialite, in
1970, and had three children, including Antonio de la Ra, an
entrepreneur who was
engaged to pop superstar Shakira. He first appeared in the national
political arena in 1973,
when he was elected to the Argentine Senate, representing the city
of Buenos Aires. A few
months later he ran for the Vice Presidency as veteran UCR
politician Ricardo Balbn's running mate in snap elections called for September of that year; their ticket was defeated by the
recently returned populist leader, Juan Pern, in a landslide. His youth (running for Vice President at the age of 36) earned
him the still-standing nickname of "chupete"('pacifier' or 'dummy'), as he was perceived as a political neophyte. He
taught criminal law at the University of Buenos Aires after the March 1976 coup that suspended Congress, and wrote four
books on legal theory. Despite earlier support by the late Ricardo Balbn, de la Ra was defeated by Ral Alfonsn for the UCR
nomination for the presidency in 1983. The UCR prevailed in the 1983 elections, and de la Ra was overwhelmingly returned
to the Senate. His 1989 reelection bid was complicated by an economic crisis that affected all UCR candidates, however, and
although he won the popular vote, de la Ra was outmaneuvered in the Electoral College by an alliance between
the Justicialist Party and the Uced. Elected to the Lower House by his constituents in the city of Buenos Aires in 1991, he
was again returned to the Senate in a 1992 special election, and de la Ra became increasingly thought of as presidential
timber in the press. Benefiting from his high standing in the polls and the amendments to the Constitution that gave Buenos
Aires the right to elect its own mayor, de la Ra became the first elected mayor of Buenos Aires following elections on June
30, 1996. Quick to tackle chronic property tax evasion in his city, de la Ra earned a reputation for efficiency as his city's
mayor. PresidentCarlos Menem's dismissal of the Alliance candidate as "boring" was effectively used by the de la Ra
campaign in their ads, by which de la Ra's tedium became a desirable alternative to Menem's "party" (a reference to the
latter administration's numerous corruption scandals). This, as well as the nation's mounting social and economic problems,
helped carry de la Ra to victory in the October 24, 1999, presidential election, handily defeating the ruling party
candidate, Buenos Aires Governor Eduardo Duhalde (despite the latter's opposition to the unpopular president). Fernando de
la Ra was inaugurated President of Argentina on December 10, 1999. De la Ra's government inherited an
ongoing economic crisis. His administration initially announced increases in infrastructure spending and teacher pay (the
subject of a "white tent" protest on Congressional Plaza from 1997 to 1999) and established educ.ar ("educate"), a statesponsored educational website. Enjoying high approval ratings initially, continuous disputes and rivalries among the coalition
partners, a general sensation of inaction in the face of recession, and a failure to tackle corruption, as well as de la Ra's own
lack of charisma and slow demeanor (perceived as stupor), hurt his public image. [5] The July 29 suicide of Dr. Ren Favaloro,
the creator of coronary bypass surgery, following repeated, unsuccessful attempts to obtain federal reimbursement for
millions in services, underscored public perceptions of an inability to govern, moreover. Subsequent revelations that the
administration bribed a number of UCR senators for their support of a stalled labor law flexibilization bill in April led to the
resignation of Vice President lvarez in protest on October 6, as well as of Cabinet Chief Rodolfo Terragno and of three other
cabinet members, pushing the de la Ra presidency into its crisis stage. Economy Minister Jos Luis
Machinea enacted austerity measures, and successfully negotiated a US$38 billion International Monetary Fund line of
credit in December. A worsening recession and disapproval of cutbacks led to Machinea's resignation on March 5, followed
two weeks later by that of his conservative successor, Ricardo Lpez Murphy. Facing mounting pressure and 18% approval
ratings, on March 19, 2001, the president reached out to Domingo Cavallo, the economist behind the "Argentine miracle"
during the early 1990s. Cavallo's appointment was, however, interpreted as an act of desperation by the derivatives markets
and a massive shorting of Argentine bonds ensued, followed by at least US$40 billion in domestic capital flight. Deep budget
cuts, including a 13% reduction in pay for the nation's 2 million public sector employees, failed to curb the rapidly
increasing country risk on almost U$100 billion in Argentine bonds, increasing debt service costs and further limiting access
to international credit, despite a moderately successful debt swap arranged by Cavallo with most bondholders. Voters reacted
to the rapidly worsening economy in the October 2001 midterm elections by both depriving the Alliance of its majority in the
Lower House, and by casting a record 25% of spoiled ballots. The financial crisis and the wave of capital flight led Cavallo to
impose a limited account freeze on cash withdrawals on December 1, and four days later, the IMF, IADB and World
Bank announced the cancellation of loan tranches of over US$5 billion. The withdrawal limits led to growing popular unrest,
moreover, and by mid-December, rioting had begun in a number of poorer urban neighborhoods. Amid repression of
protesters and rioters that left 23 dead, one of the president's last acts in office was to ban extraditions for human rights
violations. De la Ra was ultimately forced out of office, however, by the December 2001 riots, which took shape under the
rallying cry, Que se vayan todos! ("Away with them all!" ) referring to the governing and political class. De la Ra was
hounded by numerous charges and lawsuits in subsequent years, both relating to police repression during the riots, as well as
for his role in the Senate bribery case, and for alleged irregularities in the 2001 debt swap. He was indicted for homicide by
Judge Claudio Bonado in March 2007, though the ruling was reversed a year later. Accusations by Security Minister Enrique
Mathov and Internal Affairs Minister Ramn Mestre that the president had ordered demonstrators at the Plaza de Mayo (in
which five died) quelled, were ruled unsubstantiable by Judge Bonado in April 2009. He received two foreign honours: from
Slovakia, Grand Cross (or 1st Class) of the Order of the White Double Cross (2001) and from Portugal, Key of Honor to the City
of Lisbon on November 15, 2001.

Adolfo Rodrguez Sa Pez Montero (born

July 25, 1947) is an Argentine Peronist politician and President of

Argentina from December 23, 2001 until December 30, 2001 He was the governor of the province of San Luis during several

terms, and briefly served as President of Argentina. Rodrguez Sa was born to an important political
family in San Luis. His grandfather and namesake Adolfo Rodrguez Sa and his great-uncle were both
governors of the province, and his father was the police chief. He graduated as a lawyer from
the National University of Cuyo and the University of Buenos Aires, and became a provincial legislator
in 1973, at the age of 25. The Rodriguez Sa family is well known in the Province of San Luis and can
be traced to the 19th century and to descendants of the famous federal revolutionist Juan Saa, an
important figure in the battle of Pavon (19th century). His predecessor as governor, Alicia Lemme, was
known for her protest in the Casa Rosada against the "corralito financiero" which froze the funds
deposited by the Province of San Luis in 2002. Rodrguez Sa was elected governor of San Luis for
the Justicialist Party and stayed in office during several consecutive terms, from 1983 to 2001. He
improved the finances of the province and obtained several awards. The Argentine president Fernando
De la Ra resigned after the riots of 2001. As his vicepresident Carlos lvarez had resigned as well
months before, the Congress called for a special assembly to designate a new president. Adolfo
Rodrguez Sa was elected by 169 votes against 138. He was supported by the PJ and smaller rightwing parties such as Republican Force and Action for the Republic. On the other hand, the UCR and Alternative for a Republic
of Equals voted against him. Thus, Rodrguez Sa became president. He was replaced in the governor's office by vicegovernor Mara Alicia Lemme, and took office as on December 23, 2001. He got a mandate of interim president, with
instructions from the Assembly to call for elections the following March 3, with the run-off on March 17 if needed. The new
president would complete De la Ra's mandate. Those elections would be held with Ley de Lemas, and the victor would take
government on April 5. During his short time in office, he announced the creation of a new currency, the argentino (not
backed up by reserve currency but by the real estate properties of the nation), to remedy the shortage of cash caused by the
economic crisis. The civil unrest of previous days resurfaced when he announced his cabinet, as it included Carlos
Grosso as Chief of the Cabinet of Ministers. Grosso was a former mayor of Buenos Aires, with a high negative image. As a
result, Rodrguez Sa gave up his whole cabinet before the could even take office, with the sole exception of Rodolfo Gabrielli,
in the Interior Ministry. He also declared a default on the Argentine national debt, which was celebrated by the chamber of
deputies. He said in an interview that he had cleaned the budget of unneeded deficits, and prepared a budget proposal to
send to the Congress in a few days. He called for a meeting with governors in Chapadmalal, but only 5 governors attended.
On December 30, he returned to San Luis with Daniel Scioli and resigned, alleging lack of support from the rest of the
Justicialist Party. In his last speech he recounted the achievements of his 1-week administration and accused Justicialists
governors and legislators of meanness and shortsightedness. He dispatched his resignation from San Luis to Buenos Aires,
and the Congress accepted it on January 1, 2002. After new deliverations they elected Eduardo Duhalde as president, this
time with a mandate that would fill the remaining time of De la Ra's mandate. His brother is currently a candidate in the
2011 Presidential Elections for the Frente Compromiso Federal party. His national program aims to replicate the "San Luis"
model nationwide. The province of San Luis was voted the best managed in the country by private consultants for the
seventh consecutive year, in Tax Efficiency Policy, Social indicators, Infrastructure, Fiscal Solvency and International Trade.
Moreover, in its ambition to create a Silicon Valley, San Luis came fourth in a ranking of 150 'digital cities' developed by
Motorola. After the end of Eduardo Duhalde's term, Rodrguez Sa ran for president in the April 2003 elections. Those
elections allowed the Lemas law, and the PJ did not provide an official candidate. Each precandidate was allowed instead to
run for presidency on his own "lema", and Rodrguez Sa did so. The other candidates of the PJ were Nstor Kirchner and
Carlos Menem. Rodrguez Sa came in fourth, with 14.1% of the vote, after both of them and Ricardo Lpez Murphy. During
the first years of Nstor Kirchner's rule, Adolfo Rodrguez Sa joined Menem and his brother Alberto (by then, the new
governor of San Luis) to create an alternative political group against Kirchner within the PJ. He was elected Senator for San
Luis for this group at the 2005 election He is senator since then. Rodrguez Sa had five children with his first wife and one
with his second one. His brother, Alberto Rodrguez Sa, is currently the governor of San Luis. The Sa family of Argentina and
Chile are originally Arab Christians from Ramallah, Palestine. Many fellow Sa family members live in the United States and
most spell their family name as "Saah" rather than Sa, however both spellings are used widely in the Americas as well as in
Palestine. The mayor Sergio Massa organized the coalition United for a New Alternative to run for the 2015 presidential
election and invited Rodrguez Sa to join, but he refused to join and ran with his own party, Federal Commitment.

Eduardo Alberto Duhalde (born October 5, 1941) is an Argentine politician, lawyer and professor of public law, who
also was President of Argentina from January 2, 2002 until May 25, 2003. Duhalde was born in Lomas de Zamora, in
the Greater Buenos Aires. He graduated as a lawyer in 1970. He became intendent of Lomas de Zamora in August 1974, but
left government three years later during the National Reorganization Process military coup. Democratic rule was restored in
1983, and Duhalde was elected intendent once more. Duhalde told in 2010 at the Noticias magazine that a coronel sought his
support for a possible coup against the newly elected president Ral Alfonsn, which Duhalde would have denied and reported
directly to Alfonsn himself. In 1987 he became a member of the Argentine National Congress and became vice-president
under Carlos Menem from 1989 to his resignation in 1991. In 1991 he won the first of two terms as governor of Buenos Aires.
He ran for president in 1999, after a failed attempt by Carlos Menem to run for a third term, but he was defeated by Fernando
de la Ra. Duhalde came in second place with 37% of the vote. De la Ra's government would face an economic crisis and
the 2001 riots, resigning two years later. De la Ra considered that Duhalde organized a coup d'tat against him[1] Rodolfo
Terragno, De la Ra's Chief of the Cabinet of Ministers, thought instead that the crisis was the exclusive result of keeping
the peso-dollar parity despite of the costs generated by it. After de la Ra's resignation, due to the economic crisis and
the December 2001 riots, Duhalde was appointed President of Argentinaby the Legislative Assembly on January 2, 2002.
Initially to serve for a few months, until the chaotic situation of the country could be controlled, Duhalde stayed in office
during more than one year. During this time, he confirmed the default of most of the Argentine public debt, and ended peg of
theArgentine peso to the U.S. dollar. The latter measure triggered inflation, but at the same time helped pave the way to the
substitution of imports (which could hardly be afforded with a more expensive dollar), and hence the renewed growth of
national industry. The reduction of national industry effected during the 1990s (consequence of the affordability of imports
made possible by the artificially low foreign currency exchange), combined with the austerity economic policies put into place
in the late 1990s and early 2000s in order to service the foreign debt and satisfy foreign creditors, had resulted by 2003 in a
poverty rate of slightly over 50%. However, massive discontent followed the "forced pesification" of the dollar deposits at an
exchange rate of 1.40 pesos, after Duhalde had said that people who had deposited dollars would receive dollars, in what is
now a famous reference in Argentine political culture. Duhalde managed to stabilize the turmoil and, under some political
pressure, called for elections six months ahead of schedule. Carlos Menem, former president, wanted to run for the
presidency in the 2003 election, and Duhalde wanted to prevent him from being president again. For this purpose, he sought
other candidates that may defeat Menem. Some of these potential candidates were Carlos Reutemann, Jos Manuel de la
Sota, Mauricio Macri, Adolfo Rodrguez Sa, Felipe Soland Roberto Lavagna, but none of those negotiations bore fruit. Finally,
he chose Nstor Kirchner, governor of Santa Cruz Province, who was mostly unknown by the public. To harm Menem chances
even further, the 2003 election used a variant of the Ley de Lemas for a single time. This way, Menem and Kirchner (and

Rodrguez Sa, uninvolved with them) did not run for primary elections, but faced each other directly
in the open election. None of the three candidates ran for the Justicialist Party, but for special parties
created for the occasion. Menem defeated Kirchner in the elections, benefited by the lack of popular
candidates, but gave up running for a ballotage, fearing that he may lose this special election.
Duhalde was succeeded by Nstor Kirchner on May 25, 2003. After a while, however, Kirchner became
increasingly distanced from Duhalde. Duhalde's wife, Hilda Chiche Duhalde, ran a heated campaign for
the National Senate representing Buenos Aires, against Kirchner's wife, Cristina Kirchner, for the
October 23, 2005 legislative elections. Duhalde announced on December 23, 2009, his intention to run
again for the Presidency. For this end, he organized Federal Peronism, with members of the Justicialist
party opposing Nstor Kirchner. Although the president was Cristina Fernndez de Kirchner at that
point, Nstor Kirchner remained a highly influential figure in Argentine politics; Kirchner died in
October 2010. Duhalde confirmed his strength among centrist and conservative Peronists as the 2011
campaign unfolded by narrowly defeating Rodrguez Sa in a Buenos Aires Federal Peronist primary in
May, though both men remained front-runners for their party's nomination in August. He adopted the Unin Popular ticket, a
historic neo-Peronist movement which never ran as such in a presidential race, and formally announced his candidacy for the
presidency on June 9, choosing Chubut Governor Mario Das Neves as his running mate.

Nstor Carlos Kirchner (February

25, 1950 October 27, 2010) was an Argentine politician who served
as President of Argentina from May 25, 2003 until December 10, 2007. Previously, he was Governor of Santa Cruz
Province since 10 December 1991. He briefly served as Secretary General of the Union of South American Nations
(UNASUR) and as a National Deputy of Argentina for Buenos Aires Province. Kirchner's four-year presidency was notable for
presiding over a dramatic fall in poverty and unemployment, following the economic crisis of 2001, together with an
extension of social security coverage, a major expansion in housing and infrastructure, higher spending on scientific research
and education, and substantial increases in real wage levels. A Justicialist, Kirchner was little-known internationally and even
domestically before his election to the Presidency, which he won by default with only 22.2 percent of the vote in the first
round, when former President Carlos Menem (24.4%) withdrew from the ballotage. Soon after taking office in May 2003,
Kirchner surprised some Argentinians by standing down powerful military and police officials. Stressing the need to increase
accountability and transparency in government, Kirchner overturned amnesty laws for military officers accused of torture and
assassinations during the 19761983 "Dirty War" under military rule. On October 28, 2007, his wife Cristina Fernndez de
Kirchner was elected to succeed him as President of Argentina. Thus, Kirchner then became the First Gentleman of Argentina.
In 2009, he was elected a National Deputy for Buenos Aires Province. He was also designated Secretary General of the Union
of South American Nations on May 4, 2010. Kirchner, who had been operated on twice in 2010 for cardiovascular problems,
died at his home in El Calafate, Santa Cruz Province, on October 27, 2010, after reportedly suffering a heart attack. For more
than 24 hours, hundreds of thousands of people filed past Kirchner's body lying in state, in a state funeral at the Casa
Rosada attended by several Argentine personalities and eight South American leaders. On the afternoon of October 29, 2010
a funeral procession accompanied Kirchner's body from Casa Rosada to themetropolitan airport and then from the airport
of Ro Gallegos to the cemetery where he was buried. Kirchner was born in Ro Gallegos, in the Patagonian province of Santa
Cruz. His mother, Mara Juana Ostoi Dragnic, is Chilean of Croatian descent and his father, also named Nstor, a post
office official, was of Swiss-German descent. He received his primary and secondary education at local public schools, and his
high-school diploma from the Argentine school Colegio Nacional Repblica de Guatemala. He was part of the third generation
of the family living in Ro Gallegos. He moved to La Plata to study law in 1969 at the National University of La Plata, joining
the political student unions of peronist ideology located there. He was present at the Ezeiza massacre and promoted the
return of Juan Domingo Pern to the country. He graduated as juris doctor in 1976 and met Cristina Fernndez, marrying her
six months later. The armed conflicts between the Peronist factions such as Montoneros and theArgentine Anticommunist
Alliance led them to leave the city and return to Ro Gallegos. With his wife, also a lawyer and member of the Justicialist
Party (PJ), he established a successful private practice. After the downfall of the military dictatorship and restoration of
democracy in 1983, Kirchner became a public officer in the provincial government. The following year, he was briefly
president of the Ro Gallegos social welfare fund, but was forced out by the governor because of a dispute over financial
policy. The affair made him a local celebrity and laid the foundation for his career. By 1986, Kirchner had developed sufficient
political capital to be put forward as the PJ's candidate for mayor of Ro Gallegos. He won the 1987 elections for this post by
the very slim margin of about 100 votes. Fellow PJ member Ricardo del Val became governor, keeping Santa Cruz firmly
within the hands of the PJ. Kirchner's performance as mayor from 1987 to 1991 was satisfactory enough to the electorate and
to the party to enable him to run for governor in 1991, where he won with 61% of the vote; by this time his wife was also a
member of the provincial congress. When Kirchner assumed the governorship, the province of Santa Cruz (pop. 197,000)
contributed one percent to Argentina's gross national product, primarily through the production of raw materials (mostly oil),
and was being battered by the then ongoing economic crisis, with high unempl oyment and a budget deficit equal to US$
1.2 billion. He arranged for substantial investments to stimulate productivity, the labor market, and consumption. By
eliminating unproductive expenditures and cutting back on tax exemptions for the key petroleum industry, Kirchner restored
the financial balance of the province. Through his expansionist and social policies, Kirchner was credited with bringing a
substantial measure of prosperity to Santa Cruz. The improved economic situation was achieved by a neo-Keynesian
expansion of consumption and investment expenditure, in contrast to the neo-liberalism of the Menem Government.
Subsequent studies showed that the province had a better distribution of wealth and lower levels of poverty, unemployment,
and social unrest than most other provinces, second only to Buenos Aires. In 1994 and 1998, Kirchner introduced
amendments to the provincial constitution, to enable him to run for re-election indefinitely. As a member of the 1994
Constitutional Assembly organized by Menem and former president Ral Alfonsn, Kirchner participated in the drafting of a
new national constitution which allowed the president to be re-elected for a second four-year term. In 1995, with his
constitutional changes in place, Kirchner was easily re-elected to a second term as governor, with 66.5% of the votes. But by
now, Kirchner was distancing himself from the charismatic and controversial Menem, who was also the nominal head of the
PJ; this was made particularly apparent with the launch of Corriente Peronista, an initiative supported by Kirchner to create an
alternative space within the Justicialist Party, outside of Menem's influence. In 1998, Menem's attempt to stand for reelection a second time, by means of an ad hoc interpretation of a constitutional clause, met with strong resistance among
Peronist rank-and-file, who were finding themselves under increasing pressure due to the highly controversial policies of the
Menem administration and its involvement in corruption scandals. Kirchner joined the camp of Menem's chief opponent within
the PJ, the governor of Buenos Aires Province, Eduardo Duhalde. Menem did not run, and the PJ nominated Duhalde, who was
in turn defeated during the October 1999 elections by Buenos Aires MayorFernando de la Ra, the Alliance candidate, and the
party lost its majority in Congress. Although the Alianza also made headway in Santa Cruz, Kirchner managed to be re-elected
to a third term as governor in May 1999 with 45.7% of the vote. De la Ra's victory was in part a rejection of Menem's
perceived flamboyance and corruption during his last term. De la Ra instituted austerity measures and reforms to improve
the economy; taxes were increased to reduce the deficit, the government bureaucracy was trimmed, and legal restrictions on

union negotiations were eased. These moves did not prevent a deepening of the Argentine economic crisis, however, and a
crisis of confidence ensued by November 2001, as domestic depositors began a run on the banks, resulting in the highly
unpopular corralito, a limit, and subsequently a full ban, on withdrawals. These developments led to the December 2001
riots, and to President de la Ra's resignation on December 21. A series of interim presidents and renewed demonstrations
ended with the appointment of Eduardo Duhalde as interim president in January 2002. Duhalde abolished the fixed exchange
rate regime that had been in place since 1991, and the Argentine peso quicklydevalued by more than two thirds of its value,
diminishing middle-class savings and sinking the heavily import-dependent Argentine economy even deeper, but giving a
significant profit boost to Argentinian exports. Amid strong public rejection of the entire political class, characterized by the
pithy slogan que se vayan todos ("away with them all"), Duhalde brought elections forward by six months. Even though
Kirchner ran for the presidency with the support of Eduardo Duhalde, he was not the initial candidate chosen by the
president. Trying to prevent a third term of Carlos Menem, he sought to promote a candidate that may defeat him, but Carlos
Reutemann (governor of Santa Fe) did not accept and Jos Manuel de la Sota (governor of Crdoba) did not grow in the polls.
He also tried with Mauricio Macri, Adolfo Rodrguez Sa, Felipe Sol and Roberto Lavagna, to no avail. He initially resisted
helping Kirchner, fearing that he may ignore Duhalde once in the presidency. Kirchner's electoral promises included
"returning to a republic of equals". After the first round of the election, Kirchner visited the president of Brazil, Luiz Incio Lula
da Silva, who received him enthusiastically. He also declared he was proud of his radical left-wing political past. Although
Menem, who was president from 1989 to 1999, won the first round of the election on April 27, 2003, he only got 24% of the
valid votes just 2% ahead of Kirchner. This was an empty victory, as Menem was viewed very negatively by much of the
Argentine population and had virtually no chance of winning the runoff election. After days of speculation, during which polls
forecast a massive victory for Kirchner with about a 30%40% difference, Menem finally decided to stand down. This
automatically made Kirchner president of Argentina, despite having secured only 22% of the votes in the election, the lowest
percentage gained by the eventual winner of an Argentine presidential election. He was sworn in on May 25, 2003 to a fouryear term of office. Kirchner came into office on the tail of a deep economic crisis. A country which had once equalled Europe
in levels of prosperity and considered itself a bulwark of European culture in South America found itself deeply impoverished,
with a depleted middle class andmalnutrition appearing in the lower strata of society. The country was burdened with $178
billion in debt, the government strapped for cash. While associated to the clientelist and nearly feudal style of government of
many provincial governors and the corruption of the PJ, Kirchner was comparatively unknown to the national public, and he
showed himself as a newcomer who had arrived at the Casa Rosadawithout the usual whiff of scandal about him, trying not to
make a point of the fact that he himself had seven times been on the same electoral ballot with Menem. Shortly after coming
into office, Kirchner made changes to the Argentine Supreme Court. He accused certain justices of extortion and pressured
them to resign, while also fostering the impeachment of two others. In place of a majority of politically right-wing and
religiously conservative justices, he appointed new ones who were ideologically closer to him, including two women (one of
them an avowed atheist). Kirchner also retired dozens of generals, admirals, and brigadiers from the armed forces, a few of
them with reputations tainted by the atrocities of the Dirty War. Kirchner kept the Duhalde administration's Minister of the
Economy, Roberto Lavagna. Lavagna also declared that his first priority now was social problems. Argentina's default was the
largest in financial history, and ironically it gave Kirchner and Lavagna significant bargaining power with the IMF, which
loathes having bad debts on its books. During his first year of office, Kirchner achieved a difficult agreement to reschedule
$84 billion in debts with international organizations, for three years. In the first half of 2005, the government launched a bond
exchange to restructure approximately $81 billion of national public debt (an additional $20 billion in past defaulted interest
was not recognized). Over 76% of the debt was tendered and restructured for a recovery value of approximately one third of
its nominal value. Under Kirchner, Argentine foreign policy shifted from the "automatic alignment" with the United States
during the 1990s, to one stressing stronger ties (economic and political) within Mercosur and with other Latin American
countries, and rejecting the Free Trade Area of the Americas. Kirchner saw the 2005 parliamentary elections as a means to
confirm his political power, since Carlos Menem's defection in the second round of the 2003 presidential elections had not
allowed Kirchner to receive the large number of votes that surveys predicted. Kirchner explicitly stated that the 2005
elections would be like a mid-term plebiscite for his administration, and he actively participated in the campaign in most
provinces. Due to internal disagreements, the Justicialist Party was not presented as such on the polls but split into several
factions. Kirchner's Frente para la Victoria (FPV, Front for Victory) was overwhelmingly the winner (the candidates of the FPV
got more than 40% of the national vote), following which many supporters of other factions (mostly those led by former
presidents Eduardo Duhalde and Carlos Menem) migrated to the FPV. On 15 December 2005, following Brazil's initiative,
Kirchner announced the cancellation of Argentina's debt to the IMF in full and offered a single payment, in a historic decision
that generated controversy at the time (see Argentine debt restructuring). Some commentators, such as Mark Weisbrot of the
Center for Economic and Policy Research, suggest that the Argentine experiment has thus far proven successful. Others, such
as Michael Mussa, formerly on the staff of the International Monetary Fund and now with the Peterson Institute, question the
longer-term sustainability of Pres. Kirchner's approach. In a meeting with executives of multinational corporations on Wall
Streetafter which he was the first Argentine president to ring the opening bell at the New York Stock ExchangeKirchner
defended his "heterodox economic policy, within the canon of classic economics" and criticized the IMF for its lack of
collaboration with the Argentine recovery. On July 2, 2007, President Kirchner announced he would not seek re-election in the
October elections, despite having the support of 60% of those surveyed in polls. Instead, Kirchner intended to focus on the
creation of a new political party. Kirchner secured the Presidency of the Justicialist Party (to which his FPV belongs), in April
2008. Following the FPV's loss of 4 Senators and over 20 Congressmen in the June 28, 2009 mid-term elections, however, he
was replaced by Buenos Aires ProvinceGovernor Daniel Scioli. Kirchner remained a highly influential politician during the term
of his successor and wife Cristina Fernndez de Kirchner. The press developed the term "presidential marriage" to make
reference to both of them at once. Some political analysts compared this type of government with a diarchy.[35] He took part
in the Operation Emmanuel in Colombia to release a group of FARC hostages, in December 2007. The Colombian
politician ngrid Betancourt was among the group of hostages. Kirchner returned to Argentina after the failure of the
negotiations; the hostages were released a year later by a covert operation by Colombian military forces known as
"Operacion Jaque" as a result of the reluctance of the guerilla to release the hostages, including Ingrid Betancourt and three
Americans. Nstor Kirchner took active part in the government conflict with the agricultural sector in 2008. During this
conflict he became president of the Justicialist Party, and declared full support for Cristina Fernndez de Kirchner in the
conflict. He accused the agricultural sector of attempting a coup d'tat. He was one of the speakers in a demonstration made
next to the Argentine National Congress supporting a law project on the matter, that would be voted the following day.
Kirchner requested by then to accept the result in the Congress. Many senators who had formerly supported the
government's proposal rejected it. The voting ended in a tie with 36 supporting votes and 36 rejecting votes. As a result,
vicepresident Julio Cobos, president of the chamber of senators, was required to cast a decisive vote. Cobos voted for the
rejection, and the law proposal was rejected. On June 2009 legislative elections he ran for National Deputy for the Buenos
Aires Province district. He was elected along with other 11 Front for Victory candidates, as their ticket arrived close second to
the Union PRO peronist-conservative coalition in that district. Nstor Kirchner was proposed by Ecuador as a
candidate Secretary General of Unasur, but was rejected by Uruguay, at a time when Uruguay and Argentina were debating
the Pulp mill dispute. The dispute was resolved in 2010 and the new Uruguayan president, Jos Mujica, supported Kirchner's

candidacy. Kirchner was unanimously elected the first Secretary General of Unasur, during
a Unasur Member States Heads of State summit held in Buenos Aires on 4 May 2010. In that
role, he successfully mediated in the 2010 ColombiaVenezuela diplomatic crisis. Nstor
Kirchner is considered at times as a left-wing president, but that consideration is relative.
Although Kirchner was to the left of previous Argentine presidents, from Ral
Alfonsn to Eduardo Duhalde, and contemporary Brazilian president Luiz Incio Lula da Silva,
he was to the right of other Latin American presidents as Hugo Chvez or Fidel Castro. His
strong nationalist approach to the Falkland Islands sovereignty dispute was closer to Rightwing politics, and he did not consider classic left-wing policies such associalization of
production or the nationalization of the public services privatized during the presidency
of Carlos Menem. He did not attempt either to modify the institutional system, the church
state relations or disestablish the armed forces. Nstor Kirchner was a Peronist, and managed
the political power as the historical Peronist leaders have traditionally done. One of the characteristics of his political style
was the constant generation of controversies with other political or social forces, and the polarization of public opinion. This
strategy was used against financial sectors, military, police, foreign countries, international bodies, newspapers, and even
Duhalde himself, with varying levels of success. The rise of Kirchnerism reenacted the then outdated rivalry between
Peronists and Antiperonists, and the use of the "Gorila" pejorative term. Kirchner sought to generate an image contrasting
that of former presidents Carlos Menem and Fernando de la Ra. Menem was seen as frivolous, and De la Ra as doubtful, so
Kirchner worked to be seen as serious and determined. Kirchner was a critic of IMF structural adjustment programs. His
criticisms were supported in part by former World Bank economist Joseph Stiglitz, who opposes the IMF's measures as
recessionary and urged Argentina to take an independent path. According to some commentators, Kirchner was seen as part
of a spectrum of new South American leaders, including Hugo Chvez in Venezuela, Luiz Incio Lula da Silva in Brazil
and Tabar Vzquez in Uruguay, who see the Washington consensus as an unsuccessful model for economic development in
the region. Kirchner's increasing alignment with Hugo Chvez became evident when during a visit to Venezuela on July 2006
he attended a military parade alongside Bolivian president Evo Morales. On that occasion Mr. Chvez called for a defensive
military pact between the armies of the region with a common doctrine and organization. Kirchner stated in a speech to the
Venezuela national assembly that Venezuela represented a true democracy fighting for the dignity of its people. Kirchner
emphasised holding businesses accountable to Argentine institutions, laws prompting environmental standards, and
contractual obligations. He pledged to not open his administration to the influence of interests that "benefited from
inadmissible privileges in the last decade" during Carlos Menem's presidency. These groups, according to Kirchner, were
privileged by an economic model that favored "financial speculation and political subordination" of politicians to wellconnected elites. For instance, in 2006, citing the alleged failure of Aguas Argentinas, a company partly owned by the French
utility group Suez, to meet its contractual obligation to improve the quality of water, Kirchner terminated the company's
contract with Argentina to provide drinking water to Buenos Aires. His preference for a more active role of the state in the
economy was underscored with the founding, in 2004, of ENARSA a new state owned energy company. At the June
2007 Mercosur summit, he scolded energy companies for their lack of investment in the sector and for not supporting his
strategic vision for the region. He said he was losing patience with energy companies as South America's second-largest
economy faced power rationing and shortages during the Southern Hemisphere winter. Price controls on energy rates
instituted in 2002 are attributed to have limited investment in Argentina's energy infrastructure, risking more than four years
of economic growth greater than 8 percent. Kirchner's collaborators and others who supported him and were politically close
to him were known informally as pinginos ("penguins"), alluding to his birthplace in the cold southern region of Argentina.
Some media and sectors of society also resorted to using the letter K as a shorthand for Kirchner and his policies (as seen, for
example, in the controversial group of supporters self-styled Los Jvenes K, that is "The K Youth", and in the faction of
the Radical Civic Union that supports Kirchner, referred to by the media as Radicales K). Official reports from Argentina's anticorruption office show that the fortune of the Argentine presidential couple, President Cristina Kirchner and her immediate
predecessor and husband, Nstor Kirchner jumped 20.6% in 2009 totaling the equivalent of 14.5 million US dollars, and
soared 700% since they first took office in 2003. The couple and several of their closest aides have been accused of
purchasing from the Santa Cruz province government (their political turf) land at rock bottom farm prices which rapidly were
converted into urban and suburban districts in exclusive resort areas valued in millions of dollars. Kirchner never fully
accounted for an estimated US$ 1 billion that went missing from the public purse of Santa Cruz province during his tenure as
provincial governor. Several illicit enrichment claims filed in Buenos Aires did not prosper or were shelved with the same
prosecutor involved in all cases. Nstor Kirchner died of heart failure on 27 October 2010. He had been expected to run
for president in 2011. A wake was held from 28 October at the Casa Rosada presidential palace in Buenos Aires with the
attendance of Latin American leaders. For more than 24 hours, hundreds of thousands of people filed past Kirchner's body
lying in state, at the Casa Rosada. Starting on the afternoon of October 29 a large procession accompanied the remains of
Nstor Kirchner from Casa Rosada to the metropolitan airport, and another from the airport of Ro Gallegos to the
cemetery. Cristina Fernndez de Kirchner presided over the funeral, making her first public appearance since Nstor's death.
Argentina declared three days of national mourning. Condolences came from the UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon, the
European Union, the OAS, The Union of South American Nations declared three days of national mourning in all South
American countries. Eight South American heads of state traveled to Buenos Aires for the funeral and many others offered
condolences.

Cristina Elisabet Fernndez de Kirchner (born

February 19, 1953 in La Plata, Argentina), commonly known

as Cristina Kirchner or CFK, is the 55th and current President of Argentina since December 10, 2007 and the widow of former
President Nstor Kirchner. She is Argentina's first elected female president, the second woman to hold the position
(after Isabel Martnez de Pern, 19741976) and the first woman reelected to it. A Justicialist, Fernndez served one term
as National Deputy and three terms as National Senator for both Santa Cruz and Buenos Aires provinces. A native of La
Plata, Buenos Aires, Fernndez is a graduate of the National University of La Plata. She met her husband during her studies,
and they moved to Santa Cruz to work as lawyers. In May 1991, she was elected to the provincial legislature. Between 1995
and 2007, she was repeatedly elected to the Argentine National Congress, both as a National Deputy and National Senator.
During Kirchner's presidency (20032007) she acted as First Lady. Fernndez was chosen as the Front for Victory presidential
candidate in 2007. In the October 2007 general election she obtained 45.3% of the vote and a 22% lead over her nearest
rival, avoiding the need for a runoff. She was inaugurated on December 10, 2007, and was reelected to a second term in the
first round of the October 2011 general election, with 54.1% and 37.3% over the next candidate, Hermes Binner. Fernndez
was born in Ringuelet, a suburb west of La Plata, Province of Buenos Aires, daughter of Eduardo Fernndez (of Spanish
heritage) and Ofelia Esther Wilhelm (of German descent). She studied law at the National University of La Plata during the
1970s and became active in the Peronist Youth. In 1973, during her studies there, she met her future spouse, Nstor Kirchner.
They were married on May 9, 1975, and had two children: Mximo (1977) and Florencia (1990). Nstor Kirchner died on
October 27, 2010 after suffering a heart attack. On December 27, 2011, presidential spokesman Alfredo Scoccimarro

announced that Fernndez de Kirchner had been diagnosed with thyroid cancer on December 22, 2011 and that she would
undergo surgery on January 4, 2012. However, it was later stated that she was misdiagnosed and does not have cancer.
Along with Nstor Kirchner, Cristina sympathized with the Peronist Youth during her university studies. However, they have
never been part of Montoneros (a guerrilla organization with close ties to the Peronist Youth during the period 1970-1976),
nor made any notable political activism. When Isabel Pern was deposed by the 1976 Argentine coup d'tat, they left to Ro
Gallegos and worked as lawyers. Cristina began her political career in the late 1980s, and was elected to the Santa
Cruz Provincial Legislature in 1989, a position to which she was re-elected in 1993. In 1995, Fernndez was elected to
represent Santa Cruz in the Senate. She was elected to the Chamber of Deputies in 1997, and in 2001, returned to the
Senate. Fernndez helped with her husband's successful campaign for the presidency in 2003, but without making joint public
appearances. On April 27, 2003, presidential election first round, former president Carlos Sal Menem won the greatest
number of votes (25%), but failed to get the votes necessary to win an overall majority. A second-round run-off vote between
Menem and runner-up Nstor Kirchner was scheduled for May 18. Feeling certain that he was about to face a sound electoral
defeat, Menem decided to withdraw his candidacy, thus automatically making Kirchner the new president, with 22% of the
votes. This was the lowest number in the history of the country. During her husband's term, Fernndez de Kirchner was First
Lady of the country. In that role, she worked as an itinerant ambassador for his government. Her highly combative speech
style polarized Argentine politics, recalling the style of Eva Pern. Although she repeatedly rejected the comparison later,
Fernndez de Kirchner once said in an interview that she identified herself "with the Evita of the hair in a bun and the
clenched fist before a microphone" (the typical image of Eva Pern during public speeches) more than with the "miraculous
Eva" of her mother's time, who had come "to bring work and the right to vote for women". At the October 2005 legislative
elections, Fernndez de Kirchner was her party's main candidate for Senator in the Province of Buenos Aires district. She ran
a heated campaign against Hilda Gonzlez de Duhalde, wife of former president Eduardo Duhalde. Fernndez won the
elections by 45.77%, followed by Gonzlez de Duhalde with 20.43%.With Fernndez leading all the pre-election polls by a
wide margin, her challengers were trying to force her into a run-off. She needed either more than 45% of the vote, or 40% of
the vote and a lead of more than 10% over her nearest rival, to win outright. She won the election in the first round with
45.3% of the vote, followed by 22% for Elisa Carri (candidate for the Civic Coalition) and 16% for former Economy
Minister Roberto Lavagna. Eleven other candidates split the remaining 15%.Kirchner was popular among the suburban
working class and the rural poor, while Carri received more support from the urban middle class, as did Lavagna. However,
Kirchner lost the election in the three largest cities (Buenos Aires, Crdoba and Rosario), although she won in most other
places elsewhere, including the large provincial capitals such as Mendoza and Tucumn. On November 14, the presidentelect publicly announced the names of her new cabinet, which was sworn in on December 10. Of the 12 ministers appointed,
seven were already ministers in Nstor Kirchner's government, while the other five took office for the first time. Three other
ministries were created afterwards. The president elect began a four-year term on 10 December 2007, facing challenges
including inflation, union demands for higher salaries, private investment in key areas, lack of institutional credibility
(exemplified by the controversy surrounding the national statistics bureau, INDEC), utility companies demanding
authorization to raise their fees, low availability of cheap credit to the private sector, and the upcoming negotiation of the
defaulted foreign debt with the Paris Club. Kirchner was the second female president of Argentina, after Isabel Martnez de
Pern, but unlike Pern, Kirchner was the head of the ballot, whereas Isabel Pern was elected as vice president of Juan
Domingo Pern and became president after his death. The transition from Nstor Kirchner to Cristina Fernndez de Kirchner
was also the first time when a democratic head of state was replaced by his spouse, without involving the death of any of
them. Nstor Kirchner stayed active in politics despite not being the president, and worked alongside his wife, Cristina. The
press developed the term "presidential marriage" to make reference to both of them at once. Some political analysts as Pablo
Mendelevich compared this type of government with adiarchy. During the first days of Fernndez's presidency, Argentina's
relations with the United States deteriorated as a result of allegations made by a United States assistant attorney of illegal
campaign contributions, case known as the maletinazo (suitcase scandal). According to these allegations, Venezuelan agents
tried to pressure a Venezuelan American citizen (Guido Antonini Wilson) to lie about the origin of $790,550 in cash found in
his suitcase on August 4, 2007 at a Buenos Aires airport. U.S. prosecutors allege the money was sent to help Kirchner's
presidential campaign. Some of the allegations were proven and several individuals received a prison sentence after a widely
reported trial. Fernndez de Kirchner and Venezuelan president Hugo Chvez called the allegations "a trashing operation"
and part of a conspiracy orchestrated by the US to divide Latin American nations. On December 19, 2007, she restricted the
US ambassador's activities and limited his meetings to Foreign Ministry officials; a treatment reserved for hostile countries, in
the opinion of a former US Assistant Secretary of State. However, on 31 January, in a special meeting with Kirchner, the US
Ambassador to Argentina, Earl Anthony Wayne, clarified that the allegations "were never made by the United States
government", and the dispute cooled down. Having said that the prosecutors making the charges are part of the independent
judicial branch of the US government. Elisa Carri and Mara Estenssoro, both high-ranking members of the main opposition
parties, have claimed that the Argentine government's response to the allegations and its criticism of the US are a
"smokescreen", that the US involvement in the affair was merely symptomatic, and the root cause of the scandal is
corruption in the Argentine and Venezuelan governments. The Kirchnerist Front for Victory won the 2007 general elections,
and had 153 Congressmen and 44 Senators, at the time. In March 2008, Kirchner introduced a new sliding-scale taxation
system for agricultural exports, effectively raising levies on soybean exports from 35% to 44% at the time of the
announcement. This led to a nationwide lockout by farming associations, starting on 12 March, with the aim of forcing the
government to back down on the new taxation scheme. They were joined on 25 March by thousands of pot-banging
demonstrators massed around the Buenos Aires Obelisk and in front of the presidential palace. Protests extended across the
country. In Buenos Aires, hours after Kirchner attacked farmers for their two-week strike and "abundant" profits, there were
violent incidents between government supporters and opponents, to which the police was accused of wilfully turning a blind
eye. The media was harshly critical of Luis D'Ela, a former government official who took part in the incidents, with some
media sources and members of the opposition (notably Elisa Carri), claiming he and his followers had disrupted the protest
pursuant to the government's orders. On 1 April, the government organised a rally during which thousands of progovernment protesters marched through downtown Buenos Aires in support of the bill increasing Argentina's export taxes on
the basis of a sliding scale. The large majorities in the Argentine Congress enjoyed by the Front for Victory (FPV) could not
ultimately guarantee a legislative blank check: on July 16, 2008, the presidentially sponsored bill met with deadlock, and was
ultimately defeated by the tie-breaking negative vote of Vice President Julio Cobos. The controversy cost the FPV 16
Congressmen and 4 Senators by way of defections. This put an end to the 2008 Argentine government conflict with the
agricultural sector, though it cost Cobos influence within the Kirchner's administration. Despite of the cold relation between
Cobos and Cristina since that event, he completed his term as vicepresident. A poll result published in El Pas, Spain's most
widely circulated daily newspaper, revealed that following the protests, Fernndez's approval rating had "plummeted" from
57.8% at the start of her administration to an unprecedented 23%. Once recovered from the conflict with agrarian interests,
Fernndez de Kirchner's job approval ratings rose by 30% (Poliarqua, 22 August 2008). Her inflexible handling of the protests
and reluctance to review the policies that sparked the protest have led to speculation that her late husband, predecessor in
office and leader of the Justicialist Party, Nstor Kirchner, controlled her administration. The British weekly newspaper The
Economist has described this situation as Kirchner "paying the price for her husband's pig-headedness". On October 20,

2008, Fernndez proposed the transfer of nearly US$30 billion in private pension holdings to the social security system, a law
that was passed by Congress in late November 2008. President Cristina Kirchner is a member of the Council of Women World
Leaders, an international network of current and former women presidents and prime ministers whose mission is to mobilize
the highest-level women leaders globally for collective action on issues of critical importance to women and equitable
development. Fernndez de Kirchner was invited to the Summit on Financial Markets and the World Economy in Washington,
D.C., on November 15, 2008, by President George W. Bush. During her stay in Washington, she held meetings
with Brazilian leader Luiz Incio Lula da Silva (at the Four Seasons Hotel in Georgetown), Madeleine Albright (representing US
President-elect Barack Obama), Senator Christopher Doddand Australia's Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd at the Park Hyatt Hotel.
She then attended the G20 meeting in London on 2 April 2009, and was seated across from President Obama at the dinner
held the night before at 10 Downing Street. Also in 2008, Cristina Fernndez de Kirchner vetoed the "Law of protection of the
glaciers", which had been approved almost unanimously in Congress (only three senators opposed the law). Critics have
stated that the President's attitude would threaten over 75% of the country's water reserves. She has traveled extensively as
president, visiting Algeria, Brazil, Cuba, Egypt, France, Libya, Mexico, Qatar, Russia, Spain, UK, US and Venezuela, among
other nations. Following the June 28, 2009, mid-term elections, the ruling FPV's party list lost its absolute majority in both
houses of Congress, shedding a further 24 seats in the Lower House (including allies) and 4 in the Senate. They lost in the
four most important electoral districts (home to 60% of Argentines), and among these, the loss was narrow only in
theProvince of Buenos Aires. The FPV obtained a very narrow victory, overall, as a percentage of the national vote, and
retained their plurality in Congress which was reflected in strengthened opposition alliances, notably the center-right Unin
Pro, the centrist Civic Coalition and the left-wing Proyecto Sur, when elected candidates in both chambers take office on
December 11, 2009. Allegations of impropriety have contributed increasingly to the Kirchners' decline in approval, as well.
The couple's own, latest federal financial disclosure in July 2009 revealed an increase in their personal assets by 7 times,
since Nstor Kirchner's 2003 inaugural. The increase was partly the product of land deals in El Calafate, a scenic, Santa Cruz
Provincetown where the couple has long vacationed and own property (including 450 acres (1.8 km2) of land and two hotels).
On October 17, 2009, Fernndez de Kirchner proposed the compulsory submission of DNA samples in cases related to
the dirty war, in a move lauded by the Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo, but excoriated by opposition figures as a political
move against Clarn Media Group Chairperson Ernestina Herrera de Noble, who is in litigation over the Noble siblings
case and whose hitherto cordial relations with Kirchnerism had recently soured. Similar motives are alleged by the opposition
against the president's Media Law, which would restrict the number of media licences per proprietor and allocate a greater
share of these to state and NGOs, thereby limiting the influence of Clarn and the conservative La Nacin. The president's
proposed enactment of mandatory primary elections for all of Argentina's myriad political parties, and for every elected post,
was likewise rejected by opposition figures, who charged that these reforms could stymy minor parties and the formation of
new ones. Following charges of embezzlement filed by a local attorney, Enrique Piragini, on October 29, 2009 Federal Judge
Norberto Oyarbide ordered an accounting expert to investigate the origin of the Kirchners' wealth. Public records show that
since their arrival to power in 2003, the declared assets of the Kirchners increased by 572%. A preliminary report on the
investigation by the Argentine Anti Corruption Office (OA) established that the official figures provided by the Kirchners "don't
stack up". The investigation was suspended by Judge Oyarbide on December 30, 2009 though a week later, Piragini appealed
the ruling. On October 29, 2009 she launched a universal child benefit plan (Spanish: Asignacin Universal por Hijo) as a way
to fight poverty with the goal to reach approximately five million children and youths. Since its creation, the program has
been lauded for having boosted school attendance rates and reduced poverty among families. The year began with
controversy surrounding the president's order that a US$6.7 billion escrow account be opened at the Central Bank for the
purpose of retiring high-interest bonds, whose principal is tied to inflation. The move met with the opposition of Central Bank
President Martn Redrado, who refused to implement it, and following an impasse, he was dismissed by presidential decree on
January 2, 2010. Redrado refused to abide by the initial decree removing him from the presidency of the Central Bank,
however, and petitioned for a judicial power to keep him in office. Accordingly, the president enacted another decree for his
dismissal, citing "mis-conduct" on Redrado's part. The legitimacy of this new decree was questioned as well, as his dismissal
would deny Redrado due process. Congress was in recess period at the time, but most of its opposition members considered
returning to override the decrees through an extraordinary session. The session became a source of controversy as well:
Kirchner considered that, according to the 63rd article of the Constitution, only the President may call for an extraordinary
session while the Congress is in recess. Cobos replied instead that all regulations concerning decrees require the immediate
advise and consent of Congress, that the body's by-laws (56 and 57) allow extraordinary sessions called by any member, and
that the commission formed for that purpose functions all at all times, even during recess. The planned use of foreign
exchange reserves through a Necessity and Urgency Decree was itself questioned by several opposition figures, who argued
that such a decree may not meet a threshold of "necessity" and "urgency" required by the Constitution of Argentinafor its
enactment. Judge Mara Jos Sarmiento handed down a ruling preventing said use of reserves, and the Government reacted
by appealing the ruling. President Kirchner defended the policy as a cost saving maneuver, whereby government
bonds paying out 15 percent interest would be retired from the market. The move, however, also provided numerous vulture
funds (holdouts from the 2005 debt restructuring who had resorted to the courts in a bid for higher returns on their defaulted
bonds) a legal argument against the central bank's independence , thus facilitating a judgment lien on January 12, 2010
against a central bank account in New York. Judge Sarmiento also annulled the decree that removed Redrado and reinstated
him as President of the Central Bank the following day. The ruling refuted claims of misconduct cited by President Cristina
Kirchner to justify his removal. International media described the attempted removal of Redrado as authoritarian, while
criticizing the planned use of reserves for debt retirement, as well as accelerating spending growth, as fiscally irresponsible.
Opposition Congresswoman Elisa Carri, a candidate in the 2011 presidential campaign, has raised the possibility
of impeachment procedures against Christina Kirchner. At the start of February 2010, one of Fernndez de Kirchner's private
asessors resigned his post due to the claims of "illicit gain". Just two weeks afterwards, another of her private asessors, Julio
Daniel lvarez, resigned for the same reason. On 22 February 2010, British oil explorer Desire Petroleum, started drilling
exploration wells some 60 miles (97 km) north of the disputed Falkland Islands, despite strong opposition from Argentina
which took the issue to the Latin America and Caribbean Presidents summit where it received unanimous support. According
to geological surveys carried out in 1998, there could be 60 billion barrels (9.510 9 m3) of oil in the area around the islands
but the 2010 drill carried out poor results. As a result Desire's share price plummeted and the company announced further
work could begin later in 2010. In March 2010, Fernndez de Kirchner made an historic amends trip to Peru, a country with
whom relations had been adversely affected following the Carlos Menemadministration's illegal sale of weapons to Ecuador in
the 1990s. In the same month Fernndez received a visit of US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in Buenos Aires, where she
received great support for the way her administration was managing its foreign debt and emphasized the positive relationship
between the two countries something which was not reported by local major news media. In April 2010, Chile's new
president Sebastin Piera was received in Buenos Aires on his first foreign tour abroad and reaffirmed the current strong ties
between the two countries, after which Cristina Fernndez attended the Nuclear Security Summit in Washington D.C., after
which President Barack Obama thanked Argentina for its role in international stabilization and earthquake relief efforts in
Haiti. Back in Buenos Aires, she received the President of Russia Dmitry Medvedev the first such visit in Argentina's history.
Two days later, the Prime Minister of Vietnam Nguyn Tn Dng arrived. On April 19, she was invited to the bicentennary of

the independence celebrations in Venezuela, where she was the main speaker in front of the National Assembly. She signed
25 trade agreements with Venezuela relating to food, technology and energy. In May 2010, the President traveled to Spain for
the European Union Latin America and the Caribbean summit, where she was asked to compare the 2010 European
sovereign debt crisis and the 2001 Argentine's default. Back in Buenos Aires, during the Argentina Bicentennial celebrations,
Cristina Fernndez did not participate in the military parade of 5,000 troops (which included delegations of Brazil, Chile,
Uruguay, Bolivia, etc.) on Avenida 9 de Julio, which was considered a gest of contempt towards the Argentine Armed Forces.
In June 2010, her administration completed the debt swap (which was started by former president Nstor Kirchner in 2005)
clearing 92% of the bad debt left from its sovereign default in 2001. Argentina's external debt now represents 30% of the
country's GDP, whilst the Central Bank foreign reserves reached $49 billion {USD}, more than the amount that was available
when the decision to pay foreign debt earlier in the year was taken. Also in June 2010, she gave a speech at the International
Trade Union Confederation (CSI) Global Summit, being held in Vancouver, Canada, where she asserted that "many Euro-zone
countries today have applied the same policies that led Argentina to disaster (in 2001)", stating "it's an inescapable
responsibility of the government to intervene in the financial system". Later, she traveled to Toronto to attend the G20
Summit and spoke against the EU fiscal austerity plans fearing this would lead to a slow down in the global economy. French
President Nicolas Sarkozy responded by saying that the Latin American representatives who reject the Eurozone adjustments
do not know the "harrassment" to the Euro, to which Cristina Fernndez responded that he shouldn't "question somebody"
just because he doesn't "agree" with what they say and also clarified that Argentina is interested in the euro because parts of
its reserves are held in euros and that she's "sure that Sarkozy does not have even one cent in Argentine pesos in his Central
Bank". Later, while addressing the press, she added, "In Latin America we can give lecture about harassment and seizure."
She also had a chance to speak with new British PM David Cameron. In July 2010, she traveled to the People's Republic of
China with the goal of strengthening the strategic partnership between the two countries. On her return, she signed a bill
legalizing same-sex marriage in Argentina. She reaffirmed her policy of debt reduction in announcing to continue to pay
foreign debt with Central Bank foreign reserves which reached a country historic record of $51 billion USD in July. In August
2010, Fernndez de Kirchner began her Twitter account. She preceded the 39th Mercosur summit atSan Juan where the trade
bloc agrees to reduce customs fees and signed a free-trade deal with Egypt. In September 2010, it was announced that
Argentina was elected president of the Group of 77+China and prepared to act as a bridge with G-20 major economies to
which it also belongs Fernndez de Kirchner visited Chile during their Bicentenary celebrations where she also assisted at the
baptism of a Chilean baby, Anas Escobar Maldonado, born in the Argentine Air Force Mobile Field Hospital deployed
at Curico after the earthquake. The visit had a high profile in the media mainly because of the possible extradition to Chile
ofSergio Apablaza. She met with president Sebastin Piera and participated in the festivities at the national stadium. She
also confirmed the celebration of the III bi-national cabinet meeting for next October. Fernndez then departed for New York
to give her United Nations General Assembly speech where she once again criticized Britain over the Falklands (Malvinas)
issue, and Iran for the 1994 AMIA bombing while giving her support for an Israeli-Palestinian dialogue and an eventual
Palestinian state. On September 30, she hosted the UNASUR presidents' emergency summit at Buenos Aires due the Ecuador
crisis and started an official visit to Germany the following day in order to participate as a Guest of Honour at the Frankfurt
Book Fair and meet with Chancellor Angela Merkel. In October she inaugurates the III News Agencies World Congress to be
held in Bariloche. This same month, and as part of the 2006 civilian nuclear-power reactivation program, Fernndez de
Kirchner reopened the Pilcaniyeu uranium enrichmentplant, put on hold in the 1990s, amid worsening shortages of natural
gas. On the morning of October 27, 2010, Nestor Kirchner died from heart failure at the Hospital Jose Formenti in El Calafate,
Santa Cruz Province. He had required two coronary interventions earlier that year. On February 7, 2010, he developed
problems with the common carotid artery and needed surgery. On September 11, he was intervened because of coronary
artery blockage and needed an angioplasty. Nstor Kirchner had a state funeral at the Casa Rosada. Following the death of
her husband, Cristina Fernndez de Kirchner resumed activities and flew to Asia for the G20 Seoul summit. After her return,
she announced that the Paris Club agreed to debt talks without the International Monetary Fund intervention as proposed by
Argentina since 2008. These negotiations resulted in the settlement of the last portion of the sovereign debt defaulted in
the 2001 crisis after the successful restructuring debts of 2005 and 2009. In November, she also participated on the UNASUR
Summit at Guyana after which will host the XX Ibero-American Summit at Mar del Plata. The 2011 year was influenced by
the general election that took place in October. The youth organization Cmpora increased its influence within the
government, disputing offices and candidacies with the traditional hierarchies of the Justicialist Party and of the CGT. Cristina
Fernndez chose Daniel Filmus as her candidate for the office of mayor of Buenos Aires. On June 21, 2011, she announced
that she would run for a second term as president. A few days later, she announced that Amado Boudou would run for the
vice-presidency on her ticket. She personally chose most candidates for deputy in the Congress, favoring members of the
Cmpora. She had highly publicized disagreements with Brazil regarding the trade quotas between the two countries. She
also had a major dispute with the United States after seizing an American military airplane, accusing the U.S. of smuggling in
undeclared firearms, surveillance equipment, and morphine for ulterior motives. On 22 September, she addressed the United
Nations. She supported the Palestinian request to be seated in the General Assembly of United Nations, blamed Iran for
the 1994 AMIA bombing, and threatened to cancel flights from Chile to the Falkland Islands in order to advance Argentine
claims of sovereignty over the Islands. The 2011 election took place in October, and she won with 54.1% of the vote. After the
electoral victory of 2011, the ruling party regained control over both chambers of Congress. They initiate a period of fiscal
reform, which included several tax rises, limits to wage increases, increase in protectionism and the reorganization of stateowned enterprises. Congress passed an anti-terrorism law, criticized for its vague and imprecise terms, that may allow it to
be used against political opponents of the government. Hugo Moyano, main union leader, who used to be a strong supporter
of kirchnerism, began to oppose the President. Moyano would later organize a big protest at Plaza de Mayo, with 30,000
people, requesting the abolition ofcapital gains tax. The Vice President Amado Boudou got involved in a political scandal,
suspected of favoring the Ciccone currency printing business. The poor maintenance of rail services led to a rail disaster that
left 51 dead and 703 injured. The government has also begun to devote more attention to the Falkland Islands sovereignty
dispute (prompted by the 30th anniversary of the Falklands War). Fernndez also supported the nationalization of YPF. On
2012, the government has tighten currency controls, allowing access to other currencies only to people who travel outside
the country. The blockade of other currencies affected financial activities and led to a black market. On May 15, 2012,
Governor of the Buenos Aires province Daniel Scioli voiced his intention to run for the presidency in 2015. On July 11, 2012
Fernndez criticized the administration of the Buenos Aires province because the province government didn't have budget to
pay for their workers wages. The province request transfer of funds from the federal government but were initially denied by
the President. On July 20, the federal government accept to transfer funds to the province. Moyano claimed the denial to
transfer funds was in order to harm Scioli's image, as Scioli has the highest rate of approval on the nation. Several other
political scandals came to light in 2012, such as the liberation of sentenced prisoners for government-organized
demonstrations, political advocacy of The Cmpora at elementary and high schools, and the creation of paramilitary units
in Jujuy, led by Milagro Sala. More than 200,000 people in many cities of the country took part in a protest against Kirchner in
September 2012, the protest was followed by a protest of the gendarmeria and another of the CTA. The largest
demonstration was the8N, which took place on November 8, 2012. The Managing Director of the IMF, Christine Lagarde,
warned the Kirchner Administration of the need for Argentina to start providing the IMF with reliable estimates of inflation and

growth. A BBC report noted that, while official government data reported inflation at 10 percent,
private economists estimated the true rate at around 24 percent. Kirchner rejected Lagarde's
demands. Her administration sought to increase bilateral relations with Angola and Iran; as there is
suspected Iranian involvement in the 1994 AMIA bombing, Kirchner's relations with theArgentine
Jewish community deteriorated. The Argentine navy training ship ARA Libertad (Q-2) was impounded
in Ghana in October 2012 as part of an extended legal battle between Kirchner's administration and
"holdout" holders of Argentine government debt who had refused to accept the earlier write-down of
principal and who continue to pursue full payment through the courts. On October 26, 2012 New York
judge Thomas Griesa issued a ruling favoring the holdout creditors, and against the government's
practise of excluding them from payments made to those bondholders who had participated in the
earlier debt restructuring. The government is appealing Griesa's judgment. On November 14, 2007,
the president-elect publicly announced the names of her new cabinet, which was sworn in on
December 10. Of the 12 ministers appointed, seven were already ministers in Nstor Kirchner's
government, while the other five took office for the first time. Three other ministries were created afterwards. In April 2008,
Kirchner received a stern public rebuke from several Argentine media owners after having publicly accused cartoonist
Hermenegildo Sbat of behaving like a "quasi-gangster". In addition, a government proposal to create a watchdog to monitor
racism and discrimination was received with suspicion by ADEPA, who called it a "covert attempt to control the
media". Nstor Kirchner had received a similar rebuke for publicly and falsely denouncing Joaqun Morales Sol, a journalist
critical of the government, for having produced an inflammatory text published in 1978. On September 11, 2009, she
advanced the decriminalization of injurious calumny against public officials, a charge which had, in 2000, resulted in a prison
term of one year for Eduardo Kimel, a journalist investigating the San Patricio Church massacre of 1976. She drew fire from a
highly controversial media law proposed shortly afterwards, however. Defended by the government as a reform intended to
fragment ownership of media companies as to encourage plurality of opinion, the bill was criticised by part of the opposition
as a means to silence voices critical of the government, especially those in the Clarn media group (the country's largest). The
law aroused further controversy, given that in its passing through the chambers of the legislature, the mandatory seven-day
period between debate and assent of the new legislation was ignored. Some within the opposition accused Kirchner's
government of trying to rush the law through parliament before December 2009, when the government could have lost its
absolute majorities in Congress. In a speech given on September 24, 2009, Dr. Lauro Lao, the president of Argentine Media
Owners Association (ADEPA) opposed the proposed law, and added that in Latin America, especially in Venezuela and
Argentina, press freedom was being undermined under the suspicious pretext of plurality. Others, notably press freedom
advocacy group Reporters Sans Frontires, have expressed some support for the measure, citing the need to repeal the Radio
Broadcast Law of 1980 enacted by the National Reorganization Process, Argentina's last military government. The acrimony
between Cristina Kirchner's government and the national media was exacerbated by a series of lock-ins carried out by a truck
drivers' union led by Pablo Moyano, son of Hugo Moyano, a close ally of the Kirchner government. During these incidents, the
country's most widely circulated newspapers (Clarn and La Nacin) were prevented by force and threats of violence from
distributing papers to newsstands. On November 7, 2009, the Association of Newspaper Editors of Buenos Aires (AEDBA)
issued a statement in which it claimed that the truck drivers' union's actions had been the fiercest attack on the free
circulation of newspapers the country had seen since its return to democratic rule in 1983. On 2010 the Supreme Court of
Argentina ruled that the judicial movement made by an opposition deputy who tried to suspend the new media law, which
was approved by theNational Congress, was illegal. On March 7, 2012 Cristina Kirchner claimed that the column written by
Osvaldo Pepe on March 12 was "very Nazi", also criticizing Carlos Pagni's column for the newspaper La Nacin as having a
"smell of Antisemitism". Fernndez de Kirchner has given the press opportunity to ask questions only five times since
2007. As a reaction to this, several opposition journalists appeared in a TV program in protest, requesting to be able to ask
questions in future appearances of Fernndez. To avoid press conferences, she makes an extensive use of the emergency
population warning to make announcements or criticize other people. The Kirchner's administration announced its intention
to require the independent media group to auction off a major segment of its operation in early December 2012, under a
2009 law that bans media companies from owning both print and TV operations, and limits the number of licenses a firm can
hold. Named in the media as "7D", the attempt was overruled by the extension of the injunction that protects Clarn during
the duration of the trial, wich would have expired on that day. In 2008, she was ranked by the magazine Forbes as thirteenth
in the list of the 100 most powerful women in the world, being the second female head of government in the list
below Angela Merkel. In 2009 she rose to eleventh, but in 2010 she fell to sixty-eighth. In 2010, she was ranked by the
magazine Time as fourth in the list of the Top 10 Female Leaders of the World. She gradually lowered her positions, and as of
2014, she is listed as the #19th. Her speeches work with appeals to emotion, both at the beginning and the end. She
makes frequent appeals to pity by mentions to the death of her husband and her own pain about it. The achievements of both
Nstor's administration and her own are treated with hyperbole and compared with the 2001 economic crisis. She often made
speeches with images of Eva Pern in the background. This is done either at the "Hall of the women of the bicentennial" at
the Casa Rosada, which features portraits of notable Argentine women, or with the building of the ministry of health, which
has a giant image of Evita. Doing so, she tries to relate her own actions with those of Eva Pern. The image of Evita used is
selected according to the tone of the speech: if it has good news, it will be an image of a benevolent Evita, if it is an attack to
someone else, it will be an image of an angry Evita. The Kirchner administration incorporated textbooks with praises to the
Kirchners in the public education, which began a controversy. Kirchner is famously passionate about clothes. According
to The Times, "Cristina has deployed her glamour and sexuality as potent weapons on her way to a goal that not even the
legendary Eva Pern was able to achieve." She wears a mixture of textures, colors and prints, and always wears makeup and
high heels. Kirchner has drawn criticism (from both the media and the political world) for her excessive spending on clothes,
jewelry and shoes. She rarely wears the same attire twice, and in many cases has been criticized for arriving late to meetings
with international leaders because she was getting dressed. Since her husband's death, she has only worn black attire.
According to Perfil weekly newspaper, she has worn more than two hundred different black outfits. In 1973, during her studies
at the National University of La Plata, she met her future spouse, Nstor Kirchner. They were married on May 9, 1975, and
had two children: Mximo (1977) and Florencia (1990). On December 27, 2011, presidential spokesman Alfredo Scoccimarro
announced that Fernndez had been diagnosed with thyroid cancer on December 22, 2011 and that she would undergo
surgery on January 4, 2012. However, it was later released that she had been misdiagnosed and did not have cancer. On
October 5, 2013, doctors ordered Fernndez to rest for a month after they found blood on her brain, due to a head injury she
received on August 8, 2012. Fernndez was re-admitted to hospital and had successful surgery on 8 October 2013 to remove
blood covering her brain. Increasingly long periods without public appearances have led to media speculation regarding her
health. In December 2014 she was hospitalised after she broke her ankle.

ARMENIA
Patriarch and Founder of the Armenian Nation
Hayk

(Armenian: ) or Hayg, also known as Haik Nahapet ( , Hayk the Tribal Chief) is the legendary
patriarch and founder of the Armenian nation. His story is told in the History of Armenia attributed to the Armenian historian
Moses of Chorene (410 to 490). The name of the patriarch, Hayk is not exactly homophonous with the name for
"Armenia", Hayk. Hayk is the nominative plural in Classical Armenian of (hay), the Armenian term for
"Armenian." Some claim that the etymology of Hayq' () from Hayk () is impossible and that origin of the term Hay
("Armenian") is verifiable. Nevertheless, Hayk and Haig are usually connected to hay ( ) and hayer (, the nominative
plural in Modern Armenian), the self-designation of the Armenians. Hayk would then be an aitiological founding figure, like
e.g. Asshur for the Assyrians, Indra for the Indians, etc. One of Hayk's most famous scions, Aram, settled in Eastern Armenia
from the Mitanni kingdom (Western Armenia), when Sargon II mentions a king of part of Armenia who bore the (ArmenianIndo-Iranian) name Bagatadi ("Theodore"). A connection was made in Armenian historiography of the Soviet era, with Hayasa
mentioned in Hittite inscriptions. The Armenian word haykakan or haigagan (Armenian: , meaning "that which
pertains to Armenians") finds its stem in this progenitor. Moses of Chorene gave Hayk's genealogy as follows: Japhet, Gomer
& Tiras, Torgom, Hayk, and his descendants as Amasya, Ara, Aram, Aramais, Armanak, Gegham, and Harma. Hayk was also
said to be the founder of the Haykazuni Dynasty. Some of the prominent Armenian royal houses such as the Arran, Bagratuni,
Bznuni, Khorkhoruni, Manavazian, Syuni, and Vahevuni trace their genealogy to Hayk Nahapet.[citation needed] According to
Juansher Hayk "..was prince of the seven brothers and stood in service to the giant Nimrod (Nebrovt') who first ruled the
entire world as king." "Hayk" by Mkrtum Hovnatanian (17791846). The legendary founder of the Armenian nation, standing
next to the tomb of Bel, with Hayk's arrow still in Bel's chest. The map depicts the Lake Van region and Mount Ararat, with
Noah's ark. In Moses of Chorene's account, Hayk son of Torgom had a child named Armanak while he was living in Babylon.
After the arrogant Titanid Bel made himself king over all, Hayk emigrated to the region near Mount Ararad. Hayk relocated
near Mount Ararat with an extended household of at least 300 and settled there, founding a village he named Haykashen. On

the way he had left a detachment in another settlement with his grandson Kadmos. Bel sent one of
his sons to entreat him to return, but was refused. Bel decided to march against him with a
massive force, but Hayk was warned ahead of time by Kadmos of his pending approach. He
assembled his own army along the shore of Lake Van and told them that they must defeat and kill
Bel, or die trying to do so, rather than become his slaves. In his writings Movses states that:
Hayk was a handsome, friendly man, with curly hair, sparkling eyes, and strong arms. He was a
man of giant stature, a mighty archer and fearless warrior. Hayk and his people, from the time of
their forefathers Noah and Japheth, had migrated south toward the warmer lands near Babylon. In
that land there ruled a wicked giant, Bel. Bel tried to impose his tyranny upon Hayk's people. But
proud Hayk refused to submit to Bel. As soon as his son Aramaneak was born, Hayk rose up and
led his people northward into the land of Ararad. At the foot of the mountain he built a village and gave it his name, calling
Haykashen.
Hayk and his men soon discovered Bel's army positioned in a mountain pass (Moses of Chorene located the site as
Dastakert), with the king in the vanguard. At Dyutsaznamart (Armenian: , "Battle of Giants"), near Julamerk
southeast of Lake Van, on August 11, 2492 BC (according to the Armenian traditional chronology) or 2107 BC (according to
"The Chronological table" of Mikael Chamchian), Hayk slew Bel with a nearly impossible shot using a long bow, sending the
king's forces into disarray. The hill where Bel with his warriors fell, Hayk named Gerezmank meaning "tombs". He embalmed
the corpse of Bel and ordered it to be taken to Hark where it was to be buried in a high place in the view of the wives and
sons of the king. Soon after, Hayk established the fortress of Haykaberd at the battle site and the town of Haykashen in the
Armenian province of Taron (modern-day Turkey). He named the region of the battle Hayk, and the site of the battle Hayots
Dzor. The figure slain by Hayk's arrow is variously given as Bel or Nimrod. Hayk is also the name of the Orion constellation in
the Armenian translation of the Bible. Hayk's flight from Babylon and his eventual defeat of Bel, was historically compared to
Zeus's escape to the Caucasus and eventual defeat of the titans.

Urartu
Urartu (Armenian: - Urartu, Assyrian: mt
Uraru;
corresponding
to Kingdom
of
Babylonian: Urashtu),
Ararat(Armenian: ) or Kingdom of Van (Armenian: , Urartian: Biai,
Biainili;) was an Iron Age kingdom centered around Lake Van in the Armenian Highlands. Strictly speaking, Urartu is the
Assyrian term for a geographical region, while "kingdom of Urartu" or "Biainili lands" are terms used in modern historiography
for the Iron Age state that arose in that region. That a distinction should be made between the geographical and the political
entity was already pointed out by Knig (1955). The landscape corresponds to the mountainousplateau between Asia
Minor, Mesopotamia, and the Caucasus mountains, later known as the Armenian Highlands. The kingdom rose to power in the
mid 9th century BC, but was conquered by Media in the early 6th century BC. Assyrian inscriptions of Shalmaneser I (ca.
1274 BC) first mention Uruartri as one of the states of Nairi a loose confederation of small kingdoms and tribal states
in Armenian Highland in the 13th 11th centuries BC which he conquered. Uruartri itself was in the region around Lake Van.
The Nairi states were repeatedly subjected to further attacks and invasions by the Assyrians, especially under Tukulti-Ninurta
I (ca. 1240 BC), Tiglath-Pileser I (ca. 1100 BC), Ashur-bel-kala (ca. 1070 BC), Adad-nirari II (ca. 900), Tukulti-Ninurta II (ca.
890), and Ashurnasirpal II (883859 BC). Urartu re-emerged in Assyrian inscriptions in the 9th c. BC as a powerful northern
rival of Assyria. The Nairi states and tribes became a unified kingdom under king Aramu (ca. 860843 BC), whose capital
at Arzashkun was captured by the Assyrians under Shalmaneser III. Roughly contemporaries of the Uruartri, living just to the
west along the southern shore of the Black Sea, were the Kaskas known from Hittite sources.

List of Kings of the Urartu Kingdom

Arame or Aramu (Armenian:

) (ruled 858844 BC) was the first known king of Urartu. Living at the time of
King Shalmaneser III of Assyria (ruled 859824 BC), Arame united the Nairi tribe against the threat of the Assyrian Empire. His
capital at Arzashkun was captured by Shalmaneser. Arame has been suggested as the prototype of both Aram (and,
correspondingly the popular given name Aram[3]) and Ara the Beautiful, two of the legendary forefathers of
the Armenian people. Khorenatsi's History (1.5) puts them six and seven generations after Haik, in the chronology of
historian Mikayel Chamchian dated to the 19th to 18th century BC.

Lutipri was a 9th century BC king of Urartu. Little is known about him except that Vannic inscriptions claim that he was the
father of his successor as king, Sarduri I. He appears to have ruled between 844 and 834 BC, in a period of obscurity after the
destruction of the former capital Arzashkun byShalmaneser III, and before Sarduri's foundation of the new capital at Tushpa.

Sarduri I (ruled

- 834 BC - 828 BC), also known as Sarduris, was a king of Urartu in Asia Minor. He was the son of Lutipri,
the second monarch of Urartu. Sarduri I is most known for moving the capital of the Urartu kingdom to Tushpa (Van). This
proved to be significant as Tushpa became the focal point of politics in the Near East. He was succeeded by his son, Ishpuini
of Urartu, who then expanded the kingdom. The title Sarduri used was 'King of the Four Quarters'.

Ishpuini (also Ishpuinis) (ruled 828-810 BC) was king of Urartu. He

succeeded his father, Sarduri I, who moved the capital

to Tushpa(Van). Ishpuini conquered the Mannaean city of Musasir, which was then made the religious center of the empire.
The main temple for the war god Haldi was in Musasir. Ishpuinis and his nation were then attacked by the
forces Assyrian King Shamshi-Adad V. Ishpuinis fought and defeated Shamshi-Adad. Ishpuini was so confident in his power

that he began using names meaning everlasting glory, including, "King of the land of Nairi", "Glorious King", and "King of the
Universe". Ishpuini was succeeded by his son, Menua.

Menua (Armenian: )

was the fifth known king of Urartu, an ancient kingdom in eastern Asia Minor, from circa 810
BC to approximately 786 BC. A younger son of the preceding Urartuan King, Ishpuini, Menua was adopted as co-ruler by his
father in the last years of his reign. Menua enlarged the kingdom through numerous wars against the neighbouring countries
and left a large number of inscriptions across the region. He organized a centralised administrative structure, fortified a
number of towns and constructed fortresses. Amongst these was Menuakhinili located on Mount Ararat. Menua developed
a canal and irrigation system that stretched across the kingdom. Several of these canals are still in use today. He was
succeeded by his son, Argishti I.

Argishti I

(Armenian: , Argishti) was the sixth known king of Urartu, reigning from 786 BC to 764 BC. He founded
the citadel of Erebuni in 782 BC, which is the present capital of Armenia, Yerevan. A son and the successor of Menua, he
continued the series of conquests initiated by his predecessors. Victorious against Assyria, he conquered the northern part
of Syria and made Urartu the most powerful state in the post-Hittite Near East. He also expanded his kingdom north to
the Lake Sevan conquering much of Diauehi and the Ararat Valley.[2] Argishtis built the Erebuni Fortress in 782 BC, and the
fortress of Argishtikhinili in 776 BC. He was succeeded by his son, Sarduri II. Some linguists believe that the
name Argitie has Indo-European etymology (Armenian). Compare Armenian (translit. areg) sun deity, sun.

Sarduri II (ruled

764 BC-735 BC) was the King of Urartu (modern-day Turkey and Armenia). The Urartian Kingdom was at
its peak during his reign. He succeeded his father Argishti I to the throne. Sardur II was so confident in his power that he
erected a massive wall at Tushpa (Van) with the following inscription:
"The magnificent king, the mighty king, king of the universe, king of the land of Nairi, a king having none equal to him, a
shepherd to be wondered at, fearing no battle, a king who humbled those who would not submit to his authority."
He was succeeded by his son, Rusa I.

Rusa I (ruled

735 BC-713 BC) was an Armenian King of Ararat (Urartu). He succeeded his father, king Sarduri II. Before
Rusa's reign had begun, his father, King Sarduri II, had already expanded the kingdom as far south as Nineveh and had
annexed various Assyrian and Anatolianterritories. However, when Rusa I inherited the throne, the Assyrians had regrouped
under their new king Tiglath-Pileser III and had rapidly become a formidable foe. The Assyrians regularly attacked Urartu, thus
forcing Rusa I to spend the early years of his reign fighting the forces of Assyria. The conflict took a heavy toll on Urartu,
particularly on its economy. After suffering numerous reverses, Urartu lost the majority of the territory it had annexed under
Sarduri II to Tiglath-Pileser III's Assyrians. After Tiglath-Pileser III's death, the region became restive during the reign
of Shalmanassar V, but not for long. Sargon II, who came to the throne in 722 BC, continued the Assyrian hostility against
Urartu. He declared war on Urartu in 715 BC, thus beginning the Urartu-Assyria War. After defeating the Urartian ally, the
Kingdom of Mitanni, the Assyrians attacked Urartu. Rusa I was decisively defeated in this war and Urartu was forced to pay
large annual tributes to Assyria. Rusa I committed suicide after this war.

Argishti II was king of Urartu from 714 BC to 680 BC. He succeeded his father, King Rusa I. During the Urartu-Assyria War,
Argishti was responsible for orchestrating major Urartuan counter-offensives against the invading Assyrians. His forces drove
the Assyrians back across the pre-war border and deep into the Assyrian heartlands, reconquering major towns and cities
around Lake Urmia, including Mushashir, Ushnu, and Tepe, and conquering the territory as far south as the city of Nimud on
the Tigris River. These victories forced the Assyrians to accept a lengthy peace and cede large tracts of territory north of the
Tigris. The remainder of Argishti's lengthy reign was characterized by a "Golden Age", a period of
lengthy peace and economic prosperity, which carried into the reigns of Argishti's two successors, his son Rusa II and his
grandson Sarduri III. Although the region of Urartu had been controlled by the Assyrians following conflicts, Argishti II was still
able to expand his influence further east, as inscriptions in Iranian Azerbaijan have showed.

Rusa II was king of Urartu between

around 680 BC and 639 BC. It was during his reign that the massive fortress
complex, Karmir-Blur, was constructed. A cuneiform inscription has been found commemorating the king building a canal to
channel water to the city of Quarlini from the Ildaruni (Hrazdan River).

Sarduri III was a king of Urartu between 639 BC and 635 BC. Urartian King Argishti II left a record of fourteen years of his
reign on the walls of chambers hewn in the Rock of Van, while Sarduri III's victories are inscribed on a monument erected on a
spot called "the Treasury Gate" in the fortress of Van. The Urartians, then in close contact with the Hittites in the west, had in
the east as neighbours the Minni or Manni, in the southerly portion of the Urmiah basin. Records of victories are also found
inscribed farther north, on the shores of Lake Sevan, at Gyumri and Erzurum.

Erimena

was a king of Urartu from 635 BC until 629 BC. It is probably the son and successor of Sarduri III (although
according to another theory, it is a brother of Rusa II) 1. Erimena is followed on the throne by his son Rusa III

Rusa III was king of Urartu

from 629 until 615 or 590. He was called "Son of Erimena," denoting that he was likely the
brother of Rusa II. Not much is known from his reign; his name was inscribed on a massive granary at Armavir and on a series
of bronze shields from the temple of Khaldifound at Rusahinili, now held in the British Museum. According to
the Armenian historian Moses of Chorene, Rusa's father Erimena was mostly likely Paruyr Skayordi, who helped
the Median king Cyaxares conquer Assyria, for which Cyaxares recognized him as the king of Armenia, something the

Medians ultimately reneged on; significantly later, under the reign of King Astyages, the Medians conquered and annexed
Armenia.

Sarduri IV (unknown-595 BC) was one of the last kings of Urartu, reigning from 615 BC to 595 BC. Sarduri IV was the son
and successor of Rusa III. Little is known about his reign, except that his kingdom was being invaded byAssyrian forces from
the south, east and west, as well as by the Medes from the east and the Scythians from the north. He died without issue and
was succeeded by his brother Rusa IV.

Rusa IV (unknown-585 BC) was king of Urartu from 590 BC to 585 BC. Rusa IV was the son and a successor of Rusa III, and
the successor of Sarduri IV. His name is mentioned on a number of clay tablets found at Karmir Blur (near Yerevan, Armenia),
including tablets bearing his own royal inscriptions. However, almost nothing is known about his reign. He is possibly the
Hrachya (Armenian: ) mentioned by the Armenian historian Moses of Khorene.

Orontid Dynasty
The Orontid Dynasty (also known by their native name, Yervanduni (Armenian: , Persian: )was a
hereditary Armenian dynasty and the rulers of the successor state to the Iron Age kingdom of Ararat. The Orontids
established their supremacy over Armenia around the time of the Scythian and Median invasion in the sixth century BC. Of
probable Iranian origin, members of the dynasty ruled Armenia intermittently during the period spanning the sixth century to
at least the second century BC, first as client kings or satraps of the Median and Achaemenid empires who established an
independent kingdom after the collapse of the Achaemenid empire, and later as kings of Sophene and Commagene who
eventually succumbed to the Roman Empire.

List of Orontid Kings in Armenian tradition

Orontes I Sakavakyats (Armenian:

, Yervand I Sakavakyats) was an Armenian king

of Orontid Dynasty, reigning in the period between 570 BC 560 BC. Orontes was called Sakavakyats or "short living" ("short
staying"), but not because of short life, but because of the short period of his reign, and because he passed the throne to his
son Tigranes Orontid. Orontes I had 40,000 infantry and 8,000 cavalry, as well as 3,000 talents (40 kg 800g) of silver with the
united weight of 122,400 kg. He married his daughter Tigranuhi to Medes king Ajdahak. The capital of Armenia under Orontes
was located in Van. According to popular legends, Orontes I had 3,000 silver talents, only half of which were part of his
treasury; the other part was hidden in the bottom of Van Lake. Through his castle he had a tunnel leading there, but later
they blocked the tunnel to save the treasury for future generations. It is still said to be hidden there untouched. This is based
on the real Orontes I who had at least 3,000 talents of silver and the real Orontes II who commanded the right wing of king
Darius III army at the Battle of Gaugamela in 331 BC, with 40,000 infantry under his command and 7,000 cavalry. Orontes I
father was Artasyrus and Hrachya is the local Armenian version of Artasyrus real name, Artakhshathra.[

Tigranes I Orontid the Great (Armenian:

, Tigran I Yervanduni) was a

Armenian King of Orontid Dynasty reigning in the period between 560 BC to 535 BC. According to Moses
of Khorene during the reign of Tigran I Yervanduni (Orontid) the territory of Armenia spread for about
400.000 km2. Moses calls him "the wisest, most powerful and bravest of Armenian Kings". According to
the legend, the king of the Medes, Azhdahak (Astyages) dreamed that Tigran would come to attack him
and so plotted to bring about the downfall of him. War commenced however. Tigran killed Azhdahak and
then married his widowed wife Anush (Aryenis). Tigran was also said to have been the hunting
companion of king Cyrus the Great, founder of Achaemenid Empire. Xenophon mentions the Armenian
King Tigranes Orontid in his Cyropaedia. He mentions that he was an ally of Cyrus the Great with whom
he hunted. Tigranes paid tribute to Astyages. According to the legend, Tigran was a great archer and was
always victorious over Cyrus. The later once decided to organize a tournament with term participants must have drunk 10
cups of wine and shoot after that. Cyrus and Tigran drank wine, but, after that,Cyrus the Great tasted special herb to vanish
wine effect, but Tigran had also the same herb. And during the tournament Tigran won again. And after that Cyrus claims:
"No, wine can not win such men like us. No matter how much we drink, we do not get drunk. And I miss only two times of four
and you didn't miss at all". According to Herodotus it was Harpagus who overthrew Astyages with Cyrus. Although Cyrus the
Great allowed many kings to remain in power by providing tribute to him there.

Vahagn was a Armenian King of Orontid Dynasty reigning in the period between 530 BC to 515 BC.
Hidarnes I Orontid (Armenian:

) Armenian King of Orontid Dynasty reigning in the end of

6th century.Hidarnes established "Yervandakan" feast in the name of Orontid Dynasty, which sounds in Armenian as
"Yervanduni". The feast was dedicated to Orontid Dynasty, Van city or as it was called in those days Yervandakan, Van lake
and Hayots Canion Gorge.

Hidarnes II Orontid (Armenian:

) was an Armenian King of the Orontid Dynasty who

reigned at the start of the 5th century CE. Hidarnes was the son of Hidarnes I and his successor. An epitaph was found
on Armavir walls related to Hidarnes II choosing his wife. She must have perfect looks, slim body, white skin, beautiful neck,
delicate nose, straight teeth. Hidarnes II had all these features and was trying to preserve the nobility of the dynasty.

Hidarnes III Orontid (Armenian: ) Armenian King of Orontid Dynasty reigning in the middle
of 5th century. Hidarnes III was very fond of brown horses. He organized a cavalry of 1000 brown horses, which frightened
the king's enemies with their appearance.

Ardashir Orontid (Armenian: ) Armenian King

of Orontid Dynasty reigning in the second half of 5th century

BC. One of rare memories about Ardashir was that before his death he gathered his sons and told duty of every king of
Orontid Dynasty is building of at least one water channel, which would live in centuries, but he hadn't manage to build one,
so he left all his fortune to his sons for them to build them for him.

Orontes I (Armenian:

, Yervand I) Armenian King of Orontid Dynasty reigning in the period

between 401 BC 344 BC. The Persian version of the name is Auruand which meant "Great Warrior" in the
Avestan language. It is likely this was a special title given by the Persian king to a chosen Armenian man,
though this seems to have become a hereditary title in that family. According to the Greek sources
(Herodotus, Strabo) Orontes was made Satrap of Sophene and Matiene (Mitanni), these comprised
western and eastern Armenia. He was given these Satrapies after the Battle of Cunaxa in 401 BC for
supporting Artaxerxes II against Cyrus the Younger. It is likely he ruled from Armavir as the previous the
previous Satrap of Armenia, Hydarnes, had ruled from there. He also married Rodogoune, the daughter of king Artaxerxes II
by one of his concubines. He is next recorded in 381 BC for the campaign to recapture Cyprus from its rebel leader,
King Evagoras, commanding the army, whilst the navy was under the command of Tiribazus. They managed to lay siege to
the city of Salamis, however Orontes then impeached Tiribazus to king Artaxerxes II. Before three Persian noble judges,
Orontes was found guilty. In 362 BC a great rebellion occurred in Anatolia, led by Datames, Satrap of Cappadocia (Revolt of
the Satraps). Some sources say that it was Orontes who was chosen by the rebels as their leader. However Orontes stayed
loyal to king Artaxerxes II and aided in the collapse of the rebellion. Apparently he wanted to rule Anatolia and Armenia alone.
He captured the city of Pergamon and sent bribe money to Athens, where a decree records his name for an alliance. He had
enough funds to plot such things as he is recorded to have had a personal fortune of 3,000 talents of silver. In 355 BC he
rebelled against the new king of the Achaemenid Empire, Artaxerxes III. He still had possession of parts of western Anatolia,
he fought a battle against the satrap of Daskyleion and minted his own coins in Ionia, such as the one displayed in the
Bibliothque Nationale in Paris. He handed back Pergamon to the king and subsequently died. The kings of the Kingdom of
Commagene claimed descent from Orontes with Darius I of Persia as their ancestor, by his marriage to Rodogoune, daughter
of Artaxerxes II who had a family descent from king Darius I. Some ancient Greek sources called Orontes a "Bactrian", though
it was because his father, Artasyrus (Artaxerxes), had been the Satrap of Bactria in the reign of king Artaxerxes II. It is
interesting that during the Achaemenid Empire Bactria was ruled by the heir to the throne. It is possible that Artasyrus is the
same person as king Artaxerxes II. This king had seven known children and eleven children whose names are not known in
western historical records. Xenophon's Anabasis mentions the region near the river Centrites was defended by the satrap of
Armenia for Artaxerxes II, named Orontes son of Artasyras who had Armenian contingents. Xenophon mentioned that he had
a son called Tigranes. His successor was Codomannus (Darius III) and after Codomannus these Satrapies were ruled
by Orontes II. Whether he was the same person as Tigranes but had adopted the name Orontes or that they were brothers is
not known.

Orontes II (Armenian: , Yervand II) was the son of Orontes I. After Codomannus ascended the throne of Persia
as Darius IIIin 336 BC Orontes was given the Satrapy of Armenia to rule. At the Battle of Gaugamela he fought on the right
flank for king Darius III, with 40,000 infantry and 7,000 cavalry under his command. He died there. Ironically his
son, Mithrenes, Satrap of Lydia, had joined king Alexander III after being defeated at Sardis in 334 BC. He then fought at the
Battle of Gaugamela on the side of Alexander. After the battle he was made Satrap of Armenia by Alexander.

Mithrenes (Armenian:

, Greek: M or M) was an Armenian commander of the Persian force that

garrisoned the citadel of Sardis. After the battle of the Granicus Mithrines surrendered voluntarily to Alexander the Great, and
was treated by him with great distinction. He fought for Alexander at Gaugamela, and ironically he was fighting against an
army that included his father Orontes II. After the battle, Alexander appointed him Satrap of Armenia, as his father had been.
It's not clear, however, whether Mithrenes actually managed to take control of his satrapy. According to Curtius, in his speech
given atHecatompylos in 330 BC Alexander the Great listed Armenia among lands conquered by Macedonians, implying that
Mithrenes succeeded in conquering it; on the other hand, Justin reproduced Pompeius Trogus' rendition of a speech attributed
to Mithridates VI of Pontus, which mentioned that Alexander did not conquer Armenia. In summary, Mithrenes ruled on behalf
of the new Macedonian regime. However after the death of Alexander III, Neoptolemus was made Satrap of Armenia from 323
to 321 BC. After the death of Neoptolemus, and the struggles going on with the Diadochi it seems Mithrenes not only returned
to his ancestral seat but declared himself king.

Orontes III (Armenian: , Yervand III) was King of Armenia. In his reign he struggled for control of the Kingdom
of Sophenewith king Antiochus II Theos until being defeated in 272 BC and was forced to pay a large tribute which included
300 talents of silver and 1,000 horses and mules. Orontes III was subsequently murdered in 260 BC, whether at the
instigation of King Antiochus II is not recorded. His son, Sames, continued to rule in Sophene.

Orontes IV (Armenian:

, Yervand IV) was the son of King Arsames and is recorded as ruling Armenia from
inscriptions found at the historic capital of the Orontid dynasty, Armavir from 212 BC until 200 BC. In his reign the religious
site of Bagaran was founded. Large bronze statues in the Hellenistic style of the gods, Zeus (Aramazd), Artemis (Anahit)
and Herakles (Vahagn) were brought there and set up in temples dedicated to them. He is also said to have founded a shrine
at Armavir dedicated to Apollo (Mithra), a golden statue of four horses pulling a chariot with Apollo as god of the Sun. This
was later destroyed by the Sassanid Persian army in the 4th century AD. King Antiochus III instigated a revolt against King
Orontes IV. Strabo, who wrote about this 200 years later, stated that it was generalArtaxias I, who was also an Orontid, who

overthrew King Orontes IV. Aramaic inscriptions found at Armavir state that King Orontes IV died at the hands of his own
army, in other words by betrayal from Artaxias I. This was most likely bribery of the Armenian army by King Antiochus III.
Artaxias I took over as King of Armenia soon afterwards, according to Strabo.

Sophene Kingdom
The Kingdom of Sophene (Armenian: ) was an ancient Armenian kingdom. Founded around the
3rd century BC the kingdom maintained independence until around 90 BC when Tigranes the Great conquered the territories
as part of his empire. An offshoot of this kingdom was the Kingdom of Commagene, formed when the Seleucids detached
Commagene from Sophene. Sophene was part of the kingdom of Urartu in the 8th-7th centuries BC. After unifying the region
with his kingdom in the early 8th century BC, king Argishti I of Urartu resettled many of its inhabitants to his newly built city
of Erebuni. Sophene then became a province of the ancient Armenian Kingdom of Orontids around 600 BC. After Alexander
the Great's campaigns in 330s BC and the subsequent collapse of the Achaemenid Empire, it became one of the first regions
of Armenia to be exposed to Greek influence and adopted some aspects of Greek culture. Sophene remained part of the
newly independent kingdom of Greater Armenia. Around the 3rd century BC, the Seleucid Empire forced Sophene to split from
Greater Armenia, giving rise to the Kingdom of Sophene. The kingdom was ruled by a branch of the Armenian royal dynasty
of Orontids.The kingdom's capital was Carcathiocerta, identified as the now abandoned town-site of Egil on the Tigris river
north of Diyarbakir. However, its largest settlement and only true city was Arsamosata, located further to the north.
Arsamosata was founded in the 3rd century B.C. and survived in a contracted state until perhaps the early 13th century
A.D. Though the kingdom's rulers were Armenian, the ethnicity of the kingdom was mixed, having a population of Armenian
descent and a population of Semitic descent, infiltrating from the South, a situation still existent at the time of the Crusades.

List of Kings of the Sophene Kingdom

Arsames II

was the King of Sophene around 230 BC, a province of the Roman Empire and ancient Armenian, who offered
asylum toAntiochus Hierax. Prince Cyril Toumanoff considers Arsames II to be the same person as Arsames I.

Abdissares (died

200 BC) was a King of the kingdom of Sophene after the assassination of his
father, Xerxes in 212 BC until his death in 200 BC. There are no known western sources for this king, only
numismatic. His coins are almost similar to those of his father. His name seems to include
the Aramaic prefix "Abd" which means slave. Aramaic was widely used in that region, and yet why would
he have such a name, compared to his Armenian father Xerxes or brother Orontes IV? This may have seem
as a slur by the local Aramaic people, yet it is borne on his coins. "Ssares" sounds like Zareh (known in
Greek sources as Zariadres), and it was Zareh who overthrew Abdissares in 200 BC. These coups were the
workings of king Antiochus III which also saw Zareh's son Artaxias (Artaxerxes) overthrow Orontes IV to become King
of Armenia.

Zariadres (Armenian: Zareh) was a King of Sophene from 200 BC until 188 BC.
Strabo cites Sophene being taken over by a "general" of king Antiochus III by 200 BC, called Zariadres.
Following the defeat of Antiochus III by the Romans at the Battle of Magnesia in 190 BC, Zariadres
and Artaxias* revolted and with Roman consent began to reign as kings at the Treaty of Apamea in 188
BC; Zariadres over Sophene and Artaxias over Armenia. It is possible that Zariadres (Dsariadres) was
the father of Abdissares, although the scant historical records have Abdissares ruling before Zariadres, the actual coinage of
Abdissares does not carry that name but Abdissarou (Greek: "Abdissarou"=Son of Abdissar). The name written as
Dsariadris might be a Greek corruption of the name Bagdassar. A hypothesis is that king Bagdassar was forced to accept rule
by king Antiochus III, but stayed as a Satrap, paying tribute until the Battle of Magnesia allowed him to reassert his
independence. Strabo was writing 200 years after these events and may not have been accurate. Over a dozen stone
boundary markers have been discovered on the territory of modern Armenia from the time of the reign of Artashes with
Aramaic inscriptions, before their discovery the existence of these stones was attested by Moses of Chorene. In these
inscriptions Artashes claims descent from the Yervanduni (Orontid) Dynasty: King Artaxias, the son of Orontid Zariadres.
Mitrobarzanes

( - Mithrobarzns) was satrap or king of Sophene around 150 BC.

Artanes was satrap or king of Sophene around 110 BC.

Artaxiad Dynasty
The Artaxiad Dynasty or Ardaxiad Dynasty (Artashessian Dynasty, Armenian: ) ruled
the Kingdom of Armenia from 189 BC until their overthrow by the Romans in AD 12. Their realm included Greater
Armenia, Sophene and intermittently Lesser Armenia and parts of Mesopotamia. Their main enemies were the Seleucids and
the Parthians, against whom the Armenians had to conduct multiple wars. During this period, Armenian culture experienced
considerable Hellenistic influence.
According to the geographer Strabo, Artaxias and Zariadres were two satraps of
the Seleucid Empire, who ruled over the provinces ofGreater Armenia and Sophene respectively. After the Seleucid defeat at
the Battle of Magnesia in 190 BC, they revolted and declared their independence, with Artaxias (Armenian: )

becoming the first king of the Artaxiad dynasty of Armenia in 188. However, some Armenian scholars believe that Artaxias
and Zariadres were not foreign generals but local figures related to the previous Orontid dynasty, as their Irano-Armenian
(and not Greek) names would indicate.

List of Kings of the Artaxiad Dynasty of the Kingdom of Armenia

Artaxias I (also

called Artaxes or Artashes, Armenian: ) (reigned

190 BC/189 BC160 BC/159 BC) was the founder of the Artaxiad Dynasty whose members ruled
the Kingdom of Armenia for nearly two centuries. By the end of the 3rd century BC, the kingdom of
Armenia was made up of around 120 dynastic domains ruled by nakharars, loosely united under
the Orontid kings of Greater and Lesser Armenia. Even though Alexander the Great did not conquer
Armenia,
Hellenisticculture
had
strongly impacted Armenian society. When Antiochus
the
Great wrestled Armenia from Orontid rule, he appointed Artaxias as strategos. Following his monarch's
defeat by the Romans at the Battle of Magnesia in 190 BC, Artaxias and his costrategos Zariadres revolted and, with Roman consent, began to reign autonomously with the title of
king; Artaxias over Greater Armenia and Zariadres over Sophene/Lesser Armenia. According to Strabo and Plutarch, Artashes
also founded the Armenian capital Artashat(Artaxata) with the aid of the Carthaginian general Hannibal who was being
sheltered from the Romans within Artashesians' court. The population of the previous Yervanduni (Orontid) capital
of Yervandashat was transferred to Artashat (Artaxata). Over a dozen stone boundary markers have been discovered on the
territory of modern Armenia from the time of the reign of Artashes with Aramaic inscriptions, before their discovery the
existence of these stones was attested byMoses of Chorene. In these inscriptions Artashes claims descent from the
Yervanduni (Orontid) Dynasty: King Artaxias, the son of Orontid Zariadres. From the time of the state of Hayasas, until that of
Artaxias I, more than one thousand years elapsed, and during that period theHayasas, the Armens, the people of Nairi and
other ethnic elements were integrated, became one nation, spoke the same language, and lived together in a country that
became known as Armenia. Artaxias was married to Satenik, daughter of the king of Alans. They had six sons: Artavasdes
(Artavazd), Vruyr, Mazhan, Zariadres (Zareh), Tiran and Tigranes (Tigran). Artaxias founded a capital, Artaxata on the Araks
River near Lake Sevan. Hannibal took refuge there at his court when Antiochus could not protect him any longer. Artaxias was
taken captive by Antiochus IV Epiphanes when he attacked Armenia around 165 BC. His famous words are: It is said that
when Hannibal fled from the Romans and came to Armenia, he suggested different projects to the Armenian king and taught
him several useful things. When he saw the beautiful landscape and nature in Armenia he drew a sketch for the future city.
Then he took Artashes to the spot and asked him to personally supervise the building of the city. Thus a big and beautiful city
was named after the king, Artashat, and became his capital.

Artavasdes I of Armenia (also

called Artavazd, Armenian: ) was the King of the Artaxiad

Dynasty from 160 BC until 115 BC. He was the son of Artaxias I and Queen Satenik. Artavasdes repelled several attempts
by Parthians to invade Armenia but was eventually defeated by Mithridates, who annexed parts of Eastern Armenia and took
his son, Tigranes the Great as hostage. According to Professor Cyril Toumanoff, Artavasdes I can be identified with the
Armenian king who, according to the medieval Georgian annals, interfered in Iberia at the request of local nobility and
installed his son, Artaxias, on the throne of Iberia, thereby inaugurating the Iberian Artaxiad dynasty.

Tigranes I of Armenia (Armenian:

) reigned as King of Armenia from 115 BC to 95

BC. Artavasdes I did not leave any heir; his brother, Tigranes ascended to the throne of the Artaxiads.
According to Appian, Tigranes II was not the son of Artavasdes, but of Tigranes I.

Tigranes II (Armenian:

), more commonly known as Tigranes the Great (Armenian: Tigran Mets;

Greek: Tigrnes o Mgas) (14055 BC) was emperor of Armenia under whom the country became, for a short
time, the strongest state east of the Roman Republic 95 BC until 55 BC. He was a member of the Artaxiad Royal House. Under
his reign, the Armenian kingdom expanded beyond its traditional boundaries, allowing Tigranes to claim the title Great King,
and involving Armenia in many battles against opponents such as the Parthian and Seleucid empires, and the Roman
Republic. Tigranes had been a hostage until the age of 40 at the court of King Mithradates II of Parthia who defeated the
Armenians in 105 BC. Other sources give the date as much earlier, at around 112111 BC. After the death of King Tigranes
I in 95 BC, Tigranes bought his freedom, according to Strabo, by handing over "seventy valleys" in Atropatene to the
Parthians. When he came to power, the foundation upon which Tigranes was to build his Empire was already in place, a
legacy of the founder of the Artaxiad Dynasty, Artaxias I, and subsequent kings. The mountains of Armenia, however, formed
natural borders between the different regions of the country and as a result, the feudalistic nakharars had significant
influence over the regions or provinces in which they were based. This did not suit Tigranes, who wanted to create a centralist
empire. He thus proceeded by consolidating his power within Armenia before embarking on his campaign. He deposed
Artanes, the last king of Armenian Sophene and a descendant of Zariadres. During the First Mithridatic War (9085 BC),
Tigranes supported Mithridates VI of Pontus but was careful not to become directly involved in the war. He rapidly built up
his power, allying with Mithridates VI of Pontus and marrying his daughter Cleopatra. Tigranes had agreed that he was to
extend his influence in the East, while Mithridates was to conquer Roman land in Asia Minor and in Europe. By creating a
stronger Hellenistic state, Mithridates was to contend with the well-established Roman foothold in Europe. Mithridates then
put into effect a planned a general attack on Roman and Italians in Asia Minor, tapping into local discontent with the Romans
and their taxes and urging the peoples of Asia Minor against all foreign influence. 80,000 people were slaughtered in
the province of Asia Minor, known as the Asiatic Vespers. The two kings' attempts to control Cappadocia and then the
massacres resulted in guaranteed Romanintervention. The senate decided on Lucius Cornelius Sulla, who was then one of the
current consuls, to be commander of the army against Mithridates. After the death of Mithridates II of Parthia in 88 BC,

Tigranes took advantage of the fact that the Parthian Empire had been weakened
by Scythian invasions and internal squabbling: When he acquired power, he recovered these
(seventy) valleys, and devastated the country of the Parthians, the territory about Ninus (Nineveh),
and that about Arbela. He subjected to his authority the Atropatenians , and the Goryaeans (on the
UpperTigris); by force of arms he obtained possession also of the rest of Mesopotamia and, after
crossing the Euphrates, of Syriaand Phoenicea. (Strabo). In 83 BC, after a bloody strife for the throne of
Syria, governed by the Seleucids, the Syrians decided to choose Tigranes as the protector of their
kingdom and offered him the crown of Syria. Magadates was appointed as his governor in Antioch. He
then conquered Phoenicia and Cilicia, effectively putting an end to the last remnants of the Seleucid Empire, though a few
holdout cities appear to have recognized the shadowy boy-king Seleucus VII Philometor as the legitimate king during his
reign. The southern border of his domain reached as far as Ptolemais (modern Akko). Many of the inhabitants of conquered
cities were sent to his new metropolisof Tigranakert (Latin name, Tigranocerta).At its height, his empire extended from
the Pontic Alps (in modern north-eastern Turkey) to Mesopotamia, and from the Caspian Sea to the Mediterranean. Tigranes
apparently invaded territories as far away as Ecbatana and took the title king of kings which, at the time, according to their
coins, even the Parthian kings did not assume. He was called "Tigranes the Great" by many Western historians and writers,
such as Plutarch. The "King of Kings" never appeared in public without having four kings attending him. Cicero, referring to
his success in the east, said that he "made the Republic of Rome tremble before the prowess of his arms." Tigranes' coin
consist of tetradrachms and copper coins having on the obverse his portrait wearing a decorated Armenian tiara with earflaps. The reverse has a completely original design. There are the seated Tyche of Antioch and the river god Orontes at her
feet. Mithridates had found refuge in Armenian land after confronting Rome, considering the fact that Tigranes was his ally
and relative. The "King of Kings" eventually came into direct contact with Rome. The Roman commander, Lucullus, demanded
the expulsion of Mithridates from Armenia to comply with such a demand would be, in effect, to accept the status of vassal
to Rome and this Tigranes refused. Charles Rollins, in his Ancient History, says: Tigranes, to whom Lucullus had sent an
ambassador, though of no great power in the beginning of his reign, had enlarged it so much by a series of successes, of
which there are few examples, that he was commonly surnamed "King of Kings." After having overthrown and almost ruined
the family of the kings, successors of the great Seleucus; after having very often humbled the pride of the Parthians,
transported whole cities of Greeks into Media, conquered all Syria and Palestine, and given laws to the Arabians called
Scenites, he reigned with an authority respected by all the princes of Asia. The people paid him honors after the manners of
the East, even to adoration. Lucullus' reaction was an attack that was so precipitate that he took Tigranes by surprise.
According to Roman historians, the messenger who first brought news of the unexpected Roman attack was executed.
Eventually Mithrobazanes, one of Tigranes generals, told Tigranes of the Roman approach. Tigranes was, according to
Keaveney, so impressed by Mithrobazanes' courage that he appointed Mithrobazanes to command an army against Lucullus
Mithrobazanes was however defeated and killed. After this defeat Tigranes withdrew north to Armenia to regroup which left
Lucullus free to put Tigranocerta under siege. When Tigranes had gathered a large army he returned to confront Lucullus. On
October 6, 69 BCE, Tigranes' much larger force was decisively defeated by the Roman army under Lucullus in the Battle of
Tigranocerta. Tigranes' treatment of the inhabitants (the majority of the population had been forced to move to the city) led
disgruntled city guards to open the gates of the city to the Romans. Learning of this, Tigranes hurriedly sent 6000 cavalrymen
to the city in order to rescue his wives and some of his assets. Tigranes escaped capture with a small escort.On the 6 October
68 BC, the Romans approached the old capital of Artaxata. Tigranes' and Mithridates' combined Armeno-Pontian army of
70,000 men formed up to face them but were resoundingly defeated. Once again, both Mithridates and Tigranes evaded
capture by the victorious Romans.However, the Armenian historians claim, that Romans lost the battle of Artaxata and
Lucullus'following withdrawal from the Kingdom of Armenia in reality was an escape due to above-mentioned defeat. The
Armenian-Roman wars are depicted in Alexandre Dumas "Caucasus" book. The long campaigning and hardships that
Lucullus' troops had endured for years, combined with a perceived lack of reward in the form of plunder, led to successive
mutinies among the legions in 6867. Frustrated by the rough terrain of Northern Armenia and seeing the worsening moral of
his troops, Lucullus moved back south and put Nisibis under siege. Tigranes concluded (wrongly) that Nisibis would hold out
and sought to regain those parts of Armenia that the Romans had captured. Despite his continuous success in battle, Lucullus
could still not capture either one of the monarchs. With Lucullus' troops now refusing to obey his commands, but agreeing to
defend positions from attack, the senate sent Gnaeus Pompey to recall Lucullus to Rome and take over his command. In 67
BC Pompey was given the task of defeating Mithradates and Tigranes. Pompey first concentrated on attacking Mithradates
while distracting Tigranes by engineering a Parthian attack on Gordyeyne. Phraates III, the Parthian king was soon persuaded
to take things a little further than an anexation of Gordyeyne when a son of Tigranes (also named Tigranes) went to join the
Parthians and persuaded Phraates to invade Armenia in an attempt to replace the elder Tigranes with the younger. Tigranes
decided not to meet the invasion in the field but instead ensured that his capital, Artaxata, was well defended and withdrew
to the hill country. Phraates soon realized that Artaxata would not fall without a protracted siege, the time for which he could
not spare due his fear of plots at home. Once Phraates left Tigranes came back down from the hills and drove his son from
Armenia. The son then fled to Pompey. In 66 BC, Pompey advanced into Armenia with the younger Tigranes, and Tigranes
the Great, now almost 75 years old, surrendered. Pompey treated him generously and allowed him to retain his kingdom
shorn of his conquests in return for 6,000 talents / 180 tonnes of silver. His unfaithful son was sent back to Rome as a
prisoner. Tigranes continued to rule Armenia as an ally of Rome until his death in 55/54. A recent ABC News article on May
19, 2004 noted that according to the Armenian and Italian researchers the "symbol on his crown that features a star with a
curved tail may represent the passage of Halley's Comet in 87 BC." Tigranes could have seen Halley's comet when it passed
closest to the Sun on August 6 in 87, according to the researchers, who said the comet would have been a 'most recordable
event' heralding the New Era of the King of Kings. Over the course of his conquests, Tigranes founded four cities that bore
his name. Tigranakert near Silvan and Tigranakert of Artsakh and the two best known ones. Hayk Khachatryan, an Armenian
novelist, wrote a book called Tigran the Great. Over 20 operas were composed about Tigranes the Great, some by famous
composers, such as Puccini, Vivaldi, and Scarlatti.

Artavasdes II (Armenian: ) was a King of

Armenia from 53 BC to 34 BC. He succeeded his father,

Tigranes the Great. Artavasdes was an ally of Rome, but when Orodes II of Parthia invaded Armenia following his victory over
the Roman general Marcus Licinius Crassus at the Battle of Carrhae in 53 BC, he was forced to join the Parthians. He gave his

sister in marriage to Orodes' son and heir Pacorus. In 36 BC the Roman general Mark Antony invaded
Armenia and Artavasdes again switched sides, but abandoned the Romans once they had left Armenia to
conquer Media Atropatene. In 34 BC Antony planned a new invasion of Armenia. First he sent his
friend Quintus Dellius, who offered a betrothal of Antony's six-year-old son Alexander Helios to a daughter
of Artavasdes, but the Armenian king hesitated. [3] Now the triumvir marched into the Roman western
Armenia. He summoned Artavasdes to Nicopolis, allegedly to prepare a new war against Parthia. But the
king did not come. So the Roman general quickly marched to the Armenian capital Artaxata. He arrested
the king and went with him some time around because he hoped to obtain by the help of his hostage the great treasures in
the Armenian castles. But now Artaxias, the eldest son of the captured king, was elected as successor. After a lost battle
Artaxias fled to the Parthian king. Finally Antony took Artavasdes to Alexandria. The Armenian king and his family, who were
bound with golden chains, had to follow Antony in his triumphal procession. Cleopatra VII of Egypt expected the triumvir on a
golden throne, but Artavasdes refused to render homage to the Egyptian queen byProskynesis. In the past he had been an
enemy of his namesake, king Artavasdes I of Media Atropatene, who had become an ally of Antony. After the Battle of
Actium (31 BC) the Armenian king was executed by beheading on the behalf of Cleopatra. She sent his head to Artavasdes I
of Media Atropatene to secure his help. According to Plutarch, Artavasdes was an accomplished scholar who composed Greek
tragedies and histories.

Artaxias II,

also known as Artaxes II and Artashes (Armenian: , died 20 BC) was a Prince of
theKingdom of Armenia and member of the Artaxiad Dynasty who served as a Roman Client King of Armenia from 34 BC until
his death in 20 BC. Artaxias II was the eldest son of Artavasdes II of Armenia by an unnamed mother and was the namesake
of his paternal ancestor, a previous ruling Armenian King Artaxias I. Artaxias II had two siblings: a younger brother
called Tigranes III[7] and an unnamed sister who possibly married King Archelaus of Cappadocia. He was born and raised in
Armenia. Artaxias II ascended to the Armenian throne in 34 BC as he regained the throne lost by his father.The Roman
Triumvir Mark Antony, had captured Artavasdes II with his family, in which they were taken as political prisoners
to Alexandria where Artavasdes II was later executed there on the orders of Ptolemaic Greek QueenCleopatra VII of Egypt.
Artaxias II had escaped and fled to King Phraates IV of Parthia. Phraates IV invaded Armenia and place Artaxias II on the
throne. After ascending to the Armenian throne and regaining the country, with the support of Phraates IV, Artaxias II was
successful in a military campaign againstArtavasdes I of Media Atropatene, a former enemy of Artavasdes II. From this
moment on, Artaxias II became pro-Parthian and anti-Roman. Artaxias II the young King who was spiteful and
vengeful, massacred the remaining Roman garrison and slaughtered all the Roman traders in Armenia, as these acts went
unavenged. A possible consequence of this action, when Artaxias II sent emissaries in Rome to try to secure the release of his
family then in Roman captivity and the Roman emperor Augustus refused Artaxias IIs request. Artaxias II proved to be an
unpopular leader with his people. As the Armenians lost faith in their ruling monarch, they sent messengers to Augustus
requesting him to remove Artaxias II from his throne and to install his brother, Tigranes III as his successor. In 20 BC, Tigranes
III had lived in Rome for 10 years. Augustus agreed to the request from the Armenians. Augustus sent his step-son Tiberius,
with Tigranes III with a large army to depose Artaxias II. Before Tiberius and Tigranes III arrived in Armenia, a cabal within the
palace was successful in murdering Artaxias II.The Romans installed Tigranes III as the new King of Armenia unopposed.

Tigranes III (died before 6 BC) was a Prince of the Kingdom of Armenia and member of the Artaxiad Dynasty who served
as a Roman Client King of Armenia from 20 BC until 10 BC. Tigranes III was the second son born to Artavasdes II of Armenia by
an unnamed mother. Tigranes III had an elder brother called Artaxias II and an unnamed sister who possibly married
King Archelaus of Cappadocia. He was born and raised in Armenia. Tigranes III was the namesake of his paternal grandfather,
a previous ruling Armenian King Tigranes the Great, also known as Tigranes II. The Roman Triumvir Mark Antony had captured
Artavasdes II with his family, in which they were taken as political prisoners to Alexandria where Artavasdes II was later
executed there on the orders of Ptolemaic Greek Queen Cleopatra VII of Egypt. In 34 BC, Artaxias II had escaped and fled to
King Phraates IV of Parthia. With the support of Phraates IV, he invaded Armenia and place Artaxias II on the throne.Sometime
after the Battle of Actium in September 31 BC and Octavian (future Roman emperor Augustus) invaded Egypt in 30 BC in
which he annexed the country to the rule of the Roman Republic, Tigranes III was taken from Alexandria to live in Rome. In
Rome, Tigranes III had lived in political exile, in which during that time he was educated there. In 20 BC after living in Rome
for 10 years, Artaxias II proved to be an unpopular leader with his people. As the Armenians lost faith in their ruling monarch,
they sent messengers to Augustus requesting him to remove Artaxias II from his throne and to install Tigranes III as his
successor. Augustus agreed to the request from the Armenians. Augustus sent his step-son Tiberius, with Tigranes III[ with a
large army to depose Artaxias II. Before Tiberius and Tigranes III arrived in Armenia, a cabal within the palace was successful
in murdering Artaxias II. The Romans installed Tigranes III as the new King of Armenia unopposed.Tigranes III ruled as King of
Armenia for 10 years. Although he reigned for a substantial period of time, little is known on his reign. His Armenian kingship
brought peace, stability to Armenia in which peaceful relations between Rome and Armenia were maintained.Tigranes III was
survived by two children from two different unnamed mothers: a son called Tigranes IV and a daughter, called Erato, who
succeeded their father on the Armenian throne

Tigranes IV

(died 2 BC) was the Prince of the Kingdom of Armenia and member of the Artaxiad Dynasty who served as a
Roman Client King of Armenia from 10 BC until his death in 2 BC. Tigranes IV was the son born to Tigranes III by an unnamed
mother. His known sibling was his younger paternal half-sister Erato who was born to another unnamed woman. Although
Tigranes IV was the namesake of his father, the name Tigranes was the most common royal name in the Artaxiad Dynasty
and was among the most ancient names of the Armenian Kings.Tigranes IV was born and raised either in Rome where his
father lived in political exile for 10 years from 30 BC until 20 BC or during his fathers Kingship of Armenia in which he ruled
from 20 BC until 10 BC.Tigranes III died before 6 BC. In 10 BC, the Armenians installed Tigranes IV as King as the successor to
his father. In accordance with Oriental custom orHellenistic custom, Tigranes IV married his sister Erato in order to preserve
the purity of the Artaxiad Royal blood line. Erato through marriage to her brother, became Queen and his Queen consort.
From their sibling union at an unknown date, Erato bore Tigranes IV an unnamed daughter who later married King
Pharasmanes I of Iberia who ruled from 1 until 58, and by whom he had three sons: Mithridates I of Iberia, Rhadamistus and

Amazaspus (Amazasp) who is known from a Greek inscription found in Rome.Although Tigranes IV and Erato were Roman
Client Monarchs governing Armenia, they were both anti Roman and were not the choices of the Roman emperorAugustus for
the Armenian throne, as their dual rule did not have Roman approval and they leaned towards Parthia for support. Rome and
Parthia competed with one another for their protgs to have influence and govern Armenia. Roman Historian of the 4th
century, Sextus Rufusinforms us that anti-Roman sentiment was building in Armenia during the reign of Tigranes IV and Erato.
Rufus also emphasizes that the Kingdom of Armenia was very strong during this period. The dispossessed and the discontent
of the ruling Artaxiad monarchs and their subjects towards Ancient Rome had instigated war with the aid of King Phraates V
of Parthia. To avoid a full-scale war with Rome, Phraates V soon ceased his support to the Armenian ruling Monarchs. This lead
Tigranes IV and Erato, acknowledging Roman suzerainty; sending their good wishes and submission to Rome. Augustus
receiving their submission to Rome and good wishes, allowed them to remain in power.Tigranes IV issued bronze coins with
portraits of himself with Augustus with the inscription in Greek (of great new king Tigranes), also
issued coins shared by Erato with the inscription in Greek (Erato, sister of King
Tigranes). Other coinage Tigranes IV and Erato issued together, is a portrait of Tigranes IV heavily bearded with Erato with
the Greek legend great king, Tigranes. Sometime about 2 BC Tigranes IV was killed in battle,perhaps ending an internal
Armenian revolt of those who were infuriated by the royal couple becoming allies to Rome. The war and the chaos that
occurred afterwards, Erato abdicated her throne and ended her rule over Armenia. From the situation surrounding Tigranes IV
and Erato, the Armenians requested to Augustus, a new Armenian King. Augustus found and appointed Ariobarzanesas the
new King of Armenia in 2 BC. Ariobarzanes through his father was a distant relative of the Artaxiad Dynasty as he was a
descendant of an unnamed Artaxiad Princess who was a sister of King Artavasdes II of Armenia who married Ariobarzanes'
paternal ancestor Mithridates, a previous ruling King of Media Atropatene.

Erato also

known as Queen Erato (died sometime after AD 12) was a Princess of the Kingdom of Armenia and member of
the Artaxiad Dynasty. She served as a Roman Client Queen of Armenia from 10 BC until 2 BC with her brother-husband
King Tigranes IV. After a number of years living in political exile, she co-ruled with her distant paternal relative the Herodian
Prince Tigranes V as Roman Client Monarchs of Armenia from 6 until 12. She as Armenian Queen ruled on the Armenian
throne twice. As a Queen of Armenia, she can be viewed as one of the last hereditary rulers of her nation. Erato is a name
of ancient Greek origins which means "desired" or "lovely". In Greek mythology, Erato was one of the Muses and the name
derived from the same root as Eros the Greek God of love. Erato was the second child and the known daughter born
to Tigranes III by an unnamed mother. Her known sibling was her older paternal half-brother Tigranes IVborn to a previous
unnamed wife of Tigranes III. Erato was born and raised either in Rome where her father lived in political exile for 10
years from 30 BC until 20 BC or during her fathers Kingship of Armenia in which he ruled from 20 BC until 10 BC. Her father,
Tigranes III died before 6 BC. In 10 BC, the Armenians installed Tigranes IV as King to the successor of Tigranes III. In
accordance with Oriental custom or Hellenistic custom, Tigranes IV married Erato in order to preserve the purity of the
Artaxiad Royal blood line. Erato through marriage to her brother, became Queen and his Queen consort. Erato was the
second Seleucid Greek descendant to have ruled as an Armenian Queen and as an Armenian Queen consort. The previous
one was her paternal great, grandmother Cleopatra of Pontus, daughter of King Mithridates VI of Pontus from his first wife, his
sister Laodice. The first Seleucid Greek Princess to have married a King of Armenia, in which she became an Armenian Queen
and as an Armenian Queen consort, was her ancestor Antiochis, one of the sisters of KingAntiochus III the Great. Between 10
BC until 2 BC at an unknown date from their sibling union, Erato bore Tigranes IV an unnamed daughter. Their daughter went
later on to marry KingPharasmanes I of Iberia who ruled from 1 until 58 by whom had three sons: Mithridates I of
Iberia, Rhadamistus and Amazaspus (Amazasp) who is known from a Greek inscription found in Rome. Although Tigranes IV
and Erato were Roman Client Monarchs governing Armenia, they were both anti Roman and were not the choices of
the Roman emperorAugustus for the Armenian throne, as their dual rule did not have Roman approval and they leaned
towards Parthia for support. Rome and Parthia competed with one another for their protgs to have influence and govern
Armenia. Roman Historian of the 4th century, Sextus Rufusinforms us that anti-Roman sentiment was building in Armenia
during the reign of Tigranes IV and Erato. Rufus also emphasizes that the Kingdom of Armenia was very strong during this
period. The dispossessed and the discontent of the ruling Artaxiad monarchs and their subjects towards Ancient Rome had
instigated war with the aid of King Phraates V of Parthia. To avoid a full-scale war with Rome, Phraates V soon ceased his
support to the Armenian ruling Monarchs. This lead Tigranes IV and Erato, acknowledging Roman suzerainty; sending their
good wishes and submission to Rome. Augustus receiving their submission to Rome and good wishes, allowed them to remain
in power. Sometime about 2 BC Tigranes IV was killed in battle, perhaps ending an internal Armenian revolt of those who were
infuriated by the royal couple becoming allies to Rome. The war and the chaos that occurred afterwards, Erato abdicated her
throne and ended her rule over Armenia. From the situation surrounding Tigranes IV and Erato, the Armenians requested to
Augustus, a new Armenian King. Augustus found and appointed Ariobarzanes of Media Atropatene as the new King of
Armenia in 2 BC. Ariobarzanes through his father was a distant relative of the Artaxiad Dynasty as he was a descendant of an
unnamed Artaxiad Princess who was a sister of King Artavasdes II of Armenia who married Ariobarzanes' paternal
ancestor Mithridates, a previous ruling King of Media Atropatene. After abdicating her throne, leaving behind the war and
chaos in Armenia, Erato had lived in political exile at an unknown location. Little is known on her during this period. Between
2 BC until 6, Armenia saw two Roman Client Kings Ariobarzanes who ruled from 2 BC until AD 4 and his son, Artavasdes
III who ruled from AD 4 until AD 6. In the year AD 6, Artavasdes III who served as King of Armenia was murdered by his
subjects, as he was an unpopular ruler with the Armenians. As the Armenians grew weary of foreign Kings, Augustus revised
his foreign policy and appointed the Herodian Prince Tigranes V as King of Armenia. Tigranes V was related to Artaxiad
Dynasty as his late maternal grandmother was an Armenian Princess who may have been the daughter of Artavasdes II of
Armenia who possibly married King Archelaus of Cappadocia. Tigranes V was accompanied by his maternal grandfather,
Archelaus of Cappadocia and the future Roman emperor Tiberius to Armenia, where he was installed as King
at Artaxata. Artaxata became Tigranes V's capital. In 6, Tigranes V ruled Armenia as a sole ruler. Sometime into his reign, the
Armenian nobles being unsatisfied with his reign rebelled against Tigranes V. The same Armenian nobles restored Erato back
to the Armenian throne. Erato wanting to cooperate with Rome, co-ruled with Tigranes V. Her co-rule with Tigranes V is known
and based from numismatic evidence. Erato and Tigranes V co-ruled together in Artaxata. There is a possibility that Erato and
Tigranes V may have married and she may had served as a Queen consort to Tigranes V. Little is known on Erato and Tigranes
V co-ruling Armenia together. Erato and Tigranes V were overthrown under unknown circumstances in AD 12. Augustus kept

Armenia as a client kingdom and appointed Vonones I of Parthia as King of Armenia. The fate of Erato
afterwards is unknown and Tigranes V may had remained living in Armenia.The Roman Historians that
mentions, discusses and informs us about Erato is Tacitus of the 1st and 2nd centuries, Cassius Dio of the
2nd and 3rd centuries andSextus Rufus of the 4th century. At the National Library in Paris, currently have
an image of her that appears on an ancient coin. Coinage has survived from her rule with Tigranes IV that
they both issued together. Tigranes IV and Erato share issued coins with the inscription in Greek
(Erato, sister of King Tigranes). Other shared issued coinage of Tigranes IV and
Erato, is a portrait of Tigranes IV heavily bearded with Erato with the Greek legend great king,
Tigranes. Coinage has also survived from Eratos co-rule with Tigranes V. Erato is seen as a major and significant historical
figure from pre-Christianity Armenia. From the 1st century until present, Erato is still a highly regarded monarch and woman
in Armenian History and society. Erato is commemorated by the Marriott Hotel in Yerevan Armenia, as they have called one of
their seven meeting venues the Queen Erato Meeting Room after her. Another meeting venue at the hotel has been named
the Tigran Mets Ballroom, named after the Kings of Armenia called Tigranes or Tigran.

Roman and Parthian non-dynastic candidates

Tigranes V,

also known as Tigran V (Greek: , Armenian: , 16 BC- AD 36) was a Herodian Prince and
served as a Roman Client King of Armenia from the years AD 6 to AD 12. Tigranes was the first born son
of Alexander and Glaphyra. His younger brother was called Alexander and had a younger unnamed sister. His
nephew Tigranes VI served as a Roman Client King of Armenia during the reign of the Roman Emperor Nero (reigned AD 54AD 68). His father Alexander was a Judean Prince, of Jewish, Nabataean and Edomitedescent and was a son of King of
Judea, Herod the Great and his wife Mariamne. His mother Glaphyra was a Cappadocian Princess, who was
of Greek, Armenian and Persian descent. She was the daughter of the King Archelaus of Cappadocia and her mother was an
unnamed Princess from Armenia, possibly a relation of the Artaxiad Dynasty. Tigranes was named in honor of his mothers
Armenian and Hellenic lineage. The name Tigranes was the most common royal name in the Artaxiad Dynasty and was
among the most ancient names of the Armenian Kings. Roman Emperor Augustus mentions Tigranes Armenian ancestry in
his political testament: When he was murdered I sent into that kingdom Tigranes [Tigrans V, ca. A.D. 6], who was sprung from
the royal family of the Armenians. [Res Gestae Divi Augusti, V. xxvi. pp.390/1] Tigranes was born and raised in Herods court
in Jerusalem. After the death of Tigranes' father in 7 BC Herod acted in an extreme and brutal manner returning his mother to
Cappadocia, forcing her to leave her children under the sole custody of Herod in Jerusalem. Tigranes and his brother
remained under Herods guardianship so he could be able to control their fates. Another son of Herods Antipater, was
concerned for Tigranes and his brother as he expected them to attain higher station than their own late fathers, because of
the assistance Antipater considered likely from their maternal grandfather Archelaus. Herod died in 4 BC in Jericho. After the
death of Herod, Tigranes and his brother decided to leave Jerusalem and to live with their mother and her family in the
Cappadocian Royal Court. After Tigranes and his brother arrived in Cappadocia, they disinherited their Jewish descent,
deserted their Jewish religion and embraced their Greek descent, including the religion. However the family connections to
the Herodian Dynasty wasnt wholly broken. After Tigranes and his brother disinherited their Jewish descent, they were
considered among fellow Jews as gentiles. Archelaus had sent Tigranes to live and be educated in Rome. In the year AD 2
monarchs from the Artaxiad Dynasty had encountered civil war and Augustus had appointed to the Armenian throne kings of
Armenian or Mede origin to govern the country that were eventually killed. Augustus revised his foreign policy and appointed
Tigranes as King of Armenia. Tigranes was accompanied by Archelaus and Tiberius to Armenia, where he was installed as
King at Artaxata. Artaxata became Tigranes' capital. In the year AD 6, Tigranes ruled Armenia was a sole ruler. Sometime into
his reign, the Armenian nobles were unsatisfied with his reign. They rebelled later that year and restored Erato back to the
throne. From the years AD 6-12, Tigranes co-ruled with Erato. His co-rule with Erato is based on numismatic evidence. Little
is known about his reign of Armenia although some coinage has survived from his reign. The surviving coinage is a reflection
from his Hellenic and Armenian descent and is evidence that he relinquished his Jewish connections. His royal title is in
Greek which means of great King Tigranes. In 12, Erato and Tigranes were overthrown for
unknown reasons. Augustus kept Armenia as a client kingdom and appointed Vonones I of Parthia as King of Armenia. After
his kingship, Tigranes may have remained in Armenia in contention to reclaim his throne in the first years of the reign of the
Roman Emperor Tiberius. Around about the year AD 18 Vonones I died. His maternal grandfather attempted to re-establish
Tigranes as King of Armenia. Tigranes may have called upon Archelaus to assist him in regaining his throne and Archelaus
may have been charged for treason in Rome for helping a relative who for unknown reasons wasnt now in favor with the
Romans. The Armenian kingship was given to Artaxias III. If Tigranes was successful is regaining his throne and succeeding
Archelaus, he would have presided directly or indirectly over a virtual empire. After the year AD 18, little is known about the
life of Tigranes. His wife was the unnamed daughter of Pheroras, by whom he had no children. Pheroras was his paternal
great-uncle and a brother to Herod. Tacitus records that Tigranes as a victim of the reign of terror that marked the latter years
of Tiberius. The charges brought against him by Tiberius in year AD 36 are not stated but it is clear that he did not survive
them. His death followed the Roman installation in year AD 35 of a new client king in Armenia, the Iberian PrinceMithridates,
as a part of a broader campaign against Artabanus II of Parthia.

Artaxias III,

also known as Zeno-Artaxias, Artaxes or Artashes (Greek: , Armenian: , died AD

35) was a prince of the Bosporan, Pontus, Cilicia, Cappadocia and Roman Client King of Armenia from AD 18 until his death
in AD 35. Artaxias was born was the name Zenon (Greek: ). He was the first son and child born to Roman Client
Rulers Polemon Pythodoros and Pythodorida of Pontus. His younger siblings were Polemon II of Pontus, who would succeed his
mother and became the last ruler of Pontus, and Antonia Tryphaena who was the Queen of Thrace. He was
of Anatolian Greek and Roman heritage. His paternal grandmother is unknown, however his paternal grandmother could have
been named Tryphaena, while his paternal grandfather was Zenon, a prominent orator and aristocrat, who was an ally to
Roman Triumvir Mark Antony. His maternal grandparents were the wealthy Greek and friend of the late Roman
Triumvir Pompey Pythodoros of Tralles and Antonia. Zenon was named after his paternal grandfather. Through his maternal
grandmother he was a direct descendant of Mark Antony and his second wife Antonia Hybrida Minor. Antony and Antonia

Hybrida were first paternal cousins. He was Antonys first born great grandson and great grandchild. Through Antony, his
great maternal aunt was Roman Client Queen Cleopatra Selene II of Mauretania. Through Antony, he was a distant cousin to
Roman Client King Ptolemy of Mauretania and the princesses named Drusilla of Mauretania. Through Antony, he was a distant
cousin
to Roman
Emperors Caligula, Claudius and Nero and
Roman
Empresses Valeria
Messalina, Agrippina
the
Younger and Claudia Octavia. Artaxias father died in 8 BC. His mother married Roman Client King Archelaus of Cappadocia.
The family had moved to Cappadocia and along with his siblings were raised in the court of their stepfather. Archelaus had
died in AD 17. After his death, his mother and Polemon II moved back to Pontus. From his early childhood, Artaxias enjoyed
copying the customs, clothes, also loved hunting and feasting, along with other pastimes associated with the Armenians. In
AD 18, the previous Armenian King was exiled and Artaxias became popular and in favor with the Armenians. His mothers
maternal first cousin, the general Germanicus was in agreement with the local aristocracy, to crown Artaxias, as the new
Armenian King. Armenians paid homage to him and acclaimed him as King Artaxias. He was named after the city he was
proclaimed king in Artaxata (modern Artashat, Armenia). The Roman Senate received news of his coronation. They
gave Germanicus and Drusus Julius Caesar ovations in entering the city and arches bearing their statues to be erected on
either side the temple of Mars the Avenger. Artaxias reigned until his death in AD 35. He was succeeded by Arsaces, son of
King Artabanus II of Parthia. Artaxias never married nor had any children.

Arsaces I of Armenia,

also known as Arsaces I, Arshak I and Arsak (Armenian: , died AD 35) was a Parthian
Prince ofIranian and Greek ancestry who served as a Roman Client King of Armenia in AD 35. Arsaces I was the first-born son
of the Parthian King Artabanus III by an unnamed wife. He was born and raised in the Parthian Empire. Arsaces I was named in
honor of his Parthian and Pontian relations who ruled with this name as King. After the death of Roman Client King of
Armenia Artaxias III in 35, Artabanus III wanted to put his son on the Armenian throne. Artabanus III made Arsaces I King of
Armenia and was accompanied to Armenia with a strong army. The Roman emperor Tiberius, refused to accept the Armenian
Kingship of Arsaces I, so Tiberius appointed the Iberian Prince Mithridates as the new Roman Client Armenian King with the
support of his brother, King Pharasmanes I of Iberia. Although Arsaces I was a pro-Roman monarch, his Kingship was brief in
Armenia. Within less than a year into his first year of his reign, Arsaces I was poisoned from his bribed servants. After Arsaces
I died, Artabanus III put another son Orodes, on the Armenian throne. Orodes succeeded his brother in the Kingship of
Armenia and faced Mithridates in a military campaign.

Orodes of Armenia

was a Parthian Prince of Iranian and Greek ancestry who served as a Roman Client King
of Armenia Kingdom in AD 35 and from again AD 37 until AD 42. Orodes was the second born son of the Parthian
King Artabanus III by an unnamed wife. He was born and raised in the Parthian Empire. Orodes was the namesake of his
Parthian relations who ruled with this name as King. In AD 35 after the death of his older brother Arsaces I, who served briefly
as Roman Client King of Armenia, Artabanus III installed him as the new King of Armenia. When Orodes arrived in Armenia,
Orodes avenged the death of Arsaces I by executing the bribed servants who poisoned Arsaces I. As this time the Roman
emperor Tiberius, refused to accept the Armenian Kingship of Orodes and Tiberius appointed the Iberian Prince Mithridates as
the new Roman Client Armenian King with the support of his brother, King Pharasmanes I of Iberia.Orodes faced Mithridates in
a military campaign in Armenia that was in unfavorable conditions for Orodes. In the military campaign, Pharasmanes I had
sent his own troops and mercenaries to assist Mithridates. Orodes had the support of the Parthian army. Orodes had lost his
military campaign against Mithridates in which he may have been injured and returned to Parthia.Mithridates then became
the new Roman Client King of Armenia later in AD 35. In AD 37, Mithridates was arrested by the Roman emperor Caligula for
unknown reasons and Orodes in AD 37 was restored to his Armenian Kingship. He reigned from AD 37 until AD 42 and little is
known on his reign. In AD 42, the Roman Emperor Claudius replaced Orodes for unknown reasons and installed again
Mithridates as the new Roman Client King of Armenia.

Mithridates

(Georgian: ) of Armenia (died AD 51) was an Iberian prince and a king of Armenia under the
protection of the Roman Empire first time from AD 35 until AD 37 and second time from AD 42 until his death in AD 51.
Mithridates was installed by his brother Pharasmanes I of Iberia who, encouraged by Tiberius, invaded Armenia and captured
its capital Artaxata in AD 35. When the Parthian princeOrodes, son of Artabanus II of Parthia, attempted to dispossess
Mithridates of his newly-acquired kingdom, Pharasmanes assembled a large army, with which he totally defeated the
Parthians in a pitched battle (Tacitus, Annals. vi. 32-35). At a later period (c. AD 37), the new emperor Caligula had
Mithridates arrested, but Claudius restored him on the Armenian throne c. AD 42. Subsequently, Mithridates's relations with
Pharasmanes deteriorated and the Iberian king instigated his son, Rhadamistus, to invade Armenia and overthrow Mithridates
in AD 51. Betrayed by his Roman commanders, Mithridates surrendered, but was put to death by Rhadamistus, who usurped
the crown. The Roman historian Cassius Dio reports a likely apocryphal confrontation of Mithridates and Claudius at
Rome, in which Mithridates is said to respond boldly to threatening by saying: "I was not brought to you; I came. If you
doubt it, release me and try to find me." Mithridates put to death by his nephew Rhadamistus, who usurped the crown
and married his cousin Zenobia, Mithridates' daughter.

Rhadamistus (also

known
as Ghadam or Radamisto)
(Georgian: , radamist'i, Armenian: , Hadamizd) (died 58) was an Iberian prince who reigned
in Armenia from AD 51 until AD 53 and from AD 54 until AD 55. He was considered an usurper and tyrant, who was
overthrown in a rebellion supported by the Parthian Empire. Rhadamistus was the eldest son of King Pharasmanes I of Iberia.
His mother was an unknown Armenianprincess of the Artaxiad dynasty, who was the daughter of the Artaxiad Armenian
monarchs Tigranes IV and his sister-wife Erato. Rhadamistus was known for his ambition, extraordinary strength, size of body,
good looks and valor. Rhadamistus suffered impatiently an aged father's keeping him so long out of possession of
the Kingdom of Iberia, which even if he had it, still seemed too small for satisfaction of his desires. Rhadamistus, by publicly
talking about it in his audacious manner scared Pharasmanes as with his own declining years he feared usurpation by his son
so he convinced Rhadamistus to make war upon his uncle, King Mithridates of Armenia. Rhadamistus pretended that he was
at feud with his father and stepmother and went to his uncle Mithridates. His uncle received Rhadamistus like a son and with
an excessive kindness. Later as if he reconciled with his father he returned to Iberia, telling his father that everything was

ready and that he must complete this affair by using his sword. Meanwhile, his father, Pharasmanes
invented a pretext for war by recalling when he was fighting with the king of the Albanians and
appealing to the Romans for help, his brother, had opposed him and he would now avenge him because
of that. Pharasmanes gave his son a large Iberian army, who by a sudden invasion drove Mithridates in
terror and forced him into the fortress of Gorneas, which was strongly garrisoned by the Romans under
the command of Caelius Pollio, a camp-prefect, Casperius and a centurion. Rhadamistus reminded his
uncle of their tie of being relatives, of the seniority in age of his father, and how he himself was the
father-in-law of him, as Rhadamistus was married on Mithridates' daughter Zenobia. Rhadamistus told
him that the Iberians were not against peace and urged his uncle to conclude a treaty. Pharasmanes by secret messages had
recommended Rhadamistus to hurry on the siege by all possible means. Later, Pollio, swayed by Rhadamistus' bribery,
induced the Roman soldiers to threaten capitulation of the garrison. Under this compulsion, Mithridates agreed to surrender
to his nephew and quit the fortress. Rhadamistus seeing his uncle threw himself into his embraces, feigning respect and
calling him father-in-law and his parent. He promised that he would do him no harm or violence either by the sword or by
poison. He drew him into a neighboring woods, where he assured him that the appointed sacrifice was prepared for their
confirmation of peace in the presence of the Iberian gods, as it was their custom, whenever they joined alliance, to unite their
right hands and bind together the thumbs in a tight knot and then, when the blood would flow into the extremities, they
would let it escape by a slight puncture and then suck it in turn. But on this occasion the one who was applying the knot
pretended that it had fallen off, and suddenly seized the knees of Mithridates flunging him to the ground. At the same
moment a rush was made by others, and chains were thrown around him. Rhadamistus was mindful of his promise so he
neither unsheathed the sword nor used any poison against his uncle to kill him, but instead had him thrown on the ground
and then smothered his uncle under a mass of heavy clothes and featherbeds. Later the sons of Mithridates were also
butchered by Rhadamistus for having shed tears over their parent's death. Rhadamistus also killed Mithridates' wife, who was
his own sister. Rhadamistus became King of Armenia in AD 51. Rome chose not to aid their Armenian allies, as their
summoned council said "any crime in a foreign country was to be welcomed with joy". They only nominally demanded from
Pharasmanes to withdraw from Armenian territory and remove his son. Despite this, the Roman governor of Cappadocia,
Paelignus, invaded Armenia and ravaged the country. Syrian governor Gaius Ummidius Durmius Quadratus sent a force to
restore order, but was recalled so as not to provoke a war with Parthia. Consequently, King Vologases I, having recently
ascended the Parthian throne and needing a principality for his brother Tiridates, he saw in the situation of Armenia an
excellent opportunity of gratifying his brother and advancing his own reputation. To detach Armenia once more from the
dominion of Rome and re-attach it to Parthia would be a great inauguration of his reign so he sent his large army into Armenia
in AD 51, eventually driving out the Iberians in AD 53. A severe winter epidemic and terrible plague forced the Parthians to
withdraw from Armenia, allowing Rhadamistus to return who was now fiercer than ever. Rhadamistus treated Armenians with
extraordinary severity, looking on them as rebels who could forsake him if such opportunity is given. He punished those
Armenian cities that had surrendered to the Parthians, which soon revolted and replaced him with the Parthian princeTiridates
I in AD 55. Rhadamistus escaped along with his pregnant wife, Zenobia. Unable to bear a long ride on horse, out of fear of the
enemy and love of her husband, she convinced Rhadamistus to kill her with the honourable death to avoid the shame of
captivity from their pursuers. Rhadamistus embraced, cheered, and encouraged her wife, admiring her heroism, he
unsheathed his scymitar, stabbed her, dragged her to the bank of the Aras River and committed her to the river stream, so
that her body might be swept away. Then in headlong flight he hurried to Iberia, his ancestral kingdom. Zenobia meanwhile
as she yet breathed and showed signs of life on the calm water at the river's edge, was found by some shepherds, who
inferring from her noble appearance and that she was no base-born woman, bound up her wound and applied to it their rustic
remedies. When they found out her name and her adventure, they conveyed her to the city of Artaxata to King Tiridates, who
received her kindly and treated her as a royal person. Rhadamistus himself returning home to Iberia was soon, in AD 58, put
to death as traitor who had plotted against the royal power by his own father who wanted to prove his loyalty to Rome, and in
particular to Emperor Nero. Pharasmanes died later in the same year as well and he was succeeded by his second son and
brother of Rhadamistus, Mihrdat, who became a new king of Iberia.

Arsacid dynasty
The Arsacid dynasty or Arshakuni dynasty (Armenian: Arakuni) ruled the Kingdom of Armenia from AD 54 to
AD 428. They are a branch of the Iranian Parthian Arsacids. Arsacid Kings reigned intermittently throughout the chaotic years
following the fall of theArtaxiad Dynasty until 62 when Tiridates I secured Arsacid rule in Armenia. An independent line of
Kings was established byVologases II (Vagharsh II) in 180. Two of the most notable events under Arsacid rule in Armenian
history were the conversion of Armenia to Christianity by Gregory the Illuminator in 301 and the creation of the Armenian
alphabet by Saint Mesrob in circa 406.

List of Kings of the Arcasid Dynasty of the Armenia Kingdom

Tiridates I (Armenian: , EA:

Trdat I, WA: Drtad I) was King of Armenia beginning in AD 53 and the founder of
the Arshakuni Dynasty, the Armenian line of the Arsacid Dynasty. The dates of his birth and death are unknown. His early
reign was marked by a brief interruption towards the end of the year AD 54 and a much longer one from AD 58 to AD 63. In
an agreement to resolve the Roman-Parthian conflict in and over Armenia, Tiridates (who was the brother of Vologases I of
Parthia) was crowned king of Armenia by the Roman emperor Nero in AD 66; in the future, the king of Armenia was to be a
Parthian prince, but his appointment required approval from the Romans. Even though this made Armenia a client kingdom,
various contemporary Roman sources thought that Nero had de factoceded Armenia to the Parthian Empire. In addition to
being a king, Tiridates was also a Zoroastrian priest and was accompanied by other magi on his journey to Rome in AD 66. In
the early 20th century, Franz Cumont speculated that Tiridates was instrumental in the development of Mithraism, whichin
Cumont's viewwas simply Romanized Zoroastrianism. This "continuity" theory has since been questioned. Tiridates is one of
the principal characters in George Frideric Handel's opera Radamisto and Reinhard Keiser's opera Octavia. Tiridates was the

son of Vonones II of Parthia and a Greek concubine. Virtually nothing is known about his minority and youth, which he spent
in Media, where his father was governor under the reign of his brother Gotarzes II. Tiridates' name meant given by Tir, Tir was
an Armeno-Parthian god of literature, science and art based on the Avestan Tishtrya and fused with the Greek Apollo. In 51
the Roman procurator of Cappadocia, Julius Paelignus, invaded Armenia and ravaged the country, then under
an Iberian usurper Rhadamistus. Rhadamistus had killed his uncle Mithridates who was the legitimate king of Armenia by
luring the Roman garrison that was protecting him outside of the fortress of Gornea. Acting without instruction, Paelignus
recognized Rhadamistus as the new king of Armenia. Syrian governor Ummidius Quadratus sent Helvidius Priscus with a
legion to repair these outrages; he was recalled so as not to provoke a war with Parthia. In 52, King Vologases I of Parthia took
the opportunity and invaded Armenia, conquering Artaxata (Artashat in Armenia) and proclaiming his younger brother
Tiridates as king. This action violated the treaty that had been signed by the Roman emperor Augustus and Parthian
king Phraates IVwhich gave the Romans the explicit right to appoint and crown the kings of Armenia. Vologases considered
the throne of Armenia to have been once the property of his ancestors, now usurped by a foreign monarch in virtue of a
crime. A winter epidemic as well as an insurrection initiated by his son Vardanes forced him to withdraw his troops from
Armenia, allowing Rhadamistus to come back and punish locals as traitors; they eventually revolted and replaced him with
the Parthian prince Tiridates in early 55. Rhadamistus escaped along with his wife Zenobia who was pregnant. Unable to
continue fleeing, she asked her husband to end her life rather than be captured. Rhadamistus stabbed her with a Median
dagger and flung her body into the river Araxes. Zenobia was not fatally injured and was recovered by shepherds who sent
her to Tiridates. Tiridates received her kindly and treated her as a member of the monarchy. Rhadamistus himself returned to
Iberia and was soon put to death by his father Parasmanes I of Iberia for having plotted against the royal power.Unhappy with
the growing Parthian influence at their doorstep, Roman Emperor Nero sent General Corbulo with a large army to the east in
order to restore Roman client kings. A Hasmonean named Aristobulus was given Lesser Armenia (Nicopolis and Satala)
and Sohaemus of Emesa received Armenia Sophene. In the spring of 58, Corbulo entered Greater Armenia from Cappadocia
and advanced towards Artaxata, while Parasmanes I of Iberia attacked from the north, and Antiochus IV of
Commagene attacked from the southwest. Supported by his brother, Tiridates sent flying columns to raid the Romans far and
wide. Corbulo retaliated using the same tactics and the use of the Moschoi tribes who raided outlying regions of Armenia.
Tiridates fled from the capital, and Corbulo burned Artaxata to the ground. In the summer, Corbulo began moving
towards Tigranocerta through rough terrain and passing through the Taronitida (Taron), where several of his commanders
died in an ambush by the Armenian resistance; however, the city opened its doors, with the exception of one of the citadels,
which was destroyed in the ensuing assault. By this time the majority of Armenians had abandoned resistance and accepted
the prince favored by Rome. Nero gave the crown to the last royal descendant of the Kings of Cappadocia, the grandson
of Glaphyra (daughter of Archelaus of Cappadocia) and Alexander of Judea (the brother of Herod Archelaus and the son
of Herod the Great), who assumed the Armenian name Tigranes (his uncle was Tigranes V). His son, named Gaius Julius
Alexander, marriedIotapa, the daughter of Antiochus IV of Commagene and was made King of Cilicia. Nero was hailed
vigorously in public for this initial victory and Corbulo was appointed governor of Syria as a reward. A guard of 1000 legionary
soldiers, three auxiliary cohorts and two wings of horses were allotted to Tigranes in order to defend the country. Border
districts were bestowed to Roman allies that assisted Corbulo including Polemon, Parasmanes, Aristobolus and Antiochus.
Vologases was infuriated by the fact that an alien now sat on the Armenian throne but hesitated to reinstate his brother as he
was engaged in a conflict with the Hyrcanians who were revolting. Tigranes invaded the Kingdom of Adiabene and deposed
its King Monobazes in 61, who was a vassal of Parthians. Vologases considered this an act of aggression from Rome and
started a campaign to restore Tiridates to the Armenian throne. He placed under the command of spahbod Moneses a welldisciplined force of cataphracts along with Adiabenian auxiliaries and ordered him to expel Tigranes from Armenia. Having
quelled the Hyrcanian revolt, Vologases gathered the strength of his dominions and embarked toward Armenia. Corbulo,
having been informed of the impending attack, sent two legions under the commands of Verulanus Severus and Vettius
Bolanus to the assistance of Tigranes with secret directions that they should act with caution rather than vigour. He also
dispatched a message to Nero, urging him to send a second commander with the explicit purpose of defending Armenia as
Syria was now also in peril. Corbulo placed the remainder of the legions on the banks of the Euphratesand armed irregular
troops of the nearby provinces. Since the region was deficient in water, he erected forts over the fountains and concealed the
rivulets by heaping sand over them. Moneses marched towards Tigranocerta but failed to break the defense of the city walls
as his troops were unfit for a long siege. Corbulo, although eminently successful thought it prudent to use his good fortune
with moderation. He sent a Roman centurion by the name of Casperius to the camp of Vologases in Nisibis located 37 miles
(60 km) from Tigranocerta with the demand to raise the siege. Because of a recent locust storm and the scarcity of fodder for
his horses Vologases agreed to raise the siege of Tigranocerta and petitioned to be granted Armenia in order to achieve a
firm peace.[16] Vologases demanded that both the Roman and Parthian troops should evacuate Armenia, that Tigranes should
be dethroned, and that the position of Tiridates be recognized. The Roman government declined to accede to these
arrangements and sent Lucius Caesennius Paetus, governor of Cappadocia, to settle the question by bringing Armenia under
direct Roman administration. Paetus was an incapable commander and suffered a humiliating defeat at the Battle of
Rhandeia in 62, losing the legions of XII Fulminata commanded by Calvisius Sabinus and IIIIScythica commanded by
Funisulanus Vettonianus. The command of the troops was returned to Corbulo, who the following year led a strong army
into Melitene and beyond into Armenia, eliminating all of the regional governors he suspected were pro-Parthian. Finally in
Rhandeia, Corbulo and Tiridates met to make a peace agreement. The location of Rhandeia suited both Tiridates and Corbulo.
It appealed to Tiridates because that is where his army had beaten the Romans and sent them away under a capitulation; on
the other hand, it appealed to Corbulo because he was about to wipe out the ill repute earned before in the same location.
When Tiridates arrived at the Roman camp he took off his royal diadem and placed it on the ground near a statue of Nero,
agreeing to receive it back only from Nero in Rome. Tiridates was recognized as the vassal king of Armenia; a Roman garrison
would remain in the country permanently, in Sophene while Artaxata would be reconstructed. Corbulo left his son-in-law
Annius Vinicianus to accompany Tiridates to Rome in order to attest his own fidelity to Nero. Prior to embarking for Rome,
Tiridates visited his mother and two brothers in Media Atropatene and Parthia. On his long trek he was accompanied by his
family and an imposing retinue, comprising many feudal lords and 3,000 horsemen. His route lay across Thrace,
through Illyria, on the eastern shores of the Adriatic and Picenum, in northeastern Italy. The journey took nine months, and
Tiridates rode on horseback, with his children and queen at his side. The children of Vologases, Monobazes and Pacorus also
accompanied Tiridates. Dio Cassius, a second-century Roman historian, described Tiridates favorably at the time of his

arrival: "Tiridates himself was in the prime of his life, a notable figure by reason of his youth, beauty,
family, and intelligence." Nero greeted Tiridates at Neapolis (Naples) in October, sending a state chariot
to carry the visitor over the last few miles. No one was allowed to approach the emperor armed, but
Tiridates maintained his dignity by refusing to remove his sword as he approached the ruler of the
Roman Empire (though as a compromise, he agreed to have his sword firmly fastened in the sheath, so
that it could not be drawn). At Puteolis (modern Pozzuoli, near Naples) Nero ordered athletic games to
be staged in honor of his guest. The Armenian king himself had an opportunity to display his ability as a
marksman by shooting an arrow through the bodies of two buffaloes. The event at Puteolis also marked
the first attested appearance of female gladiators:
Nero admired him for this action [(Tiridates' refusal to remove his sword)] and entertained him in many
ways, especially by giving a gladiatorial exhibition at Puteoli. It was under the direction of Patrobius, one of his freedmen,
who managed to make it a most brilliant and costly affair, as may be seen from the fact that on one of the days not a person
but Ethiopiansmen, women, and childrenappeared in the theatre.
The climax of the ceremonies was reserved for the capital. Rome was profusely decorated with flags, torches, garlands and
bunting, and was gorgeously illuminated at night with great crowds of people seen everywhere. On the day after Tiridates'
arrival, Nero came to the Forum clothed in triumphal vestments and surrounded by dignitaries and soldiers, all resplendent in
expensive attire and glittering armor. While Nero sat on the imperial throne, Tiridates and his retinue advanced between two
lines of soldiers. Arriving in front of the dais, Tiridates knelt, with hands clasped on his breast. After the thundering shouts and
acclamations excited by this spectacle had subsided, Tiridates addressed the emperor:
My Lord, I am a descendant of Arsakes and the brother of the Kings [Vologases] and Pacorus. I have come to you who are
my god; I have worshipped you as the [sun];[30] I shall be whatever you would order me to be, because you are my destiny
and fortune.
To which Nero replied:
You have done well by coming here to enjoy my presence in person. What your father has not left to you and what your
brothers did not preserve for you, I do accord to you, and I make you King of Armenia, so that you, as well as they, may know
that I have the power to take away and to grant kingdoms.
Tiridates then mounted the steps of the platform and knelt, while Nero placed the royal diadem on his head. As the young
king was about to kneel a second time, Nero lifted him by his right hand and after kissing him, made him sit at his side on a
chair a little lower than his own. Meanwhile, the populace gave tumultuous ovations to both rulers. A Praetor, speaking to the
audience, interpreted and explained the words of Tiridates, who spoke in Greek. According to Pliny the Elder, Tiridates then
introduced Nero to magian feasts (magicis cenis). Tacitus claimed that Tiridates was also interested in all things Roman.
Public festivities continued for some time after the coronation ceremony. The interior of the Theatre of Pompey and every
piece of its furniture was entirely gilded for the occasion; for this reason, Rome thenceforth recalled that date as "the Golden
Day." Daytime festivities were on a scale no less lavish than those of the night: Royal purple awnings stretched as protection
against the heat of the sun. Nero, clad in green and wearing a chariot driver's headdress, took part in a chariot race. At the
evening banquets, Nero, in gold-embroidered vestments, sang and played the lyre with zither accompaniment. Tiridates was
amazed and disgusted by Nero's extravagance, but he had only praise for Corbulo and expressed to Corbulo his surprise at
his serving such a master. He made no concealment of his views to Nero's face and said to him sarcastically: "Sire, you have
a wonderful servant in the person of Corbulo." In memory of these events, the Senate honored Nero with the laurel wreath
and the title of Imperator, or commander-in-chief of the armies. No reception comparable to this in magnitude and splendor is
recorded in the history of Rome. Besides the enormous sum spent in festivities, the Roman Government bore the entire cost
of the journey of Tiridates and his retinue, both from and to their homeland. Nero also made a gift to Tiridates of fifty
million sesterces. On his journey back to Armenia, Tiridates viewed an exhibition of pancratium. When seeing that one of the
contestants fell on his back and was being beaten by his opponents, Tiridates saw exclaimed: "That's an unfair contest. It
isn't fair that a man who has fallen should be beaten." Later, Nero summoned the Parthian King Vologases to Rome several
times, but when the invitations became burdensome to Vologases, he sent back a dispatch to this effect: "It is far easier for
you than for me to traverse so great a body of water. Therefore, if you will come to Asia, we can then arrange to meet each
other." The visit of Tiridates, an event that greatly impressed contemporaries, apparently was adapted by Christians to
become the story of the adoration of the Christ Child by the Three Magi. The Christian legend changed Rome into Bethlehem,
the birthplace of the Ruler of the coming Kingdom of God, and replaced Tiridates with that contemporary king who was
already connected with Christianity through the Acts of St. Thomas: Gondophares, otherwise known as Kaspar. Peace
prevailed at this time throughout the Roman Empire. Nero therefore closed the gates of the Temple of Janus, which were
never shut save in times of universal peace. When Tiridates returned to Armenia, he took with him a great number of skilled
artisans for the reconstruction of Artaxata. He renamed the capital Neronia in honor of the emperor; he embellished the royal
residence at Garni, nearby, with colonnades and monuments of dazzling richness and also the addition of a new temple.
Trade between the two continents also grew, allowing Armenia to secure its independence from Rome. Rome now counted
upon Armenia as a loyal ally, even after Nero's death and through the entire duration of Vespasian's rule in the East. Peace
was a considerable victory for Nero politically. The immediate dividend of the peace was Rome's ability to turn its full
attention to the mounting problems at Judea, which broke into open warfare culminating in the First Jewish-Roman War just
one year after Tiridates' coronation. Large numbers of legions were diverted to Judea from Syria, which would otherwise have
been impossible. Nero became very popular in the eastern provinces of Rome and with the Armenians and Parthians. The
name of Legio XII Fulminatadiscovered carved on a mountain in Gobustan (in modern Azerbaijan), attests to the presence of
Roman soldiers by the shores of theCaspian Sea in 89 AD, farther east than any previously known Roman inscription. The
peace between Parthia and Rome lasted 50 years, until emperor Trajan invaded Armenia in 114. In 72 the Alans, a warlike
nomadic Sarmatian tribe, made an incursion into Media Atropatene as well as various districts of northern Armenia. Tiridates

and his brother Pacorus, King of Media Atropatene, faced them at a number of battles, during one of which Tiridates was
briefly captured, narrowly escaping being taken alive. He was lassoed from a distance and caught, but he quickly managed to
whip out his sword and slash the rope in time. The Alans withdrew with a lot of booty after plundering Armenia and Media
Atropatene. The king of Iberia asked for protection against the Alans from Vespasian, who helped reconstruct the fortress
of Harmozica around the Iberian capital Mtskheta, near modern Tbilisi. An Aramaic inscription found near Tbilisi indicates that
Tiridates also warred with Iberia during his final years. The exact date of the end of Tiridates' reign is unknown; various
sources name Sanatruces as his successor. It is known that Tiridates' nephew, Axidares, the son of Pacorus II of Parthia, was
King of Armenia by 110.

Tigranes VI,

also known as Tigran VI or by his Roman name Gaius Julius Tigranes

(Greek:
, Armenian:, before 25 after 68) was a Herodian Prince and served as a Roman Client King of Armenia in the
1st century. Tigranes was of Jewish, Nabataean, Edomite, Greek, Armenian and Persian ancestry. He was the child born
to Alexander by an unnamed wife. His mother was a noblewoman that flourished in the reigns of the first two Roman
Emperors Augustus and Tiberius. He was the namesake of his paternal uncle Tigranes V, who served as a previous King of
Armenia during the reign of Augustus. His fathers parents were Alexander and Glaphyra. Tigranes appears to be the only
known grandchild born to his paternal grandparents.
His paternal grandfather Alexander was a Judean Prince,
of Jewish, Nabataean and Edomite descent and was a son of King of Judea, Herod the Great and his wife Mariamne. His
paternal grandmother Glaphyra was a Cappadocian Princess, of Greek, Armenian and Persian descent. She was the daughter
of the King Archelaus of Cappadocia and her mother was an unnamed Princess from Armenia, possibly a relation of
the Artaxiad Dynasty. Tigranes name is a reflection of his Armenian and Hellenic lineage. The name Tigranes was the most
common royal name in the Artaxiad Dynasty and was among the most ancient names of the Armenian Kings. Josephus states
that his ancestral line had been kings of Armenia. Like his father and paternal uncle, Tigranes was an apostate toJudaism. It is
unlikely that Tigranes attempted to exert influence on Judean Politics. Little is known on Tigranes life prior to becoming King
of Armenia. Tigranes was raised in Rome. His long residency in Rome became to slave-like docility. Tigranes married a
noblewoman from central Anatolia called Opgalli. Opgalli was a Phrygian woman, who may have been a Hellenic Jew. His wife
is only known through surviving numismatic evidence from his kingship. Her royal title is in Greek which
means of Queen Opgalli. is the royal abbreviation or shortening for the Greek word which meansQueen. Opgalli
bore Tigranes at least two known children: a son Gaius Julius Alexander and a daughter Julia. Tigranes and his children were
the last royal descendants of the Kings of Cappadocia. In the spring of 58 the Roman General Gnaeus Domitius Corbulo with
his army, entered Armenia from Cappadocia and advanced towards Artaxata, while Pharasmanes I of Iberiaattacked from the
north and Antiochus IV of Commagene attacked from the southwest. Tiridates I ran away from his capital which Corbulo set
fire to. In the summer of that year, Corbulo advanced towards Tigranakert and arrived in the city that opened the gates, only
one citadel resisted. The majority of the Armenians had abandoned resistance and accepted a prince given by Rome. In 58,
the Roman Emperor Nero crowned Tigranes as King of Armenia in Rome. Nero had given to Tigranes a guard of 1000
legionary soldiers, three auxiliary cohorts and two wings of horses were allotted to him in order to defend and protect
Armenia. At the same time, his son Alexander married Julia Iotapa a Commagenean Princess and the daughter of
KingAntiochus IV of Commagene in Rome. Nero crowned Alexander and Iotapa as Roman Client Monarchs of Cetis, a small
region in Cilicia, which was previously ruled by Antiochus IV. Tigranes invaded a neighbouring small vassal state of
the Parthians called Adiabene and deposed their King Monobazes. Vologases I of Parthia considered this as an act of
aggression from Rome. He attacked Armenia and besieged Tigranakert. Eventually the Parthians signed a treaty with Corbulo
to install Tiridates I as King of Armenia as long as he goes to Rome to be crowned by Nero. In 63 Tigranes had to renounce his
crown. Historical and numismatic evidence shows that Nero planned to restore Tigranes to the Armenian throne, however
Neros plan for Tigranes and Armenia disintegrated with the outbreak of the First JewishRoman War in 66. His fate under
wards is not known. Coinage has survived from his reign. His royal title is in Greek which
means of great King Tigranes. The surviving coinage is a reflection of his Hellenic and Armenian descent and is evidence that
he relinquished his Jewish connections.

Sanatruk (Armenian: , Latinized as Sanatruces)

was a member of the Arsacid

dynasty of Armenia who succeeded Tiridates I of Armenia as King of Armenia at the end of the
1st century. He was also King of Osroene (reigned 91-109), a historic kingdom located
inMesopotamia. Little or no information is available from either literary or numismatic sources
regarding the successor of Tiridates. Through the collation of various Classical and Armenian
sources, Sanatruk is assumed to have reigned at the turn of the 1st and 2nd centuries.
[1]
Certain scholars proposed that Sanatruk succeeded Tiridates between 75 and 110 but this
hypothesis for which there is no explicit evidence has been rejected by others. His merits are
praised by Arrian in his Parthica where he is equated with the most illustrious Greeks and
Romans. Hagiographic tradition blames him for the martyrdom of the Apostle St. Thaddeus in
Armenia. In 110 the throne of Armenia was held by Axidares, the son of the Parthian monarch of Atropatene, Pacorus II of
Parthia who was deposed in 113 by Trajan. A number of sources have named Sanatruk as one of the leaders of the revolt
against Trajan's occupation by 117. Moses of Chorene writes, that Sanatruk while being a child was taken by a sister of King
Abgar of Edessa - Avde from Edessa to Armeniathrough the Kordvats Mountains, where they were caught in a sudden snow
storm. They spent three days battling the storm and the child survived thanks to a white coated animal that kept him warm.
It is thought that the animal must have been a white dog based on the etymology of the name Sanatruk that was soon after
bestowed on the child (San - accusative form of Armenian (shun: dog) and truk (truk: tribute/gift ultimately from
Armenian tur: give). A literal English translation of Sanatruk would be, Dog's gift.

Axidares or Ashkhadar also

known as Exedares or Exedates (flourished second half of the 1st century & first half of the
2nd century, died 113) was a Parthian Prince who served as a Roman Client King of Armenia. Axidares was one of the three
sons born to the King Pacorus II of Parthia[3] by an unnamed mother. Through his father he was a member of the House of
Parthia thus a relation of the Arsacid dynasty of Armenia. Little is known on his life prior to becoming Armenian King.

Axidares succeeded his relative Sanatruces (Sanatruk) as Armenian King when he died in 110. Axidares was put on the
Armenian throne by his paternal uncle, the King Osroes I of Parthia without Roman consultation. Axidares was King of Armenia
from 110 until 113. Although the Romans supported Axidares Kingship over Armenia, Trajan viewed the action by his uncle
as an invitation to war with Parthia. Osroes I considered Axidares as incapable of governing. To avoid to going to war with
the Roman emperor Trajan and keep peace with him, Osroes I deposed Axidares from his Armenian throne and replaced him
with his other brother Parthamasiris for the Armenian Kingship.

Parthamasiris,

also known as Partamasir or Parthomasiris (flourished second half of the 1st century & first half of the
2nd century, died 114) was a Parthian Prince who served as a Roman Client King of Armenia. Parthamasiris was one of the
three sons born to the King Pacorus II of Parthia by an unnamed mother. Through his father he was a member of the House of
Parthia thus a relation of the Arsacid dynasty of Armenia. Little is known on his life prior to becoming Armenian King. In 113,
Parthamasiris paternal uncle Osroes I of Parthia deposed his brother Axidares from the Armenian Kingship and installed him
as the Armenian King to avoid to going to war with the Roman emperor Trajan and keep peace with him. Axidares was placed
on the Armenian throne by his paternal uncle without Roman consultation which led to Trajan to view the action by Osroes I
as an invitation to war with Parthia.When Trajan with his army had advanced to Parthia, the Roman emperor received
Parthamasiris. Parthamasiris hoped he could retain his Armenian Kingship, however was rejected after Trajan had listen to him
and declined his requested to keep his Kingship. After rejecting Parthamasiris request, Trajan annexed Armenia as a Roman
Province. Trajan sent Parthamasiris from Armenia back home to Parthia and Trajan continued on with his Parthian military
campaign. On his way home to Parthia, Parthamasiris disappeared mysteriously, perhaps on Trajans orders had Parthamasiris
killed.

Gaius Julius Sohaemus, also known as Sohaemus of Armenia and Sohaemo (Armenian: , Greek:
, Sohaemus is Arabic for little dagger, flourished 2nd century) was an Emesene Prince and Aristocrat from Syria who
served as a Roman Client King of Armenia. Sohaemus was a prominent person in the Roman Empire in the 2nd century from
the Syrian Roman Client Emesene Dynasty. He was a monarch of Assyrian, Greek, Armenian,Medes, Berber and Roman
ancestry. The novelist of the 2nd century, his contemporary Iamblichus claims Sohaemus has his fellowcountryman. Iamblichus calls Sohaemus as an Arsacid and Achaemenid, in his lineage and was a descendant of the Median
Princess Iotapa, who was once betrothed to the Ptolemaic Prince Alexander Helios. Little is known on Sohaemus family and
early life prior to becoming King of Armenia. Before becoming King, Sohaemus had been a Roman Senator and served as a
Consul in Rome at an unknown date. In the year 144, Sohaemus succeeded Vologases I as King of Armenia. The
circumstances leading to his appointment to the Armenian throne is unknown. Sohaemus was a contemporary to the rule of
the Roman emperors: Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius, Lucius Verus and Commodus of the NervaAntonine dynasty. In the
first reign, he ruled from the years from 144 until 161. Not much is known of about his first reign. The novelist Iamblichus
living in Armenia at the time of his rule describes his reign as in succession to his ancestors. This statement can also refer to
his former ancestor Sohaemus of Emesa who lived in the 1st century. In 161 Vologases IV of Parthia, son of the legitimate
King Mithridates IV of Parthia, dispatched his troops to seize Armenia and eradicated the Roman legions stationed in the
country under the legatus Gaius Severianus. Encouraged by the Spahbod Osroes, Parthian troops marched further West into
Roman Syria. After Armenia was seized by the Parthians, Sohaemus became a former ruling monarch living in political exile,
possibly living in Rome. Sohaemus was well known in Rome and there were rumors in some quarters that he was not the right
man in the right place. On Roman terms, Parthia had made peace with Rome, Sohaemus was installed as King of Armenia by
Lucius Verus in either 163 or 164. The ceremony for Sohaemus in becoming Armenian King for the second time, may have
took place in Antioch or Ephesus. In 164, Latin coinage were struck in Armenia with the inscription L. Verus. Aug.
Armeniacus and on the reverse Rex Armen(ii)s datus. The time of his second reign is unknown. Sohaemus reigned from 163
perhaps up to 186. Sometime during his reign, Sohaemus was expelled by elements favorable to Parthia. Sohaemus was
expelled because a man called Tiridates stirred up trouble in Armenia who had murdered the King of the Osroenes and had
thrust his sword in the face of Publius Martius Verus, the Roman Governor of Cappadocia when he rebuked for it. Tiridates
only punishment for his crimes was to be exiled to Roman Britain, by Marcus Aurelius. As a result of Sohaemus second
expulsion from Armenia; Roman forces went to war with Parthian soldiers. Parthia retook most of their lost territory in 166, as
Sohaemus from his expulsion retreated to Syria. After Marcus Aurelius, Lucius Verus and the Parthian rulers intervened in the
conflict, the son of Vologases IV of Parthia, Vologases II assumed the Armenian throne in 186. It has been suggested that
the Garni Temple in Armenia, may have been the tomb probably belonging to Sohaemus, based on the construction date as
the temple was probably built in 175. Sohaemus is played by Omar Sharif in the 1964 film The Fall of the Roman Empire.

Bakur,

also
known
as Pacorus or Aurelius
Pacorus (Bakur Armenian: , Latinized: Bacurius, Aurelius
Pacorus Greek: ) was a Parthian Prince who served as one of the Kings of Armenia in the 2nd century from
161 until 164. Not much is known on the life and origins of Bakur. Bakur was a member of the Parthian Royal family, the
Arsacids. He is known from a Greek funeral inscription in Rome as a dedication from him in honoring the memory of his
brother Aurelius Merithates. In the inscription dedication Bakur describes himself as:
or from the Greek translation Aurelius Pacorus King of Greater Armenia. From the inscription it is evident that
Bakurs brother lived and died in Rome. The inscription also shows that Bakur lived for a time in Rome and had friends in
Rome. The nameAurelius points to a close connection with the imperial house of the NervaAntonine dynasty. At some point
Bakur and his brother received Roman citizenship from an Emperor of the NervaAntonine dynasty, perhaps from Lucius
Verus either before or after Bakurs Armenian Kingship. Bakur is known to have ruled Armenia in the second century and is
the only Bakur to be appointed as King of Armenia by a ruling King of Parthia who was removed by Lucius Verus. During
the Roman Parthian War of 161-166, Vologases IV of Parthia in 161/162 entered the Roman Client Kingdom of Armenia,
expelled the Roman Client Armenian KingSohaemus and installed Bakur as a Parthian Client King of Armenia. Bakur served as
an Armenian King from 161/162 until 163/164 when Lucius Verus arrived with the Roman Army in Armenia. Bakur was
dethroned by the Romans when they captured Armenia and the Armenian capital. After Bakur was dethroned, Sohaemus was
reinstalled to his Armenian Kingship. Bakurs fate is unknown afterwards, however he may have been brought to Rome by

Lucius Verus to live.

Bakur is not to be confused by another Pacorus made King of the Ladii in Colchis by Roman
emperor Antoninus Pius.

Khosrov I (Armenian:

, flourished second half of the 2nd century & first half of the 3rd century, died 217) was
a Parthian Prince who served as a Roman Client King ofArmenia from 198 until 217. Khosrov I was one of the sons born to
King Vologases II of Armenia (Vagharsh II)[1] who is also known as Vologases V of Parthia by an unnamed mother. Through his
father, Khosrov I was a member of the House of Parthia thus a relation of the Arsacid dynasty of Armenia. Khosrov I was the
namesake of the Parthian monarchs: Osroes I and Osroes II, see Khosrau. In 198, while his father was serving both as King of
Parthia and Armenia, Vologases II abdicated his Armenian throne and gave the Armenian Kingship to Khosrov I. Khosrov I
served as Armenian King from 198 until 217. In Armenian sources, Khosrov I is often confused with his famous
grandson Khosrov II. Little is known on his life, prior to becoming King of Armenia. Khosrov I is the King whom classical
authors present as a neutral monarch towards Rome. In 198 when the Roman emperor Septimius Severus was on his great
campaign to theParthian Empire sacking the capital Ctesiphon, Khosrov I had sent gifts and hostages to Severus. As a client
monarch of Rome, Khosrov I was under the protection of Septimius Severus and his successor Caracalla. Between 214-216,
Khosrov I with his family where under Roman detention for unknown reasons which provoked a major uprising in Armenia
against Rome. In 215, Caracalla with the Roman army had invaded Armenia to end the uprising. Khosrov I maybe the Khosrov
mentioned in an Egyptian inscription that speaks of Khosrov the Armenian. In 217 when Khosrov I died, his son Tiridates II,
was granted the Armenian Crown by the Roman emperor Caracalla. Tiridates II was declared King of Armenia upon Caracallas
assassination which was on April 8, 217.

Tiridates II (Armenian: , flourished second half of the 2nd century & first half of the 3rd century, died 252) was
an Armenian Parthian Prince who served as a Roman Client King of Armenia from 217 until 252. Tiridates II was the son and
heir of the Armenian King Khosrov I, by an unnamed mother. Tiridates II was the namesake of his ancestor, Tiridates I of
Armenia and his of Parthian ancestors who ruled with this name as King. As a part of the Armenian Arsacid period, he was
also known as Khosrov. During the last years of his fathers reign in 214-216, Tiridates II with his family where under Roman
detention for unknown reasons which provoked a major uprising in Armenia against Rome. In 215, the Roman
emperor Caracalla with the Roman army had invaded Armenia to end the uprising. In 217 Khosrov I had died and Tiridates II
succeeded his father as King of Armenia. Tiridates II was granted the Armenian Crown by Caracalla. He was declared King of
Armenia upon Caracallas assassination which was on April 8, 217. Tiridates II ruled as King of Armenia from 217 until his
death in 252. After the death of Caracalla, Macrinus became the new Roman emperor and not so long after Tiridates II
received his Armenian Kingship, Macrinus agreed to release Tiridates IIs mother from Roman captivity. After the Battle of
Nisibis in 217 and the treaty that occurred after between Rome and Parthia, Tiridates II was officially restored to his Armenian
throne and his rule over Armenia was officially recognised. At an unknown date during his reign, theres the possibility that
the Mamikonian family immigrated from Bactria to Armenia. Tiridates II was first the King in Armenia to persecuteChristians in
the country which continued with his predecessors. Partly due to his long reign, Tiridates II became one of the most powerful
and most influential monarchs from the Arsacid dynasty. In 224, the Parthian Empire was destroyed; the last King who was
Tiridates IIs paternal uncle, Artabanus IV of Parthia was killed by Ardashir I, the first king of the Sassanid Empire. In 226-228,
Ardashir I after annexing Parthia wanted to expand his Empire which including conquering Armenia. Into two years of the
conflict, the armies of the Romans, Scythiansand the Kushans withdrew. Tiridates II with his army was left in the end alone to
continue fighting against Ardashir I. Tiridates II put up a stubborn resistance against Ardashir I and was defeated after no
less than ten years of fighting. After twelve years of fighting with Tiridates II, Ardashir I withdrew his army and left
Armenia. Tiridates IIs military conflict with Ardashir I highlights the strength of Armenia in the time of Tiridates II. Tiridates II
died in 252 and was succeeded by his son, Khosrov II of Armenia.

Khosrov II (Armenian:

, flourished 3rd century, died 252) was an Armenian Prince who served as a Roman
Client King of Armenia in 252. Khosrov II was the son of Tiridates II King of Armenia by an unnamed mother. Khosrov II was
the namesake of his paternal grandfather Khosrov I and the Parthian monarchs:Osroes I and Osroes II, see Khosrau. In
Armenian sources, Khosrov II is often confused with his grandfather Khosrov I. Little is known on his life prior to becoming
Armenian King. From 226 until 238, Tiridates II was in military conflict with Ardashir I, the first king and founder of
the Sassanid Empire. Ardashir I wanted to expand his empire, which included conquering Armenia. Khosrov IIs father put up
a stubborn resistance against Ardashir I. After twelve years of fighting although Tiridates II was defeated by Ardashir I,
Ardashir I withdrew his army and left Armenia. Khosrov II participated in his fathers military campaigns against Ardashir I and
Ardashir I was alarmed by the victories of Tiridates II and Khosrov II against him. Tiridates II died in 252 and Khosrov II
succeeded his father as King of Armenia. When Khosrov II became Armenian King his capital in the kingdom
was Vagharshapat. From an unknown wife, Khosrov II had known two children: a daughter, called Khosrovidukht and a son
called, Tiridates III. Sometime in 252, after Khosrov II succeeded his father as King of Armenia, Khosrov II was murdered
by Anak the Parthian. Anak the Parthian was an Arsacid Prince and is said to be related to the Arsacid Kings of Armenia.
Ardashir I and his son Shapur I, had incited Anak to murder Khosrov II promising to return his own domain as a reward. Anak
went to Armenia who won Khosrov IIs trust, he treacherously murdered Khosrov II with his wife in Vagharshapat and in return
Anak with his entire family were slain by the outraged Armenian nobles. The only child to have survived from Anaks family
was his infant son Gregory, who was taken to Cappadocia by his former caretakers Sopia and Yevtagh, who had escaped the
slaughter of Anaks family. Ardashir I took possession of Armenia for himself and became a part of his empire. Loyal troops of
Khosrov II, had taken Tiridates III to Rome for protection where Tiridates III was raised and Khosrovidukht was taken to be
raised in Caesarea Mazaca, Cappadocia. The foster parents of Khosrovidukht were Awtay a nobleman from the family of the
Amatunik and Awtays wife a noblewoman whose name is unknown was from the family of the Slkunik.Tiridates III was
restored to his Armenian throne by Roman emperor Diocletian in 287 and ruled until 330. There is a possibility
that Agathangelos was instructed by Tiridates III to write a biography on the life and kingship of Khosrov II.

Artavazd VI was

a Sassanid ruler of the Kingdom of Armenia from 252 until 287. According to ancient historians and to
Armenian tradition, Artavazd was installed as king by the Sassanid Persian sovereign Shapur I, after his predecessor - Khosrov
II was murdered by Anak, an agent of the House of Suren.

Tiridates

III (spelled

Trdat; Armenian: ; 250-330) was the king of Arsacid

Armenia from 287 until his death in 330, and is also known as Tiridates the Great ;
some scholars incorrectly refer to him as Tiridates IV as a result of the fact that Tiridates I of
Armenia reigned twice). In 301, Tiridates proclaimed Christianity as the state religion of Armenia,
making the Armenian kingdom the first state to embrace Christianity officially.Tiridates III was the
son of Khosrov II of Armenia by an unnamed mother, the latter being assassinated in 252 by
a Parthian agent named Anak under orders from Ardashir I. Tiridates had one known sibling, a
sister called Khosrovidukht and was the namesake of his paternal grandfather, Tiridates II of
Armenia. Anak was captured and executed along with most of his family, while his son, Gregory
the Illuminator, were sheltered in Caesaria, in Cappadocia. Being the only surviving heir to the
throne, Tiridates was quickly taken away toRome soon after his fathers assassination while still an
infant. He was educated in Rome and was skilled in languages and military tactics; in addition he
firmly
understood
and
appreciated Roman
law.
The
Armenian
historian Movses
Khorenatsi described him as a brave and strong warrior who participated in the battles against enemies. He personally led his
army to victories in many battles. In 270 the Roman emperor Aurelian engaged the Sassanids, who had now replaced the
Parthians, on the eastern front and he was able to drive them back. Tiridates, as the true heir to the now Persianoccupied Armenian throne, came to Armenia and quickly raised an army and drove the enemy out in 287. When Tiridates
returned to Armenia, he made the city of Vagharshapat, his capital in the kingdom as Vagharshapat was the capital of his late
father. The Roman-Armenian alliance grew stronger, especially while Diocletianruled the empire. This can be attributed to the
upbringing of Tiridates, the consistent Persian aggressions and the murder of his father by Anak. With Diocletian's help,
Tiridates pushed the Persians out of Armenia. In 299, Diocletian left the Armenian state in a quasi-independent
and protectorate status possibly to use it as a buffer in case of a Persian attack. Tiridates married an Alani
Princess called Ashkhen in 297 by whom he had three children: a son called Khosrov III, a daughter called Salome and an
unnamed daughter who married St. Husik I, one of the earlier Catholicoi of the Armenian Apostolic Church. The traditional
story of the conversion of the king and the nation tells of how Gregory the Illuminator the son of Anak, was a Christian
convert who, feeling guilt for his own fathers sin, joined the Armenian army and worked as a secretary to the king.
Christianity in Armenia had a strong footing by the end of the 3rd century but the nation by and large still followed
pagan polytheism. Tiridates was no exception as he too worshiped various ancient gods. During a pagan religious ceremony
Tiridates ordered Gregory to place a flower wreath at the foot of the statue of the goddess Anahit in Eriza. Gregory refused,
proclaiming his Christian faith. This act infuriated the king. His fury was only exacerbated when several individuals declared
that Gregory was in fact, the son of Anak, the traitor who had killed Tiridatess father. Gregory was tortured and finally thrown
in Khor Virap, a deep underground dungeon. During the years of Gregorys imprisonment, a group of virgin nuns, led
by Gayane, came to Armenia as they fled the Roman persecution of their Christian faith. Tiridates heard about the group and
the legendary beauty of one of its members, Rhipsime. He brought them to the palace and demanded to marry the beautiful
virgin; she refused. The king had the whole group tortured and killed. After this event, he fell ill and according to legend,
adopted the behavior of a wild boar, aimlessly wandering around in the forest. Khosrovidukht, had a dream wherein Gregory
was still alive in the dungeon and he was the only one able to cure the king. At this point it had been 13 years since his
imprisonment, and the odds of him being alive were slim. They retrieved him and despite being incredibly malnourished he
was still alive. He was kept alive by a kind-hearted woman that threw a loaf of bread down in Khor Virap every day for him.
Tiridates was brought to Gregory, and was miraculously cured of his illness in 301. Persuaded by the power of the cure, the
king immediately proclaimed Christianity the official state religion. And so, Armenia became the first nation to officially adopt
Christianity. Tiridates appointed Gregory as Catholicos of the Armenian Apostolic Church. The switch from the traditional
pagan Armenian religion to Christianity was not an easy one. Tiridates often used force to impose this new faith upon the
people and many armed conflicts ensued, because polytheism was deeply rooted in the Armenian people. An actual battle
took place between the king's forces and the pagan camp, resulting in the weakening of polytheistic military strength.
Tiridates thus spent the rest of his life trying to eliminate all ancient beliefs and in doing so destroyed countless statues,
temples and written documents. As a result, little is known from local sources about ancient Armenian history and culture.
The king worked feverishly to spread the faith and died in 330. Movses Khorenatsi states that several members of
the nakharar families conspired against Tiridates and eventually poisoned him. Tiridates III, Ashkhen and Khosrovidukht are
Saints in the Armenian Apostolic Church and their feast day is on the Saturday after the fifth Sunday after Pentecost. On this
feast day To the Kings is sung. Their feast day is usually around June 30.

Khosrov III the Small (Armenian:

, Khosrov III Kotak; Kotak means small, flourished second half of

the 3rd century & first half of the 4th century, ruled 330-339) was a Prince who served as a Roman Client King
of Arsacid Armenia. Khosrov was a monarch of Armenian, Persian, Greek, Medes and Sarmatian ancestry. He was the son
and successor of King Tiridates III and Queen Ashkhen. His paternal aunt was the Princess Khosrovidukht; his sister was
Princess Salome and had an unnamed sister who married St. Husik I, one of the earlier Catholicoi of the Armenian Apostolic
Church. Khosrov received the epithet Kotak because he was a man of short stature. He was the namesake of his paternal
grandfather Khosrov II of Armenia, and the Parthian and Armenian monarchs of this name, see Khosrau. Khosrov lacked the
moral and physical vigour of his father [1], yet he was very tactful, diplomatic and was backed by St. Vrtanes I.[2]Armenia under
his rule enjoyed a period of prosperity. He founded a hunting ground (which was named after him) and the city of Dvin, which
later became the Armenian capital. During Khosrovs reign, two generals, Vache Mamikonian and Vahan Amatuni,
distinguished themselves for their valor in battle, often coming to help the king. During these years, pro-Sassanid and antiMamikonian sentiment grew in Armenia and so did anti-Roman sentiment. Pro-Sassanid groups gained popularity so much so
that they were successful in assassinating Catholicos St. Aristaces I, second son of Gregory the Illuminator. The Sassanid
King Shapur II of the Persians invaded Armenia twice and did gain some territory. Vache Mamikonian was killed in those

battles and was later named a saint by the Armenian Apostolic Church for his sacrifice. Khosrov died in 339 and was
succeeded by his son Tigranes VII (Tiran). By an unnamed wife, Khosrov had three children: son, Tigranes VII, also known
as Tiran, daughter, Varazdoukht. She married Papas (Pap), the first son of St. Husik I who renounced his Catholicos position in
348 and daughter, Bambish. She married Atanaganes, the second son of St. Husik I. Bambish and Atanaganes had a son
called Nerses, who would become a future Catholicos of Armenia.

Tiran

(Armenian: , flourished second half of the 3rd century & first half of the 4th century) known also as Tigranes
VII or Tigranes and Diran was a Prince who served as a Roman Client King of Arsacid Armenia from 339 until 350. He was a
contemporary and is associated with the life of Saint Sarkis the Warrior and his son, Saint Mardiros.Tiran was the son,
successor and was among the children born to Khosrov III Kotak by an unnamed mother, thus was a grandson of Tiridates III
of Armenia and his wife,Ashkhen. He was the maternal uncle of St. Nerses I who would become a future Catholicos of
Armenia. Tiran was named in honor of the monarchs named Tigranes of the Artaxiad Dynasty. The name Tigranes, was the
most common royal name in the Artaxiad Dynasty and was among the most ancient names of the Kings of Armenia.When he
father died in 339, Tiran succeeded his father as King of Armenia. Little is known on life, prior to becoming King of Armenia.
Tiran was a lukewarm Christian[7] and was the first Arsacid ruling monarch to aggressively pursue a policy on Arianism.
Although Tiran was endorsed by the Christian aristocrats of Armenia, the King was a disappointment, intellectually and
morally. The reign of Tiran was blemished by conflicts both internally and externally.Tiran had antagonised the clergy and the
great Mamikonian family, who had been the mainstay to the throne. He had many disagreements with the
reigning Catholicos and his relation St. Husik I. St. Husik I had criticised Tiran on his public and private conduct. This led Tiran
in ordering the death of St. Husik I who was beaten to death on Tirans orders, because the Catholicos denied him entry to a
church in Sophene on a feast day in 347. Tiran massacred two leading Armenian families the Ardzruni and Reshtuni, who he
accused in having secret relations with the Sassanids and tried on various occasions which failed to crush the power of the
Armenian feudal lords which were among his acts of committed barbarity. In Tirans foreign policy he was mainly concerned
with the Sassanid King Shapur II. Shapur II launched a war on Rome and her allies, firstly by persecuting the Christians that
lived in Persia and Mesopotamia. Shapur IIs war by capturing these territories began to dealt a severe blow to Roman
prestige in the East.
Shapur II invaded Armenia with his army and eventually took Tiran, his Queen and their family as
hostages. Tiran and his family were betrayed by his chamberlain to Shapur II. Tiran and his family became Sassanid political
prisoners, which Tiran was blinded and thrown into prison, after Tiran was accused by Shapur II of collusion with Rome. The
Armenian nobles infuriated by the brutality of Shapur II and his treatment of Tiran and his family, took up arms and fought
against Shapur II and his army with assistance from the Romans. They successfully drove Shapur II and his army out from
Armenia. After Shapur II was defeated, he had signed a treaty and agreed to release Tiran and his family from prison. As Tiran
was depressed and blinded, he abdicated his throne and his second son Arsaces II (Arshak II), succeeded him father as
Armenian King in 350.Tiran married an unnamed woman by whom he had three sons and a daughter, who
were: Artaxias, Arsaces II (Arshak II), Tiridates and Eranyak.

Arshak II (Armenian: ,

flourished 4th century, died 369 or 370), also known as Arsaces II and Arsak II was a
Prince who served as a Roman Client King of ArsacidArmenia from 350 until 368. Arshak II was the second born son to Tiran
(Tigranes VII)[4] by an unnamed mother. His father served as Roman Client King of Arsacid Armenia from 339 until 350. His
date of birth is unknown and little is known on his early life. Sometime during his fathers reign, the Sassanid King Shapur
II launched a war on Rome and her allies, firstly by persecuting theChristians that lived in Persia and Mesopotamia. Shapur IIs
war by capturing these territories began to dealt a severe blow to Roman prestige in the East. Sometime into his fathers
reign, Shapur II with his army had invaded Armenia; eventually taking Arshak II with members of his family as hostages as
they were betrayed to Shapur II by his fathers chamberlain. Arshak II along with members of his family had become Sassanid
political prisoners in which his father was blinded and thrown into prison after Shapur II accused his father of collusion
with Rome. The nobles of Armenia were infuriated by the brutality of Shapur II and his treatment of Arshak II with members
of his family, took up arms and fought against Shapur II and his army with assistance from the Romans. They successfully
drove Shapur II and his army out from Armenia. After Shapur II was defeated, he had signed a treaty and Arshak II with
members of his family were released from prison. As Arshak II father being depressed and blinded from his experience in
captivity, had abdicated his throne and Arshak II succeeded their father as Armenian King in 350. Arshak II like his father,
aggressively pursue a policy on Christian Arianism. In the early years of his reign, Arshak II found himself courted by
the Roman Empire and Sassanid Empire, both of which hoped to win Armenia to their side in the ongoing conflicts between
them. By 358, Arshak II had married a Greek noblewoman Olympias the daughter of the late consul Flavius Ablabius which
through this marriage Armenia was able to remain neutral to Rome and remain an ally to her. According to the
Historian Ammianus Marcellinus(XXV. vii, 9-13; vol. II, pp. 532/3-534/5), describes Arshak II as steadfast and faithful friend to
the Romans. The King of Sassanid Persia Shapur II, intensified his efforts to conquer Armenia once and for all. He was able to
bribe two Armenian noblemen Vahan Mamikonian and Meruzhan Artsruni and make them join his royal court. Arshak II
focused on strengthening the army. He rewarded loyal generals and severely punished disloyal ones. He crafted an ambitious
plan in which all criminals that settled in his newly founded city, Arshakavan, were given complete amnesty. Approximately
150 000 individuals settled in the city. His hope was to create a large army directly under his command but, many in the
Armenian nobility did not agree with the plan and subsequently destroyed the city and killed the inhabitants.
The Romans and the Persians were involved in conflict again. Jovian, being a weak Roman emperor, made a dishonorable
peace with Shapur II in which he allowed the Persians to take over the fortresses of Nisbis, Castra Maurorum,
and Singara along with a part of Armenia. Arshak II found himself abandoned by the Romans and left to defend Armenia all
alone. The Persians swiftly attacked but were unsuccessful, partly due to the leadership of the general (Armenian: sparapet)
Vasak Mamikonian. Shapur II, seeing that brute force was not going to subjugate Arshak II, he turned to treachery. Arshak II
was invited by the Persian King for peace talks. When Arshak II arrived with Vasak Mamikonian, he was taken prisoner and his
general was skinned. Living in a Persian prison, Arshak II was unable to stop the Sassanid invasion of Armenia. Shapur II had
conquered Armenia in which he tried to convert Christian Armenians toZoroastrianism, which was the religion the Persians
believed in. Sometime 369 or 370, an Armenian by the name of Trastamat, saved Shapur IIs life in battle. The Persian King
thanked him and granted him his wish: to visit the imprisoned Arshak II. During his visit to Arshak II, the King was reminiscing

on his glory days and feeling depressed, he took his visitors knife and killed himself. Trastamat, moved by what he had just
witnessed, took the knife from Arshak IIs chest and stabbed himself as well. Despite having a troublesome reign, Arshak II
was able to improve many aspects of his kingdom. The chief architect of the reforms was his cousin, Saint Nerses I the Great.
They included: The establishment of many monasteries, to isolate monks from the stress of everyday life and helped spread
the gospel; The building of hospitals; The founding of many schools that would teach Assyrian and Greek, since the
Holy Bible was read in those languages at that time; The interdiction of inbred marriages, polygamy, divorce, pagan rituals,
drunkenness and revenge killings and strongly encouraging slave-owners to be merciful to slaves and treat them as equals
Arshak II was named in honor of his Parthian, Pontian and Armenian ancestors who ruled with this name as King, in particular
he was named in honor of Arshak I, also known as Arsaces I, the founder of the Arsacid Parthian dynasty and the first ruler of
the Parthian Empire.
The letter of Vagharshak, king of Armenia, to Arshak the Great, king of Parthia, To Arshak, king of earth and sea, whose
person and image are as those of our gods, whose fortune and destiny are superior to those of all kings, and whose
amplitude of mind is as that of the sky above the earth, from Vagharshak your younger brother.
According to the Armenian Historian of the 5th century, Faustus of Byzantium in his writings History of the Armenians (Book
IV, Chapter 15), states Pharantzem in describing Arshak II as, physically, he is hairy, and his color is dark.
Arshak II appeared to have three known wives. Prior to his Armenia kingship, Arshak II married an unknown woman who
appeared to have died before the year 358. His first wife bore him a child, a son called Anob. By 358, Arshak II married
the Greek noblewoman woman Olympias. They were married until her death in 361 and Arshak II had no children with her. In
360, Arshak II married the Armenian noblewoman Pharantzem the widow of Arshak IIs nephew, the Arsacid
Prince Gnel. Pharantzem remained with Arshak II until his death. She bore Arshak II a son: Papas (Pap). He was born in 360
and is the only known child born to Arshak II during his Armenian Kingship.

Cylax (Zig) was a governor of Armenia under Sassanid protectorat from 368 until 369.
Artaban (Karen) was a governor of Armenia under Sassanid protectorat from 368 until 369.
Manuel Mamikonian was a governor of Armenia under Sassanid protectorat from 369 until 370 and after was the real
leader of Armenia after the exile of King Varasdates (Varazdat) who ruled from 374 until 378. The Mamikonian family had long
been the leading generals of Armenia, holding the title of Sparapet, basically a chief general. Manuel had served in
the Kushan War in the troops of the Persian king. His brother Musel Mamikonian had been slain by Varasdates and Manuel had
come to be sparapet in his place. In 378 Varasdates and Manuel had become so mad at each other that they went to war.
According to Faustus of Byzantium, Manuel was convinced that the Persian ruler was plotting against him and so attacked the
Persian emissary Suren and his 10,000 troops. Manuel decimated Suren's army but allowed Suren to live and leave. This led
to an invasion of Armenia by the Persian forces. Armies under generals such as Varaz were sent to invade Armenia but were
defeated by Manuel. According to Faustus, this led to seven years of peace for Armenia. Manuel died in 385 to 386. His
daughter Vardanduxt was the wife of the Armenian King, Arsaces III (Arshak III).

Meruzhan

Artzruni (Armenian:

Meruan Arcruni, transliteration differs; can also be

spelled Merujan, Ardzruni, Artsruni, Artsrouni) was a Nakharar (Armenian feudal lord) from the Artzruni family from 355 until
369 and governor of Armenia under Sassanid protectorat from 369 until 370. He lived in the decades following the official
conversion of Armenia to Christianity, but himself remained a Zoroastrian. When the Persian king Shapur II invaded Armenia
in the 360s, Meruzhan and several other Armenian lords defected to Persia, a Zoroastrian state, joining Shapur in raiding the
districts of Sophene and Akilisene. The Armenian King Arsaces II (Arshak II) fled, and the Persian attack was successfully
repulsed by the sparapet (general) Vassak Mamikonian. In many Armenian histories, including that of P'awstos, Meruzhan is
seen as a traitor, and it is said that he was promised riches and governorship by Shapur. Some, however, contend that he saw
himself as a ruler exercising his lawful powers to counter the growth of Christianity. He was killed by Arsaces II's successor
King Papas (Pap).

Pap,

also known as Papas (Armenian: ; Latin: Papes or Papa; 360374) was the Arsacid Roman client king
of Armenia from 370 until 374. In his kingship, Pap is remembered for his notorious poisoning of the Catholicos of Armenia,
Nerses I. Pap was the son born to the Arsacid monarchs Arsaces II (Arshak II) and his wife Pharantzem, who was his third
known wife. Prior to his fathers Armenian kingship, Arsaces II married an unnamed woman who appeared to have died before
the year 358 by whom he had a son called Anob[3], thus was Paps older paternal half-brother. The father of Pap served as
Roman Client King of Armenia from 350 until 368. Pap is the only known child born to Arsaces II during his Armenian Kingship.
He was born and raised in Armenia and little is known on his early life. Armenian historian of the 5th century Faustus of
Byzantium in his writings History of the Armenians (Book IV, Chapter 15), states that the parents of Pap nourished him during
his childhood and when he reached puberty he became robust. Pap was named in honor of Pap, a brief Catholicos in 348 who
was Paps late paternal relative and the first son of Saint Husik. Saint Husik was the grandfather of the Catholicos,St. Nerses I.
During Sassanid King Shapur II's invasion of the Kingdom of Armenia, Pharantzem and Pap were holed up with the Armenian
treasure in the fortress of Artogerassa defended by a troop of Azats. According to Ammianus Marcellinus, the Persian invasion
force was commanded by two Armenian defectors, Cylaces (Glak) and Artabanes (Vahan). Shapur II's intention was to replace
the Armenian Arsacid monarchy with a non-Arsacid but still Armenian Naxarar diarchy. Faustus of Byzantium in his Epic
Histories also mentions two Armenian nakharars, Meruzhan Artsruni and Vahan Mamikonian in leadership positions under
Shapur II's suzerainty as well as Zik and Karen who carried Persian noble titles. This also implies that Shapur II might have
intended to combine Sassanid administrative rule (Zik and Karen) with that of Naxarar rule (Artsruni and Mamikonian). During
the siege, Arsaces IIs wife Pharantzem appealed to Cylaces and Artabanes in the name of her husband who defected back to
the Arsacid monarchy and engineered the escape of Pap. Themistius reported of Pap's arrival at Valens' court

in Marcianopolis where the Emperor was wintering. Valens bade him to stay at Neocaesarea in Pontus Polemoniacus three
hundred kilometers from the Armenian border. In 369, Pap returned to Armenian territory at the request of the nobility. He
was accompanied by the comes etdux Terentius but was not yet endowed with a royal rank. Valens was reluctant to bestow a
royal title upon Pap in order not to violate an earlier treaty signed by Jovian in July 363.[5] Valens dispatched his magister
peditum praesentalisArinthaeus to Armenia just as Shapur II invaded the country in pursuit of Pap who was hiding near the
Roman frontier in Lazica. Meanwhile Terentius restored Sauromaces to the throne of Iberia, but the king appointed by the
Persians, Aspacures retained control of the eastern part of that kingdom. Instead of going after Pap, Shapur II concentrated
his attack on the now long besieged fortress of Artogerassa which fell in the winter of 370, the royal treasure was captured by
the Persians and Pharantzem, raped and murdered. Shapur II also began systematically persecuting the local Christians by
forcing apostasy to Mazdaism, a form of Orthodox Zoroastrianism. Shapur II contacted Pap who was still in hiding and tried to
persuade him to come over to his side. Under Shapur II's influence Pap murdered the duplicitous Cylaces and Artabanes and
sent their heads to the shahanshah as a sign of loyalty. In the spring of 370 Shapur II prepared a massive invasion of Armenia
which was realized in the spring of 371. Valens' generals Traianus and Vadomarius met the Persian force in Armenia
at Bagrevand not far from the village called Dzirav and came off victorious. Faustus of Byzantium gives considerable credit for
the victory to sparapet Mushegh Mamikonian. Moses of Chorene of Armenia and Roman Ammianus Marcellinus noted that the
Valens' generals did not participate in the battle actively but rather were engaged in protecting the King. During the ensuing
battles more Armenian territories were reclaimed from the Persians, includingArzanene and Corduene which were ceded to
Persians by Jovian in 363. By the end of the summer Shapur II retreated to his capital at Ctesiphon and Valens went back
to Antioch. Shapur II was unable to confront the massive Roman build up in Armenia as a result of his preoccupation
with Kushan attacks in the eastern realm of his empire. While peace prevailed with Persia, the situation inside Armenia began
to crumble. Pap like his father, aggressively pursued a policy on Christian Arianism. He was struggling to rule a kingdom that
was recently dismantled by Shapur II; his actions to keep a tight grip on power led to his downfall. Pap poisoned the popular
Armenian Catholicos Nerses in 373, who was a very close Roman ally. The poisoning of Nerses was one of the measures that
Pap took to restrain the excessive power of the Church, which included the confiscation of rich estates which were attached to
the Holy See. Pap had nominated a certain Husik as a replacement and sent him for consecration in Caesarea, the bishop of
Caesarea Basil refused to consecrate the nominee but Valens requested that Basil quickly resolve the situation by finding a
new nominee acceptable to Pap. Basil failed to do so and the Roman see of Caesarea effectively lost its traditional role of
consecrating the Catholicos of Armenia. Pap's refusal to cooperate with Basil angered Valens. In addition, Pap demanded
control over Caesarea and twelve other Roman cities including Edessaas former Arsacid domains while openly courting
Persia. Valens decided to execute Pap and invited him to a meeting in Tarsus. Pap arrived with 300 mounted escorts but
quickly became anxious when he found out the Emperor was not there in person, fleeing back to Armenia. Terentius sent two
generals with scutarii (shielded cavalry) familiar with the local terrain after Pap, an Armenian named Danielus and
an Iberian named Barzimeres who failed to capture and execute Pap. Both generals gave an excuse that Pap had used
magical powers to avoid capture and used a dark cloud to mask his party. Faustus' in his Epic Histories also claimed that Pap
was possessed by devs (demons). This could have simply been an attack against Pap's sympathies towards Arians
and pagans. Valens then assigned Traianus to gain Pap's confidence and murder him. Traianus murdered Pap in 374 during a
banquet which he had organized for the young king. Marcellinus Ammianus drew parallels between the treacherous murder of
the Quadi King Gabinius by Valentinian I and the murder of Pap by Valens, who also wrote that the murder of Pap haunted
Valens prior to the Battle of Adrianople. The Armenian Naxarars still loyal to Pap did little to protest as a result of a large
Roman army present on Armenian territory. The new Roman nominee for a king was accepted virtually by everyone. It was
another Arsacid and nephew of Pap, who grew up in Rome named Varasdates (Varazdat) that began to rule under the regency
of Musel Mamikonian.[2]The Mamikonians were notoriously pro-Roman. Shapur II had long been courting Pap and he was
infuriated when Pap was murdered and a new Arsacid placed on the Armenian throne instead. Pap married an Armenian
noblewoman called Zarmandukht, whom through marriage became a Queen of Armenia. Zarmandukht bore Pap two
sons Arsaces III (Arshak III) andVologases. Pap is a character in the tragedy Nerses The Great, Patron of Armenia written in
1857, by the Anatolian Armenian Playwright, Actor & Editor of the 19th century, Sargis Vanadetsi also known as Sargis
Mirzayan.

Varazdat (Armenian: , Latinized: Varasdates,

flourished 4th century) was a Prince who served as a Roman

Client King of Arsacid Armenia from 374 until 378. Varazdat was the nephew and successor of the previous Armenian
King Papas (Pap) who reigned from 370 until 374. According to Saint Mesrop Mashtots, the priest and historiographer of the
Catholicos Nerses the Great, names the father of Varazdat as Anob, while the identity of the mother of Varazdat is unknown.
The father of Varazdat, Anob who was an Arsacid Prince was the older paternal half-brother of Papas. Also, according
to Faustus of Byzantium (Book IV, Chapter 37), Varazdat proclaims himself as the nephew of Papas and the Historian reveals
Varazdats relations to the Armenian Arsacids. Hence the paternal grandfather of Varazdat was the Arsacid monarch Arsaces
II (Arshak II), who ruled as Roman Client King of Armenia from 350 until 368 as his paternal grandmother was an unnamed
woman whom Arsaces II married prior to his Armenian Kingship, who died before the year 358. Little is known on his early
life. Sometime before his Armenian Kingship, Varazdat participated in the Ancient Olympics Games in Greece. He is often
regarded as one of the last competitors in the Ancient Olympic Games. Varazdat's victory in the Bare-knuckle boxing event
(pugilat) is recorded in Moses of Chorene's History of Armenia (3.40). Since he reigned from 374 until 378, conjecture places
his victory in the 360's. Varazdat is the second recorded Armenian to participate in the Olympic Games, while the first was his
ancestor Tiridates III of Armenia, before he served in his Armenian Kingship. Varazdats victory is also known from a surviving
memorandum which is now kept at the Olympic Museum in Olympia, Greece. An initiative from the Armenian National
Olympic Committee on May 8, 1998 a statue bust of Varazdat was installed at the International Olympic Academy in Olympia,
Greece.[6]The sculptor of Varazdats statue bust was Levon Tokmajyan. Following the assassination of his uncle Papa, Roman
emperor Valens sent Varazdat who a young man highly reputed for his mental and physical gifts, to occupy the Armenian
throne. At that time, Varazdat was living in Rome for an unknown period of time. Varazdat began to rule under the regency
of Musel Mamikonian, whose family were pro-Roman. The Persian King Shapur II, having failed on the battlefield, now
proposed to Valens in 375 that Armenia which he called the perpetual source of trouble, be evacuated or that Roman forces
be withdrawn from the Western part of Caucasian Iberia ruled by Sauromaces. The Emperor rejected the proposal but sent
two legates, the magister equitum Victor Magistrianus and Urbicius the dux of Mesopotamia to the Persian King to discuss the

question. Shapur II was told that his demands are unjust because the inhabitants of Armenia have been granted the right to
live according to their decisions. Shapur II was also told that unless Roman troops assigned to protect the Iberian King in the
West were allowed to pass unhindered Shapur II would be forced into war with Rome. Valens was confident of this threat
because he was counting on filling the ranks of his army with auxiliaries from the Goths that he permitted to settle in Thrace.
The two legates made a blunder upon their return by accepting two regions (Asthianene and Belabitene) under Roman rule
without proper authorization. This gave Shapur II a new bargaining chip to revive negotiations and in late 376 he sent Suren
with an embassy offering Valens these two regions illegally accepted by the legates in exchange for Roman concessions.
Suren was sent back with the message that Romans are unwilling to negotiate and would launch a tripartite invasion of Persia
the following spring in 377. Shapur II responded by seizing back Asthianene and Belabitene and harassed the Roman troops
in Western Iberia. Fortunately for Shapur II the Goths revolted in early 377 and Valens was forced to negotiate, eventually
withdrawing Roman forces from Armenia in order to use them against the Goths. Valens himself died fighting the Goths in
August 378 during the Battle of Adrianople. Varazdat like his uncle, aggressively pursue a policy on Christian Arianism. The
situation in Armenia deteriorated even further. Sometime after the withdrawal of the Roman forces, Varazdat killed the regent
Musel Mamikonian. The vacant position of sparapet was quickly filled by Manuel Mamikonian who had served under Shapur II
in the most recent Kusham war. Manuel took up arms against Varazdat and forced him to flee from Armenia in 378, after four
years of reign. Varazdat sought refuge in Rome. [7] Together with Papas' widow Zarmandukht, and their first son Arsaces III
(Arshak III), Manuel formed a new provisional government allied with Persia. Shapur II garrisoned a 10,000 man army in
Armenia under Suren, much like Valens in 377. Eventually Manuel revolted against Persia and defended Armenian sovereignty
against both Rome and Persia throughout the 380's until his death. Valens sent Varazdat to the British Isles. Varazdat most
probably died in exile and the date of his death is unknown. From archaeological evidence and the ancient Armenian and
Roman historical sources of the period, do not present nor mention Varazdat in having a wife or any children. However
according to modern genealogies, Varazdat is presented in being the father of Khosrov IV and Vramshapuh.

Arshak III

also known as Arsaces III, Arsak III and Arshak III-Vagharshak (Armenian: , flourished 4th century
died 387) was a Prince who served as a Roman Client King of Arsacid Armenia from 378 until 387. Arshak III is often known as
the last serving Roman Client King of Armenia in which the part of Armenia that Arshak III governed was under Roman
rule from the Peace of Acilisene. Arshak III was the first born son of the previous Roman Client Armenian King Papas (Pap) who
reigned from 370 until 374 and his wife, the Armenian noblewoman calledZarmandukht and he had a younger
brother called Vologases. His known grandparents who were his paternal ones were the previous ruling Arsacid
Monarchs Arsaces II (Arshak II) and his wife Pharantzem. Arshak III was named in honor of his late paternal grandfather;
his Parthian, Pontian and Armenian ancestors who ruled with this name as King. Arshak III was born at an unknown date in his
fathers reign and was raised in Armenia. Following the assassination of his father in 374, as Arshak III and his brother were
too young to rule, the Roman emperorValens had sent their paternal first cousin Varasdates (Varazdat) to occupy the
Armenian throne. Their cousin who was a young man highly reputed for his mental and physical gifts had lived in Rome for an
unknown period of time. Varasdates began to rule under the regency of Musel Mamikonian, whose family were pro-Roman. In
378 with the failed reign of Varasdates and the murder of his regent Musel Mamikonian, the brother of Musel, Manuel
Mamikonian, filled his late brothers position of Sparapet. Manuel being so mad at the Armenian King, with a military force
drove out Varasdates from Armenia back to Rome. Manuel raised Arshak III and Vologases to the throne as co-kings of
Armenia, under the nominal regency of their mother Zarmandukht. To end the political anarchy in the country as Manuel
being now the powerful regent-in-charge of Armenia, Manuel married Arsaces III to his daughter Vardanduxt and he married
Vologases to the daughter of Sahak from the Bagratuni Dynasty. The Mamikonian government brought peace, stability to
Armenia in which Manuel guided the country wisely. Manuel treated Arshak III, Vologases and Zarmandukht with honor. He
raised Arshak III and Vologases and Manuel nurtured them as if they were his own children. Arshak III like his paternal
ancestors, aggressively pursue a policy on Christian Arianism. In 386, Vologases died without leaving an heir and Arshak III
became the sole-ruler of Armenia. As Manuel Mamikonian died at the same time as Vologases did, the authority of Arshak III
became lessened by the Sassanid invasions from Persia of Armenia. In 387, being the last year of his Kingship, Arshak III
resided in Ekeleac also known as Ekeghiats in Western Armenia, as he ruled only Western Armenia in which his small
kingdom was of a line from Erzurum to Mush. Later that year Arshak III died, without leaving an heir. Western Armenia was
annexed and became a province of the Byzantine Empire. Eastern Armenia was annexed by the Sassanid Empire and the
remaining ruling Arsacid monarchs in Eastern Armenia became Client Kings of Armenia under Sassanid rule. Arshak is a
character in the tragedy Nerses The Great, Patron of Armenia written in 1857, by the Anatolian Armenian Playwright, Actor &
Editor of the 19th century, Sargis Vanadetsi also known as Sargis Mirzayan.

Vologases

also known as Vologases III and Vagharsh III (Armenian: , flourished 4th century died 386) was a
Prince who served as a Roman Client King of ArsacidArmenia. Vologases served as a co-king with his brother Arsaces III from
378 until 386. Vologases was the second born son of the previous Roman Client Armenian King Papas (Pap) who reigned from
370 until 374 and his wife, the Armenian noblewoman calledZarmandukht and had an elder brother[3] called Arsaces III
(Arshak III). His known grandparents who were his paternal ones were the previous ruling Arsacid Monarchs Arsaces II (Arshak
II) and his wife Pharantzem. Vologases was named in honor of his Parthian and Armenian ancestors who ruled with this name
as King. He was born at an unknown date in his fathers reign and was raised in Armenia. Following the assassination of his
father in 374, as Vologases and Arsaces III and his brother were too young to rule, the Roman emperor Valens had sent their
paternal first cousin Varasdates (Varazdat) to occupy the Armenian throne. Their cousin who was a young man highly reputed
for his mental and physical gifts had lived in Rome for an unknown period of time. Varasdates began to rule under the
regency of Musel Mamikonian, whose family were pro-Roman. In 378 with the failed reign of Varasdates and the murder of his
regent Musel Mamikonian, the brother of Musel, Manuel Mamikonian, filled his late brothers position of Sparapet. Manuel
being so mad at the Armenian King, with a military force drove out Varasdates from Armenia back to Rome. Manuel raised
Arsaces III and Vologases to the throne as co-kings of Armenia, under the nominal regency of their mother Zarmandukht. To
end the political anarchy in the country as Manuel being now the powerful regent-in-charge of Armenia, Manuel married
Arsaces III to his daughter Vardanduxt and he married Vologases to the daughter of Sahak from the Bagratuni Dynasty. The
Mamikonian government brought peace, stability to Armenia in which Manuel guided the country wisely. Manuel treated

Arsaces III, Vologases and Zarmandukht with honor. He raised Arsaces III and Vologases and Manuel nurtured them as if they
were his own children. Vologases with his brother, aggressively pursued a policy on Christian Arianism. Vologases was the
only King of Armenia to rule with this name, who wasn't at the same time, also serving as King of Parthia. Despite Armenia
being the first Christian state, there were still traces of beliefs and customs in Zoroastrianism, sun worship and practices of
consanguineous marriages in the country. An example of this was at Bagawan, where there was a fire temple set up and the
destruction of statues placed there by Vologases. The zeal of the Sassanid high priest Kartir established and fostered fire
temples, especially in Armenia which was attested by his inscriptions. As Vologases died in 386 without leaving an heir and
Manuel Mamikonian died at the same time as him, Arsaces III became the sole-ruler of Armenia.

Khosrov IV (Armenian: , flourished second half of the 4th century & first half of the 5th century) was a Prince who
served as a Sassanid Client King of Arsacid Armenia from 387 until 389. The exact origins of Khosrov IV are unknown. The
Armenian Historians of the 5th century, Faustus of Byzantium and Moses of Chorene, present Khosrov IV as a prince from the
Arsacid dynasty, without mentioning his parentage. According to another Armenian Historian Ghazar Parpetsi who lived
between the 5th and 6th centuries, whose work was History of Armenia mentions him also as an Arsacid prince, while naming
him as the brother of Vramshapuh and the uncle of Artaxias IV (Artashir IV). According to modern genealogies, Khosrov IV is
presented in being one of the sons of Varasdates (Varazdat). He was the namesake of his ancestor Khosrov III and was also
the namesake of his Armenian andParthian monarch ancestors who ruled with this name. Khosrov IV was born and raised in
Armenia and little is known on his life, prior to his kingship. The rise of the kingship and reign of Khosrov IV is associated with
the reign of the last two ruling Roman Client Kings of Armenia Arsaces III (Arshak III) and his brother, Vologases III (Vagharsh
III), who ruled together as co-kings under the powerful regency of Manuel Mamikonian, whose family were pro-Roman. In 386,
Vologases III died without leaving an heir and Arsaces III became the sole-ruler of Armenia. As Manuel Mamikonian died at the
same time as Vologases III did, the authority of Arsaces III became lessened by theSassanid invasions from Persia of
Armenia.The Sassanid invasion of Armenia, led the Roman emperor Theodosius I and the Sassanid King Shapur III to
negotiate into a treaty called the Peace of Acilisene. This led the Armenian Kingdom in 387 to be partitioned into two empires:
Western Armenia to be under Roman rule and Eastern Armenia to be under Sassanid rule. Arsaces III witnessed his whole
kingdom reduced to a small kingdom in Western Armenia as he resided in Ekeleac also known as Ekeghiats in which his area
of rule was a line from Erzurum to Mush. Later in 387, Arsaces III died and leaving no heir. Western Armenia was annexed and
became a province of the Byzantine Empire. After the partitioning of Armenia and the death of Arsaces III, many Armenians
that lived in Western Armenia moved into Eastern Armenia which included many of the Nakharars. The Armenians that lived
under Sassanid rule, requested to Shapur III from him an Arsacid King. Shapur III delighted from the request of the Armenians
and with their consent appointed Khosrov IV as King of Armenia. After the appointment of Khosrov IV, Shapur III put a crown
on the head of the youth. Khosrov IV in his kingdom kept the Arsacid capitals of Artashat and Dvin. The partitioning of
Armenia and from the reign of Khosrov IV, marked the last stage of the ruling Arsacid dynasty in Armenia. As a sign to extend
his courtesies to Sassanid Armenia, Shapur III gave his sister Zruanduxt[13] to Khosrov IV to marry as his wife.
Zruanduxtbecame a Queen consort, whom her brother had given her with Khosrov IV a large army to protect Armenia and
had given Khosrov IV a tutor called Zik. Khosrov IV was a Christian Client Monarch governing under a pagan state whose
official religion was Zoroastrianism. Little is known on Khosrov IVs relationship with Zruanduxt. According to modern
genealogies, Zruanduxt and Khosrov IV were the parents of two sons: Tigranes andArsaces. In his reign, Khosrov IV had
shown too great assertiveness of his royal authority. In the first year of his kingship, Khosrov IV bestowed Sahak son
of Nerses as the Armenian Catholicos (Patriarch). Sahak was the last Gregorian Patriarch and he was distantly related to
Khosrov IV, as Sahaks late paternal grandmother was the Arsacid Princess Bambish. Bambish was a sister to King Tigranes
VII (Tiran) and a daughter of KingKhosrov III. Saint Mesrop Mashtots in 387, on account of his piety and learned background
was appointed by Khosrov IV as his imperial secretary. Mesrops duty was to write in Greek and Persian characters the
decrees and edicts of the kingdom. He restored many Nakharars to their former nobility status and he was well-known for his
sympathies towards the Byzantine Empire, in particular to Theodosius I and his family. The goodwill that existed between
Khosrov IV and Shapur III didnt last, as in 388 Shapur III died. Shapur III was succeeded by his son Bahram IV, who was
Khosrov IVs nephew-in-marriage. Sometime in 389 Bahram IV, dethroned Khosrov IV and placed him in confinement
in Ctesiphon. Bahram IV was unsatisfied with Khosrov IV. Bahram IV considered Khosrov IV, as being too assertive in his royal
authority as a governing Client Monarch and did various acts in his kingship without consultation from the Sassanid dynasty.
Bahram IV in 389 replaced Khosrov IV, with his brother Vramshapuh as Sassanid Client King of Arsacid Armenia. The fate of
the wife and sons of Khosrov IV after this moment is unknown. The release of Khosrov IV from political exile is associated with
the death of Vramshapuh or with the final years of the reign of his brother. Vramshapuh died in 417. After the death of
Vramshapuh, Sahak visited the court of the Sassanid King Yazdegerd I in releasing Khosrov IV from political exile. Yazdegerd I
consented with Sahak in releasing Khosrov IV from imprisonment. When Khosrov IV was released from political exile, there is
a possibility he may had served again as King of Armenia from 417 til about 418. He may had reigned again as his nephew,
Artaxias IV was too young to succeed his father. The possible second reign of Khosrov IV, may have only lasted up to a year,
as he died in 418. From 417 til 422, Armenia was under direct rule of the Nakharars and the Sassanid dynasty. Artaxias IV in
422, was appointed as King of Armenia by the Sassanid dynasty.

Vramshapuh (Armenian: ,

also seen as Vamapuh) was the Arshakuni king of Armenia from 389 to
414/417. Vramshapuh is most notable for presiding over the creation of the Armenian alphabet in 405. He also managed to
unite the two parts ofGreater Armenia.[

Artashes IV

was appointed king of Armenia by the Sassanian king Bahram V from 422 until 428. He was son
of Vramshapuh prevous Armenian king. However, after losing the confidence of the nakharar lords, he was removed by
Bahram V in 428. This ended the Armenian Arsacid dynasty, which was followed by the marzpanate period in Armenia.

Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty

The Siunia also known as the Siak or Syunik were a family of ancient Armenian nobles who were the first dynasty to govern as
Naarars in the Syunik Province in Armenia from the 1st century. The Naarars were descendants of Sisak. The first known
ruler was Valinak Siak (c.330) and his successor was his brother Andok or Andovk (Antiochus, c.340). In 379 Babik (Bagben)
the son of Andok, was re-established as a Naarar by the Mamikonian family. Babik had a sister called Pharantzem who had
married the Arsacid Prince Gnel, nephew of the Armenian King Arsaces II (Arshak II) and later married Arsaces II as her
second husband. Babik's rule lasted for less than ten years and by about 386 or 387, Dara was deposed by the Sassanid
Empire. Valinak (c.400-409) was followed by Vasak (409-452). Vasak had two sons: Babik (Bagben), Bakur and a daughter
who married Vasaks successor, Varazvahan (452-472). Varazvahans son Gelehon ruled from 470-477, who died in 483. Babik
(Bagben) who was the brother of Varazvahan became the new Naarar in 477. Hadz the brother of Gelehon died on
September 25 482. The Syunik Province was later governed by Vahan (c.570), Philip (Philipo, c.580), Stephen (Stephan os,
c.590-597), Sahak (Issac, c.597) and Grigor (Gregory, until 640). Inscriptions found in the region around Lake Sevan
attributed to King Artaxias I confirm that in the 2nd century BC the District of Syunik constituted part of the Ancient Armenia.
A cadet branch of the dynasty came to rule the Kingdom of Artsakh as of the 11th century.

List of Princes of the Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty

Andovk, (Antiochus) was the first Prince of Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty around AD 314.
Valinak was the second Prince of Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty around AD 330/339.
Andovk II

was the Prince of Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 339 until AD 385.

Babik was the Prince of Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 385 until AD 404.
Samus

was the Prince of Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 404 until AD 405.

Valinak II

was the Prince of Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 404 until AD 409.

Vasak of Syunik (Armenian: ; died in 452) was the Prince of Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from 409 until his death
in 452, and also served as Marzban of Persian Armenia from 442 until his death in 452.

Varaz-Valan, Vahan was the Prince of Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 451 until AD 475.
Babik II

(Bagben) was the Prince of Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 475 until AD 490.

Gdihon

(Gdon) was the Prince of Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 475 until AD 483.

Vram (Vahram) was the Anti-Prince of Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 483 until AD 490.
Vasak II

was the Prince of Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 491 until AD 502.

Babgen II
Horhan

was the Prince of Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 514 until AD 524.

was the Prince of Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 535 until AD 553.

Grigor was the Prince of Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 554 until AD 564.
Mihr-Artaschir II

was the Prince of Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 564 until AD 587.

Piran was the Prince of Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 590 until AD 591.
Sargis was the Prince of Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 593 until AD 595.
Sahac was the Prince of Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 598 until AD 608.
Grigor II

was the Prince of Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 631 until AD 636.

Hrahat was the Prince of Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 636 until AD 652.
Horhan II

was the Prince of Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 652 until AD 679.

Kourd was the Prince of Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 680 until AD 698.

Babgen III
Kourd II

was the Prince of Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 729 until AD 741.

was the Prince of Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty around 750.

Artr-Nerseh
Vasak III

was the Prince of Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 750 until AD 780.

was the Prince of Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 780 until AD 821.

List of Princes of the Western Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty

Sahac II

was the Prince of the Western Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 821 until AD 831.

Grigor-Soupan

was the Prince of the Western Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 831 until AD 851.

Vasak IV Gabour

was the Prince of the Western Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 851 until AD 859.

Grigor-Soupan II

was the Prince of the Western Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 859 until AD 912.

Sahac III
Vasak V

was the Prince of the Western Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 912 until AD 914.

was the Prince of the Western Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 914 until AD 920.

List of Princes of the Eastern Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty

Philippe

was the Prince of the Eastern Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 821 until AD 848.

Babgen IV Nerseh
Vasak IV Ishxan
Grigor

was the Prince of the Eastern Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 848 until AD 851.

was the Prince of the Western Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 851 until AD 892.

was the Anti-Prince of the Western Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty around AD 853.

Hrahat

was the Anti-Prince of the Western Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty around AD 881.

Aschot

was the Prince of the Western Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 892 until AD 908.

Philippe II
Smbat

was the Prince of the Western Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 892 until AD 943.

was the Prince of the Western Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 909 until AD 940.

Babgen V, Balk was the Prince of the Western Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty in the first half 10th century.
Vasak V was the Prince of the Western Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 920 until AD 963.
Smbat II

was the Prince of the Western Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 960 until AD 998.

Vasak VI

was the Prince of the Western Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from AD 998 until AD 1019.

Smbat III

was the Prince of the Western Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from 1019 until ?.

Grigor III

was the Prince of the Western Siunia (Syunik) Dynasty from 1019 until 1072.

Marzpanate
Marzban (in Persian: , derived from marz " border, boundary" and the suffix -bn " guardian") were a class
of margraves or military commanders in charge of border provinces of the Sassanid Empire of Persia (Iran) between the 3rd
and 7th centuries CE. The rank of Marzban, like most imperial administration, was mostly patrimonial, and was passed down
through a single family for generations. Marzbans of greatest seniority were permitted a silver throne, while Marzbans of the
most strategic border provinces, such as the province of Armenia, were allowed a golden throne. In military campaigns the
regional Marzbans could be regarded as field marshals, while lesser spahbods could command a field army.

List of Marzbans (Governors) of Persian Armenia

Veh Mihr Shahpur (died

442) was the governor (marzban) of Persian Armenia from 428 until his death in 442. Veh
Mihr Shapur died in 442 and was succeeded by Vasak of Syunik.

Adhur Hordmidz (Adrormizd)

was the governor (marzban) of Persian Armenia from 451 until 465. He was Persian

grandee, nominated by Yazdgerd II.

Adhur

Gushnasp,

known
in Armenian sources
as Arderveshnasp was
an Sasanian commander
and
the
fourthmarzban of Persian Armenia from 465 to 481.In 465, Adhur Gushnasp was appointed by the Sasanian shah Peroz I as
the marzban of Armenia, replacing Adhur Hormizd. In 475, the Mamikonian princess Shushanik, was murdered by her husband
Prince Varsken, who was a convert to Zoroastrianism, because she refused to convert and wanted to stay Christian. Varsken
was then executed by Vakhtang I, king of Iberia. Peroz I sent an army to punish Vakhtang for intervening. However, Vakhtang
was joined by the Armenians, and a revolt broke out in Armenia, led by Vahan I Mamikonian. Adhur Gushnasp then
abandonedDvin to escape the Armenian rebels, and took refugee in Artashat where he prepared to make a counter-attack.
The insurgents then made Sahak II Bagratuni the new marzban of Armenia. Adhur Gushnasp raised an army of 7000
horsemen, and attacked the Armenians at Akori, he was however, defeated and killed.

Sahak II Bagratuni

(Armenian: ), was an Armenian nobleman from the Bagratuni Dynasty. He

served as the marzban of Persian Armeniafrom 481 until 482. Sahak II was the son of Tirots I Bagratuni, an Armenian aspet.
When Tirots died in 451, Sahak II was given the aspet title. In 475, the Mamikonian princessShushanik, was murdered by her
husband Prince Varsken, who was a convert to Zoroastrianism, and was related to the Mihran family. The reason for this
murder was because she had refused to convert to Zoroastrianism and wanted to stay Christian. Varsken, because of his
actions was in 482 executed by Vakhtang I, king of Iberia. The Sasanian shah Peroz I shortly sent an army to punish Vakhtang
for intervening. However, Vakhtang was joined by the Armenians, and a revolt broke out in Armenia, led by Vahan I
Mamikonian and Sahak II. Vahan and Sahak managed to defeat the marzban Adhur Gushnasp, and Sahak was shortly
declared by Vahan and the other Armenians as the marzban of Armenia. However, in 482, Peroz sent an army under Shapur
Mihran, which defeated the Armenian rebels, killing Sahak. Vahan then fled to the mountains, while Shapur regained control
of Armenia. Sahak had a son named Spandiat, who was given the title of aspet after his death.

Shapur Mihran

(Middle Persian: ), known in Armenian sources as Shapuh Mihran(Armenian:

), was a Sasanian nobleman from the House of Mihran. He served as the marzbanof Persian Armenia briefly in 482.
Shapur belonged to the House of Mihran, one of the Seven Parthian clans; he was the son of a certain Mihran. He was a foster
brother of the Sasanian shah Peroz I, who was himself married to a princess from the Mihran family. During the reign of Peroz,
the Mihran family enjoyed a high status, and played an important role in Sasanian politics. Shapur, during his youth, was
raised in Armenia, which made him, unlike other Sasanian nobles, act more tolerant towards Christianity. In 475,
the Mamikonian princess Shushanik, was murdered by her husband Prince Varsken, who was a convert toZoroastrianism, and
related to the Mihran family. The reason for this murder was because she had refused to convert to Zoroastrianism and
wanted to stay Christian. Varsken, because of his actions was in 482 executed byVakhtang I, king of Iberia. Peroz I sent an
army to punish Vakhtang for intervening. However, Vakhtang was joined by the Armenians, and a revolt broke out in Armenia,
led by Vahan I Mamikonian. Peroz I, eager to avenge Varsken, sent his general Shapur Mihran to Iberia. To defend himself,
Vakhtang appealed to the Huns and the Armenian nobles, citing solidarity between Christians. After carefully weighing the
decision, Vahan Mamikonian agreed to revolt against the Sasanians. He defeated the marzban Adhur Gushnasp, and
declared Sahak II Bagratuni as the new marzban. He also kept defeating several Sasanian counter-attacks. In 482, Shapur
Mihran began to become a big threat to the security of Iberia, which made Vakhtang request Armenian help. Vahan and
Sahak shortly arrived to Iberia at the head of a big army, but were defeated in Akesga, where Sahak was killed. Vahan fled
with the remnants of the Armenian army into the mountains, where he led guerrilla actions against the Sasanians, while
Shapur managed to regain control of Armenia. However, Shapur was shortly ordered to return to the Sasanian capital
of Ctesiphon. Vahan quickly used the opportunity to regain control of Armenia. In the spring of 484, however, Shapur Mihran
returned as the head of an new army and forced Vahan to flee to refuge near the Byzantine frontier, at Tao andTaron. During
the same period, the Sasanian noble Zarmihr Karen from the Karenid family, was also successful in a campaign against the
Armenians, and managed to capture several of them, including nobles from the Kamsarakan family. Zarmihr shortly delivered
the Armenian captives to Shapur, who delivered them to Izad Gushnasp, and promised the Armenian captives to make Peroz
spare them. During the same period, several of Shapur's relatives, including his father Mihran, were summoned by Peroz to
aid him in his campaigns against in Central Asiaagainst the Hephthalites. However, the campaign ended disastrously, and all
of the Sasanian army, including Peroz and Mihran, were exterminated. After hearing about the death of Peroz I, Shapur left
Caucasus and returned to Ctesiphon, in order to protect the Sasanian Empire from the Hephthalites and to elect a new
king. Balash, the brother of Peroz I, was crowned as the new king of the Sasanian Empire. However, it was in reality the father
of Zarmihr Karen, Sukhrawho exercised real power over the Sasanian Empire. After this event, Shapur is no longer mentioned
in any sources.

Vahan Mamikonian

(Armenian: ) (440/445 503/510) was an Armenian nobleman from the

Mamikonian family. In 481 he rebelled against the Sasanian Empire that controlled the eastern part of Armenia known
as Persian Armenia. He was appointed as marzban (governor) of Persian Armenia in 485, and would remain that until his
death around 503-510. Since 387, the kingdom of Armenia was divided into two zones of influence, Byzantine
Armenia and Persian Armenia. In addition, in 428, the last Arsacid monarch, Artaxias IV, was deposed by his overlord Bahram
V at the request of the Armenian nakharars, thus starting the Marzpanate period in Persian Armenia. Very quickly, the
Armenians were disillusioned: in 449, Yazdegerd II ordered the nobility to convert to Zoroastrianism. The Armenians revolted
under the leadership of Vardan Mamikonian, but were defeated on 2 June 451 (or May 26) at the battle of Avarayr;
mostnakharars who participated in the revolt were deported to Ctesiphon. Vahan was born around 440 - 445. He was the
eldest son of Hmayeak Mamikonian and Dzoyk, he had 3 younger siblings named Vard, Vasak, and Artaxias. His father was
killed by guerrillas at Tao in the aftermath of the battle of Avarayr. Vahan, along with Vasak and Artaxias, was captured by

the marzban of Armenia and was deported to Ctesiphon; sentenced to apostasy, and was "weakened in
their faith," according to his childhood friend and contemporary historian Ghazar Parpetsi.The three
brothers were sentenced to death, however, were released with the help of Mihranid prince Arshusha II.
Vahan then regained his possessions, however, he was accused of misappropriation of income of gold
mines, and had to pay a large sum of money to the Sasanians. In the aftermath of battle of Avarayr, the
Armenians were constantly ordered by the Sasanians to go to distant military expeditions, mostly in
Eastern Persia. They were also required to accept the growing power of the apostasy, which resulted in
the revolt of Vakhtang I of Iberia (r. 447/449 - 502/522), and was positively received by the Armenians.
Vahan hesitated to join the rebellion in 481, making Adhur Gushnasp, the marzban of Armenia,
abandon Dvin and take refugee in Artashat. Vahan then asked the other rebels to take an oath on the cross of the Gospel to
remain faithful to the covenant he would proclaim as the new marzban of Armenia, and proclaimed Sahak II Bagratuni as the
new marzban. However, Adhur Gushnasp returned from refugee with an force of 7000 horsemen against the insurgents, he
was, however, defeated and killed by Vahan and his army at the battle at Akori (northern slope of Ararat),Vahan hitherto
remained in Dvin to protect the capital, in early 483, Sasanian reinforcements came, however, Vahan managed to defeat
them at the battle of Nersehapat in Artaz (region of Maku.) Vahan then received a letter from Vakhtang, who was with his
troops near the Kura river searching after the Sasanian army under Shapur Mihran. Crazed by the lack of promised
reinforcements, the Armenians were defeated in 483 at the battle of Akesga that among other consequences, caused the
death of Isaac and Vasak Mamikonian Bagratuni II. Vahan then went to Tao while Shapur Mihran was returning to Ctesiphon,
allowing the Armenians regain control of theArax river during winter. In the spring of 484, Shapur Mihran returned as the head
of an new army and forced Vahan to flee to refuge near the Byzantine frontier, at Tao and Taron. However, an unexpected
event changed the course of events: the death of the Sasanian king Peroz I in 484 in war against the Hephthalites, causing
the withdrawal of the Persians in Armenia and recovery of Dvin and Vagharshapat. Struggling to suppress the revolt of his
brother Zareh, Peroz's successor, Balash (r. 484-488), needed the help of the Armenians: in exchange for military support, he
agreed to sign the Nvarsak Treaty, which granted religious freedom to the Christians and the prohibition of Zoroastrianism in
Armenia, including much greater autonomy for the nakharar. Vahan was also recognized as sparapet and the property of the
Mamikonian family and its allies were returned. During the same period, Vahan was appointed as marzban in 485, and
appointed his brother Vard as sparapet. According to John I Mandacuni and Babgeno,Christianity flourished during his reign;
[11]
churches were restored, and the church of St. Gregory was enlarged. The Cathedral Vagharshapat was also rebuilt. The
country enjoyed relative peace, despite the failed attempt of the successor Balash, Kavadh I (r. 488-496, 499-531), to impose
on the propositions Nevarsak. In 489, Vahan along with Vachagan III, King of Albania, repelled an Hephthalite invasion
of Transcaucasia. Vahan later died between 503 and 510 and was succeeded by his brother Vard Mamikonian. According
to Cyril Toumanoff, Vahan Mamikonian hypothetically would have been the father of Artavasdes, the father of Samuel I, who
was a sparapet in 555.

Zarmihr Karen was

an Sasanian commander from the House of Karen. He was also the Marzban of Persian
Armeniaduring a short period in 483. In 458, a Mamikonian princess, Sushanik, was murdered by her husband
the Mihranid prince Varsken, who was a convert to Zoroastrianism. The reason for her murder was because she refused to
convert and wanted to stay Christian. Varsken was then executed by Vakhtang I, king of Iberia. After hearing about the
execution, Peroz I sent an army under commander Shapur Mihran to punish Vakhtang for intervening. However, Vakhtang was
joined by the Armenians, and a revolt broke out in Persian Armenia, led by Vahan I Mamikonian. Peroz I then sent another
commander named Zarmihr Karen, who laid siege to Dvin. Zarmihr, was however, defeated and only stayed in Persian
Armenia during a short time until he set out to defeat the forces of Vakhtang I. After hearing about the death of Peroz I during
his war against the Hephthalites, Zarmihr left Iberia and returned to his father Sukhra in Ctesiphon, to protect the Sasanian
Empire from the Hephthalites and to elect a new king. Balash, the brother of Peroz I, was crowned as the new king of
the Sasanian Empire. However, it was in reality the father of Zarmihr, Sukhra who exercised real power over the Sasanian
Empire.[3] In 493, Sukhra was killed by Kavadh I, who was later overthrown in 496 by the Sasanian nobles because of his
support to the Mazdakites. Kavadh, however, with the aid of Zarmihr, reclaimed his throne. Zarmihr, along with brother Karin
later aided Kavadh's son Khosrau I in his war against the Turks. As a reward for their aid, Zarmihr was rewarded with land
in Zabulistan, while Karin was rewarded with land in Tabaristan, Zarmihr later died in 558.

Shahpur of Rayy

was the governor (marzban) of Persian Armenia from 483 until 484. He was Persian grandee,
nominated by Peroz I. Cyril Toumanoff suggests a marzpan named Andigan for the same period.

Vard Mamikonian

(Armenian: ) was an Armenian nobleman from the Mamikonian family. He served

as the marzban of Persian Armenia from 505/510 to 509/514. Vard Mamikonian was the third son of Hmayeak Mamikonian
and Dzoyk Artsruni. He had an elder brother namedVahan I Mamikonian including two other brothers named Vasak and
Artaxias. During his youth, he was a hostage in Persia, but was later released. In 505/510, he succeeded his elder brother
Vahan I Mamikonian as Marzban of Persian Armenia. According to Sebeos and Stepanos Asoghik, Vard carried the Byzantine
title of patrikios, however, neither the contemporary historian Ghazar Parpetsi nor other historians mentioned that he carried
the title, making it probably a misinterpretation of two historians. Vard was removed from his office four years later and was
deported to Persia by order of the Sasanian king Kavadh I, where he died after a short time. Vard's removal from
the Marzban office, put an end to the short-lived Armenian autonomy which lasted c. 25 years. King Kavadh I, however,
maintained religious freedom in Armenia because fear of rebellion, and in order to maintain good relations with the Byzantine
Empire.

Gushnasp Vahram was the governor (marzban) of Persian Armenia from 509/514 until 518 and second time from 552
until 554.

Mjej I Gnuni

(Armenian: ), was an Armenian nobleman from the Gnuni family, who served as
themarzban of Persian Armenia from 518 to 548. From 515 to 516, several Hunnic tribes kept invading Armenia. Mjej then

decided to organize a counter-attack and managed to repel them. As a reward, the Sassanian shah Kavadh I appointed him as
the marzban of Armenia in 518. According to Samuel Anetsi: "after the patrician Vard Mamikonian, brother of Vahan, the
Persian marzbans ruled Armenia for 11 years. The government of Armenia then passed to Mjej of the Gnuni family, who held
it for thirty years". During this period, Mjej maintained religious peace. In 527, he repelled other Hunnic invasions. In 548, he
was succeeded by Gushnasp Bahram.

Tan-Shapur

was an Sasanian nobleman who served as Marzban of Persian Armenia from 552/554 to 560. Little is known
about Tan-Shapur. Ren Grousset said he governed Persian Armenia from 554 to 560. Cyril Toumanoff, however, says that TanShapur's governorship of Persian Armenia lasted from 552 to 560. Stepanos Asoghik, an Armenian historian who lived in the
11th century, said that Tan-Shapur went proselytizing Zoroastrianismin Persian Armenia, where many Christians preferred to
die instead of converting. However, it was during his governorship that the Armenian Apostolic Church organized the Second
Council of Dvin. In 560, Tan-Shapur was replaced by Varazdat as Marzban of Persian Armenia.

Varazdat (Middle Persian: Warzdtan), was an Iranian nobleman who served as the marzban of Persian Armenia from 560
to 564. During his governorship, Armenia was relatively peaceful. In 561, the Sasanian Empire and the Byzantine Empire,
concluded a peace treaty known as the "Fifty-Year Peace Treaty", which ended the Lazic War. In 564, Varazdat was succeeded
by Chihor-Vishnasp.

Chihor-Vishnasp Suren,

also known as Chihr-Gushnasp and Suren, was an Iranian military officer from the Suren
family, who served as the governor (marzban) of Persian Armenia from 564 until his murder on February 23, 572 by the
Armenian rebel Vardan III Mamikonian. A member of the Suren family [1] and a relative of the Sasanian king Khosrau I himself,
Chihor-Vishnasp enjoyed a high status, and served as the hazarapet (minister of the interior) of Persian Armenia, before he
was appointed as themarzban of the province in 564. During this period, the Armenian aristocracy was split between two
parties, the national one which was headed by a member of the Mamikonian family, and a pro-Sasanian one, which was
headed by a member of the Siunia family. Chihor Vishnasp not only harshly treated the Christian Armenians who were
suspicious of secretly siding with theByzantines, but also did the same with the rest of the Christian Armenian population.
Claiming to exploit on the command of the king, he persecuted the Christian Armenians and even built a fire-temple in their
capital, Dvin. These actions soon resulted in a massive uprising in late 571 or early 572, which was led by Vardan III
Mamikonian. On February 23, 572, the Armenian rebels managed to capture Dvin, and had Chihor-Vishnasp killed.

Vardan III Mamikonian

was the governor (marzban) of Persian Armenia from 572 until 573 and from 573 until 577.

Mihran Mihrevandak was the governor (marzban) of Persian Armenia in 572.

Artur Madoyan was the governor (marzban) of Persian Armenia in 573.
Golon Mihran

also known as Mihran Mihrevandak was the governor (marzban) of Persian Armenia, during the
Marzapante period, where he established a military rule in 573. Golon Mihran was an Sasanian spahbed, and also
the marzban of Persian Armenia from 572 to 574. Golon was mentioned by Sebeos as an Sasanian commander in Armenia. He
was also a member of the House of Mihran. In 572, Vardan III Mamikonian revolted against the marzban Chihor-Vishnasp and
killed him. Khosrau I then sent Golon Mihran at the head of an army of twenty thousand men to recapture Armenia, but the
latter was defeated in Taron by Vardan Mamikonian, who captured his war elephants as war booty. After his defeat, he
advanced towards Caucasian Iberia, where he was once again defeated. He then invaded Southern Armenia at the head of
another army of twenty thousand men along with some war elephants with "the order to exterminate the population of
Armenia, to destroy, to kill, to raze the land without mercy." He captured the city of Angl in Bagrevand, what happened after
is unknown. Bahram Chobin, the famous Mihranid spahbed and briefly shahanshah, claimed to be the great-grandson of
Golon Mihran.

Tamkhosrau or Tamkhusro ("strong

Khosrau", in Greek sources rendered as or ,Tamchosroes, died

June 582) was the governor (marzban) of Persian Armenia from 577 until 580. He was a Sassanid Persian general active in
the RomanPersian Wars of the late 6th century. As his honorific name indicates, he was a highly regarded man among the
Persians, and one of the chief generals of the shahKhosrau I (r. 531579). Tamkhosrau first appears in early 575. A one-year
truce had been negotiated in 574, interrupting the ongoing war(since 572) between Persia and the East Roman (Byzantine)
Empire, while negotiations were taking place to conclude an even longer truce. While the Persians insisted on a five-year
truce, the Roman emissaries refused to accept it and insisted on a three-year duration. In order to apply pressure on
the Byzantines, the Persian general Mahbodh ordered Tamkhosrau to launch an attack. Tamkhosrau led a major raid that
plundered the territory around Dara in northernMesopotamia. A three-year truce was concluded soon after, in exchange for
an annual payment of 30,000 gold solidifrom the Byzantines. As a result of the truce, fighting was refocused to Persian
Armenia; there, the Byzantines had considerable success, driving off a large Persian invasion led by Khosrau himself, and
securing much of the country. [3] Negotiations for peace resumed, and seemed about to be concluded on terms slightly
favoring the Byzantines in 577, when Tamkhosrau led a series of expeditions into Armenia and defeated the East Roman
general Justinian. Thereafter, the Persians abandoned the negotiations. Tamkhosrau remained in Armenia as the senior
Persian commander in 578. As his forces were numerically inferior to those of the Roman magister militum Armeniae Maurice,
after feinting in the direction ofTheodosiopolis, he led a surprise raid south and plundered the regions
around Martyropolis and Amida. His decision, however, was criticized by the Persians as the result of inexperience, and he
was recalled and replaced in his Armenian command by Varaz Vzur. By 581, however, he had risen to the post of marzban,
and commanded the Persian army in northern Mesopotamia. After another round of peace talks broke down, Tamkhosrau,
along with Adarmahan, invaded Roman territory and headed for the town of Constantina. Maurice, who had been expecting

and preparing for such an attack, met the Persians in battle outside the city in June 582. The Persian army suffered a heavy
defeat, and Tamkhosrau was killed.

Varaz Vzur was

the governor (marzban) of Persian Armenia from 580 until 581. Varaz Vzur was an Armenian nobleman
who served as the marzban of Persian Armenia from 580 to 581. In 580, he succeeded Tamkhosrau as the marzban of
Armenia. Sometime later, a group of Armenians revolted against Sasanianrule. Varaz Vzur fought the rebels at Uthmus.
Although he was first repulsed by the Armenian rebels, he eventually managed to emerge victorious. One year later, he was
succeeded by Pahlav.

Aspahbad Pahlav was the governor (marzban) of Persian Armenia from 581 until 582/588.
Frahat

was the governor (marzban) of Persian Armenia from 582/588 until 588/589.

Hratzin

was the governor (marzban) of Persian Armenia from 588/589 until 590.

Mushegh II Mamikonian

(Armenian: , died 593) was the governor (marzban) of Persian

Armenia from 590 until 591. He was an Armenian nobleman from the Mamikonian family. During his later life he was
nominated as Marzban of Persian Armenia, ruling briefly in 591. In 590, the Sasanian spahbed Bahram Chobin rebelled
against the Sasanian king Hormizd IV. He was however, deposed and killed by the Sasanian nobles before Bahram could
confront him. One of the leaders behind the plot against Hormizd was Vistahm and Vinduyih, who made the kings
son, Khosrau II, the new king of the Sasanian Empire. However, shortly after the coronation of the new king, Bahram Chobin
marched to Ctesiphon and proclaimed himself king under the name of Bahram VI. Khosrau along with Vistahm,
and Vinduyih fled to Byzantine territory, where promised emperor Maurice I to cede territory in exchange for military aid. One
later year, Khosrau, along with Mushegh II and other nobles, marched towards Ctesiphon, and defeated Bahram, who then
fled to Azerbaijan, and wrote a letter to Mushegh, urging him to betray Khosrau. Mushegh, however, rejected the offer. At the
head of an army, Mushegh joined the Byzantine army and defeated the army of Bahram Chobin near Ganzak. Bahram then
fled to Central Asia and was killed shortly after. Mushegh later resigned from the Marzban office, and retired, dying in 593.

Hamarakar

was the governor (marzban) of Persian Armeniain in 591.

Vindatakan

was the governor (marzban) of Persian Armeniain during 590s.

Nakhvefaghan was the governor (marzban) of Persian Armeniain during 590s.

Merakbout
Yazden

was the governor (marzban) of Persian Armeniain during 590s.

was the governor (marzban) of Persian Armeniain during 590s.

Boutmah was the governor (marzban) of Persian Armeniain in the early 7th century.
Smbat IV Bagratuni

(Armenian: ; Greek: ) was the governor (marzban) of Persian

Armenia from 603 until 611. He was an Armenian prince from theBagratuni Dynasty who served first in the Byzantine
army before switching, ca. 595, to the Sasanian Empire, where he had a distinguished military career and earned high
honours until his death in 616/7. He was succeeded by his son,Varaztirots. Smbat was the son of Manuel Bagratuni. He is first
mentioned sometime in the 580s, when the Byzantine Emperor Maurice (r. 582602) requested the Armenian nobles to raise
cavalry for service in his wars against the Avars. Smbat and Sahak Mamikonian led a thousand-strong unit each
to Constantinople, where they were richly rewarded and sent home. Sebeos also adds that Maurice supposedly adopted
Smbat at this occasion. In 589, however, Smbat led a rebellion against the Byzantines, was captured and sent to
Constantinople, where he was condemned to death and was thrown to be devoured by the beasts in the Hippodrome of
Constantinople. He was pardoned at the last minute by Maurice, who then banished him to some "distant islands" and later
to Africa. Smbat returned from exile some time after, and entered the service of the Sasanian shah Khosrow II, who in 595
appointed him marzban (military governor) of Hyrcania (the southern coastlands of the Caspian Sea). Smbat served in this
post until 602, but was initially employed in suppressing the rebellion of Vistahm in Khorasan, before being recalled to reside
at the royal court in Ctesiphon. There he received further honours, and was also appointed Lesser Minister of Finance. In ca.
607 ("the eighteenth year of Khosrow's reign") he was sent back to Armenia with extensive powers as "Commander of the
army of the lords of houses". His tenure in Armenia was short but productive: as N. Garsoian writes, "Smbats extraordinary
powers allowed him to reaffirm the authority of the Persian crown inPersarmenia, to restore the prestige of the
weakened Armenian Church by summoning a council that elected a new katholikos, Abraham I, after a vacancy of three
years, and to rebuild the cathedral of the Armenian administrative capital of Duin, overriding the objections of the local
Persian authorities". In the next year, Smbat received the honorific title Khosrow Shun ("the Joy or Satisfaction of Khosrow"),
and about this time led a campaign on behalf of Khosrow against theHephthalites, whom he defeated, possibly killing their
king in single combat. After that, he retired to the royal court, where he lived amidst the honours accorded to him by Khosrow
until his death in 616/7. He was succeeded by his son,Varaztirots.

Shahrayanpet was the governor (marzban) of Persian Armenia (in the East) from 611 until 613.
Shahen Vahmanzadhaghan

was the governor (marzban) of Persian Armenia (in the West) from 611 until 613.

Parsayenpet

was the governor (marzban) of Persian Armenia from 613 until 616.

Namdar Guchnasp was the governor (marzban) of Persian Armenia from 616 until 619.
Shahraplakan,

rendered Sarablangas ( ) in Greek sources, was the governor (marzban) of Persian Armenia
from 619 until 624. He was a Sassanid Persian general who participated in the Byzantine-Sassanid War of 602628.
Shahraplakan first appears in 624, when the Persian shah Khosrau II (r. 590628) entrusted him with the command of the socalled "New Army", composed of the regiments of Khosrogetai and Perozitai according to Theophanes the Confessor. With
this army, Shahraplakan was to counter the Byzantine emperor Heraclius (r. 610641), who had invaded Persarmenia and was
wintering in Caucasian Albania. Shahraplakan's army was successful in recovering many towns and driving
the Byzantines back to the Siwnik area, and sought to capture key passes so as to prevent Heraclius from descending south
into northwestern Persia (Atropatene). Heraclius, however, managed to avoid encirclement through a series of maneuvers.
Shahraplakan followed him but did not engage him, hoping first to join with the army led by another Persian
general, Shahrbaraz. Although Heraclius launched several sorties against Shahraplakan to prevent this, the two Persian
armies eventually joined. Encouraged by reports from Byzantine deserters, the two Persian generals decided not to await the
arrival of a third army under their rivalShahin, but to attack Heraclius. In the battle that followed, the Sassanid Persians were
defeated. One source records that Shahraplakan was killed in that battle ("struck by a sword in his back"), but he re-appears
later. In 627, he was sent with a force of about 1,000 elite men to the relief of Tiflis, then being besieged by the Byzantines
and their "Khazar" (in reality probably Gkturk) allies. Their arrival reinforced the garrison and gave heart to the defenders,
but the city eventually fell (probably in late 628). As the siege dragged on, however, in mid-September 627 Heraclius left the
Turks to continue the siege, while he with his army and a large Turkish contingent turned south towards Persia. Shahraplakan,
with his much smaller force, could do nothing to prevent the Byzantine emperor's advance.

Rhahzadh (Middle

Persian: Rhzt), originally Roch Vehan, known in Byzantine sources as Rhazates(Greek: ) (died
December 27, 627) was the governor (marzban) of Persian Armenia from 624 until his death on December 12, 627. He was a
Persian general of Armenian origin under Sassanid king Khosrau II (r. 590628). As the war that had begun in 602 between
the Sasanian Empire and the Byzantine Empire came close to its twenty-fifth year, the Byzantine Emperor Heraclius (r. 610
641) made a bold move. As the campaigning season of 627 ended, Heraclius gathered his heterogeneous army
of Gktrks and Romans, and invaded the Persian heartland at the beginning of September. The news threw Khosrau into a
panic. After fifteen years of war, his army was exhausted and his two foremost generals were not available; Shahin was dead
and Shahrbaraz was away in Egypt, fearing that Khosrau wanted him dead. Consequently, Khosrau gathered an army and
appointed as its commander Rhahzadh, a warlike and brave nobleman. Rhahzadh moved to cut off Heraclius and prevent him
from reaching Ctesiphon, the Persian capital. Heraclius continued burning and pillaging as he went, Rhahzadh following
Heraclius, bidding his time until he was ready to meet the Romans. Finally Heraclius crossed the Great Zab River and set up
camp preventing Rhahzadh from crossing by the same bridge without forcing battle. Instead he moved down and forded
further downstream. When Heraclius heard of this he detached part of his army under Baanes to harass Rhahzadh. In the
ensuing skirmish the Romans killed and captured many Persians, including Rhahzadh's personal aide. From him Heraclius
learned that Rhahzadh was awaiting some 3000 reinforcements. Heraclius became concerned when he heard of this: his
army was severely depleted by the desertion of the Turkic contingent and was concerned that Rhahzadh's reinforcements
could tip the scale. So on December 12, 627, near Nineveh, Heraclius drew up his army on a plain and waited for Rhahzadh.
Rhahzadh saw this and moved to meet the Greeks. He drew up his army in three divisions similar to phalanxes, and advanced
towards Heraclius. At the height of the battle Rhahzadh suddenly challenged Heraclius to single combat with the hope of
forcing the Romans to flee. Heraclius accepted the challenge and spurred his horse forward and with a single blow struck off
Rhahzadh's head, taking from the dead Persian his shield of 120 gold plates and gold breastplate as trophies. With
Rhahzadh's death perished the Persians' hopes of victory: seeing their brave commander and many other high-ranking
officers being slain by Heraclius and his household troops, the Persian troops lost heart and were slaughtered suffering
around 6,000 casualties.

Varaztirots II Bagratuni

(ca. 590 645) was the governor (marzban) of Persian Armenia around 628. He was an
Armenian nakharar from the Bagratuni family, the son of Smbat IV Bagratuni. He fled to the Byzantine Empire soon thereafter
and was exiled for several years to Africa for his participation in a plot against Heraclius. On his return ca. 645/6, he was
namedcuropalates and presiding prince of Armenia, but died before being formally invested.Varaztirots was the eldest son
of Smbat IV Bagratuni. Along with his brother Garikhpet, he grew up in the Sassanid Persian court of Khosrau II (r. 591628).
Following the defeat of the rebellion of Vistahm, in which his father was instrumental, Varaztirots was named a royal
cupbearer. At that point, or after Smbat's victory over the Hephthalites in 608, he also received the honorific name Javitean
Khosrow ("Eternal Khosrau"). In 628, Khosrau II was overthrown after a conspiracy in which several aristocratic houses,
including Varaztirots, took part. As a reward, the new Persian shah,Kavadh II, appointed Varaztirots as marzpan of Armenia,
with the rank of aspet. He soon quarrelled with the Persian governor of neighbouring Azerbaijan, however, and fled with his
family to the Byzantine emperor Heraclius, who, following the end of the ByzantineSasanian War of 602628, resided with
his court in northern Mesopotamia. According to the Armenian chronicler Sebeos, Heraclius welcomed him with great
honours, gave him valuable gifts and "exalted him above all the patricians of his kingdom". In 635 or 637, however,
Varaztirots became involved in a conspiracy by several Armenian magnates to overthrow and murder Heraclius and replace
him with his son, John Athalarichos. The conspiracy was uncovered, and Varaztirots was exiled to Africa; the treatment he
received was more merciful than that of his co-conspirators as he had opposed the murder of the emperor.On his death-bed
in 641, Heraclius pardoned Varaztrots and made his successor, Constantine III, swear that he would recall him and his family
from exile and restore their honours. In the event, Varaztirots was recalled only in 645/646, by Constans II at the urging
of Theodore Rshtuni. Varaztirots quickly fled from Constantinople to Armenia, but after assurances of loyalty, Constans then
appointed him governor of Armenia with the high rank of curopalates. Before he could be formally invested, however, he fell
ill and died. He was buried next to his father at Darionkh.

Mzhezh or Mjej Gnuni (Armenian: , M Gnuni) was the governor (marzban) of Persian Armenia from 628 until
635. He was an Armenian sparapet of Byzantine Armenia. Initially serving under Heraclius, the contingent of Armenian troops
under his command were instrumental in the Byzantine success against the Sassanids during the Byzanto-Persian Wars that
culminated in the overthrow of Khosrau II in 628. He also served as the sparapet (commander in chief) of Byzantine Armenia
from about 630 to 638, and during this time may have been responsible for the founding of the Cathedral of Mren. He was
succeeded in this position by David Saharuni, from middle-ranking Armenian nobility after being accused of plotting against
the life of Heraclius. While being sent into exile he escaped and made his way back to Armenia. There he raised an army, but
Davit, the Byzantine-appointed governor, defeated and then slew Mjej Gnuni and, by uniting various local princes, declared
himself ruler of Armenia. Faced with such a fait acompli, and recognizing Armenia's strategic importance, in 638 Heraclius
confirmed Davit in his position and awarded him the titles of curopalate, sparapet, and prince of Armenia and Syria. He is also
known to have approached the Armenian Catholicos Ezra for a union of the Armenian and Greek Churches, who initially
refused, but later yielded to the menaces of the general.

Vahan
Davith

was the governor (marzban) of Persian Armenia briefly in 635.

Saharuni

was
the
governor
(marzban)
of Persian
Armenia from
635
until
638.
He
was sparapet, curopalates, ishkhan, and presiding prince of Byzantine-controlled Armenia from 635 until 638. David was
a nakharar from the princely noble House of Saharuni. When the marzpan of Persarmania Varaztirots II Bagratuni was in the
Byzantine imperial court inOsroene, he entered in a plot against emperor Heraclius organized by his illegitimate son John
Athalarichos. David was also part of this plot. The attempt ultimately failed and Varaztirots was deported to an island near the
coast of North Africa. David Saharuni was attacked by general and ruler of Byzantine Armenia, Mzhezh Gnuni but managed to
evade capture and killed Mzhezh Gnuni, with the help of Gnuni's own troops, [2][3] many of whom were Armenians sympathetic
to Saharuni. David quickly obtained support from the local feudal lords, as a result Heraclius was forced to nominate David
as curopalates. The historian John Katholikos adds that the Armenians nobles also gave him the title of Ishkhan of Armenia.
Three years later the nobility overthrew Saharuni and Theodoros Rshtuni took his place as ruler of Armenia. The most
detailed source covering the events of these years is historian Sebeos in his History of Heraclius.

List of Princes of Armenia

Theodore Rshtuni

(Armenian: , also spelled Theodoros tuni; 590 - 654/655 AD), equated with
the patrikios Pasagnathes () of Theophanes the Confessor was the governor (marzban) of Persian Armenia from
643 until 645 and Prince of Armenia from 646 until 653, second time from 653 until 654 and third time from 654 until 655. He
was an Armeniannakharar, famous for resisting the first Arab invasions of Armenia. Rshtuni was appointed
as ishkhan andkouropalates of Byzantine Armenia by Emperor Heraclius when the previous ishkan David Saharuni was
overthrown by other nakharars. Prior to the Arab invasions, Rshtuni had been appointed the sparapet (commander-in-chief) of
the Armenian forces in the Armenian Marzapante and was appointed as the marzban of Armenia in 634.He defended,
alongside the Byzantine General Procopius, against the first, unsuccessful, Arab attack into Armenia in 640. He was unable to
prevent the Arabs from pillaging the capital of Dvin in 642. He gained a victory over the Arabs, for which he was recognized
as ruler of Armenia by Constans II in 643.Constans paid special attention to his family's imperiled homeland of Armenia, and
he favored Byzantine generals of Armenian extraction to halt Arab advances.Meanwhile, the strength of Arab assaults
continued to increase. Theodore eventually concluded a truce with then governor of Syria, Muawiyah I in 651, and Arabs
concentrated their efforts against the remaining pockets of resistance in the Sassanid Empire. Finally, by 652 Rshtuni,
despairing of further resistance, accepted Muawiyah's suzerainty and was appointed ruler of Armenia. Rshtuni was able to
negotiate a treaty that left Armenia with a relatively high level of autonomy. In response, Constans personally marshaled his
forces and led them to Armenia despite a growing plot against him in Constantinople, ironically by the Armenian commander
of the Army of Thrace. Constans secured Armenia and deposed Theodoros, who took refuge on the island of Akhtamar. A
Byzantine commander named Maurianus was given the task to defend the Armenian frontier. In 654 Maurianus was driven
out of Armenia into the Caucasus and Theodoros was restored. Deciding that Theodoros was untrustworthy, the Arabs sent
him to Damascus, where he died in captivity the following year. He was replaced as prince by his son-in-law,
Hamazasp Mamikonian. His body was brought to his home district of Rshtunik', where he was buried in the tomb of his
forefathers. According to Manuk Abeghian and a number of other scholars, the popularity of Rshtuni in Armenia manifested
itself in the character of K'eri T'oros in the epic poemof David of Sasun. The Armenian writer Tserents also wrote a historical
novel called Theodoros Rshtuni.

Smbat I Bagratuni was a Prince of Armenia from 646 until 653.

Mushegh Mamikonian
Maurianos

was a Prince of Armenia in 654.

was a Prince of Armenia first time in 654 and second time in 655.

Hamazasp Mamikonian was a Prince of Armenia from 655 until 661.

Grigor Mamikonian

was a Prince of Armenia from 661 until 685.

Ashot Bagratuni was a Prince of Armenia from 685 until 690.

Nerseh Kamsarakan

was a Prince of Armenia from 690 until 693.

Smbat VI Bagratuni

(ca. 670 726) was a Prince of Armenia first time from 693 until 695 (Muslim protectorate) and
second time from 696 until 705 (independent). During his reign, he frequently shifted alliances between the Byzantines, who
gave him the title of kouropalates, and the Umayyads. He was the son of Varaz-Tirots III Bagratuni, and the uncle ofAshot III
Bagratuni.

Abd Allh Ibn Hatim al-Bahili

was a Prince of Armenia from 695 until 696.

Ashot III Bagratuni also known as Ashot the Blind (Armenian: ) (c. 690 762) was a member of
theBagratuni family who was presiding prince of Armenia as a Prince from 726 and as an ishxan from 732 to 748. He
was the nephew of Smbat VI Bagratuni. He won the favour of the caliphate by defeating one of the emirs who had
revolted against Baghdad and attacked Armenia, of the Bagratuni dynasty was a presiding prince of Armenia for
the Caliph from 732 to 748. His ascension signaled the coming to power of the Bagratids. He was blinded by the
rival nobles of the Mamikonian clan. The new power of Armeniahad reached such a level that the country, at short
notice, could summon an army of 90,000 men, ready to be sent out to battle. He had two sons, Smbat VII
Bagratuni and Vasak Bagratuni.

Grigor Mamikonian

was a Prince of Armenia first time from 745 until 746 and second time from 750 until 751.

Mushegh Mamikonian was a Prince of Armenia from 751 until ?

Smbat VII Bagratuni

(Armenian: ; died April 25, 775) was an Armenian noble of

the Bagratuni (Bagratid) family. He and his brother Vasak were the sons of Ashot III Bagratuni. He served as presiding prince
of Arab-ruled Armenia in 761775, playing a leading role in the Armenian rebellion of 774775 against the Abbasid Caliphate.
He was killed in the Battle of Bagrevand. He was the father of Ashot Msaker, who restored the family's fortunes in the early
9th century.

Tatjat Antzevari

was a Prince of Armenia from 781 until 785.

Bagratid Armenia
The medieval Kingdom
of
Armenia,
also
known
as Bagratid
Armenia (Armenian:
Bagratunineri Tagavorutyun), was an independent state established by Ashot I Bagratuni in 885 following
nearly two centuries of foreign domination of Greater Armenia under Arab Umayyad and Abbasid rule. With the two
contemporary powers in the region, the Abbasids and Byzantines, too preoccupied to concentrate their forces in subjugating
the people of the region and the dissipation of several of the Armenian nakharar noble families, Ashot was able to assert
himself as the leading figure of a movement to dislodge the Arabs from Armenia. Ashot's prestige rose as he was courted by
both Byzantine and Arab leaders eager to maintain a buffer state near their frontiers. The Caliphate recognized Ashot as
"prince of princes" in 862 and, later on, king in 884 or 885. The establishment of the Bagratuni kingdom later led to the
founding of several other Armenian principalities and kingdoms: Taron, Vaspurakan, Kars,Khachen and Syunik. Unity among
all these states was sometimes difficult to maintain while the Byzantines and Arabs lost no time in exploiting the kingdom's
situation to their own gains. Under the reign of Ashot III, Ani became the kingdom's capital and grew into a thriving economic
and cultural center. The first half of the eleventh century saw the decline and eventual collapse of the kingdom. With
emperor Basil II's string of victories in annexing parts of southwestern Armenia, King Hovhannes-Smbat felt forced to cede his
lands and in 1022 promised to "will" his kingdom to the Byzantines following his death. However, after Hovhannes-Smbat's
death in 1041, his successor,Gagik II, refused to hand over Ani and continued resistance until 1045, when his kingdom,
plagued with internal and external threats, was finally taken by Byzantine forces.

List of Rulers of the Bagratid Dynasty of the Armenia Kingdom

Ashot I Bagratuni (Armenian: ; c. 820 890) was an Armenian king who oversaw the beginning of
Armenia's secondgolden age (862 977) and ruled from 884 until his death in 890. He was known as Ashot the
Great ( ) and was the son of Smbat VIII the Confessor and was a member of the Bagratuni Dynasty. Ashot was
born around 820 to Smbat VIII the Confessor and his wife Hripsime. Smbat VIII was the son of Ashot Msakerand was
the sparapet. Ashot also had a brother named Abas. The family, the Bagratunis, was one of the most powerful in the
kingdom, along with the Artsruni. Both families struggled for power through warfare against Arabinvaders. The kingdom
was later taken over by Armenians who overthrew the Arab government. Smbat VIII was exiled to Samarra, where he
later died. Ashot continued to live in his father's quarters, located around the city ofBagaran. Ashot was married to
Katranide. Like Smbat before him, Ashot was named sparapet in 856 by theAbbasid Caliph. During the Arab-Byzantine
Wars, much of Ashot's territory was located near the main site of conflict. In 862, Ashot was recognized as the Prince of
Princes of Armenia by Abbasid Caliph al-Musta'in, who saw this as a measure of protection against the local
autonomous emirs. This title essentially granted Ashot the status of de facto king and placed him at a similar level of
power as the emirs, but did not allow Ashot to have administrative rule over the kingdom. Ashot kept this status during

the reigns of Abbasid Caliphs al-Mu'tazz (866869), al-Muhtadi (869870) and al-Mu'tamid (870
892). Ashot annexed Bagrevand in 862, shortly after the death of the ruling Mamikonian
Dynasty's head, Grigor Mamikonian. Ashot mediated between Grigor-Derenik Artsruni and Gurgen
Artsruni, cousins and members of the Artsruni family who controlled Vaspurakan. Ashot then
captured Grigor-Derenik and reduced the size of the cantons around Van. Ashot released GrigorDerenik to avoid further conflict with the Artsruni family. Ashot later arranged a marriage between
his daughter, Sophie, and Grigor-Derenik, in order to reconcile. Ashot also strengthened relations
with the Siunia Dynasty by arranging another marriage between his second daughter, Mariam,
with Prince Vasak Gabur IV. These familial ties helped strengthen relations between Ashot's sons and the surrounding
dynasties. Ashot used this support to wage war against the emirs. He began by defeating the Kaysites of Manazkert in
863, with the help of his brother and sparapet, Abas Bagratuni. In 877, he began to fight against the emir
of Barda alongside his ostikan; however, failure of this ostikan led to his replacement. The new ostikan made a secret
peace treaty with the emir and betrayed Ashot. Ashot learned of the conspiracy against him and sent Abas to disarm
the ostikan in Dvin; Abas escorted him to the border under Ashot's orders in order to prevent the Caliph's retaliation.
Ashot defeated the emirs of Barda and Manazkert, laying siege to the latter city in 884; however, the siege was ceased
prematurely. The siege caused Grigor-Derenik to worry about the borders of Taron, which was under Grigor-Derenik's
control. Ashot gained control of the Gugark and Utik regions as early as 860. Ashot's reach also extended to Caucasian
Iberia, where some of his Bargatuni family had settled in the late 7th century. There, around 875, he formed an alliance
with Bagrat I of Iberia, his step-brother, against Bagrat's brother, Guaram Mampali. Together, Ashot and Bagrat defeated
Guaram. In 881, Ashot formed an alliance with David I of Iberia and Adarnase IV of Iberia, Bagrat's son and grandson,
respectively, to defeat Guaram's son, Nasra of Tao-Klarjeti. Several contemporary prominent Armenians, including
Grigor-Derenik Vaspurakan, insisted on Ashot's coronation. Ashot was crowned King of Armenia through the consent of
Caliph al-Mu'tamid in 885 to prevent intrusion into Armenian territory by Basil I, a Byzantine emperor of Armenian
origin. As a result of his coronation, Ashot restored the Armenian monarchy and became the founder of
the medieval Kingdom of Armenia, also known as Bagratid Armenia, named after the contemporary rule of the
Bagratunis. The Bagratid kingdom lasted until 1045, when it was annexed into the Byzantine Empire.Despite his status,
Ashot remained a subordinate to the Caliph and was put under the supervision of the emirs of Azerbaijan. Every
Armenian prince fell under Ashot's authority (though in the effect of primus inter pares). Dvin and the emirates of
Manazkert and Karin (and, according to Constantine VII, Khoy andSalmas) also fell under Ashot's control, despite the
local governments' unwillingness to accept. The emir of Manazkert was in this way defeated and was forced to submit to
Ashot's rule in 885.Ashot's influence continued not only in Armenia but also in Iberia. After the death on Grigor-Derenik
Artsruni in 887, Ashot placed his own grandson (and Grigor-Derenik's son), Ashot-Sargis Artsruni, under the rule of
relative Gagik Aboumerwan Artsruni. In 887 and 888, Ashot supported his nephew Adarnase IV of Iberiain
overthrowing Bagrat I of Abkhazia. Also in 888, Ashot sent his brother Abas to Kars to stop a rebellion led by Prince
Sahak-Mleh of Vanand. Ashot travelled to Gugark to stop another rebellion, fighting alongside his son and heir, Smbat I.
He died in 890. Contemporary historian Hovhannes Draskhanakerttsi gives an account of his death: Since he died on the
road, in an inn at a rocky place called K'arsparn, they carried away his body in a coffin and brought it to the town (awan) of
Bagaran, the royal residence, where they covered the coffin with robes and veils interwoven and adorned with gold; and
carefully selected detachments of military forces clad in arms and ornaments stood guard. The great katholikos,
accompanied by the rest of the clerics of the church, also came forth and solemnly chanted psalms and raised the voice of
[their] praise. His three sons, the senior [gaherec'] princes of the royal house and other friends followed the coffin, and thus
they arrived at the cemetery....Then, building a tomb [suitable] for royalty, they buried him in the cemetery of his ancestors.
Smbat I succeeded him. Ashot's restoration of the Armenian monarchy was accompanied by economic growth and a
revival of the arts and religion. Several cultural buildings were restored and renovated. Under Ashot's reign, the
first khachkar was created in 879 as a tribute to Ashot's wife, Katranide. Urban growth began to occur and agriculture
flourished. Vineyards became a very successful industry. Ashot supported the Armenian Apostolic Church during his
reign. Ashot saw the possibility of the church merging with theOrthodox Byzantine Church, due to the Byzantine
Empire's influence in the region, and feared that the Byzantine Empire would deny him his claim to the throne. In 862,
when the Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople Photios I attempted to unite the Armenian Church by sending two
letters to Catholicos Zacharias I and Ashot, Zacharias and Ashot summoned a council in Yerazgavors; the ambiguous
response was formulated by Ashot. Ashot continued to receive epistolary communication; in 882, he received a letter
with a True Cross awarded to Catholicos Mashtots I, who was a friend of Ashot (the cross has since been lost). Ashot also
supported the Armenian Church's desire to separate from the Church of Caucasian Albania. Ashot donated several
treasures to the Armenian Catholicos to distribute to the churches.

Smbat I Bagratuni

(Armenian: .) (850912), known as "the Martyr", was the second King of Armenia of the
medieval Kingdom of Armenia of the Bagratuni dynasty from 890 until his death in 912. He was son of Ashot I. He is the father
of Ashot II (known as Ashot Yerkat) and Abas I. Smbat I's rule was a period of unending wars against the Arab conquerors and
the rebellious Armenian nobles. He fought with mixed success against Afshin, the Caliph's representative in Azerbaijan, but
was defeated by Afshin's brother Yusuf. Late in his rule he was betrayed by Gagik Artsruni and Sparapet Ashot who
proclaimed themselves independent from Smbat's rule. Towards the end of Smbat's rule Yusuf made war on him again.
Smbat's wife was captured and traded in exchange for Smbat's son Mushegh and nephew Smbat, who were then poisoned by
Yusuf. Yusuf's army ravaged the rest of Armenia as it advanced towards Blue Fortress, where King Smbat had taken refuge,
and besieged it for some time. Smbat finally decided to surrender himself to Yusuf in 914 in hopes of ending the Arab
onslaught; Yusuf, however, showed no compassion towards his prisoner as he tortured the Armenian king to death and put his
headless body on display on a cross in Dvin. He was succeeded by his son Ashot II who was able to eventually expel the
invaders and brought peace to Armenia. King Smbat had brothers Shapuh, sparapet of Armenia, and David, presiding prince
(ishkhan) of Armenia. Shapuh was buried in his family's cemetery at Bagaran and King Smbat replaced him with his son

Ashot. Ashot built the church of Bagaran there on the banks of the Akhurian River. This same Ashot would later be declared
King by Yusuf in opposition to Ashot II in an attempt to divide Armenia, a plan which failed after two years of civil war.Smbat
had at least two sisters, Mariam and Sophia. Mariam was regarded as a holy woman. She had sons Grigor, Sahak, and Vasak.
Prince Grigor was poisoned by Yusuf while Sahak and Vasak took refuge at Sevanavank. Yusuf pursued them and so with their
mother, families, and as much property as they could carry they again took off to the east. They retreated to Artsakh where
their mother died. After a few years when the family had regained their lands, her body was brought back and buried at a
church she built at a place called Soghaka. The sister Sophia was married to Krikor Artsruni and had children Ashot, Sophia,
Gagik, and Gurgen. Gagik was an ambitious prince who ruled Vaspurakan and challenged his uncle King Smbat's rule.

Ashot II Bagratuni

(Armenian: ; died 929) was an Armenian monarch and the third king of the
royal Bagratuni line from 914 until his death in 929. He was the son and successor of King Smbat I. His reign was filled with
rebellions by pretenders to the throne, and foreign invasions, which Ashot fought off successfully, for which he is remembered
by the epithet Yerkat (), or the Iron. Ashot II had succeeded his father Smbat I upon the latter's death in 914. Smbat
had fought off an invasion launched by the emir of zarbijn, Yusuf Ibn Abi'l-Saj, but when Smbat surrendered he was
tortured and beheaded by Yusuf inYernjak. With his control of the central lands of Armenia, Yusuf installed Ashot, son of
Shapuh and Ashot II's first cousin, in Dvin as the "anti-king" of Bagratid Armenia. Harried by Yusuf's forces, Ashot turned west
for support. In 914, he visited Constantinople to receive aid from the crown regent for the young Emperor Constantine
Porphyrogenitus, Zoe Karbonopsina. There, Ashot was well received, and a Byzantine force was created to assist Armenia in
defeating the Arabs. The force, accompanying Ashot and led by the Domestic of the Schools Leo Phokas, moved out the next
year and marched along Upper Euphrates, entering Taron, meeting scant opposition from the Arabs. [4] Ashot the anti-king and
Yusuf's armies were unable to stop the Byzantine advance, which stopped short of capturing Dvin due to the onset of winter.
Nevertheless, the force had returned Ashot to a powerful position in Armenia and managed to inflict heavy casualties against
the Arabs. This still left Ashot the anti-king in control of Dvin and civil war raged on from 918 to 920, when the pretender
finally conceded defeat. Numerous other rebellions in Armenia also took place but Ashot was able to defeat each one of them.
In 919, Yusuf had instigated a failed rebellion against the Caliph and was replaced by a far more well-disposed Arab
governor, Subuk. In 922 he was recognized as the ruler of Armenia by the Abbasid caliph in Baghdad and Subuk recognized
him as Shahanshah, or "king of kings." Ironically, the Byzantines were distressed with Ashot's close relations with the Arabs
and dispatched a new force under the Domestic of the Schools John Kourkouas, also of Armenian descent, to disrupt Ashot's
position as king and to support the rebels fighting him. In 928, Kourkouas reached Dvin in an unsuccessful attempt to capture
a city that was defended by both the Arabs and Ashot. In 923, the Caliph, facing troubles at home, released Yusuf, who
traveled back to Armenia to unleash his fury against Ashot. He began demanding tribute from the Armenians rulers rule but
faced considerable resistance by Ashot II. Time and again, Ashot was able to defeat and rout the Arab armies sent against
him for several years. Finally, in 929, Yusuf died and a power struggle ensued between rival Iranianand Kurdish families in
zarbijn, thus reducing the Arab threat to Armenia. Byzantine emperor Romanos Lekapenos also turned his attention from
the east to fight the Arabs in Syria. Ashot died without any sons or heirs and his daughter was married to the Duke
of Sofia Nicholas and mothered Tsar Samuel of Bulgaria. He was succeeded ca. 929 by his brother Abas. Ashot was married to
Marie, daughter of Prince Sahak, founder of the Kingdom of Artsakh. Ashot II features prominently as a character
in Muratsan's nineteenth-century historical novel Gevorg Marzpetuni.

Abas I of Armenia (Armenian:

, died 953) was an Armenian monarch and the fourth king of the
royal Bagratuni line from 929 until his death in 953. Abas was of the royal Bagratuni Dynasty. He was the son of Smbat I and
the brother of Ashot "Yerkat" II. In contrast to the way his predecessors' ruled, Abas' reign was marked by years of peace,
stability, and prosperity that Armenia had not enjoyed for decades. [1] His capital was based at the fortress-city of Kars and
Abas achieved numerous successes on both the foreign and domestic fronts. In the same year that he became king, Abas
traveled toDvin, where he was able to convince the Arab governor there to release several Armenian hostages and turn over
control of the pontifical palace back to Armenia. Conflict between the Arabs were minimal too, with the exception of a military
defeat Abas suffered near the holy city of Vagharshapat. He was far less conciliatory towards the Byzantines, who had
repeatedly demonstrated their unreliability as allies by attacking and annexing Armenian territories. Fortunately for
him, Romanus of Byzantium was more focused on fighting the Arab Hamdanids, leaving Abas virtually free to conduct his
policies without foreign hindrance. Also, Abas confronted an invasion by king Ber of Abkhazia in 943: a new church had been
completed in Kars under Abas' orders and prior to its consecration, Ber had appeared with an army along the river of
theAraxes, demanding that the new church be consecrated under Chalcedonian rite. Abas refused to make any concessions
and ambushed Ber's forces in a dawn assault. Several more skirmishes took place, wherein Ber was finally captured by Abas'
men. Abas took the king to his new church and told him that he would never see it again, blinding him and sending him back
to Abkhazia. Abas died in 953, leaving his kingdom to his two sons, Ashot III and Mushegh.

Ashot III Bagratuni the Merciful

(Armenian: . , died 977) also known as Ashot the Gracious was

the King of Armenia Kingdom from 953 until his death in 977. He ruled from Armenia's capital city of Ani. Known as Ashot III
the Merciful ( . ) and acknowledged by foreign rulers as the Shahanshah (king of kings) of Mets
Hayk' (Greater Armenia), he moved his royal seat of residence to Ani and oversaw its development and of the kingdom as a
whole. Armenia reached the height of its golden era during his reign and that of his sons and successors, Smbat II (97789)
and Gagik I (9901020). During the first year of his reign Ashot launched a military assault to free the city of Dvin from Muslim
rule, an undertaking that ultimately ended in failure. Despite this setback, he took steps to centralize power in the kingdom,
patronizing the Armenian Church in exchange for its support. During his reign Catholicos Anania I Mokats'i moved his
patriarchal seat to Argina, near the city of Ani. In 961 Ani was proclaimed the capital of the kingdom, and Ashot set himself to
enriching and expanding the city. Ashot constructed a wall enclosing Ani and that would later take its name after him, and
sponsored the building of monasteries, hospitals, schools, and almshouses. His consort, Queen Khosrovanuysh, meanwhile
sponsored the construction of the churches in Sanahin and Haghpat. In the war between the Byzantine emperor John
Tzimiskes and the Arabs, Armenia did its best to remain neutral and forced the two battling parties to respect the boundaries
of its country. The Byzantine army began to march across the plain of Mush, thinking to strike the decisive blow against the

Arabs from Armenia, but when they met with the 30,000-strong army of Ashot III, they altered their plan
and left Armenia. Ashot instead provided Tzimiskes with 10,000 soldiers, who accompanied his men in
their campaign in Mesopotamia. Scholars have suggested that he was buried either in Ani or at the
nearby Horomos monastic complex.A new phenomenon that began under Ashot III's reign, and continued
under his successors, was the establishment of sub-kingdoms throughout Bagratuni Armenia. Ashot III
had sent his brother Mushegh I to rule in Kars (Vanand) and had allowed him to use the title of king. The
administrative district of Dzoraget near Lake Sevan was given to Ashot's son Gurgen, the progenitor of
the Kyurikid line, in 966, who would later assume the title of king. The proliferation of so many kingdoms
worked to the benefit of Armenia so long as the king in Ani remained strong and maintained his
hegemony over other kings. Otherwise, the kings, as well their respective bishops who would claim the
position of catholicos and formulate their own doctrines, would begin to test the limits of their autonomy.

Smbat II Tiezerakal (Armenian:

, died 989) was the King of Armenia Kingdom from 977 until
his death in 989. He was the son of Ashot III, whom he succeeded. Smbat ruled from the city of Ani, which he fortified. In
particular, he ordered the construction of a wall around Ani, also building towers and fortifications to protect the city from
north to west. He began the construction of the Cathedral of Ani. His reign was generally a time of peace, only disturbed by
conflict between Smbat and his uncle Moushegh in Kars. Smbat inspired contention with the Armenian Church when he
married his own niece, which the church strongly opposed. King Smbat died in 989, while the architect, Trdat, by order of the
king, had started laying the foundations of the cathedral of Ani. This building is still standing today, and with its unique style
and simple decorations, is regarded as one of the masterpieces of Armenian architecture. Smbat II was buried in Ani and, as
he did not have any male issue, was succeeded by his brother Gagik I.

Gagik I (Armenian:

; died 1020) was king of the Bagratuni Kingdom of Armenia from 989 until
his death in 2020. He succeeded his brother Smbat II the Conqueror (r. 977-989). Armenia reached its zenith
during the reign of Gagik. Gagik followed the footsteps of his predecessors in building churches and religious
buildings in his capital Ani. It is unknown when Gagik I was born. He succeeded his brother Smbat II in 989.
He followed the footsteps of his predecessors in building churches and religious buildings in the
capital Ani. Using the favorable economic conditions of Armenia, Gagik increased the size of the army up to
100,000 soldiers. He subsequently united various Armenian provinces to Bagratid Armenia, including Vayots
Dzor, Khachen, Nakhichevan and the city of Dvin.He made alliances with Gurgen of Iberia and Bagrat III of
Georgia, whose armies defeated Mamlan, the emir of Khorasan, in 998 in the village of Tsumb, northeast
of Lake Van.Under Gagik I, the Kingdom of Armenia extended from Shamkor to Vagharshakert and Kura
River to Apahunik near Lake Van. The country's economy, culture and foreign trade developed; Ani, Dvin,
and Kars flourished. After his death, his elder son, Hovhannes-Smbat, was crowned king while his younger
son, Ashot, rebelled against Smbat and proclaimed his independence in the Kingdom of Lori-Dzoraget One of Gagik's principal
projects was the church of St. Gregory in Ani (100110), loosely modeled on Zvartnots. During Nikolai Marr's excavation of its
ruins in 1906, a large statue of King Gagik holding a model of his church was found in fragments. The statue was originally
located in a niche high up in the north facade of the church. It was lost in uncertain circumstances at the end of the First
World War. Only a few photographs record its appearance. A surviving fragment of the statue is now in the Erzurum
archeological museum. Exactly how, and when, it got there is unknown. According to the museum staff it was found
somewhere in the vicinity of Erzurum and the finder brought it to the museum by car.

Ashot IV

(Armenian: , died ca. 1040-41), surnamed Kaj, i.e. "the Brave, the Valiant" was a King of Armenia
(Bagratid Kingdom of Armenia) as King in various provinces from 1021 until 1039 and King of Ani concurrently with
Hovhannes-Smbat from 1020 until 1040. He was the younger son of Gagik I. When his eldest brother Hovhanness-Smbat was
enthroned as King of Armenia as the legal heir of the Bagratuni Dynasty as King of Armenia (King of Ani), Ashot was greatly
displeased as he had aspirations to the throne. So he organized a military campaign through his supporters beseiging and
later conquering the Armenian capital Ani, usurping the power and dethroning the king Hovhannes-Smbat III in 1021.But later
on a compromise agreement was reached between the two feuding brothers such the legal heir would reassume his power
but on a much smaller territory in provinces near the capital, whereas Ashot would become king in provinces closer to Persia
and Georgia. The concurrent rule of the two brother continued with Hovhannes-Smbat III ruling (10201040) and that of Ashot
IV (10211039). However despite the compromise agreement, the feud, sometimes military, continued between the two
brothers during their concurrent reign thus greatly weakening the unity of theBagratuni dynasty.Their troublesome rule was
followed by Gagik II, the last king of the dynasty from 1942-1945 when the dynasty finally collapsed. Ashot IV Qadj may
actually be Ashot VIII lineage, but was the 4th Ashot to hold the Armenian throne, the previous king Ashots being Ashot I of
Armenia, (known as Ashot the Carnivorous) who ruled 884-890, Ashot II (known as Ashot Yergat (Ashot the Iron), 915930, Ashot III Olomurdz, (Ashot the Gracious) 953-977.

Hovhannes-Smbat III (died

1040/1041) was a King of Armenia (Bagratid Kingdom of Armenia) as King of Ani from
1020 until his death in 1040/1041 concurrently with Ashot IV (King in other provinces) . He succeeded his father Gagik I of Ani
(9891020) being the king's elder son and legal heir to the throne.His enthronement in 1020 was strongly opposed by his
younger brother Ashot, who one year later in 1021 rebelled against him, driving his forces to Ani the capital, surrounding and
conquering the city and dethroning his brother Hovhannes-Smbat III in 1021 and usurping power from him. But following a
compromise agreement between the two feuding brothers, he agreed to withdraw his rebel forces from Ani and let the legal
heir Hovhannes-Smbat III to return to power continuing as Hovhannes-Smbat III of Ani on limited areas around the capital,
whereas Ashot (known as Ashot IV Qadj) would be enthroned a concurrent king and rule in further Armenian provinces closer
to Persia and Georgia. Hovhannes-Smbat III of Ani's rule continued (10201040) and that of Ashot IV (10211039). He was
despite the agreed compromise, conflicts, sometimes military, continued between the two brother kings thus greatly
weakening the Armenian Bagratid kingdom. During the reign of Smbat III, there were other rebellions against him. David,
an Armenian great feudal lord, in the eastern provinces and an ally of the Byzantines and who owned Taik (Tao) (Ispir and

Olti), ran battles against the Muslims, thus taking a large area which stretched all the way to Manazkert under his control.
David ran these liberated regions independently from Hovhannes-Smbat King of Ani's jurisdiction and being a subject of
the Byzantine Empire, when he died, his entire controlled territory was occupied by Byzantine emperor Basil II's forces.

Gagik II

(Armenian: ; c. 1025 - May 5/November 24, 1079) was the last Armenian King of Bagratuni dynasty from
1040 until 1075. Known as Gagik II King of Ani (Anibeing the capital of the kingdom at the time), a juvenile at the time, he
was enthroned as Gagik II and ruled for a brief period from 1042 to 1045 before the Bagratid dynasty rule collapsed in
Armenia. During the reign of Hovhannes-Smbat III (John-Smbat), a feudal lord, David, who owned Taik during his battles
against the Muslims, gained a large area which stretched all the way to Manzikert. David was a subject of Byzantium and
when he died his entire territory was occupied by Basil II, who had resumed the policy of, bit by bit, annexing Armenia to his
empire. This policy of occupation and expansion was also pursued by the successors of Basil II. By the death of HovhannesSmbat III around 1040, Michael V, one of the successors of Basil II, was the emperor cornering Armenia. Michael claimed that
the Kingdom of Ani by virtue of the will of Smbat III, was bequeathed to the Byzantine Empire upon his death.When the
Armenian sparapet, Vahram Pahlavouni, prepared the coronation of the successor to Smbat III, king's nephew Gagik II who at
that time was only fourteen years old, the Byzantine emperor began supporting a rebel, Vest Sarkis, an Armenian proByzantine prince of and minister of the former King who took over the city of Ani with Byzantine support. After this the
Kingdom of Ani resisted three assaults of the Byzantine Empire, forcing them to retreat. Byzantium exerted its forces to the
outmost in order to conquer Armenia and once and for all annexing it to the empire. To this end, they sent a great army to the
southern part of Armenia and at the same time convinced the Albanian king to attack Armenia from the east. At the fierce
battle that was fought by the walls of Ani, general Vahram Pahlavuni heavily defeated the Byzantine army, forcing them to
leave 20,000 dead behind. This victory allowed Vahram Pahlavuni along with Catholicos Petros Guedadarts to crown Gagik II
king of Armenia and subsequently take the fortress of Ani, which was in the hands of Vest Sarkis. Sarkis ran away to the
fortress of St. Mary and was eventually captured. After this great victory, the new Armenian king, together with Vahram,
turned towards their second enemy, the Seljuq Turks, who were still intent on conquering the kingdom. In the following two
years Gagik reinforced the army and fought against Seljuq hordes. Gregory Pahlavuni nephew of Vahram, defended the
fortress of Bjni. The Armenian army hurried to confront the enemy at the location of the present-day lake Sevan, where the
king and his commander split the Armenian army into two units. The first division engaged in a battle with the Seljuq Turks
and then pretended to run away, drawing the Turks in pursuit toward the second army, that was lying in ambush. The battle
ended with a catastrophic defeat for the Seljuq Turks. This defeat of the Turks resounded as a cry for unification across the
Armenian feudal Kingdoms. In the Kingdom of Vaspurakan, formerly under the protection of the Byzantine Empire where the
population had been deserted by the imperial army, the people eagerly anticipated the Armenian king would be driving the
Seljuq Turks out of their homeland. Under leadership of Gagik II, known for his courage as the Lion, the Armenians revolted
and the Turks were forced to retreat to Khoy and Salmas. Vahram began negotiations with the new Byzantine
emperor Constantine IX Monomachus. Gagik II offered to be a vassal of the emperor, but the Byzantines did not accept it and
prepared a new expedition entrusted to the Duke of Iberia, Michael Iasites, but he failed in the face of Armenian resistance.
Emperor Constantine wished to continue the policy of his predecessors and therefore sent an army to conquer Armenia,
whilst inciting the Arab emir of Dvin, Aboul Asvar, to attack Armenia from the east. King Gagik II, however, managed to
placate Aboul Asvar by sending him gifts. This allowed Gagik to concentrate his forces against the Byzantines, eventually
forcing them to flee. Thus, King Gagik II proved he was worthy of the throne and the reputation of fighting king, which had
passed on to him from the very first kings in the Bagratuni dynasty. The Byzantines soon realised that that if Armenia could
not be conquered by force, it could be taken by treachery. Gagik II made the severe mistake of forgiving Vest Sarkis for his
crime of high treason against the crown. The traitor was still a loyal subject of Byzantium, constantly fostering the naive hope
of being appointed as king of Armenia if Byzantium was to conquer Armenia. With the assistance of Vest Sarkis, the Byzantine
emperor invited Gagik II to Constantinople to sign an allegedly permanent peace-treaty. Gagik II was lured into the trap and
went to Constantinople. There the emperor demanded that the Armenian king abdicate and hand over the throne to him, and
since Gagik II refused to do so he was thrown into jail. The Byzantines promptly sent an army to Armenia, which was now
leaderless. In lieu of its rightful king, Armenians considered offering the throne of Ani to David Anholin of Lori or to the emir of
Dwin, Abul Uswar, married to the sister of David Anholin. Even Bagrat IV of Georgia was considered but surprisingly not the
Bagratuni King Gagik-Abas of Kars. The patriarch Petros did not approve of any of the three candidates and finally conceded
the delivery to the Byzantines of the city of Ani and other fortresses. With help from the treachery of Catholicos Petros, the
Byzantines were finally able to occupy Ani in 1045. The country was immediately inaugurated as a province in the empire.
Not satisfied with the extinction of the political life of the greatest of the Armenian kingdoms, the Byzantine clergy insisted
upon converting Armenians to the Greek Orthodox faith. Meanwhile Armenia was economically at the mercy of the imperial
functionaries sent from the capital, who crushed the population under the burden of heavy taxes. The Armenian nobility, a
favorite subject of persecution, suffered the heaviest losses through systematic purges by the imperial authorities. The only
parts of Armenia to continue their independent existence were the kingdom of Kars, which managed to maintain its
independence for a couple decades longer, and the kingdom of Lori, which thanks to its geographical position was more
secure and continued its independence for another century. By destroying the government of the Bagratuni Armenian
Kingdom of Ani, the Byzantines had also removed the only power which could, perhaps, withstand a full scale Seljuq invasion.
By itself, Byzantium could not summon the same level of defense that Armenia had managed to concentrate in order to hold
off the Seljuqs. Alfred Rambaud express the following on this matter: "The Byzantine occupation of Armenia resulted in
catastrophic consequences for both sides, since the empire lost its natural link through which it was connected to the East.
Up to that point the Armenians had managed to withstand all assaults, but when Armenia lost its royal dynasty, everything
else was lost as well." Gagik received as compensation for his Kingdom the district of Lycandus in Asia Minor and the town of
Bizou, in the vicinity of Caesarea. He was also granted the use of a palace on the Bosphorus in Constantinople and a pension
from the Imperial treasury. Several seals testify Kakikios Aniotes (Gagik of Ani) as duke of the thema of Charsianon. Michael
Iasites, duke of Iberia was entrusted with the government of Ani. Sarkis went in the service of Bagrat IV of Georgia. The
Bishop of Caesarea, named Marcus, lost no occasion to express his scorn towards Gagik whom he considered a heretic. After
several insults by Marcus directed against him, Gagik eventually murdered the Bishop, an act that made Gagik even more
unpopular among the locals. As the story goes, it is said the Bishop had a dog named Armenen, so as to scorn the Armenians.
One day, Gagik visited the Bishop, had the dog put in a canvas bag and beat with sticks. He then had the Bishop seized and

placed in the same bag with the dog, now maddened by pain. The bishop died in pain from the wounds inflicted by his own
dog. Later, Gagik was killed by the Byzantine governors (three brothers) of Kyzistra who had his body mutilated and hanged
from the fort for others to see. His body was later buried outside the fort but was later said to have been secretly conveyed
by an Armenian from Ani named Banik to a convent he had built in a city called Piza. Shortly after Gagik was killed, his
youngest son David was poisoned by his father-in-law for suspected treachery. Gagik's eldest son Johannes had married the
daughter of the governor of Ani and still lived there, but was in Georgia when it was captured. Johannes had a son Ashot who
was poisoned and his body brought to Piza. Johannes did not survive his son by long at which time the posterity of the male
Bagratian line of kings of Armenia was extinct. During the reign of Thoros I of the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia the death of
king Gagik II was avenged by the Armenian forces who took the fortress of Kyzistra and executed the three Byzantines who
killed the last Armenian King of Ani. Gagik appears as a character in The Fall of Ani, Pakrad Ayvaziants's novel which
chronicles the fall of Ani and the Bagratid line.

Shaddadid Dynasty
The Shaddadids were a dynasty of Kurdish origin who ruled in various parts of Armenia and Arran from 951 to 1174. They
were established in Dvin. Through their long tenure in Armenia, they often intermarried with the Bagratuni royal family of
Armenia. They began ruling in the city of Dvin, and eventually ruled other major cities, such as Barda and Ganja. A cadet line
of the Shaddadids were given the city of Ani and Tbilisi as a reward for their service to the Seljuqs, to whom they
becamevassals. From 1047 to 1057, the Shaddadids were engaged in several wars against the Byzantine army. The area
between the rivers Kura and Arax was ruled by a Shaddadid dynasty.

List of Rulers (Emirs) of the Shaddadids Dynasty

Muhammad bin Shaddad was

the founder and the first emir of the Shaddadids from 951 until 971. He

captured Dvin in 951.

Ali I bin Muhammad Lashkari was the

second emir of the Shaddadid dinasty from 971 until 978. He was the son
of Muhammad bin Shaddad. He succeeded his father to rule the Shaddadids. He captured Ganja from the Sallarids in 971,
coming into control of the region of Arran.

Marzuban bin Muhammad was

the second emir of the Shaddadid dinasty from 978 until 985. He was the brother
of Ali I bin Muhammad Lashkari. He succeeded his brother to the throne of the Shaddadids.

Al-Fadhl ibn Muhammad al-Shaddadi (also al-Fadl

ibn Muhammad, Fadl ibn Muhammad, Fadlun ibn

Muhammad, Fadhlun ibn Muhammad, or Fadl I was the fourth Shaddadid emir of Arran from 985 until 1031. Of Kurdish origin,
al-Fadhl was called "Fadhlun the Kurd" by ibn al-Athir and other Arabic historians. Al-Fadhl was the first Shaddadid emir to
issue coinage, locating his mint first at Partav (Barda'a) and was later transferred to Ganja. He was built a bridge across the
Araxes with the intent to raid the Rawadids. According to ibn al-Athir, al-Fadhl led an expedition against theKhazars around
1030. The Khazars reportedly killed 10,000 of his soldiers. Since the Khazar Khaganate had been destroyed in 969, it is
unclear whether these Khazars were from a successor state or kingdom located in the Caucasus, were subjects of
a Kipchak or Pecheneg ruler, or whether ibn al-Athir was mistaken or was using "Khazars" as a generic term for steppe
people.Al-Fadhl died in 1031 and was succeeded by Abu'l-Fath Musa.

Abu-l-Fa't Musa was

the fifth Shaddadid emir of Arran from 1031 until 1034. He was succeeded Fadl I to the throne of

the Shaddadids.

Ali II Lashkari was the sixth Shaddadid emir of Arran from 1034 until 1049. He was became Shaddadid emir after Musa.
In 1044, Constantine IX waged war against the Armenian king Gagik II. The Byzantine Emperor, sent letters to al-Lashkari's
uncle, Abu'l-Aswar (the Byzantine Aplesphares,emir of Dwin), inviting him to attack the territory of Ani. Abu'l-Aswar wrote
back to Nikolaos (the Emperor's chief officer) that he would cooperate as long as the Emperor guaranteed him in writing that
he could keep whatever territory he won by the sword. Constantine IX accepted this condition and ordered that his pact with
Abu'l-Aswar be confirmed with a chrysoboullos logos or official document sealed with a golden bull. The Kurd rose to the bait
and quickly seized a section of Armenian territory with its fortresses and towns.Right after the annexation of Ani, Constantine
IX had the nerve to command Abu'l-Aswar to turn over those Armenian strongholds and towns he had captured as
a Byzantine ally against Gagik. When Abu'l-Aswar reminded him of the chrysobull and refused to surrender his gains, the
Emperor resorted to military coercion. He commanded that the Byzantine forces combine with the native garrisons of Ani and
"Iberican" army and take the field. In the face of such overwhelming force, Abu'l-Aswar craftily withdrew his troops within the
walls of Dwin, while damming up the course of the river Azat (Garni Chai) and inundating the level country all around the city,
converting it into a swamp. All around the foot of the city walls were rows of vineyards; there the Kurd posted in ambush a
strong corps of foot-archers. The Christian soldiersimmobilized in the quagmire and assaulted on all sides by enemies
barely visiblewas routed with terrible loss; among the dead was Vahram Pahlavuni and his son Gregory. Many of the
Byzantine troops, along with their allies, were taken captive and sold as slaves. Iasites and Constantine the Alan escaped with
difficulty and made their way back to Ani, where they announced the calamity to Nikolaos (autumn 1045). In early
1049, Nicephorus (the palatial rector) invaded the emirate of Abu'l-Aswar, ravaging it from end to end and forcing the emir to
take refuge inside Dwin. Abu'l-Aswar, temporarily cowed, again made terms and acknowledged Byzantine suzerainty.
According to Scylitzes, he had to yield as a hostage his nephew Ardashir (Artasyros in Greek), son of his brother "Phatlun,

emir of Kantzakion" By this time, Al-Lashkari, had been reduced from a border emir of some consequence to a glorified
refuge, moving his headquarters from castle to castle until he died in 1049.

Anushirvan was

the seventh Shaddadid emir of Arran in 1049. He was apparently a minor, with the hajib
or Chamberlain Abu'l Mansur serving as regent. Abu-Mansur, along his army chiefs, immediately agreed to surrender several
frontier fortresses to the Georgians and Byzantines, in order, says a local chronicle, "to restrain their greed for Arran." This
decision provoked the leading men of Shamkur to revolt under al-Haytham ibn Maymun al-Bais, chief of the tanners in that
city. Abu-Mansur, then residing at Shamkur, attempted to arrest al-Haytham, but al-Haytham and his ghulams (servants)
"drew their daggers" and declared for Abu'l-Aswar, to whom they opened the gates. Abu'l-Aswar occupied Shamkur, settled
its affairs, and returned to Ganja. He arrested Anushirvan, whose reign ended abruptly after two months, as well as AbuMansur and his relations.

Abu-l-Asvar Shavur I bin al-Fadl I was a eighth Shaddadid emir of Dvin and then Ganja from 1049 until 1067. He
was became vassal to Great Seljuqs. Married the sister of David Anholin, king of Tashir. The anonymous chronicle called
the Ta'rikh al-Bab wa Sharvan says: "Abu-l-Asvar became strong and the situation of the subjects and the army became
orderly." In 1053, he resumed the offensive against the Georgians and took from them the fortress of Basra, which he
supplied with "men, victuals and arms." That same year he sent out his son Abu-Nasr Iskander to assume the duties of
viceroy over Dwin and its dependencies. Despite the fact that he now controlled all Arran and ruled over a united Shaddadid
emirate, Abu'l-Aswar still found himself a pawn between the two expanding powers, Byzantine and the Seljuk Turks. Like all
the other princes, Kurdish and Armenian, who ruled buffer states between the two, he could anticipate only a future of
vassalage to one or the other. In 1055, Toghrul Beg advanced through Azerbaijan, stopping off at Tabriz, where he received
the submission of the Kurdish Rawwadid emir of Tabriz, Wahsudan ibn Mamlan. He moved on to Ganja, where he
acknowledged the like subservience of Abu'-Aswar Shawur. Abu'l-Asvar Sharvur (Shuwar), launched a sanguinary raid on
Byzantine Armenia between 1055 and 1056. He (or his lieutenants) advanced into the province of Shirak, many inhabitants of
which attempted to find shelter behind the walls of Ani. They hastened toward the principal entrance into the city, which led
over the river Akhurian, and some made it inside. At nightfall, however, the sentries closed the gates, leaving a great throng
of fugitives stranded outside the city. The Shaddadid army, refusing to break stride in the darkness, threw themselves upon
the masses huddled at the gates of Ani. They slaughtered a large number without hindrance, took a multitude of captives and
much spoil, and returned home in triumph.(see [1], p. 7, p. 15. p. 20)

Al-Fadl II bin Shavur I was

a ninth Shaddadid emir of Dvin and Ganja from 1067 until 1073. He was succeeded his

father to the Shaddadid throne.

Ashot bin Shavur I was a ninth Shaddadid emir of Dvin and Ganja in 1067. He was the son of Shavur I, and of partial
Armenian descent. He was installed in Ganja by Georgians for one year.

Al-Fadl III bin al-Fadl II was

the last tenth Shaddadid ruler of Ganja from 1073 until 1075. The realm was then
absorbed by the Great Seljuqs: Shaddadids continued to rule in other parts of Armenia, but the Shaddadid Ganja was added
to the realm of the Great Seljuqs. When the Shaddadids were in full occupation of Arran, the Persian poet Qatran Tabrizi,
praises the Shaddadid Amir Fazlun bin Fazl II b. Abi-Aswar (107375 CE) for his descent on the maternal side from
the Bagratunis, indicating further Muslim-Christian alliances.

Kingdom of Artsakh
The Kingdom of Artsakh (Armenian: ) is the modern name given to the medieval eastern
Armenian state on the territory of Artsakh (present-day Nagorno-Karabakh), Gardman and Gegharkunik. Contemporary
sources referred to it as the Khachen. The royal house of Artsakh was a cadet branch of the ancient Syunid dynasty and was
named Khachen, after its main stronghold. The kingdom emerged when John-Senecherib (Hovhannes-Senekerim) acquired
the royal title in 1000. The monarchs of Artsakh maintained an internationally recognized sovereign status, though in the
early 13th century they accepted Georgian, then Mongol suzerainty. They lost the royal title after the assassination of HasanJalal (12141261) by the Ilkhanid ruler Arghun, but continued to rule Artsakh as a principality, which from the 16th century
comprised five Armenian melikdoms and lasted until the early 19th century. The descendants of the kings of Artsakh played a
prominent role in the history of Artsakh as far as the 20th century. The Kingdom of Artsakh is also known as the Kingdom of
Syunik-Baghk.

List of Rulers of Principality of Khachen (Kingdom of Artsakh)

John-Senecherib (Hovhannes-Senekerim) was the King of the Kingdom of Artsakh from 1000 until ?.

The royal house of

Artsakh was a cadet branch of the ancient Syunid dynasty and was named Khachen, after its main stronghold. The kingdom
emerged when John-Senecherib (Hovhannes-Senekerim) acquired the royal title in 1000.

Hasan-Jalal Vahtangian

was the Grand Prince of Principality of Khachen (Kingdom of Artsakh) from 1214 until his
death in 1261. Hasan-Jalal traced his descent to the Armenian Aranshahik dynasty, a family that predated the establishment
of the Parthian Arsacids in the region. Hasan-Jalal's ancestry was "almost exclusively" Armenian according to historian Robert
H. Hewsen, a professor at Rowan University and an expert on the history of the Caucasus: In the male line, (1) the princes
(who later became kings) of Siunik. Through various princesses, who married his ancestors, Hasan-Jalal was descended from
(2) the kings of Armenia or the Bagratuni Dynasty, centered at Ani; (3) the Armenian kings of Vaspurakan of the Artsruni

dynasty, centered in the region of Van; 4) the princes of Gardman; (5) the Sassanid dynasty of Persia, and (6) the Arsacids,
the second royal house of Albania, itself a branch of (7) the kings of ancient Parthia. Much of Hasan-Jalal Dawla's family roots
were entrenched in an intricate array of royal marriages with new and old Armenian nakharar families. Hasan-Jalal's
grandfather was Hasan I (also known as Hasan the Great), a prince who ruled over the northern half of Artsakh. In 1182, he
stepped down as ruler of the region and entered monastery life at Dadivank, and divided his land into two: the southern half
(comprising much of Khachen) went to his oldest son Vakhtank II (also known as Tangik) and the northern half went to the
youngest, Gregory "the Black." Vakhtank II married Khorishah Zakarian, who was herself the daughter of Sargis Zakarian, the
progenitor of the Zakarid line of princes.[9] When he married the daughter of the Aranshahik
king of Dizak-Balk, Mamkan,

Hasan-Jalal also inherited his father-in-law's lands. In the late 1960s and into the 1970s, Hasan-Jalals origins became a part
of a larger debate revolving around the history of Artsakh between Armenian and Azerbaijani scholars. In addition to the
position held almost solely by Azerbaijani historians that much of Artsakh at the time was under heavy Caucasian Albanian
influence, they also contend that the population and monuments were not Armenian but Caucasian Albanian in origin (this
argument has also been employed against Armenian monuments in the region of Nakhichevan). Among the foremost
revisionists who expounded these views were Ziya Bunyadov and Farida Mamedova. Mamedova herself asserted that HasanJalal, based upon her interpretation of an inscription carved into the Gandzasar Monastery by the prince, was Caucasian
Albanian. Armenian historians as well as experts of the region such as Hewsen, reject her conclusions, along with the notion
held in Azerbaijan, that the Armenians "stole" Caucasian Albanias culture. With the surrender of Ani to the Byzantine Empire
in 1045 and the Byzantine annexation of Kars in 1064, the final independent Armenian state in historic Armenia, Bagratuni
kingdom, came to an end. However, despite foreign domination of the region, which became more pronounced after the
Seljuk Turks defeated the Byzantines at the battle of Manzikert in 1071, Armenians in eastern Armenia were able to maintain
autonomy in the two mountainous kingdoms of Syunik and Lori and in the principality of Khachen. From the early to midtwelfth century, the combined Georgian and Armenian armies were successful in pushing the Turks out of Eastern Armenia,
thereby establishing a period of relative peace and prosperity until the appearance of the Mongols in 1236. Khachen used to
be a part of Syunik until numerous Turkic invasions severed it from the rest of the kingdom. The reign of the Hasan-Jalalyan
family was concentrated around the Terter and the Khachenaget rivers. Hasan-Jalal's birth date is unknown; however his
reign, beginning in 1214 and ending at the time of his death sometime from 1261 until 1262 in Qazvin, encompassed both
Artsakh and the surrounding Armenian regions. When his father Vakhtank died in 1214, Hasan-Jalal inherited his lands and
took up residence in a castle at Akana in Jraberd. He was addressed with the titles tagavor (king; Armenian: ) or
inknakal (autocrat or absolute ruler; ) but took the official title of "King of Artsakh and Balk" when he married the
daughter of the final king of Dizak-Balk. The medieval Armenian historian Kirakos Gandzaketsi extolled Hasan-Jalal in his work
History of Armenia, lacing him with praise for his piety and devotion to Christianity: He was...a pious and God-loving man,
mild and meek, merciful, and a lover of the poor, striving in prayers and entreaties like one who lived in the desert. He
performed matins and vespers unhindered, no matter where he might be, like a monk; and in memory of the Resurrection of
our Savior, he spent Sunday without sleeping, in a standing vigil. He was very fond of the priests, a lover of knowledge, and a
reader of the divine Gospels. A further testament to this devotion included Hasan-Jalal's commissioning of the Gandzasar
Monastery. Construction of the monastery began in 1216 and lasted until 1238. On July 22, 1240, amid great celebration
during Vardavar celebrations and in the presence of nearly 700 priests including Nerses, the Catholicos of Albania, the church
was consecrated. The monastery went on to become the residence and sepulcher of the family as well as the house of the
catholicos; beginning in the fifteenth century, the family also monopolized control over the seat of Catholicos itself, which
would from thereon in pass down from uncle to nephew. Hasan-Jalal's son John VII is considered to be the first to have
established this practice when he became the Catholicos whereas his nephew, also named John, became the second. Despite
his faithfulness to Christianity, Muslim influence in the region had pervaded and influenced the culture and customs of the
Christians living in Georgia and Armenia, especially after the Seljuk Turks invaded the Caucasus. Byzantine art scholar
Anthony Eastmond, for example, notes that "many of the outward manifestations of [Hasan-Jalal's] rule were presented
through Islamic customs and titles, most notably in his depiction on his principal foundation of Gandzasar." The image of
Hasan-Jalal on the drum of Gandzasar's dome has him sitting cross-legged, which Eastmond remarks was a "predominant
device for depicting power at the Seljuq court." Muslim influence was also seen in Hasan-Jalal's name: as a fashion of the
time, many Armenians adopted Arabic patronymics (kunya) that lost any "connexion with original Armenian names." HasanJalal's Armenian name was Haykaz but the Arabic words in his name, in fact, described his person; thus, Hasan meant
handsome; Jalal, grand; Dawla, wealth and governance. Gandzasar became home to Armenia's first completed Haysmavurk
(Synaxarion), a calendar collection of short lives of saints and accounts of important religious events. The idea to have a new,
better organized Haysmavurk came from Hasan-Jalal himself, who then placed his request with Father Israel (Ter-Israel), a
disciple of an important Armenian medieval philosopher and Artsakh native known as Vanakan Vardapet. The Haysmavurk
was further developed by Kirakos Gandzaketsi. Ever since, the Haysmavurk ordered by Hasan-Jalal became known as
"Synaxarion of Ter-Israel;" it was mass printed in Constantinople in 1834. In 1236, the Ilkhanate Mongol armies invaded the
Caucasus. Prior to them entering Khachen, Hasan Jalal and his people were able to take refuge at Ishkhanberd (located
directly south of Gandzasar; also known by its Persian name of Khokhanaberd). Given its formidable location atop a mountain,
the Mongols chose not to besiege the fortress and sued for negotiations with Hasan-Jalal: they exchanged his loyalty and
military service to the Mongol Empire in return for some of the immediate lands adjacent to Khachen that they had
conquered. Later, in 1240-1242 Hasan Jalal even had struck coins of common Mongol types in Khachen on the mints of
"Qarabgh" (in Khokhanaberd) and "Lajn" (in Havkakhaghats berd). Feeling the need to preserve his power, Hasan-Jalal
traveled twice to Karakorum, the capital of the Mongol empire, where he was able to obtain special autonomy rights and
privileges for himself and the people under his domain from the ruling khan. Despite this arrangement, the Mongols viewed
many of the people of the region with contempt and taxed them excessively. Arghun Khan, the regional Mongol ostikan at the
time, placed so many restrictions against Armenians that it prompted Hasan-Jalal in 1256 to journey to the capital once more
to protest against the encroachments upon Catholicos Nerses. In response, Batu Khan drafted a document "guaranteeing
freedom for Lord Nerses, Katolikos of Albania, for all his properties and goods, that he be free and untaxed and allowed to
travel freely everywhere in the dioceses under his authority, and that no one disobey what he said." Hasan-Jalal also
attempted to strengthen his alliances with the Mongols by having his daughter Rhuzukan marry Bora Noyan, the son of a
Mongol leader. Relations between Armenians and Mongols continued to deteriorate however, and the document issued by the
khan failed to uphold its promises. Finally, in 1260, Hasan-Jalal decided to ally himself with the forces of the Georgian king

David Narin, who was leading an insurrection against Mongol rule. He was captured several times by the Mongols yet his
family was able to free him by paying a ransom. The insurrection eventually failed and under the orders of Arghun Khan,
Hasan-Jalal was arrested once more and taken to Qazvin, (now in Iran). According to Kirakos Ganzaketsi, Rhuzukan appealed
to the Hulagu Khan's wife Doquz Khatun, to pressure Arghun to free her father. However, as Arghun Khan learned of this, he
had Hasan-Jalal tortured and finally executed. Hasan Jalal's son Atabek ordered several of his men to Iran to retrieve his
father's dismembered body, which had been tossed into a well; upon bringing it back, the body was given a proper funeral
and buried at Gandzasar monastery. Following his death, the family truncated Hasan-Jalal's official title to the shorter "Princes
of Artaskh." Atabek was ordered by Hulegu to take over his father's position and held the post until 1306. His cousin
Vakhtank, whose descendants would become the Melik-Avanyan family, was given control over the region of Dizak. As a
method of showing their relation to Hasan-Jalal, his descendants adopted Hasan-Jalal as their surname and appended -yan to
the end to form a suffix. The family funded numerous architectural and cultural projects which continue to stand today,
including Gandzasar monastery and the adjacent Church of St. John the Baptist. In the late sixteenth century, the family
branched out and established melikdoms in settlements in Jraberd, Khachen and Gulistan.

Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia

The Armenian
Kingdom
of
Cilicia (Classical
Armenian:

Kilikio
Hayots
Tagavorutyun;French: Le Royaume Armnien de Cilicie), also known as the Cilician Armenia, Kingdom of Cilician Armenia or
New Armenia, was an independent principality formed during the High Middle Ages by Armenian refugees fleeing
the Seljukinvasion
of Armenia. Located
outside
of
the Armenian
Highland and
distinct
from
the Armenian
Kingdom of Antiquity, it was centered in the Cilicia region northwest of the Gulf of Alexandretta, in what is today
southern Turkey. The Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia was a state formed in the Middle Ages by Armenian refugees, who were
fleeing the Seljuk invasion of Armenia existed from 1080 by the Rubenid dynasty until 1375 by the Lusignan dynasty, mired in
an internal religious conflict, finally fell.

List of Lords of the Armenian Cilicia or Lord of the Mountains and Kings of the
Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia
Ruben I,

(Armenian: ), also Roupen I or Rupen I, (1025/1035 Kormogolo, 1095) was the first lord of Armenian
Cilicia or Lord of the Mountains from 1080/1081/1082 until his death in 1095). He declared the independence of Cilicia from
theByzantine Empire, thus formally founding the beginning of Armenian rule there. The Roupenian dynasty ruled Cilician
Armenia until 1219. The Armenian voluntary immigrations into the Byzantine Empire began as early as the 6th century; from
the reign of Emperor Maurice (582602) onwards they were solidly incorporated into the military fabric of the Byzantine army.
The Armenian migration to the south-west, began when the Seldjuk invasions made life in the Araxes valley and by Lake
Van no longer secure. By the mid 10th century, large numbers of Armenian settlements were well underway in Cilicia. Greater
Armenia was ruled by the Bagratids in relative peace and prosperity from the 9th century until 1045 when their capital city
ofAni fell. In 1045, King Gagik II was invited to Constantinople; upon arrival there, he was taken captive and under duress was
forced to abdicate his throne and relinquish all his right in Armenia in exchange for lands in Cappadocia. Thus Ani was
relinquished to EmperorConstantine IX Monomachos who began the resettlement of large numbers of Armenians in Byzantine
Cilicia. Gagik was killed by Byzantine orders in 1079, after his own peculiarly atrocious murder of the Archbishop
of Caesarea (today Kayseri in Turkey). The Seldjuks also played a significant role in the Armenian immigration into Cilicia. In
1071, Sultan Alp Arslan put an end to Byzantine dominance in the east with his most convincing at the battle on the plains of
Manzikert where Emperor Romanos IV Diogenes was taken captive. The consensus appears to be that the Roupenians were
the descendant of the Bagratids, and Roupen was a relative of the last Bagratid king, Gagik II. [1] The Armenian
chroniclerKirakos Gandzaketsi speaks of the Roupenians as the sons and descendants of Gagik Artsruni. Another Armenian
chronicler, Vahram, a personal secretary of King Levon IIrefers to Roupen as a famous chief of the blood royal, Rouben by
name. On the other hand, the claims in these primary sources of a family relationship with the kings of the Bagratid dynasty
are implausible. It is felt that, if such a connection had existed, the sources would have given specific details, given the
otherwise reasonably completegenealogies which can be reconstructed from the information which they contain. Roupen,
according to the general consensus of the Armenian chroniclers, was a commander in the kings armies. After the surrender
of Ani to Constantine IX, a number of King Gagik IIs princes and loyal adherents, among them Roupen faithfully followed the
kings court into exile and resettled in the district of Caesarea in Cappadocia. However upon the murder of Gagik II, Roupen
gathered his family and fled to the Taurus Mountains and took refuge in the fortress of Kopitar (Kosidar) situated north
of Sis (today Kozan in Turkey). The territory of the Armenians in the Taurus was hard of access and easy to defend. Roupen
declared the independence of Cilicia from the Byzantine Empire in 1080. Relying mostly upon what was left of the loyal
followers of King Gagik, he developed enough strength to descend gradually towards the heartland of the Cilician plain. He
began leading bold and successful military campaigns against the Byzantines, and on one occasion he culminated his venture
with the capture of the fortress of Pardzerpert (today Andrn in Turkey) which became a stronghold of the Roupenian dynasty.
At that time, Roupen were outshone by the Armenian Vahram, called Philaretus by the Greeks. Philaretus dominion stretched
from Tarsus to the lands beyond the riverEuphrates; and Roupen became his vassal. They jointly expanded northward and
eastward. In 1086, Malik Shah I conquered much of northern Syria and eastern Anatolia where he installed new governors
who levied repressive taxes on the Armenian inhabitants. Thus the sufferings endured by the Armenians at the hands of the
Seljuks became the impetus for many of the Armenians to seek refuges and sanctuaries in Byzantine Anatolia and Cilicia
throughout the second half of the 11th century. By 1090, Roupen was growing old; his command seems to have then passed
entirely to his son Constantine, who in the same year conquered the strategic Cilician castle of Vahka(today Feke in Turkey).
Roupen died at the age of 70 (or 60); he was buried at the monastery of Castalon.The name of Roupens wife is unknown. He
had two children Constantine I of Cilicia (1050/1055 February 24, 1102 / February 23, 1103) and Thoros of

Marash (according to Rdt-Collenberg, he was the brother of Constantine I; it is not known what
evidence this claim is based on but it should be treated with caution).

Constantine I

or Kostandin I (10351040 / 10501055 c. 1100/February 24, 1102

February 23, 1103) was the second lord of Armenian Cilicia or Lord of the Mountains from
1095 until his death in c. 1100 /1102/1103. During his rule, he controlled the greater part of the
regions around the Taurus Mountains, and invested much of his efforts in cultivating the lands and
rebuilding the towns within his domain. He provided ample provisions to the Crusaders, for
example during the difficult period of the siege of Antiochin the winter of 1097. He was a passionate
adherent of the separated Armenian Church. He was the son of Roupen I; his father declared the
independence of Cilicia from the Byzantine Empire around 1080.[1] According to the chroniclers Matthew of
Edessa and Sempat Sparapet, Constantine is also identified as being either a prince of King Gagik II, or some kind of a
military commander in the monarchs clan in exile. Upon the murder of King Gagik II, Constantines father gathered his
family and fled to the Taurus Mountains and took refuge in the fortress of Kopitar (Kosidar) situated north
of Sis (today Kozan in Turkey). As Roupen was growing old by 1090, his command seems to have passed entirely to
Constantine; and it was the latter who in the same year conquered the strategic Cilician castle of Vahka (today Feke in
Turkey). The mastery of this mountain defile made possible the assessment of taxes on merchandise transported from the
port of Ayas towards the central part of Asia Minor, a source of wealth to which theRoupenians owed their power. After his
fathers death in 1095, Constantine extended his power eastward towards the Anti-Taurus Mountains. He, in his capacity as an
Armenian Christian ruler in the Levant, helped the forces of the First Crusade maintain the siege of Antioch until it fell to the
crusaders. The crusaders, for their part, duly appreciated the aid of their Armenian allies: Constantin was honored with the
titles of Comes and Baron. The Chronographie of Samuel of Ani records that Constantine died soon after a lightning bolt
struck his table in the fortress of Vahka. He was buried in Castalon.According to the Chronicle of Aleppo, his wife was
descended from Bardas Phokas. He had three children: Beatrice (died before 1118), the wife of Count Joscelin I of Edessa,
Thoros I, Lord of Armenian Cilicia (died February 17, 1129/February 16, 1130), Leo I, Lord of Armenian Cilicia (died February
14, 1140, in Constantinople)

Toros I

(Armenian: ), also Thoros I, (died between February 17, 1129 and February 16, 1130) was the thirdlord of
Armenian Cilicia or Lord of the Mountains from c. 1100 /1102/1103 until his death between February 17, 1129 and February
16, 1130. His alliance with the leaders of the First Crusade helped him rule his feudal holdings with commanding authority.
Toros ejected the small Byzantine garrisons from Sis (today Kozan in Turkey) and Anazarbus, and he established his capital at
Sis. He was plagued by the nomadic Turks who were harassing him from the north but were driven back. He avenged the
death of King Gagik II by killing his assassins. This act of revenge was often used by chroniclers of the 12th century as direct
evidence connecting the Roupenians to the Bagratid lineage. During his time he bestowed favors and gave gifts and money
to many monasteries for their decoration and adornment, in particular those of Drazark (Trassarg) and Mashgevar. Toros was
the elder son of Constantine I, lord of Armenian Cilicia. It is likely that his mother was the great-granddaughter of Bardas
Phokas.
Toros
succeeded
his
father
and
ruled
from
the
fortresses
of Vahka (today Feke in
Turkey)
and Pardzepert (today Andrn in Turkey). In 1107, encouraged by Tancred, Prince of Antioch, Toros followed the course of
the Pyramus River (today the river Ceyhan in Turkey), and seized the stronghold of Anazarbus (a place which had been
considered impregnable). The city of Sis was the next to fall into the hands of Toros. He commemorated his victories by
constructing a church in Anazarbus, which he consecrated St Zoravark, to house the ancestral treasures of King Gagik II. In
1108, Daphar, the leader of the nomadic Turks entered the province of Hasamansur and ravaged the lands
around Melitene (today Malataya in Turkey). Here for Toros the help of his Armenian compatriot Basilius the Crafty, who
governed possessions in the vicinity of Marash (today Kahramanmara in Turkey) and Kesoun, became indispensable. Basilius
and his allies attacked Daphar and achieved a resounding victory near the castle of Harthan. Basilius nobly shared with Toros
the spoils which were taken from the Turks. In 1111, Sultan Malik Shah of Iconium entered Armenian territories, and Toross
two commanders were killed in battle. However, his brother, Levon launched a savage attack against the Turks and drove
them into retreat. Toros, who had been relentlessly pursuing the murderers of King Gagik II, laid an ambush for them at their
castle, Cyzistra (Kizistra) in 1112. At an opportune time, his infantrysurprised the garrison and occupied the castle, plundered
it then took blood revenge by killing all its inhabitants. The three brothers (the assassins of Gagik II) were taken captive and
forced to produce Gagiks kingly sword and his royal apparel taken at the time of the murder. One of the brothers was beaten
to death by Toros who justified his brutal action by exclaiming that such monsters did not deserve to perish by the quick
plunge of a dagger. In 1114, Vasil Dgha (the heir of Basilius the Crafty) invited Il-Bursuqi (the governor of Mosul) to deliver the
Armenians from the Franks (the Crusaders). The Franks advanced to punish Vasil Dgha, but they were unable to take his
fortress capital at Raban. Nevertheless, he thought it wise to seek the alliance of Toros. Toros, after inviting him to come to
discuss a marriage alliance, imprisoned him and sold him to Count Baldwin II of Edessa in 1116. Having thus annexed Raban,
Baldwin II of Edessa decided to suppress the remaining Armenian principalities in the Euphrates valley; thus Toros soon found
himself the only independent Armenian potentate that remained. In 1118, Toros sent a contingent of troops under the
command of his brother Levon to help Prince Roger of Antioch in the capture of Azaz (today A'zz in Syria). Toros was buried
in the monastery of Drazark.The name of Toross wife is not known. He had two children Constantine II of Cilicia (? after
February 17, 1129) and Oshin (? after February 17, 1129).

Constantine II (Armenian: ), also Kostandin II, (unknown after February 17, 1129) was the fourth lord of
Armenian Cilicia or Lord of the Mountains in 1129/1130. The Chronique Rime de la Petite Armnie (The Rhymed
Chronicle of Armenia Minor) of Vahram of Edessa records that he was the son of Thoros I, lord of Armenian Cilicia. His
mothers name is not known. He died a few months after his fathers death in the course of a palace intrigue. Vahram of
Edessa, the historian tells us that he was cast into prison and poisoned to death.

After the death of Thoros, his only son and heir vas cast into prison by some wicked people, who administered to him a
poisonous drug, thus the principality came to Leon, the brother of Thoros (). Vahram of Edessa: The Rhymed Chronicle of
Armenia Minor
Other historians (e.g., Jacob G. Ghazarian, Vahan M. Kurkjian) suggest that Thoros I died without a male heir [3] and was
succeeded by Leon I.

Leo I

(Armenian: ), also Levon I or Leon I, (unknown Constantinople, February 14, 1140) was the fifth lord of
Armenian Cilicia or Lord of the Mountains from 1129/1130 until 1137). He learned to exploit the open, yet restrained,
hostilities between the Byzantine Empire and the Frankish principalities of Edessa and Antioch. Most of his successes
benefitted from Byzantiums pre-occupation with the threats of Zengi (the atabeg of Mosul) fromAleppo and the lack of
effective Frankish rule, especially in the Principality of Antioch. He expanded his rule over the Cilician plains and even to
the Mediterranean shores. In his time, relations between the Armenians and the Franks (the Crusaders), two former allies,
were not always as courteous as before: a major cause of dissension between them was the ownership of the strongholds of
the southern Amanus (today Nur Mountains in Turkey), and on the neighboring coasts of the Gulf of Alexendretta (the Gulf of
skenderun in Turkey).
/Leo/ invited many famous warriors to join him, and allured them by great rewards. Forward in battle, he prepared himself,
and often fought against the foreigners or infidels, took their forts and put all the inhabitants to the sword. He was the
admiration of warriors, and the fear of foreigners or infidels, so that they called him the new Ashtahag. Vahram of
Edessa: The Rhymed Chronicle of Armenia Minor
Leo was defeated decisively by the Byzantine Emperor John II Comnenus who successfully laid siege to his fortresses. Leo and
two of his sons were taken captive and imprisoned in Constantinople where Leo died shortly thereafter. Leo was the younger
son of Constantine I, lord of Armenian Cilicia. It is likely that his mother was the great-granddaughter of Bardas Phokas. When
Constantine I died, Leos brother Thoros I succeeded him; Leo may have ruled in the eastern part of the Mountains during
the lifetime of his brother (although the basis of this proposition is not known). Sometime between 1100 and 1103,
Count Baldwin II of Edessa gave his sister in marriage to Leo; but the name and origin of his wife are not known with
certainty. It is also possible that his wife was Baldwin IIs sister-in-law, a daughter of the Armenian Gabriel of Melitene. In
1111, Sultan Malik Shah of Iconium entered Armenian territories, and two of the commanders of Leos brother were killed in
battle. Saddened by this lost, Leo was so enraged that he launched a savage attack against the Turks and drove them into
retreat. In 1118, Leo assigned by his brother brought a contingent to help Prince Roger of Antioch at the siege
of Azaz (today A'zz in Syria). Thoros I died in 1129 (or in 1130), and his son Constantine II died a few months later, in the
course of a palace intrigue.[1]Other authors (e.g., Jacob G. Ghazarian, Vahan M. Kurkjian) suggest that Thoros I died without a
male heir and was directly succeeded by Leo. In February 1130, Bohemond II, Prince of Antioch, whose ambition was to
restore his principality, thought that the moment had come to recover Anazarbus (a former Antiochene town which had fallen
into the possession of Thoros I). He marched with a small force up the river Jihan towards his objective. Leo was alarmed and
appealed for help to the Danishmendemir, Ghazi. As Bohemond II progressed carelessly up the river, meeting only light
resistance from the Armenians, the Danishmend Turks fell on him and massacred the whole of his army. However, it was due
to Byzantine intervention that the Turks did not follow up their victory; and Anazarbus remained in Armenian hands Michael
the Syrian says that John II Comnenus at once started an offensive against the Turks. Soon after Bohemond II death, Leo
protected in his rear by an alliance with the Danishmend emir, descended into the plain; after a brief unsuccessful siege
of Seleucia, he seized the three cities of Mamistra, Tarsus and Adana in 1131. In 1133, Leo captured Sarventikar, on the
slopes of the Amanus Mountains, from Baldwin of Marash. But the Armenian hold over Cilicia was weak: bandits found refuge
there, and pirates hung about its costs. In 1136, the new prince of Antioch, Raymond I decided that his first action must be to
recover Cilicia. With the approval of King Fulk of Jerusalem he marched with Baldwin of Marash against Leo. [1] But Leo, with
the help of Count Joscelin II of Edessa (who was his nephew), drove back the Antiochene army. Triumphant, Leo agreed to
have a personal interview with Baldwin of Marash, who treacherously made him prisoner and sent him off to captivity
in Antioch. In Leos absence his three sons quarreled: the eldest, Constantine, was eventually captured and blinded by his
brothers. Meanwhile, the Danishmend emir, Mohammed II ibn Ghazi, invaded Cilicia, destroyed the harvest. Shaken by these
disasters, Leo bought his freedom by offering to give up the Cilician cities (Sarventikar, Mamistra and Adana) to Raymond I; in
addition he paid 60,000 gold pieces and gave his son as a hostage; but on his return home he forgot his promise. A desultory
war broke out again, till, early in 1137, Joscelin II patched up a truce between the combatants. An alliance was then formed
against the Emperor John II Comnenus, who was then pressing his claims against Antioch as well as Cilicia. In the spring of
1137, the imperial army, with the Emperor and his sons at its head, assembled at Attalia (today Antalya in Turkey) and
advanced eastward into Cilicia. Leo moved up in an attempt to check its progress by taking the Byzantine frontier fortress of
Seleucia, but was forced to retire. The Emperor swept on, past Mersin, Tarsus, Adana and Mamistra, which all yielded to him
at once. Leo relied on the great fortifications of Anazarbus to hold him up. Its garrison resisted for 37 days, but the siege
engines of the Byzantines battered down its walls, and the city was forced to surrender. Leo retreated into the high Taurus
Mountains; the Emperor, after mopping up several Armenian castles in the neighborhood, led his forces southward into the
plain of Antioch. After the Emperor had asserted his authority over the Principality of Antioch, he returned to Cilicia to finish
off its conquest. The family castle of Vahka (today Feke in Turkey) held out for some weeks, but after its fall Leo and two of his
sons, Roupen and Thoros, were captured. Leo and his two sons were sent to prison in Constantinople, where Roupen was soon
put to death. Leo and Thoros gained the favor of the Emperor and were allowed to live under surveillance at the Court. Leo
died in Constantinople.The name and the origin of his wife are not known with certainty. It is possible that his wife was a
daughter of Count Hugh I of Rethel, or she may have been the daughter of Gabriel of Melitene. He had seven children:
(?) unnamed daughter, who was the wife of a Frankish knight from Antioch, and mother of the Regent Thomas,
unnamed daughter, the wife of Vasil Dgha, (?) Constantine[1] (died 1138/1144), Thoros II of Cilicia (? February 6, 1169),
Stephen (before 1110 February 7, 1165), Mleh I of Cilicia (before 1120 Sis, May 15, 1175) andf Roupen (after 1120
Constantinople, 1141) (Leos second marriage proposed by Rdt-Collenberg is speculative.)

Toros II the Great (Armenian:

), also Thoros II, (unknown February 6, 1169) was the sixth lord of Armenian
Cilicia or Lord of the Mountains from 1144/1145 until his death on February 6, 1169). Thoros (together with his father, Leo
I and his brother, Roupen) was taken captive and imprisoned in Constantinople in 1137 after theByzantine Emperor John II
Comnenus, during his campaign against Cilicia and the Principality of Antioch, successfully had laid siege to Gaban
and Vahka (today Feke in Turkey). All Cilicia remained under Byzantine rule for eight years. Unlike his father and brother,
Thoros survived his incarceration in Constantinople and was able to escape in 1143. Whatever the conditions in which Thoros
entered Cilicia, he found it occupied by many Greek garrisons. He rallied around him the Armenians in the eastern parts of
Cilicia and after a persistent and relentless pursuit of the Greeks, he successfully ousted the Byzantine garrisons
fromPardzerpert (now Andrn in
Turkey),
Vahka, Sis (today Kozan in
Turkey), Anazarbus,
Adana,
Mamistra and
eventually Tarsus. His victories were aided by the lack of Muslim attacks in Cilicia and from the setbacks the Greeks and the

Crusaders suffered on the heels of the loss of Edessa. Emperor Manuel I Comnenus, unhappy with Thoross progress in the
areas still claimed by the Byzantine Empire, sought peaceful means to settle his conflict with Thoros, but his attempts bore
him no fruits. The recovery before 1150 of the Taurus fortresses by Thoros had not seriously affected Greek power, but his
conquest of Mamistra in 1151 and the rest of Cilicia in 1152 had necessitated a great expedition. As a result, during the
course of the next 20 years there were no less than three separate military campaigns launched by the emperor against
Thoros, but each campaign was only able to produce a limited success. Thoross accomplishments during his reign placed
Armenian Cilicia on a firm footing.
Thoros was of a tall figure and of a strong mind: his compassion was universal; like the light of the sun he shone by his good
works, and flourished by his faith; he was the shield of truth and the crown of righteousness; he was well versed in the Holy
Scriptures and in the profane sciences. It is said that he was of such profound understanding, as to be able to explain the
difficult expressions of the prophets his explanations even still exist. Vahram of Edessa: The Rhymed Chronicle of
Armenia Minor[6]
Thoros was the second son of Leo I, lord of Armenian Cilicia. The name and the origin of his mother are not known with
certainty. It is possible that she was a daughter of CountHugh I of Rethel, or she may have been the daughter of Gabriel of
Melitene. In 1136, Leo I (Thoros's father) was made prisoner by Baldwin of Marash who sent him off to captivity in Antioch. In
his absence, his three sons quarreled; the eldest, Constantine, was eventually captured and blinded by his brothers. After two
months of confinement, Leo I obtained his liberty by consenting to harsh terms. In the early summer of 1137, Emperor John II
Comnenus came to Cilicia with a full force on his way to take Antioch; his army successively retook Seleucia, Korikos, Tarsus,
Mamistra, Adana, Tel Hamdoun (now Toprakkale in Turkey) and Anazarbus. Leo I took refuge in the Taurus Mountains, but at
last found the situation hopeless, and surrendered himself to the conqueror; Thoros and his youngest brother, Roupen were
also taken captive together with their father. They were dragged away to Constant inople, where Leo I died in imprisonment
in 1141. Roupen, after being blinded, was assassinated by the Greeks. Thoros escaped from Constantinople about the year
1143; he fled to the island of Cyprus, which was then under Byzantine suzerainty, aboard a Venetian vessel and then found
his way to Antioch. He took refuge at the Court of his cousin, Count Joscelin II of Edessa. From there, in the company of a few
trusted comrades, he was assisted by a Syrianpriest, who led them by night to a safe shelter by the
river Pyramus (now Ceyhan River in Turkey). They then crossed the Amanus range (now Nur Mountains in Turkey) and
reached the mountainous Armenian strongholds in the Taurus Mountains where Thoros began gathering a new following. He
recaptured the family stronghold of Vahka and two of his brothers, Stephen and Mleh joined him. He made friends with a
neighboring Frankish lord, Simon of Raban, whose daughter he married.
Leo died and was elevated to Christ; the emperor then felt compassion for Thoros, took him out of prison, and received him
into the imperial guards. Being now in the imperial palace, and a soldier among the soldiers, he very soon distinguished
himself, and even the emperor looked upon him with benevolence. Before the end of the year /1141/ the emperor left
Constantinople with a large army, and went to assist the Prince of Antioch, who was hard pressed by the Turks. Being on a
hunting party in the valley of Anazarbus, one of his own poisoned arrows wounded him, and he fell dead on the spot; he thus
met with his deserved fate () The Greek army returned, but Thoros remained in the country; though the traditions
concerning this fact are different. Some say, Thoros withdrew himself quite alone, went by sea from Antioch to Cilicia, and
took possession of his dominions, finding means to gain at first the town of Amouda, and afterwards all the other places. But
the emperors party say that Thoros, during the time the Greeks stayed in the country, lived with a lady who gave him a
great sum of money; with these treasures he fled to the mountains, and discovered himself to a priest as the son of Leo, the
true king of the country. The priest was exceedingly happy at these tidings, and Thoros hid himself under a shepherds
disguise. There were many Armenians in this part of the country who, being barbarously treated by the Greeks, sighed for
their former masters; to these men, as it is said, the priest imparted the joyful tidings; they instantly assembled and
appointed Thoros their Baron; he gained possession of Vahka, and afterwards of many other places. Let this be as it may, it
was certainly ordained by God that this man, who was carried away as a prisoner, should become the chief of the country of
his forefathers, that he should take the government out of the hands of the Greeks, and destroy their armies. Vahram of
Edessa: The Rhymed Chronicle of Armenia Minor
In 1151, while the Byzantines were distracted by the Moslem attack on Turbessel, Thoros swept down into the Cilician
plain and defeated and slew the Byzantine governor, Thomas, at the gates of Mamistra. Emperor Manuel I at once sent his
cousin Andronicus Comnenus with an army to recover the territory lost to Thoros. But Thoros was well prepared for the
unsuspecting Greeks and consequently won a decisive victory as Andronicus Comnenus moved up to besiege Thoros at
Mamistra, the Armenians made a sudden sortie and caught him unawares. His army was routed and he fled back in disgrace
to Constantinople. In the meantime, the Hethumids, who were pro-Byzantine sympathizers, did not overlook any opportunity
for engaging in an anti-Roupenian armed conflict. Andronicus Comnenuss mission was such an opportunity but it was not an
occasion for glory: many of their numbers were killed by Thoross aggressive strategy, and many more were taken into
captivity. Among the captives were the two illustrious members, Oshin II of Lampron and his son Hethum. Oshin II was
eventually released for a ransom but his son was kept as hostage; but Thoros arranged the marriage of his daughter to
Hethum and returned half the ransom money to the grooms father Oshin II of Lampron.
In the same year /1151/ Leo's son, Thoros, took Mamistra and Tel Hamdoun from the Romans and seized Duke Thomas. Duke
Andronicus who was charged with protecting the land of the Cilicians by order of the Byzantine emperor, came to the city of
Mamistra with 12,000 cavalry against Thoros. And he boasted, shouting out to Thoros: Behold your father's iron chains. I will
take you bound in them to Constantinople, like your father. When valiant Thoros heard this, he was unable to bear the
insult. Instead, placing his trust in God, he assembled his forces, breached Mamistras walls at night, and attacked /the
Byzantine troops/ like a lion, putting them to the sword. Among those who died in the great battle before the city gates was
Sempad, lord of Barbaron. Among those captured were the lord of Lampron, Oshin, the lord of Partzepert, Vasil, and the lord
of Prakan, Tigran /all of whom were/ on the side of the Byzantine emperor. /Thoros/ troops seized and despoiled the weak
Byzantine forces and then let them go. Smbat Sparapet: Chronicle
Emperor Manuel I Comnenus persuaded the Seljuk Sultan of Iconium, Masud I, to attack Thoros and demand his submission to
the Sultans suzerainty. However, the ensuing Seljuk attack, which in fact was provoked by an Armenian raid into Seljuk lands
in Cappadocia in the winter of 1154, was routed successfully by Thoros in collaboration with a contingent of the Knights
Templar. In the year 603 AE /1154/ once again the Byzantine emperor Manuel sought to stoke Masud and he sent him twice
the amount of treasure as previously, saying:Quench the burning of my heart toward the Armenian people, destroy their
fortresses, and exterminate them.
So the sultan came to Anazarbus with many troops, but he was unable to accomplish anything. He sent one of his
grandees, named Yaqub, to ravage the territory of Antioch. When they had crossed the gate, the Brothers /the Knights
Templar/, as though sent by God, swooped upon them at that place and slaughtered all of them, including their chief. When
those in the sultans army heard about this, they were horrified. This was not all, for the wrath of God was visited upon them.

Their horses perished from tapax /diarrhea/ and they themselves turned to flight, brother not waiting to help brother, nor
comrade, comrade. They hamstrung many of the horses and fled on foot through difficult, marshy places, as though they
were persecuting themselves. For at that time Thoros was not in his country. Rather, he had gone to Tsets. When he returned
and saw what had unfolded everyone thanked God, for they had been defeated without the use of weapons and without a
physical battle.Smbat Sparapet: Chronicle
Then the emperor turned to Antioch for help; [1] he offered to recognize the new Prince, Raynald of Chtillon, if the Franks of
Antioch would fight for him against Thoros; he also promised a money-subsidy if the work were properly done. Raynald
willingly complied as the Armenians had advanced into the district of Alexandretta (now skenderun in Turkey) which the
Franks claimed as part of the Principality of Antioch. After a short battle near Alexendretta, Raynald drove the Armenian back
into Cilicia; and he presented the re-conquered country to the Knights Templar. Other view is that after the battle Raynald was
forced to return home, covered with humiliation; and later on, Thoros voluntarily surrendered to the brethren the fortresses in
question, and the Knights in turn took oath to assist the Armenians on all occasions where they needed help. In 1156,
the Jacobites were allowed to build a new cathedral in Antioch, at whose dedication the Princess Constance and Thoros
assisted. Having secured the land that he wanted, Raynald demanded his subsidies from the Emperor who refused them,
pointing out that the main task had yet to be done. Raynald quickly sided with Thoros and conspired to attack Cyprus; and
the Armenians attacked the few remaining Byzantine fortresses in Cilicia. In the spring of 1156, Raynald of Chtillon and
Thoros made a sudden landing on Cyprus. [2] Thoros and Prince Raynald both conducted widespread plundering of the
island: the Franks and Armenians marched up and down the island robbing and pillaging every building that they
saw, churches and convents as well as shops and private houses. The corps were burnt; the herds were rounded up, together
with all the population, and driven down to the coast. The nightmare lasted about three weeks; then, on the rumor of an
imperial fleet in the offing, Raynald gave the order for re-embarkation. The ships were loaded up with booty; and every
Cypriot was forced to ransom himself. In the meantime, Thoros quickly established a friendly rapport with Kilij Arslan II, the
new Seljuk sultan of Iconium; and in 1158 a peace treaty was concluded.
In the year 606 AE /1157/ Thoros brother, Stephen, Leos son, motivated by his wicked nature and without his brother
Thoros knowledge, arose with his brigade of troops and started to successfully retake /certain/ districts. He took Kokison and
Berdus. Sultan Kilij Arslan and Thoros had friendly relations with each other and Stephen, as we said, took
these /areas/ without Thoros consent. Owing to this disturbance, Kilij Arslan came to the district of Kokison and pacified
everyone, in no way blaming the inhabitants. Thence he went to Berdus, while Thoros, out of affection for the sultan, tricked
his brother and surrendered Berdus to the sultan, against Stephens wishes. The sultan in turn, because of his affection for
Thoros, freed the inhabitants of the fortress unharmed. Then Stephen attempted to steal Marash/today Kahramanmara in
Turkey/, but could not. () Now it happened that Sultan Kilij Arslan had a genuine fondness for Thoros. He sent an emissary
to Jerusalem and Antioch to Thoros, and again strengthened that friendship with an oath. Smbat Sparapet: Chronicle
In the summer of 1158, Manuel I Comnenus launched his second assault on Thoros; at the head of an army, he marched
down the usual routes leading to Seleucia. There, with a small rapid deployment force of horsemen and Seleucian troops, he
launched a surprise attack on Thoros. Thoros was at Tarsus, suspecting nothing, when suddenly, one day in late October,
a Latin pilgrim whom he had entertained came rushing back to his Court to tell him that he had seen Imperial troops only a
days march away. Thoros collected his family, his intimate friends and his treasure and fled at once to the mountains. Next
day the Emperor Manuel entered the Cilician plain; within a fortnight all the Cilician cities as far as Anazarbus were in his
power. But Thoros himself still eluded him: while Byzantine detachments scoured the valleys he fled from hill-top to hill-top
and at last found refuge on a crag called Dadjog, near the sources of the river Cydnus; only his two most trusted servants
knew where he lay hidden. Thus much of Cilicia was restored back to Byzantine control, but Thoros still held the mountainous
regions in the north. Eventually, King Baldwin III of Jerusalem intervened and successfully brokered a peace treaty between
the Emperor and Thoros: Thoros had to walk barefoot and bareheaded to the camp of the emperor; there he prostrated
himself in the dust before the imperial platform. Then pardon was accorded to him for his transgressions both in Cilicia and
Cyprus, and still allowed to hold partial possession in Cilicia. Thoross brother, Stephen, ignoring Thoross official pledges to
Manuel, with the help of a few of his supporters continued attacking Greek garrisons thus giving Andronicus Euphorbenus, the
Byzantine governor stationed in Tarsus, the opportunity to sabotage the treaty. Stephen was invited to a banquet held in the
governors residence where he was seized upon arrival, and his mutilated corpse was flung over the gates of Tarsus. Thoros,
who had his own reasons for desiring Stephens murder, accused of Andronicus Euphorbenus of complicity and swept down
on Mamistra, Anazarbus and Vahka, surprising and murdering the Greek garrisons. Eventually, reconciliation with the emperor
was negotiated through the mediation of King Amalric I of Jerusalem: Andronicus Euphorbenus was recalled and replaced
by Konstantinos Kalamanos as the new Byzantine governor in Tarsus. In 1164, when Nur ed-Din, the emir of Aleppo knew that
King Amalric I had left for Egypt, he struck at the Principality of Antioch and laid siege to the key-fortress of Harenc.
Prince Bohemond III of Antioch called upon Count Raymond III of Tripoli, Thoros and Konstantinos Kalamanos to come to his
rescue. At the news of their coming, Nur ed-Din raised the siege; as he retired, Bohemond decided to follow in pursuit. The
armies made contact on 10 August, near Artah. Ignoring a warning from Thoros, Bohemond attacked at once, and when the
Moslems feigned flight rushed headlong after them, only to fall into an ambush. Thoros and his brother, Mleh who had been
more cautious, escaped from the battlefield. Around that time (in 1164 or in 1167) Thoros visited Jerusalem and suggested
the colonization of a large number of Armenians; but the Latin prelates forced King Amalric I to refuse the offer by their
insistence that they should pay the dime (a special tax). Intermittent fighting erupted everywhere, harassing the Greek forces
throughout Cilicia. In 1168, Emperor Manuel I, obsessed with his dilemma with Thoros, marched his armies into Cilicia for the
third time under the command of Konstantinos Kalamanos. But Konstantinos Kalamanos was able to produce only limited
successes which in the end induced Byzantium to renounce its right of possession of the whole of Cilicia so long as it had
access to the ports of the Gulf of Alexandretta. Byzantium also disclaimed all rights to direct government of Cilicia and
accepted in settlement only Thoross recognition of Byzantine suzerainty. Thoros quarreled with his brother Mleh who
attempting to assassinate him fled to Nur ed-Din and became a Moslim.
Now his brother, Mleh, was a malicious and treacherous man, and planned to kill his brother, Thoros. Getting together some
others of the same tendency, one day while they had gone out to hunt deer, Mleh wanted to slay his brother there /at a
place/ between Mamistra and Adana. But Thoros had been forewarned. He furiously seized Mleh and interrogated him before
the troops and the princes as to what he was hoping to accomplish. They reproached Mleh in their presence and he was
shamed. Then /Mleh/ gave /to T'oros/ much of the inventory of his authority, horses, mules, weapons, and treasures. And they
removed him from his district. Thus he received nothing in exchange for his wickedness. So /Mleh/ arose and went to Nur edDin, lord of Aleppo, and entered into his service. Smbat Sparapet: Chronicle
Thoros, weary after nearly quarter of a century of rule and warfare, abdicated in favor of his young son Roupen, who was
placed under the guardianship of Thoross father-in-law, the Regent Thomas. After his abdication, Thoros became a monk. He
died in 1169. He was buried in the monastery of Drazark. With first wife born c. 1149 unnamed daughter of Simon of
Raban (or, according to other views, Isabelle, daughter of Count Joscelin II of Edessa) he had two children Rita (c. 1150 after

1168/1169), the wife of Hethum III of Lampron and unnamed daughter, the wife of Isaac Ducas Comnenus With second wife
born c. 1164 unnamed daughter of the future Regent Thomas he had one son Roupen II of Cilicia (c. 1165 Hromgla, 1170).

Ruben II (Armenian:

), also Roupen II or Rupen II, (c. 1165 Hromgla, 1170) was the seventh lord of Armenian
Cilicia or Lord of the Mountains from 1169 until his death in 1170. Roupen was the son of Thoros II, lord of Armenian Cilicia,
by his second wife (and great niece) whose name is unknown. Thoros II abdicated in favour of his young son Roupen in 1169,
and placed Roupen under the guardianship of the Regent Thomas (Thomas was the childs maternal grandfather). However,
Thoros IIs brother, Mleh disputed the succession; Mleh had fled to Nur ed-Din (the emir ofAleppo) and become Moslim after
quarreling with Thoros II and attempting to assassinate him. Mleh refused an amicable settlement with Regent Thomas
regarding the succession to the leadership of Cilicia and invaded the country with a force provided by Nur ed-Din. Fearing for
Roupens life, Thomas entrusted the young child into the care of the patriarch Nerses IV Shnorhali in Hromkla
(today Rumkale in Turkey) and fled to Antioch. This measure of caution, however, did not save the life of the young Roupen,
who was followed by his uncles men and murdered.
Thoros left a child under age, whom he committed, together with the country, to the care of a certain Baron and Baillie
Thomas, his father-in-law, with an injunction to deliver to him the country as soon as the child should have attained his
majority. Mleh () was with the Sultan of Aleppo, and hearing of the death of his brother he came with an army into the
country, and dealt very cruelly with its inhabitants. Not being able to conquer the possessions of his brother he returned to
Aleppo, and came back with still greater forces. Receiving a message from the Armenian Barons that they would freely
acknowledge him as their sovereign, he sent back the Turks, and governed in peace for some time. But he soon drove into
exile the Baillie Thomas, who went afterwards to Antioch. The child of Thoros was killed by the command of Mleh by some
wicked people. Smbat Sparapet: Chronicle

Mleh I (Armenian: ),

also Meleh I, (before 1120 Sis, May 15, 1175) was the eighth lord of Armenian Cilicia[1] or Lord
of the Mountains from 1170until his death on May 15, 1175. The accomplishments during the reign of his elder
brother, Thoros II placed Cilicia on a firm footing. But Mleh, whom Thoros II had expelled from Cilicia for embracing
the Muslim faith, almost undid his brothers work. On the death of his brother, Mleh invaded Cilicia with the support of a
contingent from Aleppo, which remained in his service and assisted him to drive out the Knights Templar and Greeks from the
fortresses and, in 1173, the cities which they held in Cilicia. Soon after the death of Nur ed-Din (the emir of Aleppo), Mleh was
overthrown by his nephew, Roupen III. Thoros was the fourth son of Leo I, lord of Armenian Cilicia. The name and the origin of
his mother are not known with certainty. [3] It is possible that she was a daughter of CountHugh I of Rethel, or she may have
been the daughter of Gabriel of Melitene. In the early summer of 1137, the Byzantine Emperor John II came to Cilicia with a
full force on his way to take Antioch; his army successively took Seleucia, Korikos, Tarsus,Mamistra, Adana, Tel
Hamdoun (now Toprakkale in Turkey) and Anazarbus. Mleh and his two brothers, Stephen and the blind Constantine took
refuge with their cousin, CountJoscelin II of Edessa. In Cilicia, the family castle of Vahka (today Feke in Turkey) held out for
some weeks, but after its fall their father and two of their brothers, Roupen and Thoros, were captured. Leo I and his two sons
were imprisoned in Constantinople where Leo I died shortly afterwards and Roupen was blinded and later murdered. All Cilicia
remained under Byzantine rule for eight years. About the year 1143, Mlehs brother, Thoros escaped from Constantinople and
recaptured the family stronghold of Vahka; Mleh and his brother, Stephen joined him. One after another, Thoros
reconquered Anazarbus, Adana, Sis (today Kozan in Turkey) and Pardzerpert (now Andrn in Turkey) from the Byzantines. In
1164, Nur ed-Din struck at the Principality of Antioch and laid siege to the key-fortress of Harenc; Prince Bohemond III of
Antioch called upon Thoros II to come to his rescue, and Mleh followed his brother. At the news of the coming of the Byzantine
and Armenian troops, Nur ed-Din raised the siege, but Bohemond III decided to follow in pursuit; the armies made contact on
10 August, near Artah.[2] In the battle, Bohemond III fell into an ambush and found himself and his knights surrounded by the
army of Mosul, but Thoros II and Mleh, who had been more cautious, escaped from the battlefield. Although Mleh had taken
vows as a Templar, but after quarrelling with Thoros II and attempting to assassinate him, he fled to Nur ed-Din. Mleh
converted to Islam from Catholicism. This was to facilitate his plans with Nur ed-Din; afterwards, he held Cyrrhus as
a fief from the Emir of Aleppo. His brother died in 1168, leaving a child, Roupen II, to succeed him, under the regency of a
Frankish lord called Thomas. But Mleh disputed the succession; early in 1170 Nur ed-Din lent him troops with which he was
able not only to dethrone his nephew but also to invade the plain and take Mamistra, Adana and Tarsus from their Greek
garrisons. The young Roupen III was followed by Mlehs men and murdered. With Thoross legitimate heir dead, Mleh
embarked on a policy of conquest with cruel application of force. He beleaguered the Hethumids at Lampron (now Namrun
Kalesi in Turkey), but in spite of a long siege his attempt to take this stronghold failed. Mleh then attacked the Templars
at Baghras; Bohemond III of Antioch appealed to King Amalric I of Jerusalem, who marched up into Cilicia and temporarily, its
seems, restored Imperial rule. But Mleh was irrepressible; a year or so later he routed at Tarsus the assembled forces of the
governor Konstantinos Kalamanos, and sent him to Nur ed-Din, who held Konstantinos for heavy ransom. Arab historiography
praises Mleh's policy, acknowledging that he benefitted more from the alliance than did Nur ad-Din, but Christian, particularly
Armenian, historiography is scathing because of this Muslim alliance, wrongly identified with apostasy. Contrary to the
popular belief, Mleh did not convert to Islam On March 10, 1171 Amalric I left Acre for Constantinople where he made a treaty
with the Emperor Manuel I Comnenos; it seems that they decided that a common action should be taken against Mleh. An
expedition organized by the king after his return from Constantinople in 1171 was interrupted by Nur ed-Dins attack
on Kerak (today Al Karak inJordan). In the summer of 1171, Mleh waylaid Count Stephen I of Sancerre as he passed through
Cilicia from the Holy Land to Constantinople. In order to punish Mleh for his outrage against the count, Amalric I marched
north into Cilicia in 1173; but the campaign achieved nothing except to check Mlehs further expansion. Mleh finally
succeeded in 1173 in securing Manuel Is recognition of him as Baron of Cilician Armenia with whom now all Byzantine
affairs in Cilicia were to be conducted. On May 15, 1174, Nur ed-Din died; en event which brought an end to Mlehs source of
power. Vulnerable and without an ally, members of Mlehs own inner circle of Armeniannobles, took the initiative and
murdered him in Sis in 1175. He was buried in Medzkar. He had wife unnamed daughter of Vasil of Gargar (a sister of
the Catholicos Gregory). He had one illegitimate child by his unknown mistress:Grigor (? January 28, 1209/January 27, 1210
or after).

Ruben III (Armenian: ), also Roupen III, Rupen III, or Reuben III, (1145 Monastery of Drazark, May 6, 1187) was
the ninth lord of Armenian Cilicia or Lord of the Mountains from 1175 until his death on May 6, 1187. Roupen remained
always friendly to the Crusaders in spirit. He was a just and good prince, and created many pious foundations within his
domains. He was the eldest son of Stephen, the third son of Leo I, lord of Armenian Cilicia. His mother was Rita, a daughter
of Sempad, Lord of Barbaron. Roupens father, who was on his way to attend a banquet given by the Byzantine governor
of Cilicia, Andronicus Euphorbenus, was murdered on February 7, 1165. Following his fathers death, Roupen lived with his
maternal uncle, Pagouran, lord of the fortress of Barbaron, protecting the Cilician Gates pass in the Taurus Mountains. Roupen
took up the reins of Cilicia following the assassination of his paternal uncle, Mleh who had been murdered by members of his
own inner circle of Armenian nobles[1] on May 15, 1175. He was a friend of the Franks (the Crusaders); for example, at the end
of 1177, assisted Philip, Count of Flanders and Prince Bohemond III of Antioch at the ineffectual siege of Harenc.

He was an excellent prince, compassionate and kind; he ruled the country very well, and was praised by everybody.
Vahram of Edessa: The Rhymed Chronicle of Armenia Minor[6]
In June 1180, Saladin, the sultan of Egypt, and Kilij Arslan II, the sultan of Iconium met on the river Sanja and there,
apparently concluded an alliance. The first fruits of their alliance were a short and successful campaign against Roupen III, on
the pretext of harsh treatment of the Turkoman tribes in his territories. Roupen made peace with Kilij Arslan II in the same
year. In the course of the year, many of the nobles of the Principality of Antioch who hated Sybilla, the new wife of Bohemond
III fled to Roupens court. Early in 1181, Roupen came on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, and there on 4 February1181/3 February
1182 he married Isabella of Toron, daughter of Humphrey III of Toron andStephanie of Milly. At the end of 1182, the Byzantine
governor of Cilicia, Isaac Comnenus, in revolt against the Emperor Andronicus I Comnenus, sought help from Bohemond III
against Roupen and admitted his troops into Tarsus. Bohemond promptly changed his mind and sold Tarsus and the governor
to Roupen, then repented of it. Isaac Comnenus was ransomed by theKnights Templar. In 1183, Hethum III of Lampron, allied
with Bohemond III, began joint hostilities against Roupen. They invited Roupen to Antioch as a prelude to ending the
counterproductive rivalry between the two Armenian houses, but upon his arrival Roupen was taken captive and
imprisoned. But Roupens brother Leo finished off the conquest of the Hethoumians and attacked Antioch. Roupens release
required payment of a large ransom and the submission of Adana and Mamistra as vassalages to Antioch;[1] but on his return
to Cilicia he soon recovered them.[2]Bohemond III made various ineffectual raids but achieved nothing more. Roupen
abdicated in favor of his brother and retired to the monastery of Drazark where he died.
On his return to his own country Rouben was kind and humane to every one, and at his death left the crown to Leon; he gave
him many rules concerning the government of the country, and committed to him his daughters, with an injunction not to
give them foreign husbands, that the Armenians might not be governed by foreigners and harassed by a tyrant. Vahram of
Edessa: The Rhymed Chronicle of Armenia Minor
With wife Isabella of Toron, a daughter of Humphrey III of Toron and Stephanie of Milly he had two children Alice (1182 after
1234), the wife firstly of Hethum of Sassoun, secondly of Count Raymond IV of Tripoli, and thirdly of Vahram of Korikos and
Philippa (1183 before 1219), the wife firstly of Shahanshah of Sassoun, and secondly of Theodore I Laskaris, emperor of
Nicaea.

Leo II (Armenian:

, Levon A Metsagorts), also Leon II, Levon II or Lewon II (1150

May 2, 1219) was the tenth lord of Armenian Cilicia or Lord of the Mountains from 1187 until
1198/1199, and the first king of Armenian Cilicia (sometimes as Levon I the Magnificent or Lewon I) from
1198/1199 until his death on May 2, 1219. During his reign, Leo succeeded in establishing Cilician
Armenia as a powerful and a unified Christian state, and his pre-eminence in the political arena cannot
be overestimated. He eagerly supplied the armies of the Third Crusade with provisions, guides, pack
animals and all manner of aid, besides pledging the cooperation of his army. Under his
rule, Armenian power was at its apogee: his kingdom extended from Isauria to the Amanus
Mountains (now Nur Mountains in Turkey). In 11941195, when he was planning to get the title of king,
he instituted a union of the Armenian church with Rome. With the signing of the Act of Union,
his coronation proceeded without delay. He was consecrated as king on 6 January 1198 or 1199, in the
Church of Holy Wisdom at Tarsus. His accession to the throne of Cilicia as its first Armenian monarch
heralded into reality not merely an official end to Cilicias shadowy umbilical connection to the Byzantine Empire, but also a
new era of ecclesiastical co-operation with the West. A skilled diplomat and wise politician, Leo established useful alliances
with many of the contemporary rulers; he also gained the friendship and support of theHospitallers and the Teutonic
Knights by granting considerable territories to them. No doubt, he envisioned annexing the Principality of Antioch to his
kingdom thus reinforcing his authority along much of the northeastern Mediterranean coastline. He had first put this plan
into action in 1194 by seizing the strategic fortress of Baghras afterSaladin, the Sultan of Egypt and Syria, had abandoned
it. His greatest triumph was achieved at the beginning of 1216 when at the head of his army he occupied Antioch and
installed his grandnephew, Raymond-Roupen as its head. Raymond-Roupen remained in power until Leos death.
Leo was a valiant and learned prince; he enlarged his principality and became the master of many provinces. A few days only
after his taking possession of the country, the descendants of Ismael, under the command of one Roustam, advanced and
came against Cilicia. Leo was not frightened, but confiding in God, who destroyed Sanacherib, he vanquished with a few men
the great army of the infidels. Roustam himself being killed by St. George, the whole Hagarenian army then fled and
dispersed; the Armenians pursued them and enriched themselves by the booty. The power of Leo thus increased, and being
confident in his strength, he chased the Tadjiks (name used by Armenian chroniclers to designate the Saracens, particularly
the Seljuks)and pursued the Turks; he conquered Isauria and came as far as Iconium (today Konya in Turkey); he
captured Heraclea, and again gave it up for a large ransom; he blockaded Caesarea (now Kayseri in Turkey), and had nearly
taken it; he made a treaty with the Sultan of Iconium, and received a large sum of money from him; he surrounded Cilicia on
every side with forts and castles; he built a new church called Agner, and was exceedingly generous to
all monasteries erected by his ancestors; his bounty extended itself even to the leprous; they being shunned by everybody
and expelled from every place, he assigned to them a particular house, and provided them with necessaries. Vahram of
Edessa: The Rhymed Chronicle of Armenia Minor
The transforming of the Armenian court, following the pattern of the Frankish courts, proceeded at a more rapid pace after
Leo came to power. Many of the old names of specific functions or the titles of dignitaries were replaced by Latin ones and
the changes in nomenclature were often accompanied by changes in the character of these offices. Commerce was greatly
developed during the reign of Leo: he granted charters regarding trade and commercial privileges to Genoa, Venice and
Pisa. These charters provided their holders with special tax exemptions in exchange for their merchandising trade. They
encouraged the establis hment of Italian merchant communities in Tarsus, Adana and Mamistra, and became a large source
of revenue for the growth and development of Cilician Armenia.
He was a benevolent, ingenuous man without a grudge toward anyone, who took his refuge in God and guided his principality
accordingly. He was a wise, brilliant man, a skilled horseman, brave-hearted in battle, with attention to human and divine
charity, energetic and happy of countenance. Smbat Sparapet: Chronicle
He was the younger son of Stephen, the third son of Leo I, lord of Armenian Cilicia.[6] His mother was Rita, a daughter
of Sempad, Lord of Barbaron. Leos father, who was on his way to attend a banquet given by the Byzantine governor
of Cilicia, Andronicus Euphorbenus, was murdered on 7 February 1165. Following their fathers death, Leo and his elder
brother Roupen lived with their maternal uncle, Pagouran, lord of the fortress of Barbaron, protecting the Cilician Gates pass
in the Taurus Mountains. Their paternal uncle, Mleh I, lord of Armenian Cilicia had made a host of enemies by his cruelties in
his country, resulting in his assassination by his own soldiers in the city of Sis(now Kozan in Turkey) in 1175. The seigneurs of
Cilician Armenia elected Leos brother, Roupen III to occupy the throne of the principality. In 1183, Hethum III of Lampron,

allied with Prince Bohemond III of Antioch, began joint hostilities against Roupen III [5] who sent Leo to surround Hethums
mountain lair. But Bohemond III, rushing to the aid of Hethum, treacherously made Roupen prisoner. His brothers absence
gave Leo the opportunity to put his sharp political skills to practice as the interim guardian of the Roupenian House. Roupens
release required payment of a large ransom, and the submission of Adana and Mamistra as vassalages to Antioch. When
Roupen returned from the captivity, he transferred the power to his brother, Leo (1187) and retired to the monastery of
Trazarg. The menace of the recent alliance between the Byzantine Emperor Isaac II Angelos and Saladin, and the more
immediate threat of the Turkomans, led to a rapprochement between Leo and Bohemond III: on his accession Leo sought an
alliance with the prince of Antioch and recognized his suzerainty. Large bands of the nomad Turkomans had been crossing the
northern borders, advancing almost as far as Sis and laying waste on all sides; the two princes joined to beat off a Turcoman
raid in 1187. Leo could muster only a small force, but he attacked them with such energy that he routed the bands, killed
their leader, and persuaded the fugitives as far as Sarventikar, inflicting heavy losses on them. Soon afterwards (between 3
February 1188/4 February 1189), Leo married Isabelle, a niece of the Princess Sibylle, the third wife of Bohemond III. The
following year (1188), taking advantage of the troubled condition in the Sultanate of Rm that preceded the death of Kilij
Arslan II, Leo turned against the Seljuks. A surprise attack on Bragana was unsuccessful, but Leon returned two months later
with a larger army, killed the head of the garrison, seized the fortress and marched into Isauria. Though we find no specific
mention of it, Seleucia must have been captured about this time. Proceeding northwards, Leo seized Heraclea, gave it up
after payment to him a large sum, and advanced as far as Caesarea. About the same time he lent a large sum of money to
Bohemond III, but the latter showed no haste to repay the loan. When Saladin invaded Antiochene territory, Leo remained
carefully neutral. The Holy Roman Emperor, Frederick I Barbarossa approached the Armenian territories in June 1190, and Leo
sent an embassy with presents, ample supplies, and armed troops. A second embassy, headed by the bishop Nerses of
Lampron, arrived too late, after the death of the emperor ( 10 June 1190) and returned to Tarsus with the emperors
son Frederick, the bishops, and the German army. Nevertheless, Leo participated in the wars of the crusaders: his troops were
present at the siege of Acre, and on 11 May 1191 he joined King Richard the Lionheart of England in the conquest of Cyprus.
Leo was intent, at the same time, upon insuring the security of his own realm, and some of his actions undertaken for this
purpose ran counter the interests or aspirations of his neighbors. In 1191, Saladin dismantled the great fortress of Baghras,
which he had captured from the Templars.[1] Hardly his workmen left before Leo came up and reoccupied the site and rebuilt
the fortress. This brought to a head the growing antagonism between Leo and Bohemond III, and the possession of Baghras
was to be one of the principal points of contention in the long struggle between Cilicia and Antioch. [3] Bohemond III demanded
its return to the Templars and, when Leo refused, complained to Saladin. Saladin himself had objected to Leos holding
Baghras, which lay on the route from Cilicia to Antioch. Soon after the death of Saladin, in October 1193, Leo invited
Bohemond III to come to Baghras to discuss the whole question. Bohemond III arrived, accompanied by his wife, Sibylla and
her son, and accepted Leos offer of hospitality within the castle walls. No sooner had he entered than he was taken prisoner
by his host, with all his entourage, and was told that he would be released only if he yielded the suzerainty over Antioch to
Leo. Leo hoped to gain release from homage to Bohemond III, and to seize Antioch; therefore, Leo took Bohemonds family
and court off to Sis as prisoners. Bohemond III agreed to surrender Antioch in exchange for his freedom, sending
the Marshal Bartholomew Tirel and Richard LErminet to turn the city over to Armenian troops under Hethum of Sassoun.
When the delegation arrived at Antioch, the barons there were ready to accept Leo as overlord, and allowed Bartholomew
Tirel to bring the Armenian soldiers into the city and establish them in the palace. However, after their initial entry,
Antiochene resistance was whipped up by the clergy and the Greeks. A riot began in the palace and spread though the city;
the Armenians were driven out and prudently retired with Hethum of Sassoun back to Baghras. The citizens of Antioch, under
the Latin Patriarch of Antioch, Aimery of Limoges, formed a communewhich recognized Bohemond IIIs eldest
son, Raymond as lord until his father should be released. Antioch then asked aid of King Henry I of Jerusalem and
Count Bohemond I of Tripoli (the latter was Bohemond IIIs younger son). Early next spring, King Henry I sailed to Tripoli,
where young Bohemond joined him, and then went on to Antioch and Sis. Leo, unwilling to face an open war, met him before
Sis, ready to negotiate a settlement. Bohemond III renounced his as a suzerain, and in return for this was allowed to go back
to Antioch without paying a ransom. Arrangements were also made for the marriage of Raymond of Antioch to Leos niece,
Alice. However, Raymond soon died and Bohemond III sent Alice back to Leo with her infant son Raymond-Roupen. Leo
determined that this great-nephew of his should inherit Antioch on the death of Bohemond III. Leo pressed with renewed
energy his claims for a royal crown, seeking the assistance of the two most powerful rulers of the time, the pope and
the German emperor. He sent to Emperor Henry VI; but the emperor prevaricated, because he hoped to come soon to the
East and he would look into the Armenian Question then. So Leo approached Pope Celestine III;[1] but the pope required
submission of the Armenian church to Rome, and this created considerable difficulty; there was marked opposition from the
majority of the clergy and the people of Cilicia. The bishops called together by Leo at first refused the papal demands, and
are said to have agreed to them only after Leo told them that he would submit merely in word and not in deed. The Byzantine
Emperor, Alexios III Angelos, hoping to retain some influence in Cilicia, sent Leo a royal crown, which was gracefully
received. In 1197 Leo sent an embassy to Constantinople composed of Bishop Nerses of Lampron and other dignitaries; all of
the discussions centered on religious questions, and the sending of the embassy was the last of several fruitless efforts to
achieve a union between the two churches. Meanwhile the Emperor Henry VI also promised a crown to Leo, in return for a
recognition of his suzerain rights over Armenia. Although Henry VI never visited the East; but soon after his death, his
Chancellor Bishop Conrad of Hildesheimcame with the Papal legate, Archbishop Conrad of Mainz to Sis. Leo was crowned on 6
January 1198 (or 1199) at Tarsus, in the presence of the Armenian clergy, the Franco-Armenian nobility of the land,
the Greek archbishop of Tarsus, the Jacobite patriarch, and the caliphs ambassadors. While he was crowned by
the catholicos, Gregory VI Abirad, Leo received the other royal insignia from Archbishop Conrad of Mainz. There was great
rejoicing among the Armenians, who saw their ancient kingdom restored and renewed in the person of Leo. Archbishop
Conrad of Mainz hastened from Sis to Antioch, where he obliged Bohemond III to summon his barons and make them swear to
uphold Raymond-Roupens succession. The barons had sworn allegiance to Raymond-Roupen, but his succession to Antioch
was opposed by Bohemond IIIs second son, Count Bohemond of Tripoli, by the Templars, and by the commune, which was
hostile to any Armenian interference. Bohemond of Tripoli was determined to secure the succession to Antioch, and at once
refused to acknowledge the validity of the oath sworn in favor of his nephew. In 1198, while az-Zahir,
the emir of Aleppo detained Leo, Bohemond of Tripoli entered Antioch, summoned the commune, and persuaded it to
renounce in his favor its oath to his father. Within three month, however, Leo settled his Moslem troubles, made peace with
the military orders, and marched on Antioch. There was no resistance to his army or to its restoration of Bohemond III.
Meanwhile the Templars brought all their influence to bear at Rome; but Leo ignored hints from the Church that he should
restore Baghras to them. Leo invited Bohemond III and the Latin Patriarch of Antioch, Peter II of Angoulme to discuss the
whole question; but his intransigence drove even the Patriarch over to Bohemond of Tripolis side. In April 1201, Bohemond of
Tripoli, informed of his fathers illness, rushed to Antioch, arriving on the day of the funeral. He immediately demanded
recognition as rightful heir and Bohemond IV was accepted as prince. But many of the nobility, mindful of their oath and
fearful of Bohemond IVs autocratic tastes, fled to Leos court at Sis. Leo heard of the death of Bohemond III late, but then
hurried to Antioch with Alice and Raymond-Roupen to claim it for his great-nephew. When he found Bohemond IV already
installed, he sent back for reinforcements, while Bohemond IV called for Aleppo. Az-Zahir invaded Cilicia in July 1201, and Leo
had to lift his siege of Antioch. The war was renewed by Leo in 1202. During the following summer King Amalric II of

Jerusalem intervened; accompanied by the papal legate, cardinal Sofred of Saint-Praxedis, the masters of the Hospital and
the Temple, and the high barons of the kingdom, he induced Leo to grant a short truce. After Leo had agreed to accept the
decision of barons and legate, the barons announced that the question at issue was purely one of feudal law which the legate
should have no say. Angered, Leo ended the truce and an on November 11, 1203 entered the city, and asked the patriarch to
arrange peace between him and the commune. Bohemond IV who had been forced to leave Antioch to defend Tripoli during
the feudal rebellion of Renart of Nephin was at Tripoli at that time, but the commune and the Templars held the citadel in
Antioch stoutly, and were able to expel the Armenians. Their appeals to Aleppo were answered when az-Zahir started again
into Cilicia. Leo left Antioch in December, when az-Zahirs army reached the Orontes River. Thereafter until 1206, when
Bohemond IV was able to return to Antioch from Tripoli, Antioch was more or less protected from Leo by the watchfulness of
az-Zahir. In the spring of 1206, Az-Zahir sent fresh contingents and assumed their command in person. Victorious at first, Leo
had to retreat before the superior forces when the Antiochene armies joined Moslims. An eight-year truce was signed.
Meanwhile, he was reported injurious information about his queen; therefore Leo had numerous members of her suite put
to death and attacked her personally before imprisoning her in the fortress of Vahka (today Feke in Turkey) where she was
poisoned some time later.
In this period the kat'oghikos, lord Yohanes, went to King Leo having heard blameworthy information about /the
unfaithfulness/ of the lady of Antioch, whom the king had /as a wife/. /Yohanes/ related /these matters/ to the king in private.
As the king was very emotional, he ordered that many of the womans relatives be ruined, and he violently struck the woman
with his own hands, wanting to slay her on the spot. Kostand, the son of his uncle Vasak, was barely able to escape, halfdead, with his life, and he was sent in fetters to Vahka. Smbat Sparapet: Chronicle
Bohemond IV, however, deposed the Latin Patriarch of Antioch, and summoned the titular Greek Patriarch, Symeon II to take
his place. The unpopularity of Bohemond IVs behavior made it possible for Leo to plan a revolt within the city. Led by the
Latin Patriarch Peter II and dissatisfied Latin nobles, the city rose, and Bohemond IV took refuge in the citadel. Leo entered
with some of his army, just as Bohemond IV felt strong enough to emerge, expel the invaders, and crush the revolt. Leo had
held Antioch only a few days. Pope Innocent III handed the responsibility of settling the struggle to the Patriarch of
Jerusalem, Albert who was a friend of Bohemond IVs allies, the Templars. The Patriarch offended Leo by insisting that the first
preliminary to any settlement must be the return of Baghras to the Templars. In 1208 Leo angrily devastated the country
round Antioch.[1]But Bohemonds danger in Antioch in 1208 induced az-Zahir once more to invade Cilicia in 1209. The Seljuk
Sultan, Kai-Kushrau I, whom Leo had befriended earlier and received at his court, also made a sudden attack and seized the
fort of Pertous. Leo had to agree to return Baghras to the Templars and renounce his claims to Antioch. But Leos attempts to
keep the fortress of Baghras, despite his promise in the treaty with az-Zahir to return it to the Templars, lead to a war in
Cilicia and in the Antiochene plain. In Cyprus from January 28, 1210 until January 27, 1211 Leo married Sibylle, the half-sister
of King Hugh I of Cyprus. In 1211, the master of the Temple was wounded in an ambush, and Pope Innocent III published the
old excommunication against Leo. Meanwhile, Bohemond IV agreed to accept a new Latin Patriarch in Antioch; Leo therefore
forgot his obedience to Rome. He welcomed the Greek Patriarch of Antioch, Symeon II to Cilicia, and he gave much of the
Latin church lands there to the Greeks. Leo also sought to tie the Hospitallers closer to him by giving them Seleucia,
Norpert (Castrum Novum), and Camardias, thus constituting a march on the western borders of Cilicia and thereby protecting
the country from Seljuks. The Teutonic Knights received Amoudain and neighboring castles; and the master of the order may
even have resided in Cilicia for a while. In 1211, King John I of Jerusalem and Bohemond IV both gave the Templars such
effective aid that Leo finally returned Baghras. But the new treaty was abruptly broken the next year with further actions
against the Templars. This time the interdict against Leo was strictly enforced. Leo was reconciled with Rome in March
1213 after he had promised that he would help in the coming Crusade. He also won the favor of King John I, who in 1214
married Leos daughter Rita and expected to inherit Armenia. In Antioch, the population felt deserted by Bohemond IV, who
preferred to reside in Tripoli, and Leos intrigues rebuilt a strong party in favor of Raymond-Roupen. Bohemond IV was in
Tripoli when the plot reached fruition: on the night of February 14, 1216 Leo managed by a successful intrigue, in which the
Latin Patriarch, Peter undoubtedly helped, to smuggle toops into Antioch and to occupy the city without a blow. RaymondRoupen then paid homage to Patriarch Peter and was consecrated prince of Antioch. In his joy at the successful outcome of
the long war, Leo at last gave back Baghras to the Templars and restored the Latin church lands in Cilicia. But he paid for his
victory by losing fortresses in the west and across the Taurus Mountains to the Seljuk Prince Kaykaus I. in 1216. These
fortresses were Faustinepolis, Herakleia and Larende, were conquered from Seljuks in 1211.When King Andrew II of Hungary,
having fulfilled his Crusader vow, took his troops northward in January, 1218, he proceeded through Cilician Armenia. There
King Andrew II arranged a marriage between his son, Andrew and Leos daughter, Isabelle. Shortly afterwards, RaymondRoupen even quarreled with Leon. In 1219, Antioch sent for its old prince while Raymond Roupen (Raymond-Roupen) first
sought refuge in the citadel, only to leave it to the Hospitallers and flee to Cilicia. There he found Leo still unwilling to forgive
him, although on his deathbed. Before Leo died, he had named his young daughter Isabel as his rightful heir and had released
the barons from the oaths of allegiance to Raymond Roupen. His body was buried at Sis, but his heart and entrails were
buried at the convent of Agner.
Leo, having governed the country twelve years as Baron and twenty-two as King, felt his end approaching, and appointed in
an assembly of the whole nobility of the kingdom, a certain baron named Atan to be Regent of the country and guardian of
his daughter. Leo died soon after and was buried in the church of Agner; a part of his body was brought into the town of Sis,
and a church was built thereupon. Vahram of Edessa: The Rhymed Chronicle of Armenia Minor
With the first wife Isabelle (died 1205/1206), a daughter of a brother of Sibylle, the wife of Bohemond III of Antioch he had
daughter Rita (Stephanie) (after 1195 June, 1220), the wife of King John I of Jerusalem. With the second wife
Sibylla (1199/1200 after 1225), a daughter of King Amalric I of Cyprus and Isabella I of Jerusalem he had daughter
Queen Isabella I of Cilicia (January 27, 1216 January 25, 1217 Ked, January 23, 1252).

Isabella I (Armenian: ),

also Isabel I or Zabel I, (January 27, 1216/January 25, 1217 Ked, January 23, 1252) was
the Queen Regnant of Cilician Armenia from 1219 unil her death on January 23, 1252. She was proclaimed queen under the
regency of Adam of Baghras. But he was assassinated; and Constantine of Baberon (of theHethumian family) was nominated
as guardian. At this juncture, Raymond-Roupen, grandson of Roupen III (the elder brother of Isabellas father, King Leo I) set
up a claim to the throne of Cilician Armenia; but he was defeated, captured, and executed. Constantine of Barbaron was soon
convinced to seek an alliance with Prince Bohemond IV of Antioch, and he arranged a marriage between the young princess
and Philip, a son of Bohemond IV. Philip, however, offended the Armenians sensibilities, and even despoiled the royal palace,
sending the royal crown to Antioch; therefore, he was confined in a prison in Sis (now Kozan in Turkey), where he died,
presumably poisoned. The unhappy young Isabella was forced to marry Constantine of Barbarons son, Hethum; although for
many years she refused to live with him, but in the end she relented. The apparent unification in marriage of the two principal
dynastic forces of Cilicia (i.e., theRoupenids and the Hethumids) ended a century of dynastic and territorial rivalry and
brought the Hethumids to the forefront of political dominance in Cilician Armenia.

The lawful heiress of the empire, Isabella, governed the country together with her husband, and led a pious, religious life.
She was blessed for her good deeds and exemplary life by many children, the numerous offsprings of a famous race.
Vahram of Edessa: The Rhymed Chronicle of Armenia Minor
Isabella was the only child of King Leo I by his second wife, Sybille of Cyprus. She was betrothed to Andrew, the third son of
KingAndrew II of Hungary in 1218, but the betrothal later broken in favor of a more advantageous Russian marriage of her
bridegroom. King Leo I died on May, 1219. On his death-bed, he named Isabella as his heiress; and released the barons from
their oath of allegiance to his great-nephew, Raymond-Roupen. But the claim of his five-year-old daughter was contested by
Raymond-Roupen and by John of Brienne. Isabella emerged as the favourite of the ruling Armenian nobles and thus she was
proclaimed queen by acclamation and placed under the regency of Adam of Baghras. But Adam of Baghras was murdered
after a few months; and the regency passed to the only remaining influential Armenian house, that of the Hethumian family
whose head was Constantine of Barbaron. John of Briennes claim was based on his marriage to Leo Is older
daughter Rita (Stephanie). Pope Honorius III recognized John of Briennes claim that his wife or her son should succeed. John
of Brienne received the Popes permission to leave the Crusade and visit Cilician Armenia in February, 1220. But as he
prepared to sail for Cilicia his Armenian wife died; and when their small son died a few weeks later, John of Brienne had no
further claim on the Armenian throne. Raymond-Roupen laid claim to the throne by virtue of lineage through his mother Alice,
the niece of King Leo I. Moreover, he had long been considered as King Leo Is heir. Raymond-Roupen approached the
crusaders at Damietta in 1219 for support in claiming Cilician Armenia, and was able to return in 1221 with some of them and
promises from thePapal legate Pelagius. Raymond-Roupen found some Armenian support in and around Tarsus, notably
Vahram, the castellan of Corycus. Together they conquered from Tarsus to Adana, but then met reverses and were forced to
retire to Tarsus where Raymond-Roupen was captured and ended his days in prison in 1222; his infant daughters retired
withtheir mother to Cyprus. This event left Isabella the sole and largely incontestable heir to her fathers throne. Cilician
Armenia, weakened by wars and in need of strong ally, found a temporary solution in a tie with the Principality of Antioch: the
regent suggested that Prince Bohemond IV should send his fourth son, Philip, to marry Isabella, insisting only that the
bridegroom should join the separated Armenian Church. Philip agreed to adopt the Armenian faith, communion and customs
and to respect the privileges of all nations in Cilician Armenia. Philip married Isabell at Sis in June 1222, and he was accepted
as prince-consort. The joint-rule of Isabel and Philip lasted only a short while; Philips disdain for the Armenian ritual, which he
had promised to respect, and his marked favoritism to the Latin barons angered the Armenian nobility. Philip spent as much
time as possible in Antioch. When it was rumored that Philip wanted to give the crown and throne to Antioch, Constantine of
Barbaron led a revolt (at the end of 1224). Philip and Isabella were seized at Tall Hamdun (today Toprakkale in Turkey) on
their way to Antioch, and taken back to Sis where Philip was imprisoned, and probably poisoned at the beginning of 1225. On
the death of her husband, Isabella decided to embrace a monastic life, and fled to Seleucia. She sought refuge with
the Hospitallers. The latter were unwilling to give her up to Constantine of Barbaron but feared the powerful regent; they
eased their conscience by selling him the fortress with Isabella in it. Bohemond IV, in anger, determined on war, although
such a conflict had been expressly forbidden by the pope as harmful for all Christendom. Bohemond IV called in as ally
thesultan at Iconium, Kai-Qobad I, and ravaged upper Cilicia in 1225. Constantine of Barberon arranged for the regent
of Aleppo, Toghril, to advance on Antioch. When the latter attacked Baghras, Bohemond IV had to return to his own lands.
Isabella was forced into marriage with Constantine of Barbarons son who was subsequently crowned King Hetum I in Tarsus
in June 1226. She is said to have refused toconsummate the marriage for several years.
In the year 675 AE /1226/ the Armenian princes, together with the Catholicos, Lord Constantine, assembled and enthroned
Hethum, son of Constantine, bailli of the Armenians, and also gave him /as a wife/ Isabel, King Leos daughter. Thereafter
there was peace in the House of the Armenians, and year by year they strived for the heights. Smbat Sparapet: Chronicle
Constantine of Barbaron now thought it wise to reconcile Armenia with the Papacy: loyal messengers were sent in the name
of the young couple to the Pope and to the EmperorFrederick II. Although Bohemond IV and later his son, Bohemond
V attempted to persuade the Pope to arrange a divorce between Isabella and Hethum, but both he and King Henry I of
Cyprus were specifically forbidden by Rome to attack the Armenians. The marriage was legalized by Rome in 1237.
The queen being near the end of her life, and staying in a place called Ked, she heard a voice from heaven, crying
aloud, come my dove, come my love, thy end is near. She felt joyful on this happy vision, imparted it to the bystanders,
and died in the Lord; her body was brought to the grave by a large assembly of the priesthood and laid in consecrated earth.
Vahram of Edessa: The Rhymed Chronicle of Armenia Minor
She was buried in the monastery of Trazarg. With first husband Philip of Antioch (? Sis, 1225/1226) she no had issue. With
second husband Hethum I, king of Cilician Armenia (1215 October 28, 1270) she had sixth children: Euphemia (? 1309),
the wife of Julian of Sidon (died January 12, 1275/January 11, 1276), Maria (died after 1310), the wife of Guy of Ibelin
(1235/1240 after 1270), Sybilla (died 1290), the wife of Prince Bohemond VI of Antioch (c. 1237 May/July 11, 1275), Rita (?
?), the wife of Constantine of Saravantikar, Leo II, king of Cilician Armenia (January 24, 1236/January 23, 1237 February 6,
1289), Thoros (1244 August 24, 1266) and Isabella (died c. 1268).

Hethum I (died

1271) (also transliterated Hethoum, Hetoum, Het'um, or Hayton from Armenian: ) was the King
of the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia (also known as "Little Armenia") from 1226 until 1270 (jointly with wife Isabella from 1226
until 1252). He was the son of Constantine, Lord of Baberon and Partzapert (a third-cousin of Leo I) and was the founder of
the dynasty which bears his name: the Hetoumids. Due to diplomatic relations with the Mongol Empire, Hethum himself
traveled to the Mongol court in Karakorum, Mongolia, which was recorded in the famous account "The Journey of Haithon,
King of Little Armenia, To Mongolia and Back" by Hetoum's companion, the Armenian historian Kirakos Gandzaketsi. Hethum's
father Constantine had been regent for the young Queen Zabel of Armenia. Zabel originally married Philip (12221225), son
of Bohemond IV of Antioch. However, Constantine had Philip disposed of, and instead forced Zabel to marry his own son,
Hethum, on June 14, 1226, to make Zabel and Hethum co-rulers. The couple had six children: Leo II (died 1289), Thoros (died
at the battle of Mari in 1266 fighting the Mamluks), Sibylla (died 1290), who married Bohemond VI of Antioch, Euphemie (died
1309), who married to Julian Grenier, Lord of Sidon, Rita of Armenia and Maria, who married Guy d'Ibelin. Hethum was a
major player in the political struggles and shifting alliances around the Crusader states, as the Armenians had ties with all
sides. They were primarily aligned with the Europeans, but during Hethum's reign, the rapidly expanding Mongol
Empire became a concern. As the Mongols approached the borders of Cappadocia and Cilicia, King Hethum made a strategic
decision to submit to Mongol suzerainty, and sent his brother Sempad to the Mongol court in Karakorum. There, Sempad met
Great khan Gyk, and made a formal agreement in 1247 in which Cilician Armenia would be considered a vassal state of the
Mongol Empire. In 1254, Hethum himself traveled through Central Asia to Mongolia to renew the agreement, passing through
the Turkish states of eastern Asia Minor, the Mongol camp at Kars in Greater Armenia, the Iron Gates of Derbent at the
western short of the Caspian Sea, and from there across Asia to Karakorum. He brought many sumptuous presents, and met
with Mngke Khan (Gyk's cousin). The account of his travels was recorded by a member of his suite, Kirakos
Gandzaketsi as "The Journey of Haithon, King of Little Armenia, To Mongolia and Back". The Journey of Hethoum was later

translated into Russian, French, English, and Chinese languages. The narrative is important for its observations of Mongol,
Buddhist, and Chinese culture, geography, and wildlife. On his way back from Karakorum, Hethum passed
through Samarkand and northern Persia, also visiting the Mongol leader Bayju, where he was present in his camp to witness
Bayju's victory in Asia Minor against the Seljuq Turks. Hethum strongly encouraged other Frankish rulers to follow his example
and submit to Mongol suzerainty, but the only one who did so was Hethum's son-in-law, Bohemond VI of Antioch, who
submitted around 1259. Armenian troops were with the Mongol army that captured Baghdad in 1258, and both Armenians
and Antiochenes fought in the Mongol Army under Hulagu at the Siege of Aleppo and Fall of Damascus in 1260. Historical
accounts, quoting from the writings of the medieval historian Templar of Tyre, often give a dramatic account of the three
Christian rulers (Hethum, Bohemond, and the Mongol general Kitbuqa) entering the city of Damascus together in
triumph, though modern historians have questioned this story as apocryphal. Despite the Mongol's territorial gains, in
September 1260, the Egyptian Mamluks rallied, defeating the Mongols at the historic battle ofAin Jalut and driving them back
across the Euphrates River. The Mongols would not again capture Syria until 12991300, when again they would hold it only
for a few months. During the last years of Hethum's reign, largely as a result of Hethum's active support of the Mongols, the
Kingdom came under increasing attack by the Mamluks, who invaded in 1266, taking 40,000 Armenians captive, (including
Hethum's son, Leo) at the Disaster of Mari. Hethum was able to ransom his son by conceding territory to the Egyptians. In
May 1268, the allied Principality of Antioch was overrun by the Egyptians.Hethum abdicated in 1270 in favor of his son Leo,
and lived out the rest of his life in a monastery, as a monk. With wife Isabella he had sixth children: Euphemia (? 1309), the
wife of Julian of Sidon (died January 12, 1275/January 11, 1276), Maria (died after 1310), the wife of Guy of Ibelin (1235/1240
after 1270), Sybilla (died 1290), the wife of Prince Bohemond VI of Antioch (c. 1237 May/July 11, 1275), Rita (? ?), the
wife of Constantine of Saravantikar, Leo II, king of Cilician Armenia (January 24, 1236/January 23, 1237 February 6, 1289),
Thoros (1244 August 24, 1266) and Isabella (died c. 1268).

Leo II or Leon II (occasionally numbered Leo III; Armenian: , Levon II; c. 1236 1289) was a
King of the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia, from 1269/1270 until his death in 1289. He was the son
of King Hetoum I and Queen Isabella and was a member of the Hetoumidfamily. Leo was born in
1236, the son of King Hetoum I and Queen Isabella. Hetoum and Isabella's marriage in 1226 had
been a forced one by Hetoum's father Constantine of Baberon, who had arranged for Queen
Isabella's first husband to be murdered so as to put Constantine's own son Hetoum in place as a coruler with Isabella. They had six children, of which Leo was the eldest. One of his sisters was Sibylla
of Armenia, who was married to Bohemond VI of Antioch to bring peace between Armenia and
Antioch. In 1262 Leo married Keran (Kir Anna), the daughter of Prince Hetoum of Lampron. In 1266,
while their father king Hetoum I was away to visit the Mongol court, Leo and his younger brother
Thoros fought to repel Mamluk invaders, at the Battle of Mari. Thoros was killed in combat, and Leo,
along with 40,000 other Armenian soldiers was captured and imprisoned. When King Hetoum
returned, he paid a large ransom to retrieve his son, including a large quantity of money, handing
over several fortresses, and accepting to intercede with the Mongol ruler Abagha in order to have
one of Baibars's relatives freed. Hetoum I abdicated in 1269 in favour of his son, and entered the
Franciscan order. He died a year later. The new king Leo II was known as a pious king, devoted
to Christianity. He pursued active commercial relations with the West, by renewing trade agreements
with the Italians and establishing new ones with the Catalans. He also endeavoured to reinforce the Mongol alliance, as his
father Hetoum I had submitted Armenia to Mongol authority in 1247. In 1271, Marco Polo visited the Armenian harbour
of Ayas and commented favourably about Leo's reign and the abundance of the country, although he mentions his military
forces were rather demoralized: "The king [Leo II] properly maintains justice in his land, and is a vassal of the Tartars. There
are many cities and villages, and everything in abundance.(...) In the past, men were courageous at war, but today they are
vile and chetive, and don't have other talents than drink properly." Marco Polo "Le Livre des Merveilles" In 1275 the Mamluk
sultan Baibars invaded Cilicia for a second time. The following year, Armenia fought off an invasion by theTurkomans, but the
Constable Sempad, Leo's uncle, was killed in combat. In 1281 Leo joined the Mongols in their invasion of Syria, but they were
vanquished at the Second Battle of Homs. Leo had to sue for peace, and in 1285 obtained a 10-year truce in exchange for
important territorial concessions in favour of the Mamluks. Leo died in 1289, and was succeeded by his son Hetoum II. During
twenty-one years of marriage Leo had sixteen children by his wife Keran, ten sons and six daughters. Three sons and three
daughters died at an early age. Five of his children reached the throne. The eldest, Hetoum II of Armenia, abdicated after four
years in favor of his younger brother Thoros III of Armenia, but was placed back on the throne in 1294. In 1296, their
brother Sempad of Armeniastrangled Thoros and blinded Hetoum, in order to seize power. Sempad was then overthrown in
1298 by their younger brother Constantine III of Armenia, who was replaced by older brother Hetoum, who then abdicated in
1305 in favor of Thoros's son Leo III of Armenia. He had sixteen children: son (January 15, 1262/January 14, 1263 died
young), Constantine (June 1265 died young), Fimi [Euphemia] (January 14, 1266/January 13, 1267 died young), Hethum
II (January 14, 1266/January 13, 1267November 7, 1307), King of Armenia (ruled 1289 to 1293, 1294 to 1297, 1299 to 1307),
Isabella [Zabel] (January 13, 1269/January 12, 1270 died before 1273), Thoros III (October 1270July 23, 1298), King of
Armenia (ruled 1293 to 1298), Ruben (b. January 13, 1272/January 12, 1273 died young), Isabella [Zabel] ( January 12,
1273/January 11, 1274 died before 1276), Sempad (January 12, 1276/January 11, 1277 1310 or 1311), King of Armenia
(ruled 1297 to 1299), Isabella (January 12, 1276/January 11, 1277 May 1323), twin with Sempad; married in 1293
with Amalric of Lusignan, Prince of Tyre, son of King Hugh III of Cyprus, Constantine I (January 11, 1277/ January 10, 1278
died after 1308), King of Armenia (ruled 1299), Rita (January 11, 1278/January 10, 1279 July 1333), renamed Maria upon her
wedding; married in 1294 with Michael IX Palaeologus, co-Emperor of the Byzantine Empirewith his father Andronicus II
Palaeologus, Theophanu (January 11, 1278/January 10, 1279 1296), renamed Teodora upon her betrothal; she died in route
to married Theodore, son of John I Doukas, Lord ofThessaly, Nerses (January 11, 1279/January 10, 1280 May 26, 1301), a
priest, Oshin (January 10, 1283/January 9, 1284 July 20, 1320), King of Armenia (ruled 1308 to 1320) and Alinakh (January
10, 1283/January 9, 1284 August 28, 1310), twin with Oshin; Lord of Lampron and Tarsus. Of the sixteen children, only ten
made it to adulthood and five of them, Hethum, Thoros, Sempad, Constantine and Oshin, would later become Armenian
Kings. They often fought each other to keep or gain the throne, but it were the descendants of their sister Isabella that finally
inherited the throne.

Hethum II (also transliterated Hethoum, Hetoum, Het'um,

or Hayton from Armenian: ) (1266 November 17,

1307) was king of the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia, ruling from 1289 until 1293, 1295 until 1296 and from 1299 until 1303,
while Armenia was a subject state of the Mongol Empire. He abdicated twice in order to take vows in the Franciscan order,
while still remaining the power behind the throne as "Grand Baron of Armenia" and later as Regent for his nephew. He was
the son of Leo II of Armenia and Kyranna de Lampron, and was part of the Hethumid dynasty, being the grandson of Hethum
I, who had originally submitted Cilicia to the Mongols in 1247. He was assassinated with his nephew and successor Leo III by
the Mongol general Bilarghu, who himself was later executed for this by the Mongol Ilkhan ruler ljait. Hethum II took the
throne in his early 20s, when his father Leon II died in 1289. At the time, Cilician Armenia was in a precarious position
between major powers, balancing between friendly relations with the Christian Europeans and Byzantine Empire, aggression

from the Turkish Sultanate of Rum to the west, a vassal relationship with the aggressive Mongol
Empire in the East, and defending itself from attacks from the South, from the Muslim Mamluks out
of Egypt. The Crusades had lost European support and were winding down, and Islamic forces were
sweeping northwards from Egypt, re-taking land which had earlier been lost to the Crusaders, and
pushing back against the Mongol advance. Since 1247, Cilician Armenia itself had been a vassal
state of the Mongol Empire, from an agreement made by Hethum II's grandfather, Hethum I. As part
of this relationship, Cilician Armenia routinely supplied troops to the Mongols, cooperating in battles
against the Mamluks and other elements of the Islamic empire. In 1292, Cilician Armenia was
invaded by Khalil, the Mamluk sultan of Egypt. His father the Mamluk sultan Qalawun had earlier
broken the treaty of 1285, was marching North through Palestine with his troops, and also demanded
the surrender of the Armenian cities ofMarash and Behesni. Qalawun died before the campaign was
completed, but Khalil continued his father's advance northwards, and had conquered the Kingdom of Jerusalem in 1291 at
the Siege of Acre. Khalil's forces continued on from there, sacking the Armenian city ofHromgla, which was defended by
Hethum's uncle, Raymond, but fell after a siege of 33 days. To stave off further invasion, Hethum II abandoned the cities of
Marash, Behesni, and Tel Hamdoun to the Mamluks. In 1293, Hethum abdicated in favor of his brother Thoros III and entered
the Armenian monastery of Mamistra. He did stay active in the politics of the kingdom though, and negotiated with the
Egyptian leader Ketbougha for the return of the prisoners who had been taken at Hromgla, as well as for some church relics
which had been pillaged. In 1295, Thoros III asked Hethum to resume the throne to help renew the Mongol alliance. Hethum
made the long journey to the Mongol capital, and was successfully able to request aid from the Mongols. When he returned to
Armenia in 1296, further good news manifested from the Byzantine Empire, with an offer of a marital alliance. Hethum and
Thoros placed Armenia under the regency of their brother Sempad, and traveled to Constantinople to bestow their
sister Rita upon the Byzantine Emperor Michael IX Palaeologus. However, during their absence Sempad usurped the Armenian
throne with the aid of Constantine III of Armenia. Hethum and Thoros were both captured in Caesarea upon their return, and
imprisoned in the fortress of Partzerpert. There, Hethum was partially blinded by cauterization. Thoros was murdered in
Partzerpert in 1298; but Constantine turned against Sempad, usurped the throne for himself, imprisoned Sempad and freed
Hethum. In 1299, Hethum, recovered at least partially from his blindness, ousted Constantin and once again resumed the
crown. Soon thereafter, he again sought assistance from Ghazan's Mongols, and fought against the Mamluks in Syria. The
combined forces achieved a major victory at the December 1299 Battle of Wadi al-Khazandar (sometimes called the Battle of
Homs), taking Damascus, and Hethum was able to regain all of the Armenian territory which had previously been lost to the
Mamluks. One group of Mongols split off from Ghazan's army and was even able to launch some Mongol raids into Palestine,
pursuing the retreating Egyptian Mamluk troops as far south as Gaza, pushing them back to Egypt. According to modern
traditions, Hethum may have visited Jerusalem in 1300 during this time. However, historians disagree as to whether or not
the visit actually occurred. Angus Donal Stewart points out that the source of the tradition, a medieval account by the
Armenian historian Nerses Balients, does not match with any other accounts by any other historians of the time period, and
was simply written as Armenian propaganda of the time. However, Claude Mutafian, in Le Royaume Armnien de Cilicie,
suggests that it may have been on this occasion that Hethum remitted his amber scepter to the Armenian convent of Saint
James of Jerusalem.
"The king of Armenia, back from his raid against the Sultan, went to Jerusalem. He found that all the enemies had been put to
flight or exterminated by the Tatars, who had arrived before him. As he entered into Jerusalem, he gathered the Christians,
who had been hiding in caverns out of fright. During the 15 days he spent in Jerusalem, he held Christian ceremonies and
solemn festivities in the Holy Sepulchre. He was greatly comforted by his visits to the places of the pilgrims. He was still in
Jerusalem when he received a certificate from the Khan, bestowing him Jerusalem and the surrounding country. He then
returned to join Ghazan in Damas, and spend the winter with him" Nerses Balients, in Recueil des Historiens des Croisades,
Historiens Armeniens I, p.660
Speculation aside, the Mongols retreated northwards a few months later, and the Mamluks reclaimed Palestine with little
resistance. Hethum's gains against the Mamluks were short-lived, as in 1303, the Mamluks counter-attacked from Egypt. The
Armenians again joined forces with a sizable number of Mongol troops, 80,000, on a Syrian offensive, but they were defeated
at Homs on March 30, 1303, and at the decisive Battle of Shaqhab (Merj-us-Safer), south of Damas, on April 21, 1303. This
campaign is considered to be the last major Mongol invasion of Syria. Hethum retreated to Ghazan's court in Moussoul, and
then again resigned his crown. His brother Thoros III having been killed in 1298, Hethum passed the crown to Thoros's
teenaged son, Leo III. Hethum retired to a monastery, although as Leo was not yet an adult, Hethum retained the office of
Regent of Armenia. In 1304, the Mamluks continued their assault on Cilician Armenia, and succeeded in taking back all the
lands which the Armenians had acquired during the Mongol invasion. The Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia's alignment with the
Mongol Empire continued, motivated as much by the need for self-protection from the Seljuk Sultanate of Rm on their
western borders as self-interest in acquiring territory to the east, albeit short-lived. Following the conversion of the Mongol
Ilkhan Ghazan to Islam in 1295, his successor ljait exercised less control over outlying countries under Mongol protection
and reduced the military campaigns against the Mamluks in Syria. According to contemporary Arabic and Persian accounts,
one of his generals, Bilarghu, a devout Muslim, had indicated his intention to erect a mosque in the city of Sis, still part of the
Christian Kingdom of Armenia, possibly as part of a wider plan to place the province under his own control. Hethum conveyed
his worries about these plans by letter to ljait. He was subsequently summoned by Bilarghu to a meeting on November 17,
1307, in an encampment beneath the walls of the royal stronghold of Anazarba (Caesarea in the Roman province of Cilicia),
either to hold counsel or for a banquet. Hethum attended with about 40 noblemen and his young nephew King Leon, for
whom as Grand Baron he was acting as regent. Bilarghu, however, had learnt of Hethum's letter and ordered his men to
massacre the Armenian guests upon their arrival. Following this assassination, Hethum's brother Oshin, heir to the throne,
occupied Sis. He sent another brother Alinakh to report on Bilarghu's treachery to ljait, who ordered the immediate
execution of Bilarghu and his soldiers and confirmed his support of Oshin as king.

Thoros III or Toros

III (Armenian: , same as Theodore; c. 1271 July 23, 1298) was the King of
the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia from 1293 until his death on July 23, 1298. He was the son of Leo II of Armenia and Kyranna
de Lampron, and was part of the Hethumid dynasty. In 1293 his brother Hethum II abdicated in his favour; however, Thoros
recalled Hethum to the throne in 1295. The two brought their sister Rita to Constantinople to marry Michael IX Palaiologos in
1296, but were imprisoned upon their return in Bardzrberd by their brotherSempad, who had usurped the throne in their
absence. Thoros was murdered, strangled to death on July 23, 1298 in Bardzrberd by Oshin, Marshal of Armenia, on Sempad's
orders. Thoros was married twice; his first marriage, to Margaret of Lusignan (ca 12761296, Armenia) (the daughter of
King Hugh III of Cyprus), took place on January 9, 1288. His only son, by his first marriage, was Leo III of Armenia, who
became heir to his uncle Hethum II. Leo ruled from 1303 to 1307, but was murdered along with his uncle by a Mongol.

Sempad, Smpad, Sambat, or Smbat (Armenian: ); 1277 c. 1310) was the King of the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia
from 1296 until 1298. He was the son of Leo II of Armenia and Kyranna de Lampron and was part of the Hetoumid-family.
Sempad seized the throne with the aid of his brother Constantine while his brothers Hethum II and Thoros were

in Constantinople. In 1297, on a volitional journey to the Ghazan'scourt, Sempad managed to receive recognition of his
position as king from the Mongol ruler of Persia, which was necessary to legitimate his usurpation. He also received a bride
from the Mongol khan in order to form a matrimonial alliance, perhaps a relative of the khan himself. On Hethum's return,
Sempad had Hethum blinded by cauterization and both brothers imprisoned at Partzerpert. Thoros was murdered there on
Sempad's orders in 1298, but Constantine turned traitor again and helped Hethum overthrow Sempad, assuming the throne
while Hethum's blindness healed. Sempad again plotted with Constantine to resume the throne soon after Hethum's
restoration, and both were imprisoned for the rest of their lives.

Constantine

I (also
called Constantine
III; Armenian:
, Western
Armenian transliteration: Gosdantin or Kostantine; 1278 c. 1310) was briefly King of the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia from
1298 until 1299. He was the son of Leo II of Armenia and Kyranna de Lampron and was part of the Hetoumid-family. He
helped his brother Sempad to usurp the throne in 1296, but turned against him two years later in 1298 to restore his older
brother Hethum II. He assumed the throne for a year while Hethum recovered from his imprisonment. Shortly after Hethum's
resumption in 1299, Constantine plotted to restore Sempad again, and both were imprisoned for the rest of their lives.
Leo III (or Leon

III) (occasionally numbered Leo IV; Armenian: , Levon III) (12891307) was a King of the Armenian
Kingdom of Cilicia from 1303 or 1305 until his death in 1307, along with his uncle Hethum II. A member of the Hethumid
dynasty, he was the son of Thoros III of Armenia and Margaret of Lusignan, who was the daughter of King Hugh III of Cyprus.
In 1303, while still a minor, he was crowned King of Armenia upon the retirement of his uncle Hethum II, who became Regent.
Cilician Armenia at the time was in a volatile situation, maintaining a fragile relationship as a vassal state of the Mongol
Empire, while defending from attacks by the Muslim Mamluks from the south. The throne of Armenia had changed hands
multiple times during Leo's brief lifetime, being held variously by his uncle Hethum II in 1295, passed peacefully to his
father Thoros III in 1296, then usurped by another uncleSempad, who was usurped by his brother Constantine III of Armenia,
who himself was deposed by his brother Hethum II in 1299. Thoros III having been killed in 1298, Hethum then passed the
crown to Thoros's son, Leo, in 1303. In 1305, Hethum and Leo led the Armenian army to defeat a Mamluk raiding force
at Bagras. On November 17, 1307, Leo and Hethum were murdered with their retinue while visiting the Mongol
general Bilarghu at Anazarva. Bilarghu, a Mongol who had converted to Islam, had sought to build a mosque in the capital
city of Sis, but Hethum had blocked the move and complained to the leader of the Mongol Ilkhanate, Oljeitu. Bilarghu invited
Hethum, Leo, and many other Armenia nobles to a meeting at Anazarva, presumably for discussions, but then his forces
attacked, and all of the nobles were killed. Bilarghu was later executed by the Mongol ilkhan for his actions. Leo was
succeeded as king by another of his uncles, Oshin.

Oshin (Armenian: ) (1282 July 20, 1320) was a King of the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia from 1307 until his death on
July 20, 1320. He was a member of the Hetoumid-family, the son of Leo II, King of Armenia and Queen Keran. Oshin became
king on the death of his nephew Leo III and brother Hethum at the hands of the Mongol general Bilarghu. He was supported
by the Mongol Ilkhan Oljeitu, who had ordered the execution of Bilarghu for the assassination. Oshin favored a union of
the Armenian and Roman churches, which aroused no little popular discontent. In 1309, he had his wife's uncle Oshin,
Marshal of Armenia, executed for the murder of his brother Thoros III. His sister Isabella of Armenia had married Amalric of
Tyre, and when Amalric usurped the government of Cyprus from his brother Henry II of Cyprus, Henry was held in Armenia by
Oshin. He was, however, released and returned to Cyprus on the assassination of Amalric in 1310. Oshin was married three
times: the first to his cousin, Isabel of Korikos, by whom he had one son, Leo IV (born 1309). She died in 1310. The second to
Isabelle of Lusignan daughter of the King Hugh III of Cyprus and widow of Constantine of Neghir, Lord of Partzerpert. Oshin
divorced her before 1316. Isabelle died in 1319. The third to Jeanne of Anjou on February, 1316 in Tarsus. She bore him one
son, George (1317 after 1323). On his death on July 20, 1320, Oshin was succeeded by his minor son Leo IV (sometimes
referred to as Leo V). It was popularly believed that Oshin was poisoned by his cousin (and brother-in-law) Oshin of Corycos.

Leo IV (also

numbered Leo V; Armenian: , Levon IV) (1309August 28, 1341) was the
last Hethumid king of Cilicia, ruling from 1320 until his death on August 28, 1341. He was the son
of Oshin of Armenia and Isabel of Korikos, and came to the throne on the death of his father. His
name is sometimes spelled as Leo or Leon. He spent his minority under the regency of Oshin of
Korikos. During this period, the kingdom was much harassed by Mamluks andMongols. In 1320, the
Egyptian sultan Naser Mohammed ibn Kelaoun invaded and ravaged Christian Armenian Cilicia. In
a letter dated July 1, 1322, Pope John XXII sent a letter from Avignon to the Mongol ruler Abu Sa'id,
reminding him of the alliance of his ancestors with Christians, asking him to intervene in Cilicia. At
the same time he advocated that he abandon Islam in favor of Christianity. Mongol troops were
sent to Cilicia, but only arrived after a ceasefire had been negotiated for 15 years between
Constantin, patriarch of the Armenians, and the sultan of Egypt. The Regent Oshin had married his
stepmother, Jeanne of Anjou, and Leo was forced to marry Oshin's daughter Alice (by his first wife,
Margaret d'Ibelin) on August 10, 1321. Oshin murdered a number of members of the royal family
to consolidate his own power, and Leo's reaction upon reaching his majority in 1329 was violent.
Oshin, his brother Constantine, Constable of Armenia and Lord of Lampron, and Leo's wife Alice
were all murdered on the king's orders, the head of Oshin being sent to the Ilkhan and of
Constantine to Al-Nasr Muhammad. Leo was strongly pro-Western and favored a union of
the Armenian and Roman Churches, which deeply displeased the native barons. His second marriage on December 29, 1331
to Constance, daughter of Frederick III of Sicily and Eleanor of Anjou, widow of Henry II of Cyprus, further aroused antiWestern sentiment. In 1337, Al-Nasr Muhammad invaded again, taking the city of Ayas, and Leo was forced to conclude a
humiliating truce, surrendering territory and a large indemnity and promising to have no dealings with the West. He spent the
last years of his reign holed up in the citadel at Sis, hoping for Western aid. On August 28, 1341 he was murdered by his own
barons. His only son by Alice, Hethum, had died before 1331; the barons elected his cousin Guy of Lusignan to succeed him.

Constantine

II (also Constantine
IV; Armenian:
, Western
Armenian transliteration: Gosdantin or Kostantine; died April 17, 1344), born as Guy de Lusignan, was elected the first
Latin King of Armenian Cilicia of the Lusignan dynasty, ruling from 1342 until his death on April 17, 1344. He was a son
of Isabella, daughter of Leo II of Armenia, and Amalric, a son of Hugh III of Cyprus, and was made Governor of Serres in 1328
and until 1341. When his cousin Leo IV, the last Hethumid monarch of Cilicia, was murdered by the barons, the crown was
offered to his younger brother John, who urged Guy to accept it. Guy was reluctant his mother and two of his brothers had
been murdered by the Armenian regent Oshin of Corycos but he eventually accepted and took the name Constantine. Guy
was killed or murdered in an uprising in Armenia on April 17, 1344 and was succeeded by a distant cousin, Constantine III. He
had married twice, firstly in Constantinople ca 1318 or 1318 to a Kantakouzene (died ca 1330), without issue, and secondly in
13301332, Theodora Syrgiannaina (died 1347/1349), sister of the pinkernes ("cupbearer") Syrgiannes Palaiologos
Philanthropenos, with whom he fathered two children. One of them, Isabella (or Zampea=Maria) de Lusignan (ca or after

1333 in Cyprus, 13821387), Lady of Aradippou, married after February 26, 1349 Manuel Kantakouzenos (ca 1326 April
10, 1380), Despot of Morea.

Constantine III (also Constantine

V; Armenian: , Western Armenian transliteration:

Gosdantin or Kostantine; April 17, 1313 December 21, 1362) was the King of Armenian Cilicia from
1344 until his death on December 21, 1362. He was the son of Baldwin, Lord of Neghir, a nephew
ofHethum I of Armenia, and a distant cousin of Constantine II. When Constantine II was killed in an
uprising in 1344, Constantine III succeeded him. He attempted to wipe out all rival claimants to the
throne; he gave orders to kill Constantine II's nephews, Bemon and Leo, but before the murder could
be carried out they escaped toCyprus. During his rule, Kingdom of Cilician Armenian was reduced
by Mamluk raids and conquests. They conquered Ajazzo in 1347, Tarsus and Adana in 1359.
Constantine was the first husband of Maria, daughter of Oshin of Corycos and Jeanne of Anjou. He was
predeceased by his two sons. Upon his death from natural causes he was succeeded by his
cousin Constantine IV.

Constantine

IV (also Constantine
VI; Armenian: , Western
Armenian transliteration: Gosdantin or Kostantine; died 1373) was the King of Armenian Cilicia from 1362 until his death. He
was the son of Hethum of Neghir, a nephew of Hethum II of Armenia. Constantine came to the throne on the death of his
cousin Constantine III, whose widow,Maria, daughter of Oshin of Corycos, he married. He is usually considered one of
the Lusignan dynasty. Constantine formed an alliance with Peter I of Cyprus, offering him the port and castle of Corycus. On
Peter's death in 1369, Constantine looked for a treaty with the Sultan of Egypt. The barons were unhappy with this policy,
fearing annexation by the sultan, and in 1373 Constantine was murdered. Upon his death he was succeeded by his distant
cousinLeo V, who would become the last king of Cilician Armenia.
Leo V or Levon

V (occasionally Leo VI; Armenian: , Levon V; 1342November 29, 1393), of

the House of Lusignan, was the last Latin king of the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia from 1374 until 1375.
Leo was described as "Leon V, King of Armenia" on his own personal seal ("SIGILUM LEONIS QUINTI
REGIS ARMENIE"), and as "Leon de Lusignan the Fifth" in the Middle French inscription on
his cenotaph: Leon de Lizingnen quint.[2] Leo was the son of John of Lusignan (Constable and Regent of
Armenia) and his wife (or, more probably, mistress) Soldane, daughter of George V of
Georgia. Constantine V, in order to wipe out all claimants to the throne, had given orders to kill Leo and
his brother Bohemond, but they escaped to Cyprus before the murder could be carried out. He was
made a Knight of the Chivalric Order of the Sword in 1360 and Titular Seneschal of Jerusalem on
October 17, 1372. Leo was elected to the throne on the death of his distant cousin Constantine VI of
Armenia in 1373. After a short regency by Mary of Korykos, widow of Constantine, Leo left Famagusta in spite of the ongoing
conflict between Cyprus and Genoa. Landing at Korykos, he managed with difficulty to reach Sis, which was already being
besieged by the Muslim emir of Aleppo. Leo and his wife, whom he married at Cyprus in May, 1369, Marguerite of Soissons,
daughter of Jean de Soissons and wife, were crowned at Sis on July 26 or September 14, 1374, according to both the Latin
and Armenia rites. His right to the throne was challenged by Ashot and Leo's short reign was marked by numerous disputes
between the various factions. After several battles against superior Mamluk forces, he locked himself in the Kapan fortress
and eventually surrendered in 1375, thus putting an end to the last Armenian state until the establishment of the short
lived Democratic Republic of Armenia (19181920) and the Republic of Armenia in 1991.
The Mameluks took Leo
to Cairo with his family, where he was placed under surveillance for several years. In August 1377, he met with Jean Dardel, a
Franciscan who was on his way for a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Leon befriended him and employed him as his secretary. Dradel
returned to Europe to plead the case of Leon V, and managed to convince King John I of Castile to pay a ransom of precious
stones, silks, and birds of prey in 1382. His wife had died in Cairo, between 1379 and July 4, 1381. Leon de Lusignan arrived ill
and poor to Medina del Campo. In 1382 or 1383, the King of Castile named Leon Lord of Madrid. John I granted him for life the
town of Madrid, Villa Real and Andjar and a yearly gift of 150,000 maravedis. Leon rebuilt the towers of the Royal Alczar.
According to Father Mariana, Leon left Castile for France after the death of his protector in 1390. Federico Bravo, however
states that he left after two years of ruling, and five years later, the Madrilenians were conceded the revocation of the
lordship by John. Leon V apparently went to Paris in June 1384, and received the Saint-Ouen castle and a sizable pension from
King Charles VI of France. He attempted to reconcile the French and the English (as the time fighting the Hundred Years' War)
in order to set up a new Crusade and obtain help to recover his lands, but the meeting he organized in 1386 between
Boulogne and Calais were unsuccessful. Leon continued diplomatic mission to England in 1389 and in 1392. Leon V never
recovered his throne, and died in Paris on November 29, 1393. His remains were laid to rest in the Couvent des Clestins,
near Place de la Bastille in Paris, the second most important burial site for royalty after Saint-Denis. The prestigious convent
was located nearby Leon's residence of Htel des Tournelles, itself near Htel Saint-Pol, the favourite residence of Charles
V and Charles VI in the area of Le Marais. Leon received lavish funerals and had a lavish tomb, located in the choir of the
church. However the convent was profanated during theFrench Revolution. After the revolution, his tombstone was recovered
by Alexandre Lenoir who placed it in his Muse des monuments Franais in the Saint-Denis Basilica. In 1815, during
the Restoration, a new cenotaph was established for Leon V at the royal Saint Denis Basilica where most representatives of
the French monarchy lie. The effigy on the tomstone, by an anonymous artist, is of a high realism and quality, and it is
thought that it was made while Leon was still alive. Leon V is depicted holding a scepter (now broken) and gloves, symbol of
great princes. The tombstone bears the following inscription in French:
"Here lies the right noble and excellent Prince Leon de Lusignan V, Latin king of the kingdom of Armenia, who passed away in
Paris on the 29th day of November of the year of Grace 1393. Pray for him." ("Cy gist tres noble et excellent prince Leon de
Lizingnen quint roy latin du royaume d'Armenie qui rendit l'ame a Dieu a Paris le XXIXe jour de novembre l'an de grace
M.CCC.IIIIXX.XIII. Priez pour luy" ) Original 14th century inscription.
He had one legitimate daughter, Marie de Lusignan (ca 1370 Cairo, before July 4, 1381, who predeceased her mother and
father),
and
two
illegitimate
sons,
Guy
de
Lusignan
or
Guido
de
Armenia
(died
1405),
a Canon in Autun, Bayeux, Paris and Arras and Captain de la Tour d'Amblay, and Stephan or Etienne de Lusignan,
a Knight in Sis. Upon his death the title of King of Armenia was claimed by Leo's distant cousin James I.

elik of Armenia

elik (also transliterated as Meliq) (Armenian: melik, Georgian: meliki (prince), from Arabic: malik (king))
was a hereditary Armenian noble title, in various Eastern Armenian principalities known as melikdoms encompassing modern
Yerevan, Kars, Nakhichevan, Sevan, Lori, Artsakh, Tabriz and Syunik starting from the Late Middle Ages until the end of the
nineteenth century. After the invasions of the Seljuk Turks, Persians and Mongols, these families saw themselves as holding
onto the last bastion of Armenian independence in the region. The realm of the meliks was almost always semi-independent
and often fully independent, they had their own court, known as a darbas, army, castles and military fortifications known as
sghnakh, carried out justice in the form of trials and collected tax. The relationship between meliks and their subordinates
was that of a military commanding officer and junior officer, and not of feudal lord and a serf. Peasants were not allowed to
own land, but otherwise were free and owned property. Meliks preserved their rights and privileges after Eastern Armenia
became part of the Russian Empire, many of them, especially meliks from Karabakh became Russian generals.

List of Prominents Meliks

Israel Ori

(Armenian: ) (16581711) was a prominent figure of the Armenian national liberation

movement and a diplomat that sought the liberation of Armenia from Persia and the Ottoman Empire. Ori was
born in 1658 in the village of Sisian in Zangezur. He was the son of Melik Haikazian of Zangezur. During his
youth along with a number of other Armenians, Ori looked for support among the European powers in the fight
of Armenians against the Persian and Ottoman Empires. As one of the members of a seven-man delegation
created by Catholicos Jacob IV and the support of Georgian King George XI he visited Constantinople in 1678.
When the Catholicos died, the plan was abandoned, but Ori independently resolved to complete the mission
and journeyed to Venice, Paris and Vienna. He joined the French army of Louis XIV, and entered into contact with the high
political circles of France, in course of which he constantly raised the question about the liberation of Armenian people from
the foreign yoke; however, he was met with cold indifference. In 1695 Ori settled in Germany, in the city of Dsseldorf, where
he established connections with Johann Wilhelm, Elector Palatine. Hoping that the question of Armenia would become the
object of consideration in the highest diplomatic circles of European states, German prince sent Ori with a letter of
recommendation to the emperor of Austria and the ruler of Florence. However, since Ori did not have official authority from
the Armenian political mainstream, his statements were disregarded. Ori departed to Armenia with the purpose to obtain the
appropriate written documents from the Armenian nobility on the advice of Johann Wilhelm. In 1699 Ori, together with melik
Safraz called in Angekhakot a secret conference along with eleven Syunik Meliks, where they agreed to officially ask for
military aid from West European states. Ori met with Emperor Leopold I in 1700 who advised him that Russian support would
be necessary for the success of his plan. Without having attained results in Germany and Austria, Ori in 1701 left for Moscow.
Ori was the first to set the pro-Russian orientation of the Armenian liberation movement for decades to come. After arriving in
Moscow, Ori met Peter the Great and presented the request from the Meliks of Syunik where they had written that we do not
have another hope, we hope for God and your country. Peter responded favorably. He promised to render assistance to the
Armenian people after the end of Russo-Swedish War. In the meantime Ori also met with Pope Clement XI in 1704 who offered
him his support. Ori proposed to the Russian court a plan, which contained the following points: for liberating the Armenian
and Georgian peoples it is necessary to send via the Caucasus a twenty-five thousand strong Russian army, fifteen thousand
Cossack riders and ten thousand infantrymen. Cavalry must move to Transcaucasia with the road, which passes on the Daryal
gorge, and infantry should cross from Astrakhan on the Caspian Sea. Russian troops will meet the Armenian and Georgian
armed forces. Thus, even in the beginning of the 18th century within the Russian court the question about the preparation for
a march in Transcaucasia was raised. It was agreed that a special envoy should be sent to Persia headed by Ori, to study the
situation, the will of the locals, gather information on the fortresses and roads of the country and so forth. In order not to
excite suspicions, Ori would say that he was sent by the Pope of Rome, to the court of Shah Husayn for the purpose of
gathering information on the well being of the Christians in Persia. In 1707, after the necessary preparations, Ori with the
rank of the Colonel of Russian army and with the large formation solemnly went to Persia. The French missionaries in Persia
attempted to prevent the arrival of Ori into Isfahan, trying to convince the Shah that Russia was intending to restore the
political independence of Armenia, and that Ori intends to be the King of Armenia. When Ori reached Shamakhi, he was
forced to wait several days before being granted permission to enter Isfahan. In Shemakhi he met local Armenian and
Georgian political figures, strengthening their sympathies towards Russia. In 1709 Ori arrived in Isfahan, where he again
conducted negotiations with the local political figures. In 1711 Ori suddenly died in Astrakhan during the return to Russia from
Persia. All of Ori's efforts helped to inspire Joseph Emin (1726-1809), who went on to keep the idea of the liberation of
Armenia alive.

Davit Bek

(Armenian: ; died 1728) was an Armenian military commander and one of the most prominent
military figures of the Armenian liberation movement of the 18th century directed against the forces of Ottoman Empire and
Safavid Iran. In 1722-25, with direct support from Mkhitar Sparapet in Syunik and Avan Yuzbashi in Karabakh, Davit Bek
headed the armed struggle of Syunik and Artsakh Armenians against Safavid Iran, during the Russo-Persian War (1722-1723).
[citation needed] In 1726-28 Armenians under the leadership of Davit Bek went to war with Turkish armies at Halidsor and
had showed great military competence and valor by defeating them easily. Little is known about Bek's early life. He was of
noble lineage, stemming from princes of Chavndour (district of Kovsakan in southeastern Syunik), and prior to the period of
armed struggle against the Persians and Turks, Bek served in the royal court of Georgian king Vakhtang VI of Kartli. Peter the
Great's steady advance south towards the Caucasus during the Russo-Persian War (1722-1723) with a massive 30,000 man
army had revived hope among the Armenians and Georgians that Russian arms could help clear the region from Muslim
dominion. Muslim misrule in the regions of Kapan and Artsakh (Karabakh) had provoked the Armenian meliks in 1722 to
request military aid from Vakhtang. Vakhtang sent a small force under the command of Bek to Syunik and Bek was successful
in dislodging the Turkic nomadic tribes there. Encouraged by his successes and the weakening of Safavid rule, many
Armenians raised the banner of revolt against the Muslims and joined Bek's ranks. The meliks of Karabakh soon joined the
cause for national liberation, lending Davit Bek men and materiel; Avan Yuzbashi, a military commander from Shusha who
was to become one of Davit Bek's close supporters, contributed 2,000 men to the war effort. As his successes mounted, he
awarded them by distributing the lands he seized from the Muslims to his closest supporters. The Persian armies sent to
crush the rebellion were repelled, allowing Davit Bek to establish an administrative center at the fortress of Halidzor near
Kapan in the Syunik Province. The defensive aspects of the fortress gave Davit Bek's soldiers an advantage when fighting the
enemy. He died at Halidzor after coming down with an illness in 1728 and is reputedly buried in the cemetery just outside of
the fortress. In 1944, at the height of World War II, David Bek the movie was filmed by director Hamo Beknazarian with
Hrachia Nersisyan starring as Davit Bek. In 1978 Armenfilm in association with Mosfilm produced another movie about the
efforts of Davit Bek and Mkhitar Sparapet called Star of Hope. Davit Bek was portrayed by Georgian actor Edisher
Magalashvili. Bek was the subject of an opera, David Beg, composed by Armen Tigranian.

Mkhitar Sparapet

(Armenian: ; Sparapet meaning "general", "constable" or rather "supreme

commander of the armed forces") (died 1730) was an 18th-century Armenian national hero and participant in the struggle for

preserving the Armenian heritage in the Zangezur region of Transcaucasia. He was instrumental in David Bek's victories over
the forces of Safavid Iran and the Ottoman Empire in Armenia'sZangezur region. Their main headquarters were at the fortress
of Halidzor which also served as the administrative center for Syunik. Mkhitar served as chief aide to Bek and later his
successor after his death in 1728. In 1730, Mkhitar was murdered by Armenian villagers of Khndzoresk, who had implored
him to have his own fortifications destroyed during his conflicts rather than their village. His head was presented to the
Ottoman Pasha at Tabriz, who found this act of treachery detestable and had the murderers decapitated. The tomb of Mkhitar
Sparapet is located in a gorge not far from Nerkin Khndzoresk and Old Khndzoresk. Mkhitar was one of the characters of the
Soviet "David Bek" film of 1944. Another movie, made in 1978 by Armenfilmand Mosfilm, bore the name of Mkhitar Sparapet
and enjoyed success in the Soviet Republic of Armenia.

Erivan Khanate
The Erivan Khanate (Persian: Khnt-e ravn; Azerbaijani: rvan xanl ; Armenian:
Yerevani khanut'yun) also known as or Sad, was a khanate that was established in Safavid Persia in the
eighteenth century. It covered an area of roughly 19,500 km2, and corresponded to most of present-day central Armenia,
most of the Idr Province and of Kazman district of the Kars Province of present-day Turkey, and the Sharur and Sadarak
districts of the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic of present-day Azerbaijan. As a result of the Persian defeat in the last
Russo-Persian War, it was occupied by Russian troops in 1827 and then ceded to the Russian Empire in 1828 in accordance
with the Treaty of Turkmenchay. Immediately following this, the territories of the former Erivan Khanate and the Nakhichevan
Khanate were joined to form the "Armenian Oblast" of the Russian Empire.

List of Khans of Erivan Khanate

Amirgune Khan I

was the Khan of Erivan Khanate from 1604 until 1628.

Tahmasp Qulu Khan I was the Khan of Erivan Khanate from 1628 until 1634.
Kalbaev Khan

was the Khan of Erivan Khanate from 1636 until 1641.

Ketuh Ahmad Khan

Khosrow Khan

was the Khan of Erivan Khanate from around 1645 until 1650.

Mohammed Khan
Najaf Khan

was the Khan of Erivan Khanate from around 1650 until 1655.

was the Khan of Erivan Khanate from 1655 until 1660.

Abbas Kuli Khan

Safi Quli Khan I

was the Khan of Erivan Khanate from around 1660 until 1665.

was the Khan of Erivan Khanate from around 1665 until 1670.

Safi Quli Khan II

Zaal Khan

(died 1645) was the Khan of Erivan Khanate from 1641 until his death in 1645.

was the Khan of Erivan Khanate from around 1670 until 1675.

was the Khan of Erivan Khanate from around 1675 until 1680.

Murtaza Quli Khan

Mohammed Khan
Farzali Khan

was the Khan of Erivan Khanate from around 1680 until 1682.

was the Khan of Erivan Khanate from around 1682 until 1688.

was the Khan of Erivan Khanate from around 1688 until 1710.

Amirgune Khan II

was the Khan of Erivan Khanate from around 1710 until 1724.

Mekhti Khan Qasimli

Hasan Ali Khan
Khalil Khan

was the Khan of Erivan Khanate from 1748 until 1750.

was the Khan of Erivan Khanate from 1752 until 1755.

Hasan Ali Khan Qajar

Huseyn Ali Khan
Qulam Ali

was the Khan of Erivan Khanate from 1645 until 1748.

was the Khan of Erivan Khanate from 1755 until 1759.

was the Khan of Erivan Khanate from 1759 until 1783.

was the Khan of Erivan Khanate from 1783 until 1784.

Muhammad Khan
Mekhti Qulu Khan

was the Khan of Erivan Khanate from 1784 until 1804.

was the Khan of Erivan Khanate from 1804 until 1806.

Ahmed Muqaddam Khan

(died October 17, 1806) was the Khan of Erivan Khanate until August 1 until his death on
October 17, 1806 and Khan of Maragheh Khanate from 1763 until 1797.

Hossein Qoli Khan Sardar Qajar

(17401830), the last Iranian governor of Iranian Azerbaijan, ruled

as virtual shah of the Khanate of Erevan from 1808 until 1828. In 1826-1828 he and Abbas Mirza, the Crown
Prince, attempted to win back the Transcaucasian possessions lost to Russia during the war of 1804-1813 which
had ended with the Gulistan Treaty. However, using superior tactics and weapons developed since their defeat of
Napoleon, the Tsars generals inflicted even greater losses on Iran. In addition to ceding further territories, the
1828 Treaty of Turkmenchay forced Iran to pay crippling reparations. The treaty also banned Hosein Khan and
his younger brother, Hasan Khan, from ever venturing north of the Aras River, the new border. Hosein Khan was
a confidant of Fath Ali Shah, who had cemented their relationship by marrying the Sardars sister and giving one
of his daughters, Shirin Jan Khanom, in marriage to Hosein Khan's son, Mohammad Qoli Khan. Foreign travelers
call him one of the most powerful and wealthy chiefs in Persia with as much authority as Abbs Mirz .
osaynqoli Khan did not have any members of his family as hostages in Tehran, had the right to mint coins, and had the rare
opportunity of keeping a large part of the revenue for defense purposes. He encouraged trade and created a stable
administration. Even Armenian and Russian sources, who have little good to say about the Persian khans in Transcaucasia,
praise osaynqoli for being kind, honest, noble, conscientious, and just. The Shah had been indebted to the Sardar ever
since, on the death of Agha Mohammad Khan, the founder of the Qajar dynasty, Hosein Khan led an advance column of
troops to Tehran to secure the capital and the throne for Fath Ali. Later, the Shah dispatched him to quell a rebellion in
Khorasan province. In return for his loyalty, the Sardar was rewarded with the Khanate of Erevan, which he ruled until the last
Russo-Persian War (1826-1828). Hosein Khan was also granted estates encompassing some 62 villages near the city of
Qazvin. Later generations of Sardars bequeathed their inheritance to religious endowments, or vaqf. The ab anbar sardar, a
cavernous underground water reservoir in Qazvin was named after Hosein Khan. Local legend has it that, at 3,000 cubic
meters and 28.5 meters from base to ceiling, it took seven months to fill and its supply of water lasted for seven years. Fed
by three qanats (subterranean water canals), it is the largest in Iran. Unlike other Transcaucasian khans, osaynqoli did not
make a deal with the Russians and managed to thwart their efforts for two decades. Russias anger was demonstrated in
article XII of the Treaty and Turkamany (1828), which specifically deprived him and his brother of the right to sell or
exchange their property in Erevan, a right granted to all others.

Nakhchivan Khanate
The Nakhchivan Khanate (Persian: ) was a khanate that was established in Safavid Persia in 1747. The territory of
the khanate corresponded to most of the present-day Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic and Vayots Dzor Province of presentday Armenia. It was named after its chief settlement, the town of Nakhchivan. Initially the territory of Nakhchivan was part of
the Erivan Khanate, but later came to be ruled by a separate khan. Shortly after the capture of Yerevan in 1604, Shah Abbas I
appointed the first governor of Nakhichevan: Maqsud Sultan, a leader of a Turkic tribe named Kangarlu, who were described
by J. M. Jouannin as a small tribe established in Persian Armenia on the shores of the Aras". Later that year, as Ottoman
forces threatened the area during the Ottoman-Safavid War of 1603-1618, Shah Abbas ordered Maqsud Sultan to evacuate
the entire population of the Nakhchivan region (including the Armenians of Jolfa, who, in the following year, were transplanted
to Isfahan) to Qaraja Dag (Arasbaran) and Dezmar. Persian rule was interrupted by Ottoman occupation between 1635-1636
and 1722-1736. It officially became a full functioning khanate during the Afsharid Dynasty. During the Russo-Persian War of
1804-1813, in 1808 Russian forces under general Gudovich briefly occupied Nakhchivan, but as a result of the Treaty of
Gulistan it was returned to Persian control. During the Russo-Persian War of 1826-1828, in 1827 Abbas Mirza appointed Ehsan
Khan Kangarlu as commander of Abbasabad, a fortress of strategic importance for the defense of the Nakhchivan khanate.
After heavy losses in an attempt to take the fortress by escalade on July 14, the Russians mounted a siege. Ehsan Khan
secretly contacted the Russian commander, General Paskevich, and opened the gates of the fortress to him on July 22, 1827.
With the Treaty of Turkmenchay, in 1828 the khanate became a Russian possession and Ehsan Khan was rewarded with the
governorship, conferred the rank of major-general of the Russian army and the title of campaign ataman of the Kangarlu
militia. In 1828 the khanates of Erivan and Nakhchivan were dissolved and their territories united to form the Armenian
Oblast ("Armianskaia Oblast"). In 1840 that province was dissolved and its territory incorporated into a larger new province,
the Georgia-Imeretia Governorate ("Gruziia-Imeretiia").

List of Khans and Naibs of the Nakhchivan Khanate

Heydar Quli Khan I Kengerli

(died 1763/1764) was the Khan of the Nakhchivan Khanate from 1747 until his death

in 1763/1764.

Haji Khan I

was the Khan of the Nakhchivan Khanate from 1764 until 1765.

Rahim Khan I

was the Khan of the Nakhchivan Khanate from 1765 until 1770.

Ali Kuli Khan I was the Khan of the Nakhchivan Khanate from 1770 until 1773.
Wali Quli Khan I

was the Khan of the Nakhchivan Khanate from 1773 until 1781.

Kieb Ali Khan

was the Khan of the Nakhchivan Khanate from 1787 until 1796, from 1801 until 1804, from 1804 until
1807) (with interruptions, 1808, 1809-1810, 1816).

Mahammadbagir Khan
Ehsan Khan

was a Naib of the Nakhchivan Khanate in the early 19th century.

was the Khan of the Nakhchivan Khanate from 1823 until 1828. During the Russo-Persian War of 1826-1828,
in 1827 Abbas Mirza appointed Ehsan Khan Kangarlu as commander of Abbasabad, a fortress of strategic importance for the
defense of the Nakhchivan khanate. After heavy losses in an attempt to take the fortress by escalade on July 14, the Russians
mounted a siege. Ehsan Khan secretly contacted the Russian commander, General Paskevich, and opened the gates of the
fortress to him on July 22, 1827. With the Treaty of Turkmenchay, in 1828 the khanate became a Russian possession and
Ehsan Khan was rewarded with the governorship, conferred the rank of major-general of the Russian army and the title of
campaign ataman of the Kangarlu militia.

Kerim Khan

was a Hakim of the Nakhchivan Khanate with interruptions in 1808, from 1813 until 1816 and in 1827 and
Naib of the Nakhchivan Khanate from 1828 until 1834.

List Presidents and Prime Ministers of Armenia

Democratic Republic of Armenia (1918-1920)

Avetis

Aharonyan (Armenian: , spelled before the 1920s:

) (1866 March 20, 1948) was the Chairman of the National Council of Democratic Republic
of Armenia from May 30 until August 1, 1918. and Chairman of Parliament of Democratic Republic of
Armenia from Augist 5, 1919 until Dcember 2, 1920. He was an Armenian politician, writer, public figure
and revolutionary, also part of the Armenian national movement. Aharonyan was born in 1866
in Idr, Erivan Governorate, Russian Empire (today eastern Turkey). Growing up, he was influenced by the
natural features of his birthplace, such as the Aras River and Mount Ararat, both of which were located
near Idr. His mother, Zardar, was a literate person, who was able to educate her child by teaching him
how to read and write. After completing elementary education at the village's school, he was sent
to Echmiadzin's Kevorkian school, and graduated from there. He became a teacher for a few years, after
which he went to Switzerland's University of Lausanne to study history and philosophy. During this period of time, he
met Kristapor Mikaelian, who was then the chief editor of the Troshag (Flag) newspaper. He then began to write for the paper.
In 1901, upon graduation, he went to study literature at the Sorbonne. In 1902, he returned to the Caucasus and became the
headmaster of the Nersissian school and the chief editor of the Mourj (Hammer) newspaper. Thus, in 1909, he was captured
by the Tsar's government and imprisoned in Metekhi's prison, where he fell ill. Two years later, after a generous donation of
20,000 rubles, he fled to Europe. He returned to the Caucasus in 1917, and chaired the Armenian National Council, which
proclaimed the independence of Democratic Republic of Armenia on May 28, 1918. He signed the Treaty of Batum with
the Ottoman Empire. In 1919, he was the head the Armenian delegation at the Paris Peace Conference with Boghos Nubar,
where he signed the Treaty of Svres formulating the "Wilsonian Armenia" in direct collaboration with the Armenian Diaspora.
In 1948, he died in Paris, a great friend of the French people.
Hovhannes

Katchaznouni (Armenian:
)
(Akhaltsikhe, Georgia 1868 Yerevan, Armenia 1938) was the first Prime Minister of the Democratic
Republic of Armenia from May 30, 1918 until May 28, 1919. He was a member of the Armenian
Revolutionary Federation. Hovhannes Katchaznouni was born in 1868 in the town of Akhaltsikhe, then
part of the Russian Empire, now part of Georgia. He attended secondary school in Tiflis from 1877 to
1886. In 1887 he moved to St. Petersburg and was accepted into the Citizens' Architectural Institute,
graduating from there with honors in 1893. During his time in St. Petersburg he joining
the Dashnaktsutyunpolitical party, eventually becoming one of its most important members. After
graduating he worked at the Baku provincial administration from 1893-1895 in the construction
department, then as an architect in Batumi from 18951897, and then from 1897-1899 as regional
architect at the Tiflis provincial administration. He worked as a senior architect in Baku from 18991906, designing hospitals
and apartment buildings. After 1906 he devoted himself to political and social activities. In 1911 he was required to leave the
Caucasus region by a St. Petersburg court ruling because of his activities involving Dashnaktsutyun. In 1914 he was able to
return to his homeland. He became a member of the Armenian National Council in 1917 and was the Dashnak representative
in the Seym (the Caucasian Parliament) until 1918. He was on the Armenian committee that conducted peace talks with the
Ottoman Empire in Trabzon and Batoum. After the dissolution of the Transcaucasian Federation, he became the first Prime
Minister of the independent Armenian state in 1918. He held this position until August 1919. He was arrested after
the Bolsheviks came to power in Armenia in 1920. He left Armenia after the 1921 counter-revolutionary revolt against
Bolshevik rule was suppressed. Between 1921 and 1924 he lived in Bucharest. In 1925 he returned to Soviet Armenia, to
work as an architect in Leninakan. He also taught at Yerevan State University's technical department, giving lectures on
construction and architecture. He joined the Construction Institute on its establishment in 1930 and attained the title of
professor there. Katchaznouni became a victim of Stalin's Great Terror. He was arrested in 1937 and imprisoned. The exact
date of his death is unknown, it happened in 1937 or 1938. Katchaznouni prepared a critical report for the April 1923 ARF
congress in Bucharest titled "The Federation Has Nothing More to Do," which called for the dissolution of the Party and
Armenian support of Soviet Armenia. Its incendiary claims immediately drew rebuke from the party. Until recently, the report
was best known through its abridged English translation by Matthew Aram Callender, The Armenian Revolutionary Federation
(Dashnagtzoutiun) Has Nothing to Do Any More and edited by Avedis Boghos Derounian. The translation emanated from the
New York branch of the Armenian General Benevolent Union's Armenian Information Service. The booklet's elusive nature can
be attributed to the fact that the Congress was "highly secret and closed to the public" with little information about its
circumstances being released. Recently, a historian from Istanbul University named Mehmet Perinek found an unabridged
Russian copy (printed in Tblisi, 1927) of the book in the Russian State Library inMoscow. Perinek said that he was the first
person to have entered the Russian State archives (due to a simple absence of applications), and that he has spent seven
years studying them. Though this story might be credible, it is disputed by some Armenian intellectuals like Viken L. Attarian,
who claim that all of this "discoveries" are actually forgeries of this document, made by alleged Turkish unscrupulous
historians to rebuke the fact of the Armenian Genocide, which is proven by the fact that translations of the text into several
other languages were published by Kaynak Press, Istanbul, as part of a book series titled "The Lie of 'Armenian Genocide' in
Armenian Documents".

Avetik Hovhannesi Sahakyan or Sahakian (Armenian:

, 18631933) also known

as Fat
her Abraham was an Armenian politician, the Parliamentary President (speaker) of the Democratic Republic of
Armenia and Chairman of the National Council of Democratic Republic of Armenia from August 1, 1918 until
August 5, 1919. He was the social security minister and member of ARF Dashnaktsutiun Eastern Bureau. He was
also known as agricultural scientist. Sahakian was born in Jalal-oghli, modern Stepanavan, Armenia. He was
included in Western Armenian liberation activities (since 1898) and ARF Caucasian project. After Armenia
became a Soviet republic Avetik Sahakyan moved to Tabriz, Persia, where his life was full of sufferings and
losses. However, he always hoped to return to his motherland.

Alexander Khatisian (Armenian:

) (February 17, 1874, Tiflis, March

10, 1945, Paris) was the second Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of Armenia from May 28,
1919 until May 5, 1920. He was an Armenian politician and a journalist. He served as the mayor
of Tiflis (Tbilisi) from 1910 to 1917. During this period Count Illarion Ivanovich VorontsovDashkov consulted with him, the primate of Tbilisi, Bishop Mesrop, and the prominent civic leader
Dr. Hakob Zavriev about the creation of Armenian volunteer detachments in the summer of 1914. During
the establishment of Democratic Republic of Armenia, he served as a member from the Armenian
National Council of Tiflis to the Armenian National Council and later to the permanent executive
committee selected by Armenian Congress of Eastern Armenians. After declaration of the Democratic Republic of Armenia, he
served as Foreign Minister and signed the Treaty of Batum with the Ottoman Empire. He was elected as the prime
minister from 1919 to 1920.

Hamo Ohanjanyan (Armenian:

) (1873 - July
31, 1947, Cairo) was
an Armenian politician of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation. He served as the third Prime Minister of
the Democratic Republic of Armenia from May 5 to November 25, 1920.

Simon Vratsian (Armenian:

, 1882, Great Sala Armenian: , Armenian

pronunciation: [mdz sl], village of New Nakh ichevan, Russia - May 21, 1969, Beirut, Lebanon) was
an Armenian political figure and the last fourth Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of Armenia from
November 25 until December 2, 1920. After education at Armenian and Russian schools he joined
the Dashnak party. He received further education at the Gevorgian seminary from 1900 to 1906. Vratsian
returned to Nor Nakhichevan as Dashnak party worker and took part in the 4th general congress of
Dashnaktsutiun at Vienna in 1907; where he supported the adoption of socialism. In 1908 he traveled
to St. Petersburg to study law and education. He travelled to the United States in 1911 where he edited
the Hairenik newspaper.
In
1914
he
made
his
way
to
the 8th
general
congress
of
Dashnaktsutiun in Ottoman Empire. He was elected to the party's Bureau and mixed with the leaders of the Young Turks. In
August 1914 he was jailed as a Russian spy, but escaped to Transcaucasia, where he became involved with the Armenian
volunteer units who fought with the Russian army. After the disbandment of the units he attended the Moscow state
conference, the Armenian National Congress, and was elected a member of the National Council. Hovhannes
Katchaznouni asked him to accompany him on his tour of Europe and America in 1919, but he was refused a visa by the
British as they saw him as a radical socialist. In the same year he was appointed to ministry of labour, agriculture and state
positions in Aleksandr Khatisyan's Cabinet. His positions carried over to the government of Hamo Ohanjanyan; he also
assumed responsibilities for information and propaganda. After the resignation of the government and the failure of
Hovhannes Katchaznouni to form a coalition, Vratsian accepted post of Prime Minister on November 24, 1920. On December
2, 1920 he handed over Armenia to the Bolsheviks. He subsequently went into hiding, and later emerged as President of the
Committee for the Salvation of the Fatherland. He also appealed to Europe and Turkey for assistance against the Bolsheviks.
Vratsian then travelled over Europe, settling in Paris to edit the Droshak from 1923 to 1925. In 1945 he presented a petition
to the UN General Assembly at San Francisco demanding the restoration of Wilsonian Armenia held by Turkey toArmenia. In
the Beirut-based "Nayiri" weekly, v. 12, nos. 1-6 were published Shahan's memoirs about Talaat's assassination. There,
Shahan revealed his orders to Tehlirian: "You blow up the skull of the Number 1 nation-murderer and you don't try to flee. You
stand there, your foot on the corpse and surrender to the police, who will come and handcuff you." Shahan Natalie's purpose
was to turn Soghomon Tehlirian's trial into the political trial of those responsible for the Great Tragedy, which was realized in
part. However, there were those in the ARF leadership, Simon Vratsian in particular, who had two chapters deleted from
Tehlirian's memoirs - before their printing - which dealt with Shahan Natalie's key role in the assassination of Talaat.On 29
December 1926, the ARF Bureau, with four votes in favor and one against (Shahan) decided to join the Promethean Alliance,
which declared the Turk as defender of the Caucasian people. During his lifetime he edited various now defunct Armenian
periodicals and newspapers, including Harach and Horizon.

Republic of Armenia (1991-Present)

Levon Ter-Petrosyan (Armenian:

-) (born January 9, 1945), sometimes spelled as TerPetrossian or Ter-Petrosian (with or without the hyphen), was the first President of Armenia from November 11, 1991 until
February 3, 1998. Due to some economic andpolitical problems, he resigned on February 3, 1998 and was succeeded
by Robert Kocharyan.Ter-Petrosyan was born in Aleppo, Syria to one of many Armenian families to survive the Armenian
Genocide. They emigrated toSoviet Armenia in 1946. In 1968, Ter-Petrosyan graduated from the Oriental Studies Department

of the Yerevan State University. In 1972, he completed his postgraduate studies at the Leningrad State University. In 1987, he
received his doctoral degree from the same university. In 1972-1978, Ter-Petrosyan worked as junior researcher at the
Literature Institute of Armenia named after Manouk Abeghian. In 1978-1985, he held the post of science secretary
at Matenadaran named after Saint Mesrob Mashdots. Since 1985, Ter-Petrosyan has been working at Matenadaran as a senior
researcher. He is married to Lyudmila Ter-Petrosyan. They have one son, David Ter-Petrosyan, and three grandchildren. TerPetrosyan is fluent in Armenian, Assyrian, Russian, French, English, German, Arabic and some extinct languages. He is the
author of more than 70 scholarly publications in Armenian, Russian and French. He is also a member of the Writers Union of
Armenia, the French Asian Society, the Venice Mkhitarian Academy and a recipient of honorary doctorates from the University
of La Verne, University of Sofia, Sorbonne University and University of Strasbourg. Ter-Petrosyan's political career started in
the 1960s. In 1966 he was arrested for his active participation in an April 24, 1966 demonstration. In February 1988, he led
Matenadaran's Karabakh committee. In May of the same year, he became involved with the Armenian Committee of the
Karabakh movement. From December 10, 1988, to May 31, 1989, he was under arrest inMatrosskaya Tishina together with
other members of the Karabakh Committee.In 1989, Ter-Petrosyan was elected Member of the Board of the Pan-Armenian
National Movement. Later on, he became the Chairman of the Board. On August 27, 1989, he was elected as deputy of
the Supreme Soviet of the Armenian SSR. He was re-elected as deputy on May 20, 1990. On August 4 of the same year, he
became Chairman of the Supreme Council of the Republic of Armenia. Ter-Petrosyan was popularly elected the first President
of the newly-independent Republic of Armenia on October 16, 1991 and re-elected on September 22, 1996. His re-election
was marred by allegations of electoral fraud reported by the opposition and supported by many international observers. His
popularity waned further as the opposition started blaming him for the economic quagmire that Armenia's post-Soviet
economy was in. He was also unpopular with one party in particular, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation, which he
banned and jailed its leadership, on the grounds that the party had a foreign-based leadershipsomething which was
forbidden according to the Armenian Constitution. He was forced to step down in February 1998 after advocating
compromised settlement of the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh which many Armenians regarded as undermining their
security. Ter-Petrosyan's key ministers, led by then-Prime Minister Robert Kocharyan, refused to accept a peace plan for
Karabakh put forward by international mediators in September 1997. The plan, accepted by Ter-Petrosyan and Azerbaijan,
called for a "phased" settlement of the conflict which would postpone an agreement on Karabakh's status, the main
stumbling block. That agreement was to accompany the return of most Armenian-controlled Azerbaijani territories around
Karabakh and the lifting of the Azerbaijani and Turkishblockades of Armenia. Since his resignation, Ter-Petrosyan rarely
appeared in public and avoided contact with the media, although there were speculations that he would run for the office of
president of Armenia in the general election in February 2003. He instead devoted his time to scientific research. In 20052007 Ter-Petrosyan published two volumes of his "The Crusaders and Armenians" historico-political research. On September
21, 2007, Ter-Petrosyan gave his first public speech in nearly ten years at an event in Yerevan marking the 16th anniversary
of Armenia's declaration of independence. In this speech he was strongly critical of Kocharyan. Subsequently, Ter-Petrosyan
officially announced his candidacy in the 2008 presidential election in a speech in Yerevan on October 26, 2007. He accused
Kocharyan's government of massive corruption, involving the theft of "at least three to four billion dollars" over the previous
five years. He was critical of the government's claims of strong economic growth and argued that Kocharyan and his Prime
Minister, Serge Sargsyan, had come to accept a solution to the problem of Nagorno-Karabakh that was effectively the same
solution that he had proposed ten years earlier. A number of opposition parties have rallied behind him since his return to the
political arena, including the People's Party of Armenia led by Stepan Demirchian, Armenian Republic Party led by Aram
Sargsyan, Social Democrat Hunchakian Party, "Azadakrum" movement for Jirair Sefilian, "New Times" Party and the Heritage
Party, led by Raffi Hovannisian. Final results from the election, which was held on February 19, 2008, officially showed TerPetrosyan in second place with 21.5% of the vote. Then he and his supporters accused the government of rigging the election
and claimed victory; beginning on February 20, 2008 he led continuous protests involving tens of thousands of his supporters
in Yerevan. On the early morning of March 1, 2008 reportedly acting on evidence of firearms in the camp, the authorities
moved in to inspect the tents set up by demonstrators. Law enforcement agents then violently dispersed the hundreds of
protestors camped in. Ter-Petrosyan was placed under de facto house arrest, not being allowed to leave his home, though the
authorities later denied the allegations. A few hours later, tens of thousands of protestors or more gathered at Myasnikyan
Square to protest the government's act. Police, overwhelmed by the sheer size of the crowd, pulled out. A state of emergency
was implemented by President Kocharyan at 5pm, allowing the army to be moved into the capital. At night, a few thousand
protestors barricaded themselves using commandeered municipal buses. As a result of skirmishes with the police, ten people
died. In 2011, Ter-Petrosyan again took a leading role in protests that erupted in Armenia as part of a wave of regional
unrest. As leader of the Armenian National Congress opposition bloc, formed two years prior to the outbreak of protests, TerPetrosyan accused President Serzh Sargsyan, elected in the disputed 2008 election, of being "illegitimate" and called for the
release of political prisoners, the resignation of the government, and a full inquiry into the violence that claimed the lives of
ten of his supporters in 2008. Levon Ter-Petrosyan led the Armenian National Congress during the 2012 parliamentary
election. The ANC won 7.08% (106,903) of the popular vote. The ANC held its convention on 22 December 2012. TerPetrosyan talked about groups promoting pro-Western and pro-Russian divisions within the Armenian society and the political
parties calling them "dangerous forces". Ter-Petrosyan did not announce whether he will run for president in February 2013.
Few days after the convention on December 25, 2012, Ter-Petrosyan gave Chorrord Inknishkhanutyun an interview eventually
declaring his decision not to run for the office. He claimed that "dozens of arguments are being put forward by those
advocating and opposing my nomination, but the most important argument has been avoided. Can anyone who has respect
for his people vie for a presidential post at the age of 68? Such things usually do not happen in developed democratic
countries ... everything is concentrated in the hands of a bunch of criminals who have usurped power." The official ANC
statement on December 29, 2012 said that they are not participating in the upcoming presidential election in any form. The
ANC claimed that the participation in the election is "legitimization of the illegal regime." Rumors about Ter-Petrosyan's
possible retirement from active politics spread soon after his December 25 announcement. Armenians newspapers argued
that Levon Zurabyan, the ANC speaker, could become his successor. On February 7, 2013, Ter-Petrosyan gave another
interview to the Chorrord Inknishkhanutyun daily newspaper. He acknowledged that the ANC cannot continue its activities
with the same structure. He admitted that the alliance had "internal fermentations" and called "various political forces and
non-partisan individuals of the Congress to merge into one single political party." The presidential election was held on
February 18, 2013. Voting in a polling station in central Yerevan, Ter-Petrosyan said the journalists he voted for the "sake of

the Republic of Armenia." According to the official results, incumbent Serzh Sargsyan won
with over 58% of the vote. Raffi Hovannisian, the main opposition candidate who earned 37%
of the total, claimed victory and started mass protests the next day. On February 23, 2013,
Ter-Petrosyan addressed the gathered at thePan-Armenian National Movement party
convention. He claimed Hovannisian won the election and accused incumbent Sargsyan in
rigging the election. Talking about Hovannisian's post-election protests, Ter-Petrosyan stated
"I see words, I see speeches, but there is no action, no plan of actions." On April 13, 2013, the
Armenian National Congress was officially transformed from an alliance of 18 original parties
into a single party, on the base of the Pan-Armenian National Movement. During his speech at
the founding convention, Ter-Petrosyan blamed Hovannisian for having no political agenda in
his protests. In particular, Ter-Petrosyan said "during the current post-election period we have
seen everything but political processes." The ANC, now a party rather than an alliance, went
to the 2013 Yerevan City Council election alone. Their list was headed by Yerevan's former
mayor Vahagn Khachatryan. ANC failed to pass the 6% threshold.

Vazgen Manukyan (Armenian:

, born February 13, 1946) was Prime Minister of

Armenia from August 13, 1990 until November 22, 1991. From 1992 to 1993 Manukyan was acting Minister
of
Defense. Manukyan was born in Leninakan (present-day Gyumri) in the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic,
and holds a PhD in mathematicsand physical science. He is married and has three children. He was arrested
in December 1988 in Moscow because he was a member of the Karabakh committee and spent six months
in prison. He became Prime Minister on August 13, 1990 but resigned on November 22, 1991. After
Armenia gained its independence from theSoviet Union in 1991, he was elected in parliament three times and
ran unsuccessfully for President of Armenia in 1996, 1998 and 2003. Vazgen Manukyan is the Chairman
of
National Democratic Union party. It has been alleged that the September 1996 presidential election was rigged to
ensure a first round victory for President Levon Ter-Petrossian so that he would not have to face Manukyan in a second round.
In the February 2008 presidential election, Manukyan, running again as the National Democratic Union's candidate, placed
fifth with 1.3% of the vote according to final official results.

Gagik Harutyunyan (Armenian:

, born on March 23, 1948

in Kotayk Province (marz) of Armenia) was the Prime Minister of Armenia from November 22,
1991 until July 30, 1992. Harutyunyan was elected as Vice President of Levon Ter-Petrossian and
served from 11 November 1991 until February 1996, when the post was abolished by the new
constitution. As replacement, the National Assemble elected him as the president of the
center of constitutional law of Armenia. In November 1998 he became member of the council of
international association of constitutional law. Gagik Harutyunyan was born on March 23,
1948 in Armenia. In 1970 he was graduated from the faculty of Economics of the Yerevan
State University with honour, thereafter was a post-graduate student in the Yerevan State University. In 1973 he was a
lecturer in the Yerevan State University, then was the chief lecturer, Docent in the Institute of National Economics. Between
1977 to 1978 he was conducted scientific research at the Belgrade University (Yugoslavia) Between 1982 to 1987 he was an
economist-lecturer in the Central Committee of Communist Party of the Armenian Republic. In 1987 he was appointed as a
head of the Social-Economic Department of the Central Committee. In 1990 he was elected as a Deputy of Supreme Council
of the Republic of Armenia, in the same year was elected as a Vice-Chairman of the Supreme Council of the Republic of
Armenia. In 1991 he was elected as a Vice-President of the Republic of Armenia. From November 1991 to July 1992 has
carried out duties of Prime-Minister of the Republic of Armenia. On February 6, 1996 was nominated as the President of the
Constitutional Court of the Republic of Armenia. Since 1996 - President of the Center of Constitutional Law of the Republic of
Armenia. In December 1997 was elected as a Member of International Academy of Information. Since 1997 /October/ - the
President of the permanent acting conference of the constitutional control bodies of the states of new democracy and the
President of the Editorial Board of International Bulletin "Constitutional Justice". Since 1997 - the member of the European
Commission (Venice Commission) "Democracy through Law" of the Council of Europe. According to the Decree of the
President of the Republic of Armenia on April 23, 1998, Gagik Harutyunayan was awarded The High Judicial Qualification of a
Judge. Since November 1998 he is Member of International Association of Constitutional Law. In March 1999 defended the
dissertation on "Constitutional Court in the state power system" (comparative analysis). G. Harutyunyan is a Doctor of Law,
Professor. He is author of more than 120 scientific works dedicated on the basic issues of Regional Development, State
Governing, Democratization of Society, Constitutional Law and Constitutional Justice.

Khosrov Harutyunyan (Armenian:

, born May
the Prime Minister of Armenia from July 30, 1992 until February 2, 1993.

Hrant Bagratyan (Armenian:

30, 1948) served as

, born October 18, 1958, in Yerevan, Armenia) was the Prime

Minister of Armenia from February 2, 1993 until November 4, 1996. He was a member of the Pan-Armenian National
Movement party. He has PhD in Economics, author of more than 52 scientific articles and 7 books. In "The Society and the
State" (Moscow, Izograph, 2000) he developed the theory of scientific technical cycles. Based on that he predicted regular
centralisation and decentralisation of the management of the society. Particularly he predicted the centralisation of the
management of the economy by 2010. Founder of a new direction in Economics: global macroeconomics or geoeconomics.
From 1975 until 1979 Yerevan State University, further-Institute of National Economy of Armenia. As Prime Minister of
Armenia Hrant Bagratyan had a key role in the organization of successful military defence of Nagorno Karabagh in the war

with Azerbaijan in 1993 and 1994. Thanks to this on May 12, a cease-fire was proclaimed and has
largely held since. the problems of labor motivation, HR management, health and life insurance;
land privatization; public and administrative reforms in the emerging markets; structural reforms in the
energy sector of post soviet countries; privatization of industrial enterprises; liberalization of
prices and trade economic civilization; scientific-technical progress; global macroeconomics;
author of the theory of mega-economics. He was Leader of the Armenian economic reforms end of
20th
century, defined by World Bank as one of the best among former Soviet Union republics and countries
of Eastern Europe. He was published 61 works including 9 monographs 1. Monograph Material Stimulation of scientifictechnical progress in Production,, Academy of Science ASR, 1989 (in Russian), 10.7 quires, Printed. 2. Monograph Payments
Arrears in the Gas and Electric Power Sectors of the Russian Federation and Ukraine , IMF, 1997, Washington (in English), 1.5
quires, Printed. 3. Monograph State and Society, Moscow, Izograf 2000 (in Russian), 23 quires, Printed. 4. Monograph Land
Reform: Issues of Theory and Practice, 30 quires, Printed. 5. Monograph Armenia on a Frontier of Centuries, Yerevan, Nairi,
2003 (in Armenian), Printed. 6. Monograph Integration of Ukraine and Russia in to European labor space, Kiev, UBS NBU, 2010
(in Ukrainian), printed. He received the following honurs and awards: 1995 The men of the year of ABI (American Biography
Institute), 1996 The men of the millennium of ABI (American Biography Institute). 2006 By the independent journalists
recognized as the best economic public man of Armenia during the whole period of the independency of the country in 19912006 and Academic of Humanitarian Sciences at the Russian Academy of Sciences. He married Bagratyan Nana, have two
children: Bagratyan Ararat and Bagratyan Maria.

Armen Sarkissian (Armenian: born June 23, 1953, Yerevan, Armenian SSR) was
the Prime Minister of Armenia from November 4, 1996 to March 20, 1997. Previously, he had been
Armenia's ambassador in London, having been a faculty member at the University of Cambridge when
Armenia became the first country to gain independence from the former Soviet Union. He is now one of
the directors of Eurasia House. Since 2013 he serves on board of trustees of International School
"Dilijan", Dilijan, Armenia. Armen Sarkissian is a Member of the Global Leadership Foundation, an
organization which works to support democratic leadership, prevent and resolve conflict through
mediation and promote good governance in the form of democratic institutions, open markets, human
rights and the rule of law. It does so by making available, discreetly and in confidence, the experience of
former leaders to todays national leaders. It is a not-for-profit organization composed of former heads of government, senior
governmental and international organization officials who work closely with Heads of Government on governance-related
issues of concern to them.

Robert Kocharyan (Armenian:

, pronounced [bt sdki ktjn]) (born August 31,

1954) was the second President of Armenia, serving from April 9, 1998 until April 9, 2008. He was previously Prime Minister
of Nagorno-Karabakh from August 1992 until December 29, 1994, President of Nagorno-Karabakh from December 29, 1994
until March 20, 1997, Prime Minister of Armenia from March 20, 1997 until April 10, 1998 and acting President of Armenia
from February 4 until April 9, 1998. Robert Kocharyan was born in Stepanakert, Nagorno-Karabakh. He received his secondary
education there and from 1972 to 1974 served in the Soviet Army. He and his wife, Bella Kocharyan, have three children:
Sedrak, Gayane, and Levon, all of whom were born in Stepanakert. After his predecessor Levon Ter-Petrossian was ousted as
President, Kocharyan was elected Armenia's second President on March 30, 1998, defeating his main rival, Karen Demirchyan,
in an early presidential election marred by irregularities and violations by both sides as reported by international electoral
observers. Complaints included that Kocharyan had not been an Armenian citizen for ten years as required by the
constitution., even though it would have been impossible for him to be a 10 year citizen of a republic that was less than 7
years old; however, the Armenian constitution recognized the Armenian SSR as it predecessor state. During his presidency,
several opposition leaders in the Armenian Parliament and the Prime Minister of Armenia were killed by gunmen in an episode
known as the 1999 Armenian parliament shooting. And Kocharyan himself negotiated with the terrorists to release the MP
hostages. The 2003 Armenian Presidential election on February 19 and March 5, 2003. No candidate received a majority in
the first round of the election with the incumbent President Kocharyan winning slightly under 50% of the vote. Therefore a
second round was held and Kocharyan defeated Stepan Demirchyan with official results showed him winning just over 67% of
the vote. In both rounds, electoral observers from the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe reported
significant amounts of electoral fraud by Demirchyan's supporters and numerous supporters of Demirchyan were arrested
before the second round took place. Demirchyan described the election as having been rigged and called on his supporters to
rally against the results. Tens of thousands of Armenians protested in the days after the election against the results and
called on President Kocharyan to step down. However Kocharyn was sworn in for a second term in early April and
the constitutional court upheld the election, while recommending that a referendum be held within a year to confirm the
election result. A presidential election was held in Armenia on February 19, 2008. The incumbent President Kocharyan, who
was ineligible for a third consecutive term, backed the candidacy ofPrime Minister of Armenia Serzh Sargsyan. Following the
election result, protests organized by supporters of unsuccessful candidate Levon Ter-Petrossian began in Yerevan's Freedom
Square and accompanied by mass disorders. On March 1, the demonstrators were lawfully dispersed by police and military
forces. 10 people was killed during skirmishes between police and aggressive crowd, and President Kocharyan declared a 20day state of emergency. This was followed by mass arrests and purges of prominent members of the opposition who made
disorders and damaged life and property of citizens, as well as a de facto ban on any further anti-government protests.
Kocharyan was recognized as successful president As President, Kocharyan continued to negotiate a peaceful resolution with
Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev on the status of Nagorno-Karabakh. Talks between Aliyev and Kocharyan were held in
September 2004 in Astana, Kazakhstan, on the sidelines of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) summit.
Reportedly, one of the suggestions put forward was the withdrawal of Armenian forces from the Azeri territories adjacent to
Nagorno-Karabakh, and holding referendums (plebiscites) in Nagorno-Karabakh and Azerbaijan proper regarding the future
status of the region. On February 1011, 2006, Kocharyan and Aliyev met inRambouillet, France to discuss the fundamental
principles of a settlement to the conflict, including the withdrawal of troops, formation of international peace keeping troops,
and the status of Nagorno-Karabakh. During the weeks and days before the talks in France, OSCE Minsk Group co-chairmen

expressed cautious optimism that some form of an agreement was possible. French President Jacques
Chirac met with both leaders separately and expressed hope that the talks would be fruitful. Contrary
to the initial optimism, the Rambouillet talks did not produce any agreement, with key issues such as
the status of Nagorno-Karabakh and whether Armenian troops would withdraw from Kalbajar still being
contentious. The next session of the talks was held in March 2006 in Washington, D.C. Russian
President, Vladimir Putin applied pressure to both parties to settle the disputes. Later in 2006 there
was a meeting of the Armenian and Azerbaijani Presidents in Minsk on 28 November and ministerial
meetings were held in Moscow. "These talks did not initiate any progress, but I hope that the time for
a solution will come" said Peter Semneby, EU envoy for the South Caucasus. In September 2006, in his
congratulatory message on the occasion of 15th anniversary of Nagorno-Karabakh Republic,
Kocharyan said "The Karabakhi people made their historic choice, defended their national interests in the war that was forced
upon them. Today, they are building a free and independent state." The accompanying message said that the duty of the
Republic of Armenia and all Armenians is to contribute to the strengthening and development of Nagorno-Karabakh, as well
as to the international recognition of the republic's independence.

Armen Darbinyan (Armenian:

, born in Gyumri, Armenia on January 23, 1965) was

Prime Minister of Armenia from April 10, 1998 until June 11, 1999. In 1986, he received an honors degree at
the Department of Economy, Moscow State University. In 1989, Darbinyan completed a post-graduate
course at Moscow State University. In 1994, he was appointed First Vice-Chairman of the Central Bank of
Armenia. In 1997 Darbinyan was appointed Armenian Minister of Finance. On April 10, 1998, he was
appointed Armenian Prime Minister until June 11, 1999. Since 2001, Armen Darbinyan has been rector
of Russian-Armenian State University. Darbinyan has been recognised as a "Young World Leader" by the World
Economic Forum.

Vazgen Sargsyan (Armenian:

, March 5, 1959 October 27, 1999) was an Armenian military

commander, politician, writer and Prime Minister of Armenia from June 11 until October 27, 1999. He was an Armenian
military commander and politician. He was also the Defence Minister of Armenia from 1991 to 1992 and then from 1995 to
1999. He rose to prominence during the mass movement for the unification of Nagorno-Karabakh with Armenia in the late
1980s and led Armenian volunteer groups during the early clashes with Azerbaijani forces. Appointed Defence Minister by
President Levon Ter-Petrosyan soon after Armenia's independence from the Soviet Union in late 1991, Sargsyan became the
most prominent commander of Armenian forces during the Nagorno-Karabakh War. In different positions, he regulated the
military operations in the war area until 1994, when a ceasefire was reached ending the war with the de facto unification of
Nagorno-Karabakh Republic with Armenia. In the post-war years, Sargsyan tightened his grip on the Armed Forces,
establishing himself as a virtual strongman. After strongly supporting Ter-Petrosyan to retain power, he forced the president
out of office in 1998 due to his support for concessions in the Nagorno-Karabakh settlement negotiations, and helped Prime
Minister Robert Kocharyan to be elected president. With their relations deteriorated, Sargsyan merged the influential war
veterans group Yerkrapah into the Republican Party and joined forces with Armenia's ex-communist leader Karen Demirchyan.
In the May 1999 elections, their reform-minded alliance secured a comfortable majority in the National Assembly. Sargsyan
became Prime Minister, emerging as the de facto decision-maker in Armenia with effective control of the military and the
legislature. Sargsyan, along with Demirchyan and several others, was assassinated in the Armenian parliament shooting of
October 27, 1999. The perpetrators were sentenced to life in prison. However, the distrust toward the trial process gave birth
to a number of conspiracy theories. Some experts and politicians argue that their assassination was masterminded by
Kocharyan and National Security Minister Serzh Sargsyan. Others have suspected the possible involvement of foreign powers
in the shooting. Despite his mixed legacy, Sargsyan is now widely recognized as a national hero across the political spectrum
and by the public. Given the honorific Sparapet, he made significant contributions to the establishment of Armenia as
independent state and ensuring its security as the founder of the Armenian Army. He has also been criticized by human rights
organizations for being undemocratic, especially for his role in elections. Sargsyan was awarded the highest titles of Armenia
and Nagorno-KarabakhNational Hero of Armenia and Hero of Artsakh. Vazgen Sargsyan was born in Ararat village, Soviet
Armenia, near the Turkish border, on March 5, 1959, to Greta and Zaven Sargsyan. After finishing secondary school in his
village, he attended the Yerevan Institute of Physical Culture from 1976-79. He worked as a physical education teacher at the
secondary school in Ararat from 1979 to 1983. Therefore he was exempt from conscription in the Soviet army. From 1983 to
1986, he was the Young Communist League (Komsomol) leader at the Ararat Cement Factory. An amateur writer, Sargsyan
developed a literary and active social life. He wrote his first novel in 1980, and became a member of the Writers Union of
Armenia in 1985. From 1986 to 1989, he headed the publicity department of the Garun (, "Spring") literary monthly
in Yerevan In 1986, his first book, Bread Temptation ( ), was published, for which he was awarded by the
Armenian Komsomol A number of his works were published in journals, however, his literary career did not last long and
ended in the late 1980s. The relative democratization of the Soviet regime under Mikhail Gorbachev's glasnost and
perestroika policies since the mid-1980s gave rise to nationalism in the republics of the Soviet Union. In Armenia, the
Karabakh movement gained widespread public support. Armenians demanded the Soviet authorities unify the mostly
Armenian-populated Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast (NKAO) of Azerbaijan with Armenia. In February 1988, the NKAO
regional legislature requested the transfer of the region from the jurisdiction of Azerbaijan SSR to Armenian SSR, but it was
rejected by the Politburo. Tensions between Armenians and Azerbaijanis further escalated with the pogrom in Sumgait. With
both groups arming themselves, clashes became frequent, especially in the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh and the border areas
of the two Soviet republics. In 1989 and 1990, Sargsyan took the command of Armenian volunteer groups fighting near
Yeraskh, on the Armenian-Azerbaijani (Nakhchivan) border, not far from his hometown. By January 1990, he became part of
the leadership of the Pan-Armenian National Movement. Sargsyan was elected to the Armenian parliament (the Supreme
Council) in the May 1990 election. He served as the head of the Supreme Council Commission on Defense and Internal Affairs
until December 1991. With his initiative, the Special Regiment was established in September 1990. Composed of 26 platoons

and a total of 2,300 men, it was the first formal Armenian military unit independent from Moscow. It became the main base of
the Armenian army in the following years. By 1991, most Armenians from Azerbaijan and Azerbaijanis from Armenia were
forced to move to their respective countries, as remaining in their homes became nearly impossible. Although Armenia had
proclaimed its independence from the Soviet Union on August 23, 1990, it was not until on September 21, 1991, a month
after the failed August Coup in Moscow, when the overwhelming majority of Armenians voted for the independence in a
nationwide referendum. Levon Ter-Petrosyan, the leader of the Karabakh Committee and the head of the Supreme Council
since 1990, was elected president of Armenia in October. Due to the fact that Sargsyan was popular among Armenian
volunteer units and army officers, he was appointed the first Defense Minister of independent Armenia by President TerPetrosyan in December 1991. On January 28, 1992, the Armenian government passed the historical decree "On the Ministry
of Defense of the Republic of Armenia," which formally created the Armed Forces of Armenia. With the rise of hostilities in
Nagorno-Karabakh, in March 1992, Sargsyan announced that Armenia needed a 30,000-strong army for maintaining security.
On May 9, 1992, the Armenian forces recorded their first major military success in Nagorno-Karabakh with the capture of
Shusha. Another significant victory for the Armenian forces was recorded weeks later with the capture of Lachin, which
connects Armenia proper with Nagorno-Karabakh. In summer 1992, the situation turned critical for the Armenian forces
following the launch of Operation Goranboy, during which Azerbaijan took control of northern half of Nagorno-Karabakh. On
August 15, 1992, Sargsyan called on Armenian men to gather and form a volunteer unit to fight against the advancing
Azerbaijani forces in the northern parts of Nagorno-Karabakh. In a televised speech he stated: " If 1015 men from every
district of Armenia come together, we can form a battalion of 500. This battalion must fight in the most dangerous areas,
where the chance of survival is 5050. Together we will go fight in the most difficult parts and we will win. Because, in reality,
nothing has changed, the enemy is the same enemy, which was escaping and we are the same. It's just that we have lost the
faith in our power. Now we need another attack and we must do it with the old guys to stimulate others in the army. If the
day after tomorrow we will be able to establish a battalion of 500 volunteers, then we will fight and we will win. The battalion
Sargsyan called for, named "Artsiv mahapartner" ( , "Eagles Sentenced to Death"), was formed on
August 30, 1992. Under the command of Major-General Astvatsatur Petrosyan, it defeated the Azerbaijani forces near the
Gandzasar monastery and Chldran village in Martakert Province, on August 31, and September 1, 1992, respectively
According to the Armenian Defense Ministry, the battalion's activity stopped the advancement of the Azerbaijani forces and
turned the course of the war in favor of the Armenian side in the part of the region. Between October 1992 and March 1993,
Sargsyan served as the Presidential Adviser on Defence Affairs and the Presidential Envoy to Border Regions of Armenia.
Subsequently, he was appointed the State Minister on Defence, Security and Internal Affairs. In these positions, Sargsyan had
a major role in the advance of the Armenian army. With other key commanders, he regulated the operations to the Armenian
forces in Nagorno-Karabakh. He was particularly active in unifying the various semi-independent detachments active in the
war zone. Political chaos in Azerbaijan and the demoralization of the Azerbaijani army resulted in the Armenian forces taking
control over the territories outside of the original Soviet-drawn borders of Nagorno-Karabakh. In 1993, Sargsyan founded and
led Yerkrapah, a union of 5,000 war veterans, that had a great influence in Armenia's domestic politics in the post-war years
and became the main base for Vazgen Sargsyan to rise in power. In early April 1993, the Armenian forces captured Kelbajar, a
city outside the originally contested areas, causing international attention to the conflict. Turkey closed its border with
Armenia, while the United Nations passed a resolution condemning the act. In the summer of 1993, Armenian forces gained
more territories and, by August controlled Fizuli, Jebrail, and Zangelan. By early 1994, both countries were devastated by the
war. On May 5, the Bishkek Protocol was signed by the heads of the parliaments of Nagorno-Karabakh, Armenia and
Azerbaijan. The Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, backed by Armenia, established de facto control of these lands. NagornoKarabakh (also known as Artsakh to Armenians) remains internationally unrecognized and a de jure part of Azerbaijan.
However, it is in de facto unified with Armenia. Sargsyan was appointed Minister of Defence by Ter-Petrosyan on July 26,
1995, during the restructuring of government ministries. He remained in that position for almost four years. The Armenian
army was highly regarded by experts with Armenia being described as the only former Soviet state that "managed to build a
combat-capable army from scratch" and was "comparable in efficiency to the Soviet Army." According to Thomas de Waal,
the army was "the most powerful institution" in Armenia under him. Sargsyan is credited with substantially professionalizing
the Armenian army. Sargsyan showed strong confidence in the army and stated in 1997 that its strength has doubled in the
past two years. In the same year, in response to Azerbaijani President Heydar Aliyev's statements that Azerbaijan was "ready
to solve the Karabakh problem by force," Sargsyan replied, "Let him do it. We are ready." Sargsyan's term as Minister of
Defence was marked by cooperation with Russia and Greece. Sargsyan had "close connections" with the Russian military
elite, especially Defense Minister Pavel Grachev. According to the Jamestown Foundation, he pursued a military diplomacy
with Greece, Cyprus, Syria, Iran and Bulgaria for a pro-Russian alliance. Sargsyan became a key figure in post-war Armenia
due to the fact that he was indisputably supported by the army, the only well-established institution in Armenia. He was
described as an minence grise of the Armenian politics deciding many personnel appointments and dismissals. In the
aftermath of the war, which was accompanied by a harsh economic crisis in Armenia, President Ter-Petrosyan became
unpopular. His authoritarian rule, the banning of the major opposition party Armenian Revolutionary Federation in 1994 and
the arrest of its leaders, made him highly dependent on the "power structures," which included the Ministries of Defence
(headed by Sargsyan), Interior (Vano Siradeghyan) and National Security (Serzh Sargsyan). In July 1995, Vazgen Sargsyan
helped Ter-Petrosyan's Pan-Armenian National Movement (PANM) win the parliamentary election and pass the constitutional
referendum that gave the president more powers in appointing and dismissing key judicial and legislative officials. They were
marred with major electoral violations. Sargsyan's impact on Ter-Petrosyan's presidency became more evident during the
1996 presidential election and the subsequent developments. A few days before the election, Sargsyan stated his support for
Ter-Petrosyan, stating that Armenia "will enter the 21st century victoriously and stable with Ter-Petrosyan [as president]."
According to the Caucasian Regional Studies, Sargsyan "turned off the voters" from Ter-Petrosyan and caused "irritation and
antipathy" in 28.6% of the people according to a poll. The election, held on September 22, was largely criticized by
observation and monitoring organizations, that found "serious violations of the election law." Official results, which recorded
Ter-Petrosyan's victory in the first round with just above 50% of the total vote in his favor, were denounced by opposition
candidate Vazgen Manukyan who had officially received 41% of the vote. Manukyan began demonstrations claiming electoral
fraud by Ter-Petrosyan's supporters. The protests culminated on September 25, when Manukyan led thousands of his
supporters to the parliament building on Baghramyan Avenue, where the Electoral Commission was located at the time. Later
during the day, the protesters broke the fence surrounding the parliament and entered the building. They beat up the

parliament speaker Babken Ararktsyan and vice-speaker Ara Sahakyan. In response, Vazgen
Sargsyan stated that "even if they [the opposition] win 100 percent of the votes, neither the Army
nor the National Security and Interior Ministry would recognize such political leaders." He was later
criticized by human rights organizations for this statement. State security forces, tanks and troops
were deployed in Yerevan to restore order and to enforce the ban on rallies and demonstrations on
26 September. Sargsyan and National Security Minister Serzh Sargsyan announced that their
respective agencies had prevented an attempted coup d'tat. In 1997, the OSCE Minsk Group, cochaired by Russia, the United States and France, pressured Armenia and Azerbaijan to agree on the
final status of Nagorno-Karabakh. In September, Ter-Petrosyan stated his support of the "step-bystep" proposal, which included the return of the territories outside the NKAO borders. Ter-Petrosyan
argued the normalization of relations with Azerbaijan and, therefore, the opening of the border
with Turkey was the only way to significantly improve Armenia's economy. After the plan was
publicized, he came up against strong opposition. The issue was "important to the Armenians because of historical and
psychological factors. After having been losing territories for centuries, the Armenians are reluctant to 'lose' Karabakh now
that they have won a war against Azerbaijan." According to political scientist Vicken Cheterian, "By calling for major
concessions on Karabakh, Ter-Petrosyan was antagonizing the last forces that supported his rule, the army and the Karabakh
elite, at a time when his popularity within the Armenian society was at its lowest." The Nagorno-Karabakh Republic
leadership, the Armenian intelligentsia and the diaspora, the opposition also expressed their opposition to the president's
support for the proposed settlement plan. Vazgen Sargsyan, who quickly denounced the proposal, became the de facto leader
of the opposing group within the government. He was joined by the two Karabakh Armenians in the government: Prime
Minister Kocharyan and Interior and National Security Minister Serzh Sargsyan. These three politicians were referred to as
"hardliners" in the Western media for their perceived nationalistic stance. They argued that "Armenia should try to improve
its economic performance," while Ter-Petrosyan insisted that Armenia "could only achieve marginal improvements insufficient
to address the fear of relative decline and economic exclusion." The Kocharyan cabinet, where Vazgen Sargsyan was a
leading figure, called for a "package" deal, "involving a single framework accord on all contentious issues." On October 21,
1997, ten members of the Republic bloc in the parliament left the faction and shifted their support to Vazgen Sargsyan. TerPetrosyan's bloc in the parliament was left with a majority of two seats. Despite the great public and political opposition, the
Pan-Armenian National Movement voted in favor of Ter-Petrosyan's foreign policy. During the National Security Council
meeting on January 78, 1998 it became clear that Ter-Petrosyan did not have enough support to continue his reign as
president. On January 23, 1998, during the peak of the crisis, Vazgen Sargsyan declared his unconditional support to Robert
Kocharyan, and blamed the Pan-Armenian National Movement for trying to destabilize Armenia. Sargsyan also guaranteed
that the Armenian army "will not intervene in the political struggle. Ter-Petrosyan announced his resignation on February 3,
1998. According to Michael P. Croissant, it was Vazgen Sargsyan who "played ultimately the principal role in inducting the
president's resignation." In his resignation statement, Ter-Petrosyan referred to Vazgen Sargsyan, Robert Kocharyan and Serzh
Sargsyan as "the well known body of power." He cited the threat of destabilization of the country as the reason of his
resignation. Ter-Petrosyan's resignation was followed by the resignation of National Assembly speaker Babken Ararktsyan, his
two deputies, Mayor of Yerevan Vano Siradeghyan, Foreign Affairs Minister Alexander Arzoumanian and others. A significant
change occurred in the National Assembly. Dozens of members of the parliamentary faction called the Republican Bloc
(mostly made up of Ter-Petrosyan's Pan-Armenian National Movement) joined Vazgen Sargsyan's Yerkrapah bloc, making it the
largest parliamentary bloc, with 69 members compared to only 56 for the Republic. After Ter-Petrosyan's resignation, Prime
Minister Kocharyan became acting president. On February 5, 1998, Sargsyan denied the claims of a coup d'tat and said that
Ter-Petrosyan's resignation was "rather sad but natural." Sargsyan claimed that the president's move surprised him and that
he had "been seeking common grounds with the president for the past three months." He added, "the only step I achieved on
the Karabakh issue was the suggestion that the situation be frozen." Almost a year after Ter-Petrosyan's resignation, Vazgen
Sargsyan stated at the Republican Party convention that he "respects and appreciates" Ter-Petrosyan and described him as a
"wise and a moral man and politician." Sargsyan insisted that the question of "political responsibility" was the main reason
behind his resignation. Sargsyan (along with Interior Minister Serzh Sargsyan) openly supported Kocharyan and used his
influence for his election in March. He called Kocharyan a "man of unity of word and action" and stated that his experience in
Karabakh and Armenia "shows that he is capable of solving economic problems also." Kocharyan's main opponent was Karen
Demirchyan, the leader of Soviet Armenia from 1974 to 1988. Sargsyan praised Kocharyan for being part of the "struggle of
the Armenian people" and criticized Demirchyan for not being part of it. No candidate gained more than half of the votes in
the first round, while in the second round of the election, held on 30 March, Kocharyan won 58.9% of the vote. The British
Helsinki Human Rights Group suggests that "ordinary Armenians turned to Robert Kocharian as someone untainted by mafia
connections and the intrigues of Yerevan politics." The OSCE observation mission described the first round as "deeply
flawed," while their final report stated that the mission found "serious flaws" and that the election did not meet the OSCE
standards. Although Demirchyan didn't officially dispute the election results, he never accepted them and did not
congratulate Kocharyan. After the election, however, Sargsyan suggested Kocharyan appoint Demirchyan Prime Minister to
decrease the tensions in the political scene. Even after becoming president, Kocharyan did not have any significant
institutional support (e.g. a party, control of the army, a source of money) and remained "in a fundamental sense an outsider
in Yerevan." Kocharyan had a more tough position on the Karabakh settlement issue than Ter-Petrosyan. He also urged the
international community to recognize the Armenian Genocide, something on which his predecessor did not place importance.
In response, Turkey and Azerbaijan tightened their cooperation in isolating Armenia from regional projects. Kocharyan did not
put pressure on the Nagorno-Karabakh leadership to concede territory to Azerbaijan. He was supported by the Armenian
Revolutionary Federation, which was allowed to actively operate after Ter-Petrosyan's resignation a month before the election.
"From the very beginning there was a wrong impression that Yerkrapah can do nothingbut fight, however time has shown
that Yerkrapah can not only perform feats on battlefields but also have a say in peaceful development." - Vazgen Sargsyan,
May 1999
By 1998 Vazgen Sargsyan became "the power behind the throne" as the Yerkrapah faction made up of war veterans loyal to
him was the single largest faction in the Armenian parliament following Ter-Petrosyan's resignation in February 1998.

Yerkrapah was merged with the Republican Party of Armenia a minor party with ideology similar to that of Yerkrapah in
summer 1998, taking the party's name and its legal status. Though Sargsyan was not the chairman of the Republican Party,
he was considered its unofficial leader. The relations between Sargsyan and Kocharyan deteriorated after the presidential
election with Sargsyan "casting around for partners unconnected with or downright opposed to the president." Within several
months three assassinations of top officials took place that spread rumors in Armenia that relations between Sargsyan and
Kocharyan were "not normal." In August 1998 Armenia's Prosecutor-General Henrikh Khachatryan, a close friend of
Kocharyan, was murdered in his office "in murky circumstances." In December 1998 Deputy Minister of Defence Vahram
Khorkhoruni murdered "for equally mysterious motives." While in February 1999 Deputy Minister of Interior Artsrun
Margaryan was murdered. Vazgen Sargsyan and National Security and Interior Minister Serzh Sargsyan, Kocharyan's close
ally, were "also perceived to be at odds." It was initially announced that the Republican Party would go to the parliamentary
election alone and would seek "qualitative majority" in the parliament, and that their goal was the fairness of the electoral
process. Surprisingly for many, on March 30, 1999, Vazgen Sargsyan and the runner-up of the 1998 presidential election and
Armenia's ex-communist leader Karen Demirchyan issued a joint announcement that they were forming an alliance between
the People's Party of Armenia and the Republican Party. It came to be known as the Unity bloc ( ),
often referred to as Miasnutyun. Vazgen Sargsyan claimed the bloc was a "genuine" alliance and that the two parties had
come together to lead Armenia "from a turning point to progress." When asked about the reasons why he joined Demirchyan,
Sargsyan said that, "there is no other way out." According to the U.S. Helsinki Commission, Sargsyan "obviously concluded it
was better to have the popular Demirchyan as an ally than an opponent," and that "in forming Unity bloc, Sargsyan and
Demirchyan overcame whatever ideological differences they may have had, and said they had joined forces to overcome the
difficult problems facing Armenia while promoting tolerance in the country's political life." In analyst Richard Giragosian's
words, the bloc was "an odd mix," however he admitted that it "effectively marginalized the electoral threat" of other parties.
Sociologist Levon Baghdasaryan described it as "unification of the new and old nomenklaturas." The British Helsinki Human
Rights Group wrote of the Unity bloc that it "aimed to appeal to the electorate by being all things to all men." The ODIHR
suggested that the "alliance was not only created for electoral purposes, but that a strategic political agreement had been
reached while overcoming ideological differences." During the campaign, Sargsyan pledged that he would spare no effort to
make sure the elections were free and fair. Sargsyan and Demirchyan put the emphasis of their campaign on the economy
and the improvement of the life of ordinary Armenians. Talking about Yerkrapah now politically transformed into the
Republican Party, Sargsyan said he was confident "that the people that gained victory on the battlefield will also gain victory
in economy." He expressed his optimism saying that they were sure that they "will jointly change something and find the
right course." The Unity bloc "called broadly for a democratic society, rule of law, economic reforms and a market economy,
with the state also creating conditions for the normal functioning of state enterprises and ensuring decent living standards
for all." Throughout the campaign, the Unity bloc was widely considered the favorite of the election. Opposition newspaper
Hayots ashkhar suggested that most other political parties in Armenia were gravitating towards the opposite pole, around
Kocharyan, National Security & Interior Minister Serzh Sargsyan, and the leadership of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic. The
parliamentary election took place on May 30, 1999, just two months after Sargsyan's and Demirchyan's announcement about
their decision to form an alliance. The Unity bloc won over 41.5% of the popular vote, and took 62 of the 131 seats in the
National Assembly. The alliance established an effective majority with cooperating with a group of 25 independent and
officially non-affiliated members of the parliament, sympathetic to the Sargsyan-Demirchyan coalition. The electoral process
"generally showed an improvement over the [previous] flawed elections, but ODIHR said they were not an adequate basis for
comparison." ODIHR's final report described the election as "a step towards compliance with OSCE Commitments" and
claimed that, along with improvements to the electoral framework and the political environment, serious issues remained.
The Council of Europe also suggested "considerable improvement" from the past elections. The National Democratic Institute
report was more critical, saying it "failed to meet international standards" and that it proved to be the continuation of the
flawed 1995 parliamentary elections, differing only in "the methods and types of manipulation." Sargsyan stated his desire in
remaining in the position of Minister of Defence. After the election speculations arouse about Sargsyan wanting to combine
the positions of Defence Minister and Prime Minister, however, this was impossible according to the Armenian constitution.
On June 11, 1999 he became Prime Minister of Armenia, while Unity bloc co-chairman Karen Demirchyan was elected speaker
of the National Assembly. Many experts suggest that Sargsyan as Prime Minister was the most powerful politician in Armenia,
while others suggest that he had become Armenia's strongest politician long before that. According to Mark Grigorian, his
"activities had began to overshadow" Kocharyan. Despite Kocharyan's formal welcome of their alliance, the president was
"effectively weakened" and "was being sidelined". Some political analysts suggested that the Sargsyan-Demirchyan alliance
"ultimately would bring about the resignation of Kocharyan." Vazgen Manukyan stated that Kocharyan "would end up like the
"Queen of England." Despite no longer being the Minister of Defence, Vazgen Sargsyan remained the de facto leader of the
army, as a close ally, Vagharshak Harutiunyan, replaced him. According to Styopa Safaryan, an analyst and former member
of the Armenian parliament, despite his mixed legacy, under Vazgen Sargsyan Armenia became increasingly independent.
"Today the economic development of Armenia is as important as victory in the war was yesterday. Our battle has moved from
the field of blood and heroism, to the economic field." - Vazgen Sargsyan, Armenia-Diaspora Conference, September 23, 1999
At the time of Sargsyan's Prime Ministry, Armenia had not yet recovered from the economic effects of the dissolution of the
Soviet Union and the energy crisis in Armenia during the Nagorno-Karabakh War. One of the major issues Sargsyan faces was
the emigration from Armenian that started at the period of the decline of the Soviet regime. The World Socialist Web Site held
international creditors responsible for Armenia's economic hardships as they did not "leave much room for manoeuvres for
the Armenian government to shape its policies more strongly according to the economic and social needs of the majority of
the population." The 1998 Russian financial crisis worsened the situation, and showed a decline in human development. In his
first address to the parliament as Prime Minister on June 18, Sarsgyan described Armenia's economic situation as "grave."
The budget revenues were almost 20% lower than the government had planned, because of the low level of tax collection
and the high level of corruption in the Armenian economy. Although Sargsyan criticized the post-Soviet privatization by the
Ter-Petrosyan government, he admitted Armenia had no alternative, and that his government had an enormous amount of
work to do. In his speech on July 28, Sargsyan described the economic situation in Armenia as "extremely difficult, but not
hopeless." According to him, the first half of 1999 saw $61 million less in the budged revenues than planned by the

Darbinyan government. He said that tax evasion played a role in the budget deficit. Despite being criticized by the
opposition, especially the National Democratic Union, the Unity bloc voted in favor (96 of the 131 MPs) of the austerity
measures of the Sargsyan cabinet on August 28, allowing Armenia to take loans from the World Bank and the International
Monetary Fund (IMF). The World Bank alone had loaned almost $0.5 billion to Armenia since 1992 to finance the budget
deficits. The Sargsyan cabinet wanted to diversify $32 million in the budget funds in order to be able to repay the internal
debts. For this purpose, the excise tax was raised on cigarettes by 200% and on gasoline by 45%, seriously hitting the middle
class. Sargsyan described these as "painful but right steps" for getting the necessary amount of money from the foreign
lenders. He pledged a "tougher crackdown on the shadow economy and more efficient governance." National Assembly
Speaker Karen Demirchyan called for a greater role of the state in the economy to ensure stability, while President Kocharyan
was mostly uninvolved in these developments. During his Prime Ministry, Sargsyan helped to organize three major events. On
August 28, 1999, the first Pan-Armenian Games began in Yerevan. Over 1,400 Armenian athletes from 23 countries
participated in the games. The closing ceremony took place in the Yerevan Sports and Concerts Complex on September 5,
with President Robert Kocharyan and Vazgen Sargsyan in attendance. Just after the Games, which involved thousands of
diaspora Armenian youth, the preparations for the eighth anniversary of Armenia's independence began. On September 21,
the anniversary of the day in 1991 when Armenians voted in favor of leaving the Soviet Union in a referendum, a military
parade was held in Yerevan's Republic Square. Vazgen Sargsyan "was visibly the most excited of the government leaders
standing on a specially built pedestal." In a short briefing after the parade, Sargsyan enthusiastically stated that he had
"touched almost every piece of hardware you've just seen" and continued that he "just wanted to show it" to the Armenian
people. During the next two days, on September 22 and 23, 1999, the first Armenia-Diaspora Conference was held in
Yerevan. The conference brought together the Armenian political elite and many diaspora organizations, political parties,
religious leaders, writers and over 1,200 representatives of Armenian communities from 53 countries, an unprecedented
number. Vazgen Sargsyan opened the second day of the conference with his speech-report about the economic and social
situation in Armenia. The conference was closed by Sargsyan. On October 27, 1999, at around 5:15 p.m., five men Nairi
Hunanyan, his brother Karen, their uncle Vram and two others armed with Kalashnikov rifles hidden under long coats, broke
into the National Assembly building in Yerevan, while the government was holding a question-and-answer session. They shot
dead Vazgen Sargsyan, National Assembly Speaker Karen Demirchyan, Deputy National Assembly Speakers Yuri Bakhshyan
and Ruben Miroyan, Minister of Urgent Affairs Leonard Petrosyan, and Parliament Members Henrik Abrahamyan, Armenak
Armenakyan and Mikayel Kotanyan. The gunmen injured at least 30 people in the parliament. The group claimed they were
carrying out a coup d'tat. They described their act as "patriotic" and "needed for the nation to regain its senses." They said
they wanted to "punish the authorities for what they do to the nation" and described the government as profiteers "drinking
the blood of the people." They claimed Armenia was in a "catastrophic situation" and that "corrupt officials" were not doing
anything to provide the way out. Vazgen Sargsyan was the main target of the group and the other deaths were said to be
unintended. According to reporters who witnessed the shooting, the men went up to Sargsyan and said, "Enough of drinking
our blood," to which Sargsyan calmly responded, "Everything is being done for you and the future of your children." Vazgen
Sargsyan was hit several times. Anna Israelyan, an eyewitness journalist, stated that "the first shots were fired directly at
Vazgen Sargsyan at a distance of one to two meters" and, in her words, "it was impossible that he would have survived."
Sargsyan's body was taken out of the parliament building on the evening of October 27. With policemen, army troops, armed
with APCs surrounding the building. President Kocharyan gave a speech on TV, announcing that the situation was under
control. The gunmen released the hostages after overnight negotiations with President Kocharyan and gave themselves up on
the morning of October 28, after a standoff that lasted 1718 hours. On October 28, President Kocharyan declared a threeday mourning period. The state funeral ceremony for the victims of the parliament shooting took place from October 30 until
October 31, 1999. The bodies of the victims, including Vazgen Sargsyan, were placed inside the Yerevan Opera Theater. A
number of high-ranking officials from some 30 countries, including Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin and the Georgian
President Eduard Shevardnadze, attended the funeral. Karekin II, the Catholicos of All Armenians and Aram I, the Catholicos of
the Holy See of Cilicia gave prayers. The five men were charged with terrorism aimed at undermining authority on October
29. The investigation was led by Gagik Jhangiryan, the Chief Military Prosecutor of Armenia, who claimed his team was
looking for the masterminds of the shooting even after the trial had begun. According to Jhangiryan, the investigating team
considered more than a dozen theories. By January 2000, Jhangiryan's investigators considered the connection of Kocharyan
and his circle to the parliament shooting. Several figures close to Kocharyan were arrested, including Aleksan Harutiunyan,
the Deputy Presidential Adviser, and Harutiun Harutiunyan, the Deputy Director of the Public Television of Armenia but, by the
summer of that year, they were released. Eventually, Jhangiryan failed to find evidence linking Kocharyan to the shooting.
The trial began in February 2001 and eventually, the five main perpetrators of the shooting (Nairi Hunanyan, his younger
brother Karen Hunanyan, their uncle Vram Galstyan, Derenik Ejanyan and Eduard Grigoryan) were sentenced to life in prison
on December 2, 2003. Possible motives behind the attack gave birth to a number of conspiracy theories. Stepan Demirchyan,
Karen Demirchyan's son, stated in 2009 that "nothing was done by the authorities to prevent that crime and, conversely,
everything was done to cover up the crime." In March 2013, Vazgen Sargsyan's younger brother Aram stated he had many
questions for both governments of Robert Kocharyan and Serzh Sargsyan. He claimed the judicial process of October 27, had
"deepened the public distrust in the authorities ... [as] many questions remain unanswered today". According to him, the full
disclosure of the shooting is "vital" for Armenia. Sargsyan, at the conclusion, insisted that he "never accused this or the
former authorities of being responsible for October 27. I have accused them in not fully disclosing the October 27, event." In
an April 2013 interview, Karen Demirchyan's widow, Rita, suggested the shooting was ordered from outside Armenia and was
not an attempt at a coup, but rather an assassination. Although the investigation did not find any considerable evidence
linking Kocharyan to the Hunanyan group, many Armenian politicians and analysts believe that President Robert Kocharyan
and National Security Minister Serzh Sargsyan were behind the assassination of Vazgen Sargsyan and other leading
politicians. Albert Bazeyan stated in 2002 that "We have come to the conclusion that the crime was aimed at making Robert
Kocharian's power unlimited and uncontrolled. By physically eliminating Karen Demirchyan and Vazgen Sargsyan, its
organizers wanted to create prerequisites for Kocharyan's victory in the future presidential elections." Ter-Petrosyan accused
Kocharyan and Serzh Sargsyan and their "criminal-oligarchic" system of being the real perpetrators of the parliament
shooting. Nairi Hunanyan, the leader of the armed group, was a member of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF,
Dashnaktsutyun). According to the ARF, Hunanyan was expelled from the party in 1992 for misconduct and had not been in
any association with the ARF since then. Some speculations have been made about the involvement of the ARF in the

shootings. In 2000, Ashot Manucharyan stated he was worried that "a number of Dashnaktsutyun party leaders are acting in
the interest of the American foreign policy." Some analysts have suggested that foreign powers, including Russia, may have
been behind the shooting. They pointed out the fact that Armenia and Azerbaijan were close in signing some kind of an
agreement at the OSCE 1999 Istanbul summit over Karabakh, something not in Russia's interest. Russian secret service
defector Alexander Litvinenko accused the Main Intelligence Directorate of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of the
Russian Federation of having organised the Armenian parliament shooting, ostensibly to derail the peace process, which
would have resolved the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, but he offered no evidence to support the accusation. Russian and
Armenian officials denied this claims. The French-based Armenian political refugee and former Apostolic priest Artsruni
Avetisysan (also known by his religious name Ter Girgor) gave an interview to Armenian media network A1plus, in which he
claimed the Russian secret services were behind the October 27, 1999, shooting. He also claimed the shooting was
perpetrated by Lieutenant General Vahan Shirkhanyan, the Deputy Minister of Defense from 1992 to 1999, and the National
Security Minister Serzh Sargsyan. He insisted the shooting was assisted by the Russian secret services in order to bring the
"Neo-Bolshevik criminal clan" of Serzh Sargsyan and Robert Kocharyan into power. Others suggested that it was in the best
interest of the West to remove Sargsyan and Demirchyan from the political scene, as they had close ties to Russia. Ashot
Manucharyan, one of the leading members of the Karabakh Committee, the former Minister of Internal Affairs and TerPetrosyan's National Security Adviser and his close ally until 1993, stated in October 2000 that Armenian officials were
warned by a foreign country about the shootings. He also declared that "Western special services" were involved in the
October 27, events. In Manucharyan's words, "the special services of the U.S. and France are acting to destroy Armenia and,
in this context, they are much likely to be involved in the realization of the terrorist acts in Armenia." Manucharyan claimed
the shooting was planned by Kocharyan in order to get rid of his two major rivals (Sargsyan and Demirchyan), who were
against the Goble plan, involving territorial concessions to Azerbaijan. Just after the shooting, the Interior and National
Security Ministers Suren Abrahamyan and Serzh Sargsyan resigned as a result of pressure from the Defence Ministry, led by
Sargsyan's ally, Vagharshak Harutiunyan at the time. From early June to late October 1999, the political system in Armenia
was based on the Demirchyan-Sargsyan tandem, which controlled the military, the legislative and the executive branches.
The assassinations disrupted the political balance in the country and the political arena of Armenia was left in disarray for
months. The "de facto dual command" of Sargsyan and Demirchyan transferred to President Robert Kocharyan. James R.
Hughes claims that the so-called "Karabakh clan" (i.e. Robert Kocharyan and Serzh Sargsyan) was "kept in check" by Vazgen
Sargsyan and his "military-security apparatus," while after the parliament shooting it came out to be the sole influential group
able to successfully take over the political scene in Armenia. Since the leaders of the Unity bloc were assassinated, the two
parties in the alliance (the Republican Party of Armenia and the People's Party of Armenia) gradually lost edges of
collaboration and, by late 2000, the Unity bloc collapsed. Yerkrapah, the Republican Party, and the People's Party effectively
lost their influence by 2001. Sargsyan never married. According to Razmik Martirosyan, a friend and the Minister of Social
Security from 1999 to 2003, Sargsyan promised in December 1987 that he would marry sometime before March 8 of the next
year. The Karabakh movement started in February 1988 and Martirosyan claimed that the popular movement "did what it
did." In a 1997 interview, Sargsyan revealed that his favorite historical military figure was Charles de Gaulle. When asked
about what kind of Armenia he would like to see in five years, he said "an independent, self-sufficient country with strong
culture, school and army." Sargsyan had two younger brothers, Aram and Armen. Aram was appointed Prime Minister by
President Kocharyan on November 3, 1999, a week after Vazgen Sargsyan's death, largely as a "political gesture." He
admitted that Armenia has "no concept of state security" and that fact led to the assassination of his brother. Aram Sargsyan
served in the position of the Prime Minister for only six months. He was dismissed by Kocharyan on May 2, 2000, due to
"inability to work" with Sargsyan's cabinet. In his television statement, Kocharyan claimed that he relieved Aram Sargsyan to
end the "disarray" in the Armenian leadership. Kocharyan blamed him for being involved in "political games." Aram Sargsyan
founded the Republic (Hanrapetutyun) party in April 2001, along with several influential Yerkrapah members, such as the
former Mayor of Yerevan Albert Bazeyan and former Defence Minister Vagharshak Harutyunyan. Its co-founder Bazeyan
stated that the party is the "bearer of the political heritage of Vazgen Sargsian and will try to realize the programs aborted by
the October 27 crime and its consequences." The party backed up Stepan Demirchyan against Kocharyan in 2003 and Levon
Ter-Petrosyan against Serzh Sargsyan in the 2008 presidential elections. In a 2013 interview, Aram Sargsyan talked about the
past 14 years after his brother's death: If things were done as Vazgen Sargsyan wanted, I would not be in opposition and I
would do everything I could to make his wishes come true. Today, I'm fighting for his wishes to be realized. His wishes were
very simple. He wanted to see a strong Armenia. Vazgen was an optimist, and he spread hope, honesty, dedication, love for
the fatherland. The president after Vazgen did the opposite. He only saw materialism and selfishness in people and
encouraging those values he remained in power, thus polluting the country. Vazgen Sargsyan's other brother, Armen,
supported Serzh Sargsyan in the 2013 presidential election. On March 5, 2013, Aram Sargsyan was asked about his brother's
political stance, to which he responded, "I would very much like to ask Vazgen that question. I don't know what he would
have answered. I don't know Vazgen's answers to very few questions. Unfortunately, our friends and relatives are not always
the way we want them to be. I am not the first one, neither am I the last one; the history of the world is full of such examples
starting from the Bible." Vazgen Sargsyan was awarded the Hero of Artsakh title, the highest award of the Nagorno-Karabakh
Republic, in 1998. On December 27, 1999, two months after the parliament shooting, Sargsyan was posthumously given the
National Hero of Armenia title. He widely is recognized as the founder of the Armenian army. A presidential decree issued on
December 28, 1999, named the Yerevan military academy Vazgen Sargsyan Military Institute in his honor. The Republican
Stadium in Yerevan was named after Vazgen Sargsyan by the same decree. Numerous streets in Armenia and Karabakh,
including one in Yerevan's Kentron (Central) district and in Stepanakert, and a park in Kapan are named after Sargsyan.
Statues were erected in his honor in Yerevan (2007), Ararat (2009), Vanadzor Shusha and other locations. In 2000, October
27, was declared a day of remembrance by the Armenian government. In 2002, the Armenian Defence Ministry created the
Medal of Vazgen Sargsyan, which is awarded for "meritorious services towards military education and improvements in
service life." Every year, on March 5 (his birthday) and October 27 (the day of his assassination), Sargsyan is commemorated
in Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh. His comrades from the Yerkrapah Volunteer Union, high state officials and many others
visit the Yerablur cemetery, where Sargsyan is buried next to many Armenian military figures. Vazgen Sargsyan's museum
was opened in his hometown of Ararat on March 5, 2001 by the decision made by the Armenian government. Notable
attendees of the opening ceremony of the museum included Premier Minister Andranik Margaryan, National Assembly
Speaker Armen Khachatryan, Defence Minister Serzh Sargsyan, and other high-ranking military and diplomatic

representatives, such as the former Russian Minister of Defence Pavel Grachev, who revealed in his speech at the ceremony
that Sargsyan was once his student. Sargsyan is often referred to as Sparapet, a military rank that has existed since the
ancient Kingdom of Armenia. The phrase " " Sparapet Hayots (literally meaning "Commander of the
Armenians") is engraved on Sargsyan's memorial in Yerablur cemetery. The song "Sparapet" by Alla Levonyan is dedicated to
his memory.
"The public doesn't really know me. Only people in my inner circle know me well. Others identify me by the beard, always
mad, sweaty and that is today's image. People don't understand me, they are scared of me." -Vazgen Sargsyan
In Armenia, Nagorno-Karabakh and, to a lesser extent, in the Armenian diaspora, Vazgen Sargsyan is recognized as a national
hero. Several survey conducted by Gallup, Inc., International Republican Institute, and the Armenian Sociological Association
from 2006 to 2008, revealed that Vazgen Sargsyan topped the list of national heroes in public perception, with 15%-20% of
the respondents giving his name. He left behind the two prominent early 20th century military commanders Andranik and
Garegin Nzhdeh. Sargsyan is widely considered a charismatic leader. He was generally perceived as a man of "tremendous
power and charisma," known for his "brutality, temper, and nonchalant attitude toward the law." His contributions have been
acknowledged by his colleagues and comrades. In 1997, President Ter-Petrosyan stated that Sargsyan is someone who
deserves the title of National Hero of Armenia. He added that "if all members of our government worked as conscientiously
and selflessly as Vazgen Sargsyan, we would live in a perfect state." Armenia's second president Robert Kocharyan said in his
speech during Sargsyan's funeral, "history will provide its assessment of Vazgen Sargsyan as a politician who stood at the
birth of the Armenian state. His role in the creation of the national army is beyond appraisal. By his life and commitment,
Vazgen Sargsyan has made an immense contribution to the establishment of a powerful country." In 2007, giving a speech on
the occasion of the 15th anniversary of the Armenian Armed Forces, the Defence Minister Serzh Sargsyan (and the incumbent
president) noted that he "was a valiant soldier dedicated to the cause of our statehood, and who revered the strength of
Armenia and the strength of the Armenian soldier, and who had a staunch belief in our future success." Manvel Grigoryan,
leader of the Yerkrapah Volunteer Union, recognized Sargsyan's contributions, stating that Sargsyan "was a strong individual
and his greatness was felt not only during the war, but during the nation-building years after the war." According to Grigoryan
"his presence was enough for the foreign leaders to become vigilant." Dr. Ara Sanjian, the director of the Armenian Studies at
the Haigazian University, wrote shortly after Sargsyan's assassination: History will rightly remember Vazgen Sargsyan as the
founder of the modern Armenian armed forces and one of the chief architects behind the victories in recent years on the
Karabagh front. Comparisons made in recent days with Vardan Mamikonian and Andranik Ozanian are certainly not
exaggerations in the technical sense. He seems to have been a personality who never ran away from shouldering the
toughest of responsibilities and seemed to end always on the winning side. In the West, Sargsyan was generally described
as a strong nationalist. The British journalist Jonathan Steele wrote of Sargsyan as "a fierce nationalist who always preferred
action and force to words and diplomacy." Encyclopdia Britannica describes Sargsyan as an "Armenian nationalist who
devoted much of his life to the Armenian fight with Azerbaijan for control of the Nagorno-Karabakh enclave." Political scientist
Lowell Barrington expressed the opinion that he was "the last significant nationalist politician whose commitment to
Karabakh and Armenia was not doubted by anyone." Sargsyan was criticized for being undemocratic, particularly for using his
influence in pre-determining the election results. The Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe suggested in 1999
that his "record does not inspire confidence in his commitment to democracy." The 2008 book Religious Freedom in the World
described him as "thuggish" and held him responsible for the 1995 assaults on religious minorities in Armenia (especially
those that discourage military service), carried out, allegedly, by Yerkrapah. Thomas de Waal describes Sargsyan as a "feudal
baron," and claims that Yerkrapah controlled "large areas of the economy.

Aram

Sargsyan (Armenian:

) (January 2, 1961, Ararat, Armenia) is

an Armenian political figure. He was Prime Minister of Armenia from November 3, 1999 until May 2,
2000. He is the younger brother of Vazgen Sargsyan. In 2000 he founded the oppositional party
"Republic". He supported opposition leader Levon Ter-Petrosyan in the 2008 Armenian presidential
election. Sargsyan was elected to the Armenian National Assembly in May 2012 with the Armenian
National Congress, but he didn't accept the seat.

Andranik Margaryan (Armenian: , alternative spelling: Andranik Margarian) (June 12, 1951
March 25, 2007) served as the Prime Minister of Armenia from May 12, 2000, when the President appointed him, until his
death on March 25, 2007. He was a member of the Republican Party of Armenia. He succeeded the Sargsyan
brothers: Vazgen Sargsyan, who was murdered during the Armenian parliament shooting on October 27, 1999 and Aram
Sargsyan, whom the President appointed a week later, but fired on May 2, 2000. Andranik Margaryan was born on June 12,
1951 in Yerevan in what was then the Armenian SSR of the Soviet Union to a family ofArmenian Genocide survivors originally
from Sasun. He studied cybernetics at the Yerevan Polytechnic University and graduated as acomputer engineer. He first
became engaged in Armenian politics in the late 1970s when he joined an illegal political party, the National Unity Party, that
was campaigning for Armenias secession from the Soviet Union. He has served on the National Unity Party's board since
1973. Margaryan had been a longtime critic of the totalitarian government of the Soviet Union. He envisioned an
independent, democratic Armenia. Police arrested him in 1974 and a court sentenced him to two years in Soviet labor
camps for proliferating unpatriotic ideas and activities. In 1992, after Armenia's independence, Margaryan became a
registered member of the Republican Party of Armenia (HHK), the first registered party in the 3rd Republic of Armenia. He
influenced the party platform with the ideology he expressed as a member of the National United Party. He served as the
Republican Party's Chairman of the Board from 1993 until his death. He had also been a member of the "Yerkrapah" Volunteer
union since 1996 and served on the YVU's board. In 2000, he was appointed Prime Minister of Armenia after the 1999
Armenian parliament shooting led to the murder of then prime minister Vazgen Sargsyan. Vazgen's brother,Aram Sargsyan,
who the President appointed a week later as prime minister, was fired on May 2, 2000 leading to Andranik Markaryan being
appointed as the 14th prime minister of Armenia. He had planned to resign after the May 12, 2007 elections in Armenia.

Throughout his career, he was awarded the Garegin Nzhdeh medal by the Armenian Defense
Ministry alongside the Aram Manukian, Fridjof Nansen and Vazgen Sargsyan medals. Andranik
Margaryan died of a heart attack on March 25, 2007 after nearly seven years in office, the second prime
minister of Armenia to die in office and the first not related to an assassination. The head of Yerevan's
municipal ambulance service reported that the prime minister was unconscious and his heart had
stopped beating by the time two ambulance crews arrived at his apartment early in the afternoon.
Margaryan was immediately given resuscitation treatment but did not respond. Margaryan had a history
of serious cardiac problems and twice underwent heart surgeries, first in Armenia in 1999 and later
in France. He regularly visited French and Russianclinics for medical examinations. Andranik Margaryan is
survived by a wife, two daughters, one son, and five grandchildren. Apart from politics, Margaryan has also followed a career
in scientific research. From 1972 until his arrest in 1974, he worked at the Yerevan branch of Scientific-Research Institute of
Gas Industry as a senior engineer. After his release from the Soviet labor camps in 1977, he worked at the Scientific-Research
Institute of Energy as chief engineer before moving on to find work in the Energy-Technical Factory as head of department in
1978. From 1979 to 1990, he worked at the Information Counting Centre of the Trade Ministry as the head of department of
electronics. From 1990 to 1994 he was the head of the information department at the State Department of Special Programs.
He then settled to work in Armenias State Architectural University as junior scientist from 1994 to 1995.

Serzh Azati Sargsyan (Armenian: , born June 30, 1954) is the third and current President of
Armenia since April 9, 2008. He won the February 2008 presidential election with the backing of the conservative Republican
Party of Armenia, a party in which he serves as chairman, and took office in April 2008. On February 18, 2013, he was
reelected as President of Armenia. Serzh Sargsyan was born on June 30, 1954 in Stepanakert, Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous
Oblast, Azerbaijan SSR. He was admitted to Yerevan State University in 1971, served in the Soviet Armed Forces during 197172, and graduated from the Philological Department of Yerevan State University in 1979. In 1983, he married his wife, Rita.
They have two daughters, Anush and Satenik, and one granddaughter, Mariam. He is the chairman of the Armenian Chess
Federation. In addition to his native Armenian, he is fluent also in Russian. He is of no relation to the current Prime Minister of
Armenia, Tigran Sargsyan. Sargsyan's career began in 1975 at the Electrical Devices Factory in Yerevan, where he worked as
a metal turner until 1979 when he became head of the Stepanakert City Communist Party Youth Association Committee. Then
served as second secretary, first secretary, the Stepanakert City Committee Propaganda Division Head, the NagornoKarabakh Regional Committee Communist Organizations' Unit Instructor, and finally as the assistant to Genrikh Poghosyan,
the First Secretary of the Nagorno-Karabakh Regional Committee. As tensions rose over Nagorno-Karabakh between
Armenians and Azerbaijanis, Sargsyan became chairman of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic Self-Defense Forces Committee
and was subsequently elected to the Supreme Council of Armenia in 1990. He organized several battles in the NagornoKarabakh War and is considered to be one of the founders of Armenia's armed forces. He became the Armenian defense
minister in 1993, head of Armenian state security department in 1995 and minister of national security in 1996. In 1999, he
became Robert Kocharyan's chief of staff, then secretary of the national security council, defense minister, and prime
minister in 2007. Sargsyan, with President Kocharyan's backing, was viewed as the strongest contender for the post of the
President of Armenia in the February 2008 presidential election. Full provisional results showed him winning about 53% of the
vote, a first round majority, well ahead of second place candidate Levon Ter-Petrossian. Ter-Petrossian's supporters, disputing
the official results, held large protests in Yerevan for over a week following the election, until they were violently broken up on
March 1; ten people (8 protestors and 2 police officers) were killed, and a state of emergency was imposed for 20 days,
ending on March 20, 2008. Serzh Sargsyan was sworn in as President inside the Yerevan Opera House on April 9, 2008.
Referring to the "painful events" that followed the election, he "urge[d] everybody to look forward, together, to seek and find
the way for reconciliation, development, and future of Armenia." He appointed Tigran Sargsyan, who had been the Chairman
of the Central Bank and is not a member of a political party, as Prime Minister. Vazgen Manukyan, a former member of
the Karabakh Committee and a prominent oppositionist, stated that he is optimistic and "will do everything to help this
government become successful". On April 18, 2008 Sargsyan launched an unusually blistering attack on the Armenian
customs, saying that "corruption within its ranks is 'thriving' and hampering the countrys economic development." He later
authorized an opposition to take place in Yerevan and pledged to comply with the Council of Europe's demands for an end to
the government's crackdown on the opposition. Sargsyan initially stated that he will continue Armenia's policy towards
Turkey, to normalize relations without any preconditions while continuing to strive for international recognition of the
1915 Armenian Genocide. On October 10, 2009, however, by signing the Turkish-Armenian protocols on the establishment of
diplomatic relations, he most notably accepted a precondition in regards to the veracity of the Armenian genocide, in that he
accepted the proposal of studying the issue through a commission. Moreover, with his acceptance of the current TurkishArmenian border, he neglected Armenian demands for Western Armenia, which are supported by theTreaty of Svres. He also
stated that "Armenia's possible recognition of Kosovo's independence will not strain the Armenian-Russian relations" but also
noted that the "Kosovo recognition issue needs serious discussion ... Armenia has always been an adherent to the right of
nations to self-determination and in this aspect we welcome Kosovo's independence." Sargsyan made his first address in
front of the 63rd session of the United Nations General Assembly in New York on September 25, 2008. In his address he
referenced the 2008 South Ossetia conflict and emphasized the need for the United Nations to help bring peaceful resolution
to armed conflicts around the world, including the one in Nagorno-Karabakh. He also mentioned how Azerbaijan's military
buildup along with increasing war rhetoric and threats risked causing renewed problems in the South Caucasus. Major
protests against Sargsyan's regime began in 2011, with the president's 2008 rival Levon Ter-Petrossian at their helm. n a
concession to protesters, Sargsyan said on April 20, 2011 that the government would recommit to a thorough investigation of
thepost-election violence of three years prior. Serzh Sargsyan has thus far been conferred the following honors: Order of first
Degree "Martakan Khach" ("Combat Cross"), Hero of Artsakh, Knight of "Voske Artsiv" (Golden Eagle) order, Order of "Tigran
Mets" and The First Class of the Order of Prince Yaroslav the Wise (Ukraine, 2011). Other transcriptions of his given name
are Serge and Serj, of the surname Sarkissian, Sarkisyan, Sargsyan, Sarkissyan, the transliteration is Ser Azati Sargsyan .
President Sargsyan supported Armenia's efforts to ink an Association Agreement with the EU, which contains a Deep and
Comprehensive Free Trade Area, for several years. Under his Presidency, the negotiations for the agreement were completed
and Armenia was set to sign the agreement at an upcoming EU Summit. However, President Sargsyan made a drastic policy
reversal when in September 2013, after a meeting with President Vladimir Putin in Moscow, he opted to join the Russian-

led Eurasian Economic Union. Even though such a reversal was made, President Sargsyan's
administration has been determined to further EU inspired reforms in law and governance, and have
stated a willingness to sign the political component of the Association Agreement with the European
Union. Major protests against Sargsyan's regime began in 2011, with the president's 2008 rival Levon TerPetrossian at their helm. In a concession to protesters, Sargsyan said on April 20, 2011 that the
government would recommit to a thorough investigation of the post-election violence of three years prior.

Tigran Sargsyan

(Armenian: , born January 29, 1960) is an Armenian

political figure, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Republic of Armenia to the United
States of America, Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia from April 9, 2008 until April 3, 2014. Tigran
Sargsyan was born on January 29, 1960 in the city of Vanadzor, Armenian SSR. He was still a child, when his family moved to
Yerevan, where in 1967-1977 Sargsyan received his primary education at Yerevan Pushkin School 8. Tigran Sargsyan enters
Yerevan Technical College 14, which he finishes in 1978. he same year Sargsyan enters Yerevan Institute of National
Economy, Faculty of Economy and Planning. In 1980 he enters Leningrad Financial and Economic Institute after N. A.
Voznesenskiy, which he graduated in 1983. In 1987 Tigran Sargsyan gets his PhD at Leningrad Financial and Economic
Institute, where he defends his thesis titled "Regional social-economic development planning on Armenia's example". In 1994
Tigran Sargsyan studied on the Faculty of "Law-making Activity," at International Law Institute, Washington DC, USA. In 19961997 he studied "Effective Banking Management" at Institute of Economic Development, World Bank, Washington, USA. After
receiving the PhD degree in economics he returned to Armenia in 1987 and became a senior researcher and head of the
Group of International Economic Relations at the Research Institute of Economy and Planning of Armenia, where he worked
until 1990. From 1988 to 1993 he served as the chairman of the national council of young professionals and scientists. From
1990 to 1991 he worked as a coordinator for the regular seminars on economic reform organized for the bankers. Tigran
Sargsyan was one of the founders of the party "National Democratic Union" in 1991. In 1993-1995 Tigran Sargsian was
elected as a member of the Supreme Council of the Republic of Armenia within "National Democrats" fraction headed by
Shavarsh Kocharyan. Sargsyan became chairman of the Standing Committee on Financial-Credit and Budgetary Affairs and
was the youngest head of the chairman in the Parliament. In this position he had a significant contribution to the conduct of
Armenian Dram - national currency into circulation. Despite the fact that he was the representative of the opposition in
parliament, Sargsyan was appointed as a chairman of the Standing Committee on Financial-Credit and Budgetary Affairs of
the Parliament of Armenia. Together with the chairman of the Central Bank of Isaac Isaakyan and Finance Minister Levon
Barkhudaryan, Tigran Sargsyan was appointed as a co-chairman of the State Commission for regulation of currency, created
by the Supreme Council of the Republic of Armenia on October 13, 1993. Commission adopted more than 20 important
decisions and on November 22, 1993 Armenian dram - national currency was put in circulation. Issued banknotes and coins
had a nominal value of 10, 25, 50, 100, 200 and 500 drams. From 1995 to 1998 he was the Director of Scientific Researches
Institute of Social Reforms. From 1995 to 1998 he was the Chairman of Armenian Banks Association. Sargsyan occupied the
post of Chairman of the Central Bank of Armenia (CBA) from March 3, 1998 and was reelected by the Armenian National
Assembly as CBA chairman for a second seven-year term on 2 March 2005. As many as 92 MPs participated in the vote, of
which 86 cast their vote for his candidacy. On March 3, 1998 Tigran Sargsyan was elected the chairman of the Central Bank of
Armenia, which significantly changed the situation in the banking sector of Armenia. In particular, in that very year the
international accounting standards were introduced.[6] In 2005, Sargsyan was re-elected as a Chairman of the Central Bank,
for the Second term. From 1998 to 2008 his signature was depicted on the currency in Armenia. In 1998 Tigran Sargsyan
introduced the compulsory use of international accounting standards in Armenia. Until 1998, the Armenian Soviet standards
were used, and the reports did not meet the modern requirements. The system still operates in Armenia up today. In 1999
Central Bank of Armenia introduced a system of electronic payment, entitled CBA.NET. This was a RTGS Payment System, and
it automates the cash flow between the Armenian banks. Until then, any transactions between the banks were made using
paper handling. The system operates in Armenia up today. In 2001 Central Bank of Armenia introduced the National Payment
System called ARCA (Armenian Card), which later began supporting local ARCA cards. ARCA also became a platform for the
operations of MasterCard, VISA, American Express and Diners Club, using a single processing center, technology and software
solutions. As a head of the Central Bank of Armenia Tigran Sargsyan initiated process of crystallization of banking sector from
unfair business and crime. In 2002 the amendments on the Law on the Central Bank of Armenia and the Banking Act were
adopted. The changes entitled The Board of the Central Bank, to prevent crime acquisition of bank assets and lending
institutions. In the future regulatory framework it was possible to adjust the process of tracking the turnover of criminal
assets in banks and credit organizations, as well as the funds used to finance terrorist activities or money laundering. As a
result a number of unscrupulous banks and organizations were closed. Credit Yerevan, the United Bank, Land Bank, Credit
Service, Trust, AgroBank, Shirak Invest and others were dissolved. As a result of investigating the flow of funds from
organizations engaged in unfair practices, it was possible to refund all the deposits to the citizens. By 2004 the process of
recovery of the banking system was completed. In 2002 Armenia adopted amendments to the Law of the Republic of Armenia
on Licensing. The list of the organizations to be a subject of licensing included credit organizations, which involved in money
transactions, clearing, processing card payments, and others. In 2004 a law on compulsory insurance contributions to citizens
were adopted in Armenia initiated by Tigran Sargsyan. On the basis of this law in 2005 The Fund was established, which
should refund deposits to the citizens. The fund was financed by deposits from all the banks and financial institutions. The
maximum size of the contribution was 4 million drams to be increased in the future. Size of deposits in foreign currency was
equal to 2 mln drams. At January 1, 2006 the system of banking, insurance supervision and oversight of the securities market
have been merged into a single system - a mega-regulator of the financial system. It introduced a unified system of financial
regulation and risk-based supervision. The function of regulating the activities of all participants in the financial system and
financial supervision was entrusted to the Central Bank of Armenia. The Central bank also became responsible for ensuring
financial stability in Armenia. In 2006 under the leadership of Tigran Sargsyan, the legal acts were adopted to implement the
policy of targeting monetary aggregates to inflation targeting strategy to publish analysis on the monetary policy of the
Central Bank. In 2007 the "Law on Insurance and Insurance Activities" were adopted, which was drafted in cooperation with
the European Union. On April 9, 2008 Tigran Sargsyan was appointed as the Prime Minister of Armenia, replacing Serzh
Sargsyan in this position, who was elected the president of Armenia earlier that year. From April 22 new government started
working, consisting of 18 ministries. The minister for territorial development combined position of the Deputy Prime Minister.
The government included representatives of the parliament coalition from parties: Republican Party of Armenia, Prosperous
Armenia, Armenian Revolutionary Federation and The Rule of Law. Two months following the appointment of Sargsyan RussoGeorgian War bursts out which seriously hurt economy of Armenia blockaded by Turkey and Azerbaijan for more than 20
years, and 70% of imported products are from Georgia. The next year after Sargsyan government start, second wave of the
global financial crisis reached Armenia, which led to 14.1% fall of GDP. Because of strong banking system of Armenia, the
crisis did not hurt Armenian banks, but the main collapse occurred in the construction sector, where the decrease volume was
41.6%. Production tax rates reduced to 22.5%. The collapse in these two areas was more than 10-% decrease in general
share of GDP. Commenting on the Economic collapse Tigran Sargsyan said: "The Housing bubble that was inflated, burst,

causing negative phenomenon". He also highlighted necessity to diversify the economy. Among causes of economic collapse
were marked decrease in the level of foreign transfers, reduction of prices on the international market of raw, and in
particular non-ferrous metals market got lesser interest in goods exported from Armenia, as well as reduced liquidity in the
international market and the subsequent fall of investment level. On November 12, 2008 Tigran Sargsyan presented anticrisis program of the government. December 4, 2008 according to protocol decision of RA Government the list of anti-crisis
measures was approved. Among the main activities were mentioned the following: Tax reform - simplification of tax
administration, Customs reform - simplification of customs procedures, Improving the business environment - simplification of
legal entities creating process, Development of infrastructure - road construction, work in the field of electric power industry
and energy supply, Construction providing state guarantees and subsidies to property developers and Promotion of the real
sector - participation in equity capital, loans, financing of business projects Social Projects.Following years, the government
supported the real economy sector. Special committee was created to study individual business projects, granting support to
the best ones. Support was provided to 24 successful projects out of 300 presented projects. Commission was operating to
support small and medium-sized businesses, provided direct financial and advisory support to a number of companies
throughout Armenia. The result was that in 2010 and 2011 industrial production index growth was 9.7% and 14.1%
respectively, occurring the best performance since 2004. As a result of investments into the real economy prevented large
scale staff dismissal in industrial enterprises. Policy brought to number increase of industrial enterprises by 6.3%, and
increase of the average wage in industrial enterprises for 60 thousand drams. In frames of anti-crisis measures development
to infrastructure projects, building of roads, schools and hospitals was carried out around Armenia. Prior to 2011 following
fulfillments were implemented: 2280 km of drinking and irrigation water lines built, 106 pumping stations for drinking water
built, 209 reservoirs for drinking water built, 473 km of irrigation water lines and pipes, 130 pump stations for irrigation
water, 45 reservoir for irrigation water, 1767 km of drainage, 150 km of general canals. Prior to 2011, 105,3 billion drams was
spent on capital construction of water systems in Armenia. That is twice more than expenditures in 2002-2006. About 500
communities benefited from the building, having total population of 700 thousand people. In frames of anti-crisis measures
Sargsyan government declared support to social programs. Preferential mortgage system was put in action for young
families. Prior to 2011, 462 young families used the system. Social package was instituted. Resulting proper investigations 17
thousand families were deprived of social pensions. 9000 families in need were included into the list. Investigations 65 000
individual cases, 5000 people receive pensions, which they were cut off before. 1718 names of fake and deceased people
were removed from the list of beneficiaries. Level of basic pension was raised for 2,5 times. According to World Bank report,
government anti-crisis program prevented helped poverty level fall to 51,7%. Since 2008 Tigran Sargsyan government
initiated negotiations with Asian Development Bank about financing of highway that would connect north and south of
Armenia. Project primary budget was estimated about $500 millions. 4-lane highway with total length of 556 km was planned
to lead through Agarak - Kapan - Yerevan - Gyumri - Bavra, connecting Iran to Georgia. Armenian government approved the
investment project on January 14 2010. First tranche contract was signed on October 15 2009. Project developer became
French Egis Group. Contractor became Corsan-Corviam Construccion from Spain. Project manager company became SAFEGE
from France and EPTISA from Spain. First tranche was planed for construction of Yerevan - Ashtarak (14.1 km) and Yerevan Ararat (38.1 km). Second tranche contract was sign on May 30 2011. $210 millions sum was planned for Ashtarak - Talin (41.9
km) road construction. Third tranche contract was signed on November 18 2013 with European Investment Bank with sum of
60 million Euro and on March 11 2014 with Asian Development Bank with sum of 100 million US dollars. Contractor was not
chosen at the moment of signing yet. During a press conference with Georgian prime-minister Tigran Sargsyan answered
question on North-South Highway: "For the first time in history Armenia will have a modern highway, meeting international
standards and requirements that cars will have opportunity to cross Georgia border at high speed. Our Georgian partners
implement a similar program with Asian Development Bank. Tigran Sargsyan government adopted a program for
development of electronic government. Specially for that task specialists were invited from Estonia, which was considered
one of the best electronic government systems around the world. At first stages electronic document flow was launched at
Yerevan Municipality, Central Bank, as well as Mulberry system, which in 2011 included 35 state institutions. System was
used by a number of private companies, i.e. ArmRosGazProm and Nairit Factory. System made it possible for citizens to check
processing of their applications and documents, as well as watching activity of government, budget expenditures, etc. Before
system launching level of computerization was rather low: 200 employees has average of 60 computers. At first stages
Government staff, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Finance and Ministry of Territorial Administration became
experimental platforms for system launching. First stage was over by end of 2008. During 2009 rest of ministries and regional
staff joined the system. According to David Sargsyan, head of Government staff in 2008 - 2013, necessity of such a system
development was included in Serzh Sargsyan election program. Tigran Sargsyan government increased expenses on road
building, completing construction of 1576.9 km roads and 60 bridges, which is twice more than construction level in 1997 2006. Average budget for road building reached 22.6 billion drams against 13.7 billions in the period before. Average length
of road constructed reached 315 km per year against 164 in the past. In April 2010 the new energy block of Yerevan Thermal
Power Station was launched, built with support of Japan Bank for International Cooperation. Total installed capacity got equal
to 271.7 MW, out of which 242 MW of electric capacity and 434.9 GJ/h. Work of the new plant got more effective for 14-14.5
billion drams. In period before 2011 69 Low power hydro electric stations were built, producing 1.4 billion kWt electricity per
hour. In January 2012 fifth energy block of Hrazdan Thermal Power Plant was launched having capacity of 480 MW with 17
substations with total capacity of 110 MW. New high-voltage electric double line system was built connecting Armenia and
Iran. 190 km alternative gas pipeline was built connecting Armenia and Iran. In period before 2011 significant amount of
investments were attracted to air communication sector of Armenia. Zvartnots airport was purchased by Eduardo Eurnekian Argentinean businessman of Armenian origin, who owns dozens of airports around the world. Zvartnots Airport was
completely modernized and new building of the airport was constructed. Shirak - second largest airport of Armenia was
modernized too. Total amount of investment reached 70 million US dollars. During the years of Tigran Sargsyan governance
third mobile operator - Orange Armenia was invited to Armenia. Also conditions were made for third internet supplier to
Armenian internet providers entered market. Before that factual monopoly affected Armenia: only 2 companies provided
Armenia with internet - Armentel - part of Beeline group of companies, and Fibernet. Then minister of transport and
communications Andranik Manukyan was named owner of the company. The new internet supplier getting permission for
functioning became GNC Alfa. In the result of demonopolisation of internet and mobile market brought to significant fall of
prices: in 2007 1 Mbit of unlimited internet cost 2.9 million drams (about $8900), while in 2011 price fall to 24000 drams for 1
Mbit ($64). Number of internet users increased 19 times reaching 380 000 (every second family in Armenia). Number of
mobile services users increased to 3 380 000 from 1 118 000. On June 27, 2008 government program was adopted having
objective to improve business environment. Program called for reform of taxation sector, sector of international trade,
contracts fulfillment, as well as liquidation of legal entities. During government session, heads of ministries were encharged
to report on activities implemented in frames of the reforms. Minister of Economy was charged to report on total amount of
achievements. In November 2011 a new taxation package was adopted aimed at business environment improvement.
According to Tigran Sargsyan, the task is attraction of investments to Armenia. Foundation of free economic zones was to
stimulate attracting private investments. Implemented reforms brought to following results: Registration process of
companies with typical regulations took 1315 minutes against 20 days in the past. Non-typical regulations cases took up to 2

days. Liquidation of legal entities took 20 days against 30 days in the past. Against 50 reports
in the past, companies had only 36 taxation reports to be filled. Time for taxes reports took 30
hours in case of electronic declaration and 300 hours in paper-based declaration against 1120
hours in the past. Number of licenses was cut to 84, adopted in complex method and 12
adopted in simplified method, against 157 complex licenses and 12 simplified licenses in the
past. Permission for building constructions with area less than 1500 sq.m took 7 stages and
27 days against 20 stages and 137 days in the past. Major reforms Tigran Sargsyan's
government initiated were the following: cash machines reform, e-government development,
social package launching for state servicemen, obligatory car insurance reform, several major
changes in tax policy, foundation of 2 tax-free zones in Armenia, system of electronic
signatures, North-South highway construction (unfinished), tax-free system for start-ups (unfinished) and compulsory pension
system (unfinished). He was highly criticized for obligatory car insurance reform, which later became common for Armenian
society. Severe protests were also organized against launching new compulsory pension funding system, which finally was not
due to Tigran Sargsyan resignation. Sargsyan announced resignation on April 3, 2014 but did not give a specific reason. While
the deputy speaker of parliement and member of the incumbent Republican Party, Edward Sharmazanov, said that President
Serge Sarkisian accepted his resignation, he too refused to give a reason for the resignation except saying that it was a
"personal decision." However, he had previously offered to resign a month earlier but was convinced to stay on in the role by
Sarkisian until a Constitutional Court ruling on his controversial pension reform plan that had been criticised. Following
months of protests, the Constitutional Court declared the mandatory part of the pension reform law to be in contravention of
the Basic Law of Armenia. The measure would have required Armenians born after 1973 to contribute five percent of their
monthly income to one of two private funds sanctioned by the government and the Central Bank to manage the pensions.
Opponents had also cited a lack of trust in those funds and no desire to lose such a high share of their income.[33] CC
chairman Gagik Harutyunyan added that the law would be in force until the National Assembly invalidated it by 30
September. Other unnamed government officials further noted that in accordance with the ruling the law will henceforth not
be complied it, though Justice Minister Hrair Tovmasyan maintained that the ruling against the compulsory element was not
unconstitutional in principle, but only that a number of provisions needed to be brought in conformity with the Basic Law. On
June 26 Tigran Sargsyan was appointed as an Armenian ambassador to the United States on June 26, 2014 by the decree of
the Armenian President. With the same decree he received the highest diplomatic rank of the Ambassador Extraordinary and
Plenipotentiary On July 15, 2014 he began ambassadorship US Barack Obama ceremonially accepted Sargsyan's credentials.
According to Armenian media, newly appointed Ambassadors are usually received by the US president not earlier than
months after arriving to DC, but Sargsyan was received by Obama in two weeks after entering the US in his new capacity.
Within a year of Sargsyan's ambassadorship Armenian President Sargsyan payed three working visits to the USA. Sargsyan is
married and has three children: daughter Narine and two sons Abgar and Markos and two grandchildren.

Hovik Argami Abrahamyan (Armenian: , born January 24, 1958)

is an Armenian politician. A member of the ruling Republican Party, he is the current Prime Minister of
Armenia, appointed on April 13, 2014. Previously he was the Speaker of the National Assembly of
Armenia. Abrahamyan, born in Mkhchyan village in Armenia's Ararat Province, began his professional
career in 1990 as the department head of the Burastan Brandy Factory and later as the president of
Artashat wine-brandy factory. In 1995 he became a member of the Armenian parliament. He became
Mayor of Artashat in 1996, and the governor of Ararat Province in 1998. Under President Robert
Kocharyan's administration, in 2002 he was appointed Minister of the Territorial Administration (which
oversees regional government structures), serving until 2008 when he resigned in order to be appointed
in April 2008 by the newly elected President Serzh Sargsyan as head of his presidential staff. In August
2008 he was re-elected in an uncontested election (in a seat vacated by the resignation of Abrahamian's
older brother, Henrikto) to the National Assembly (fourth convocation), and in September 2008 he was elected as Speaker of
the National Assembly of Armenia. He resigned as speaker in November 2011 and was re-elected to the National Assembly on
May 6, 2012 as a member of the Republican Party of Armenia. He opposed his predecessor's asset declaration draft law that
would have required Armenian politicians and senior public officials to declare their business holdings and business interests.
He was appointed as Prime Minister in April 2014 following the resignation of Tigran Sargsyan for officially unknown reasons
(though the controversial pension reform law caused widespread criticism). Abrahamyan was nominated for the role of prime
minister by President Serzh Sargsyan calling him a "very effective new prime minister." He was congratulated by Russian
Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev. Abrahamyan has been disparagingly nicknamed "Muk" (), literally meaning "mouse".
In an interview, Abrahamyan stated that the nickname was given to him by his grandmother, because he used to steal candy
from her. In various cables sent in 2008, Joseph Pennington, Deputy Chief of Mission at the US Embassy in Yerevan,
characterized Abrahamyan as being "regarded by outside observers - and many Armenians - as an unpolished, poorly
educated and parochial figure, a crass nouveau riche whose brand of dirty-money politics, abuse of state "administrative
resources", and cunning opportunism is in the worst tradition of recent Armenian politics", as "an oily, machine politician ... at
the center of a purposeful effort to abuse agencies and offices of local government to arm-twist every vote he possibly can
for the prime minister", the "chief operating officer of the dirtiest and most coercive tactics of Serzh Sargsian's presidential
election campaign", and "an unsophisticated thug" whose "instincts are not progressive". Also in 2008, US Ambassador to
Armenia Marie Yovanovitch described Abrahamian as a politician who uses his political power to promote his business
interests. He has also been reported as owning more than two dozen companies, including three sand mines on the Araks
river; 1,500 hectares of grape fields in Artashat; more than 10 gas stations outside Yerevan; one third of "Ararat Cement";
casinos; petrol stations; and a $7 million summer home in the Crimea. He opposed his predecessor's asset declaration draft
law that would have required Armenian politicians and senior public officials to declare their business holdings and business
interests. Argam Abrahamyan is married to a daughter of Gagik Tsarukyan, oligarch and Prosperous Armenia party leader.

AUSTRALIA
Indigenous Australians
Indigenous Australians are the original inhabitants of the Australian continent and nearby islands. Indigenous Australians
migrated from Africa to Asia around 70,000 years ago and arrived in Australia around 50,000 years ago. The Torres Strait
Islanders are indigenous to the Torres Strait Islands, which are at the northernmost tip of Queensland near Papua New Guinea.
The term "Aboriginal" is traditionally applied only to the indigenous inhabitants of mainland Australia and Tasmania, along
with some of the adjacent islands, ie: the "first peoples". Indigenous Australians is an inclusive term used when referring to
both Aboriginal and Torres Strait islanders. The earliest definite human remains found to date are that of Mungo Man, which
have been dated at about 40,000 years old, but the time of arrival of the ancestors of Indigenous Australians is a matter of
debate among researchers, with estimates dating back as far as 125,000 years ago. There is great diversity among different
Indigenous communities and societies in Australia, each with its own unique mixture of cultures, customs and languages. In
present day Australia these groups are further divided into local communities. Although there were over 250300 spoken
languages with 600 dialects at the start of European settlement, fewer than 200 of these remain in use and all but 20 are
considered to be endangered. Aboriginal people today mostly speak English, with Aboriginal phrases and words being added
to create Australian Aboriginal English. The population of Indigenous Australians at the time of permanent European
settlement has been estimated at between 318,000 and 1,000,000 with the distribution being similar to that of the current
Australian population, with the majority living in the south-east, centred along the Murray River.

Awabakal
The Awabakal people (pron.: /wbl/), a group of indigenous people of Australia, are those Australian Aborigines that
were united by a common language, strong ties of kinship and survived as skilled hunterfishergatherers in family groups or
clans scattered along the coastal area of what is now known as the Mid North Coast region of New South Wales, Australia.
Their traditional territory spreads from Wollombiin the south, to the Lower Hunter River near Newcastle and Lake
Macquarie in the north. In the traditional language, Awaba is the word for Lake Macquarie, meaning flat or plain surface; and

hence, Awabakal was used to describe people of the area. The Awabakal were bounded to the northwest by the Wonnarua,
the Worimi to the northeast, and theDarkinjung peoples to the west and south.

Leader of the Awabakal people

Biraban (died April 14, 1846), also known as John McGill (also spelt M'Gill, MacGil, Maggill), was a leader
of the Awabakal peopleof
Indigenous Australians at Lake Macquarie. His native name, also
spelt Barabahn, Bi-ra-bn, and Birabn, means "eaglehawk" in the Awabakal language. Biraban spoke
English fluently, and acted as an interpreter between Aborigines and settlers. From 1825 he served as
an informant to the missionary Lancelot Edward Threlkeld teaching him the Awabakal language and tribal
lore. The Biraban Public School was named after him in recognition of where he used to live.

Ben Lomond (Plangermaireener) tribe

The original inhabitants of the area were the people of the Ben Lomond Nation, which consisted of at least three clans
totalling 150200 people. Three clan names are known but their locations are somewhat conjectural - the clans were recorded
as Plangermaireener, Plindermairhemener and Tonener weener larmenne. The Plangermaireener clan is recorded as variously
inhabiting the south-east aspect of the Ben Lomond region and also has been associated with the coastal tribes to the southeast. This clan was likely to have occupied the region of the modern day Fingal Valley to the St Mary's Plains and east coast
region. 'Plangermaireener' is sometimes used as a blanket term for the Ben Lomond Nation which reflects the suffix
'mairener', recorded as meaning 'people' or 'tribe'. The Plindermairhemener are recorded in association with the south and
south-western aspects of the region and are likely to have occupied the South Esk Valley from the Avoca region up to at least
the Nile River.mTheir country was bordered by the South Esk River to the south and west. The location of the
Tonenerweenerlarmenne is uncertain but were probably centred in the remaining Ben Lomond Nation territory from White
Hills to the headwaters of the North and South-Esk rivers or the upper South-Esk Valley. This notwithstanding, the Palawa
were a nomadic people and likely occupied their clan lands seasonally. The clans of the Ben Lomond Nation were migratory
and the Aborigines hunted along the valleys of the South Esk and North Esk rivers, their tributaries and the highlands to the
northeast; as well as making forays to the plateau in summer. There are records of aboriginal huts or dwellings around the
foothills of Stacks Bluff and around the headwaters of the South Esk River near modern day Mathinna. On the plateau there is
evidence of artifacts around Lake Youl that suggests regular occupation of this site by aborigines after the last ice age. The
clans of the Ben Lomond Nation were displaced in the early 1800s by extensive colonial occupation up the South Esk river
and its tributaries. This particularly manifested along the mountain's western and northern boundaries, which lay closest to
the settled areas of Launceston and Norfolk Plains (now Longford). The presence of farms and stockmen interrupted the
migratory tribal life of the Aborigines and, although initial relations were peaceable, displacement was accelerated by
continuing intrusion into country, abduction of aboriginal women and violent conflict with both settlers and with rival tribes. In
particular, women became scarce due to the abduction by sealers of women in coastal areas, consequently leading to
internecine raids for women across the interior. Children, also, were a target for abduction by settlers. For example, the
prominent settler James Cox, at Clarendon on the Nile River, raised the Aboriginal William 'Black Bill' Ponsonby from a child.
The aboriginal people were forced into an ever more marginal existence and; with numbers depleted by disease, murder and
abduction, were forced into sustained conflict with occupying settlers. These remnants of the Ben Lomond nation allied with
members of the North Midland nation in order to conduct guerilla style raids on remote stock huts and farms along the South
Esk into the 1820s and 1830s during the Black War, but by October 1830 they had been reduced to just 10 individuals.

Chief of the Ben Lomond (Plangermaireener) tribe

Mannalargenna

(ca. 1770-1835), a Tasmanian Aborigine, was the chief of the Ben Lomond tribe (Plangermaireener).
His wife was Tanleboneyer and he had five known children, a son, Neerhepeererminer and daughters Woretermoeteyenner,
Wottecowidyer, Wobbelty and Teekoolterme. Following the arrival of the Europeans in the area, he led a guerrilla styled
resistance attacks against British soldiers in Tasmania during the period known as the Black War. In 1829 he freed four
aboriginal women and a boy from John Batman's house where they had been held for a year. While it seems as though he
joined George Robinson's mission to persuade aboriginal people to "surrender", it is claimed that he was actually directing
Robinson away from the people. He was promised that if he helped Robinson he would not be sent to Flinders Island, but this
promise was broken and he died in captivity at Wybalenna in 1835.

Bidjigal People
The Bidjigal (also spelt Bediagal) people are a group of Indigenous Australians living to the West of Sydney. Their
geographical location is confusing, as they seem to have been based in southern Sydney, in the region between the Cooks
River and the Georges River and yet also seem to have inhabited land in Hills District of Sydney, in what is now Baulkham
Hills. Others say that the Bidjigal people span from La Perouse, Botany Bay down to the Illawarra. The language group to
which they belong is Dharawal, which spanned from Sydney to Jervis Bay. Attenbrow (2002) discusses their possible origin
and location, and concludes that the question is "somewhat vexed", while Kohen (1993) suggests that there may have been
some confusion between two distinct groups: the Bidjigal (living in the Baulham Hills area) and the Bediagal at Botany Bay in
the Salt Pan Creek area. If this is the case, then this article is about the Bidjigal people living in the Baulkham Hills area. The
Bidjigal are sometimes said to be a clan of the Dharuk people, and sometimes a clan of the Eora people, and this may result
from the confusion described above. However, it is also possible that they were a distinct group with their own Bidjigal
language. The name Bidjigal means plains-dweller in the Dharuk language. Perhaps the most famous Bidjigal person was
Pemulwuy, who successfully led Aboriginal Resistance forces against the British Army before finally being captured and killed
(and eventually beheaded). The name of the Bidjigal is today remembered by the name of Bidjigal Reserve, in Baulkham Hills,
Castle Hill, Carlingford, North Rocks and Northmead to the North-West of Sydney. The Bidjigal Reserve was known as Excelsior
Park until 2004. It is the site of the earliest known Aboriginal occupation of Sydney.

Chief of Bidjigal people

Pemulwuy

(aka Pimbloy, Pemulvoy, Pemulwoy, Pemulwye) (c1750-June 2, 1802) was an Aboriginal Australian man born
around 1750 in the area of Botany Bay in New South Wales. He is noted for his resistance to the European settlement of
Australia which began with the arrival of the First Fleet in 1788. He is believed to have been a member of the Bidjigal
(Bediagal) clan of the Eora people. Pemulwuy is a member of the Bidjigal people, who were the original inhabitants of
Toongabbie and Parramatta in Sydney. He lived near Botany Bay. Pemulwuy was born with a turned eye. According to
historian Eric Willmot: Normally, a child that showed an obvious deformity would've been, well, people would have expected
that child to be sent back, to be reborn again. It was generally thought that humans, like everything, came from the land. And
that a woman, the actual act of conception, was a woman being infected by a child's spirit from the land. And that child grows
within her. And so he was different and he became more different. He became better than everybody else. Whatever anyone
else could do, Pemulwuy did it better. He could run further, he was one of the best, he could use a spear like no-one else
could. And so, around him, was created an aura of difference. So much so that he was said to be a clever man. In an
Aboriginal society, clever man is often a man who deals with the spiritual nature of things and sorcery even. When Pemulwuy
grew into manhood he became Bembul Wuyan, which represents "the earth and the crow". According to historian Richard
Green "he wasn't very impressed with the mix of cultures. He preferred that we stayed within our own peoples." Another
name for him was "Butu Wargun" which means "crow". Pemulwuy became a kadaicha man of his tribe. Pemulwuy would hunt
meat and provide it to the food-challenged new colony in exchange for goods. However in 1790 Pemulwuy began a twelve
year guerilla war against the British which only ended on his death. On December 9, 1790, a shooting party left for Botany
Bay, including a sergeant of marines and three convicts, including Governor Phillip's gamekeeper John McIntyre. According to
Watkin Tench: About one oclock, the sergeant was awakened by a rustling noise in the bushes near him, and supposing it to
proceed from a kangaroo, called to his comrades, who instantly jumped up. On looking about more narrowly, they saw two
natives with spears in their hands, creeping towards them, and three others a little farther behind. As this naturally created
alarm, McIntyre said, dont be afraid, I know them, and immediately laying down his gun, stepped forward, and spoke to
them in their own language. The Indians, finding they were discovered, kept slowly retreating, and McIntyre accompanied
them about a hundred yards, talking familiarly all the while. One of them now jumped on a fallen tree and, without giving the
least warning of his intention, launched his spear at McIntyre and lodged it in his left side. The person who committed this
wanton act was described as a young man with a speck or blemish on his left eye. That he had been lately among us was
evident from his being newly shaved. The group was pursued by the settlers with muskets, but they escaped. McIntyre was
taken back to the settlement, gravely wounded. Tench suspected that McIntyre had previously killed Aboriginal people, and
noted the fear and hatred that the Aboriginal people, including Bennelong (an Aboriginal man who Governor Phillip had
captured, in hopes of interaction with the Aboriginals) showed towards him. "The poor wretch now began to utter the most
dreadful exclamations, and to accuse himself of the commission of crimes of the deepest dye, accompanied with such
expressions of his despair of Gods mercy, as are too terrible to repeat," wrote Tench of McIntyre. The gameskeeper died on
December 12. Before then, Colbee and several other aboriginals, came in to see the body. "Their behaviour indicated that
they had already heard of the accident, as they repeated twice or thrice the name of the murderer Pimelwi, saying that he
lived at Botany Bay," wrote Tench. Several historians believe it is likely Pemulwuy killed McInyre out of payback. Governor
Phillip ordered two military expeditions against the Bidjigal led by Tench in retaliation for the attack on McIntyre. He regarded
the Bidjigal as the most aggressive towards the British settlers and intended to make an example of them. He ordered that
six of their people be captured or if they could not be captured that they be put to death. It was Phillip's intention to execute
two of the captured people and to send the remainder to Norfolk Island. He also ordered that he "strictly forbids, under
penalty of the severest punishment, any soldier or other person, not expressly ordered out for that purpose, ever to fire on
any native except in his own defence; or to molest him in any shape, or to bring away any spears, or other articles which
they may find belonging to those people." The Aboriginal people present in Sydney refused to assist in tracking, with Colbee
feigning injury. The first expedition failed, with the heavy loads carried by the British military making them no match for the
speed of the Aboriginal people. According to Richard Green, "with simple spears, rocks, boomerangs, stones, he [Pemulwuy]
defeated the British army that they sent here. Every single soldier except for Watkin Tench, that they sent in pursuit of
Pemulwuy either walked back into the community with their saddle over their shoulders or they didn't make it back." During
the second expedition they took women prisoners and shot at two men. One of whom, Bangai, was wounded and later found
dead. Pemulwuy persuaded the Eora, Dharug and Tharawal people to join his campaign against the newcomers. From 1792
Pemulwuy led raids on settlers from Parramatta, Georges River, Prospect, Toongabbie, Brickfield and Hawkesbury River. His
most common tactic was to burn crops and kill livestock. Captain Paterson sent a search party to find him but was
unsuccessful. In May 1795, Pemulwuy or one of his followers speared a convict near present-day Chippendale. In December
1795, Pemulwuy and his warriors attacked a work party at Botany Bay which included Black Caesar. Caesar managed to crack
Pemulwuy's skull and many thought he had killed him, but the warrior survived and escaped. But this critically injured him
afterwards. In March 1797, Pemulwuy led a group of aboriginal warriors, estimated to be at least 100, in an attack on a
government farm at Toongabbie. At dawn the next day government troops and settlers followed them to Parramatta.
Pemulwuy was shot seven times and taken to hospital. Five others were killed instantly. This incident has more recently
become known as the Battle of Parramatta. Despite still having buckshot in his head and body, and wearing a leg-iron,
Pemulwuy escaped from the hospital. This added to the belief that he was a carradhy (clever man or doctor). Pemulwuy
recommenced his fighting against the British by November 1797. However his injuries had affected his ability as a fighter and
his resistance was on a smaller and more sporadic scale for the rest of his life. Convicts William Knight and Thomas Thrush
escaped and joined the aboriginal resistance. Governor Philip Gidley King issued an order on November 22, 1801 for bringing
Pemulwuy in dead or alive, with an associated reward. The order attributed the killing of two men, the dangerous wounding of
several, and a number of robberies to Pemulwuy. On June 2, 1802 Pemulwuy was shot and killed by British sailor Henry
Hacking, the first mate of the English sloop Lady Nelson. "After being wounded, all the people believed that he was immune
to British bullets," says Richard Green. "So he'd stand out in front and, you know, stand right out in front of them and take
them on, you know? So after 12 years, his time ran out. He got his shot and he took it." Following the death of Pemulwuy
Governor King wrote to Lord Hobart that on the death of Pemulwuy he was given his head by the Aboriginal people as
Pemulwuy "had been the cause of all that had happened". The Governor issued orders with immediate effect to not "molest
or ill-treat any native", and to re-admit them to the areas of Parramatta and Prospect from which they had been forcibly
excluded. Pemulwuy's head was preserved in spirits. It was sent to England to Sir Joseph Banks accompanied by a letter from
Governor King, who wrote: "Although a terrible pest to the colony, he was a brave and independent character." Pemulway's
son Tedbury continued the struggle for a number of years before being killed in 1810. Repatriation of the skull of Pemulwuy
has been requested by Sydney Aboriginal people. It has not yet been located in order to be repatriated. In 2010 Prince
William announced he would return Pemulwuy's skull to his Aboriginal relatives. The Sydney suburb of Pemulwuy, New South
Wales is named after him, as well as Pemulwuy Park in Redfern, New South Wales. In the 1980s the band Redgum composed
a song about Pemulwuy entitled "Water and Stone". Australian composer Paul Jarman composed a choral work entitled
Pemulwuy. It has become an Australian choral standard, and was performed by the Biralee Blokes in their victory in the ABC
Choir of the Year 2006. In 1987 Weldons published "Pemulwuy: The Rainbow Warrior" by Eric Willmot, a best-selling novel
providing a fictionalised account using early colonial documents as source. Matilda Media re-released the book in 1994 The

redevelopment of The Block in the Sydney suburb of Redfern by the Aboriginal Housing Company has
been called the Pemulwuy Project. In 2008 Marlene Cummins released an eponymous song about
Pemulwuy. This was later presented to Prince William along with a petition to bring Pemulwuy's head
back to his people. In 2015 the National Museum of Australia installed a plaque honouring his role in
Australian history as part of the Defining Moments project.

Binjareb Group
The Binjareb, Pindjarup or Pinjareb is the name of the Indigenous Australian group of Noongar
speakers, living in the region of Southwest, Western Australia between Port Kennedy on the coast,
between Rockingham and Mandurah to Australind on the Leschenault Inlet, and between a point
between Byford and Armadale on the Darling Scarp, south to Benger near Brunswick Junction.

Leader of Binjareb group

Calyute (fl. 1833-1840) also known as Kalyute, Galyute or Wongir, was an Indigenous Australian resistance leader who was
involved in a number of reprisal attacks with white settlers and members of other tribes in the early days of the Swan River
Colony, in Western Australia. He was a member of the Pindjarup people from around the Murray River area south of Perth.
Calyute's family included two brothers, Woodan and Yanmar, two wives, Mindup and Yamup, and two sons, Ninia and Monang.
The arrival of Thomas Peel and his settlement at the mouth of the Murray River had displaced Pinjarup from an important
food source, as the effect of white settlement on the Pindjarup lands at that time were considerable. In 24 April 1834, Calyute
led a raid of 20 to 30 men and women on Shenton's Mill, in South Perth, where they stole half a ton of flour. It is speculated
that the increased tensions were related to a dispute a few months before between the Pindjarup people and Noongars of the
Swan River area. Loss of the white settlers' livestock by the aborigines' dogs, and the killing of kangaroo by settlers may have
also raised tensions between the groups. Following the raid, and at the prompting of Thomas Peel, who was the major white
landholder taking land in the Murray District in which Calyute's people generally lived, a party of soldiers led by Captain Ellis
searched for and captured Calyute and two other Pindjarup named Yedong and Monang. All three were seriously injured
during the capture, but still brought back to Perth where they were publicly flogged. Calyute received sixty lashes and was
then confined to Fremantle Prison until June 10, 1834. In July, a few weeks after his release from Fremantle, a group including
Calyute and Yedong raided Peel's property near Mandurah, killing a young servant of Peel's, Private Hugh Nesbitt and injuring
former Sergeant Edward Barron. Although spontaneous incidents had occurred previously, this was the first time that a
settler, friendly to the natives, had been lured into the bush and murdered. Calyute's motive was apparently in payback
retaliation for his harsh treatment at the hands of authorities in Perth. Previously, on June 1, 1833, Charles McFaull, the then
editor of the Perth Gazette had written, largely in response to unnassociated raids by another Aboriginal leader, Yagan: (...)
although we have ever been the advocates of a humane and conciliatory line of procedure, this unprovoked attack must not
be allowed to pass over without the infliction of the severest chastisement: and we cordially join our brother colonists to the
one universal call - for a summary and fearful example. We feel and know from experience that to punish with severity the
perpetrators of these atrocities will be found in the end an act of the greatest kindness and humanity. (Green, 1984)
Responding to pressure from the increasingly nervous settlers, and against previous efforts in which he had advocated
tolerance when dealing with conflicts between the settlers and the natives, Governor James Stirling assembled a party of 25
soldiers and settlers to hunt the perpetrators of the raid on Peel's property. The party included Stirling himself, John Septimus
Roe and Thomas Peel. On October 28, 1834 the armed soldiers ambushed the Pindjarup campsite on the banks of the Murray
River, south of the present day town of Pinjarra. Between 60 and 80 Pinjarup people came under fire with the number of dead
disputed. Calyute, Yedong and a number of others avoided capture and escaped towards Lake Clifton. Little is known of his
later life, but in May 1840 his group attacked a Noongar camp near Perth, spearing five people. There are no other records of
Calyute and he is believed to have died at an old age.

Bundjalung people
The Bundjalung people (a.k.a. Bunjalung, Badjalang & Bandjalang) are Aboriginal Australians who are the original custodians
of northern coastal areas of New South Wales (Australia), located approximately 550 kilometres (340 mi) northeast of Sydney:
an area that includes the Bundjalung National Park and Mount Warning (known to the Bundjalung people as Wollumbin
("rainmaker"). Bundjalung people all share in common descent from ancestors who once spoke as their first, preferred
language, one or more of the dialects of the Bandjalang language. The Arakwal people are a sub-group or tribe of the
Bundjalung people of Byron Bay.

List of Rulers of Bundjalung people

Bilin Bilin

(c. 1820 - 1901) was a member of the Yugambeh Bundjalung people who gained respect of the colonials and
received a king plate for it. He chose to work with the Europeans and be friendly to Christianity, in so much as distributing
Bibles, while maintaining his traditional beliefs. In his case favoring diplomacy over confrontation helped his ability to stay on
his ancestral land for most of his life. Alternate names for him include Jackey Jackey, Kawae Kawae, John Logan, and Bilinba.
His diplomacy includes demanding equal wages for his people and encouraging them not to leave their land, A Lutheran
Pastor, Haussmann, taught him to read and write.

Minippi

was the King of Tingalpa was a one-time companion to Bilin Bilin, who died when the two were returning from a
trip to Brisbane. He is buried near the suburb of Waterford West, but the exact location is unknown.

Aboriginal leader of the Albert in the South of Queensland

Billy was the King of the Albert who was an Aboriginal leader in the South of Queensland. Little is known about his historical
identity, although he was a contemporary of Bilin Bilin and Minippi and may have played a significant part in the Indigenous
history of the Gold Coast.

Aboriginal leader of the Western Australia

Warrandy

was the King of Geraldton, also known as "King Billy" was one of Western Australia's Aboriginal leaders to be
presented with a king plate.

Bunurong People
The Bunurong (also spelt Bunwurrung, Boonwerung, Bunurowrung, Boonoorong and Bururong) are Indigenous Australians of
the Kulinnation, who occupy South-Central Victoria, Australia. Prior to European settlement, they lived as all people of the
Kulin nation lived,sustainably on the land, predominantly as hunters and gatherers, for tens of thousands of years. They were
referred to by Europeans as the Western Port or Port Philip tribe and were in alliance with other tribes in the Kulin nation,
having particularly strong ties to theWurundjeri people. The Bunurong territory extended along the northern, eastern and
southern shorelines of Port Phillip, the Mornington Peninsula, Western Port and its two main islands, and land to the southeast down to Wilsons Promontory. From 2005 the Bunurong people have been represented by the Bunurong Land Council.
They are also recognised in the name of the Bunurong Marine National Park.

List of Headmans (arweet) of the Boonwurrung people

Derrimut (or

Derremart or Terrimoot) (around 1810 - May 28, 1864), was a headman or arweet of the
Boonwurrung people from the Melbourne area of Australia. He informed the early European settlers in
October 1835 of an impending attack by "up-country tribes". The colonists armed themselves, and the
attack was averted. Benbow from the Bunurong and Billibellary, from the Wurundjeri, also acted to protect
the colonists in what is perceived as part of their duty of hospitality. He fought in the late 1850s and early
1860s to protect Boonwurrung rights to live on their land at Mordialloc Reserve. When the reserve was
closed in July 1863, his people were forced to unite with the remnants of Woiwurrung and other Victorian
Aboriginal communities to settle Coranderrk Mission station, near Healsville. Derrimut became very
disillusioned and died in a Benevolent Asylum at the age of about 54 years in 1864. In his honour, over his
body, interred in the Melbourne General Cemetery according to European rather than Aboriginal rites, a tombstone was
erected. The Melbourne suburb of Derrimut is named after him.

Ningerranarro (died

1847) also known as Benbow was a headman or arweet of the Boonwurrung people from
the Melbourne area of Australia.

Dja Dja Wurrung

Dja Dja Wurrung, also known as the Jaara people and Loddon River tribe, is a native Aboriginal tribe which occupied the
watersheds of the Loddon and Avoca Rivers in the Bendigo region of central Victoria, Australia. They were part of
the Kulin alliance of tribes. There were 16 clans, which adhered to a patrilineal system. Like the other Kulin peoples there
were two moieties: Bunjil the eagle and Waa the crow. The Dja Dja Wurrung were bound to their land by their spiritual belief
system deriving from the Dreaming, when mythic beings had created the world, the people and their culture. They were part
of established trade networks which allowed goods and information to flow over substantial distances. There is evidence that
smallpox swept through the Dja Dja Wurrung in 1789 and 1825, which would have decimated the population at the time. The
epidemics were incorporated into aboriginal mythology as a giant snake, the Mindye, sent by Bunjil, to blow magic dust over
people to punish them for being bad. The trade networks would have carried news of the strange white men settling on
the Eora land in the early 1790s and progressively invading peoples further west and south-west of Sydney. Thomas
Mitchell was probably the first white man to be seen in Dja Dja Wurrung country when he explored and surveyed central
Victoria in 1836, reporting he had found large fertile plains. The invasion of the Goulburn and Loddon Districts began the
following year by squatters eager to carve out a station and run.

Clan Head of the Liarga balug and Spiritual Leader or neyerneyemeet of the Dja Dja
Wurrung people
Munangabum (died

1846) was an influential clan head of the Liarga balug and Spiritual Leader or neyerneyemeet of
the Dja Dja Wurrung people in central Victoria, Australia. He was influential in shaping his peoples response to invasion and
European settlement in the 1830s and 1840s. He was gaoled in 1840 for sheep-stealing which resulted in Dja Dja Wurrung
people traveling to Melbourne to plead for his release. Woiwurrung and Djadja wurrung people feared that unless
Munangabum was released, he would move Bunjil to release the Mindye causing a plague to black and white. Munangabum
was released from Gaol in August 1840. On February 7,1841 Munangabum was shot and wounded in the shoulder by settlers
while his companion Gondiurmin died at Far Creek Station, west of Maryborough. Three settlers were later apprehended and
tried on May 18, 1841 for the murder of Gondiurmin but were acquitted for want of evidence, as aborigines could not give
evidence in courts of law. In 1841 he acted as an envoy for Assistant Protector of Aborigines Edward Stone Parker, and almost
died from lack of water for three days on an expedition to the Mallee. Munangabum was murdered in 1846 by a rival clanhead from the south.

Eora people
The Eora people (pron.: /jr/), a group of indigenous people of Australia, are those Australian Aborigines that were united
by a common language, strong ties of kinship and survived as skilled hunterfishergatherers in family groups or clans

scattered along the coastal area of what is now known as the Sydney basin, in New South Wales, Australia. Their traditional
territory spreads from theGeorges River and Botany Bay in the south, to Port Jackson, north to Pittwater at the mouth of
the Hawkesbury River, and west along the river to Parramatta. The indigenous people identify themselves as Eora, meaning
simply "the people", a word derived from Ee (yes) and ora (here, or this place). The language of the people is also called Eora.
With a traditional heritage spanning thousands of years, approximately 70 per cent of the Eora people died out during the
nineteenth century as a result of smallpox, other pathogens and viruses, and the destruction of their natural food sources.

Senior Man of the Eora, an Aboriginal (Koori) people

Woollarawarre Bennelong (c.

1764 January 3, 1813) (also: "Baneelon") was a senior

man of the Eora, an Aboriginal (Koori) people of the Port Jackson area, at the time of the first British
settlement in Australia, in 1788. Bennelong served as an interlocutorbetween the Eora and the
British, both in Sydney and in the United Kingdom. Bennelong was a member of the Wangal clan,
connected with the south side of Parramatta River, having close ties with the Wallumedegal clan, on
the north side of the river, and the Burramattagal clan near today's Parramatta. He had several
sisters, including Warreeweer and Carangarang, who married important men from nearby clans,
thereby creating political links for their brother. Bennelong had a daughter named Dilboong who
died in infancy, and a son who was adopted by Rev. William Walker, who christened him Thomas
Walker Coke. Thomas died after a short illness aged about 20. Bennelong was brought to the
settlement at Sydney Cove in November 1789 by order of the governor, Arthur Phillip, who was
under instructions from King George III to establish relationships with the indigenous populations. At that time the Eora
conscientiously avoided contact with the newcomers, and in desperation Phillip resorted to kidnap. A man
named Arabanoo was captured, but he, like many other Aboriginal people near the settlement, died in a smallpox epidemic a
few months later in May 1789. Bennelong (married at the time to Barangaroo) was captured with Colbee (married to
Daringa) in November 1789 as part of Phillip's plan to learn the language and customs of the local people. Colbee soon
escaped, but Bennelong stayed in the settlement for about six months. He then escaped also, but renewed contact with
Phillip as a free man. About three months after his escape, he organised for Phillip to visit Manly where he was speared in the
shoulder, most likely as payback for the kidnappings. He maintained ongoing good relations with the colony and in a gesture
of kinship, gave Phillip the Aboriginal name Wolawaree. He learned to speak English. In 1790, Bennelong asked the governor
to build him a hut on what became known as Bennelong Point, now the site of the Sydney Opera House. Bennelong and also
the another Aborigine named Yemmer rawanie (or Imeerawanyee) travelled with Phillip to England in 1792. Many historians
have claimed that they were presented to King George III, but there is no direct evidence that this occurred. although soon
after their arrival in England they were hurriedly made clothes that would have been suitable for their presentation to the
King. Jack Brook reconstructs some of their activities from the expense claims lodged with the government. They visited St
Paul's Cathedral and the Tower of London. A boat was hired, and they went bathing. They went to the theatre. While in
London they resided with Henry Waterhouse, and when Yemmerrawanie became sick, they moved to Eltham and resided at
the house of Edward Kent where they were tended by Mr and Mrs Phillips, and met Lord Sydney. Yemmerrawanie died while in
Britain after a serious chest infection, and Bennelong's health deteriorated. He returned to Sydney in February 1795
on HMS Reliance, the ship that took surgeon George Bass to the colony for the first time. He taught Bass some of his
language on the voyage. Bennelong arrived back in Sydney on September 7, 1795. He returned to a respected position in the
colony, advising Governor Hunter as he had advised and educated Phillip, and also returned to a prominent position in Eora
political and cultural life. He frequently participated in payback battles, and officiated at ceremonies, including the last
recorded initiation ceremony in Port Jackson in 1797. By the early 19th century, he was the leader of a 100-strong clan living
on the north side of the river to the west of Kissing Point in Wallumedagal country. A letter he had drafted in 1796 to Mr and
Mrs Phillips is the first known text written in English by an indigenous Australian, thanking Mrs Phillips for caring for him in
England, and asking for stockings and a handkerchief. Bennelong's health was perhaps damaged by the consumption of
alcohol, one of the most popular pastimes in the colony. He died at Kissing Point (now known as Putney, in Sydney's North
West) on January 3, 1813, and was buried in the orchard of the brewer James Squire, a great friend to Bennelong and his
clan. On March 20, 2011 Dr Peter Mitchell of Macquarie University announced that he had located the actual grave site in the
garden of a private house in present day Putney. He stated that local aboriginal authorities will be consulted about possible
further exploration of the site. His obituary in the Sydney Gazette was unflattering, insisting that "...he was a thorough
savage, not to be warped from the form and character that nature gave him...", which reflected the feelings of some in
Sydney's white society that Bennelong had abandoned his role as ambassador in his last years, and also reflects the
deteriorating relations between the two groups as more and more land was cleared and fenced for farming, and the
hardening attitudes of many colonists towards 'savages' who were not willing to give up their country and become labourers
and servants useful to the colonists. Bennelong's people mourned his death with a traditional payback battle for which about
two hundred people gathered. It was witnessed by a passenger on the schooner Henriettawho reported it in a letter to the
Caledonian Mercury. They wrote that spears flew very thick, and about thirty men were wounded. As a mark of
respect, Colebee's nephew Nanberry, who died in 1821, was buried with Bennelong at his request. Bidgee Bidgee, who led
the Kissing Point clan for twenty years after Bennelong's death, also asked to be buried with Bennelong, but there is no record
of his death or where he is buried. A park in the area of Kissing Point, near where Bennelong died, is named Bennelong Park.
The seat of Bennelong in the Federal parliament is named after him. Bennelong was the first Australian Indigenous person to
be honoured in the name of an electoral division. Bennelong Point, today the site of the Sydney Opera House, is named after
him. A memorial in Cleves Park, in Putney, New South Wales, is erected to mark the area near where he is thought to be
buried. An ostracod genus, Bennelongia has been named after him in 1981. This genus is endemic to Australia and New
Zealand.

Girai wurrung
The Girai wurrung are Indigenous Australian people who traditionally occupied the territory between Mount Emu Creek and
the Hopkins River up to Mount Hamilton, and the Western Otways from the Gellibrand River to the Hopkins River. The territory
was bordered by the Djab wurrung and Wada wurrung in the north, the Dhauwurd wurrung in the west, and the Djargurd
Wurrung, Gulidjanand Gadubanud in the east. The Framlingham Aboriginal Reserve was established in Girai wurrung territory
bordering the Gunditjmara(Dhauwurd wurrung) people.

Clan-Head of the
Australian tribe

Gunaward

gundidj

clan

of

the

Girai

Wurrung

Indigenous

Kaarwin Kuunawarn (hissing swan) was the clan-head of the Gunaward gundidj clan of the Girai Wurrung
Indigenous Australian tribe of Lake Connewarren, west of Mortlake in Australia.

Kuringgai
Kuringgai (also spelled Ku-ring-gai, Kuring-gai, Guringai) (pronunciation: /jr/), a group of indigenous people of
Australia, are those Australian Aborigines that were united by a common language, strong ties of kinship and survived as
skilled hunterfishergatherers in family groups or clans scattered along the coastal area of what is now known as the Sydney
basin, in New South Wales,Australia. Their traditional territory spreads from the north of Sydney Harbour, through Lane Cove
River, Middle Harbour, Pittwater, theHawkesbury River, Broken Bay, Brisbane Water, and Central Coast to north of Tuggerah
Lakes.

Chief of Kurringgai people

Bungaree (1775

- November 24, 1830) was an Aboriginal Australian from the Broken Bay area, who
was known as an explorer, entertainer, and Aboriginal community leader. He became a familiar sight in
colonial Sydney, dressed in a succession of military and naval uniforms that had been given to him. His
distinctive outfits and notoriety within colonial society, as well as his gift for humour and mimicry,
especially his impressions of past and present governors, made him a popular subject for portrait painters.
Bungaree first came to prominence in 1798, when he accompanied Matthew Flinders on a coastal survey
as an interpreter, guide and negotiator with local indigenous groups. He later accompanied Flinders on his
circumnavigation of Australia between 1801 and 1803. Flinders was the cartographer of the first complete
map of Australia, filling in the gaps from previous cartographic expeditions,and was the most prominent advocate for naming
the continent "Australia". Flinders noted that Bungaree was "a worthy and brave fellow" who, on more than one occasion,
saved the expedition. Bungaree continued his association with exploratory voyages when he accompanied Phillip Parker
King to north-western Australia in 1817. In 1815, Governor Lachlan Macquarie dubbed Bungaree "Chief of the Broken Bay
Tribe" and presented him with 15 acres (61,000 m2) of land on Georges Head. He was also known by the titles "King of Port
Jackson" and "King of the Blacks". Bungaree spent the rest of his life ceremonially welcoming visitors to Australia, educating
people about Aboriginal culture (especially boomerang throwing), and soliciting tribute, especially from ships visiting Sydney.
In 1828, he and his clan moved to the Governor's Domain, and were given rations, with Bungaree described as 'in the last
stages of human infirmity'. He died at Garden Island on November 24, 1830 and was buried inRose Bay. Obituaries of him
were carried in the Sydney Gazette and the Australian. Bongaree in Queensland is named after him.

Noongar people
The Noongar (pron.: /n/; alternatively spelt Nyungar, Nyoongar, Nyoongah, Nyungah, or Noonga) are anIndigenous
Australian people who live in the south-west corner of Western Australia, from Geraldton on the west coast toEsperance on
the south coast. Traditionally, they inhabited the region from Jurien Bay to the southern coast of Western Australia, and east
to what is now Ravensthorpe and Southern Cross. The Noongar traditionally spoke dialects of theNoongar language, a
member of the large Pama-Nyungan language family, but generally today speak Australian Aboriginal English, a dialect of
the English language interspersed with Noongar words and grammar. Prior to the arrival of Europeans, the Noongar
population has been variously estimated at between 6,000 and some tens of thousands. Colonization by the British resulted
in both violence and new diseases, taking a heavy toll on the population. Nowadays, however, according to the Noongar
themselves, they number more than 28,000. The 2001 censusfigures showed that 21,000 people identified themselves as
indigenous in the south-west of Western Australia. In 2006, the community claimed to number over 28,000 people. Today,
most of the Noongar live in the Perth Metropolitan Region. Traditional Noongar made a living by hunting and trapping a
variety of game, including kangaroos, possums and wallabies; by fishing using spears and fish traps; as well as by gathering
an extensive range of edible wild plants, including wattle seeds. Nuts of the zamia palm were something of a staple food,
though it required extensive treatment to remove its toxicity. Noongar people utilized quartz instead of flint for spear and
knife edges. The Noongar people saw the arrival of Europeans as the returning of deceased people. As they approached from
the west, they called the newcomers Djanga (or djanak), meaning "white spirits"

List of Chiefs of the Noongar people

Midgegooroo

(died May 22, 1833) was an Indigenous Australian of the Noongar nation, who played a key role in
Indigenous resistance to white settlement in the area of Perth, Western Australia. Everything documented about Midgegooroo
(variously spelled in the record as Midgeegaroo, Midgegarew, Midgegoorong, Midgegoroo, Midjegoorong, Midjigoroo,
Midgigeroo, Midjigeroo, Migegaroo, Migegaroom, Migegooroo, Midgecarro, Widgegooroo) is mediated through the eyes
of the colonisers, some of whom, notably G.F. Moore, Robert Menli Lyon and Francis Armstrong, derived their information from
discussions with contemporary Noongar people, in particular the son of Midgegooroo, Yagan. Largely due to his exploits in
opposing colonisation and his relationship with Lyon and Moore, Yagan has a much sharper historical profile than his father.
Midgegooroo was executed by firing squad and without trial under the authority of Lieutenant Governor Frederick Irwin in
1833. Nothing is known of Midgegooroo's life prior to the arrival of white settlers in 1829. At that time, Midgegooroo was the
leader of his home country, Beeliar, which stretched from the Indian Ocean to the Canning River, south of the Swan River.
Robert Menli Lyon reported that the northernmost land in Beeliar adjoined 'Melville Water and the Canning, and was bordered
'by the mountains on the east; by the sea on the west; and by a line, due east, from Mangles Bay, on the south.
Midgegooroo's main camp (headquarters) was a place known as Mendyarrup, situated somewhere in Gaudoo, suggesting
that it was in the vicinity of Blackwall Reach and Point Walter. However, Midgegooroo's family had some rights to use
resources on a large part of what is now metropolitan Perth, and were able to move freely about an even larger area,
presumably due to kinship ties with neighbours. For example, he was seen on some occasions as far afield as near Lake
Monger and the Helena River. In 1830, Midgegooroo was reported to be an older man, short in stature with long hair and a
remarkable bump on his forehead, a physical description repeated on occasions over the next two and a half years,
including in a deposition presented in evidence before his execution. Midgegooroo appears to have remained aloof from the
colonists. There is evidence that he occasionally engaged in friendly communications with some local farmers, including Erin
Entwhistle, a man he speared in 1831. Unlike some of the other named Aboriginal people of the region, including Yagan,
Weeip and Yellagonga, Midgegooroo does not appear to have ever performed casual labour for colonists in any capacity, and

continued to move around Beeliar with his wives and children. He was described as consistently hostile to the presence of
Europeans on his country; a dangerous and furious ruffian. He had at least two wives, the older described as rather tall and
wanting her front teeth, the younger of whom was named Ganiup, and at least four sons, Yagan, Narral, Billy and Willim, and
at least one brother. He appears to have spent much of his time taking care of the women and children of the tribe. Early
relationships between Noongar and colonists at the Swan River colony have been documented by Neville Green and Bevan
Carter. Both document a story in which Aboriginals of the Swan and Canning River areas consistently demonstrated their
opposition to colonisation, initially manifested by shouted warnings and aggressive postures, but increasingly by hostility and
violence. Lieutenant Governor Sir James Stirling, in his proclamation of the colony in June 1829, warned that Aboriginal people
were protected by British laws and any colonist convicted of behaving in a fraudulent, cruel or felonious Manner towards the
Aborigines of the Country would be dealt with as if the same had been committed against any other of His Majestys
subjects. Nonetheless, the first ten years of colonisation witnessed a significant level of violence in which a number of
Europeans and Aboriginal people lost their lives. The actual death toll is unknown, but Carter in particular argues that the
numbers of Aboriginal dead far exceeded the losses in the European community. It took some time before Swan River
colonisers in the first four years of the settlement began to record the names of the Aboriginals of the Swan River region, but
it is highly likely that Midgegooroo would have been one of those who observed the first British explorations in 1827 and the
subsequent establishment in June 1829 of the port of Fremantle, the capital at Perth, satellite settlements at Guildford and
further inland at York, and the network of small farms around the area. His first appearance in the colonial record may have
been in May 1830 when an old man, tentatively identified by Sylvia Hallam and Lois Tilbrook as Midgegooroo, was found and
beaten by a military detachment plucking two turkeys which had been stolen from a farm on the Canning River. The next day,
a group of eight Aboriginal men, including Dencil attacked a farm near Kelmscott and injured a settler named J.R. Phillips
with whom they had always been friendly. If Hallam and Tilbrook are correct and the old man was indeed Midgegooroo, he
would quite early have been subjected to European violence in retaliation for actions he did not fully comprehend. In
December 1830, Midgegooroo was camping by Lake Monger when two white labourers who were passing by stopped to shake
hands with a group of indigenous women. When the two men returned later that day, Midgegooroo scared them off by
threatening to spear one of them. In about February 1831, Midgegooroo was reported to have come to Lionel Samsons store
in Fremantle and was given biscuits by a servant James Lacey. Midgegooroo was not satisfied, I was obliged to put him out of
the store by force. As I was in the act of shutting the door he threw a spear at me through the open space of the door-way; it
lodged in the opposite side. I went out of the store with a pickaxe in my hand to drive him out of the yard he retreated
when he saw me, and as I supposed he was going away, I threw down the pickaxe he ran towards it, picked it up, and was
in the act of throwing it at me, upon which I ran away, he then threw the pickaxe down the well. A few weeks later,
Midgegooroo was involved in an incident that came to play a crucial part in his eventual execution. In apparent retaliation for
the killing of an Aboriginal man in the act of taking potatoes and a fowl from the farm of Archibald Butler near Point Walter,
Midgegooroo and Yagan attacked Butlers homestead and killed a servant Erin Entwhistle, whose son Ralph, then aged about
ten, gave a deposition identifying Midgegooroo as the principal offender: "They thrust spears through the wattle wall of the
house my father was ill at the time he went out and was instantly speared. I saw the tall native called Yagan throw the
first spear which entered my fathers breast, and another native Midgegooroo threw the second spear, which brought my
father to the ground. I am quite sure the native now in Perth jail is the very same who threw the second spear at my father I
know him by the remarkable Bump on his forehead and I had full time to mark him on the day of the Murder, for when my
father fell, I and my brother ran into the inner room, and hid ourselves beneath the bed-stead. Midgegooroo came in and
pulled all the clothes and bedding off the bed-stead, but there was a sack tied to the bottom of it, which he could not pull off,
and by which we were still hid from him. I saw an old women rather tall and wanting her front teeth and who I have since
been told by Midgegooroo himself is his wife, break my fathers legs, and cut his head to pieces with an axe Munday was
one of the natives who attacked the house, but I did not see him throw a spear. My father had always been kind to
Midgegooroos tribe, and on good terms with them." In May 1833, colonist Charles Bourne recalled having sat on a jury
inquiring into the death of Entwhistle which heard the evidence of Ralph Entwhistle and his younger brother. The description
they gave so fully convinced the Jury that Midgegooroo was one of the principle perpetrators of the murder, that the Coroner,
at their request, promised to recommend to the Government to proclaim him and the whole tribe outlaws. Charles Bourne
figured again in the story when, in about May 1832, Midgegooroo and his wife attempted to break into their house in
Fremantle. My wife told me, he recalled, that they had thrown two spears at her, and I saw the spears laying on the floor.
Their violence was such that my wife was obliged to take a sword to them. Later he was reported as having tried to take
provisions from Thomas Hunt at his sawpit on the Canning River. Finally, he was reported as having set his dingos on a
settler's pigs. A police constable Thomas Hunt reported that he had known Midgegooroo for three years: "When I lived on the
opposite side of the river [on the Canning River] he and his wife used frequently to visit my residence. He was always present
when they attempted to plunder and acted either as the spy or the instigator. He has come to my tent door, and pointed to
any provisions which might be hanging up and openly thrust in some other of his tribe to take them away. I have frequently
been obliged to make a show of hostility before he would desist. He has also set two native dogs at my pigs, which they have
followed to the very door of my tent. He and his tribe have repeatedly robbed me whilst I was working at a saw pit on the
Canning, and on those occasions I have watched him, and distinctly observed that he acted as a spy, and gave warnings
when we approached. I have heard almost every person who has known him, speak of him as a dangerous and furious
ruffian." In May 1832, Yagan was arrested for the murder of William Gaze on the Canning River, an incident that lead to his
declaration as an outlaw, imprisonment on Carnac Island with Lyon, and subsequent escape. In March 1833, a number of
Noongar men from King Georges Sound visited Perth at the instigation of the Government. This was the second visit of King
Georges Sound people that year, apparently for the purpose of encouraging amicable relationships on the Swan like those
at the Sound. Yagan and ten of his countrymen had met the first visitors at Lake Monger and, when the next group arrived,
he was keen to present a corroboree for them in Perth before an overflowing audience, which included the Lieutenant
Governor Frederick Irwin. Yagan acted as master of ceremonies, and acquitted himself with infinite dignity and grace.
Although Yagans group was referred to as Midgegooroos group, it is unclear whether the old man also attended. In April
1833, an incident occurred in Fremantle that led directly to the declaration of Midgegooroo and Yagan as outlaws. A group of
Aboriginal people, including a classificatory brother of Yagan named Domjun, broke into stores occupied by Mr. Downing.
William Chidlow, who lived nearby: " perceived two or three natives in the act of breaking into the stores; he aroused some
of his neighbours and each being armed, they surprized the natives in the fact [sic.], Chidlow fired and Domjum fell; the guns
of the persons who accompanied Chidlow were discharged at the natives, as they fled; and there is every reason took effect,
but did not prove fatal. Domjum was conveyed to the jail where he received medical attendance; the ball lodged in his head,
and although the brains were exuding from the cavity, he lingered for three days before he expired." The next morning,
Yagan and a number of others crossed the Swan River near Preston Point and told Mr. Weavells servant that they were going
to the Canning River to spear white man, and fixing his spear into a throwing stick, he rushed into the bush, followed by his
infuriated tribe. At noon, Yagan, Midgegooroo, Munday, Migo and about 30 Natives, who appeared to be friendly,
encountered Mr. Phillips and four other white men, including Thomas and John Velvick, who were employed as farm labourers
at the entrance of Bulls Creek on the Canning River. The white men were loading a quantity of provisions for Phillips farm at
Maddington, onto carts when Midgegooroo inquired about the number of men in the first cart which had already left the
scene. According to a witness, Thomas Yule: "There were about thirty natives present, amongst whom I saw Yagan,

Midgegooroo, Migo, and Munday. Their conduct was perfectly friendly. They appeared very anxious to know how many
persons were to accompany the carts and the direction they were going. A few potatoes were given to them which they had
roasted and eaten. When the carts were loaded and departed, the Natives went off in almost a parallel direction. I saw two of
them pick up spears at a distance of about one hundred yards from Flahertys stores; I separated from Mr Phillips and came
on to Fremantle." Frederick Irwin described the episode in his dispatch to the Secretary of State for Colonies: "They left the
place at the same time with the carts, and in a parallel, tho distant line. The foremost cart had proceeded four miles and was
in advance of the rest a quarter of a Mile, when the Natives suddenly surrounded it and murdered with circumstances of
great barbarity, the two Drivers named John and Thomas Velvick, whose cries brought up the proprietor of the Cart Mr Phillips
of the Canning, who arrived in time to recognize distinctly a Native of great notoriety throughout the settlement named
Yagan, while the latter was in the act of repeatedly thrusting his spear into the body of one of the deceased. The surprise
appears to have been so complete that the deceased had no time to take hold of their muskets which were in the cart. The
fortunate and distinct recognition of the native above mentioned by Mr Phillips, a gentleman of unquestionable character,
satisfactorily identified the tribe actually committing the murder, with that of which the native shot at Fremantle was a
member, and the movements of which have above been traced from Fremantle to the vicinity of the scene of the murders.
The Head or leader of this tribe, an elderly man well known by the name of Midgegooroo, is father of the above mentioned
Yagan, and the native killed at Fremantle, and has long borne a bad character as the repeated perpetrator of several acts of
bloodshed and robbery. He, Yagan, and another of the tribe named Munday (remarkable even during the friendly visits of his
tribe to Perth for his sullen behaviour and ungovernable temper) were recognized by several credible witnesses as being
present, and making the enquiries before alluded to, before the loading of the Carts at Bulls Creek." According to his
account, Irwin immediately conferred with his Executive Council to take such steps for a prompt and summary retaliation, as
the means at my disposal admitted. A proclamation was issued and published in the Perth Gazette offering a reward of 30
pounds for the capture dead or alive of Yagan, and 20 pounds of Midgigooroo and Munday. The proclamation declared
Yagan, Midgegooroo and Munday to be outlaws deprived of the protection of British laws, and I do hereby authorize and
command all and every His Majestys subjects residents in any part of this colony to capture, or aid or assist in capturing the
body of the said Egan DEAD OR ALIVE, and to produce the said body forthwith before the nearest Justice of the Peace.
Frederick Irwin rationalized his actions to the Secretary of State in the following terms: This pecuniary stimulus has had the
hoped for effect, by bringing forward some efficient volunteers among the Settlers whose and occupations have necessarily
given them a more intimate knowledge of the haunts of the natives in the neighbourhood of the settled district than is
possessed by the Military, but no volunteers have received permission to act unless headed by a Magistrate or a Constable.
Parties of the Military have also been in constant movement, traversing the bush is such directions as reports or conjecture
rendered most likely to lead to a discovery of the lurking place of the offending tribes. These parties have all received
express instructions to attempt the lives of no other than the three outlaws, unless hostility on the part of others of the tribe
should render it necessary in self defense. I am happy to say these measures have already been attended with considerable
effect. The whole of this hostile tribe have been harassed by the constant succession of parties sent against them, and in
some instances have been hotly pursued to a considerable distance in different directions. By the time Irwins dispatch had
been received in London, Midgegooroo had been captured and executed. Despite his efforts to convince his superiors that his
actions were justified, Irwin was criticized by the Secretary of State, who would have preferred a sentence of imprisonment,
believing that execution would do little to improve relationships between the Aboroginals and the colonists. But as Irwin
intended, the search for Midgegooroo, Yagan and Munday proceeded quickly as the military and private settlers combed the
region. One volunteer party led by a colonist named Thomas Hunt (according to G.F. Moore, a most appropriate name who
had previously been a constable in London) headed south in the direction of the Murray and came across a number of
native huts not far from the south shore of the Swan. They routed the Aboriginal people there, and pursued a group south,
shooting and killing one man who was believed to be the brother of Midgegooroo and according to Moore, bringing his ears
home as a token. According to the Perth Gazette, throughout the period immediately after the proclamation, Midgegooroo
remained near the property of the Drummonds on the Helena River employed as he usually had been of late in taking care
of the women and children of the tribe and clearly unaware of his outlaw status and his impending doom. On Thursday 16
May, a military party led by Captain Ellis, acting on information that Midgegooroo was in the area, joined forces with a
number of civilians, including Thomas Hardey and J. Hancock. After camping overnight, the next morning they came across
Midgegooroo and his young son: The old man finding a retreat impossible, became desperate; Jeffers, a private of the 63rd
rushed forward and seized him by the hair, Captain Ellis seized his spears and broke them in his hand, he still retained the
barbed ends, with which he struck at Jeffers repeatedly; the alarm he created by crying out for Yagan, and the apprehensions
of his escaping, required the exercise of the greatest firmness on the part of Captain Ellis to accomplish his being brought in
alive. The capture of this man as effected in a masterly manner, and redounds highly to the credit of Captain Ellis.
Midgegooroo in his dungeon presents a most pitiable object. In the same issue, the Perth Gazette went on to invite citizens to
forward the ends of justice by coming forward with their evidence of Midgegooroos wrongdoings, indicative of the close
relationship between the early colonial media, the Government and the nascent system of justice. The Perth Gazette
constitutes one of the principle records of the events over the next few days, and it is difficult to be definite about the
chronological sequence between Midgegooroos capture on May 17, and execution on May 22. It appears likely that Irwin
spent the period weighing up his alternatives, consulting with the Executive Council as well as men such as G.F. Moore who,
as well as being a private colonist, held the official post of Commissioner of the Civil Court. On Monday May 20, Moore records
a meeting with Irwin and hints that his personal view was that Midgegooroo should be transported but there was a strong
public sentiment that he should be executed; there is a great puzzle to know what to do with him. The populace cry loudly
for his blood, but it is a hard thing to shoot him in cold blood. There is a strong intention of sending him into perpetual
banishment in some out of the way place. Irwin told the Secretary of State he had conducted a patient examination and
had received statements from several credible witnesses, twelve-year-old Ralph Entwhistle, John Staunton of the 63rd
Regiment of Foot, Charles Bourne, constable Thomas Hunt, James Lacey, Thomas Yule (sworn before Magistrates at
Fremantle) and John Ellis. Each gave brief details of Midgegooroos alleged crimes, and identified the prisoner as the same
man. Irwin reported that he gave much anxious consideration to Midgegooroos punishment: "The experiment of
confinement, which had been tried to some extent in the case of the three Natives whose transportation to Carnac Island and
ultimate escape I have reported to your Lordship in a former dispatch appeared to have produced no good effect on the
subjects of that trial, and the age of the prisoner in question apparently exceeding fifty years, forbad any sanguine hopes
from such an experiment in his case." There was no trial, even in the sense of an informal hearing. Midgegooroo was clearly
not allowed the opportunity to give evidence or defend himself and indeed it is probable that he did not understand what was
being alleged. By May 22, Irwin had made up his mind: "With the unanimous advice of the Council, I therefore decided on his
execution as the only sure mode of securing the Colony from an enemy, who was doubly dangerous from his apparently
implacable hostility and from his influence as an acknowledged Chief. The latter circumstance being also calculated to render
his death a more striking example." The Perth Gazette recorded the execution as follows: "In the absence of a Sherriff, the
warrant was directed to the Magistrates of the District of Perth, the duty therefore devolved upon J. Morgan Esq., as
Government Resident, who immediately proceeded to carry the sentence into execution. The death warrant was read aloud
to the persons assembled who immediately afterwards went inside the Jail, with the Constables and the necessary
attendants, to prepare the Prisoner for his fate. Midgegooroo, on seeing that preparations were making [sic.] to punish him,

yelled and struggled most violently to escape. These efforts availed him little, in less than five minutes he was pinioned and
blindfolded, and bound to the outer door of the Jail. The Resident then reported to his Honor the Lieutenant Governor (who
was on the spot accompanied by the Members of the Council), that all was prepared, - the warrant being declared final he
turned around and gave the signal to the party of the 63rd [which had volunteered] to advance and halt at 6 paces, - they
then fired and Midgegooroo fell. The whole arrangement and execution after the death warrant had been handed over to
the Civil Authorities, did not occupy half an hour." Irwin reported simply: He was accordingly shot, in front of the jail at Perth
on the 22 Ultimo. Moore also recorded the execution although it is not clear whether he was a witness: The native
Midgegoroo, after being fully identified as being a principal in 3 murders at least, was fastened to the gaol door & fired on by
a Military party, receiving 3 balls in his head, one in his body. According to the Perth Gazette, the execution was witnessed by
a great number of persons although the Execution was sudden and the hour unknown. "The feeling which was generally
expressed was that of satisfaction at what had taken place, and in some instances loud and vehement exaltation, which the
solemnity of the scene, - a fellow human being although a native launched into eternity ought to have suppressed." The
aftermath It appears from the extant record that, while there was a crowd in attendance at the execution, few if any
Aboriginal people were present. The boy who was captured along with Midgegooroo, who was identified as his son Billy
(later referred to also as young Midgegooroo) was estimated to be between five and eight years old. He was removed out of
sound and hearing of what was to happen to his father and has since been forwarded to the Government Schooner, Ellen,
now lying off Garden Island, with particular instructions from the Magistrates to ensure him every protection and kind
treatment. Irwin informed the Secretary of State that the child has been kept in ignorance of his fathers fate, and it is my
present intention to retain him in confinement, and by kind treatment I am in hope from his tender age he may be so inured
to civilized habits as to make it improbable he will revert to a barbarous life when grown up. The Noongar population
appears to have remained unaware of Midgegooroos fate, possibly to ensure that the news would not reach the feared
Yagan. Four days after the execution, G.F. Moore recorded an encounter with Yagan near his homestead when he arrived with
Munday, Migo and seven others, possibly with the aim of finding out from Moore what had happened to his father. Moore,
caught by surprise, decided to conceal the truth from Yagan, whereupon Yagan told him that if Midgegooroos life was taken,
he would retaliate by killing three white men. Six days later, it appears that news of the killing had still not penetrated the
Noongar community for, when Moore was visited on June 2, by Weeip, Yagans son Narral, and some women, they asked him
again about Midgegooroo and his young son. Moore again concealed the execution but assured them that his son would
come back again by & bye. Two days later, Moore recorded that thefts of sheep and goats continued on the Canning River,
and expressed his despair at the prospects for a people in whom he felt a very great interest: These things are very
dispiriting. I fear it must come to an act of extermination between us at last if we cannot graze our flocks in safety. It was
not until July 11, that the colonists succeeded in killing Yagan, his death at the hands of sixteen-year-old James Keats on the
Upper Swan, who duly collected his reward and left the colony. The Perth Gazette recorded its satisfaction at the deaths and
believed that most of the citizenry supported the ruthless actions of the Government. Midgegooroos execution, it claimed,
met with general satisfaction his name has long rung in our ears, associated with every enormity committed by the
natives; we therefore join cordially in commending this prompt and decisive measure. On the other hand, it is clear that a
number of colonists were unhappy with the actions of the government. Robert Lyon, who published his account of the period
in 1839 after he had left the colony, wrote that while the killing of Midgegooroo and Yagan was applauded by a certain class,
they were far from being universally approved. Many were silent, but some of the most respectable of the settlers loudly
expressed their disapprobation. There was criticism also from other Australian colonies about the execution of Midgegooroo.
The Hobart Town Review of August 20, 1833 was full of vitriol for Irwins actions: "It is hard to conceive any offence on the
part of the poor unfortunate wretch that could justify the putting him to death, even in the open field, but to slay him in cool
blood to us appears a cruel murder without palliation." Irwin, however, was convinced that his actions were merited. Writing
in England about two years after the events of 1833, he asserted that these acts of justice so completely succeeded in their
object of intimidating the natives on the Swan and Canning Rivers that recent accounts from the colony represent the
shepherds and others in the habit of going about the country, as having for a considerable laid aside their usual precaution of
carrying firearms, so peaceable had the conduct of those tribes become. Shortly after the death of Yagan, the Perth Gazette
expressed hope that the Aboriginal people of the Swan and Canning Rivers would stop harassing colonists. At the same time,
the way in which Yagan met his death was revolting to our feelings to hear this lauded as a meritorious deed. What a fearful
lesson of instruction have we given the savage! the newspaper lamented. Munday approached the Lieutenant Governor
seeking to make peace, and his outlaw status was annulled. Remarking on the apparent desire of Aboriginal visitors to the
Perth town area to renew the friendly understanding, the newspaper nevertheless warned that they ought never to be
out of the sight of some authorized persons, who should have the power of controlling the conduct of individuals towards
them, at the same time as they protect the public from any aggression on the part of the natives. Early in September 1833,
Munday and Migo were taken by a young colonist named Francis Armstrong, later to be appointed to manage a ration depot
at Mt. Eliza, to meet the Lieutenant Governor. With Armstrong acting as interpreter, Migo and Munday told the Lieutenant
Governor that they wished to come to an amicable treaty with us, and were desirous to know whether the white people
would shoot any more of their black people. "Being assured that they would not, they proceeded to give the names of all the
black men of the tribes in this immediate neighbourhood who had been killed with a description of where they were shot and
the persons who had shot them. The number amounted to sixteen, killed, and nearly twice as many wounded; indeed it is
supposed that few have escaped uninjured. The accuracy with which they mark out the persons who have been implicated in
these attacks, should serve as a caution to the public in regulating their conduct towards them. After all the names of the
dead were given, they intimated that they were still afraid that, before long, more would be added to the number, but being
assured again that it would not be the case, unless they quippled, committed theft, they said then no more white men
would be speared. They seemed perfectly aware that it was our intention to shoot them if they quippled; they argued
however that it was opposed to their laws, - which as banishment from the tribe, or spearing through the leg. The death of
Domjun at Fremantle, who was shot in the act of carrying away a bag of flour, they say was not merited, that the punishment
was too severe for the offence; and further, that it was wrong to endanger the lives of others for the act of one, - two of his
companions having been severely wounded. They say that only one life would have been taken for this occurrence, had they
not met with the Velvicks at the Canning, who had previously behaved ill towards them: the attempt which was made at the
Canning to break their spears, it seems, increased their irritation." Migo and Munday went on to describe the arrest of
Midgegooroo: "They were not far off, and heard his cries; the party who took him were all known to them, and they followed
them to within a very short distance of Perth; they evince some anxiety now to be made acquainted with the names of the
soldiers who shot him, and still continue their enquiries about the son; both of which questions it is prudent to avoid
answering, notwithstanding their proferred amnesty. Midgegooroos wives, when they had ascertained that he was captured,
scratched and disfigured themselves, - a usual practice among them - , and when his death was fully ascertained,
Yellowgonga and Dommera fought a duel for the one, and Munday took the other." The Lieutenant Governor proposed that a
meeting of all the Swan and Canning people should be held, but Munday and Migo told him this would have to wait until the
yellow season, December, January and February when the banksias flowered. After the meeting, Migo and Munday were
seen in earnest conversation with members of their tribe, communicating, it was supposed, the results of the interview. A
day later, the newspaper reported that a large corrobara was held in Perth, but that it had been interrupted by some
blackguards throwing a bucket of water over them. It also reported that a few days previously, a white woman had taken

some wood from under a tree, which it had occupied Munday some time to cut. As it was not intended for her, he called to
her to put it down, she however persisted in carrying it off, he threw his saw down and was soon on the ground after her. He
appeared terribly enraged; the female gave him some bread and he was pacified. The town would have been up in arms if
Munday had speared the female, but there can be no question that she as richly deserved punishment as Domjum merited
his fate. Thus, the Aboriginal people of the Swan and Canning were able for the first time to put their side of the story before
the government, and even the Gazette, which had been unrelenting in its calls for harsh punishment, conceded that they
might have a point and that justice, Swan River Colony style, was at best inconsistent. Munday and Migo argued forcefully
that their people had been extremely badly treated. Even in the context of the early nineteenth century, death was an
extreme penalty for the theft of flour and biscuits. Their people had consistently been roughly treated, but their story had
been left untold. The rough treatment at the hands of people such as the Velvicks had been left out of the discourse of native
barbarity, and the dispositions about the role of Midgegooroo, Yagan and Munday in their deaths failed to mention that, on
that day at Bulls Creek, the colonists had tried to seize and break their spears. The colonial government and the colonists of
Perth, however, had no intention of sharing their new possessions with the Aboriginals, who were henceforth to be dependent
on government rations dispensed from ration points. Thus began the long and inexorable history of the dispossession of
Western Australian Aboriginal people from their lands and the loss of their freedoms of movement. In Perth, the ruthless
killing of Midgegooroo and Yagan certainly shocked the people of the Swan and Canning but, far from improving relationships
between coloniser and colonized, violence and robbery continued for some years in the region and further afield. Aboriginal
people of the Murray River felt the full force of colonial fury just over a year after Munday and Migo had expressed their
desire for a treaty, when a large number of their people were massacred in a combined action near Pinjarra in October 1834.
As the Western Australian frontier spread over the vast land area of the colony, other Aboriginal people were to experience
much the same pattern of dispossession, death, incarceration and government repression. Midgegooroo's land rights passed
to his son Yagan, then to his other son Narral. Munday assumed responsibility for his older wife, and his younger wife Ganiup
became the wife of a Noongar named Dommera. By June 2008, the Department of Environment and Conservation,
Conservation Commission and the Geographic Names Committee approved the renaming of the Canning National Park to
Midgegooroo National Park.

Yagan (c.

1795 July 11, 1833) was an Australian Aboriginal warrior from the Noongar tribe who played a key part in
earlyindigenous Australian resistance to British settlement and rule in the area of Perth, Western Australia. After he led a
series of burglaries and robberies across the countryside, in which white settlers were killed, the government offered
a bounty for his capture, dead or alive. A young settler shot and killed him. Yagan's execution figured in Aboriginal folklore as
a symbol of the unjust and sometimes brutal treatment of the indigenous peoples of Australia by colonial settlers. Known
throughout Australia, Yagan is considered a hero by the Noongar people. Settlers removed Yagan's head to claim the bounty.
Later an official took it to London, England, where it was exhibited as an "anthropological curiosity". A museum held the head
in storage for more than a century before burying it with other remains in an unmarked grave in Liverpool in 1964. Over the
years, the Noongar asked for repatriation of the head, both for religious reasons and because of Yagan's traditional stature in
the culture. In 1993 the burial site was identified. Four years later officials exhumed the head and repatriated it to Australia.
Since 1997, the indigenous people of the Perth area argued over how to treat Yagan's head in a respectful way. They finally
buried it in July 2010, in a traditional Noongar ceremony in the Swan Valley in Western Australia, 177 years after Yagan's
death. A member of the Whadjuk Noongar people, Yagan belonged to a tribe of around 60 people whose name, according
to Robert Lyon, was Beeliar. Scholars now believe that the Beeliar people may have been a family subgroup of a larger tribe
whom Daisy
Bates called Beelgar. According
to
Lyon,
the
Beeliar
people
occupied
the
land
south
of
the Swanand Canning rivers, as far south as Mangles Bay. The group had customary land usage rights over a much larger
area than this, extending north as far as Lake Monger and north-east to the Helena River. The group also had an unusual
degree of freedom to move over their neighbours' land, possibly due to kinship and marriage ties with neighbouring groups.
Yagan is thought to have been born around 1795. His father was Midgegooroo, an elder of the Beeliar people; his mother was
presumably one of Midgegooroo's two wives. Yagan was probably a Ballaroke in the Noongar classification. According to the
historian Neville Green, Yagan had a wife and two children. A report in the Perth Gazette in 1833 gives the names of his
children as "Naral", age 9, and "Willim", age 11; however, most other sources state that the warrior was unmarried and
childless. Described as taller than average with an impressive burly physique, Yagan had a distinctive tribal tattoo on his right
shoulder that identified him as "a man of high degree in tribal law." He was generally acknowledged to be the most
physically powerful of his tribe, making him a natural leader. Yagan would have been about 35 years old in 1829
when British settlers landed in the area and established the Swan River Colony. For the first two years of the colony, relations
between settlers and Noongar were generally amicable, as there was little competition for resources. The Noongar welcomed
the white settlers as Djanga, the returned spirits of their dead. Historical reports noted the two groups shared fish. As time
passed, conflicts between the two cultures gradually became more frequent. The settlers incorrectly believed that the
Noongar were nomads who had no claim to the land over which they roamed. Colonists fenced off land for grazing and
farming according to their traditional practices. As more land was fenced off, the Noongar were increasingly denied access to
their traditional hunting grounds and sacred sites. By 1832 Yagan's family group was unable to approach the Swan or Canning
Rivers without danger, because settlers' land grants lined the banks. Needing food, the Noongar raided the settlers' crops
and killed their cattle. They also developed a taste for the settlers' supplies, and began to take flour and other food, which
became a serious problem for the colony. In addition, the Noongar practice of firestick farming: firing the bush to flush out
game and encourage germination of undergrowth, threatened the settlers' crops and houses. In December 1831 Yagan and
his father led the first significant Aboriginal resistance to white settlement in Western Australia. Thomas Smedley, a servant
of farmer Archibald Butler, ambushed some natives who were raiding a potato patch, and killed one of Yagan's family group.
A few days later, Yagan, Midgegooroo and others stormed the farmhouse and, finding the door locked, began to break
through the mud-brick walls. Inside were Butler's servant Erin Entwhistle and his two sons Enion and Ralph. After hiding his
sons under the bed, Entwhistle opened the door to parley and was killed by Yagan and Midgegooroo. Noongar tribal law
required that murders be avenged by the killing of a member of the murderer's tribal group, not necessarily the murderer.
The Noongar considered servants and employees to be part of the settlers' groups. Historians believe the Noongar attack on
Entwhistle was retribution under their tribal law. The white settlers thought the killing was an unprovoked murder and
dispatched a force to arrest Yagan's group, without success. In June 1832 Yagan led a party of Aborigines in attacking two
labourers sowing a field of wheat alongside the Canning River near Kelmscott. One of the men, John Thomas, escaped, but
they wounded the other, William Gaze, who later died. The settlement declared Yagan an outlaw and offered a reward of 20
for his capture. He avoided capture until early October 1832. A group of fishermen enticed Yagan and two companions into
their boat, then pushed off into deep water. The fishermen took the three Noongar men to the Perth guardhouse, from which
they were transferred to the Round House at Fremantle. Yagan was sentenced to death, but he was saved by the intercession
of a settler namedRobert Lyon. Arguing that Yagan was defending his land against invasion, Lyon said Yagan should not be
considered a criminal but a prisoner of war. He suggested treatment should follow rules for POWs. At the recommendation
of John Septimus Roe, the Surveyor-General of Western Australia, Yagan and his men were exiled on Carnac Island under the
supervision of Lyon and two soldiers. Lyon thought he could teach Yagan British ways and convert him to Christianity. He
hoped to gain his cooperation and use his tribal stature to persuade the Noongar to accept colonial authority. Lyon spent

many hours with Yagan learning his language and customs. After a month, Yagan and his companions escaped by stealing an
unattended dinghyand rowing to Woodman Point on the mainland. The Government made no pursuit of the men; apparently
its officials considered they had been sufficiently punished. In January 1833 two Noongars, Gyallipert and Manyat, visited
Perth from King George Sound,[7] where relations between settlers and natives were amicable. Two settlers, Richard [Robert?]
Dale and George Smythe, arranged for the men to meet a party of local Noongars to encourage friendly relations in the Swan
River Colony. On January 26, 1833 Yagan led a group of ten formally armed Noongars in greeting the two men near Lake
Monger. The men exchanged weapons and held a corroboree, though the groups did not appear to share a language. Yagan
and Gyallipert competed at spear throwing. As an example of his prowess, Yagan struck a walking stick from a distance of 25
metres. Gyallipert and Manyat remained in Perth for some time. On March 3, 1833 Yagan obtained permission to hold
another corroboree, this time in the Post Office garden in Perth. The Perth and King George Sound men met at dusk, chalked
their bodies, and performed a number of dances including a kangaroo hunt dance. The Perth Gazette wrote that Yagan "was
master of ceremonies and acquitted himself with infinite grace and dignity." During February and March, Yagan was involved
in a series of minor conflicts with settlers. In February William Watson complained that Yagan had pushed open his door,
demanded a gun, and taken handkerchiefs. Watson had to give him and his companions flour and bread. The following
month, Yagan was among a group who received biscuits from a military contingent under Lieutenant Norcott; when Norcott
tried to restrict his supply, Yagan threatened him with his spear. Later that month, Yagan was with a group of Noongars who
entered Watson's house while he was away. The group left after Watson's wife called on neighbours for help. The next day
Captain Ellis lectured them about their behaviour. The frequent incidents prompted The Perth Gazette to remark on "the
reckless daring of this desperado who sets his life at a pin's fee ... For the most trivial offence ... he would take the life of any
man who provoked him. He is at the head and front of any mischief."
On the night of April 29, 1833 a party of Noongar
broke into a Fremantle store to steal flour and were shot at by the caretaker Peter Chidlow. Domjum, a brother of Yagan, was
badly injured and died in jail a few days later. The rest of the party moved from Fremantle to Preston Point, where Yagan
reportedly vowed vengeance for the death. Between 50 and 60 Noongar gathered at Bull Creek, where they met a party of
settlers who were loading carts with provisions. Later that day, the group ambushed the lead cart, killing two settlers, Tom
and John Velvick. Tribal law required only a single death for vengeance. Some historians have speculated that the Velvicks
were targeted because they had previously been convicted for assaulting Aboriginal people and coloured seamen. Alexandra
Hasluck has also argued that stealing provisions was an important motive in the attack, but this has been refuted elsewhere.
For the killing of the Velvicks, the Lieutenant-Governor Frederick Irwin declared Yagan, Midgegooroo and Munday outlaws,
offering rewards of 20 each for the capture of Midgegooroo and Munday, and a reward of 30 for Yagan's capture, dead or
alive. Munday successfully appealed against his proscription. Midgegooroo, Yagan and their group immediately moved from
their territory north towards the Helena Valley. On May 17, 1833 Midgegooroo was captured on the Helena River. After a brief,
informal trial he was executed by firing squad. Yagan remained at large for over two months. Late in May, George Fletcher
Moore reported seeing Yagan on his property and talking with him in pidgin English. Moore wrote in the Perth Gazette: Yagan
stepped forward and leaning with his left hand on my shoulder while he gesticulated with the right, delivered a sort of
recitation, looking earnestly in my face. I regret I could not understand it, I thought from the tone and manner that the
purport was this:- "You came to our country you have driven us from our haunts, and disturbed us in our occupations. As
we walk in our own country we are fired upon by the white men; why should the white men treat us so?" Since Moore had
little knowledge of Yagan's native language, the historian Hasluck suggests that this account is probably more indicative of "a
feeling of conscience on the part of the white men" than an accurate rendering of Yagan's state of mind. Yagan asked Moore
whether Midgegooroo was dead or alive. Moore gave no reply, but a servant answered that Midgegooroo was a prisoner on
Carnac Island. Yagan warned, "White man shoot Midgegooroo, Yagan kill three." Moore reported the encounter but made no
attempt to restrain Yagan. He later wrote, "The truth is, every one wishes him taken, but no one likes to be the captor ...
there is something in his daring which one is forced to admire." On July 11, 1833, two teenage brothers named William and
James Keates were herding cattle along the Swan River north of Guildford when a group of Noongar approached while en
route to collect flour rations from Henry Bull's house. The Keates brothers suggested Yagan remain with them to avoid arrest.
While he was staying with them during the morning, the brothers decided to kill the warrior and claim the reward. When the
natives were ready to depart, the Keates took their last opportunity. William Keates shot Yagan, and James shot another
native, Heegan, in the act of throwing his spear. The brothers ran away, but William was overtaken and speared to death.
James escaped by swimming the river. Shortly afterward he returned with a party of armed settlers from Bull's estate. When
the party of settlers arrived, they found Yagan dead and Heegan dying. Heegan "was groaning and his brains were partly out
when the party came, and whether humanity or brutality, a man put a gun to his head and blew it to pieces." The settlers cut
Yagan's head from his body, and skinned his back to obtain his tribal markings as a trophy. They buried the bodies a short
distance away. James Keates claimed the reward, but his conduct was widely criticised. The Perth Gazette referred to Yagan's
killing as "a wild and treacherous act ... it is revolting to hear this lauded as a meritorious deed." He left the colony the
following month; it is possible that he left from fear of being murdered in tribal retaliation. Yagan's head was initially taken to
Henry Bull's house. Moore saw it there and sketched the head a number of times in his unpublished, handwritten diary,
commenting that "possibly it may yet figure in some museum at home." The head was preserved by smoking. In September
1833, Irwin sailed for London, partly to give his own account of the events leading up to the killing. This was an unusual
measure, especially given his regiment were about to leave for a tour of duty in India. The Colonial Office indicated that they
were satisfied with Irwin's administration of the colony. Travelling with Irwin was Ensign Robert Dale, who had somehow
acquired Yagan's head. According to the historian Paul Turnbull, Dale appears to have persuaded Governor Irwin to let him
have the head as an "anthropological curiosity". After arriving in London, Dale tried to sell the head to scientists, approaching
a number of anatomists and phrenologists. His price of 20 failed to find a buyer, so he made an agreement with Thomas
Pettigrew for the exclusive use of the head for 18 months. Pettigrew, a surgeon and antiquarian,[44]was well known in the
London social scene for holding private parties at which he unrolled and autopsied Egyptian mummies. He displayed the
head on a table in front of a panoramic view of King George Sound reproduced from Dale's sketches. For effect the head was
adorned with a fresh corded headband and feathers of the Red-tailed Black Cockatoo. Pettigrew had the head examined by a
phrenologist. Examination was considered difficult because of the large fracture across the back of the head caused by the
gunshot. His conclusions were consistent with contemporary European opinion of Indigenous Australians. Dale published
these in a pamphlet entitled Descriptive Account of the Panoramic View &c. of King George's Sound and the Adjacent
Country, which Pettigrew encouraged his guests to buy as a souvenir of their evening. The frontispiece of the pamphlet was a
hand-coloured aquatint print of Yagan's head by the artist George Cruikshank. Early in October 1835, Yagan's head and the
panoramic view were returned to Dale, then living in Liverpool. On 12 October he presented them to the Liverpool Royal
Institution, where the head may have been displayed in a case along with some other preserved heads and wax models
illustrating cranial anatomy. In 1894 the Institution's collections were dispersed, and Yagan's head was lent to the Liverpool
Museum; it is thought not to have been put on display there. By the 1960s Yagan's head was badly deteriorated. In April 1964
the museum decided to dispose of it. It arranged burial of the head on April 10, 1964, together with a Peruvian mummy and
a Mori head. They were buried in Everton Cemetery's General Section 16, grave number 296. In later years a number of
burials were made around the grave. For example, in 1968 a local hospital buried directly over the box, 20 stillborn babies
and two infants who died soon after birth. For many years beginning in the early 1980s, a number of Noongar groups sought

the return of Yagan's head to Australia. It is Aboriginal belief that because Yagan's skeletal remains are incomplete, his

spirit is earthbound. The uniting of his head and torso will immediately set his spirit free to continue its eternal
journey. At the time, there was not a historical trail for the head after Pettigrew passed it on. Tribal elders entrusted the
Aboriginal leader Ken Colbung with the search. In 1985 he engaged Lily Bhavna Kauler as a researcher and they started
enquiring of various United Kingdom museums. In the early 1990s, Colbung enlisted the aid of University of
London archaeologist Peter Ucko. One of Ucko's researchers, Cressida Fforde, conducted a literature search for information on
the head. Fforde successfully traced the head in December 1993. The following April, Colbung applied to exhume the remains
under Section 25 of the Burial Act 1857. Home Office regulations required next of kinconsent before disturbing the remains of
the 22 infants. Colbung's solicitors requested waiver of this condition on grounds that the exhumation would be of great
personal significance to Yagan's living relatives, and great national importance to Australia. Meanwhile, divisions in the
Noongar community in Perth began to develop. Some elders questioned Colbung's role and one Noongar registered a
complaint with the Liverpool City Council over his involvement. Media reports indicated acrimonious debate within the
Noongar community about who had the best cultural qualifications to take possession of the head. The academic Hannah
McGlade claims that these divisions were largely manufactured by the media, particularly The West Australian, which "aimed
to and successfully represented the Nyungar community in terms of disharmony and dissent". She alleges that
one West reporter contacted Noongar who were known to be in disagreement, and quoted one to the other, so as to elicit
provocative responses. The disputes were "trumpeted" by The West, allowing it to "preach" against the infighting. On July 25,
1994 a public meeting was held in Perth. All parties agreed to put aside their differences and co-operate to ensure that the
repatriation was a "national success". A Yagan Steering Committee was established to co-ordinate the repatriation, and
Colbung's application was allowed to proceed. In January 1995 the Home Office advised Colbung that it was unable to waive
the requirement to obtain next of kin consent for the exhumation. It contacted the five relatives whose addresses were
known, and received unconditional consent from only one. Accordingly, on June 30, 1995, Colbung and the other interested
parties were advised that the application for exhumation had been rejected. Meeting on September 21, 1995 the Yagan
Steering Committee decided to lobby Australian and British politicians for support. In 1997 Colbung was invited to visit the
United Kingdom at the British government's expense and he arrived on May 20, 1997. His visit attracted substantial media
coverage, and increased the political pressure on the British Government. He secured the support of the Prime Minister of
Australia, John Howard, after gate crashing the Prime Minister's June visit to the United Kingdom. While Colbung was in the
United Kingdom, Martin and Richard Bates were engaged to undertake a geophysical survey of the grave site.
Using electromagnetic and ground penetrating radar techniques, they identified an approximate position of the box that
suggested it could be accessed from the side via the adjacent plot. A report of the survey was passed to the Home Office,
prompting further discussions between the British and Australian Governments. Of concern to the Home Office were an
undisclosed number of letters that it had received objecting to Colbung's involvement in the repatriation process; it therefore
sought assurances from the Australian Government that Colbung was a correct applicant. In response Colbung asked his
elders to ask the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission(ATSIC) to tell the British Home Office that he was the
correct applicant. ATSIC then convened a meeting in Perth at which it was again resolved that Colbung's application could
proceed. Colbung continued to press for the exhumation, asking that it be performed before the 164th anniversary of Yagan's
death on July 11, so that the anniversary could be the occasion of a celebration. His request was not met, and on the
anniversary of Yagan's death, Colbung conducted a short memorial service at the burial plot in Everton. He returned to
Australia empty-handed on July 15. The exhumation of Yagan's head eventually proceeded, without Colbung's knowledge, by
excavating six feet down the side of the grave, then tunnelling horizontally to the location of the box. Thus the exhumation
was performed without disturbing any other remains. The following day, a forensic palaeo ntologist from the University of
Bradford positively identified the skull as Yagan's by correlating the fractures with those described in Pettigrew's report. The
skull was then kept at the museum until 29 August, when it was handed over to the Liverpool City Council. On August 27,
1997, a delegation of Noongars consisting of Ken Colbung, Robert Bropho, Richard Wilkes and Mingli Wanjurri-Nungala arrived
in the UK to collect Yagan's head. The delegation was to have been larger, but Commonwealth funding was withdrawn at the
last minute. The handover of Yagan's skull was further delayed, however, when a Noongar named Corrie Bodney applied to
the Supreme Court of Western Australia for an injunction against the handover. Claiming that his family group has sole
responsibility for Yagan's remains, Bodney declared the exhumation illegal and denied the existence of any tradition or belief
necessitating the head's exhumation and removal to Australia. Another Noongar, Albert Corunna, then came forward with a
claim to be Yagan's closest living relative. The Supreme Court had no power to grant an emergency injunction binding
the Government of the United Kingdom, so instead it asked theGovernment of Western Australia to object formally to the
handing over of Yagan's remains. The United Kingdom Government responded favourably to the objection, agreeing to
withhold the head until the injunction application had been considered. On 29 August the court rejected the injunction
application, on the grounds that Bodney had previously agreed to the current arrangements, and on the evidence of another
Noongar elder and an anthropologist, both of whom refuted Bodney's claim to sole responsibility. Yagan's skull was handed
over to the Noongar delegation at a ceremony at the Liverpool Town Hall on August 31, 1997. In accepting the skull, Colbung
made comments that allegedly linked Yagan's death with the death of Princess Diana, who had died that day: "Because the
Poms did the wrong thing they have to suffer. They have to learn too, to live with it as we did and that is how nature goes."
Colbung's comments prompted a media furore throughout Australia, with newspapers receiving many letters from the public
expressing shock and anger at the comments. Colbung later claimed that his comments had been misinterpreted.
Throughout the repatriation process, many sections of the international media treated the story as a joke. For example,
the US News & World Report ran a story under the headlineRaiders of the Lost Conk, in which Yagan's head was referred to as
a "pickled curio", and Colbung's actions were treated as a publicity stunt. On its return to Perth, Yagan's head continued to be
a source of controversy and conflict. Responsibility for reburial of the head was given to a "Committee for the Reburial of
Yagan's Kaat", headed by Richard Wilkes. However, the reburial was delayed by disputes between elders over the burial
location, mainly due to uncertainty of the whereabouts of the rest of his body, and disagreement about the importance of
burying the head with the body. A number of attempts were made to locate the remains of Yagan's body, which were believed
to be on Lot 39 West Swan Road in the outer Perth suburb of Belhus. A remote sensing survey of the site was carried out in
1998, but no remains were found. An archaeological survey of the area was undertaken two years later, but this also was
unsuccessful. Disputes then arose over whether the head could be buried separately from the body. Wilkes has claimed that it
can, so long as it is placed where Yagan was killed, so that Dreamtime spirits can reunite the remains. In 1998 the Western
Australian Planning Commission and the Department of Aboriginal Affairs jointly published a document entitled Yagan's
Gravesite Master Plan, which discussed "matters of ownership, management, development and future use" of the property on
which Yagan's remains are believed to be buried. Under consideration was the possibility of turning the site into an
indigenous burial site, to be managed by the Metropolitan Cemeteries Board. Yagan's head spent some time in storage in a
bank vault before being handed over to forensics experts who reconstructed a model from it. After that it was held in storage
at Western Australia's state mortuary. Plans to re-bury the head were repeatedly deferred, causing ongoing conflict between
Noongar groups. In September 2008 it was reported that Yagan's head would be reburied in November, and a Yagan Memorial
Park created as a projected cost of A$996,000; but in November it was announced that the reburial had been rescheduled for

July 2009 because of logistical problems. In March 2009, it was announced that the Department of Indigenous Affairs had
given the City of Swan more than A$500,000 to develop the park. The head was finally buried in a
private ceremony attended only by invited Noongar elders, on 10 July 2010, the anniversary of the
last full day he lived and one day before the end ofNAIDOC Week 2010. The site in Belhus was chosen
as it is believed to be near to where the rest of Yagan's body was buried. The burial coincided with a
ceremony to mark the opening of the Yagan Memorial Park which was attended by around 300
people, including Noongar elders and State government representatives. State Premier Colin
Barnett described the occasion as "a wonderful day for all West Australians." The art works for the
Yagan Memorial Park were designed by Peter Farmer, Kylie Ricks, Sandra Hill and Jenny Dawson. Hill
and Dawson were commissioned to create an entry wall of Yagan's story, and Farmer was
commissioned to design the Yagan Grave site wall and park entry statements. Farmer invited Ricks to
develop a design for the female Coolamon. The repatriation of Yagan's head increased the notability
of this Aboriginal leader. He is considered a famous historical figure throughout Australia, with
material about him appearing in such publications as the Australian Dictionary of Biography, and
Western Australia's school curriculum. He is of greatest significance, however, to the Noongar
people, for whom he is "a revered, cherished and heroic individual... patriot and visionary hero of WA's South-West". The
return of his head was likened by some Indigenous Australians to the November 1993 ceremonial repatriation from Gallipoli of
Australia's unknown soldier. On September 6, 1997 The West Australian published a Dean Alston cartoon entitled Alas Poor
Yagan, which was critical of the fact that the return of Yagan's head had become a source of conflict between Noongars
instead of fostering unity. The cartoon could also be interpreted as insulting aspects of Noongar culture, and casting
aspersions on the motives and legitimacy of indigenous Australians with mixed racial heritage. The content of the cartoon
offended many indigenous Australians, and a group of Noongar elders complained about the cartoon to the Human Rights
and Equal Opportunity Commission. The commission ruled that the cartoon made inappropriate references to Noongar beliefs
but was not in breach of the Racial Discrimination Act 1975 because it was "an artistic work" that was published "reasonably
and in good faith", and was therefore exempt. This ruling was upheld on appeal by the Federal Court of Australia, Some
academic commentators have since expressed concern that the protections offered under the act have been undermined by
the ruling's broad interpretation of the exemptions. From the mid-1970s, members of the Noongar community lobbied for the
erection of a statue of Yagan as part of the WAY 1979 sesquicentennial celebrations. Their requests were refused, however,
after then Premier of Western Australia Sir Charles Court was advised by one prominent historian that Yagan was not
important enough to warrant a statue. Colbung claims "Court was more interested in spending tax payers' money on
refurbishing the badly neglected burial place of Captain James Stirling, WA's first governor." Despite this setback, the Noongar
community persisted, establishing a Yagan Committee and running a number of fund-raising drives. Eventually, sufficient
funds were collected to allow the commissioning of Australian sculptor Robert Hitchcock to create a statue. The result was a
life-size statue in bronze, depicting Yagan standing naked with a spear held across his shoulders. Hitchcock's statue of Yagan
was officially opened by Yagan Committee chairperson Elizabeth Hanson on 11 September 1984. It stands on Heirisson
Island in the Swan River near Perth. In 1997, within a week of the return of Yagan's head to Perth, vandals beheaded the
statue using an angle grinder. Soon after a replacement head was installed and it too was detached and stolen. Credit for the
act was anonymously claimed by a "British loyalist" as an act of retaliation for Colbung's comments about Princess Diana.
The Western Australia Police did not succeed in identifying the vandals, nor in recovering the heads, and deemed it infeasible
to have the statue fenced off or placed under guard. Commentary on the beheadings varied widely. One column in The West
Australia found humour in them, referring to the head as a "bonce" and a "noggin", and finished with a pun on
"skullduggery". Stephen Muecke calls this the "satirical trivialising of Aboriginal concerns"; and Adam Shoemaker writes "This
is the stuff of light humour and comic relief. There is no sense of the decapitation as being an act of vandalism, even less
that it could have been motivated by malevolence.... [T]he piece has a definite authorising function...." On the other hand,
academic analysis has treated the act with much more gravity. In 2007, for example, David Martin described the decapitation
as "an act which speaks not only to the continuance of white settler racism, but also to the power of mimesis to invigorate
our modern memorials and monuments with a life of their own." In 2002, Member of the Western Australian Legislative
Assembly Janet Woollard called for the statue's genitalia to be covered up, but nothing was done. In November 2005 Richard
Wilkes again called for the statue's groin to be covered, on the grounds that such a depiction would be more historically
accurate, as Yagan would have worn a covering for most of the year. Also under consideration is the creation of a new statue
with a head shape that accords better with the forensic reconstruction of Yagan's head. Mary Durack published a fictionalised
account of Yagan's life in her 1964 children's novel The Courteous Savage: Yagan of the Swan River. When reissued in 1976, it
was renamed Yagan of the Bibbulmun because the word "savage" was by then considered racist. The repeated beheading of
Yagan's statue in 1997 prompted indigenous writer Archie Weller to write a short story entitled Confessions of a Headhunter.
Weller later worked with film director Sally Riley to adapt the story into a script, and in 2000 a 35 minute movie, also
named Confessions of a Headhunter, was released. Directed by Sally Riley, the movie won Best Short Fiction Film at the
2000 AFI Awards. The following year the script won the Script Award in the 2001 Western Australian Premier's Book Awards. In
2002, the South African-born Australian poet John Mateer published his fourth collection of poems, entitled Loanwords. The
collection is divided into four sections, of which the third, In the Presence of a Severed Head, has Yagan as its subject. A
section of Kullark, a play by Jack Davis, explores the deteriorating relationship between Yagan and a settler couple. In
September 1989 an early maturing cultivar of barley, bred by the Western Australian Department of Agriculture for
performance on sandy soils, was released under the name "Hordeum vulgare (Barley) c.v. Yagan". Commonly referred to
simply as "Yagan", the cultivar is named for Yagan, continuing a tradition of labelling Western Australian grain cultivars after
historic people of Western Australia.

Noosa People
Noosa are Australian Aboriginal people, about 130 kilometres (81 mi) north of Brisbane in the Sunshine Coast region of South
East Queensland, Australia. The Noosa area was originally home to several Aboriginal groups. These primarily include the
Undumbi tribe to the south, the Dulingbara to the north, and the Kabi Kabi (or Gabbi Gabbi) to the west.

List of Kings of Noosa people

Tommy

was a King of Noosa people in the late 19th century.

Brown was a King of Noosa people in the late 19th century.

Tharawal (Thurawal, Dharawal, Wodi-Wodi) People

Tharawal (Thurawal, Dharawal, Wodi-Wodi) are Australian Aboriginal people of New South Wales in Australia.

King of the Tharawal (Thurawal, Dharawal, Wodi-Wodi) people

Mickey Johnson

(1834-1906) was a King of the Tharawal (Thurawal, Dharawal, Wodi-Wodi) people of

the Illawarra district in the nineteenth century. Much has been written about him, a number of photographs
taken, and in 1896, as part of the region's centenary celebrations, he was proclaimed 'King' in a ceremony at
Wollongong Showground. At the time he was also presented with a breastplate by local politician and
historian Archibald Campbell MLA. Mickey was seen as one of the leaders of the local Aboriginal community,
though precise details of his life and his place in both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal society is yet to be
revealed in any detail. The images on this page represent a gallery of portraits and images taken in nature.
The majority are undated and of vague provenance. A number of photographs are attributed to Samuel
Cocks, a local, Kiama-based photographer, though these attributions are not definitive.

Wathaurong Tribe
Wathaurong,
also
called
the Wada
wurrung,
are
an Indigenous
Australian tribe
living
in
the
area
near Melbourne, Geelong and theBellarine Peninsula. They are part of the Kulin alliance. The Wathaurong language was
spoken by 25 clans south of the Werribee Riverand the Bellarine Peninsula to Streatham. They were sometimes referred to by
Europeans as the Barrabool people. A headman or tribal leader was called an arweet. Arweet held the same tribal standing as
a ngurungaeta of the Wurundjeri people. The Wathaurong lived in the area for at least the last 25,000 years with 140
archaeological sites having been found in the region, indicating a significant level of activity of the Wathaurong people.
Coastal clans of the Wada Wurrung may have had contact with Lieutenant John Murray when he charted Indented Head and
named Swan Bay. Matthew Flinders met several Wada Wurrung when he camped at Indented Head and climbed the You
Yangs in May 1802.

List of Leaders or Burrumbeet balug of the Wathaurong Indigenous Australian tribe

Noonallaboon (18421844) was leader or Burrumbeet balug of the Wathaurong

Indigenous Australian tribe living in the

area near Melbourne, Geelong and theBellarine Peninsula.

Balybalip

also called Bullurp Bullurp, Bil-le-bil-lup, and King Billy of Ballarat (c.1823-1881) was leader or Burrumbeet
balug of the Wathaurong Indigenous Australian tribe living in the area near Melbourne, Geelong and theBellarine Peninsula.

Worope

was leader or Burrumbeet balug of the Wathaurong

near Melbourne, Geelong and theBellarine Peninsula.

Indigenous Australian tribe living in the area

Wiradjuri People
The Wiradjuri people (Wiradjuri northern dialect pronunciation [wirajduraj]) or Wirraayjuurray people (Wiradjuri southern
dialect pronunciation [wirajuraj]) are a group of indigenous people of Australian Aborigines that were united by a common
language, strong ties of kinship and survived as skilled hunterfishergatherers in family groups or clans scattered throughout
central New South Wales. In the 21st century, major Wiradjuri groups live in Condobolin, Peak Hill, Narrandera and Griffith.
There are significant populations at Wagga Wagga and Leeton and smaller groups at West Wyalong, Parkes, Forbes, Cootam
undra, Cowra and Young.

List of Leaders of the Wiradjuri people

Coburn Jackey

was the Chief of the Wiradjuri people in New South Wales. He was presented with his king plate in the
1800s by James White - one of the first European settlers in the region. The two men were good friends and Jackey provided
the pioneering White with much assistance in their time together.

Windradyne (c. 1800 March

21, 1829) was an Aboriginal warrior and resistance leader of the

Wiradjuri nation, in what is now central-western New South Wales, Australia; he was also known to
the British settlers as Saturday. Windradyne led his people in the Bathurst Wars, a resistance
movement by the Indigenous Australians against the invasion of their lands by the British settlers.
Although only limited information about Windradyne is available, mainly from the contemporary
British accounts, it is possible to put together an approximate description of the man. Windradyne's
date of birth is unknown, but on his death in 1829 his obituary in the The Sydney Gazette and New
South Wales Advertiserthought to be by his settler friend George Suttor from 'Brucedale Station'
north of Bathurststated "His age did not, I think, exceed 30 years", thus putting his year of birth at
approximately 1800. Coe's biography of Windradyne from 1989 states that he was handsome and
well built, with broad shoulders and muscular limbs. He had dark brown skin, thick black curly hair,
and a long beard. He typically wore a headband, and had his beard plaited into three sections. However, Coe's description
does not fully correlate with a drawing of a Wiradjuri warrior that is thought to depict Windradyne. When Windradyne visited
Parramatta to meet with Governor Thomas Brisbane in December 1824, the Sydney Gazette (using the British appellation for
him of Saturday) wrote that:
He is one of the finest looking natives we have seen in this part of the country. He is not particularly tall, but is much stouter
and more proportionably [sic] limbed than the majority of his countrymen; which, combined with a noble looking
countenance, and piercing eye, are calculated to impress the beholder with other than disagreeable feelings towards a
character who has been so much dreaded by the Bathurst settler. Saturday is, without doubt, the most manly black native we

have ever beheld---a fact pretty generally acknowledged by the numbers that saw him.At the same event, another observer
wrote that he was "a very fine figure, very muscular ... a good model for the figure of Apollo". Writing in his obituary, George
Suttor described Windrodyne's appearance and character as: ... a man who never suffered an injury with impunity, in his
estimation revenge was virtue, his head, his countenance, indeed his whole person, which was admirable formed, was a fine
specimen of the savage warrior of New Holland. ... his height was near 6 feet, he was of a brave but impetuous
disposition ...
Hostilities between the Indigenous Australians and the British settlers began just a few months after the First Fleet arrived in
January 1788, with casualties on both sides occurring as early as May 1788. While the early confrontations generally involved
few combatants and were relatively rare, as the British population increased and spread further out from Sydney, they came
into contact with increasingly large numbers of Aborigines of different tribes and nations, and the frequency and intensity of
the conflicts increased. These conflicts would come to be known as the Australian frontier wars. For the first twenty-five years
of British settlement, the Wiradjuri's land in the central part of New South Wales remained isolated from the settlers due to
the intervening barrier of the Blue Mountains. In May 1813 the exploration party of Blaxland, Lawson, and Wentworth found a
route across the mountains, essentially by following existing Aboriginal trails. From a peak later named Mount Blaxland, the
explorers claimed to have seen "enough grass to support the stock of the colony for thirty years" on the other side of the
mountains the Wiradjuri country. Later that year Governor Lachlan Macquarie sent his surveyor George Evans to confirm the
findings of the explorers, and in 1814 commissioned a road to be built across the Blue Mountains, which was completed in
early 1815. Macquarie himself travelled the new road shortly thereafter, and on May 7, 1815 selected the site for the town of
Bathurst,[10] thereby opening the region for British settlement. There is evidence that the early encounters between the
Wiradjuri and the British were quite affable. The first recorded meeting with them was by the surveyor Evans in December
1813 on the Macquarie River about 8 kilometres (5.0 mi) from present day Bathurst. Evans wrote in his journal: Returning
we saw smoke on the North side of the River, at Sun sett as we were fishing I saw some Natives coming down the Plain; they
did not see us untill we surprized them; there was only two Women and four Children, the poor Creatures trembled and fell
down with fright; I think they were coming for Water; I gave them what Fish we had, some Fish Hooks, Twine and a
Tomahawk, they appeared glad to get from us; two Boys ran away; the other small Children cried much at first; a little while
after I played with them they began to be good humoured and laugh ... Macquarie himself met with some members of the
Wiradjuri camped at what would become Bathurst on his trip in 1815, making a positive report about their skills and nature,
concluding with "They appear to be very inoffensive and cleanly in their persons"a quite positive assessment for the time.
Macquarie's aide, Major Antill, also remarked positively of the Wiradjuri, writing in his journal "They appear to be a harmless
and inoffensive race, with nothing forbidding or ferocious in their countenance ... They were perfectly mild and cheerful, and
laugh at everything they see and repeat everything they hear". Macquarie then spent a week touring the surrounding area,
meeting with a number of the other indigenous inhabitants. On May 10, 1815 he wrote: After breakfasting this morning we
were visited by three male natives of the country, all very handsome good looking young men, and whom we had not seen
before ... to the best looking and stoutest of them I gave a piece of yellow cloth in exchange for his mantle, which he
presented me with. At this stage, based on his assumed year of birth of 1800, Windradyne would only have been a teenager.
Whilst there is no solid evidence that Windradyne was amongst the people that met Evans or Macquarie's party, it is quite
possible as they were travelling through his clan's country; indeed there are theories that Windradyne may have been the
impressive fellow who exchanged his mantle with Macquarie. Regardless, the process of British settlement of the area would
be slow at first, with tensions between the Wiradjuri and the settlers intensifying to their peak some years later as the
Wiradjuri lost access to their traditional campsites, hunting grounds, water sources, and sacred sites. In the Wiradjuri nation
tensions started increasing after the British began settling the area following Macquarie's visit. While Macquarie had favoured
a slow pace of settlement causing few problems, this changed when he was replaced by Governor Thomas Brisbane at the
end of 1821. Brisbane favoured a faster pace of settlement, and a flood of settlers were granted land in the region; their
influx quickly strained the available resources, as well as relationships with the Wiradjuri.Despite being just a young man in
his early to mid-twenties, Windradyne arose as the key figure on the Aboriginal side resisting this change, in what would
come to be known as the Bathurst Wars. It is suggested that the first hostilities led by Windradyne took place in early 1822 on
the Cudgegong River, when some stockmen were attacked and livestock were released or killed. A number of other attacks
on settlersand in particular their convict workers often working as stockmen or shepherds in isolated areasas well as their
stock were reported. While not directly naming Windradyne as an aggressor, these tactics of the Wiradjuri had some initial
success, with workers becoming fearful, and some stations even reportedly being deserted. In December 1823 'Saturday' was
implicated as the instigator of hostilities that led to the death of two convict stockmen at Kings Plain outraged settlers
appealed for military assistance, and soldiers were dispatched to arrest him. Windradyne went out to confront the soldiers,
and it was reported that it ultimately took six soldiers and a beating with a musket to restrain him. Taken back to Bathurst,
Windradyne was sentenced to prison for one month.[1] The Sydney Gazette wrote on January 8, 1824: Advices from Bathurst
say, that the natives have been very troublesome in that country. Numbers of cattle have been killed. In justification of their
conduct, the natives urge, that the white men have driven away all the kangaroos and opossums, and that black men must
now have beef! ... The strength of these men is amazing. One of the chiefs (named Saturday) of a desperate tribe, took six
men to secure him, and they had actually to break a musket over his body before he yielded, which he did at length with
broken ribs ... Saturday, for his exploits, was sentenced to a month's imprisonment in irons. Following Windradyne's release
hostilities continued to escalate, and some particularly violent incidents are reported from May 1824. The murder of Wiradjuri
people by settlers, including women and children, is recorded from this time, with some sources stating this included close
members of Windradyne's family. There are also reports of settlers leaving out poisoned food, in particular arsenic-laced
damper, for the Aborigines. Another story states that a settler at Kelso offered a group of Wiradjuri, apparently including
Windradyne, some potatoes one day, which they accepted. The following morning the Aborigines (unfamiliar with British
concepts of land or property ownership) returned to help themselves to more potatoes, on what was ultimately their land
anyway. The settler, enraged with this 'theft', rounded up a group of vigilantes and pursued the Aborigines, shooting and
killing an unknown number of this family group. The Wiradjuri regrouped, and Windradyne told the elders that, in line with
Wiradjuri custom, he would lead the revenge against the whites. The Wiradjuri warriors dressed for battle and set out at night
to seek retribution, with the first place they called being the Suttor's Brucedale Station. While George was not home, his
eighteen-year-old son, William was, and he met Windradyne at the door, assuring him that they had had no part in the
murders and expressing his disgust at the actions. William's son would later recount the story: The blacks were troublesome
at Bathurst in those days, the cause very frequently was their ill-treatment by the whites ... Our hut was one day surrounded
by a large party of blacks, fully equipped for war, under the leadership of their great fierce chief and warrior, named by the
whites 'Saturday'. There was no means of resistance so my father, then a lad of eighteen years, met them fearlessly at the
door. He spoke to them in their own language in such a manner as not to let them suppose he anticipated any evil from
them. They stood there, sullen, silent, motionless. My father's cheerful courage and friendly tone disarmed animosity. They
consulted in an undertone, and departed as suddenly and noiselessly as they came. The next thing known of them is that
they killed (was it not just retribution?) all the men at a settler's place some miles distant, the very place where it was
rumoured, the poisoned bread had been laid for them. ... They never molested man or beast of my father's. He had proved

himself their friend on previous occasions ... The revenge attack on the settler, Samuel Terry, occurred on May 24, 1815 at
Millah Murrah in the Wyagdon Ranges north of Bathurst, where he and six other stockmen were killed, with his hut burnt
down, and his sheep and cattle slaughtered. Reportedly this homestead had been built upon a bora ground, an important
initiation place for the Wiradjuri. Attacks on other properties soon followed, with the press including reports of men being
speared, buildings destroyed, stock being killed, and weapons being stolen. The attacks in the north-east were led by
Windradyne, with other groups attacking settlers in the south. The settlers soon sought their own revenge, with armed parties
forming to attack the Wiradjuri. One group was reported to have caught and shot an Aboriginal women with two young girls,
but they had little success against the warriors. Despite their inferior weaponry, the Wiradjuri's superior bushcraft allowed
them to attack unexpectedly, and disappear back into the bush before the whites could respond. By August 1824 the Sydney
Gazette was reporting genuine concerns about the ability of the colony to withstand the force of the Wiradjuri. Due to the
ongoing hostilities Governor Brisbane declared martial law on August 14, 1824. The Commandant at Bathurst, Major Morisset,
was given greater powers to deal with the Aborigines, troop numbers at Bathurst were increased to seventy-five, and
magistrates were empowered to administer summary justice. With the armed settlers now backed by the military the violence
quickly escalated, and the Wiradjuri were terrorised and killed in increasing numbers. While there were reports of massacres
of warriors as they attempted to bury their dead, the main victims appear to have been the Wiradjuri women and children,
shot, poisoned, and driven into gorges. Recent estimates suggest that between a quarter and a third of the Wiradjuri in the
Bathurst region were killed during these hostilities. At the onset of martial law a special reward of 500 acres (200 ha) of land
was offered for Windradyne being taken alive, an offer that was extended to the Aborigines if they would turn in their leader.
A week after the commencement of martial law the word "alive" was dropped from the reward notices, however he was
neither captured nor betrayed. The high casualty rate of the Wiradjuri however took its toll, with many surrendering to the
government, leading to the crisis subsiding. Despite Windradyne remaining at large, Brisbane repealed martial law on
December 11, 1824. With the loss of so many warriors and the severe damage caused to their society, Windradyne gathered
the Wiradjuri again and determined to meet with the Governor to seek a formal end to hostilities. It was customary at the
time for the Governor to hold an annual feast or conference for the Aboriginal people in late December in the marketplace at
Parramatta. The Wiradjuri decided that would be an ideal and safe venue for the proposed meeting, with a large number of
Aborigines from throughout the colony present, and the Governor on the spot, therefore making any reprisals against
Windradyne unlikely. The Wiradjuri, led by Windradyne, travelled nearly 200 kilometres (124 mi) across the mountains to
attend the feast on Tuesday December 28, 1824, with Windradyne becoming the focus of attention and receiving a formal
pardon from Brisbane.The Sydney Gazette reported:
... Parramatta ... never presented a scene more interesting to philanthropy since the institution of the conference, than was
displayed on this occasion. There appeared to be 7 or 8 different tribes that flocked in from various quarters of the Colony ...
. His Excellency the Governor, attended by His Staff, honoured the aboriginal groupe [sic] with His presence about noon; at
which time there were nearly 260 men and women in a circle, exclusive of numbers of fine children. Between one and two
o'clock, a reinforcement of the Bathurst tribe arrived, which was supposed to have increased the number to near upon 400 ...
This was the first conference, we believe, in which any of the New-country tribes deigned to visit the feast; but, upon
occasion of the amicable intercourse lately re-established between them and the Bathurst settlers, they were induced to
break through all fear, and behold those wonders ... . What contributed to give peculiar interest to the scene was the
circumstance of the noted Saturday, the Bathurst chief, being at the head of his tribe. ... Saturday is, without doubt, the most
manly black native we have ever beheld---a fact pretty generally acknowledged by the numbers that saw him. He is
supposed to have suffered severely from unusual agitation, in consequence of the efforts that were resorted to for his
apprehension, owing to which he is said to have decreased so considerably in size as not to be above half the man he was
previous to the commencement of the recent sanguinary contests. Indeed, he seemed far from being altogether calm on
Tuesday---though every possible attention was afforded to remove the least cause for alarm. ... . We should have
remarked that Saturday wore a straw hat, on which was affixed a label, with the word "PEACE" inserted, besides a little
branch representing the olive, which rather increased the interest as regarded him. A number of factors indicate a British
influence on Windradyne here, possibly that of the Suttors the straw hat with the word peace in English, the olive branch,
even the knowledge that he would be relatively safe at the feast. Brisbane reported the meeting to Earl Bathurst, Secretary of
State for War and the Colonies, and Brisbane's superior: ... I am most happy to have it in my power to report to Your
Lordship that Saturday, their great and most warlike Chieftain, has been with me to receive his pardon and that He, with
most of His Tribe, attended the annual conference ...
Windradyne reportedly stayed at Parramatta for some time after the conference, before returning to Bathurst, and did not
attend the feast the following year. Reports from later years occasionally implicated him in raids on crops and altercations
with settlers around Lake George. With little substantial evidence, however, these may have simply been vexatious claims
against the 'notorious Saturday',or attempts by individuals to glorify themselves by association with him. Details of
Windradyne's death and burial in 1829 are somewhat conflicting. They agree that he was injured in a tribal fight by the
Macquarie River and was sent to Bathurst Hospital. Early reports then suggest that he died in the hospital soon after, talking
to his people until the end, and was then wrapped in his mantle and buried nearby with his weapons. An anonymous author
writing from "B-------e" on 24 March 1829thought to be George Suttor from 'Brucedale Station'sent a biography of
"Saturday" to The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser that was published on April 21 of that year. Of his death it
says: ... he fell in a sharp fight ... on the banks of the Macquarie, with a tribe from the South. ... The wound which caused
Windrodine's [sic] death, was a very severe one on his knee, which quickly mortified, and terminated in death after a few
hours. He continued talking to his countrymen, till life was extinct, in the hospital at Bathurst, near which place he was
buried, his body wrapped in his mantle, and his weapons deposited in that grave ... It concluded with a Latin quotation from
Terence, Homo sum, humani nihil a me alicuum puto, meaning "I am a man, I consider nothing human as alien to me". An
editorial comment added: "This quotation from the Roman dramatist contains a fine sentiment for those persons who think
no more of man in a state of nature than they do of a wild animal". George's son, William Henry Suttor (the boy who had
faced Windradyne and the Wiradjuri on the night they were seeking retribution in 1824), also paid tribute to Windradyne in
the Sydney press during April 1829. Later reports passed down within the Suttor family and recounted some years later
elaborated on the above details. They claimed that Windradyne removed his bandages and discharged himself from the
hospital, returning to his homeland and his people, who were camped on the Suttor's Brucedale Station about 12 kilometres
(7.5 mi) north of Bathurst. There he died of gangrene from his injuries, and was given a Wiradjuri burial at sunrise, sitting up
facing the rising sun, (and as reported above) wrapped in his cloak and with his weapons. It is likely that the second account
is the more accurate, as the grave site recognised as Windradyne's is indeed on Brucedale; the original account may have
given only limited details to minimise the risk of some white settlers looking to seek a posthumous measure of revenge on
either the Suttor's, or Windradyne's grave. A Wiradjuri burial site on Brucedale Station containing two graves was marked by
the Bathurst District Historical Society in 1954 with a monument, plaque, and stone axe-head as the "resting place of
Windradene [sic]". In May 2000 the site was placed under a voluntary conservation order, and in the same year the National
Parks and Wildlife Service placed a boundary fence around the graves. The grave site was subsequently gazetted on March
10, 2006 under the Heritage Act as being a site of state significance. The Wiradjuri people still revere Windradyne today as a

great warrior, and his grave site is recognised and respected as an important site. While traditionally carved trees that are
recorded to have marked the site from the time of his burial are no longer present, in more recent times Wiradjuri people
have planted a group of trees around the grave site in a traditional diamond shaped pattern. A suburb of Bathurst is named
after Windradyne, as is one of the student residence buildings at Charles Sturt University, Wagga Wagga. In 2004 Windradyne
was one of two Indigenous Australians commemorated as part of an installation in the New South Wales Parliament Buildings
in Sydney. The other man commemorated was Pemulwuy who fought against European settlement in the Sydney district. Two
cloaks representing each of the fighters were on display. The inscription for the cloak representing Windradyne read: This
leader became notorious during the period of expansion over the Blue Mountains into the Western Plains of NSW. He led the
resistance around Bathurst for many years, gathering together the Wiradjuri tribes." In 1825 he went to Sydney to meet
Governor Macquarie but the war continued until he was killed in an ambush." In 2008 Windradyne's story was featured in the
first episode of the award-winning seven-part SBS documentary series First Australians.

Wurundjeri
The Wurundjeri are a people of the Indigenous Australian nation of the Woiwurrung language group, in the Kulin alliance,
who occupy the Birrarung Valley, its tributaries and the present location of Melbourne, Australia. Prior to European
settlement, they lived as all people of the Kulin nation lived, sustainably on the land, predominantly as hunters and gatherers,
for tens of thousands of years. Seasonal changes in the weather, availability of foods and other factors would determine
where campsites were located, many near the Birrarung and its tributaries. Wurundjeri people spoke the Woiwurrung
language. The term Wurundjeri is paired with the term Woiwurrung in that both refer to the same region. Wurundjeri refers to
the people who occupy the territory, while Woiwurrung refers to the language group shared by the clans within the territory.
The Wurundjeri peoples territory extended from north of the Great Dividing Range, east to Mount Baw Baw, south to
Mordialloc Creek and west to Werribee River. Their lands bordered the Gunai/Kurnai people to the east in Gippsland,
theBunurong people to the south on the Mornington Peninsula, and the Dja Dja Wurrung and Taungurong to the north.
Wurundjeri people take their name from the word wurun meaning Manna Gum (Eucalyptus viminalis) which is common
along Birrarung, and djeri, a grub found in the tree.

List of Leaders of the Wurundjeri people

Billibellary (c.

1799-1846) was a song maker and influential ngurungaeta or leader of the Wurundjeri-willam clan during
the early years of European settlement of Melbourne. He was known by various names including Billi-billeri, Billibellary, Jika
Jika, Jacky Jacky and Jaga Jaga. He was an astute and diplomatic leader, described as powerfully built with an influence and
reputation that extended well beyond his clan. Billibellary's family lived on the north bank of the Yarra from Yarra Bend Park,
and up Merri Creek. His brother, Burrenupton lived on the southern bank of the Yarra upstream ofGardiners Creek. Bebejan,
also known as Jerrum Jerrum and was the father of William Barak, lived on the Yarra River from Heidelberg up to Mount Baw
Baw. Mooney Mooney, angurungaeta of the Baluk-willam clan occupied land from the southeast of the Yarra River to
Dandenong, Cranbourne and the marshes near Western Port. Old Ninggalobin, ngurungaeta of the Mount Macedon clan,
shared joint custody with Billibellary of the Mount William Quarry which was a source of the highly valued greenstone hatchet
heads, which were traded across a wide area as far as New South Wales and Adelaide. The Quarry had been in use for more
than 1,500 years and covered 18 hectares including underground pits of several metres. In February 2008 the site was placed
on the National heritage list for its cultural importance and archeological value. Ninggalobin, Poleorong and Billibellary were
the leading song makers and principal Wurundjeri leaders in the Melbourne region. European colonisation had caused
disruptions to initiation ceremonies. In response these three men gathered at South Yarra and inducted the young William
Barak into Aboriginal lore. This entailed formally presenting Barak with the symbols of manhood: strips of pussumskin tied
around his biceps; the gombert (reed necklace) around his neck; given his ilbi-jerri, a sharp and narrow bone or nosepeg; and
his branjep, the apron worn by men to cover their genitals. At the end of the ceremony Barack presented his uncle,
Billibellary, a possumskin cloak. When John Batman explored the Yarra river and its tributaries he met Billibellary, one of the
eight ngurungaeta he signed a treaty with on June 8, 1835. The meeting took place on the bank of a small stream, likely to be
the Merri Creek and treaty documents were signed along with exchanges of goods by both sides. For a purchase price
including tomahawks, knives, scissors, flannel jackets, red shirts and a yearly tribute of similar items, Batman obtained about
200,000 hectares (2,000 square km) around the Yarra River and Corio Bay. The total value of the goods has been estimated at
about GBP100 in the value of the day. In return the Woiwurrung offered woven baskets of examples of their weaponry and
two Possum-skin cloaks, a highly treasured item. After the treaty signing, a celebration took place with the Parramatta
aborigines with Batman's party dancing a corroboree. The treaty was significant as it was the first and only documented time
when European settlers negotiated their presence and occupation of aboriginal lands. The Treaty was immediately repudiated
by the colonial government in Sydney. The 1835 proclamation by Governor Richard Bourke implemented the doctrine of
"terra nullius" upon which British settlement was based, reinforcing the concept that there was no prior land owner to British
possession and that Aboriginal people could not sell or assign the land, and individuals could only acquire it through
distribution by the Crown. In response to tending an injury and caring for his son Simon Wonga for a period of two months in
1840, Billibellary named his newly born daughter Susannah in honour of Susannah Thomas, the wife of Assistant
Protector William Thomas. In January 1840 near Arthurs Seat William Thomas promised the gathered Kulin clans government
rations until they could set up a self-sufficient community, but Chief ProtectorGeorge Augustus Robinson had refused to
release Government supplies. Fearing for his wife and children Thomas spoke to Billibellary and explained the non arrival of
the rations, and asked for protection for his wife and children. Even though Billibellary was out of his territory, his authority
was unquestioned. Thomas reported that Billibellary said Very good that Mr Fawkner and Batman...Big one Gammon
(pretend) your Mr Robinson and Government. Susannah Thomas released all the stores she could spare and Billibellary
ordered the clans to split up into smaller groups for foraging. On the instructions of Charles La Trobe a Native Police
Corps was established and underwritten by the government in 1842 in the hope of civilising the aboriginal men. As senior
Wurundjeri elder, Billibellary' cooperation for the proposal was important for its success, and after deliberation he backed the
initiative and even proposed himself for enlistment. He donned the uniform and enjoyed the status of parading through the
camp, but was careful to avoid active duty as a policeman to avoid a conflict of interest between his duties as a
Wurundjeri ngurungaeta. Participation in the police corps also failed to stop troopers participating in tribal ceremonies,
gatherings and rituals. After about a year Billibellary resigned from the Native Police Corps when he found that it was to be
used to capture and even kill other natives. He did his best from then to undermine the Corps and as a result many native
troopers deserted and few remained longer than three or four years. In 1845 a school was established on the banks of the
Merri Creek to educate and civilise Wurundjeri children. For the first year or two the school enjoyed strong enrolments, largely
due to the support and encouragement of Billibellary, who sent his own children along. But there were conflicts over teaching
European curriculum and the demands for the teaching of aboriginal lore and ceremony. The death of Billibellary in 1846 led
to a drop in student numbers at the school, with many students drifting away and others becoming disruptive. Billibellary died
on August 10, 1846 of inflammation of the lungs, an ailment which killed many of his people in the period after contact with

Europeans. Billibellary was buried at the confluence of the Merri Creek and the Yarra river (Birrarang) near Dights Falls. His
passing was lamented by Thomas who had developed a deep friendship and mutal respect across cultures. He wrote of
Billibellary after his death: "It may be said of this Chief and his tribe what can scarce be said of any tribe of located parts of
the colony that they never shed white man's blood nor have white men shed their blood. I have lost in this man a valuable
councillor in Aboriginal affairs." After his death, his son Simon Wonga became ngurungaeta of the Wurundjeri-willam clan.

Tullamareena (or Tullamarine,

Dullamarin) was a senior man of the Wurundjeri, a Koori, (Aboriginal) people of

theMelbourne area, at the time of the British settlement in Victoria, Australia, in 1835. He is believed to be present at the
signing of John Batman's land deal in 1835. He was known to be a resistor to British occupation of Wirundjeri lands. He was
described by the Reverend George Langhorne, an early Port Phillip missionary as " a steady, industrious man". On April 25,
1838 he was arrested for sheep-stealing from John Gardiner's property in Hawthorn. During his imprisonment he escaped and
as a consequence burnt down the first Melbourne gaol along with his friends Moonee Moonee and Jin Jin.William Lonsdale, the
first Police magistrate of Melbourne wrote in a letter to the colonial secretary on April 26, 1838:
...I was at first apprehensive that some of the blacks had set the gaol on fire...for the purpose of liberating the three who
were confined, but to ascertain what I could on this point, I went as soon as I was satisfied that the stores and prisoners were
temporarily disposed of after their being taken from the buildings, into the different camps of blacks, of which there were
three in the neighbourhood... Describing how the gaol was set fire to, he says that the other black who was confined with him
got a long piece of reed which he thrust through an opening in the partition between the place where he was confined in and
the guard room, and after lighting the reed by the guard's candle he drew it back and set fire to the thatch roof. The two
blacks got off but one was afterwards retaken, viz. Jin Jin. This affair is much to be regretted, keeping up as it undoubtedly
will the public alarm and agitation regarding the blacks.
Tullamareena was later recaptured and sent for trial in Sydney by ship. His trial was terminated when it was established he
was unable to understand English. He was set free more than 700km from his home and no records indicate further colonial
contact. He has a Melbourne suburb, its airport and the freeway named after him.

Bebejan (birth

unknown, died 1836) also known as Bebejern or Jerum Jerum, was ngurungaeta (leader) of
the Wurundjeri people of the present day Australian state of Victoria. He was at the signing of Batman's Treaty in 1835 and
signed it along with seven other tribal leaders. The contract itself is historically significant as it was the first and only
documented time when Europeans negotiated their presence and occupation of Aboriginal lands directly with the traditional
owners. He was also the father of William Barak and brother to Billibellary.

Simon Wonga (1824-1874) was ngurungaeta or leader of the Wurundjeri indigenous people who
lived in the Melbourne area of Australia. He was resolute that his people would survive the 'onslaught' of
white men. He was son of Billibellary previous prominent became ngurungaeta of the Wurundjeri-willam clan.
In
1840 Simon Wonga injured his foot in the Dandenongs. Billibellary searched for him, and when found carried
him to a homestead where he was transported back to Melbourne by dray to be cared for and have his wound
dressed for a period of two months by Assistant Protector William Thomas and wife Susannah. He
became ngurungaeta or headman of the Wurundjeri people in 1851. In February 1859
some Wurundjeri elders, led by Simon Wonga (aged 35) and brother Tommy Munnering (aged 24)
petitioned Protector William Thomas to secure land for the Taungurong at the junction of the Acheron and
Goulburn rivers. "I bring my friends Goulburn Blacks, they want a block of land in their country where
they may sit down plant corn potatoes etc etc, and work like white man." he told Thomas. Initial
representations to the Victorian Government were positive, however the intervention of the most powerful squatter in
Victoria, Hugh Glass, resulted in their removal to a colder site, Mohican Station, which was not suitable for agricultural land
and had to be abandoned. Finally in March 1863 the Kulin suggested a traditional camping site located atCoranderrk,
near Healesville and requested ownership of this land. Access to the land was provided, though importantly not granted as
freehold. The Melbourne suburb of Wonga Park and Wonga Road are named after him.
William Barak (or Beruk) (c. 1824 - August 15, 1903), was the last traditional

ngurungaeta (elder) or leader

of the Wurundjeri-willam clan, based around the area of present-day Melbourne, Australia. He became an
influential spokesman for Aboriginal social justice and an important informant on Wurundjeri cultural lore.
Barak was born in the early 1820s at Brushy Creek near present-day Croydon, in the country of the
Wurundjeri people. His mother, Tooterrie, came from the Nourailum bulluk at Murchison, Victoria. His father,
Bebejern, was an important member of the Wurundjeri clan. Barak was said to have been present
when John Batman met with the tribal elders to 'purchase' the Melbourne area in 1835. Before he died
he described witnessing the signing of the treaty in a ceremony he called a tanderem. Ninggalobin,
Poleorong and Billibellary were the leading song makers and principal Wurundjeri leaders in the
Melbourne region. European colonisation had caused disruptions to initiation ceremonies. In response
these three men gathered at South Yarra in the late 1830s and inducted the young William Barak into
Aboriginal lore. This entailed formally presenting Barak with the symbols of manhood: strips of possum
skin tied around his biceps; the gombert (reed necklace) around his neck; given his ilbi-jerri, a sharp
and narrow bone or nose-peg; and his branjep, the apron worn by men to cover their genitals. At the
end of the ceremony Barak presented his uncle, Billibellary, a possumskin cloak. Barak attended the governments Yarra
Mission School from 1837 to 1839. When he joined the Native Mounted Police in 1844, he was given the name of William
Barak. He was Police Trooper No.19. In early 1863, Barak moved to Coranderrk Station, near Healesville, Victoria with about
thirty others. Upon the death of Simon Wonga in 1875, Barak became the Ngurungaeta of the clan. He worked tirelessly for
his people and was a successful negotiator on their behalf. He was a highly respected man and leader, with standing amongst
the Indigenous people and the European settlers. Barak is now best remembered for his artworks, which show both
traditional Indigenous life and encounters with Europeans. Most of Barak's drawings were completed at Coranderrk during the
1880s and 1890s. They are now highly prized and exhibited in leading public galleries in Australia. His work is on permanent
display in the National Gallery of Victoria Ian Potter Centre at Federation Square, Melbourne. Ceremony (1895) is housed at
the Ballarat Fine Art Gallery. Barak died at Coranderrk in 1903 and is buried at the Coranderrk cemetery. He was about 85
years old. In 2005 a 525-metre footbridge called the 'William Barak bridge' was constructed stretching from Birrarung Marr to
the MCG, improving the link between some of Melbourne's biggest sports and entertainment venues and the heart of
the CBD. In 2006 a permanent sound installation called "Proximities" was installed on the bridge. It was designed by David
Chesworth and Sonia Leber. Its central section features a welcome song sung in Woiwurrung by Wurundjeri Elder, and Barak's
descendant, Joy Murphy Wandin.

Robert Wandoon (18541908)

was ngurungaeta (leader) of the Wurundjeri people of the present day Australian state
of Victoria. He anointed ngurungaeta by William Barak.

Yirrganydji People
The Yirrganydji people (aka Irukandji) are a group of Australian Aborigines who are the Traditional Owners and original
custodians of a narrow coastal strip within Djabugay country that runs northwards from Cairns, Queensland to Port Douglas
(Mowbray River), Queensland. The Yirrganydji people were, until relatively recently, regarded as seafarers who shared in
common, descent from predecessors who once all spoke Yirrgay (which to early linguists noted as a dialect of the Djabugay
language), and were particularly associated with the coastal strip, river mouths, islands, and seas along the coast between
the Cairns Trinity Inlet and Port Douglas.

Leader of the Yirrganydji people

Billy Jagar,

leader of the Yirrganydji people, received a King plate in 1898 with the inscription of 'King of
Barron'. He then received a second King plate in 1906 with the same inscription. King Billy Jagar later died in
1930 in his Gunyah/Payu [traditional shelter hut] on the Cairns Esplanade at the age of 60. It is recorded by
the Cairns Post, 11 March 1930. Jagar was born in the 1860s on the southern side of the Barron River, before
the establishment of Cairns in 1876.

Yuin
Yuin people (aka Thurga) are those Australian Aborigines from the South Coast of New South Wales who are considered to
be the traditional owners of the land and water from Merimbula to Port Jackson. All Yuin people share in common, ancestors
who spoke as their first preferred language, one or more of the Yuin language dialects, including Djiringanj, Thaua, Walbanga,
or Wandandian. The country the Yuin ancestors occupied, used, and enjoyed reached across from Cape Howe to
the Shoalhaven River and inland to the Great Dividing Range. Two of the Yuin groups include: Walbanga, north of present
day, Narooma and Dyiringanj, or Djiringanj, from Narooma, south to Bega and west to the top of the range.

Elder of the Djirringanj/Yuin people

Umbarra,

or King Merriman (died 1904) was an Aboriginal elder of the Djirringanj/Yuin people of
the Bermagui area on the South Coast of New South Wales. Although Aboriginal people traditionally did
not have kings or chiefs, only elders, the white colonial powers used to often grant king plates to certain
elders, hence the moniker King. He lived on Merriman Island, in the middle of Wallaga Lake, while his
people lived on the shores of the lake. Umbarra was believed to haveclairvoyant abilities, and
communicated with a black duck, his moojingarl, which forewarned him of forthcoming dangers. Many
legends now exist about Umbarra and his moojingarl. One day it told him of a group of warriors coming
from the far south to do battle. King Merriman remained on the island while the other men took the
women and children to a place of safety and then hid in the reeds. The first to sight the approaching
warriors, the King warned his men who fought a fierce battle but lost. The opposing tribesmen then set
out for the island. King Merriman threw powerful spears, and a boomerang which severed the arms and
heads of his opponents before returning to him, but it was not enough. He then turned himself into a
whirlwind and flew off. He passed over the fierce Kiola tribe and their wise men correctly divined his presence and that it
meant the defeat of the Wallaga people and the advance of another tribe. King Merriman journeyed on to
the Shoalhaven tribe to warn them but the Kiola tribe defeated the invaders and the King, whose power was finished, stayed
for a time at the Shoalhaven then travelled away. General access to Merriman Island is forbidden due to its great significance
for Indigenous people it was the first place to be gazetted as an Aboriginal site. A focus of tribal culture, the island is
associated with the story of King Merriman, widely known among the Yuin Aborigines of the south coast. Today, the Yuin
operate the Umbarra Cultural Centre near the Lake. The former Wallaga Lake National Park is incorporated into Gulaga
National Park.

Kingdom of the Cocos Islands

King of the Cocos Islands was a title given by the press to John Clunies-Ross, a Scottish sea captain, and other members of his
family. He went to live on the Cocos (Keeling) Islands in 1827. Queen Victoria granted the islands in perpetuity to the CluniesRoss family in 1886. Thus, the title to the islands was claimed by his descendants, until 1978 when John Cecil Clunies-Ross
sold under threat of expropriation the islands to the Commonwealth of Australia for 2.5m ($4.75m). The Commonwealth had
already been administering the islands since 1955. John Cecil Clunies-Ross currently lives in Perth, Western Australia, but his
son John George Clunies-Ross (born 1957) lives on West Island.

List of Kings of the Cocos (Keeling) Islands

John Clunies-Ross, Ross I

(17861854) was the King of Cocos (Keeling) Islands from 1827 until May 26, 1854.King of
the Cocos Islands was a title given by the press to John Clunies-Ross, a Scottish sea captain, and other members of his family.
He went to live on the Cocos (Keeling) Islands in 1827.

John George Clunies-Ross,

Ross II (18231871) was the King of Cocos (Keeling) Islands from May 26, 1854 until

June 8, 1871.

George Clunies-Ross,

Ross III (18421910) was the King of Cocos (Keeling) Islands from June 8, 1871
until July 7, 1910.Queen Victoria granted the islands in perpetuity to the Clunies-Ross family in 1886.

John Sydney Clunies-Ross,

Ross IV (18681944) was the King of Cocos (Keeling) Islands from July 7,

1910 until August 14, 1944.

John Cecil Clunies-Ross,

Ross V (born 1928) was the King of Cocos (Keeling) Islands from
August 14, 1944 until 1978. In 1978 John Cecil Clunies-Ross sold under threat of expropriation the
islands to the Commonwealth of Australia for 2.5m ($4.75m). The Commonwealth had already been
administering the islands since 1955. John Cecil Clunies-Ross currently lives in Perth, Western
Australia, but his son John George Clunies-Ross (born 1957) lives on West Island.

List of Prime Ministers of Australia

Edmund Barton, GCMG, KC (January

18, 1849 January 7, 1920), Australian politician and judge, served as

the first Prime Minister of Australia from January 1, 1901 until September 24, 1903 and became a founding justice of the High
Court of Australia. Barton first became an MP in 1879, in the Parliament of New South Wales. He contributed solidly to
the federation movement through the 1890s, eventually contesting the inaugural 1901 federal election as head of a
caretaker Protectionist Party federal government. No party won a majority; however, the government was supported by
the Australian Labour Party, against the opposition Free Trade Party. Barton resigned from the position of Prime Minister of
Australia in 1903. Barton became a judge of Australia's High Court, serving for 17 years until his death in 1920. He was born
in Glebe, New South Wales, the ninth child of English parents William Barton, a stockbroker, and Mary Louise Barton. He was
educated at Fort Street High School and Sydney Grammar School, where he was twice dux and School Captain and met his
life-long friend and later fellow Justice of the High Court of Australia, Richard O'Connor. He graduated with first class honours
and the University Medal in classics from the University of Sydney, where he also demonstrated considerable skill at batting
(but not in fielding) in cricket. He was a founder and active member of theSydney Rowing Club. Barton became a barrister in
1871. On a cricket trip to Newcastle in 1870, he met Jane Mason Ross, whom he married in 1877. In 1879, Barton umpired a
cricket game at Sydney Cricket Ground between New South Wales and an English touring side captained by Lord Harris. After
a controversial decision by Barton's colleagueGeorge Coulthard against the home side, the crowd spilled onto the pitch and
assaulted some of the English players, leading to international cricket's first riot. The publicity that attended the young
Barton's presence of mind in defusing that situation reputedly helped him take his first step towards becoming Australia's first
prime minister, winning a state lower house seat later that year. In 1876 Barton stood for the Legislative Assembly in the poll
of the graduates of the University of Sydney (who were required to wear gowns for the occasion), but was beaten by William
Charles Windeyer 49 votes to 43. He was defeated again for the same seat in 1877, but won in August 1879. When it was
abolished in 1880, he became the member for Wellington, from November 1880 to 1882, and East Sydney, from November
1882 to January 1887. At this stage he considered it "almost unnecessary" to point out his support for free trade. In 1882, he
became Speaker of the Assembly and, in 1884, was elected President of the University of Sydney Union. In 1887, Barton was
appointed to the Legislative Council at the instigation of Sir Henry Parkes. In January 1889, he agreed to being appointed
Attorney-General in George Dibbs's Protectionist government, despite his previous support for free trade. This government
lasted only until March, when Parkes formed a government again. Edmund Barton was an early supporter of federation, which
became a serious political agenda after Henry Parkes' Tenterfield Oration, and was a delegate to the March 1891 National
Australasian Convention. At the convention he made clear his support for the principle that "trade and intercourse ... shall be
absolutely free" in a federal Australia. He also advocated that not just the lower house but also the upper house should be
representative and that appeals to the Privy Council should be abolished. He also took part in producing a draft constitution,
which was substantially similar to the Australian Constitution enacted in 1900. Nevertheless, the protectionists were
lukewarm supporters of federation and in June 1891, Barton resigned from the Council and stood for election to East Sydney
and announced that "so long as Protection meant a Ministry of enemies to Federation, they would get no vote from him". He
topped the poll and subsequently voted with Parkes, but refused to take a position in his minority government. After
the Labour Party withdrew support and the government fell in October 1891, Parkes persuaded him to take over the
leadership of the Federal movement in New South Wales. Dibbs formed a Protectionist government and Barton agreed to be
Attorney-General with the right of carry out private practice as a lawyer. His agreement was based on Dibbs agreeing to
support federal resolutions in the coming parliamentary session. His attempt to draft the federal resolutions was delayed by a
period as acting premier, when he had to deal with the 1892 Broken Hill miners' strike, and his carriage of a complex electoral
reform bill. He introduced the federal resolutions into the House on 22 November 1892 but was unable to get them
considered in committee. Meanwhile, he began a campaign to spread support for federation to the people with meetings
in Corowa and Albury in December 1892. Although he finally managed to get the federal resolutions considered in committee
in October 1893, he then could not get them listed for debate by the House. In December, he and Richard O'Connor, the
Minister for Justice, were questioned about their agreement to act as private lawyers against the government in Proudfoot v.
the Railway Commissioners. While Barton resigned the brief, he lost a motion on the right of ministers to act in their
professional capacity as lawyers in actions against the government, and immediately resigned as Attorney-General. In July
1894, Barton stood for re-election for Randwick (the multi-member electorate of East Sydney had been abolished) and lost.
He did not stand for election in the 1895 elections because he needed to support his large family during a period when
parliamentarians were not paid. However, he continued to campaign for federation and during the period between January
1893 to February 1897, Barton addressed nearly 300 meetings in New South Wales, including in the Sydney suburb
of Ashfield where he declared that "For the first time in history, we have a nation for a continent and a continent for a nation" .
By March 1897, he was considered "the acknowledged leader of the federal movement in all Australia". In 1897, Edmund
Barton topped the poll of the delegates elected from New South Wales to the Constitutional Convention, which developed a
constitution for the proposed federation. Although Sir Samuel Griffith wrote most of the text of the Constitution, Barton was
the political leader who carried it through the Convention. In May 1897, Barton was appointed for the second time to the
Legislative Council on Reid's recommendations to take charge of the federation bill in the Upper House. This gave Reid's
Attorney-General, John Henry Want, a free hand to oppose the bill. In September 1897, the convention met in Sydney to
consider 286 proposed amendments from the colonies. It finalised its draft constitution in March 1898 and Barton went back

to New South Wales to lead the campaign for a yes vote in the June referendum. Although it
gained majority support, it achieved only 71,595; 80,000 was the minimum number for it to
pass. In July 1898 Barton resigned from the Upper House to stand against Reid for election to
the Legislative Assembly, but narrowly lost. In September, he won a by-election for Hastings
and Macleay and was immediately elected leader of the opposition, which consisted of a
mixture of pro-federation and anti-federation protectionists. In January 1899 Reid gained
significant concessions from the other states and he joined Barton in campaigning for the
second referendum in June 1899, with Barton campaigning all over the state. It passed 107,420
votes to 82,741. In August 1899 when it became clear that the Labour Party could be
maneuvered into bringing down the Reid Government, Barton resigned as leader of the
opposition, as he was unacceptable to Labour, and William Lyne took his place. He refused an
offer to become Attorney-General again. He resigned from Parliament in February 1900 so that
he could travel to London with Alfred Deakin and Charles Kingston to explain the federation bill
to the British Government. The British Government was adamant in its opposition to the
abolition of appeals to the Privy Council as incorporated in the draft constitution; eventually,
Barton agreed that constitutional (inter se) matters would be finalised in the High Court, but
other matters could be appealed to the Privy Council. Few people doubted that Barton, as the
leading federalist in the oldest state, deserved to be the first Prime Minister of the new federation. However, since no federal
Parliament had yet been established, the usual convention of appointing the leader of the largest party in the lower house
could not apply. The newly arrived Governor-General, Lord Hopetoun, instead invited Sir William Lyne, the premier of New
South Wales, to form a government. Hopetoun's decision, known as the Hopetoun Blunder, can be defended on grounds that
Lyne had seniority. Still, Lyne's long massive opposition to federation until he changed his mind at the last minute caused him
to be unacceptable to prominent federalists such as Deakin, who refused to serve under him. After tense negotiations, Barton
was appointed Prime Minister and he and his ministry were sworn in on 1 January 1901. Barton's government consisted of
himself as Prime Minister and Minister for External Affairs, Alfred Deakin as Attorney-General, Sir William Lyne as Minister for
Home Affairs, Sir George Turner as Treasurer, Charles Kingston as Minister for Trade and Customs, Sir James Dickson as
Minister for Defence, and Sir John Forrest as Postmaster-General. Richard O'Connor was made Vice-President of the Executive
Council and Elliott Lewis was appointed Minister without Portfolio. Only ten days into the life of the government, Sir James
Dickson died suddenly; he was replaced on January 17, as Minister for Defence by John Forrest, and James Drake was brought
into the ministry as Postmaster-General on February 5, 1901. The main task of Barton's ministry was to organise the conduct
of the first federal elections, which were held in March 1901. Barton was elected unopposed to the seat of Hunter in the new
Parliament (although he never lived in that electorate) and his Protectionist Party won enough seats to form a government
with the support of the Labour Party. All his ministers were elected, except for Elliott Lewis, who did not stand for election and
was replaced by Sir Philip Fysh. An early piece of legislation of the Barton government was the Immigration Restriction
Act 1901, which put the White Australia policy into law. The Labour Party required legislation to limit immigration from Asia as
part of its agreement to support the government, but Barton had promised the introduction of the White Australia Policy in his
election campaign. Barton stated, "The doctrine of the equality of man was never intended to apply to the equality of the
Englishman and the Chinaman". One notable reform was the introduction of women's suffrage for federal elections in 1902.
Barton was a moderate conservative, and advanced liberals in his party disliked his relaxed attitude to political life. A large,
handsome, jovial man, he was fond of long dinners and good wine and was given the nickname "Toby Tosspot" by the
Bulletin. For much of 1902, Barton was in England for the coronation of King Edward VII. This trip was also used to negotiate
the replacement of the naval agreements between the Australian colonies and the United Kingdom (under which Australia
funded Royal Navy protection from foreign naval threats) by an agreement between the Commonwealth and the United
Kingdom.[3] Deakin disliked this arrangement and discontinued it and moved a substanyal expansion Australia's own navy in
1908. In September 1903, Sir Edmund Barton left Parliament to become one of the founding justices of the High Court of
Australia. He was succeeded as Prime Minister by Deakin on 24 September. Barton was one of only eight justices of the High
Court to have served in the Parliament of Australia prior to his appointment to the Court; the others were Richard
O'Connor, Isaac Isaacs, H. B. Higgins, Edward McTiernan, John Latham, Garfield Barwick, and Lionel Murphy. Barton was also
one of six justices to have served in the Parliament of New South Wales, along with O'Connor, Albert Piddington, Adrian Knox,
McTiernan, and H. V. Evatt. On the bench Sir Edmund was considered a good and "scrupulously impartial" judge and adopted
the same position of moderate conservatism he had taken in politics. Along with his colleagues Griffith and O'Connor, he
attempted to preserve the autonomy of the States and developed a doctrine of "implied immunity of instrumentalities", which
prevented the States from taxing Commonwealth officers, and also prevented the Commonwealth from arbitrating industrial
disputes in the States' railways. They also narrowly interpreted the Federal Government's powers in commercial and
industrial matters. After 1906, Sir Edmund increasingly clashed with Isaac Isaacs and H. B. Higgins, the two advanced liberals
appointed to the court by Deakin. Like Sir Samuel Griffith, Barton was several times consulted by Governors-General of
Australia on the exercise of the reserve powers. In 1919, although ill, he was extremely disappointed to be passed over for
the position of Chief Justice on the retirement of Griffith. Sir Edmund Barton died from heart failure at the Hydro Majestic
Hotel, Medlow Bath, New South Wales. He was interred in South Head General Cemetery in the Sydney suburb of Vaucluse.
He was survived by his wife and six children: [3] Edmund Alfred (29 May 1879 13 November 1949), a New South Wales judge,
Wilfrid Alexander (18801953), first NSW Rhodes Scholar (1904), Jean Alice (18821957), married Sir David Maughan (1873
1955) in 1909, Arnold Hubert (3 January 1884-1948), married Jane Hungerford in Sydney 1907; he later emigrated to Canada,
Oswald (8 January 1888 6 February 1956), medical doctor and Leila Stephanie (18921976), married Robert Christopher
Churchill Scot-Skirving in London 1915. Barton refused knighthoods in 1887, 1891 and 1899, but agreed to be made a Knight
Grand Cross of St Michael and St George in 1902. (He was the only prime minister to be knighted during his term of office
until Robert Menzies in 1963; various others were knighted after leaving the office; Sir Earle Page was already a knight when
he briefly became prime minister in 1939.) He received an honorary LL.D. from the University of Cambridge in 1900. In 1905,
the Japanese government conferred the Grand Cordon, Order of the Rising Sun, and Sir Edmund was granted permission to
retain and wear the insignia. The honour was presented in acknowledgement of his personal role in resolving a conflict
concerning the Commonwealth's Pacific Island Labourers Act and the Queensland protocol to the Anglo-Japanese Treaty. In
1951 and again in 1969, Sir Edmund was honoured on postage stamps bearing his portrait issued by Australia Post.

Alfred Deakin (August

3, 1856 October 7, 1919), Australian politician, was a leader of the movement for Australian
federation and later the three time Prime Minister of Australia, the first time from September 24, 1903 until April 24, 1904,
the second time from July 5, 1905 until November 13, 1908 and the third time from June 2, 1909 until April 29, 1910. In the
last quarter of the 19th century, Deakin was a major contributor to the establishment of liberal reforms in the colony
of Victoria, including pro-worker industrial reforms. He also played a major part in establishing irrigation in Australia. It is
likely that he could have been Premier of Victoria, but he chose to devote his energy to federation. Throughout the 1890s
Deakin was a participant in conferences of representatives of the Australian colonies that were established to draft
a constitution for the proposed federation. He played an important role in ensuring that the draft was liberal and democratic

and in achieving compromises to enable its eventual success. Between conferences, he worked to popularise the concept of
federation and campaigned for its acceptance in colonial referenda. He then fought hard to ensure acceptance of the
proposed constitution by theGovernment of the United Kingdom. As Prime Minister, Deakin completed a significant
legislative program that makes him, with Labor's Andrew Fisher, the founder of an effective Commonwealth government. He
expanded the High Court, provided major funding for the purchase of ships, leading to the establishment of the Royal
Australian Navy as a significant force under the Fisher government, and established Australian control ofPapua. Confronted
by the rising Australian Labor Party in 1909, he merged his Protectionist Party with Joseph Cook's Anti-Socialist Party to create
the Commonwealth Liberal Party (known commonly as the Fusion), the main ancestor of the modern Liberal Party of Australia.
The Deakin-led Liberal Party government lost to Fisher Labor at the 1910 election, which saw the first time a federal political
party had been elected with a majority in either house in Federal Parliament. Deakin resigned from Parliament prior to
the 1913 election, with Joseph Cook winning the Liberal Party leadership ballot. Deakin was the second child of English
immigrants, William Deakin and his wife Sarah Bill, daughter of aShropshire farmer, who had migrated to Australia in 1850
and settled in the Melbourne suburb of Collingwood in 1853. Deakin worked as a storekeeper, water-carter and general carrier
and then became a partner in a coaching business and later manager of Cobb and Co in Victoria. Deakin was born at 90
George Street, Fitzroy, Melbourne, and began his education at the age of four in a boarding school that was initially located
at Kyneton, but later moved to the Melbourne suburb of South Yarra. In 1864 he became a day pupil at Melbourne Church of
England Grammar School, but did not study seriously until his later school years, when he came under the influence of J. H.
Thompson and the school's headmaster, John Edward Bromby, whose oratorical style Deakin admired and later partly
adopted. In 1871 he matriculated with good passes in history, algebra and Euclid and basic passes in English and Latin. He
began evening classes in law at the University of Melbourne, while working as a schoolteacher and private tutor. He also
spoke frequently at the University Debating Club founded by Charles Henry Pearson in 1874, read widely, dabbled in writing
and became a lifelongspiritualist, holding the office of President of the Victorian Spiritualists' Union. Deakin graduated in
1877 and began practising as a barrister, but had difficulty in obtaining briefs. In May 1878, he met David Syme, the owner of
the Melbourne daily The Age, who paid him to contribute reviews, leaders and articles on politics and literature. In 1880, he
became editor of The Leader, The Age's weekly. During this period Syme converted him from supporting free trade to
protectionism. He became active in the Australian Natives' Association and began to practise vegetarianism. Deakin stood for
the largely rural seat of West Bourke in the Victorian Legislative Assembly in February 1879, as a supporter of Legislative
Council reform, protection to encourage manufacturing and the introduction of a land tax to break up the big agricultural
estates, and won by 79 votes. Due to a number of voters being disenfranchised by a shortage of voting papers, he resigned
and lost the subsequent by-election by 15 votes, narrowly lost the seat in the February 1880 general election, but won it in
yet another early general election in July 1880. The radical Premier, Graham Berry, offered him the position of AttorneyGeneral in August, but Deakin turned him down. In 1882, Deakin married Elizabeth Martha Anne ("Pattie") Browne, daughter
of a well-known spiritualist. They lived with Deakin's parents until 1887, when they moved to "Llanarth", in Walsh Street,
South Yarra. They had three daughters, Ivy, Stella and Vera by 1891. In 1883 Deakin became Commissioner for Public Works
and Water Supply, and in 1884 he became Solicitor-General and Minister of Public Works. In 1885 Deakin secured the passage
of the colony's pioneering Factories and Shops Act, enforcing regulation of employment conditions and hours of work. In
December 1884 he went to the United States to investigate irrigation, and presented a report in June 1885, Irrigation in
Western America.Percival Serle described this report as "... a remarkable piece of accurate observation, and was immediately
reprinted by the United States government". In June 1886, he introduced legislation to nationalise water rights and provide
state-aid for irrigation works that helped establish irrigation in Australia. In 1885, Deakin became Chief Secretary and
Commissioner for Water Supply and from 1890 Minister for Health and, briefly, Solicitor-General. In 1887 he led Victoria's
delegation to the Imperial Conference in London, where he argued forcibly for reduced colonial payments for the defence
provided by the British Navy and for improved consultation in relation to the New Hebrides. In 1889, he became the member
for the Melbourne seat of Essendon and Flemington. In 1890 the government was brought down over its use of the militia to
protect non-union labour during the maritime strike. In addition, Deakin lost his fortune and his father's fortune in the
property crash of 1893, and had to return to the bar to restore his finances. In 1892, he unsuccessfully defended the mass
murderer Frederick Bailey Deeming and assisted the defence in the 189394 libel trial of David Syme. After 1890, Deakin
refused all offers of cabinet posts and devoted his attention to the movement for federation. He was Victoria's delegate to the
Australasian Federal Conference, convened by Sir Henry Parkes in Melbourne in 1890, which agreed to hold an intercolonial
convention to draft a federal constitution. He was a leading negotiator at the Federal Conventions of 1891, which produced a
draft constitution that contained much of theConstitution of Australia, as finally enacted in 1900. Deakin was also a delegate
to the second Australasian Federal Convention, which opened in Adelaide in March 1897 and concluded in Melbourne in
January 1898. He opposed conservative plans for the indirect election of senators, attempted to weaken the powers of
the Senate, in particular seeking to prevent it from being able to defeat money bills, and supported wide taxation powers for
the federal government. Deakin often had to reconcile differences and find ways out of apparently impossible difficulties.
Between and after these meetings, he travelled through the country addressing public meetings and he was partly
responsible for the large majority in Victoria at each referendum. In 1900 Deakin travelled to London with Edmund
Barton and Charles Kingston to oversee the passage of the federation bill through the Imperial Parliament, and took part in
the negotiations with Joseph Chamberlain, the Colonial Secretary, who insisted on the right of appeal from the High Court to
the Privy Council. Eventually a compromise was reached, under which constitutional (inter se) matters could be finalised in
the High Court, but other matters could be appealed to the Privy Council. Deakin defined himself as an "independent
Australian Briton," favouring a self-governing Australia but loyal to the British Empire. He certainly did not see federation as
marking Australia's independence from Britain. On the contrary, Deakin was a supporter of closer empire unity, serving as
president of the Victorian branch of the Imperial FederationLeague, a cause he believed to be a stepping stone to a more
spiritual world unity. In 1901 Deakin was elected to the first federal Parliament as MP for Ballarat, and became AttorneyGeneral in the ministry headed by Edmund Barton. He was active, especially in drafting bills for the Public Service, arbitration
and the High Court. His second reading speech on the Immigration Restriction Bill to implement the White Australia
Policy was notable in avoiding blatant racism by arguing that it was necessary to exclude the Japanese because of their good
qualities, which would place them at an advantage over European Australians. His March 1902 speech in favour of the bill
establishing theHigh Court of Australia helped overcome significant opposition to its establishment. When Barton retired to
become one of the founding justices of the High Court, Deakin succeeded him as Prime Minister on 24 September 1903.
His Protectionist Party did not have a majority in either House, and he held office only by courtesy of the Labor Party, which
insisted on legislation more radical than Deakin was willing to accept. In April 1904, he resigned without passing any
legislation. The Labor leader Chris Watson and the Free Trade leader George Reid succeeded him, but neither could form a
stable ministry. Deakin resumed office in mid-1905, and retained it for three years. During this, the longest and most
successful of his terms as Prime Minister, his government was responsible for much policy and legislation giving shape to the
Commonwealth during its first decade, including bills to create an Australian currency. The Copyright Act was passed in 1905,
the Bureau of Census and Statistics was established in 1906, Bureau of Meteorology was established in 1908 and the
Quarantine Act was passed in 1908. In 1906 Deakin's government amended the Judiciary Act to increase the size of the High
Court to five judges, as envisaged in the constitution, and appointed Isaac Isaacs and H. B. Higgins to fill the two additional

seats. The first protective Federal tariff, the Australian Industries Protection Act was passed. This
"New Protection" measure attempted to force companies to pay fair wages by setting conditions
for tariff protection, although the Commonwealth had no powers over wages and prices. The
Papua Act of 1905 established an Australian administration for the former British New Guinea and
Deakin appointedHubert Murray as Lieutenant-Governor of Papua in 1908, who ruled it for a 32year period as a benevolent paternalist. His government passed a bill for the transfer of control of
the Northern Territory from South Australia to the Commonwealth, which became effective in
1911. In December 1907, he introduced the first bill to establish compulsory military service,
which was also strongly supported by Labor's Watson and Billy Hughes. He had long opposed the
naval agreements to fund Royal Navy protection of Australia although Barton had agreed in 1902
that the Commonwealth would take over such funding from the colonies. In 1906 he announced
that Australia would purchase destroyers, and in 1907 travelled to an Imperial Conference in
London to discuss the issue, without success. In 1908 he invited Theodore Roosevelt's Great White
Fleet to visit Australia, in a symbolic act of independence from Britain. The Surplus Revenue Act of
1908 provided 250,000 for naval expenditure, although these funds were first applied by
the Andrew Fisher Labor government, creating the first independent navy in the British empire. In 1908, Deakin was again
forced from office by Labor. He then formed a coalition, the "Fusion", with his old conservative opponent George Reid, and
returned to power in May 1909 at the head of Australia's first majority government. The Fusion was seen by many as a
betrayal of Deakin's liberal principles, and he was called a "Judas" by Sir William Lyne. He ordered the dreadnought battle
cruiser, Australia and established the financial agreement of 1909, which gave the States annual grants of 25 shillings ($2.50)
per person, which was the basis of Commonwealth-state financial arrangements until 1927. In the April 1910 election his
party was soundly defeated by Labor under Andrew Fisher. Deakin retired from Parliament in April 1913 and withdrew from
public life. He was president of an Australian commission for the international exhibition held in San Francisco to celebrate
the opening of the Panama Canal, but found his duties difficult because of severe progressive memory loss (due to
Dementia). He became an invalid and died in 1919 ofmeningoencephalitis aged only 63. He is buried in the St. Kilda
Cemetery, alongside his wife. Deakin continued to write prolifically throughout his career. He wrote anonymous political
commentaries for the London Morning Post even while he was Prime Minister. His account of the federation movement
appeared as The Federal Story in 1944 and is a vital primary source for this history. His account of his career in Victorian
politics in the 1880s was published as The Crisis in Victorian Politics in 1957. His collected journalism was published
as Federated Australia in 1968. Though Deakin always took pains to obscure the spiritual dimensions of his character from
public gaze, he felt a strong sense of providence and destiny working in his career. Like Dag Hammarskjld much later,
Deakin's sincere longing for spiritual fulfillment led him to express a sense of unworthiness in his private diaries, which
mingled with his literary aspirations as a poet. His private prayer diaries, like those of Samuel Johnson, express a
profound contemplative (though more ecumenical) Christian view of the importance of humility in seeking divine assistance
with his career. " A life, the life of Christ," Deakin wrote, "that is the one thing needfulthe only revelation required is there....
We have but to live it." In 1888, as an example relevant to his work for Federation, Deakin prayed: "Oh God, grant me that
judgment & forsight which will enable me to serve my countryguide me and strengthen me, so that I may follow &
persuade others to follow the path which shall lead to the elevation of national life & thought & permanence of well earned
prosperitygive me light & truth & influence for the highest & the highest only." As Walter Murdoch pointed out, "[Deakin]
believed himself to be inspired, and to have a divine message and mission." Historian Manning Clark, whose History of
Australia cites extensively from his studies of Deakin's private diaries in the National Library of Australia, wrote: "By reading
the world's scriptures and mystics a deep peace had settled far inside [Deakin]: now he felt a 'serenity at the core of my
heart.' He wanted to know whether participation in the world's affairs would disturb that serenity... he was tormented by the
thought that the emptiness of the man within corresponded with the emptiness of society at large where Mammon had found
a new demesne to infest." Deakin was almost universally liked, admired and respected by his contemporaries, who called
him "Affable Alfred." He made his only real enemies at the time of the Fusion, when not only Labor but also some liberals
such as Sir William Lyne reviled him as a traitor. He had a long and happy marriage and was survived by his wife and their
three daughters: Ivy (18831970) married Herbert Brookes, Stella (18861976) married Sir David Rivett and Vera (1891
1978) married (later Sir) Thomas White. His descendants are still active in Melbourne political and business circles and he is
regarded as a founding father by the modern Liberal Party. The Division of Deakin, Alfred Deakin High School, Deakin
University, Deakin Avenue in the rural city of Mildura, Deakin Hall atMonash University, Deakin House at Melbourne Grammar
School and the Canberra suburb of Deakin are named after him. In 1969, Australia Post honoured him on a postage
stamp bearing his portrait.

John Christian Watson (born John

Christian Tanck; April 9, 1867 November 18, 1941), commonly known as Chris
Watson, was an Australian politician who served as the third Prime Minister of Australia from April 27 until August 18, 1904.
He was the first prime minister from the Australian Labour Party, and the first prime minister from the labour movement in
the world. He was of Chilean birth, with German and New Zealand ancestry. Previously serving in state parliament for seven
years, Watson was elected to federal parliament at the inaugural 1901 election, where the state Labour parties received a
combined 15.8 percent of the first past the post primary vote against two more dominant parties. The Caucus chose Watson
as the inaugural parliamentary leader of the Labour Party on 8 May 1901, just in time for the first meeting of parliament.
Labour led by Watson increased their vote to 31 percent at the 1903 election and 36.6 percent at the 1906 election. From the
first election, Labour held the balance of power, giving support to Protectionist Party legislation in exchange for concessions
to enact the Labour Party policy platform. Watson's term as Prime Minister was brief only four months, between 27 April and
18 August 1904. He retired from Parliament in 1907. Labour led by Andrew Fisher would go on to win the 1910 election with
50 percent of the primary vote, ushering in Australia's first majority government, and also the first Senate majority. According
to Percival Serle, Watson "left a much greater impression on his time than this would suggest. He came at the right moment
for his party, and nothing could have done it more good than the sincerity, courtesy and moderation which he always showed
as a leader". Alfred Deakin wrote of Watson: "The Labour section has much cause for gratitude to Mr Watson, the leader
whose tact and judgement have enabled it to achieve many of its Parliamentary successes". Watson maintained that his
father was a British seaman called George Watson. Records dispute this, however; they indicate that Watson's father was
a Chilean citizen of German descent, Johan Cristian Tanck, and that Watson was born in Valparaso, Chile. Records also show
his mother was a New Zealander, Martha Minchin, who had married Tanck in New Zealand and then gone to sea with him. In
1868 his parents separated, and in 1869 she married George Watson, whose name young Chris then took. None of these
facts became known until after Watson's death. Watson went to school in Oamaru, New Zealand, and at 13 was apprenticed
as a printer. In 1886 he moved to Sydney to better his prospects. He found work as an editor for several newspapers. Through
this proximity to newspapers, books and writers he furthered his education and developed an interest in politics. In 1889 he
married Ada Jane Low, an English-born Sydney seamstress. Nothing is known about her previous life and no photograph of her
has been found. Watson was a founding member of the New South Wales Labor Party in 1891. He was an active trade
unionist, and became Vice-President of theSydney Trades and Labour Council in January 1892. In June 1892, he settled a

dispute between the TLC and the Labor Party and as a result became the president of the council
and chairman of the party. In 1893 and 1894, he worked hard to resolve the debate over the
solidarity pledge and established the Labor Party's basic practices, including the sovereignty of
the party conference, caucus solidarity, the pledge required of parliamentarians and the powerful
role of the extra-parliamentary executive. In 1894 Watson was elected to the New South Wales
Legislative Assembly for the country seat of Young. Labor at this time had a policy of "support in
return for concessions," and Watson voted with his colleagues to keep the Free Trade Premier,
SirGeorge Reid, in office. After the 1898 election, Watson and Labor leader James
McGowen decided to keep the Reid government in office so that it could complete the work of
establishing Federation. Watson assisted to shape party policy regarding the movement for
federation from 1895, and was one of ten Labour candidates nominated for the Australasian
Federal Convention on March 4, 1897, however none were elected. The party, perforce, endorsed
Federation, however they took a view of the draft Commonwealth constitution as undemocratic,
believing the Senate as proposed was much too powerful, similar to the anti-reformist Colonial
state upper houses, and the UK House of Lords. When the draft was submitted to a referendum
on 3 June 1898, Labour opposed it, with Watson prominent in the campaign, and saw the referendum rejected. Watson was
devoted to the idea of a referendum as an ideal feature of democracy. To ensure that Reid might finally bring New South
Wales into national union on an amended draft constitution, Watson helped to negotiate a deal, involving the party executive,
that included the nomination of four Labor men to the Legislative Council. At the March 1899 annual party conference,
Hughes and Holman moved to have those arrangements nullified and party policy on Federation changed, thus thwarting
Reid's plans. Watson, for once, got angry; he 'jumped to his feet in a most excited manner and in heated tones contended
that they should not interfere with the referendum'. The motion was lost. The four party men were nominated to the
council on 4 April and the bill approving the second referendum, to be held on 20 June, was passed on 20 April. Labour,
including Watson, opposed the final terms of the Commonwealth Constitution, however their voting status was not enough to
stop it from proceeding, and unlike Holman and Hughes, he believed that it should be submitted to the people. Nevertheless,
with all but two of the Labour parliamentarians, he campaigned against the 'Yes' vote at the referendum. When the
Constitution was accepted, he agreed that 'the mandate of the majority will have to be obeyed'. He had made an essential
contribution to that democratic decision. Watson successfully ran for the new federal Parliament at the inaugural 1901 federal
election, in the House of Representatives rural seat of Bland. Arriving in May in the temporary seat of
government, Melbourne, Watson was elected the first leader of the Federal Parliamentary Labour Party (usually known as the
Caucus) on 8 May 1901, the day before the opening of the parliament. [1][10] McGowen had failed to gain election, and the
other prominent New South Wales MP elected, Hughes, had too many enemies. Watson, though a compromise choice, soon
established his authority as leader. In the federal Parliament, where Labour was the smallest of the three parties, but held
the balance of power, Watson pursued the same policy as Labour had done in the colonial parliaments. He kept
the Protectionist governments of Edmund Barton and Alfred Deakin in office, in exchange for legislation enacting the Labour
platform. Watson, as a Labour moderate, genuinely admired Deakin and shared his liberal views on many subjects. Deakin
reciprocated this sentiment. He wrote in one of his anonymous articles in a London newspaper: "The Labour section has much
cause for gratitude to Mr Watson, the leader whose tact and judgement have enabled it to achieve many of its Parliamentary
successes." Labour under Watson more than doubled their vote at the 1903 federal election and continued to hold the
balance of power. In April 1904, however, Watson and Deakin fell out over the issue of extending the scope of industrial
relations laws concerning the Conciliation andArbitration Bill to cover state public servants, the fallout causing Deakin to
resign. Free Trade leader George Reid declined to take office, which saw Watson become the first Labour Prime Minister of
Australia, and the world's first Labour head of government at a national level (Anderson Dawson had lead a short-lived Labour
government in Queensland in December 1899). He was aged only 37, and is still the youngest Prime Minister in Australia's
history. Billy Hughes later recalled the first meeting of the Labour Cabinet with characteristic sharp wit: Mr Watson, the new
Prime Minister entered the room, and seated himself at the head of the table. All eyes were riveted on him; he was worth
going miles to see. He had dressed for the part; his Vandyke beard was exquisitely groomed, his abundant brown hair
smoothly brushed. His morning coat and vest, set off by dark striped trousers, beautifully creased and shyly revealing the
kind of socks that young men dream about; and shoes to match. He was the perfect picture of the statesman, the leader.
Despite the apparent fitness of the new Prime Minister for his role, the government hung on the fine thread of Deakin's
promise of 'fair play'. The triumph of the historic first Australian Labor government was a qualified one Labour did not have
the numbers to implement key policies. The 'three elevens' the lack of a definite majority in the parliament after the second
federal election dogged Watson just as it had Deakin. Six bills were enacted during Watson's brief govern ment. All but one
an amended Acts Interpretation Act 1904 were supply bills. The most significant legislative achievement of the Watson
government was the advancement of the troublesome Conciliation and Arbitration Bill, which was eventually passed by the
Reid Government in December 1904. Although Watson sought a dissolution of parliament so that an election could be held,
the Governor-General Lord Northcote refused. Unable to command a majority in the House of Representatives, Watson
resigned the premiership less than four months after taking office, his term ending on 18 August 1904 (Deakin was later
defeated on a similar bill). Free Trade leader George Reid became Prime Minister. The Conciliation and Arbitration Act was
assented to by the end of the year, and it extended to state public servants, as Watson had proposed. Deakin again became
Prime Minister after Reid lost confidence of the parliament in 1905. Watson led the Labour Party into the 1906 federal
election and improved its position again. At this election the seat of Bland was abolished, so he shifted to the seat of South
Sydney. But in October 1907, mainly due to concern over the health of his wife Ada, he resigned the Labour leadership in
favour of Andrew Fisher. He retired from politics, aged only 42, prior to the 1910 federal election, at which Labor won with 50
percent of the primary vote. It was the first time a party had been elected to majority government in the House of
Representatives, it was also the first time a party received a Senate majority, and it was the world's first Labour
Party majority government at a national level. The ALP vote had risen rapidly, going from 15 percent against two larger and
more established parties in 1901, to 50 percent in 1910, after a majority of the Protectionist Party merged with the AntiSocialist Party, creating the Commonwealth Liberal Party which received 45 percent. Out of the Parliamentary arena, Watson
continued to work for Labor, becoming Director of Labor Papers Ltd, publishers of The Worker, theAustralian Workers'
Union paper. He also pursued a business career and was also a parliamentary lobbyist. But in 1916 the Labor Party split over
the issue of conscription for World War I, and Watson sided with Hughes and the conscriptionists. He was expelled from the
party he had helped found. He remained active in the affairs of Hughes's Nationalist Party until 1922, but after that he drifted
out of politics altogether. Watson devoted the rest of his life to business. He helped found the National Roads and Motorists
Association (NRMA) and remained its chairman until his death. He was also a founder of the Australian Motorists Petrol Co Ltd
(Ampol). His wife Ada died in 1921. On October 30, 1925 Watson married Antonia Mary Gladys Dowlan in the same church in
which he had married Ada 36 years previously. His second wife was a 23-year-old waitress from Western Australia whom he
had met when she served his table at the Commercial Travellers' Club he frequented when in Sydney. He and Antonia had one
daughter, Jacqueline. Watson died at his home in the Sydney suburb of Double Bay. In April 2004 the Labor Party marked the
centenary of the Watson Government with a series of public events in Canberraand Melbourne, attended by then party

leader Mark Latham and former ALP Prime Ministers Gough Whitlam, Bob Hawkeand Paul Keating. Watson's daughter,
Jacqueline Dunn, 77, was guest of honour at these functions. The Canberra suburb Watson and the federal electorate
of Watson are named after him. In 1969 he was honoured on a postage stamp bearing his portrait issued by Australia Post.

George Houstoun Reid, GCB, GCMG, KC (February

25, 1845 September 12, 1918) was an Australian politician,

Premier of New South Walesfrom August 3, 1894 until September 13, 1899 and the fourth Prime Minister of Australia from
August 18, 1904 until July 5, 1905. Reid was the last leader of the Liberal tendency in New South Wales, led by Charles
Cowper and Henry Parkes and which Reid organised as the Free Trade and Liberal Association in 1889. He was more effective
as Premier of New South Wales from 1894 to 1899 than he was as Prime Minister in 1904 and 1905. This partly reflected the
disappearance of the rationale of the Free Trade Party with the imposition of tariffs by the federal government and the
disappearance of the political centre ground with the rise of theAustralian Labor Party. Although a supporter of Federation, he
took an equivocal position on it during the campaign for the first referendum in June 1898, earning himself the nickname of
"Yes-No Reid." Reid was born in Johnstone, Renfrewshire, Scotland, son of a Church of Scotland minister, migrated to Victoria
with his family in 1852. His family was one of many Presbyterian families brought out from Scotland by Rev Dr John Dunmore
Lang, with whom his father worked at Scots' Church, Sydney. He was educated at Scotch College, where he said he could
"read, write and count fairly well", but had "a lazy horror of Greek" and no appetite for the "wide range of metaphysical
propositions" which formed part of the curriculum. At the age of 13, Reid and his family moved to Sydney, and he obtained a
job as a clerk. At the age of 15 he joined the School of Arts Debating Society, and according to his autobiography, a more
crude novice than he was never began the practise of public speaking. He became an assistant accountant in the Colonial
Treasury in 1864 and rose rapidly and became head of the Attorney-General's department in 1878. In 1875 he had published
his Five Essays on Free Trade, which brought him an honorary membership of theCobden Club, and in 1878 the government
published his New South Wales, the Mother Colony of the Australians, for distribution in Europe. In 1876 he began to study
law seriously, which would the independent income necessary to pursue a parliamentary career (given that parliamentary
service was unpaid at the time). In 1879, Reid qualified as a barrister. Reid's career was aided by his quick wit and
entertaining oratory; he was described as being "perhaps the best platform speaker in the Empire", both amusing and
informing to his audiences "who flocked to his election meetings as to popular entertainment". In one particular incident his
sense quick wit and affinity for humour were demonstrated when a heckler pointed to his ample paunch and exclaimed "What
are you going to call it, George?" to which Reid replied: "If it's a boy, I'll call it after myself. If it's a girl I'll call it Victoria. But if,
as I strongly suspect, it's nothing but piss and wind, I'll name it after you." His humour however was not universally
appreciated. Alfred Deakin detested Reid, describing him as "inordinately vain and resolutely selfish" and their cold
relationship would affect both their later careers. Reid was elected top of the poll to the New South Wales Legislative
Assembly as a member for the four-member electoral district of East Sydney in 1880. He was not active at first, as he was
building up his legal practice, although he was concerned to reform the Robertson Land Acts, which had not prevented 96
land holders from controlling eight million acres (32,000 km) between them. Henry Parkes and John Robertson attempted to
make minor amendments to the land acts but were defeated and at the subsequent election Parkes' party lost many seats.
The new premier, Alexander Stuart, offered Reid the position of Colonial Treasurer in January 1883, but he thought it wiser to
accept the junior office of Minister for Public Instruction. He was 14 months in office and succeeded in passing a much
improved Education Act, which included the establishment of the first government high schools in the leading towns,
technical schools (which became a model for the other colonies) [4] and the provision of evening lectures at the university. In
February 1884, Reid lost his seat in parliament owing to a technicality; the necessary notice had not appeared in the
Government Gazette declaring that the Minister for Public Instruction was a position that a parliamentarian could hold instead
of being excluded from parliament for holding an "office of profit" . At the by-election Reid was defeated by a small majority
as a result of the government's financial harships due to the loss of revenue as a result of the suspension of land sales. In
1885 he was re-elected in East Sydney and took a great part in the free trade or protection issue. He supported Sir Henry
Parkes on the free trade side but, when Parkes came into power in 1887, declined a seat in his ministry. Parkes offered him a
portfolio two years later and Reid again refused. He did not like Parkes personally and felt he would be unable to work with
him. When payment of members of parliament was passed Reid, who had always opposed it, paid the amount of his salary
into the treasury. Reid had become Sydney's leading barrister by impressing juries by his cross-examinations and was made
a Queen's Counsel in 1898. In September 1891, the Parkes ministry was defeated, the Dibbs government succeeded it, and
Parkes retired from the leadership of theFree Trade Party. Reid was elected leader of the opposition in his place. In 1891, he
married Florence (Flora) Ann Brumby, who was 23 years old to his 46. He managed to form his party into a coherent group
although it "ran the whole gamut from conservative Sydney merchants through middle-class intellectuals to reformers who
wished to replace indirect by direct taxation for social reasons." At the 1894 election he made the establishment of a real
free trade tariff with a system of direct taxation the main item of his policy, and had a great victory. Edmund Barton and other
well-known protectionists lost their seats, the Labor following was reduced from 30 to 18, and Reid formed his first cabinet.
One of his earliest measures was a new lands bill which provided for the division of pastoral leases into two halves, one of
which was to be open to the free selector, while the pastoral lessee got some security of tenure for the other half.
Classification of crown lands according to their value was provided for, and the free selector, or his transferee, had to reside
on the property. Parkes at an early stage of the session raised the question of federation again, and Reid invited the premiers
of the other colonies to meet in conference on 29 January 1895. As a consequence of this conference an improved bill was
drafted which ensured that both the people and the parliaments of the various colonies should be consulted. Meanwhile Reid
had great trouble in passing his land and income tax bills. When he did get them through the Assembly the Council threw
them out. Reid obtained a dissolution, was victorious at the polls, and heavily defeated Parkes for the new singlemember electoral district of Sydney-King. He eventually succeeded in passing his acts, which were moderate, but strenuously
opposed by the Council, and it was only the fear that the chamber might be swamped with new appointments that eventually
wore down the opposition. Reid was also successful in bringing in reforms in the keeping of public accounts and in the civil
service generally. Other acts dealt with the control of inland waters, and much needed legislation relating to public health,
factories, and mining, was also passed. In five years he had achieved more than any of his predecessors. Reid supported the
federation of the Australian colonies, but since the campaign was led by his Protectionist opponent Edmund Bartonhe did not
take a leading role. He was dissatisfied by the draft constitution, especially the power of a Senate, elected on the basis of
States rather than population, to reject money bills. In the referendum campaign after the close of the Australasian Federal
Convention, Reid, on 28 March 1898, made his famous "Yes-No" speech at the Sydney town hall. He told his audience that he
intended to deal with the bill "with the deliberate impartiality of a judge addressing a jury". After speaking for an hour and
three-quarters the audience was still uncertain about his verdict. He ended up by saying that while he felt he could not
become a deserter to the cause he would not recommend any course to the electors. He consistently kept this attitude until
the poll was taken on 3 June 1898. This earned him the nickname "Yes-No Reid." The referendum in New South Wales resulted
in a small majority in favour, but the yes votes fell about 8000 below the required number of 80,000. Subsequently Reid was
able to secure greater concessions for New South Wales. At the general election held soon after, Barton accepted Reid's
challenge to contest the East Sydney seat and Reid defeated him, but his party came back with a reduced majority. Reid
fought for federation at the second referendum and it was carried in New South Wales by a majority of nearly 25,000,

107,420 Votes being cast in favour of it. "A bizarre combination of the Labor Party, protectionists,
Federation enthusiasts and die-hard anti-Federation free traders" censured Reid for paying the
expenses of J. C. Neild who had been commissioned to report on old-age pensions, prior to
parliamentary approval. Governor Beauc hamp refused Reid a dissolution and he resigned. By
this time Reid had grown extremely overweight and sported a walrus moustache and a monocle,
but his buffoonish image concealed a shrewd political brain. Reid was elected to the first federal
Parliament as the Member for East Sydney at the 1901 election. The Free Trade Party won 28 out
of 75 seats in the House of Representatives, and 17 out of 36 seats in the Senate. Labor no
longer trusted Reid and gave their support to the Edmund Barton Protectionist Party
government, so Reid became the first Leader of the Opposition, a position well-suited to his
robust debating style and rollicking sense of humour. In the long tariff debate Reid was at a
disadvantage as parliament was sitting inMelbourne and he could not entirely neglect his
practice as a barrister in Sydney, as his parliamentary income was less than a tenth of his
income from his legal practice. With the rise of the Labor Party, the Free Trade Party had lost
much of the middle ground to Barton and his followers, and it was increasingly dependent on
conservatives, including militant Protestants. On August 18, 1903, Reid resigned (the first member of the House of
Representatives to do so) and challenged the government to oppose his re-election on the issue of its refusal to accept a
system of equal electoral districts. He contested the by-election for East Sydney on September 4, 1903 and won it back. He is
the only person in Australian federal parliamentary history to win back his seat at a by-election triggered by his own
resignation. Alfred Deakin took over from Barton as Prime Minister and leader of the Protectionists. At the 1903 election, the
Free Trade Party won 24 seats, with the Labor vote increasing mainly at the expense of the Protectionists. In August 1904,
when the Watson government resigned, he became Prime Minister. He was the first former state premier to become Prime
Minister (the only other to date being Joseph Lyons). Reid did not have a majority in either House, and he knew it would be
only a matter of time before the Protectionists patched up their differences with Labor, so he enjoyed himself in office while
he could. In July 1905 the other two parties duly voted him out, and he left office with a good grace. The Protectionist vote
dropped again with more seats lost at the 1906 election. By this time, Reid had renamed the Free Trade Party the AntiSocialist Party, and at the election won 26 seats (up two), to Labor on 26 seats (up three). The Deakin government continued
with Labor support for the time being, despite only holding 16 seats after losing 10, although with another 5 independent
Protectionists. In 1907-08, Reid strenuously resisted Deakin's commitment to increase tariff rates. In 1908, when Deakin
proposed the Commonwealth Liberal Party, a "Fusion" of the two non-Labor parties, Reid stood aside from the
leadership. Joseph Cook was made leader until the parties merged. On December 24, 1909 he resigned from Parliament (he
was the first Member to have resigned twice), however his seat was left vacant until the 1910 election. His seat of East
Sydney was won by Labor's John West, in an election which saw Labor win 42 of 75 seats, against the CLP on 31 seats. Labor
also won a majority in the Senate. In 1910, Reid was appointed as Australia's first High Commissioner in London. Reid was
extremely popular in Britain, and in 1916, when his term as High Commissioner ended, he was returned unopposed to
theHouse of Commons for the seat of St George, Hanover Square as a Unionist candidate, where he acted as a spokesman for
the self-governing Dominions in supporting the war effort. He died suddenly in London in September 1918, aged 73
of cerebral thrombosis, survived by his wife and their two sons and daughter. She had become Dame Flora Reid GBE in 1917.
He is buried in Putney Vale Cemetery. Reid's posthumous reputation suffered from the general acceptance of protectionist
policies by other parties, as well as from his buffoonish public image. In 1989 W. G. McMinn published George
Reid (Melbourne University Press), a serious biography designed to rescue Reid from his reputation as a clownish reactionary
and attempt to show his Free Trade policies as having been vindicated by history. In 1897 Reid was made an Honorary Doctor
of Civil Law (DCL) by Oxford University. Reid was also appointed a member of Her Majesty's Most Honourable Privy
Council (1904), a Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George (1911) and a Knight Grand Cross of the Order
of the Bath (1916). In 1969 he was honoured on a postage stamp bearing his portrait issued by Australia Post.

Andrew Fisher (August

29, 1862 October 22, 1928) was an Australian politician who served as the fifth Prime
Minister on three separate occasions, the first time from November 13, 1908 until June 2, 1909, the second time from April
29, 1910 until June 24, 1913 and the third time from September 17, 1814 until Octobar 27, 1915. Fisher's 191013 Labor ministry completed a vast legislative programme which made him, along with Protectionist Alfred Deakin, the
founder of the statutory structure of the new nation. The Fisher government legacy of reforms and national development
lasted beyond the divisions that would later occur with World War I and Billy Hughes' conscription push. Fisher's second
Prime Ministership resulting from the 1910 federal election represented a number of firsts: it was Australia's first
federalmajority government; Australia's first Senate majority, and the world's first Labour Party majority government at a
national level. At the time, it represented the culmination of Labour's involvement in politics. Passing 113 Acts, the 1910-13
government was a period of reform unmatched in the Commonwealth until the 1940s under John Curtin and Ben Chifley.
Serving a collective total of four years and ten months, Fisher is second to Bob Hawke as Australia's longest serving Labor
Prime Minister. 'Labour' was changed to 'Labor' during 1912 at the instigation of King O'Malley. Fisher was born in
Crosshouse, a mining village near Kilmaurs, East Ayrshire, Scotland. He was the second of eight children of Robert Fisher and
Jane Garvin. Fisher's education consisted of some primary schooling, some night schooling, and the reading of books in the
library of the cooperative his father had helped to establish. At the age of 10 he began work in a coal mine. He worked six
days a week for 12 hours a day. He then had a 4 km trek to go to night school. At 17 he was elected secretary of the local
branch of the Ayrshire Miners' Union, the first step on a road to politics. The union called a strike in 1881 to demand a 10 per
cent increase to wages, but this was to prove ultimately unsuccessful and Fisher lost his job as a result. After finding
employment at another mine, he once again led miners to strike for higher wages in 1885. This time, he was not only sacked
but also blacklisted. Unable to find work, Fisher and his brother migrated to Queensland in 1885. Despite leaving his
homeland, Fisher is said to have retained a distinctive Scottish accent for the rest of his life. Here, Fisher worked as a miner,
first in Burrum and then in Gympie. He became an engine driver (a role involving the operation of machinary to raise and
lower cages in the mine shaft) after attaining the necessary qualifications in 1891. In the same year, he was also elected to
be the president of an engine drivers union, He was also active in the Amalgamated Miners Union, becoming President of the
Gympie branch by 1891. In 1891, Fisher was elected as the first president of the Gympie branch of the Labour Party. In
1893, he was elected to the Legislative Assembly of Queensland as Labour member for Gympie and by the following year had
become Labour's deputy leader in the Legislative Assembly. In his maiden speech, he pushed for a 50 per cent cut in military
spending and declared support for federation. Another policy area that captured his attention during this term was the
employment of workers from the Pacific Islands in sugar plantations, a practice that Fisher and Labour both strongly opposed.
He lost his seat in 1896 after a campaign in which he was charged by his opponent Jacob Stumm with being a dangerous
revolutionary and an anti-Catholic, accusations that were propagated by the newspaperGympie Times. The 1896
establishment of the Gympie Truth, a newspaper that he was to part-own, was part of his response. Intended as a medium to
broadcast Labour's message, the newspaper played a vital role in Fisher's return to parliament in 1899. This time, he was the
beneficiary of a scare campaign, in which conservative candidate Francis Power was consistently painted by the Gympie

Truth as being a supporter of black labour and the alleged economic and social ills that accompanied it. In that year he was
Secretary for Railways and Public Works in the seven-day government of Anderson Dawson, the first parliamentary socialist
government in the world. The state Labour parties and their MPs were mixed in their support for the Federation of
Australia. However Fisher was a firm federationist, supporting the union of the Australian colonies and campaigned for the
'Yes' vote in Queensland's 1899 referendum. Fisher stood for theelectorate of Wide Bay at the inaugural 1901 federal
election and won the seat, which he held continuously for the rest of his political career. At the end of 1901 Fisher married
Margaret Irvine, his previous landlady's daughter. Labour improved their position at the 1903 election, gaining enough seats
to be on par with the other two, a legislative time colloquially known as the "three elevens". When the Deakin government
resigned in 1904, George Reid of the Free Trade Party declined to take office, resulting in Labour taking power and Chris
Watson becoming Labour's first Prime Minister for a four-month period in 1904. Fisher established and demonstrated his
ministerial capabilities as Minister for Trade and Customs in the Watson Ministry. The fourth Labour member in the ministry
after Watson, Hughes, and Lee Batchelor, Fisher was promoted to deputy leader of the party in 1905. At the 1906 election,
Deakin remained Prime Minister even though Labour gained considerably more seats than the Protectionists. When Watson
resigned in 1907, Fisher succeeded him as Labour leader, although Hughes and William Spence also stood for the position.
Fisher was considered to have a better understanding of economic matters, was better at handling caucus, had better
relations with the party organisation and the unions, and was more in touch with party opinion. He did not share Hughes'
passion for free trade or that of Watson and Hughes for defence (and later conscription). In political terms he was a radical,
on the left of his party, with a strong sense of Labour's part in British working-class history. At the 1908 Labour Federal
Conference, Fisher argued for female representation in parliament: I trust that not another Federal election will take place
without there being a woman endorsed as a Labour candidate for the Senate. With a majority of seats in the LabourProtectionist government, Labour caucus by early 1908 had become restive as to the future of the Deakin minority
government. With the Deakin ministry in trouble, Deakin talked to Fisher and Watson about a possible coalition, and following
a report agreed to it providing Labour had a majority in cabinet, that there was immediate legislation for old-age pensions,
that New Protection was carried and that at the following election the government would promise a progressive land tax. No
coalition was formed, however the pressure from Labour brought about productive change by Deakin: he agreed to a royal
commission into the post office, old-age pensions were to be provided from the surplus revenue fund and 250,000 set aside
for ships for an Australian Navy. New Protection was declared invalid by the High Court in June, Fisher found the tariff
proposals of Deakin unsatisfactory, while caucus was also dissatisfied with the old-age pension proposals. Without Labour
support the Deakin government fell in November 1908. Fisher formed his only minority government and the First Fisher
Ministry. The government amended the Seat of Government Act providing for the new federal capital to be in the YassCanberra area, passed the Manufacturers' Encouragement Act to provide bounties for iron and steel manufacturers who paid
fair and reasonable wages, ordered three torpedo boat destroyers, and assumed local naval defence responsibility and placed
the Australian Navy at the disposal of the Royal Navy in wartime. Fishers first government also saw the passage Seamen's
Compensation Act of 1909, which provided for the payment of compensation for seamen engaged upon Australian registered
ships wherever trading, and (in certain cases) upon British and foreign ships engaged in the coasting trade who were killed or
injured in the course of their occupation. Fisher committed Labour to amending the Constitution to give the Commonwealth
power over labour, wages and prices, to expanding the navy and providing compulsory military training for youths, to
extending pensions, to a land tax, to the construction of a transcontinental railway, to the replacement of pound
sterling with Australian currency and to tariffs to protect the sugar industry. In May 1909, the more conservative Protectionists
and Freetraders merged to form the Commonwealth Liberal Party, while the more liberal Protectionists joined Labour. With a
majority of seats, the CLP led by Alfred Deakin ousted Labour from office, with Fisher failing to persuade the GovernorGeneral Lord Dudley to dissolve Parliament. At the 1910 election, Labour gained sixteen additional seats to hold a total of
forty-two of the seventy-five House of Representative seats, and all eighteen Senate seats up for election to hold a total of
twenty-two out of thirty-six seats. This gave Labour control of both Houses and enabled Fisher to form his Second Fisher
Ministry, Australia's first elected federal majority government, Australia's first elected Senate majority, and the world's
first Labour Party majority government. The 113 acts passed in the three years of the second Fisher government exceeded
even the output of the second Deakin government over a similar period. The 1910-13 Fisher government represented the
culmination of Labour's involvement in politics, it was a period of reform unmatched in the Commonwealth until the 1940s.
Fisher carried out many reforms in defence, constitutional matters, finance, transport and communications, and social
security, achieving the vast majority of his aims in his first government, such as establishing old-age and disability pensions,
a maternity allowance andworkers compensation, issuing Australia's first paper currency, forming the Royal Australian Navy,
the commencement of construction for the Trans-Australian Railway, expanding the bench of the High Court of Australia,
founding Canberra and establishing the government-owned Comm onwealth Bank. Fisher's second government also
introduced uniform postal charges throughout Australia, carried out measures to break up land monopolies, put forward
proposals for more regulation of working hours, wages and employment conditions, [8]and amended the 1904 Conciliation and
Arbitration Act to provide greater authority for the court president and to allow for Commonwealth employees' industrial
unions, registered with the Arbitration Court. A land tax, aimed at breaking up big estates and to provide a wider scope for
small-scale farming, was also introduced, while coverage of the Arbitration system extended to agricultural workers,
domestics, and federal public servants. In addition, the age at which women became entitled to the old-age pension was
lowered from 65 to 60. The introduction of the maternity allowance was a particularly major reform, as it enabled more births
to be attended by doctors, thus leading to reductions in infant mortality. Compulsory preference to trade unionists in federal
employment was also introduced, while the Seamans Compensation Act of 1911 and the Navigation Act of 1912 were
enacted to improve conditions for those working at sea, together with compensatory arrangements for seamen and next of
kin. Eligibility for pensions was also liberalised. From December 1912 onwards, naturalised residents no longer had to wait
three years to be eligible for a pension. That same year, the value of a pensioners home was excluded from consideration
when assessing the value of their property. Fisher wanted additional Commonwealth power in certain areas, such as
the nation alisation of monopolies. The 1911 referendum asked two questions, on Legislative Powers and Monopolies. Both
were defeated with around 61 per cent voting 'No'. An additional six questions were asked at the 1913 referendum, on Trade
and Commerce, Corporations, Industrial Matters, Trusts, Monopolies, and Railway Disputes. All six were defeated with around
51 per cent voting 'No'. At the 1913 election, the Commonwealth Liberal Party, led by Joseph Cook, defeated the Labor Party
by one seat. Labor retained control of the Senate, however, and in 1914 Cook, frustrated by the Labor controlled Senate's
blocking of his legislation, recommended to the new Governor-GeneralSir Ronald Munro Ferguson that both houses of the
parliament be dissolved and elections called. This was Australia's first double dissolution election, and the only one until
the1951 election. The First World War had broken out in the middle of the 1914 election campaign, with both sides
committing Australia to the British Empire. Fisher campaigned on Labor's record of support for an independent Australian
defence force, and pledged that Australia would "stand beside the mother country to help and defend her to the last man and
the last shilling." Labor won the election with another absolute majority in both houses and Fisher formed his Third Fisher
Ministry. Fisher and his party were immediately underway in organising urgent defence measures for planning and
implementing Australia's war effort. Fisher visited New Zealand during this time which saw Billy Hughes as acting Prime
Minister for two months. Fisher and Labor continued to implement promised peacetime legislation, including the River Murray

Waters Act 1915, the Freight Arrangements Act 1915, the Sugar Purchase Act 1915, the Estate Duty
Assessment and the Estate Duty acts in 1914. Wartime legislation in 1914 and 1915 included
the War Precautions acts (giving the Governor-General power to make regulations for national
security), a Trading with the Enemy Act, War Census acts, a Crimes Act, a Belgium Grant Act, and
an Enemy Contracts Annulment Act. In October 1915, the journalist Keith Murdoch reported on the
situation in Gallipoli at Fisher's request, and advised him, "Your fears have been justified". He
described the Dardanelles Expedition as being "a series of disastrous underestimations" and "one of
the most terrible chapters in our history" concluding: What I want to say to you now very seriously
is that the continuous and ghastly bungling over the Dardanelles enterprise was to be expected
from such a general staff as the British Army possesses ... the conceit and self complacency of the
red feather men are equalled only by their incapacity. Fisher passed this report on to Hughes and to
Defence Minister George Pearce, ultimately leading to the evacuation of the Australian troops in
December 1915. The report was also used by the Dardanelles Commission on which Fisher served,
while High Commissioner in London. Fisher resigned from the Prime Ministership and Parliament on
October 27, 1915 after being absent from parliament without explanation for three sitting days. Three days later Labor
Caucus unanimously elected Billy Hughes leader of the Federal Parliamentary Party. A Wide Bay by-election was held to elect
a new MP to that seat. Fisher served as Australia's second High Commissioner to the United Kingdom from January 1, 1916
until January 1, 1921. Fisher opposed conscription which made his dealings with Billy Hughes difficult. Hughes asked Fisher for
support by cable three weeks before the first referendum, but Fisher cabled back "Am unable to sign appeal. Position
forbids." He subsequently refused to publicly comment on the issue. Hughes' 1916 and 1917 referendums on conscription the
first had a No majority of around 2.2%, while the second had a majority of 7.6%. Fisher visited Australian troops serving in
Belgium and France in 1919, and later presented Pearce with an album of battlefield photos from 1917 and 1918, showing the
horrendous conditions experienced by the troops. The Dardanelles Commission, including Fisher, interviewed witnesses in
1916 and 1917 and issued its final report issued in 1919. It concluded that the expedition was poorly planned and executed
and that difficulties had been underestimated, problems which were exacerbated by supply shortages and by personality
clashes and procrastination at high levels. Some 480,000 Allied troops had been dedicated to the failed campaign, with
around half in casualties. The report's conclusions were regarded as insipid with no figures (political or military) heavily
censured. The report of the Commission and information gathered by the inquiry remain a key source of documents on the
campaign. Fisher wanted to continue to serve as High Commissioner in London when his term expired in 1921, but Hughes
did not permit it. Upon his return to Australia, there were attempts to secure Fisher a seat in parliament and lead the Labor
Party once more, but he was not interested in doing so. In 1922 he returned to London and lived in retirement at South Hill
Park, Hampstead, for the remainder of his life. In his final years, Fisher gradually succumbed to the effects of dementia, such
that he would ultimately lose the ability to even sign his own name. He caught a severe bout of influenza in September 1928
and died a month later. He is buried at Fortune Green Cemetery in West Hampstead. At the end of the First World
War, France awarded him the Lgion d'honneur, but he declined it; he did not like decorations of any kind and adhered to this
view throughout his life. [1] The federal electorate of Fisher was named after him. A Canberra suburb, Fisher, was also created
in his memory, with its streets reflecting a mining theme in honour of Fisher's occupation before entering public life. Ramsay
MacDonald, Britain's first Labour Prime Minister, unveiled a memorial to Fisher in Hampstead Cemetery in 1930. A memorial
garden was also dedicated to Fisher at his birthplace in the late 1970s. In 1972 he was honoured on a postage stamp bearing
his portrait issued by Australia Post. In 2008 Labor Prime Minister Kevin Rudd launched a biography titled Andrew Fisher,
written by David Day. In turn, Rudd was presented with an item that once belonged to Fisher - a slightly battered gold pen
engraved with Fisher's signature, which had been held in safekeeping for 80 years.

Joseph Cook, GCMG (December

7, 1860 July 30, 1947) was an Australian politician and the sixth Prime Minister of
Australia from June 24, 1913 until September 17, 1914. Born as Joseph Cooke and working in the coal mines of Silverdale,
Staffordshire during his early life, he emigrated to Lithgow, New South Wales during the late 1880s, and became GeneralSecretary of the Western Miners Association in 1887. A founding member of the Australian Labor Party, Cook was elected to
the New South Wales Legislative Assembly as Member forHartley in 1891. Later Cook switched to the Free Trade Party, and
was a minister in the cabinet of Premier George Reid from 1894 to 1899. During Australia's first federal election in 1901, Cook
was elected unopposed to the federal seat of Parramatta, and served as the deputy to Reid, then Alfred Deakin, following the
creation of the Commonwealth Liberal Party from Cook's and Deakin's parties. As leader of the Liberal Party, Cook became
Prime Minister following the 1913 elections; but he only had a one-seat majority in the lower house and no majority at all in
the upper house, so he repeatedly sought to obtain a double dissolution. The outbreak of World War I just before
the September 1914 election led to a Labor victory. Following a split in the Labor party in 1916, Cook joined William Morris
Hughes' Nationalist Party of Australia, and following the Nationalist victory in the 1917 election, served as Minister for the
Navy, then Treasurer under Hughes. In 1921 Cook resigned from the federal parliament, and was appointed Australian High
Commissioner in London. During 1928 and 1929, he headed the Royal Commission into South Australia as affected by
Federation. He died in Sydney in 1947. Cook was born as Joseph Cooke in Silverdale, a small mining town near Newcastleunder-Lyme in Staffordshire, England. He had no formal education and worked in the coal mines from the age of nine. During
his teens he embraced Primitive Methodism, and marked his conversion by dropping the 'e' from his surname. He
married Mary Turner in 1885 and shortly after emigrated to New South Wales. Cook settled in Lithgow and worked in the coal
mines, becoming General-Secretary of the Western Miners Association in 1887. In 1888, he participated in demonstrations
against Chinese immigration. He was also active in the Single Tax League and was a founding member of the Australian Labor
Party in 1891. Cook was elected to the New South Wales Legislative Assembly as MP for the coalfields seat ofHartley in 1891,
in Labor's first big breakthrough in Australian politics. It was the first time Labor had won a seat in any parliament in
Australia. In 1894, however, Cook was the leader of those parliamentarians who refused to accept the Labor Party's decision
to make all members sign a "pledge" to be bound by decisions of the Parliamentary Labor Party (Caucus). He left the party
and became a follower of George Reid's Free Trade Party. He was a minister in Reid's government from 1894 to 1899. When
the first federal Parliament was elected in 1901, Cook was elected, unopposed by Labor, member for Parramatta, a seat
which then included the Lithgow area. He became Reid's deputy, but did not hold office in Reid's 190405 ministry, mainly
because Reid needed to offer portfolios to independent Protectionist members. When Reid retired from the party leadership in
1908, Cook agreed to merge the Anti-Socialist Party (the Free Trade Party was renamed prior to the 1906 federal election)
with Alfred Deakin's Protectionists, and became deputy leader of the new Commonwealth Liberal Party. Cook served
as Defence Minister in Deakin's 19091910 ministry, then succeeded Deakin as Liberal leader when the government was
defeated by Labor in the 1910 elections. He had by this time become completely philosophically opposed to socialism. At
the 1913 elections Cook won a one-seat majority in the House of Representatives, while Labor retained a majority in the
Senate, and in doing so became the sixth Prime Minister of Australia. Unable to govern effectively without control of the
Senate, Cook decided to bring about a double dissolution election under section 57 of the Constitution of Australia. He
introduced a bill abolishing preferential employment for trade union members in the public service, a bill he knew the Senate
would repeatedly reject. When this rejection duly took place, he sought and obtained a double dissolution of the Parliament

from the Governor-General. Unfortunately for Cook, World War I broke out in the middle of the
election campaign for the September 1914 election. Fisher was able to remind the voters that it was
Labor that had favoured an independent Australian defence force, which the conservatives had
opposed. Cook was defeated and Fisher resumed office. In 1916, the Labor government split when
Hughes (who had succeeded Fisher as Prime Minister the previous year) tried to introduce
conscription. Cook agreed to become Hughes's deputy in the new Nationalist Party, and
became Minister for the Navy in Hughes's government. The Nationalists had big victories over the ALP
in the 1917 and 1919 elections. Cook was part of the Australian delegation at the Paris Peace
Conference where he defended the White Australia Policy and supported Australia's annexation
of German New Guinea. He was Treasurer (finance minister) 192021. Cook resigned from Parliament
in 1921 and was appointed Australian High Commissioner in London, where he served until 1927.
During 1928 and 1929, he headed the Royal Commission into South Australia as affected by
Federation. He died in Sydney in 1947, aged 86. Cook was appointed to the Privy Council on 16 July
1914.[5] He was knighted in 1918 as Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St
George (GCMG). In 1972, he was honoured on a postage stamp bearing his portrait issued by Australia Post. Cook is the only
Prime Minister up to and including William McMahon who does not have a federal electorate named after him. Although there
is a seat called Cook, that was named not after the Prime Minister but after Captain James Cook. To resolve the problem, the
Australian Electoral Commission has stated that the seat should be considered to be named for both of them.

William Morris "Billy" Hughes, CH, KC,

(September 25, 1862 October 28, 1952), Australian politician, was

the seventh Prime Minister of Australia, from October 27, 1915 until February 9, 1923. Over the course of his 51-year federal
parliamentary career (and an additional seven years prior to that in a colonial parliament), Hughes changed parties five
times: from Labor (190116) to National Labor (191617) to Nationalist (191730) to Australian (193031) to United
Australia (193144) to Liberal (194452). He was expelled from three parties, and represented four different electorates in
two states. Originally Prime Minister as leader of the Labor Party, his support of conscription led him, along with 24 other proconscription members, to form National Labor. National Labor merged with the Commonwealth Liberal Party to form the
Nationalist Party. His prime ministership came to an end when the Nationalist party was forced to form a coalition with the
Country Party, who refused to serve under Hughes. He was the longest serving prime minister up to that point, and the fifth
longest serving over all. He would later lead the United Australia Party to the 1943 election, though Arthur Fadden served as
Coalition leader. He died in 1952 at age 90, while still serving in Parliament. He is the longest-serving member of the
Australian Parliament, and one of the most colourful and controversial figures in Australian political history. William Morris
Hughes was born in Pimlico, London, on 25 September 1862 of Welsh parents. His father William Hughes was Welsh speaking
and, according to the 1881 census, born in Holyhead, Anglesey, North Wales in about 1825. He was a deacon of the Particular
Baptist Church and by profession a joiner and a carpenter at the House of Lords. His mother was a farmer's daughter
fromLlansantffraid, Montgomeryshire and had been in service in London. Jane Morris was 37 when she married and William
Morris Hughes was her only child. After his mother's death when he was seven William Hughes lived with his father's sister
in Llandudno, Wales, also spending time with his mother's relatives in rural Montgomeryshire, where he also spoke Welsh. A
plaque on a guest house in Abbey Road Llandudno bears testament to his residency. When he was 14 he returned to London
and worked as a pupil teacher. In 1881, when he was 19, William lived with his father and his father's elder sister Mary
Hughes at 78 Vauxhall Bridge Road, London. In October 1884, at the age of 22, he migrated to Australia, and worked as a
labourer, bush worker and cook. He arrived in Sydney in 1886 and lived in a boarding house in Moore Park and established a
common law marriage with his landlady's daughter, Elizabeth Cutts. In 1890 they moved to Balmain in Sydney, where he at
first worked for Lewy Pattinson's pharmacy before he opened a small mixed shop, where he sold political pamphlets, did odd
jobs and mended umbrellas. He joined the Socialist League in 1892 and became a street-corner speaker for the
Balmain Single Tax League and an organiser with the Australian Workers' Union and may have already joined the newly
formed Labor Party. In 1894, Hughes spent eight months in central New South Wales organising for the Amalgamated
Shearers' Union and then won the Legislative Assembly seat of Sydney-Lang by 105 votes. While in Parliament he became
secretary of the Wharf Labourer's Union. In 1900 he founded and became first national president of the Waterside Workers'
Union. During this period Hughes studied law, and was admitted as a barrister in 1903. Unlike most Labor men, he was a
strong supporter of Federation. In 1901 Hughes was elected to the first federal Parliament as Labor MP for West Sydney. He
opposed theBarton government's proposals for a small professional army and instead advocated compulsory universal
training. In 1903, he was admitted to the bar after several years part time study. He became a King's Counsel in 1909. His
wife died in 1906, and his 17-year-old daughter raised his other five children in Sydney. In 1911, he married Mary Campbell.
He was Minister for External Affairs in Chris Watson's first Labor government. He was Attorney-General inAndrew Fisher's
three Labor governments in 190809, 191013 and 191415. He was the real political brain of these governments, and it was
clear that he wanted to be leader of the Labor Party. But his abrasive manner (his chronic dyspepsia was thought to
contribute to his volatile temperament) made his colleagues reluctant to have him as Leader. His on-going feud with King
O'Malley, a fellow Labor minister, was a prominent example of his combative style. Following the 1914 election, the Labor
Prime Minister of Australia, Andrew Fisher, found the strain of leadership during World War I taxing and faced increasing
pressure from the ambitious Hughes who wanted Australia to be firmly recognised on the world stage. By 1915 Fisher's health
was suffering and, in October, he resigned and was succeeded by Hughes. In social policy, Hughes introduced an institutional
pension for pensioners in benevolent asylums, equal to the difference between the 'act of grace' payment to the institution
and the rate of IP. Hughes was a strong supporter of Australia's participation in World War I and, after the loss of 28,000 men
as casualties (killed, wounded and missing) in July and August 1916, Generals Birdwood and White of the Australian Imperial
Force (AIF) persuaded Hughes thatconscription was necessary if Australia was to sustain its contribution to the war effort.
However a two-thirds majority of his party, which included Roman Catholics and union representatives as well as the
Industrialists (Socialists) such as Frank Anstey, were bitterly opposed to this, especially in the wake of what was regarded by
many Irish Australians (most of whom were Roman Catholics) as Britain's excessive response to the Easter Rising of 1916. To
add to this, many Labor supporters and ministers felt (wrongly) that Hughes was manipulated in Britain by the British
Government and that he pushed for conscription because of the "flattery" of the Empire. However this myth was started by
the factions within the Labor Caucus, most notably from the Industrialist movements of men such as Frank Anstey. This was a
result not of Hughes's exploits overseas, but more his Parliamentary decision to cancel Labor's plan to "Nationalise wage
unity". This in turn led to friction within the Labor party as Hughes demonstrated his ability to sacrifice "Labor's centrepiece
in the interest of war and National Unity." In October Hughes held a national plebiscite for conscription, but it was narrowly
defeated. Melbourne's Roman Catholic archbishop,Daniel Mannix, was his main opponent on the conscription issue. The
enabling legislation was the Military Service Referendum Act 1916and the outcome was advisory only. The narrow defeat
(1,087,557 Yes and 1,160,033 No), however, did not deter Hughes, who continued to vigorously argue in favour of
conscription. This revealed the deep and bitter split within the Australian community that had existed since before
Federation, as well as within the members of his own party. Conscription had been in place since the 1910 Defence Act, but
only in the defence of the nation. Hughes was seeking via a referendum to change the wording in the act to include

"overseas". A referendum was not necessary but Hughes felt that in light of the seriousness of the situation, a vote of "Yes"
from the people would give him a mandate to by-pass the Senate. To add to that, while it is true that the Lloyd George
Government of Britain did favour Hughes, they only came into power in 1916, several months after the first referendum. The
predecessor Asquith government however greatly disliked Hughes considering him to be "a guest, rather than the
representative of Australia". On 15 September 1916 the NSW executive of the Political Labour League, Frank Tudor (the Labor
Party organisation at the time) expelled Hughes from the Labor Party, after Hughes and 24 others had already walked out to
the sound of Hughes's finest political cry "Let those who think like me, follow me." Hughes took with him almost all of the
Parliamentary talent, leaving behind the Industrialists and Unionists, thus marking the end of the first era in Labor's history.
Years later, Hughes said, "I did not leave the Labor Party, The party left me." The timing of Hughes' expulsion from the Labor
Party meant that he became the first Labor leader who never led the party to an election. Hughes and his followers, which
included many of Labor's early leaders, called themselves the National Labor Party and began laying the groundwork for
forming a party that they felt would be both avowedly nationalist as well as socially radical. Hughes was forced to conclude
aconfidence and supply agreement with the opposition Commonwealth Liberal Party in order to stay in office. A few months
later, Hughes and Liberal Party leader Joseph Cook (himself a former Labor man) decided to turn their wartime coalition into a
new party, the Nationalist Party of Australia. Although the Liberals were the larger partner in the merger, Hughes emerged as
the new party's leader, with Cook as his deputy. The presence of a working-class man like Hughes leading what was basically
an upper- and middle-class conservative party allowed the Nationalists to convey an image of national unity. At the 1917
federal election Hughes and the Nationalists won a huge electoral victory. At this election Hughes gave up his working-class
seat and was elected for Bendigo, Victoria. Hughes had promised to resign if his Government did not win the power to
conscript. A second plebiscite on conscription was held in December 1917, but was again defeated, this time by a wider
margin. Hughes, after receiving a vote of no confidence in his leadership by his party, resigned as Prime Minister but, as there
were no alternative candidates, the Governor-General, Sir Ronald Munro Ferguson, immediately re-commissioned him, thus
allowing him to remain as Prime Minister while keeping his promise to resign. The government replaced the first-past-thepost electoral system applying to both houses of the Federal Parliament under the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1903 with
a preferential system for the House of Representatives in 1918. That preferential system has essentially applied ever since. A
multiple majority-preferential system was introduced at the 1919 federal election for the Senate, and that remained in force
until it was changed to a quota-preferential system of proportional representation in 1948. [17] Those changes were considered
to be a response to the emergence of the Country Party, so that the non-Labor vote would not be split, as it would have been
under the previous first-past-the-post system. In 1919, Hughes and former Prime Minister Joseph Cook travelled to Paris to
attend the Versailles peace conference. He remained away for 16 months, and signed the Treaty of Versailles on behalf of
Australia the first time Australia had signed an international treaty. At Versailles, Hughes claimed; "I speak for 60 000
[Australian] dead". He went on to ask of Woodrow Wilson; "How many do you speak for?" when the United States President
failed to acknowledge his demands. Hughes, unlike Wilson or South African Prime Minister Jan Smuts, demanded heavy
reparations from Germany suggesting a staggering sum of 24,000,000,000 of which Australia would claim many millions, to
off-set its own war debt. Hughes frequently clashed with President Wilson, who described him as a 'pestiferous varmint'.
Hughes demanded that Australia have independent representation within the newly formed League of Nations. Despite the
rejection of his conscription policy, Hughes retained his popularity, and in December 1919 his government was comfortably
re-elected. At the Treaty negotiations, Hughes was the most prominent opponent of the inclusion of the Japanese racial
equality proposal, which as a result of lobbying by him and others was not included in the final Treaty. His position on this
issue reflected the mindset of 'racial categories' during this time. Japan was notably offended by Hughes' position on the
issue. Like Jan Smuts of South Africa, Hughes was concerned by the rise of Japan. Within months of the declaration of the
European War in 1914; Japan, Australia and New Zealand seized all German possessions in the South West Pacific. Though
Japan occupied German possessions with the blessings of the British, Hughes was alarmed by this policy. In 1919 at the Peace
Conference the Dominion leaders, New Zealand, South Africa and Australia argued their case to keep their occupied German
possessions of German Samoa, German South West Africa, and German New Guinea; these territories were given a "Class C
Mandates" to the respective Dominions. In a same-same deal Japan obtained control over its occupied German possessions,
north of the equator. Of Hughes' actions at the Peace Conference, the historian Seth Tillman described him as "a noisesome
demagogue", the "bete noir [sic] of Anglo-American relations." Unlike Smuts, Hughes was totally opposed to the concept of
the League of Nations, as in it he saw the flawed idealism of 'collective security'. After 1920 Hughes' political position
declined. Many of the more conservative elements of his own party never trusted him because they thought he was still a
socialist at heart, citing his interest in retaining government ownership of the Commonwealth Shipping Line and the
Australian Wireless Company. However, they continued to support him for some time after the war, if only to keep Labor out
of power. A new party, the Country Party (now the National Party), was formed, representing farmers who were discontented
with the Nationalists' rural policies, in particular Hughes' acceptance of a much higher level of tariff protection for Australian
industries (that had expanded during the war) and his support for price controls on rural produce. In the New Year's Day
Honours of 1922, his wife Mary was appointed a Dame Grand Cross of the Order of the British Empire (GBE). At the 1922
federal election, Hughes switched from the rural seat of Bendigo to North Sydney, but the Nationalists lost their outright
majority. The Country Party, despite its opposition to Hughes' farm policy, was the Nationalists' only realistic coalition partner.
However, party leader Earle Page let it be known that he and his party would not serve under Hughes. Under pressure from
his party's right wing, Hughes resigned in February 1923 and was succeeded by his Treasurer, Stanley Bruce. His term as
Australian Prime Minister was a record until overtaken by Robert Menzies. He remained Australia's second longest-serving
Prime Minister until overtaken by Malcolm Fraser in late February 1983. Hughes was furious at this betrayal by his party and
nursed his grievance on the back-benches until 1929, when he led a group of back-bench rebels who crossed the floor of the
Parliament to bring down the Bruce government. Hughes was expelled from the Nationalist Party, and formed his own party,
the Australian Party. After the Nationalists were heavily defeated in the ensuing election, Hughes initially supported the Labor
government of James Scullin. He had a falling-out with Scullin over financial matters, however. In 1931 he buried the hatchet
with his former colleagues and joined the new United Australia Party (UAP), under the leadership of Joseph Lyons. He voted
with the rest of the UAP to bring the Scullin government down. Joseph Lyons' newly formed United Australia Party won office
convincingly at the 1931 election. Lyons sent Hughes to represent Australia at the 1932 League of Nations Assembly in
Geneva and in 1934 Hughes became Minister for Health and Repatriation in theLyons government. Later Lyons appointed him
Minister for External Affairs, but Hughes was forced to resign in 1935 after his book Australia and the War Today exposed a
lack of preparation in Australia for what Hughes correctly supposed to be a coming war. Soon after, the Lyons government
tripled the defence budget. Hughes was brought back by Lyons as Minister for External Affairs in 1937. By the time of Lyons'
death in 1939, Hughes was also serving as Attorney-General and Minister for Industry. He also served as Minister for the
Navy, Minister for Industry and Attorney-General at various times under Lyons' successor, Robert Menzies. Defence issues
became increasingly dominant in public affairs with the rise of Fascism in Europe and militant Japan in Asia. From 1938, Prime
Minister Joseph Lyons had Hughes head a recruitment drive for the Australian Defence Force. On 7 April 1939, Lyons died in
office. The United Australia Party selected Robert Menzies as his successor to lead a minority government on the eve of World
War Two. Australia entered the Second World War on September 3, 1939 and a special War Cabinet was created after war was
declared initially composed of Prime Minister Menzies and five senior ministers including Billy Hughes. Labor opposition

leader John Curtin declined to join and Menzies lost his majority at the 1940 Election. With the Allies
suffering a series of defeats and the threat of war growing in the Pacific, the Menzies Government
(1939-1941) relied on two independents, Arthur Coles and Alex Wilson for its parliamentary majority.
Unable to convince Curtin to join in a War Cabinet and facing growing pressure within his own party,
Menzies resigned as Prime Minister and leader of the UAP on 29 August 1941. The UAP was so bereft
of leadership that it was forced to elect Hughes as leader of the UAP. Normally, this would have made
Hughes Prime Minister for a second time. However, Hughes was only a month shy of 78, and for this
reason was deemed too old and frail to be a wartime Prime Minister. He was forced to yield the
leadership of the UAP-Country Coalitionand the Prime Ministershipto Country Party leader Arthur
Fadden. A month later, Coles and Wilson joined with the Labor opposition to defeat the budget and
bring down the government. The independents, under prodding from Governor-General Lord Gowrie,
then threw their support to Opposition Leader John Curtin, who was sworn in as Prime Minister on
October 7, 1941. Eight weeks later, Japan attacked Pearl Harbor. Hughes led the UAP into the 1943
election largely by refusing to hold any party meetings and by agreeing to let Fadden lead the Opposition as a whole. The
Coalition was severely defeated, winning only 19 seats. After the election, Hugheswho had widely been reckoned as a
stopgap leaderyielded the leadership of the UAP back to Menzies. In February 1944 the UAP withdrew its members from
the Advisory War Council in protest against the Curtin government. Hughes, however, rejoined the council, and was expelled
from the UAP. In 1944 Menzies formed a new party, the Liberal Party, and Hughes became a member. His final change of seat
was to the new division of Bradfield in 1949. He remained a member of Parliament until his death in October 1952, sparking
a Bradfield by-election. He had been a member of the House of Representatives for 51 years and seven months. Including his
service in the New South Wales colonial Parliament before that, Hughes had spent a total of 58 years as an elected official.
His period of service remains a record in Australia. He was the last member of the original Australian Parliament elected in
1901 still in the Parliament when he died. He was not however, the last member of that first Parliament to diethis was King
O'Malley, who outlived Hughes by fourteen months. At the age of 90 years, one month and three days, Hughes was the
oldest person ever to have been a member of the Australian parliament. Hughes died on October 28, 1952 (aged 90), in his
home in the Sydney suburb of Lindfield, survived by the six children of his first marriage and by his second wife Mary. (Their
daughter Helen died in childbirth in 1937 in London, aged 21 from septicaemia. Their grandson now lives in Sydney under
another name.) His state funeral was held at St. Andrew's Cathedral, Sydney and was one of the largest Australia has seen:
some 450,000 spectators lined the streets. He was later buried at Northern Suburbs Anglican Cemetery. His widow, Dame
Mary Hughes, died in 1958. Hughes, a tiny, wiry man with a wizened face and a raspy voice, was an unlikely national leader,
but during the First World War he acquired a reputation as a war leaderthe troops called him the "Little Digger"that
sustained him for the rest of his life. He is remembered for his outstanding political and diplomatic skills, for his many witty
sayings, and for his irrepressible optimism and patriotism. At the 50th jubilee dinner of the Commonwealth Parliament, a
speaker paid tribute to him as a man "who sat in every Parliament since Federation and every party too". Arthur
Fadden interjected: "Not the Country Party!" "No," said Hughes, still able to hear when he wanted, "I had to draw the line
somewhere.", potentially due to the fact it was the Country Party who was responsible for bringing his Prime Ministership
down in 1923. In the New Year's Honours of 1941, Hughes was named a Member of the Order of the Companions of
Honour (CH), in recognition of his service as Prime Minister 1915-23. The electoral division of Hughes and the Canberra
suburb of Hughes are named after him. In 1972, he was honoured on a postage stamp bearing his portrait issued
by Australia Post. After marrying his second wife Mary in 1911, the couple went on a long drive, because he did not have time
for a honeymoon. Their car crashed where the SydneyMelbourne road crosses the SydneyMelbourne railway north
of Albury, New South Wales, leading to the level crossing there being named after him; it was later replaced by the Billy
Hughes Bridge.

Stanley Melbourne Bruce,

1st Viscount Bruce of Melbourne, CH, MC, FRS, PC (April 15, 1883 August 25, 1967),
was anAustralian politician and diplomat, and the eighth Prime Minister of Australia from February 9, 1923 until Octobar 22,
1929. He was the second Australian granted an hereditary peerage of the United Kingdom, but the first whose peerage was
formally created. He was the first incumbent Prime Minister to lose his seat at an election; the only other being John
Howard in 2007. Stanley Bruce was born on Grey Street, St Kilda, a Melbourne suburb, in 1883; however, his family moved
shortly after to "Wombalano" on Kooyong Road, Toorak (now owned by the Murdoch family). The boy's father, of Scottish
descent, was a prominent businessman. Bruce was educated at Glamorgan (now part of Geelong Grammar School),
Melbourne Grammar School, and then at Trinity Hall, Cambridge. After graduation he studied law in London and was called to
the bar in 1907. He practised law in London, and also managed the London office of his father's importing business. When
World War I broke out he joined the British Army, and was commissioned to the Worcestershire Regiment, seconded to
the Royal Fusiliers. In 1917 he was severely wounded in France, winning the Military Cross and the Croix de guerre. Bruce
was invalided home to Melbourne, and soon became involved in recruiting campaigns for the Army. His public speaking
attracted the attention of the Nationalist Party, and in 1918 he was elected to the House of Representatives as MP
for Flinders, near Melbourne. His background in business led to his being appointed Treasurer (finance minister) in 1921. The
Nationalist Party lost its majority at the 1922 election, and could only stay in office with the support of the Country Party.
However, the Country Party let it be known it would not serve under incumbent Prime Minister Billy Hughes. This gave the
more conservative members of the Nationalist Party an excuse to force Hughes to resign. They believed that Hughes, a
former leading member of theAustralian Labor Party, was still a socialist at heart, but only tolerated him to keep Labor out of
power. Bruce was chosen as Hughes's successor. Bruce then entered negotiations with the Country Party leader, Earle Page,
for a coalition government. Page's terms were stifffive Cabinet seats out of 11, as well as the Treasurer's role and the
number-two position in the government for himself. These demands were unheard of for such a young party in
the Westminster system. Nonetheless, Bruce readily agreed, if only to avoid forcing another election. On February 9, 1923, he
became prime minister at the head of a Nationalist-Country coalition government. At the age of 39, he was the youngest
member of the Cabinet. Bruce's appointment marked an important turning point in Australian political history. He was the
first Prime Minister who had not been involved in the movement for federation, who had not been a member of a colonial
Parliament, and who had not been a member of the original 1901 federal Parliament. He was, in addition, the first Prime
Minister to head a cabinet consisting entirely of Australian-born ministers. With his aristocratic manners and dress he drove
a Rolls-Royce and wore white spats he was also the first genuinely "Tory" Australian Prime Minister. Under Bruce, the
government took on a decidedly more conservative hue than had been the case under Hughes. He formed an effective
partnership with Page, and exploited public fears of Communism and militant trade unions to dominate Australian politics
through the 1920s. Despite predictions that Australians would not accept such an aloof leader as Bruce, he won a smashing
victory over a demoralised ALP, led by Matthew Charlton, at the 1925 election. Throughout his term of office, he pursued a
policy of support for theBritish Empire, the League of Nations, and the White Australia Policy:"We intend to keep this country
white and not allow its peoples to be faced with the problems that at present are practically insoluble in many parts of the
world."
In his policy launch speech made at the Shire Hall in Dandenong, south-eastern Melbourne, on 25 October 1925,
Bruce reiterated his government's commitment to the White Australia Policy: "It is necessary that we should determine what

are the

ideals towards which every Australian would desire to strive. I think those ideals might well be stated as
being to secure our national safety, and to ensure the maintenance of our White Australia Policy to
continue as an integral portion of the British Empire." On July 8, 1928 he was appointed
a Companion of Honour. His government was reelected, though with a significantly reduced
majority, in 1928. Strikes of sugar mill workers in 1927, waterside workers in 1928, then of
transport workers, timber industry workers and coal miners erupted in riots and lockouts in New
South Wales in 1929. Bruce responded with a Maritime Industries Bill that was designed to do
away with theCommonwealth Court of Conciliation and Arbitration and return arbitration powers to
the States. He declared that approval of the bill was to be considered a vote of confidence in the
government. On September 10, 1929, Hughes and five other Nationalist members joined Labor in
voting against the Bill. The Speaker, Littleton Groom, abstained, and the bill was defeated by a vote of 35
to 34, bringing down the BrucePage government and forcing the 1929 election. Labor, now led by James
Scullin (Charlton had resigned from the party's leadership in 1928), won a landslide victory, scoring an
18seat swingat the time, the second-worst defeat of a sitting government in Australian history. Bruce
was
defeated by Labor's candidate Jack Holloway in his electorate of Flinders. Bruce had gone into the
election holding Flinders with what appeared to be a fairly safe 10.7 percent two-party majority. However, on the second
count an independent Liberal candidate's preferences flowed mostly to Holloway, thus making Bruce the first sitting prime
minister to lose his seat. The only other sitting Australian prime minister to be defeated in his own electorate is John Howard,
at the 2007 election. After his 1929 electoral defeat, Bruce went to England for personal business reasons and contested
the 1931 election from that country as a member of the United Australia Party (a merger of Bruce's Nationalists and Labor
dissidents). He won his seat back, becoming the first person (and, to date, the only person) ever to be re-elected to
parliament after serving as Prime Minister and leaving the House of Representatives. He was named a Minister without
portfolio in the government of Joseph Lyons. Lyons quickly dispatched Bruce back to England to represent the government
there and he led the Australian delegation to the 1932 Ottawa Imperial Conference. In 1933 Bruce resigned from Parliament
in order to take the position in London as Australian High Commissioner to the United Kingdom. He held this post with great
distinction for 12 years, playing a notable role in the Abdication Crisis triggered by Edward VIII, and representing Australia's
interests in London during World War II. He was appointed a member of the Imperial War Cabinet and the Pacific War Cabinet.
In 1947 he became the first Australian created an hereditary peer when he was made Viscount Bruce of Melbourne, of
Westminster Gardens in the City of Westminster (Sir John Forrest was to have been similarly honoured in 1918, and his
peerage was even publicly announced, but he died before it was officially created.) He was the first Australian to take his seat
in the House of Lords. Bruce divided the rest of his life between London and Melbourne. He remained Australian High
Commissioner until 1945; subsequently he represented Australia on various UN bodies, and his name was considered for the
position of United Nations Secretary-General. He was the chairman of the World Food Council for five years. Bruce was
appointed as the first Chancellor of the Australian National Universityand served from 1951 until 1961. The residential
college, Bruce Hall at the Australian National University in Canberra was named in honour of Lord Bruce. Bruce married Ethel
Dunlop Anderson (born 25 May 1879) in 1913. They had no children. He died in London on August 25, 1967, aged 84. As he
was childless the viscountcy became extinct. He was cremated and his ashes were scattered on Canberra's Lake Burley
Griffin. Viscountess Bruce of Melbourne died on March 16, 1967, only a few months before her husband. In 1972 Bruce was
honoured on a postage stamp bearing his portrait issued by Australia Post. The Canberra suburb of Bruce, and the
electoral Division of Bruce based in south-east Melbourne, are both named after Stanley Bruce. Melbourne Grammar School
also has a house named after him, Bruce House. Bruce Hall, at the Australian National University, is also named in his honour.

James Henry Scullin (September

18, 1876 January 28, 1953) was an Australian Labor Party politician and the
ninth Prime Minister of Australia from October 22, 1929 until January 6, 1932. Scullin led Labor to government at the 1929
election. Two days after he was sworn in as Prime Minister, the Wall Street Crash of 1929 occurred which marked the
beginning of the Great Depression and subsequent Great Depression in Australia. Already in a weak political position, the
economic crisis would prove overwhelming for Scullin, with interpersonal and policy disagreements causing a three-way split
of his party that would bring down his government in late 1931. Despite his chaotic term of office, Scullin was personally
popular and remained a leading figure in the Labor movement throughout his lifetime. He would remain a trusted minence
grise within the party until his retirement in 1949. The son of working-class Irish-immigrants, Scullin spent much of his early
life as a laborer and grocer in Ballarat. An autodidact and passionate debater, Scullin would join the Australian Labor Party in
1903, beginning a career spanning five decades. He was a political organizer and newspaper editor for the party, and was
elected to the House of Representatives first in 1910 and then again in 1922 until his death. Scullin quickly established
himself as a leading voice in parliament, rising rapidly to become Deputy Leader of the party in 1927 and then Leader of the
Opposition in 1928. Winning a landslide election in 1929, events took a dramatic change with the crisis on Wall Street and
the rapid onset of the Great Depression around the world, which hit heavily indebted Australia hard. Scullin and
his Treasurer Ted Theodore responded by developing several plans during 1930 and 1931 to repay foreign debt, provide relief
to farmers and create economic stimulus to curb unemployment based on deficit spending and expansionary monetary
policy. Although the Keynesian Revolution would see these ideas adopted by most Western nations by the end of the decade,
in 1931 such ideas considered radical and the plans were bitterly opposed by many who feared hyperinflation and economic
ruin. The still opposition-dominated Senate, and the conservative-dominated boards of the Commonwealth Bank and Loan
Council, repeatedly blocked the plans. With the prospect of bankruptcy facing the government, Scullin backed down and
instead advanced the Premiers' Plan, a far more conservative measure that met the crisis by severe cutbacks in government
spending. Pensioners and other core Labor constituencies were severely affected by the cuts, leading to a widespread revolt
and multiple defections in parliament. After several months of infighting the government collapsed and the newlyformed United Australia Party take power at the subsequent 1931 election. Scullin would remain party leader for several
more years but party split would not be healed until after Scullin's return to thebackbenches in 1935. Scullin became a
respected elder voice within the party and leading authority on taxation and government finance, and would eventually play
a significant role in reforming both when the ALP returned to government in 1941. Although disappointed with his own term of
office, he nonetheless lived long enough to see many of his government's ideas validated by history and enacted by
subsequent governments before his death in 1953. James Henry Scullin was born in Trawalla, Victoria on 18 September 1876.
His father, John Scullin, was a Catholic railway labourer from County Londonderry in Ireland who had emigrated to Australia in
his 20s. His mother, Ann Logan, was also Irish Catholic and from County Londonderry, although she had joined John in
Australia later. James was the fourth of eight children, and grew up in a tight-knit and devoutly Catholic home. James
attended the Trawalla State School from from 1881 to 1887 and earned an early reputation as an active and quick witted boy,
though often sickly, characteristics that would remain with him for life. [1] The family moved to Mount Rowan, Ballarat in 1887,
and the young James received education there until 14 and thereafter held various manual odd-jobs in the Ballarat district
until about 1900. For ten years from 1900 he ran a grocer's shop in Ballarat, though his level of success in this venture is
unclear. During this time he also attended night school, and was a voracious reading and somewhat of an autodidact. He
joined a number of societies and was active in the Australian Natives' Association and theCatholic Young Men's Society,

eventually becoming president of the latter. He also was also a skilled debater, participating in local competitions and having
an association with the Ballarat South Street debating society for nearly 30 years, which would prove formative to his interest
and talent in politics. Scullin was a devout Roman Catholic, a non-drinker and a non-smoker all his life. Scullin became active
in politics during his years in Ballarat, being influenced by the ideas of Tom Mann and the growing labour movement in
Victoria, as were many of his later ministerial colleagues such as Frank Anstey, John Curtin and Frank Brennan. He joined the
local Political Labor Council in 1903 and was active in local politics thereafter. He spoke often around Ballarat on political
issues and helped with Labor campaigns at state and federal level. He assisted political organisation for the Australian
Workers' Union, and in 1906 Federal elections he was the ALP candidate for the seat of Ballarat against then Prime
Minister Alfred Deakin. Although a race in which Labor had virtually no chance of winning, Scullin ran a spirited campaign and
impressed those within the movement for his efforts. In 1907 he married Sarah Maria McNamara, a dressmaker from Ballarat
who was of similar Irish heritage to Scullin. The marriage was childless. Due to Scullin's frequent and often serious bouts of
illness over his long career, Sarah served the role as her husband's protector and was a crucial source of support and care for
her husband. She was frequently called to assist or stand in for her husband at social occasions when her husband's illness
prevented him from attending personally. She was an active member of the Labor Party herself, and would remain wellinformed on politics. Very unusually among Australian political spouses (and even more so during the period of her husband's
career), Sarah would often attend parliamentary sessions, and would even be present during the debate and vote that
brought her husband's government down. In 1910 Scullin won his first election as the ALP candidate in Corangamite, in a year
when Labor's Andrew Fisher surged in the polls and formed the world's first Labor Party majority government. Scullin had
done much to personally build the grass-roots organisation of the Labor movement in this seat in the years prior to the
election, although its rural character meant it was not considered a seat naturally sympathetic to the ALP. In federal
parliament, Scullin quickly earned a reputation as an impressive and formidable parliamentary debater. He spoke on a wide
range of issues over the three years of his term, but concentrated especially on matters relating to taxation and the powers
of the Commonwealth, both of which would become signature issues for Scullin throughout his career. Although he was well
regarded in his district and hard-working and ardent, it was not enough to shield him from the Joseph Cook's resurgent and
now united conservative forces in the election of 1913, and Scullin suffered the fate of many Labor members in rural districts
at that year's election. He tried and failed to reacquire the seat at the 1918 Corangamite by-election. After defeat Scullin was
appointed as editor of the Evening Echo, a Labor daily newspaper in Ballarat. He would hold this position for the next nine
years, which solidified his position within the Victorian Labor movement and made him an influential voice within its ranks. He
became a leading voice against conscription in Victoria during World War I, and a forceful intellectual contributor to the party
during the Billy Hughes years, being elected president of the Victorian state branch of the ALP in 1918. During these years
Scullin earned a reputation as a socialist on the left-wing of the party and had radicalised in some of his opinions, particularly
his sentiments against imperial domination from London. Scullin was fiercely patriotic and critical of the war, particularly
Britain's leadership of the dominions within it. In the early 1920s Scullin was prominent in the push for the party to
adopt economic socialisation policies as part of its platform. The death of federal Labor leader Frank Tudor left a vacancy in
the very safe urban seat of Yarra in Melbourne. Scullin handily won ALP preselection over several other candidates, and in
February 1922 he took the seat at the ensuing by-election with more than three quarters of the vote. His win prompted he
and his family to relocate to Richmond, away from his long-time home of Ballarat, and to an electorate completely different in
character to his earlier seat of Corangamite. However his new proximity to the Federal parliament(still located in Melbourne)
and representation of a safe seat afforded many more political opportunities and freedoms, and soon Scullin was a prominent
figure on the ALP campaign trail and appearing at events around the country. In these years Scullin's notoriety rose
considerably within the party and the nation-at-large, and became one of the leading lights of the parliamentary opposition,
and was quickly elevated to the party executive in February 1923. During his years as an opposition backbencher, Scullin
spoke frequently and passionately. He was an able debater and parliamentary performer, but also carved out a niche as a
leading voice on several issues, particularly taxation and economic policy. Some of Scullin's charges on land-tax avoidance by
wealthy pastoralists were so damning that the Bruce government called a Royal Commission to specifically investigate his
claims. Scullin's competence on financial matters proved useful to the government as well, and several of his suggestions
from the opposition bench made their way into Bruce government legislation. As a key member of the opposition team, there
was no objection to Scullin becoming deputy leader of the Labor Party in March 1927. As Deputy Leader, Scullin excelled in
taking the case to the government. Throughout 1927 Scullin earned particular acclaim in keeping the ageing Bruce
government to account on economic and financial matters. A series of speeches by Scullin that year on the Government's
mishandling of the economy, and the generally dangerous trajectory of Commonwealth financial policy, predicted
catastrophe. He accused the government of spending too much, borrowing to much from overseas sources, and not rectifying
a worrying excess of imports over exports: a three-part recipe for disaster. This alarming analysis of the Australian economy
would prove to be correct within three years, however relatively few paid attention to Scullin's warning at the time, nor the
prescient 1927 volume The Boom of 1890 And Now by E.O.G. Shann, on which Scullin based many of his arguments. In
March 1928, Matthew Charlton resigned as leader of the parliamentary ALP and was replaced by Scullin in a unanimous
motion, although some had their eye on newcomer E.G. Theodore as a more promising replacement. The ensuing contest
over the position of Deputy Leader saw Theodore denied once again in a close vote, foreshadowing some of the future
controversy he would stir up within the party under Scullin. Scullin led the ALP in the general election campaign of 1928. He
visited widely around the country, and made especial focus on Western Australia, Tasmania and Queensland states where
the Labor party's fortunes had greatly declined in previous years. Scullin was well received and made ground in these areas,
as well as in rural districts to counteract the increasingly urban nature of the ALP. Labor gained 8 seats, although this was due
to a swing against the government rather than a swing towards Labor. Whilst quite a bit short of forming government, the
campaign was generally viewed as a success and Scullin's reputation remained intact as leader. In 1929 was dogged by
industrial disputes, the worst of which occurred within the waterfront, timber and coalmining sectors. The Bruce government
struggled to manage these episodes its proposal by referendum for greater Commonwealth industrial powers had been
rejected in 1926. After months of deadlock and protests over decisions of the Federal Arbitration Court, Bruce reversed course
entirely by proposing that the Commonwealth dismantle federal arbitration and hand industrial matters back entirely to the
states. The proposal was a radical departure from one of the pillars of the so-called "Australian settlement", and several MPs,
led by former PM Billy Hughes, ultimately voted against the government and forced Bruce to seek an additional mandate
from the people. Crucially, it would be a House-only election as the 1925 Senate term had not expired. Just 9 months after
the previous campaign, Australia was in campaign mode once more. Amidst a background of industrial strife and heavy
handed government proposals to deal with it, Scullin, who preached conciliation and negotiation between the parties, seemed
the moderate choice, despite the more radical otherwise held by the ALP. [12] Fighting on their home territory and in favour of
what was a still popular status-quo in industrial relations law, Scullin and the ALP romped home in the polls, winning 46 seats
in the 75 seat chamber, the most they had ever won, and even defeated PM Stanley Bruce in his own seat. The party was
jubilant and Scullin enthusiastically accepted commission to become Prime Minister. He was to be Australia's first Catholic
prime minister, and the first Australian PM not born in either Sydney or Melbourne. Scullin came to Canberra amidst
rapturous applause from his supporters and the largest yet ALP parliamentary contingent. However, the party had many
diverse interests and factions within it, ranging from metropolitan socialist radicals to rural professional politicians. The Scullin

administration immediately rolled back several of the Bruce government's measures deemed to be anti-labor including
changes made to industrial arbitration and competition, and the immediate abolition of compulsory military training. Scullin
also chose not to take residence in The Lodge, which had only been completed two years prior, citing its unnecessary
extravagance and cost to the taxpayer. But the government's attention would soon shift to the economy. On the very day
Scullin arrived in Canberra after the election, The Sydney Morning Herald announced large losses on Wall Street. On 24
October, two days after Scullin's cabinet was sworn in, news ofBlack Thursday reached Australia and the government.The
effect these developments would have on the Australian economy were not yet known, as economic conditions were already
agreed to be poor, but the portents of future disaster were there. Three of the last four Commonwealth budgets had been in
substantial arrears funded by overseas borrowing, and the value of Australian debt had been steadily declining in foreign
markets. Sluggish years for the agricultural and manufacturing sectors were compounding the problem, but the most
worrying statistic was unemployment, which was just over 13% at the end of 1929. A further problem was the decline in
Australian trade. Price for wool and wheat Australia's two principle exports had fallen by almost a third during 1929. With
debts rising and the ability to repay diminishing, Australia was faced with a seriously troubled financial outlook when Scullin
took office. Scullin's government faced significant limitations on its power to implement its response to the economic crisis.
There had been no half-Senate election in 1929, meaning that theNationalist majority elected in 1928 was still in place. The
conservative Senate proved hostile to much of the ALP's economic program. Scullin also had to contend with a financial
establishment in Australia(most notably Commonwealth Bank Board Chairman Sir Robert Gibson) and in the United
Kingdom (such as Bank of England representative Sir Otto Niemeyer) that was firmly opposed to any deviation from orthodox
economics in responding to the Great Depression. On the contrary, there was much disagreement with Scullin's
parliamentary party as to how to respond to the crisis, and a great many were sympathetic to the then radical ideas
of inflationary finance and other proto-Keynesian approaches. Furthermore, Scullin and his Treasuer Ted Theodore were
vehemently opposed suggestions from the Opposition and Commonwealth Bank to reduce the deficit by cutting Federal
welfare emoluments. Thus began two-years of clashes between the government and its opponents, which would prove to be
some of the most turbulent in Australian political history. Ongoing industrial disputes on the coalfields of the Hunter Valley
and Newcastle dragged on throughout Scullin's government, the Commonwealthlacking the power to coerce a solution and
numerous negotiations between owners and workers collapsed. As a Labor Prime Minister, expectations ran high that Scullin
would force the mine owners to submit to worker demands. Scullin was sympathetic, but refused to go beyond negotiations
and inducements to end the disputes. Many within the New South Wales branch of the ALP were infuriated and felt they had
been betrayed, catalysing a beginning of a separation between the state branch (led by fiery demagogue Jack Lang) and the
federal party led by Scullin. Heavily indebted and with conditions worsening, Scullin and Theodore took many novel steps in
an attempt to turn the economy around. Appeals were made, both to the Australian public and on overseas markets, to
bolster confidence and boost government bond subscriptions. A "Grow More Wheat" campaign was launched in 1930 to
encourage farmers to plant a record crop and attempt to improve Australia's serious trade deficit, although ultimately Scullin
was unsuccessful in convincing the Senate or the Commonwealth Bank to support this program through price guarantees. At
the same time unemployment had hit a record high of 14.6 in the March quarter of 1930. Scullin's election promise of
unemployment insurance was discussed in this period, but with dire predictions for government finance the promise was
continually stalled. Scullin made major proposals to change the constitutional amendment process; expand Commonwealth
powers over commerce, trade and industry; and to break apart the Commonwealth Bank to separate out its reserve bank and
trading bank functions. The Senate blocked them all, or made amendments which rendered them unrecognisable. A double
dissolution was threatened, though for various reasons both practical and political, Scullin never took this step. In June 1930
the government suffered a heavy loss when Theodore was forced to resign after he was criticised by a Royal Commission
enquiring into a scandal known as the Mungana affair), claims of corrupt deals dating back to Theodore's time as Premier of
Queensland. Scullin took over the Treasury portfolio in the interim while Theodore went to Queensland to face charges, and
was compelled to bring down the 1930 budget personally. Tarred with the political scandal, the budget, which raised taxes,
cut spending and still did not deliver a surplus; was very unpopular with all sections of the community. What is more, the
budget proved overly optimistic as Australian revenues continued to plunge and the deficit rose. By August 1930, crisis
meetings were held in which Sir Robert Gibson and Sir Otto Niemeyer were demanding further economies in Commonwealth
spending. Niemeyer, a representative of the Bank of England, had arrived in Australia to inspect financial conditions on behalf
of creditors and had a grim report that "Australian credit is at a low ebblower than that of any of the other dominions" and
that without drastic steps default and financial collapse was assured. [17] Gibson agreed, and as Chairman of the
Commonwealth Bank Board had to power to deny the Australian government loans to finance the budget unless more cuts
were made by both the national and state governments. After meeting with Scullin and state premiers, the 'Melbourne
Agreement' was reluctantly struck in which further major spending cuts were agreed to, although opposed by a significant
minority of Scullin's party. In the heat of this crisis, matters were made worse still by Scullin's decision to travel to London to
seek an emergency loan and to attend the Imperial Conference. While in London, Scullin succeeded in gaining loans for
Australia at reduced interest. He also succeeded in having King George V appoint Sir Isaac Isaacs as the first Australianborn Governor-General, despite the King's personal opposition and the strong objections of both the British establishment and
the conservative opposition in Australia, who attacked the appointment as tantamount to republicanism. [5] However a
leadership vacuum was left behind, with Scullin out of the country for the whole second half of 1930, James Fenton (as acting
Prime Minister) and Joseph Lyons (as acting Treasurer) were left in charge. They insisted on pursuing deflationary policies and
orthodox solutions to degrading Commonwealth budgetary position, arousing great opposition in the Labor caucus. In regular
contact with Fenton and Lyons in London through the awkward means of cables, Scullin felt he had no choice but to agree to
the recommendations of economic advisers, supported by Lyons and Fenton, that government spending be heavily cut,
despite the suffering this caused and the disillusionment of the Labor party's base, whom were most affected by these cuts.
Party unity began to crumble, and the gulf between the moderate and radical wings of the party began to grow. Returning to
Australia in 1931, Scullin was faced with a party now deeply divided over how to respond to the Depression. Jack Lang had
won election as Premier of New South Wales and had become a leading alternative voice within the ALP, advocating radical
measures including repudiation of interest on debts to Britain and printing money to pay for public works programs to relive
employment and inflate the currency. The NSW contingent in Federal parliament was sympathetic to Lang's views and had
become disillusioned with Scullin's leadership and his compromises with conservative interests. At the first meeting of cabinet
upon his return, Scullin made things worse by reappointing Theodore as treasurer, despite his name not having been yet
cleared over the Mungana Affair. Although arguably Theodore was the most competent man available to implement Scullin's
economic program, Lyons and Fenton (as well as several others) were strong opposed and resigned from the cabinet in
protest. Making matters worse, Theodore had become a fierce personal rival of Lang within the New South Wales branch, and
his return as treasurer further isolated radical elements of the party. At the same time, the economy had continued to decline
and unemployment had soared, with most of the government measures designed to combat the crisis still in limbo due to
opposition either from the Senate or refusal of funding by the Commonwealth Bank. In February Scullin and Theodore
presented a comprehensive plan at a conference of the state premiers that attempted to straddle both orthodox and radical
approaches. Whilst maintaining heavy budgetary cuts, it also planned to provide economic stimulus to help the unemployed
and farmers, as well as repaying short-term debts and overdrafts held by British banks. This would require substantial further

funds to be advanced by the Commonwealth Bank, however Gibson soon made it clear he would not do so unless significant
cuts to social spending (particularly pensions) was also implemented. Scullin refused, instead planning to pay for the plan
through the expanding the note issue. This 'Theodore Plan' was approved by narrow majorities of the state premiers and then
the parliamentary party. However, Jack Lang rejected the plan, stating instead that Australia should default on its British
debts until more equitable repayment terms were agreed to. Lyons and the conservatives within the party were horrified, as
were the Opposition, seeing note issue as a sure path to hyperinflation and complete economic ruin. In March matters came
to a head. The East Sydney by-election saw Eddie Ward elected on specifically pro-Lang platform, and the bitter campaign
within the seat saw the federal ALP and NSW ALP mutually expel each other from the party. Scullin and the Federal party
refused to admit Ward to the caucus, and subsequently Jack Beasley led five others out of the party room to sit on the crossbenches as "Lang Labor". With chaos in ALP ranks and parliament facing a highly controversial plan for economic
rehabilitation, the Opposition presented a motion of no confidence. Lyons, Fenton and four others on the conservative wing
crossed the floor, leaving the Scullin now with a minority government of just 35 members, however the Lang faction kept the
government in power for now. Having built a large and popular following among the public, Lyons and his ex-ALP followers
would united the Nationalists and three independents into the United Australia Party, with Lyons becoming the new Leader of
the Opposition. With a possible default by the Commonwealth looming in June, Scullin's minority government attempted to
push through the Theodore Plan. Although under pressure given the prospect of bankruptcy, the Senate and Gibson did not
relent, and nearly all the bills needed to implement the Theodore Plan were rejected. Nation-wide opinion was divided on the
government plan, however many were extremely concerned about the prospect of excessive inflation should the government
start printing money to pay its bills. Now May, with unemployment at 27.6% widespread suffering across much of the
population, Scullin called another conference of the state premiers to try and forge a new deal, now resigned to the fact that
compromise with the Opposition was inevitable if any plan could be implemented. A new orthodox plan calling for 20%
reductions in spending across the board for all governments was struck, and such cuts to also apply to social welfare
spending. Combined with a mass loan conversion that would reduce the interest rates paid ongovernment bonds by 22.5%,
Australia now had a consensus as to how to reduce the annual deficit from some 41.08m to 14.65m. Although he had
finally secured parliamentary and state approval for a plan, Scullin now faced a revolt from his own party. Cuts to pensions
and the poor were particular hard of Scullin, and many core Labor supporters felt deeply betrayed by this compromise of
society's most vulnerable groups. Scullin ardently defend the program, but Lang's influence as an alternative opinion leader
of the ALP was growing, now with state branches in Victoria and South Australia rebelling against the Premiers' Plan.
Traumatic as it was, the government finally now was implementing an economic plan, and things began to improve. Domestic
confidence, and confidence in the British loan market, began to recover and default was averted. Voluntary acceptance of
lower bond rates on government debt had been extremely successful in a patriotic campaign, wool and wheat prices finally
began to rise, and government finances at both Commonwealth and state level were largely under control by October. But
with unemployment still rising (it would not peak until 1932), Scullin still faced disillusionment from many within his party,
and further gains in ground by Lang. Lang felt threatened by the apparent success of the Premier's Plan though, and renewed
talks of unity between the factions had appeared with the improvement of economic conditions. Lang Labor subsequently
forced a showdown with the Scullin government in November. With allegations arising that Theodore had abused his position
as treasurer to buy support in New South Wales away from the Lang faction, Beasley and his followers called for a royal
commission into the charges. Scullin refused. To the surprise of many observers, the Beasley group crossed the floor to join
the Opposition, thereby defeating the government. A snap election for December 1931 was called. The subsequent campaign
was one of the shortest in history, but with open warfare between pro-Lang and pro-Scullin forces in Victoria and New South
Wales, and much of the country still facing hardship and grievances against the government, ALP defeat was virtually
assured. Labor was defeated in a massive landslide in the December 1931 election. The official Labor Party, which had won
46 seats out of 75 in the House of Representatives in 1929, was reduced to a mere 14 (Lang Labor won another 4), and Lyons
became Prime Minister. Labor was defeated in a massive landslide in the December 1931 election. The official Labor Party,
which had won 46 seats out of 75 in the House of Representatives in 1929, was reduced to a mere 14 (Lang Labor won
another 4), and Lyons became Prime Minister. However, Scullin was not held responsible for the debacle and stayed on as
Labor leader. To date, it is the last time that a sitting Australian government has been defeated after a single term. The heavy
task of leading the country through the brunt of the depression, beset as he was by many enemies and few friends, left deep
marks on Scullin's character. As one Country Party parliamentarian observed, "the great burden that was imposed upon him
then almost killed him".[23]Scullin won much praise for his performance as Opposition Leader, as he had before coming Prime
Minister. His grasp of economic and trade matters was still formidable, and on several matters he succeeded in forcing
changes to government policy or banding with the Country Party to force amendments to government legislation. However
failure to reunite the party and dislodge Lang as the alternative voice of the party failed in the lead-up to the 1934 election
left the party at a distinct disadvantage. Ultimately, Scullin and his Commonwealth supporters' implementation of
the Premiers' Plan was too much of a betrayal for many to accept, and opposing Lang and Scullin factions of the ALP
continued to plague NSW and Victorian state politics for years. The 1934 election proved to be a dispiriting defeat for Scullin.
Despite an admirable and vigorous term as opposition leader, Scullin's ALP gained just 4 seats and actually suffered a small
swing against it, with the ALP and the UAP losing ground to Lang Labor, which gained 5 seats on a swing of almost 4%.
Scullin markedly declined in vigor for his role as Opposition Leader after he was reconfirmed in it after the 1934 election.
Tired of the infighting, he took little part in the renewed conciliation talks between the opposition party wings, which in the
event failed to resolve the now entrenched divide between Lang and anti-Lang forces. Scullin at many points had stated his
resolve to remain leader until such time that he could be sure he would not be succeeded by Lang forces at the federal level,
but fate intervened and Scullin's health, always middling, declined significantly in 1935. Bedridden several times, Scullin
tendered his resignation on September 23, 1935, citing a physical inability to continue as leader. By the time of Scullin's
resignation Australia's economy had recovered significantly and business confidence had returned to a large extent. The
belligerent actions of Japan in China, and then Germany in Europe, began to overtake the economy as the predominant
concern of Australian politics. Curtin proved a necessary salve to the ALPs wounds, and under his leadership many of the
Lang Labor faction returned to the mainline ALP fold, though Lang and some supporters remained obdurate. During these
years Scullin was far quieter in the backbenches, only occasionally taking an active role in parliament, though still an active
local member in his seat of Yarra. Upon becoming Prime Minister in 1941 after the defection of two independent members
from the government benches, John Curtin came to rely on Scullin greatly for his counsel. Scullin took no portfolio nor played
any part in military strategy or much of the overall war effort, except where finance was concerned. However, he was given
the office between Curtin and Treasurer Ben Chifley's, and his advice would have significant bearing upon the policy and
political tactics of the Curtin government. Scullin was a leading voice in caucus in support of the new PM, urging it to give
Curtin the powers to run his own government without the caucus interference Scullin himself had so frequently fallen afoul of.
To Scullin's delight, rafts of social and economic policies, so long out of reach for Labor governments, finally became law
during the wartime government. Scullin continued to be a leading voice in the movement in favour of further social welfare
plans and was influential within the party in the nature and direction these took. Another of Scullin's long held ambitions
eradication of the Federal structure in favour of a unified state was sated somewhat when he was appointed as one of three
on a committee to recommend means of implementing uniform taxation. That committee soon proposed eliminating state

governments' ability to levy income tax, a proposal which Curtin accepted and greatly weakened
the Federal system by making states fiscally dependent on the Commonwealth. Scullin's committee
work shone out again in 1944, where he led the charge to change the tax code to operate on a payas-you-go basis, which was accepted and implemented by the Curtin Government. Ill-health
continued to return in bouts, but Scullin remained active if subdued in parliament after Curtin's
death and Chifley's succession in 1945. He continued to be influential in fiscal and taxation matters,
and the impact of his experience was still occasionally felt in Chifley-era legislation. However his
health declined significantly in 1947, and he did not appear in parliament again after June of that
year, announcing he would retire at the 1949 elections. Scullin was frequently bedridden in these
last 18 months, and unable to attend many gatherings. His condition deteriorated further after
retirement, suffering cardio-renal failure in 1951 and becoming almost permanently bedridden and
under the care of his wife. Scullin died in his sleep on 28 January 1953 from complications arising
from pulmonary edema. Scullin was given a state funeral in St Patrick's Cathedral, with a Requiem
Mass presided over by Archbishop Daniel Mannix. He is buried in Melbourne General Cemetery.
Over his grave the federal executive of the ALP and the ACTU erected a monument on behalf of the Labor movement of
Australia. Scullin had defended his record in government throughout his later career, and took pride in having been Prime
Minister in times which might have broken a lesser figure. However he lived long enough to see many of his economic ideas
vindicated by history, particularly inflationary financing, which was quite radical by the standards of his times but an
accepted pillar of Keynesian economics adopted by Australia and most other Western governments in the late 1930s and
1940s. Indeed, John Maynard Keynes himself would state of Scullin's Premier's Plan which caused him so much woe and
electoral unpopularity that it "saved the economic structure of Australia".The Economist admitted after the election of 1931
that Scullin "had already done much to place Australia on the high road to recovery".Several measures which had been
proposed and defeated by the UAP opposition (particularly on gold shipments for loan repayments) were subsequently
reintroduced and passed by the UAP once in government, giving Scullin some satisfaction. Furthermore Scullin consoled
himself with the fact that the Depression destroyed most of the political careers of those who occupied government through it
only one Australian premier won reelection from 1927 to 1935, and Scullin's foreign contemporaries Herbert
Hoover, Ramsay MacDonald, Richard Bennett and George Forbes all suffered similarly devastating elections in the wake of
the depression. In 1951, 114 manufacturers in Melbourne donated to a fund for Scullin's retirement. Having not forgotten his
advocacy of tariffs during their height of unpopularity in the depression, several companies went as far to state that Scullin's
efforts had "commenced a new era in the secondary industry field in Australia" and that the success of Australia's wartime
industry was due to Scullin's protection of industry during its most vulnerable period a decade earlier. Scullin's years
following his term of government also proved fruitful he exerted a surprising amount of influence over government policy as
Opposition Leader. Scullin was for decades the foremost expert in the Australian parliament on taxation and a variety of other
fiscal matters, a fact which rendered his advice very influential within the Curtin government and many of his ideas, having
been denied during his own term of government, would eventually be enshrined in the wave of sweeping reforms made by
the Curtin/Chifley governments. Scullin was a well-respected figure in politics. Although the target of much bile and
disagreement over his policies, he was personally extremely well regarded and had a reputation as a fearless and stoic leader
of great personal integrity and fortitude. His resignation as leader in 1935 caused even longtime critic Jack Beasley to admit
that Scullin was "a fearless fighter in the exposition of what he believes to be the right course" . Scullin, Australian Capital
Territory, a suburb of Canberra, is named after him, as is the Division of Scullin, a House of Representatives electorate.
The Scullin monolith in Antarcticawas also named in his honour.

Joseph Aloysius Lyons, CH (September 15, 1879 April 7, 1939) was an Australian politician. He was Labor

Premier
of Tasmania from Octobar 15, 1923 until June 28, 1928 and a Minister in the James Scullin government from 1929 until his
resignation from the Labor Party in March 1931. He subsequently led the United Australia Party and was the tenth Prime
Minister of Australia from January January 6, 1932 until his death on April 7, 1939. Lyons was born in Stanley, Tasmania, the
grandson of Irish immigrants. His father, Michael Lyons, was a successful farmer who afterwards engaged in a butchery and
bakery business, but lost this on account of bad health, and subsequently was forced to work as a labourer. His mother did
much to keep the family of eight children together, but Joseph had to leave school at nine to work as a messenger
and printer's devil. But with the assistance of two aunts, he was able to resume his education at the Philip Smith Teachers'
Training College, Hobart, and became a teacher. He also became an active trade unionist and was an early member of
theAustralian Labor Party in Tasmania. In 1909 Lyons was elected to the Tasmanian House of Assembly. From 1914 to 1916 he
was Treasurer (finance minister) and Minister for Education and Railways in John Earle's state Labor government. As
Education Minister he oversaw a number of reforms, including abolition of fees for state schools, improving teachers' pay and
conditions, and founding Tasmania's first state high schools. In 1913, a participant in the Labor discussion groups, Eliza
Burnell, introduced him to her 15 year-old daughter, Enid Burnell, a trainee teacher and they were married two years later.
[3]
She was a strong-minded woman who exercised great influence over Lyons, while raising their eleven children. When the
ALP split over conscription during the First World War in 1916, Earle, a pro-conscriptionist, followed Prime Minister Billy
Hughes out of the Labor party. Like most Australians of Irish Catholic background, Lyons was an anti-conscriptionist and
stayed in the Labor Party, becoming its new leader in Tasmania. He led the Labor opposition in the Tasmanian Parliament until
1923 when he became Premier, leading a minority ALP government. He held office until 1928, also serving as Treasurer
during the whole period of his premiership. Lyons' government was cautious and pragmatic, establishing good relations with
business and the conservative government in Canberra, but attracting some criticism from unionists within his own party.
Labor narrowly lost the 1928 state election to the Nationalist Party. At the 1929 election, Lyons entered Federal politics,
winning the seat of Wilmot in Labor's landslide victory under James Scullin. He was appointed PostmasterGeneral and Minister for Works and Railways. When the Depression struck in 1930, the Scullin government split over its
response. Lyons became the leading advocate within the government of orthodox finance and deflationary economic policies,
and an opponent of the inflationary, proto-Keynesian policies of TreasurerTed Theodore. Theodore was forced to resign over
accusations of corruption in June 1930, and Scullin took over the Treasury portfolio in addition to the Prime Ministership. Lyons
served as acting Treasurer from August 1930 to January 1931 while Scullin was in Britain for the Imperial Conference. In
October 1930 Lyons announced his plan for recovery, insisting on the need to maintain a balanced budget and cut public
spending and salaries, although also advising lower interest rates and the provision of greater credit for industry. His
conservative economic approach won him support among business, but angered many in the Labor caucus, who wanted to
expand the deficit to stimulate the economy, and were horrified at the prospect of cuts in salaries and government spending.
Alienated by their attacks, Lyons began to consider suggestions from a group of his new business supporters, including
influential members of the Melbourne Establishment, that he leave the government to take over the leadership of the
conservative opposition. When Scullin returned in January 1931, he reappointed Theodore (as it had become clear Theodore
would not be charged with corruption) to the Cabinet as Treasurer, which Lyons took as a rejection of his own policies. Lyons
immediately resigned from the Cabinet, and then in March from the Labor Party. Accompanied by another senior minister in
the Scullin government, James Fenton, and three other right-wing Labor MPs, he formed the "All for Australia League" and

crossed the floor to sit on the opposition benches. The opposition Nationalist Party and the five
dissident Labor MPs (as well as three conservative independent MPs) soon merged to form a new
party, the United Australia Party. Although the new party was basically the Nationalist Party under
a new name, Lyons was chosen as leader of the party (and thus became Leader of the Opposition)
rather than the old Nationalist leader John Latham, as it was recognised that (as an affable family
man with the common touch) he was a far more electorally appealing figure than the aloof
Latham, and his Labor background and his Catholicism would allow him to win traditional Labor
support groups (working-class voters and Irish Catholics) over to the new party. In March, at about
the same time as Lyons led his group of defectors from the right of the Labor Party across the
floor, 5 left-wing NSW Labor MPs, supporters of New South Wales Premier Jack Lang, also split from
the official Labor Party over the government's economic policies (for Lyons they had been too
radical, for the Langites they were not radical enough), forming a "Lang Labor" group on the crossbenches and costing the government its majority in the House of Representatives. Late in the
year, the Langite MPs supported a UAP no-confidence motion and brought the government down,
forcing an early election. At the 1931 election, Lyons and the UAP offered stable, orthodox financial policies, and portrayed an
image of putting national unity above class conflict (given credibility by Lyons, a working-class man leading a party made of
largely of middle- and upper-class conservatives), while Labor remained split between the official party and the Langites. The
result was a huge victory for the UAP, which took 34 seats against 18 seats for the two wings of the Labor Party combined.
The new government was sworn in January 1932. Lyons became the third former Labor Party MP to become a non-Labor
Prime Minister. The UAP fought the election in the traditional non-Labor Coalition with the Country Party (then led by Sir Earle
Page). However, the massive swing to the UAP left it only four seats short of a majority in its own right, and Lyons' position
was strong enough that he was able to govern alone during his first term. After the 1934 election resulted in the
government's loss of eight seats, Lyons was forced to invite the Country Party into his government. Until 1935 Lyons served
as Treasurer as well as Prime Minister. In office, Lyons followed the same conservative financial policy he had advocated
during the Scullin government, cutting public spending and debt. He benefited politically from the gradual worldwide recovery
that took place after 1932. As far as foreign policy was concerned, Lyons was a firm though by no means servile ally of
Britain, and also supported the League of Nations. His government tended to support the conciliation of the dictatorships of
Germany, Italy, and Japan to avoid another world war, but he still increased military spending. As a result he ensured an
expansion of the armed forces, the opening of an aircraft factory, and the planning of new munitions factories and shipyards.
At the 1934 election the ambitious and talented Robert Menzies entered Parliament, and was immediately seen as Lyons's
successor, although he denied that he was seeking to displace Lyons. The government won a third term at the 1937 election,
with 44 of 74 seats and 50.6 percent of the two-party preferred vote against a reunited Labor Party led by John Curtin. As the
international situation darkened in the late 1930s, Lyons became increasingly despondent. Most politicians expected that he
would soon be replaced by Menzies, who resigned from Cabinet in protest at the government's inaction on the national
insurance scheme. On April 7, 1939, in Sydney, Lyons died suddenly of a heart attack the first Australian Prime Minister to
die in office. He was 59 years old. Lyons was one of the most genuinely popular men to hold the office of Prime Minister, and
his death caused widespread grief. His genial, laid-back appearance often led to cartoon portrayal as a sleepy koala. A devout
Catholic, he was the second Catholic to become Prime Minister, after his immediate predecessor Scullin, and the only nonLabor Catholic Prime Minister to date. He is the only person in Australian history to have been Prime Minister, Premier of a
State, and Leader of the Opposition in both the Federal Parliament and a State Parliament (although George Reid had served
as Premier of a colony before Federation). Lyons is also Australia's only Prime Minister to come from Tasmania. He was the
only Australian Prime Minister to be in office during the reigns of three monarchs ( George V, Edward VIII, and George VI), and
the only Australian Prime Minister who was in office continuously throughout a monarch's entire reign (albeit a very short one,
the 11 month-reign of Edward VIII). Dame Enid Lyons later went into politics in her own right, in 1943 becoming the first
woman to sit in the House of Representatives, and later the first woman Cabinet Minister in the Menzies' Liberal government.
Two of their sons later became involved in Tasmanian state politics in the Liberal Party: Kevin Lyons was Deputy Premier
between 1969 and 1972 and Brendan Lyons served in the ministry of Robin Gray during the 1980s. The Australian
federal Division of Lyons is named jointly in honour of Joseph Lyons and his widow Dame Enid Lyons. The Canberra suburb
of Lyons, Australian Capital Territory is named in honour of Joseph Lyons. In 1975 he was honoured on a postage stamp
bearing his portrait issued by Australia Post.

Earle Christmas Grafton Page, GCMG, CH (August

8, 1880 December 20, 1961) was the 11th Prime Minister of

Australia from April 7 until April 28, 1939., and is to date the second-longest serving federal parliamentarian in Australian
history, with 41 years, 361 days in Parliament. Born in Grafton, New South Wales, Page was educated at Sydney Boys High
School and the University of Sydney, where he graduated in medicine at the top of his year in 1901. He worked at
Sydney's Royal Prince Alfred Hospital, where he met Ethel Blunt, a nurse, whom he married in 1906. In 1903 he joined a
private practice in Grafton and in 1904 he became one of the first people in the country to own a car. He practised in Sydney
and Grafton before joining the Australian Army as a medical officer in the First World War, serving in Egypt. After the war he
went into farming and was elected Mayor of Grafton. In 1919 Page was elected to the House of Representatives
from Cowper in northeastern New South Wales. He ran as a candidate of the Farmers and Settlers Association of New South
Wales, which in 1920 merged with several other rural-based parties to form theCountry Party. He became the party's leader
in 1921, ousting William McWilliams. Dislike of the Hughes government's rural policies was one of the reasons the Country
Party was formed, and when the party won the balance of power in the House at the 1922 election, Page demanded and got
Hughes's resignation as the price for supporting the Nationalist government. Page then began negotiations with Hughes'
successor as leader of the Nationalists, Stanley Bruce. His terms were stiff; he wanted his Country Party to have five seats in
an 11-man Cabinet, including the post of Treasurer and the second rank in the ministry for himself. These demands were
unprecedented for such a new party. Nonetheless, as the Country Party was the Nationalists' only realistic coalition partner,
Bruce accepted Page's terms. For all intents and purposes, Page was the first Deputy Prime Minister of Australia(a title that
did not officially exist until 1968). Since then, the leader of the Country/National Party has been the second-ranking member
in nearly every non-Labor government. Page continued his professional medical practice, and on 22 October 1924 he had to
tell his best friend, Thomas Shorten Cole (1870-1957), the news that his wife Mary Ann Crane had just died on the operating
table from complications of intestinal or stomach cancer reputed by their daughter Dorothy May Cole to be "the worst day
of his life". He was a strong believer in orthodox finance and conservative policies, except where the welfare of farmers was
concerned: then he was happy to see government money spent freely. He was also a "high protectionist": a supporter of high
tariff barriers to protect Australian rural industries. The Bruce-Page government was defeated by Labor in 1929 (with Bruce
losing his own seat), and Page went into opposition. In 1931, a group of dissident Labor MPs led by Joseph Lyons merged with
the Nationalists to form the United Australia Party, with Lyons as leader. Page and the Country Party continued in coalition
with the UAP. The UAP-Country Coalition won a comprehensive victory in the 1931 election. However, the UAP was in a strong
enough position (only four seats short of a majority) that Lyons was able to form an exclusively UAP government
with confidence and supply support from the Country Party. In 1934, however, Lyons was forced to take the Country Party
back into his government in a full-fledged Coalition. Page became Minister for Commerce. He was made a Knight Grand Cross

of the Order of St Michael and St George (GCMG) in the New Years Day Honours of 1938. When
Lyons died suddenly in 1939, the Governor-General Lord Gowrie appointed Page as caretaker
Prime Minister. He held the office for three weeks until the UAP elected former deputy
leader Robert Menzies as its new leader, and hence Prime Minister. While ten Australian Prime
Ministers were knighted (and Bruce was elevated to the peerage), Page is the only one who was
knighted before becoming Prime Minister. Page had been very close to Lyons, but he disliked
Menzies, whom he charged publicly with having been disloyal to Lyons. When Menzies was
elected UAP leader, Page refused to serve under him, and made an extraordinary personal attack
on him in the House, accusing him not only of ministerial incompetence but of physical cowardice
(for failing to enlist during World War I). His party soon rebelled, though, and Page was deposed
as Country Party leader and replaced by Archie Cameron. In 1940 Page and Menzies patched up
their differences for the sake of the war effort, and Page returned to the Cabinet as Minister for
Commerce. Nevertheless, Page's accusations were not forgotten and were occasionally raised in
parliament by Menzies' opponents (notably Eddie Ward). In 1941, the government fell; and Page
spent the eight years of the Curtin and Chifley Labor governments on the opposition backbench.
He was made a Companion of Honour (CH) in June 1942. In 1949 Page put forward a discussion paper on the redrawing of
state boundaries: Australia would be divided into twelve states, Queensland into four, Eden-Monaro and East Gippsland would
become another state, Mount Gambier to Mildura and Cape Otway another state, and the Northern Territory divided into two.
Menzies returned to the Prime Ministership in 1949, and Page was made Minister for Health. He held this post until 1956,
when he was 76, then retired to the backbench. On Billy Hughes' death in October 1952, Page became the Father of the
House of Representatives and Father of the Parliament. Page was the first Chancellor of the University of New England, which
was established in 1954. Lady (Ethel) Page died in 1958; and on 20 July 1959 Page married his secretary Jean Thomas. By
the 1961 election, Page was gravely ill from lung cancer. Although he was too sick to actively campaign, Page refused to even
consider retiring from Parliament and soldiered on for his 17th general election. In one of the great upsets of Australian
electoral history, he lost his seat to Labor challenger Frank McGuren, whom he had defeated soundly in 1958. Page had gone
into the election holding Cowper with what appeared to be an insurmountable 11-point majority, but McGuren managed to
win the seat on a swing of 13 percent. Page had become comatose before the election and never regained consciousness. He
died 11 days after the election at Royal Prince Alfred Hospital, without ever knowing that he had been defeated. Page
represented Cowper for just four days short of 42 years, making him the longest-serving Australian federal parliamentarian
who represented the same seat throughout his career. Only Billy Hughes served in Parliament longer than Page; but Hughes
represented four different electorates in New South Wales and Victoria. His grandson Don Page is currently a National MP in
the NSW Parliament and served as Deputy Leader of the NSW Nationals from 2003 to 2007. His nephew was the war
hero Robert Page. Lady (Jean) Page died on 20 June 2011. The Canberra suburb of Page is named after him, as is the House of
Representatives Division of Page. Earle Page College, a residential college of the University of New England, was founded in
his honour, and is the venue for the Earle Page Annual Politics Dinner, which has had numerous prominent national and
international guest lecturers. In 1957, a new building at Royal Prince Alfred Hospital was opened by Page and named the Page
Chest Pavilion. In 1975 he was honoured on a postage stamp bearing his portrait issued by Australia Post.

Robert Gordon Menzies, KT, AK, CH, FAA, FRS, QC (December 20, 1894 May 15, 1978) was an Australian politician
and the 12th Prime Minister of Australia from April 26, 1939 until August 26, 1941 and 17th Prime Minister of Australia from
December 19, 1949 until January 19, 1966. Serving a collective total of over 18 years, he was Australia's longest-serving
Prime Minister. Menzies' first term as Prime Minister commenced in 1939, after the death in office of the United Australia
Party leader Joseph Lyonsand a short-term interim premiership by Sir Earle Page. His party narrowly won the 1940 election,
which produced a hung parliament, with the support of independent MPs in the House. A year later, his government was
brought down by those same MPs crossing the floor. He spent eight years in opposition, during which he founded the Liberal
Party of Australia. He again became Prime Minister at the1949 election, and he then dominated Australian politics until his
retirement in 1966. Menzies was renowned as a brilliant speaker, both on the floor of Parliament and on the hustings; his
speech "The Forgotten People" is an example of his oratorical skills. Throughout his life and career, Menzies held strong
beliefs in the Monarchy and in traditional ties with Britain. In 1963 Menzies was invested as the only Australian Knight of
the Order of the Thistle. Menzies is regarded highly inPrime Ministerial opinion polls and is very highly regarded in Australian
society for his tenures as Prime Minister. Robert Gordon Menzies was born to James Menzies and Kate Menzies (ne Sampson)
in Jeparit, a town in the Wimmera region of northwestern Victoria, on December 20, 1894. His father James was a
storekeeper, the son of Scottish crofters who had immigrated to Australia in the mid-1850s in the wake of the Victorian gold
rush. His maternal grandfather, John Sampson, was a Cornish miner fromPenzance who also came to seek his fortune on the
goldfields, in Ballarat. Menzies was proud of his mother's origin. Cornish authorA.L. Rowse wrote, 'When Menzies visited us
[at All Souls College, Oxford] he told me that he was a Cornish Sampson on his mother's side.' His father and one of his
uncles had been members of the Victorian Parliament, while another uncle had represented Wimmera in the House of
Representatives. He was proud of his Highland ancestry his enduring nickname, Ming, came from /ms/, theScots and
his own preferred pronunciation of Menzies. His middle name, Gordon, was given to him in honour and memory ofCharles
George Gordon, a British army officer killed in Khartoum in 1885. Menzies' formal education began at a one-room school,
then later at private schools in Ballarat and Melbourne (Wesley College) and studied law at the University of Melbourne,
graduating in 1916. When World War I began, Menzies was 19 years old and held a commission in the university's militia unit.
He resigned his commission at the very time others of his age and class clamoured to be allowed to enlist. It was later stated
that, since the family had made enough of a sacrifice to the war with the enlistment of two of three eligible brothers, Menzies
should stay to finish his studies. Menzies himself never explained the reason why he chose not to enlist. Subsequently he was
prominent in undergraduate activities and won academic prizes and declared himself to be a patriotic supporter of the war
and conscription. Menzies was admitted to the Victorian Bar and to the High Court of Australia in 1918 and soon became one
of Melbourne's leading lawyers after establishing his own practice. In 1920 he married Pattie Leckie, the daughter of
federal Nationalist, and later Liberal, MP, John Leckie. In 1928, Menzies gave up his law practice to enter state parliament as a
member of the Victorian Legislative Council from East Yarra Province, representing the Nationalist Party of Australia. His
candidacy was nearly defeated when a group of ex-servicemen attacked him in the press for not having enlisted, but he
survived this crisis. The following year he shifted to the Legislative Assembly as the member for Nunawading. Before the
election, he founded the Young Nationalists as his party's youth wing and served as its first president. He was Deputy Premier
of Victoria from May 1932 until July 1934. Menzies transferred to federal politics in 1934, representing the United Australia
Party (UAPthe Nationalists had merged with other non-Labor groups to form the UAP during his tenure as a state
parliamentarian) in the upper-class Melbourne electorate of Kooyong. He was immediately appointed Attorney-General and
Minister for Industry in the Lyons government. In 1937 he was appointed a Privy Councillor. In late 1934 and early 1935
Menzies, then Attorney-General, unsuccessfully prosecuted the Joseph Lyons government's case for theattempted
exclusion from Australia of Egon Kisch, a Czech Jewish communist. While some saw this as an early example of his antiCommunism, others suspected and charged Menzies with holding Nazi sympathies. Following the outbreak of World War II
Menzies attempted to distance himself from his actions as Attorney-General in this affair by claiming Interior Minister Thomas

Paterson was responsible since he made the initial order to exclude Kisch. In August 1938,
as Attorney-General of Australia in the pro-Appeasement Lyons government, Menzies visited
Germany, letting it be known that he was "prepared to give Hitler the benefit of the doubt, and
draw my conclusions about Germany myself." Menzies spent several weeks in Nazi Germany and
was extremely impressed with the achievements of the "New Germany" (such as the abolition of
trades unions, suppression of the right collective bargaining, outlawing of the right to strike); he
was also "deeply impressed" by the "spirituality" of the German people, their unselfish attitude,
their less materialist outlook on life, and their preparation to make sacrifices on behalf of the
Nation. On returning to Australia the following month Menzies unashamedly expressed favourable
views of Nazism and the Nazi dictatorship, based as he said on his own first hand experience. In
October 1938, after five years of escalating violence against the Jews and others, and scarcely one
month before the infamous Nazi atrocity known as Kristallnacht, he made a speech in Sydney
where he drew a contrast between the quality of the leadership of Lyons (then Australian PM)
and Hitler (then German Chancellor); Menzies' critique strongly favoured Hitler. Animosity
developed between Sir Earle Page and Menzies which was aggravated when Page became Acting
Prime Minister during Lyons' illness after October 1938. Menzies and Page attacked each other publicly. He later became
deputy leader of the UAP. His supporters said he was Lyons's natural successor; his critics accused Menzies of wanting to
push Lyons out, a charge he denied. In 1938 his enemies ridiculed him as "Pig Iron Bob", the result of his industrial battle with
waterside workers who refused to load scrap iron being sold to Imperial Japan. In 1939, however, he resigned from the
Cabinet in protest at postponement of the national insurance scheme. With Lyons' sudden death on April 7, 1939, Page
became interim Prime Minister until the UAP could elect a leader. On April 18, 1939 Menzies was elected Leader of the UAP
and was sworn in as Prime Minister eight days later. A crisis arose almost immediately, however, when Page refused to serve
under him. In an extraordinary personal attack in the House, Page accused Menzies of cowardice for not having enlisted in
the War, and of treachery to Lyons. Menzies then formed a minority government. When Page was deposed as Country Party
leader a few months later, Menzies reformed the Coalition with Page's successor, Archie Cameron.
Fellow Australians, It is my melancholy duty to inform you officially that in consequence of a persistence by Germany in
her invasion of Poland, Great Britain has declared war upon her and that, as a result, Australia is also at war . Menzies'
radio broadcast to the nation on 3 September 1939 informing Australia that the country was at war with Germany and
her allies.
In September 1939, Menzies found himself a wartime leader of a small nation of 7 million people that depended on Britain for
defence against the looming threat of the Japanese Empire, with 100 million people, a very powerful military, and an
aggressive foreign policy that looked south. He did his best to rally the country, but the bitter memories of the disillusionment
which followed the First World War made his task difficult, this being compounded by Menzies' lack of a service record. Even
more damning was that as Attorney-General and Deputy Prime Minister, Menzies had made an official visit to Germany in
1938, when the official policy of the Australian government, supported by the Opposition, echoed its London masters in
supporting Neville Chamberlain's policy of Appeasement. Menzies led the Coalition into the 1940 election and lost the large
majority he had inherited from Lyons. The result was a hung parliament, with the Coalition two seats short of a majority.
Menzies was able to form a minority government with the support of two independent MPs, Arthur Coles and Alex Wilson.
Labor led by John Curtin refused Menzies' offer to form a war coalition, and also opposed using the Australian army for a
European war, preferring to keep it at home to defend Australia. Labor did however agree to participate in the Advisory War
Council. Menzies sent the bulk of the army to help the British in the Middle East and Singapore, and told Winston Churchill the
Royal Navy should strengthen its Far Eastern forces. From January 24, 1941 Menzies spent four months in Britain discussing
war strategy with Churchill and other Empire leaders, while his position at home deteriorated. The Australian historian
Professor David Day has suggested that Menzies might have replaced Churchill as British Prime Minister, and that he had
some support in Britain for this. This support came from the British press in the form of Viscount Astor, Lord Beaverbrook and
former WW1 Prime Minister David Lloyd George,[11] who were trenchant critics of the autocratic style of Winston Churchill and
favoured replacing Winston with Menzies. He also had some public support for his staying on in the War Cabinet for the
duration, which was strongly backed by Sir Maurice Hankey, former WW1 Colonel and member of both WW1 & WW2 War
Cabinets. One Australian writer Gerard Henderson has rejected this theory, yet others such as Australian history
Professors Judith Brett Latrobe Uni. & Joan Beaumont ANU support David Day, as indeed does Menzies' daughter Heather
Henderson. She even goes on to state that Lady Nancy Astor 'even offered all her sapphires if he would stay on in
England'. When Menzies came home, he found he had lost all support, and was forced to resign on 27 August. The UAP was
so bereft of leadership that it was forced to then turn to former Prime Minister Billy Hughes as its new leader. However, the
nearly 78-year-old Hughes was viewed as a stopgap leader, and a joint UAP-Country Party conference chose Country Party
leader Arthur Fadden as Coalition leaderand hence Prime Ministereven though the Country Party was nominally the junior
partner in the Coalition. Menzies was very bitter about what he saw as this betrayal by his colleagues, and almost left politics.
He was, however, persuaded to become Minister for Defence Co-ordination in Fadden's cabinet.
'I do not believe that the real life of this nation is to be found either in great luxury hotels and the petty gossip of so-called
fashionable suburbs, or in the officialdom of the organised masses. It is to be found in the homes of people who are nameless
and unadvertised, and who, whatever their individual religious conviction or dogma, see in their children their greatest
contribution to the immortality of their race. The home is the foundation of sanity and sobriety; it is the indispensable
condition of continuity; its health determines the health of society as a whole.'
Fadden's government was defeated in Parliament later in 1941 after the two independent MPs crossed the floor, allowing
Curtin to form a Labor minority government. Fadden was named as Leader of the Opposition, and Menzies moved to the
backbench. Labor won the 1943 election with 49 of 74 seats and 58.2 percent of the two-party-preferred vote as well as a
Senate majority. Hughes resigned as UAP leader, and Menzies returned to the leadership. Fadden yielded the post of
Opposition Leader back to Menzies as well. Menzies held a series of meetings during 1944 to discuss forming a new antiLabor party to replace the moribund UAP. This was the Liberal Party of Australia, which was launched in early 1945 with
Menzies as leader. Curtin died in office in 1945 and was succeeded by Ben Chifley. Labor won the 1946 election with 43 of 74
seats and 54.1 percent of the two-party vote, and retained their Senate majority. Comments that "we can't win with Menzies"
began to circulate in the conservative press. Over the next few years, however, the anti-communist atmosphere of the
early Cold Warbegan to erode Labor's support. In 1947, Chifley announced that he intended to nationalise Australia's private
banks, arousing intense middle-class opposition which Menzies successfully exploited. The 1949 coal strike, engineered by
the Communist Party, also played into Menzies' hands. With the lower house enlarged from 74 to 121 seats, the Menzies
Liberal/Country Coalition won the 1949 election with 74 of 121 seats and 51.0 percent of the two-party vote but remained in
minority in the Senate. With a Senate minority for the new Menzies government, Menzies introduced legislation in 1951 to
ban the Communist Party, hoping that the Senate would reject it and give him a trigger for a double dissolution election, but

Labor let the bill pass. It was subsequently ruled unconstitutional by the High Court. But when the Senate rejected his
banking bill, he called a double dissolution election. The Menzies government won 69 of 121 seats and 50.7 percent of the
two-party vote at the 1951 electionand gained control of the Senate. Later in 1951 Menzies decided to hold a referendum on
the question of changing the Constitution to permit the parliament to make laws in respect of Communists and Communism
where he said this was necessary for the security of the Commonwealth. If passed, this would have given a government the
power to introduce a bill proposing to ban the Communist Party. Chifley died a few months after the 1951 election. The new
Labor leader, Dr H. V. Evatt, campaigned against the referendum on civil liberties grounds, and it was narrowly defeated.
Menzies sent Australian troops to the Korean War. Economic conditions deteriorated however, and Labor was confident of
winning the 1954 election. Shortly before the election, Menzies announced that a Soviet diplomat in Australia Vladimir Petrov,
had defected, and that there was evidence of a Soviet spy ring in Australia, including members of Evatt's staff. Evatt felt
compelled to state on the floor of Parliament that he'd personally written to Soviet Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov, who
assured him there were no Soviet spy rings in Australia. This Cold War scare was claimed by some to enable the Menzies
government to win the election. The Menzies government won 64 of 121 seats and 49.3 percent of the two-party vote. Evatt
accused Menzies of arranging Petrov's defection. The aftermath of the 1954 election caused a split in the Labor Party, with
several anti-Communist members from Victoria defecting to form the Australian Labor Party (Anti-Communist). The new
party directed its preferences to the Liberals, with the Menzies government re-elected with an increased majority at the 1955
election. Menzies was reelected almost as easily at the 1958 election, again with the help of preferences from what had
become the Democratic Labor Party. By this time the post-war economic recovery was in full swing, fuelled by massive
immigration and the growth in housing and manufacturing that this produced. Prices for Australia's agricultural exports were
also high, ensuring rising incomes. Following the Egyptian dictator Colonel Nasser's nationialisation of the Suez Canal
Company on 26 July 1956, Menzies led a delegation to Egypt to try to force Nasser to compromise with the West. Although, at
the time it was seen as confirming Menzies' status as a world statesman, it was of vital importance to Australia's shipping
trade with Britain. Menzies publicly supported the Anglo-French invasion of Egypt during the Suez Crisis. Labor's new
leader, Arthur Calwell, gave Menzies a scare after an ill-judged squeeze on credit an effort to restrain inflation caused a
rise in unemployment. At the 1961 election the Menzies government narrowly retained government with 62 of 122 seats and
a two-party vote of 49.5 percent. The Menzies government was able to exploit Labor's divisions over the Cold War and the
American alliance, winning an increased majority at what would be Menzies' last election, the 1963 election. An incident in
which Calwell was photographed standing outside a South Canberra hotel while the ALP Federal Executive (dubbed by
Menzies the "36 faceless men") was determining policy also contributed to the 1963 victory. This was the first "television
election" and Menzies, although nearly 70, proved a master of the new medium. Menzies' policy speech was televised on 12
November 1963, a method that "had never before been used in Australia". The effect of this form of political communication
was studied by Colin Hughes andJohn Western, who published their findings in 1966. This was itself the first such detailed
study in Australia. In 1963, Menzies was appointed a Knight of the Order of the Thistle (KT), the order being chosen in
recognition of his Scottish heritage. He is the only Australian ever appointed to this order, although three British governorsgeneral of Australia (Lord Hopetoun; Sir Ronald Munro Ferguson, later Lord Novar; and Prince Henry, Duke of Gloucester) were
members. He was the second of only two Australian prime ministers to be knighted during their term of office (the first prime
minister Edmund Barton was knighted during his term in 1902). In 1965, Menzies committed Australian troops to the Vietnam
War, and also to reintroduce conscription. These moves were initially popular, but later became a problem for his successors.
Despite his pragmatic acceptance of the new power balance in the Pacific after World War II and his strong support for the
American alliance, he publicly professed continued admiration for links with Britain, exemplified by his admiration for Queen
Elizabeth II, and famously described himself as "British to the bootstraps". Over the decade, Australia's ardour for Britain and
the monarchy faded somewhat, but Menzies' had not. At a function attended by the Queen at Parliament House, Canberra, in
1963, Menzies quoted the Elizabethan poet Thomas Ford, "I did but see her passing by, and yet I love her till I die" . Menzies
resigned as Prime Minister on Australia Day 1966, and resigned from Parliament on 16 February, ending 38 years as an
elected official and 32 years in Parliament. To date, Menzies is the last Australian Prime Minister to leave office on his own
terms. He was succeeded as Liberal Party leader and Prime Minister by his former Treasurer, Harold Holt. He left office at the
age of 71 years, one month and 26 days, making him the oldest person ever to be Prime Minister. Although the coalition
remained in power for almost another seven years (until the 1972 Federal election), it did so under four different Prime
Ministers. On his retirement he became the thirteenth Chancellor of the University of Melbourne and remained the head of
the university from March 1967 until March 1972. Much earlier, in 1942, he had received the first honorary degree of Doctor
of Laws of Melbourne University. His responsibility for the revival and growth of university life in Australia was widely
acknowledged by the award of honorary degrees in the Universities of Queensland, Adelaide, Tasmania, New South Wales,
and the Australian National University and by thirteen universities in Canada, the United States and Britain, including Oxford
and Cambridge. Many learned institutions, including the Royal College of Surgeons (Hon. FRCS) and the Royal Australasian
College of Physicians (Hon. FRACP), elected him to Honorary Fellowships, and the Australian Academy of Science, for which
he supported its establishment in 1954, made him a fellow (FAAS) in 1958. In July 1966 the Queen appointed Menzies to the
ancient office of Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports and Constable of Dover Castle, taking official residence at Walmer
Castle during his annual visits to Britain. He toured the United States giving lectures, and he published two volumes of
memoirs. At the end of 1966 Menzies took up a scholar-in-residence position at the University of Virginia. Menzies
encountered some public tribulation in retirement; however, when he suffered strokes in 1968 and 1971, he faded from public
view. Menzies died from a heart attack in Melbourne in 1978 and was accorded a state funeral, held in Scots' Church,
Melbourne, at which Prince Charles represented Queen Elizabeth II. Menzies was Prime Minister for a total of 18 years, five
months and 12 days, by far the longest-serving Australian Prime Minister. His second term of 16 years, one month and seven
days is far and away the longest unbroken tenure in that office. During his second term he dominated Australian politics as no
one else has ever done. He managed to live down the failures of his first term in office and to rebuild the conservative side of
politics from the nadir it hit in 1943. Menzies also did much to develop higher education in Australia and made the increasing
development of Canberra one of his big projects. However, it can also be noted that while retaining government on each
occasion, Menzies lost the two-party-preferred vote in 1940, 1954, and 1961. He was the only Australian Prime Minister to
recommend the appointment of four governors-general (Sir William Slim, and Lords Dunrossil, De L'Isle, and Casey). Only two
other Prime Ministers have ever chosen more than one governor-general. (Malcolm Fraser chose Sir Zelman Cowen and Sir
Ninian Stephen; and John Howard chose Peter Hollingworthand Michael Jeffery.) The Menzies era saw Australia become an
increasingly affluent society, with average weekly earnings in 1965 50% higher in real terms than in 1945. The increased
prosperity enjoyed by most Australians during this period was accompanied by a general increase in leisure time, with the
five-day workweek becoming the norm by the mid-Sixties, together with three weeks of paid annual leave. Critics say that
Menzies' success was mainly due to the good luck of the long post-war boom and his manipulation of the anti-communist
fears of the Cold War years, both of which he exploited with great skill. He was also crucially aided by the crippling dissent
within the Labor Party in the 1950s and especially by the ALP split of 1954. Several books have been filled with anecdotes
about him and with his many witty remarks. While he was speaking in Williamstown, Victoria, in 1954, a heckler shouted, "I
wouldnt vote for you if you were the Archangel Gabriel" to which Menzies coolly replied "If I were the Archangel Gabriel, Im
afraid you wouldn't be in my constituency." Planning for an official biography of Menzies began soon after his death, but it
was long delayed by Dame Pattie Menzies' protection of her husband's reputation and her refusal to co-operate with the

appointed biographer, Frances McNicoll. In 1991, the Menzies family appointed Professor A.W. Martin to write a biography,
which appeared in two volumes, in 1993 and 1999. The National Museum of Australia in Canberra holds a significant
collection of memorabilia relating to Robert Menzies, including a range of medals and civil awards received by Sir Robert such
as his Jubilee and Coronation medals, Order of Australia, Companion of Honour and US Legion of Merit. There are also a
number of special presentation items including a walking stick, cigar boxes, silver gravy boats from the Kooyong electorate
and a silver inkstand presented by Queen Elizabeth II. In 1950 Menzies was awarded the Legion of Merit (Chief Commander)
by U.S. President Harry S. Truman for "exceptionally meritorious conduct in the performance of outstanding services 1941
1944 and December 1949 July 1950". On January 1, 1951 he was appointed to the Order of the Companions of Honour (CH)
On August 29, 1952, the University of Sydney conferred the degree of Doctor of Laws (honoris causa) on Menzies. Similarly,
He was awarded an Honorary Doctor of Laws by the Universities of Bristol, Belfast, Melbourne, British Columbia, McGill,
Montreal,
Malta,
Laval, Quebec, Tasmania, Cambridge, Harvard, Leeds, Adelaide,
Queensland,
Edinburgh,
Birmingham, Drury and California. On 29 April 1964 Menzies was prese nted with the honorary degree of a Doctor of Letters
(DLitt) by the University of Western Australia. Menzies was also awarded with an Honorary Doctor of Science by the University
of New South Wales. In 1973 Menzies was awarded Japan's Order of the Rising Sun, Grand Cordon, First Class (other
Australian Prime Ministers to be awarded this honour were Edmund Barton, John McEwen, Malcolm Fraser and Gough
Whitlam). On 7 June 1976, he was appointed a Knight of the Order of Australia (AK). The category of Knight of the order had
been created only on 24 May, and the Chancellor and Principal Knight of the Order, the Governor-General Sir John Kerr,
became the first appointee, ex officio. Menzies' was the first appointment made after this. In 1984, the Australian Electoral
Commission proclaimed at a redistribution on 14 September 1984, the Division of Menzies for representation in the Australian
House of Represe ntatives in honour of the former Prime Minister. The division neighbours Menzies' old division of Kooyong in
metropolitan Melbourne, Victoria. In 1994, the year of the centenary of Menzies' birth, the Menzies Research Centre was
created as an independent public policy think tank associated with the Liberal Party. Its first Director was Michael L'Estrange,
who was later Cabinet Secretary, High Commissioner to London, and head of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. In
the 1984 mini series The Last Bastion, Menzies was portrayed by John Wood. In the 1987 mini series Vietnam, he was
portrayed by Noel Ferrier. In the 1988 mini series True Believers, he was portrayed by John Bonney. In the 1996 Egyptian
film Nasser 56, he was portrayed by Egyptian actor Hassan Kami. In the 2007 film Curtin, he was portrayed by Bille Brown. In
the 2008 television documentary Menzies and Churchill at War, he was portrayed by Matthew King. Max Gillies has
caricatured Menzies on stage and in the comedy satire series The Gillies Report.

Arthur William Fadden, GCMG (April

13, 1894 April 21, 1973) was an Australian

politician and, briefly, the 13th Prime Minister of Australia from August 29 until Octobar 7, 1941.
Fadden was born in Ingham, Queensland, on 13 April 1894 the son of a Presbyterian police officer.
He was educated at state schools, and later studied accountancy while working as a clerk. Once he
had qualified he became assistant Town Clerk of Mackay, then Town Clerk. In 1919 Fadden helped
form the North Queensland Rugby League, and served as its founding secretary. In the 1920s he
established a successful accountancy firm with offices in Brisbane and Townsville. He was active in
the Country Party from its foundation. In 1932 Fadden was elected for one term to the Legislative
Assembly of Queensland as member for Kennedy. He was defeated in 1935. The following year,
though, he won a by-election in the federal seat of Darling Downs. He was a blunt, effective
debater and soon made an impression. When Archie Cameron resigned suddenly as Country Party
leader in 1940, there was a deadlock between Earle Page and John McEwen in the ballot to select a
new leader, and Fadden was chosen as a compromise candidate. He was appointed Minister for
Supply and Development, then Minister for Air, then Treasurer (finance minister). In August
1941 Robert Menzies resigned as Prime Minister and leader of the senior party in the coalition,
the United Australia Party(UAP). Although the non-Labor Coalition had been in power for a decade,
the UAP was so bereft of leadership that it was forced to elect former Prime Minister Billy Hughes as its new leader. However,
Hughes was a month shy of 78, and was viewed as a stopgap leader. Under the circumstances, on 28 August a joint UAPCountry meeting chose Fadden as Coalition leader even though the Country Party was the smaller of the two non-Labor
parties. Fadden was duly sworn in as Prime Minister the next day. He was the only member of the Country/National Party to
serve as Prime Minister without an expectation of a short tenure; the other two Country/National Prime Ministers, Page and
McEwen, served as caretakers. In the event, however, Fadden's tenure was short-lived. On 3 October, the two independent
parliamentarians who had been keeping the Coalition in office for the last year, Arthur Coles and Alex Wilson, voted against
Fadden's budget. Coles and Wilson had been so disgusted with how Menzies had been treated that they refused to support
the Coalition any longer. Due to this loss of supply, Fadden submitted his government's resignation to the GovernorGeneral Lord Gowrie later the same day. This was the last occasion to date on which an Australian government was forced to
resign after being defeated on the floor of the House of Representatives. Fadden joked that he was like the Flood: he had
"reigned for 40 days and 40 nights". Gowrie then summoned Coles and Wilson and demanded that, if he commissioned
opposition leader John Curtin as Prime Minister, they would support him and end the instability in government. Coles and
Wilson agreed to this, and Curtin was sworn in on October 7, 1941. A joint UAP-Country Party meeting endorsed Fadden
as Leader of the Opposition, even though the UAP was nominally the senior coalition partner. The Coalition sank into nearparalysis in opposition, and Fadden was unable to get the better of Curtin. The Coalition suffered a crushing defeat in
the 1943 election. It was reduced to 19 seats, including only seven for Fadden's Country Party. Accepting responsibility for
this severe defeat, Fadden then handed the Opposition leadership back to Menzies, who had resumed the UAP leadership.
After the 1946 election, Fadden resumed his political partnership with Menzies. Two years earlier, Menzies had folded the UAP
into the new Liberal Party of Australia. There was some speculation that the Country Party would be included in the merger
(as had already happened in several states), but Fadden was keen to assert the independence of his party. Always an
outspoken conservative, in the late 1940s he became a strong anti-communist, urging Menzies to ban the Communist Party if
he ever came to power. Indeed, in the lead up to the 1949 federal election, Fadden often made inflammatory claims about
the "socialist" nature of the Labor Party which Menzies could then "clarify" or repudiate as he saw fit, thus appearing more
"moderate". His often extreme views were concealed behind a jolly public manner and he enjoyed his nickname "Artie." The
Coalition won a massive victory in that election, and Fadden, who transferred to the newly created seat of McPherson on
the Gold Coast, became Treasurer in the second Menzies government. Although inflation was very high in the early 1950s,
forcing him to impose several "horror budgets," he generally presided over a booming economy, with times especially good
for farmers. He retired before the 1958 election and lived quietly until his death in Brisbane in 1973. Fadden was made a
Knight Commander of the Order of St Michael and St George (KCMG) in 1951, and in 1958 was raised to Knight Grand Cross
(GCMG) of the order. The honour was conferred upon Fadden by King George VI in London on 31 January 1952, only a week
before the King's death. The Canberra suburb of Fadden and the Division of Fadden are named after him. In 1975 he was
honoured on a postage stamp bearing his portrait issued by Australia Post.

John Joseph Curtin (January

8. 1885 July 5, 1945), Australian politician, served as the 14th Prime Minister of
Australia from Octobar 7, 1941 until July 5, 1945. Labor under Curtin formed a minority government in 1941 after

the crossbench consisting of two independent MPs crossed the floor in the House of Representatives, bringing down the
Coalition minority government of Robert Menzies which resulted from the 1940 election aside from the formulative early
parliaments, the only other hung parliament has resulted from the 2010 election. Curtin led federal Labor to its greatest win
with two thirds of seats in the lower house and over 58 percent of the two-party preferred vote, and 55 percent of the primary
vote and a majority of seats in the Senate at the 1943 election. Curtin died in 1945 and was succeeded by Ben Chifley, who
retained government at the 1946 election with over 54 percent of the two-party vote and a continued Senate majority. Curtin
led Australia when the Australian mainland came under direct military threat during the Japanese advance in World War II. He
is widely regarded as one of the country's greatest Prime Ministers. General Douglas MacArthur said that Curtin was "one of
the greatest of the wartime statesmen". His Prime Ministerial predecessor and 1943 election Coalition leader, Arthur
Fadden of theCountry Party wrote: "I do not care who knows it but in my opinion there was no greater figure in Australian
public life in my lifetime than Curtin." Curtin was born in Creswick in central Victoria. His name is sometimes shown as "John
Joseph Ambrose Curtin". He chose the name "Ambrose" as a Catholic confirmation name at around age 14; this was never
part of his legal name. He left the Catholic faith as a young man, and also dropped the "Ambrose" from his name. His father
was a police officer of Irish descent; Curtin attended school until the age of 14 when he started working for a newspaper in
Creswick. He soon became active in both theAustralian Labor Party and the Victorian Socialist Party, a Marxist group. He
wrote for radical and socialist newspapers as "Jack Curtin". It is believed that Curtin's first bid for a public office was when he
stood for the position of secretary of the Brunswick Australian rules football club, and was defeated. He had earlier played for
Brunswick between 1903 and 1907. From 1911 until 1915 Curtin was employed as secretary of the Timberworkers' Union, and
during World War I he was a militant anti-conscriptionist. He was the Labor candidate forBalaclava in 1914. He was briefly
imprisoned for refusing to attend a compulsory medical examination, even though he knew he would fail the exam due to his
very poor eyesight. The strain of this period led him to drink heavily, a vice which blighted his career for many years. In 1917
he married Elsie Needham, the sister of Labor Senator Ted Needham. Curtin moved to Cottesloe near Perth in 1917 to
become an editor for the Westralian Worker, the official trade union newspaper. He enjoyed the less pressured life of Western
Australia and his political views gradually moderated. He joined the Australian Journalists' Association in 1917 and was
elected Western Australian President in 1920. He wore his AJA badge (WA membership #56) every day he was Prime Minister.
In addition to his stance on labour rights, Curtin was also a strong advocate for the rights of women and children. In 1927, the
Federal Government convened a Royal Commission on Child Endowment Curtin was appointed as member of that
commission. Curtin stood as the Labor candidate for the federal seat of Fremantle, near Perth, in 1925, losing badly to the
incumbent, independent William Watson. Watson retired in 1928, and Curtin ran again, winning on the second count.
Reelected in Labor's sweeping victory of 1929 election, he expected to be named toJames Scullin's cabinet, but disapproval of
his drinking kept him on the back bench. Watson roundly defeated him in 1931 as part of Labor's collapse to 14 seats
nationwide. After the loss Curtin became the advocate for the Western Australian Government with the Commonwealth
Grants Commission. He sought his old seat in 1934 after Watson retired for the second time, and won. When Scullin resigned
as Labor leader in 1935, Curtin was unexpectedly elected (by just one vote) to succeed him. The left wing and trade union
group in the Caucus backed him because his better known rival, Frank Forde, had supported the economic policies of the
Scullin administration. This group also made him promise to give up drinking, which he did. He made little progress
against Joseph Lyons' government (which was returned to office at the 1937 election by a comfortable margin); but after
Lyons' death in 1939, Labor's position improved. Curtin led Labor to a five-seat swing in 1940 election, coming within five
seats of victory. In that election, Curtin's own seat of Fremantle was in doubt. United Australia Party challenger Frederick Lee
appeared to have won the seat on the second count after most of independent Guildford Clarke's preferences flowed to him,
and it was not until final counting of preferential votes that Curtin knew he had won the seat. In September 1939 the world
plunged into war when Germany invaded Poland. Prime Minister Robert Menzies proclaimed war on Germany as well and
supported the UK war effort. In 1941 Menzies travelled to the UK to discuss Australia's role in the war strategy, and to express
concern at the reliability of Singapore's defences. While he was in the UK, Menzies lost the support of his own party and was
forced to resign. The UAP, senior partner in the non-Labor Coalition, was so bereft of leadership that Arthur Fadden, leader of
the Country Party, became Prime Minister. Curtin had refused Menzies' offer to form a wartime "national government," partly
because he feared it would split the Labor Party, though he did agree to join the Advisory War Council. In October
1941, Arthur Coles and Alexander Wilson, the two independent MPs who had been keeping the Coalition (led first by Menzies,
then by Fadden) in power since 1940, joined Labor in defeating Fadden's budget and brought the government
down. Governor-General Lord Gowrie, reluctant to call an election given the international situation, summoned Coles and
Wilson and made them promise that if he named Curtin Prime Minister, they would support him and end the instability in
government. The independents agreed, and Curtin was sworn in on October 7, 1941, aged 56. On December 7, 1941,
the Pacific War broke out when Japan bombed Pearl Harbour. Curtin addressed the nation on the radio: "Men and women of
Australia. We are at war with Japan. This is the gravest hour of our history. We Australians have imperishable traditions. We
shall maintain them. We shall vindicate them. We shall hold this country and keep it as a citadel for the British-speaking race
and as a place where civilisation will persist." On 10 December HMS Prince of Wales and HMS Repulse were both sunk by
Japanese bombers off the Malayan coast. These had been the last major battleships standing between Japan and the rest of
Asia, Australia and the Pacific, except for a few survivors of the Pearl Harbor attack. Curtin cabled Roosevelt and Churchill on
23 December: " The fall of Singapore would mean the isolation of the Philippines, the fall of the Netherlands East Indies and
attempts to smother all other bases.It is in your power to meet the situation...we would gladly accept United States
commander in Pacific area. Please consider this as a matter of urgency." Curtin took several crucial decisions. On December
26, 1941, the Melbourne Herald published a New Year's message from Curtin, who wrote: We look for a solid and impregnable
barrier of the Democracies against the three Axis powers, and we refuse to accept the dictum that the Pacific struggle must
be treated as a subordinate segment of the general conflict. By that it is not meant that any one of the other theatres of war
is of less importance than the Pacific, but that Australia asks for a concerted plan evoking the greatest strength at the
Democracies' disposal, determined upon hurling Japan back. The Australian Government, therefore regards the Pacific
struggle as primarily one in which the United States and Australia must have the fullest say in the direction of the
Democracies' fighting plan. Without any inhibitions of any kind, I make it clear that Australia looks to America, free of any
pangs as to our traditional links or kinship with the United Kingdom. We know the problems that the United Kingdom faces.
We know the dangers of dispersal of strength, but we know too,that Australia can go and Britain can still hold on. We are,
therefore, determined that Australia shall not go, and we shall exert all our energies towards the shaping of a plan, with the
United States as its keystone, which will give to our country some confidence of being able to hold out until the tide of battle
swings against the enemy. This historic speech is one of the most important in Australia's short history. It marks the turning
point in Australia's relationship with its founding country, the United Kingdom. Many felt that Prime Minister Curtin was
abandoning the ties with Great Britain without any solid partnership with the United States. This speech also received
criticism at high levels of government in Australia, the UK and the US; it angered Winston Churchill, and President
Roosevelt said it "smacked of panic". The article nevertheless achieved the effect of drawing attention to the possibility that
Australia would be invaded by Japan. Before this speech the Australian response to the war effort was troubled by attitudes
swinging from "she'll be right" to gossip driven panic. Curtin formed a close working relationship with the Allied Supreme
Commander in the South West Pacific Area, General Douglas MacArthur. Curtin realised that Australia would be ignored
unless it had a strong voice in Washington, and he wanted that voice to be MacArthur's. He gave control of Australian forces

to MacArthur, directing Australian commanders to treat MacArthur's orders as coming from the Australian government. The
Australian government had agreed that the Australian Army's I Corps centred on the 6th and 7th Infantry Divisions would
be transferred from North Africa to the American-British-Dutch-Australian Command, in the Netherlands East Indies.
Singapore fell on 15 February 1942. It was Australia's worst military disaster since Gallipolli. The 8th Division was taken into
captivity, a total of about 15,384 men, although Major-General Bennett managed to escape. In February, following the fall of
Singapore and the loss of the 8th Division, Churchill attempted to divert I Corps to reinforce British troops in Burma, without
Australian approval. Curtin insisted that it return to Australia, although he agreed that the main body of the 6th Division could
garrison Ceylon. The Japanese threat was underlined on 19 February, when Japan bombed Darwin, the first of many air raids
on northern Australia. By the end of 1942, the results of the battles of the Coral Sea, Milne Bay and on the Kokoda Track had
averted the perceived threat of invasion. Curtin also expanded the terms of the Defence Act, so that
conscripted Militia soldiers could be deployed outside Australia to "such other territories in the South-west Pacific Area as the
Governor-General proclaims as being territories associated with the defence of Australia". This met opposition from most of
Curtin's old friends on the left, and from many of his colleagues, led by Arthur Calwell. This was despite Curtin furiously
opposing conscription during World War I, and again in 1939 when it was introduced by the Menziesgovernment. The stress of
this bitter battle inside his own party took a great toll on Curtin's health, never robust even at the best of times. He suffered
all his life from stress-related illnesses, and he also smoked heavily. It became common practice during these years for Curtin
and many others in government to work sixteen hours a day. In social policy, the Curtin Government enacted a wide range of
progressive social reforms during its time in office. Pensions were introduced for deserted wives and widows, while the
establishment of the Womens Employment Board led to increased wages for some women during the war. Aboriginal
Australians were provided with significantly increased entitlement to welfare benefits, while maternity allowances were
extended. In addition, pensions for the elderly and infirm were increased, while reciprocal arrangements with New Zealand
were introduced regarding old age and invalid pensions. In 1942, temporary public employees became eligible to apply to join
the Commonwealth superannuation scheme if they had been employed for no less than five years and were certified as
having indefinite future employment, while the Commonwealth Employees Furlough Act of 1943 provided long service leave
for all temporary Commonwealth employees. In 1941, all asiatics who were British subjects became eligible for a pension,
and in 1942, pension eligibility was extended to Pacific islanders known as Kanakas, and from that July that year Aboriginal
natives of Australia became eligible for pensions if they were not subject to a state law relating to the control of Aboriginal
natives or if they lived in a state where they could not be exempt from such laws but were of eligible for pension on the
grounds of character, standard of intelligence and development. That same year, pension became exempt from income tax.
In 1943, funeral benefits were introduced, together with a Wifes Allowance for wives of incapacitated age pensioners where
she lived with him, was his legal wife and did not receive a pension in her own right. From June 1942, Widows' Pension class
B was paid to widows without dependent children who were aged 50 and over. The term 'widow' included de facto widows
who had lived with the deceased spouse for at least three years prior to his death and had been maintained by him. Eligibility
was also extended to deserted de jure wives who had been deserted for at least six months, divorced women who had not
remarried and women whose husbands were in hospitals for those considered to be insane. From July that year, Widows'
Pension class B (WPb) was exempted from income tax. In 1942, eligibility for maternity allowances was extended to
Aboriginal women who were exempted from State laws relating to the control of Aboriginal natives and who were considered
suitable to receive the benefits. From 1943, the income test for maternity allowances was abolished and the rate of the
allowance was increased to 15 pounds where there were no other children under the age of 14 years, 16 pounds where there
were one or two other children, and 17 pounds 10 shillings in cases of three or more children. These amounts included an
additional allowance of 25 shillings per week in respect of the period four weeks before and four weeks after the birth, to be
paid after the birth of the child. That same year, eligibility for Child Endowment was extended to children in Government
institutions, to Aboriginal children who lived for six months per year on a mission station, and to children who were
maintained from a deceased estate. In 1943, Childs Allowance was introduced, payable at the rate of five shillings per week
for a first or an unendowed child under 16 years dependent on an invalid or permanently-incapacitated old-age pensioner.
From July 1945 onwards, Additional Benefit for Children of five shillings per week became payable in respect of the first child
to any person qualified to receive unemployment or sickness benefit having the custody, care and control of one or more
children under the age of 16. At the 1943 election, Curtin led Labor to its greatest election victory, winning two-thirds of the
seats in the House of Representatives on a two-party preferred vote of 58.2 percent. Labor also won the primary vote in all
states in the Senate and thus all 19 seats, to hold a majority 22 of 36 seats. Buoyed by the success of the 1943 election,
Curtin held a referendum in which would give the government control of the economy and resources for five years after the
war was over. The 1944 Australian Referendum contained one referendum question: Do you approve of the proposed law for
the alteration of the Constitution entitled 'Constitution Alteration (Post-War Reconstruction and Democratic Rights) 1944'?
Constitution Alteration (Post-War Reconstruction and Democratic Rights) 1944 was known as the 14 powers, or 14 points
referendum. It sought to give the government power over a period of five years, to legislate
on monopolies, corporations, trusts, national health, family allowances, freedom of speech and religion, ex-servicemen
rehabilitation, the ability to legislate for Indigenous Australians, and safeguards against the abuse of legislative power. The
referendum was defeated, receiving a majority only in Western Australia and South Australia. Nationally overall, 54 percent
voted against the question in the referendum. Referendums that do not receive bipartisan support are rarely successful. In
1944, when he travelled to Washington and London for meetings with Roosevelt, Churchill and other Allied leaders, he
already had heart disease, and in early 1945 his health deteriorated still more obviously. On July 5, 1945, at the age of 60,
Curtin died, the only Prime Minister to die at The Lodge. He was the second Australian Prime Minister to die in office within six
years. His body was returned to Perth on a RAAF Dakota escorted by a flight of nine fighter aircraft. He was buried
at Karrakatta Cemetery in Perth; the service was attended by over 30,000 at the cemetery with many more lining the
streets. MacArthur said of Curtin that "the preservation of Australia from invasion will be his immemorial monument". He was
briefly succeeded as Prime Minister by Frank Forde, then a week later, after a party ballot, by Ben Chifley. Curtin is credited
with leading the Australian Labor Party to its best federal election success in history, with a record 55.1 percent of the
primary half-senate vote, winning all seats, and a two party preferred lower house estimate of 58.2 percent at the 1943
election, winning two-thirds of seats. One important legacy of Curtin's was the significant expansion of social services under
his leadership. In 1942, uniform taxation was imposed on the various states, which enabled the Curtin Government to set up
a far-reaching, federally administered range of social services. These included a widows pension (1942), maternity benefits
for Aborigines (1942), funeral benefits (1943), a second form of maternity benefit (1943), a wifes allowance (1943),
additional allowances for the children of pensioners (1943), unemployment, sickness and Special Benefits (1945), and
pharmaceutical benefits (1945). Substantial improvements to pensions were made, with invalidity and old-age pensions
increased, the qualifying period of residence for age pensions halved, and the means test liberalised. Other social security
benefits were significantly increased, while child endowment was liberalised, a scheme of vocational training for invalid
pensioners was set up, and pensions extended to cover Aborigines. The expansion of social security under John Curtin was of
such significance that, as summed up one historian, Australia entered World War II with only a fragmentary welfare
provision: by the end of the war it had constructed a welfare state. His early death and the sentiments it aroused have
given Curtin a unique place in Australian political history. Successive Labor leaders, particularly Bob Hawke and Kim Beazley,
have sought to build on the Curtin tradition of "patriotic Laborism". Even some political conservatives pay at least formal

homage to the Curtin legend. Immediately after his death the parliament agreed to pay John
Curtin's wife Elsie A1,000 per annum until legislation was passed and enacted to pay a pension to
past Prime Minister or their spouse after their death. Curtin is commemorated by
the Canberra suburb
of Curtin, Curtin
University in
Perth, John
Curtin
College
of
the
Arts in Fremantle, the John Curtin School of Medical Research in Canberra, the John Curtin Prime
Ministerial Library, Curtin Avenue in Perth's western suburbs, and the John Curtin Hotel on Lygon St,
Carlton, Melbourne. Curtin House in Swanston St, Melbourne is also named after him. In 1975 Curtin
was honoured on a postage stamp bearing his portrait issued by Australia Post. On August 14,
2005, the 60th anniversary of V-P Day, a bronze statue of Curtin in front of Fremantle Town Hall was
unveiled by Premier of Western Australia Geoff Gallop. In the 1984 mini series The Last Bastion,
Curtin was portrayed by Michael Blakemore. In the 1986 film Death of a Soldier, he was portrayed
by Terence Donovan. In the 2000 film Pozieres, he was portrayed by David Ross Paterson. In the
2007 Telemovie Curtin, he was portrayed by William McInnes. In the 2012 theatre production The
Fremantle Candidate premiered at the Victoria Hall, Deckchair Theatre.

Francis Michael Forde, PC (July 18, 1890 January 28, 1983) was an Australian politician and the 15th Prime Minister
of
from
Irish
at

Australia. He was the shortest serving Prime Minister in Australia's history, being in office for only eight days
April 6 until April 13, 1945. Forde was born at Mitchell, Queensland, and was the second of six children of
immigrant parents. His father was working as a grazier at the time of his birth, and Forde was educated
St. Mary's College, Toowoomba, a Catholic school, and became a teacher. Settling in Rockhampton, he
became active in the Labor Party and in workers' education groups. In 1917 he was elected to
the Legi
slative Assembly of Queensland as Labor MP for Rockhampton. In 1922 he resigned and was elected to
the Austr
alian House of Representatives for Capricornia. Forde soon advanced in the Labor ranks. When Labor won
the 1929
election, he became Assistant Minister for Trade and Customs in the Scullin government. In the last days
of
the
government he became Minister for Trade and Customs. As one of the few senior Labor MPs to survive
defeat at the 1931 election, Forde became Deputy Opposition Leader in 1932. When Scullin retired in
1935, Forde contested the leadership ballot but was defeated by one vote by John Curtin, mainly
because he had supported Scullin's economic policies. Forde was a loyal deputy, and in 1941 when
Labor returned to power he became Minister for the Army, a vital role in wartime. On 5 July 1945 Curtin died; as Deputy
Leader, Forde was sworn in as Prime Minister on 6 July by the Governor-General, Prince Henry, Duke of Gloucester. At the
leadership ballot on 13 July, he contested the leadership with Ben Chifley and Norman Makin. Chifley won, but Forde was
elected Deputy Leader once more. As Minister for Defence he was much criticised for the slowness with which military
personnel were being demobilised. As a result, he lost his seat at the 1946 election, though the Labor Party itself comfortably
retained office. Chifley appointed Forde High Commissioner to Canada, and he held this position until 1953. He returned to
Australia and tried to re-enter Parliament at the 1954 election, in the seat of Wide Bay, but without success. In 1955, at a byelection, he returned to the Queensland Parliament as MP for Flinders. He is the only Prime Minister who later served in a
State Parliament. However, in 1957 the Labor Party split resulted not only in Labor falling from power, but also in Forde being
defeated in his own seat after a disputed and re-run election; he lost by only one vote. Save for this blow, he would probably
have become Labor leader in Queensland, given that Premier Vince Gair and most of Gair's followers had been expelled from
the party. Forde retired to Brisbane where he devoted himself to Catholic charity work. In his living room hung a large portrait
of wartime US GeneralDouglas MacArthur. On April 11, 1964, at the request of the Prime Minister Robert Menzies, Forde
represented Australia at MacArthurs funeral in Arlington, Virginia. He died in 1983. His funeral was held on 3 February, the
same day that Bob Hawke was elected ALP leader. Indeed, it was at Forde's funeral that Senator John Button told then Labor
leader Bill Hayden that he must step aside in favour of Hawke, which he did. The shortest-serving prime minister in Australian
history his term of office lasted only eight days Forde was previously the longest-lived Australian prime minister (living 92
years, 194 days), until he was surpassed by Gough Whitlam on January 21, 2009. He was the only deputy Labor leader who
served under three leaders (Scullin, Curtin and Chifley) until Jenny Macklin (Crean, Latham and Beazley, 200106). The
electoral Division of Forde and the Canberra suburb of Forde are named after him. Forde married Veronica (Vera) Catherine
OReilly in 1925 and they had four children: Mary (b. 1928), Mercia (b. 1930), Clare (b. 1932) and Francis Gerard Forde (1935
1966); his widow, Leneen Forde, became Governor of Queensland.

Joseph Benedict "Ben" Chifley (September

22, 1885 June 13, 1951), Australian politician, was the 16th Prime
Minister of Australia from July 13, 1945 until December 19, 1949. He took over theAustralian Labor Party leadership and Prime
Ministership after the death of John Curtin in 1945. Chifley Labor went on to retain a majority in both houses of Australian
Parliament at the 1946 election, before his government was defeated in the lower house at the1949 election. The radical
reforming nature of Chifley's government was such that between 1946 and 1949, the Australian Parliament passed 299 Acts,
a record up until then, well beyond Labor's Andrew Fisher's 113 Acts from 1910 until 1913. Amongst the Chifley Labor
Government's legislation was the post-war immigration scheme, the establishment of Australian citizenship, the Snowy
Mountains Scheme, over-viewing the foundation of airlines Qantas and TAA, improvements in social services, the creation of
the Commonwealth Employment Service, the introduction of federal funds to the States for public housing construction, the
establishment of a Universities Commission for the expansion of university education, the introd uction of a Pharmaceutical
Benefits Scheme (PBS) and free hospital ward treatment, the reorganisation and enlargement of the CSIRO, the establishment
of a civilian rehabilitation service, the founding of the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO), and the
establishment of the Australian National University. One of the few successful referendums to modify the Australian
Constitution, the 1946 Social Services referendum, took place during Chifley's term.
Born in Bathurst, New South
Wales, Chifley was the son of a blacksmith of Irish Roman Catholic descent. Chifley was raised mostly by his grandfather for
nine years. Since his grandfather lost his savings in the bank crash of 1892, he had acquired his lifelong dislike of the private
banks early. He was educated at Roman Catholic schools in Bathurst, and joined the New South Wales Railways at age 15.
Chifley became an engine driver. He was one of the founders of the AFULE (the Australian Federated Union of Locomotive
Enginemen) and an active member of the Labor Party. In 1914 he married Elizabeth Mackenzie, a staunch Presbyterian. The
couple exchanged wedding vows in a Presbyterian church. Chifley remained a practising Catholic, but his marriage to a nonCatholic ignited criticism in certain Roman Catholic circles. In 1917 he was one of the leaders of a prolonged strike, which
resulted in his being dismissed. He was reinstated by Jack Lang's New South Wales Labor government. Chifley represented his
union before industrial tribunals and taught himself industrial law. In 1928, at his second try, Chifley won the Bathurst-based
seat of Macquarie in the House of Representatives. He was in general a supporter of the James Scullin government's
economic policies, and in 1931 he became Minister for Defence. At the 1931 general election, the Scullin government was
defeated in a landslide and Chifley lost his seat on a 16-point swing to the UAP's John Lawson. During the Depression he
survived on his wife's family's money and his part-ownership of the Bathurst newspaper the National Advocate. In 1935
the Lyons government appointed him a member of the Royal Commission on Banking, a subject on which he had become an
expert. He submitted a minority report advocating that the private banks be nationalised. After an unsuccessful effort to win
back Macquarie in 1934, Chifley finally won his seat back in 1940 on a swing of 10 percent, and the following year he became

Treasurer (finance minister) in John Curtin's Labor government. Although Frank Forde was nominally
the number-two man in the government, Chifley became the minister Curtin most relied on. He controlled
most domestic policy while Curtin was preoccupied with the war effort. He presided over the massive
increases in government expenditure and taxation that accompanied the war, and imposed a regime
of economic regulation that made him very unpopular with business and the press. When Curtin died
in July 1945, Forde temporarily became Prime Minister for eight days. Chifley defeated him in the
leadership ballot and replaced him as Prime Minister and Curtin as Labor leader. Once the war ended
a month later, normal political life resumed, and Chifley facedRobert Menzies and his new Liberal
Party in the 1946 election, which Chifley won with 54 percent of the two-party-preferred vote. It was
the first time that a Labor government had been elected to a second full term. In the post-war years, Chifley
maintained wartime economic controls including the highly unpopular petrol rationing. He did this partly to
help
Britain in its postwar economic difficulties. Feeling secure in power, Chifley decided it was time to advance
towards Labor's objective of democratic socialism. According to a biographer of Chifley, his
government embarked upon greater "general intervention and planning in economic and social affairs",
with its policies directed towards better conditions in the workplace, full employment, and an improvement in the
"equalisation of wealth, income and opportunity". Among other measures, he passed legislation to establish a free formulary
of essential medicines. This was successfully opposed in the Australian High Court by the British Medical
Association (precursor of the Australian Medical Association) Chifley then organised one of the few successful constitutional
referenda to insert a new section 51xxiiiA which permitted federal legislation over pharmaceutical benefits, together with
family allowances, benefits to students and hospital benefits, child endowment, widows' pensions, unemployment benefits,
and maternity allowances. The subsequent federal legislation was deemed constitutional by the High Court. This paved the
way for the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme. Chifley was successful in transforming the wartime economy into a peacetime
economy, and undertook a number of social welfare initiatives, as characterised by fairer pensions and unemployment and
sickness benefits, the construction of new universities and technical colleges, and the building of 200,000 houses between
1945 and 1949. The achievements of both Chifley's government and those of the previous Curtin Government in expanding
Australia's social welfare services (as characterised by a tenfold increase in commonwealth expenditure on social provision
between 1941 and 1949) were brought together under the Social Services Consolidation Act of 1947, which consolidated the
various social services benefits, liberalised some existing social security provisions, and increased the rates of various
benefits. In addition, tertiary education was also expanded through the funding of Commonwealth scholarships and the
establishment of theAustralian National University and the Commonwealth Education Office. A Commonwealth Reconstruction
Training Scheme was established to provide ex-servicemen with the opportunity to complete or undertake a university
education. An interim five-year scholarship scheme was also established to encourage other able students to attend
universities and annual grants to the universities to provide the staff and accommodation for the influx of assisted students
and ex-servicemen. The Mental Institutions Benefits Act (1948) paid the states a benefit equal to the charges upon the
relatives of mental hospital patients, in return for free treatment. This legislation marked the entry of the Commonwealth into
mental health funding. Although it failed in its attempts to establish a national health service, the Chifley Government was
successful in making arrangements with the states to upgrade the quality and availability of hospital treatment. The
establishment of a Coal Industry Tribunal and a Joint Coal Board (both in 1946) also brought significant gains for miners. Life
insurance came to be comprehensively regulated, while a scheme of university scholarships was established. Returned
soldiers were provided with a war gratuity and entitlement to special unemployment allowances, loans, vocational training,
and preference in employment for seven years. Soldier settlement schemes were better organized than their earlier
equivalents, which had brought about a great deal of hardship throughout the Twenties and thirties. The radical reforming
nature of Chifley's government was such that between 1946 and 1949, the Australian Parliament enacted 299 bills, a record
at that time. Chifley and his ministers were able to ensure that Australia's wartime economy was managed effectively and
that post-war debts were minimised. In addition, ex-service personnel were eased back into civilian life (avoiding the hardship
and dislocation that had occurred after the end of the First World War), while a series of liberal measures were carried out
which bore fruit during the economic boom of the Fifties and Sixties. As noted by one historian, Chifley's government
"balanced economic development and welfare support with restraint and regulation and provided the framework for
Australia's post-war economic prosperity." In 1947, Chifley announced the government's intention to nationalise the banks.
This provoked massive opposition from the press, and middle-class opinion turned against Labor. The High Court eventually
found Chifley's legislation to be unconstitutional. Chifley's government did, however, succeed in passing the Banking and
Commonwealth Bank Acts of 1945, which gave the government control over monetary policy and established
the Commonwealth Bank as Australia's national bank. In the winter of 1949 a prolonged and bitter strike in the coal
industry caused unemployment and hardship. Chifley saw the strike as a move by the Communist Party to challenge Labor's
place as the party of the working class, and he sent in the army to break the strike. Despite this, Menzies exploited the
rising Cold War hysteria to portray Labor as soft on Communism. These events, together with a perception that Chifley and
Labor had grown increasingly arrogant in office, led to the Liberal election victory at the 1949 election. While Labor won an
additional four seats in a House of Representatives that had been expanded from 74 seats to 121 seats, Menzies and the
Coalition won an additional 48. Chifley was now aged 64 and in poor health (like Curtin, he was a lifelong smoker), but he
refused to retire from politics. Labor had retained control of the Senate, and Chifley, now Leader of the Opposition, took
advantage of this to bring misery to the Menzies government at every turn. Menzies responded by introducing a bill to ban
the Communist Party of Australia. He expected Chifley to reject it and give him an excuse to call double dissolution election.
Menzies apparently hoped to repeat his "soft-on-Communism" theme to win a majority in both chambers. However, Chifley let
the bill pass (it was ultimately thrown out by the High Court). However, when Chifley rejected Menzies' banking bill a few
months later, Menzies called a double dissolution resulting in the 1951 election. Although Chifley managed to lead Labor to a
five-seat swing in the House, Labor lost six seats in the Senate, giving the Coalition control of both chambers. A few months
later and after Chifley's death, Menzies held a 1951 referendum to ban the Communist Party, but this was narrowly defeated.
A few weeks later, Chifley suffered a heart attack in his room at the Kurrajong Hotel in Canberra (he had lived there
throughout his political career, having refused to reside at The Lodge whilst being Prime Minister). Chifley at first made light
of the sudden heart attack and attempted to dissuade his secretary and confidante, Phyllis Donnelly, who was making him a
cup of tea, from calling a doctor. As his condition deteriorated, however, Donnelly called Dr. John Holt, who ordered Chifley's
immediate removal to hospital. Chifley died in an ambulance on the way to the Canberra Community Hospital. He was
pronounced dead at 10:45 p.m. Prime Minister Menzies heard of Chifley's demise while attending a parliamentary ball at
King's Hall in Parliament House (Chifley was invited but declined to attend). Menzies was deeply distressed and abandoned
his normally impassive demeanour to announce in a halting subdued voice:
It is my very sorrowful duty during this celebration tonight to tell you that Mr. Chifley has died. I don't want to try to talk,
about him now because although we were political opponents, he was a friend of mine and yours, and a fine Australian. You
will all agree that in the circumstances the festivities should end. It doesn't matter about party politics on an occasion such
as this. Oddly enough, in Parliament we get on very well. We sometimes find we have the warmest friendships among people
whose politics are not ours. Mr Chifley served this country magnificently for years.

More than 30 years after his death, Chifley's name still aroused partisan passions. In 1987 the New South Wales Labor
government decided to name the planned new university in Sydney's western suburbs Chifley University. When, in 1989, a
new Liberal government renamed it the University of Western Sydney, controversy broke out. According to a debate on the
topic, held in 1997 after the Labor Party had regained government, the decision to rename Chifley University reflected a
desire to attach the name of Western Sydney to institutions of lasting significance, and that idea ultimately received the
support of Bob Carr, later the Premier of New South Wales. Chifley had lived apart from his wife for many years: his secretary,
Phyllis Donnelly, was with him when he died. Places and institutions that have been named after Chifley include: the suburb
of Chifley in Canberra, the suburb of Chifley in Sydney, the Division of Chifley, a federal electorate, Chifley Library, the main
library of the Australian National University, Canberra, Chifley Tower and Chifley Square in Sydney, several public high
schools in Western Sydney are now known as Chifley College, grouping of dormitories at the Bathurst campus of Charles Sturt
University are collectively named as Chifley Halls, an Australian hotel chain. In 1975 he was honoured on a postage
stamp bearing his portrait issued by Australia Post.

Harold Edward Holt, CH (August

5, 1908 December 17, 1967) was an Australian politician and the 17th Prime
Minister of Australia from January 26, 1966 until December 17, 1967. His term as Prime Minister was brought to an early and
dramatic end in December 1967 when he disappeared while swimming atCheviot Beach near Portsea, Victoria, and was
presumed drowned. Holt spent 32 years in Parliament, including many years as a senior Cabinet Minister, but was Prime
Minister for only 22 months. This abbreviated term necessarily limited his personal and political impact, especially when
compared to his immediate predecessor SirRobert Menzies, who was Prime Minister for a total of 18 years. Today, Holt is
mainly remembered for his somewhat controversial role in expanding Australia's involvement in the Vietnam War; for his
famous "All the way with LBJ" quote; and for the sensational circumstances of his death. In the opinion of his biographer Tom
Frame, these have tended to obscure the many achievements of Holt's long and distinguished political career. As Minister for
Immigration (19491956), Holt was responsible for the relaxation of the White Australia policy and as Treasurer under
Menzies, he initiated major fiscal reforms including the establishment of the Reserve Bank of Australia, and launched and
guided the process to convert Australia to decimal currency. As Prime Minister, he oversaw landmark changes including the
historic decision not to devalue the Australian dollar in line with the British pound, and the 1967 constitutional referendum in
which an overwhelming majority of Australians voted in favour of giving the Commonwealth power to legislate specifically
for indigenous Australians. Born in the Sydney suburb of Stanmore on 5 August 1908, Holt was the elder of Thomas and Olive
(Williams) Holt's two children. He and his brother Cliff (Clifford Thomas Holt, born 1910,) spent their early life in Sydney and
attended three different schools in Sydney andAdelaide between 1913 and 1919. In 1921, Thomas Holt enrolled his sons
at Wesley College in Melbourne, where the future Prime Minister Robert Menzies had been a star pupil. By this time, Thomas
Holt had left teaching and moved into theatrical and artist management in partnership with the noted entrepreneur Hugh D.
McIntosh, owner of the Tivoli theatre circuit. For several years in the early 1930s, he was based in London. Harold Holt's
parents divorced in 1918. In 1924, when Holt was sixteen, his mother died and he did not attend her funeral. A lack of
parental affection, his parents' divorce and his mother's early death instilled deep feelings of loneliness and insecurity in the
young Holt, driving him to seek approval and acclaim through personal endeavour and career achievement, and fueling his
eagerness to please others and his need to be liked. A formative event was his singing performance at his school's annual
Speech Night in December 1926 none of his family were present, and the sense of loneliness he felt that night remained
with him throughout his life. Holt won a scholarship to Queen's College at the University of Melbourne and began his law
degree in 1927. He excelled in many areas of university life he won College 'Blues' for cricket and Australian rules football,
as well as the College Oratory and Essay Prize. A member of the Melbourne Inter-University Debating team and the United
Australia Organization 'A' Grade debating team, he was president of both the Sports and Social Club and the Law Students'
Society. While at university, Holt met Zara Kate Dickins, and they soon became lovers. However, the couple split up in 1934
and Zara travelled overseas. In London she met Captain James Fell, a British Army officer, and they married in March 1935.
Her first son Nicholas was born in 1937, followed by twin boys Sam and Andrew, born in 1939. By this time, however, she had
renewed her relationship with Holt and her marriage to Fell ended soon after the twins' birth. Tom Frame's biography reveals
that Holt was the twins' biological father. Zara and Fell subsequently divorced, she married Holt in 1946 and he adopted the
three boys. Although they remained married until Holt's death in 1967, Zara's memoirs confirmed longstanding rumours that
Holt had a number of extramarital affairs. Holt graduated with a Bachelor of Laws in 1930. He was admitted to the Victorian
Bar in November 1932 and served his articles with the Melbourne firm of Fink, Best & Miller, but the Great Depression meant
that he was unable to find work as a barrister. His father, based in London at the time, wanted him to further his studies in
England, but the worsening economy also made this impossible. Holt was drawn to politics in the early 1930s and joined
the Prahran branch of the United Australia Party (UAP) in 1933. At the 1934 federal election, Holt unsuccessfully contested
the safe Labor seat of Yarra for the UAP, running against former Prime Minister James Scullin. In March 1935, he
unsuccessfully contested the safe Victorian state Labor seat of Clifton Hill. Holt stood again for the federal House of
Representatives on August 17, 1935, at a by-election for the marginally conservative seat of Fawkner, this time successfully.
At age 27, he was one of Australia's youngest-ever MPs. From this point on, Holt dedicated himself single-mindedly to a
career in politics and reportedly had few outside interests apart from his well-known passion for sport and the sea. He was a
'workaholic', typically working up to 16 hours a day and subsisting on 45 hours sleep each night. In 1939, Holt's
mentor Robert Menzies became Prime Minister after the sudden death of the incumbent Joseph Lyons and the short-term
caretaker ministry of Sir Earle Page. Holt's energy, dedication and ability earned him rapid promotion and in April 1939, he
was appointed Minister without Portfolio assisting the Minister for Supply and Development. In October 1939, he
became Minister in charge of Scientific and Industrial Research, and during NovemberDecember 1939, he was Acting
Minister for Air and Civil Aviation. In May 1940, without resigning his seat, Holt joined the Second Australian Imperial Force as
a gunner, but a few months later three Cabinet ministers and several of Australia's top military staff were killed in an air
crash in Canberra. Menzies recalled Holt from the army, appointing him Minister without Portfolio assisting the Minister for
Trade and Customs, and his recall earned him the ironic nickname "Gunner Holt." In October 1940, Holt was elevated to
Cabinet, becoming Minister for Labour and National Service, and one of his most significant achievements in this portfolio
was the introduction of the Child Endowment Act, passed in April 1941. In August 1941, a front-bench revolt forced Menzies to
resign as Prime Minister. He was replaced by the Country Party leader Arthur Fadden. Holt was among those who withdrew
their support, although he never revealed his reasons for doing so. In October 1941, the UAP was ousted by a no-confidence
vote; the ALP leader John Curtin was invited to form a new government; and Menzies resigned as UAP leader. By 1944, the
UAP had effectively disintegrated and in 1945, Menzies formally established a new political party, the Liberal Party of
Australia, and forged an enduring coalition with the Country Party. Holt was one of the first members to join the Liberal
Party's Prahran branch. After eight years in opposition, the Coalition won the federal election of December 1949 and Menzies
began his record-setting second term as Prime Minister. At this election, Holt saw his majority in Fawkner nearly disappear in
the redistribution. He transferred to Higgins, one of several new seats created in the 1949 redistribution. The seat was
created as a safe Liberal seat, and Holt won it easily. He was appointed to the prestigious portfolios of Minister for Labour and
National Service (19491958; he had previously served in this portfolio 194041) and Minister for Immigration (19491956),
by which time he was being touted in the press as a "certain successor to Menzies and a potential Prime Minister". In
Immigration, Holt continued and expanded the massive immigration program initiated by his ALP predecessor, Arthur Calwell.

However, he displayed a more flexible and caring attitude than Calwell, who was a strong advocate of the White Australia
policy. Holt excelled in the Labour portfolio and has been described as one of the best Labour ministers since Federation.
Although the conditions were ripe for industrial unrestCommunist influence in the union movement was then at its peak,
and the right-wing faction in Cabinet was openly agitating for a showdown with the unionsthe combination of strong
economic growth and Holt's enlightened approach to industrial relations saw the number of working hours lost to strikes fall
dramatically, from over two million in 1949 to just 439,000 in 1958. Holt fostered greater collaboration between the
government, the courts, employers and trade unions. He enjoyed good relationships with union leaders like Albert Monk,
President of the Australian Council of Trade Unions; and Jim Healy, leader of the radical Waterside Workers Federation;and he
gained a reputation for tolerance, restraint and a willingness to compromise, although his controversial decision to use troops
to take control of cargo facilities during a waterside dispute in Bowen, Queensland in September 1953 provoked bitter
criticism. Holt's personal profile and political standing grew throughout the 1950s. He served on numerous committees and
overseas delegations, he was appointed a Privy Counsellor in 1953, and in 1954 he was named one of Australia's six bestdressed men. In 1956, he was elected Deputy Leader of the Liberal Party and became Leader of the House, and from this
point on, he was generally acknowledged as Menzies' heir apparent. In December 1958, following the retirement of Arthur
Fadden, Holt was appointed Treasurer. He delivered his first Budget in August 1959 and his achievements included major
reforms to the banking system (originated by Fadden) including the establishment of the Reserve Bank of Australia and
the planning and preparation for the introduction ofdecimal currency. However, in November 1960, Holt made one of the few
major missteps of his career. He brought down a mini-budget in an attempt to slow consumption, control inflation and reduce
the deficit, but his action triggered the worst credit squeeze since 1945: the economy was driven into recession; the stock
market slumped; private investment, housing activity and motor vehicle sales fell; unemployment rose to almost 2 percent
(the highest rate since the Depression); and several major companies collapsed. Holt's blunder damaged his career and
brought the Coalition dangerously close to losing the 1961 election. For much of the night, it looked like Labor might bring
down the Menzies government, but a narrow win by Liberal Billy Snedden in Bruce ended any realistic chance of opposition
leader Arthur Calwell becoming Prime Minister. However, the Coalition was only assured of another term in government
when Moreton was called for Liberal Jim Killen, giving the Coalition a precarious one-seat majority. Holt was roundly criticised,
his public profile was damaged, and he later described 196061 as "my most difficult year in public life". But his political
stock, like the economy, soon recovered. Holt continued as federal Treasurer until January 1966, when Menzies finally retired.
With Menzies' support, Holt was elected leader of the Liberal Party, thus becoming Prime Minister. By this time, he had been
an MP for almost 31 yearsthe longest wait of any non-caretaker Australian Prime Minister. Holt was sworn in as Prime
Minister on Australia Day, January 26, 1966. His original Cabinet included: John McEwen (CP) Deputy Prime Minister, leader of
the Country Party, Minister for Trade and Industry; William McMahon (LP), Treasurer; Paul Hasluck (LP), Minister for External
Affairs; Allen Fairhall (LP), Minister for Defence; Charles Adermann (CP) Minister for Primary Industry; Charles Barnes (CP),
Minister for Territories; David Fairbairn (LP), Minister for National Development; Senator John Gorton (LP), Minister for Works
and Minister in Charge of Commonwealth Activities in Education and Research; Senator Denham Henty (LP), Minister for
Supply; Alan Hulme (LP), Postmaster-General; Les Bury (LP), Minister for Labour and Malcolm Fraser (LP), Minister for the
Army. Holt's term in office covered almost exactly the tumultuous calendar years of 196667. His short tenure meant that he
had limited personal and political impact as Prime Minister, and he is remembered mainly for the dramatic circumstances of
his disappearance and presumed death. His untoward demise has tended to obscure the major events and political trends of
his term in office, especially his role in maintaining and expanding Australia's military commitment to the Vietnam War. Holt's
tenure fell during one of the hottest periods of the Cold War era, and his government faced some unenviable foreign policy
challenges. Global political, commercial and military alignments were rapidly reconfigured as the Soviets and the US vied for
world domination in diverse theatres of conflict. Australia's ties with the UK weakened rapidly as Britain closed foreign bases,
disengaged from its former territories East of Suez and began courting the EEC, as a result of which American investment in
Australia increased dramatically and Australia's onetime enemy Japan replaced the UK as Australia's major trading partner.
Strategically, the period was dominated by Lyndon Johnson's fateful decision to escalate the war in South East Asia.
Australia's involvement in Vietnam increased significantly under Holt, with Australian troops fighting and dying in sometimes
desperate battles like Long Tan. Growing community unrest about the draft, the rising tide of casualties and social debate
about the moral rectitude of the war fuelled the first significant stirrings of organised domestic opposition, such as the
influential community anti-conscription organisation Save Our Sons. There was also considerable anxiety about the volatile
situation in Indonesia, in which Sukarno was replaced by General Suharto, while the Chinese Communist Party launched the
cataclysmic Cultural Revolution. The precarious interna tional situation reached a crisis point in June 1967 when the Six Day
War flared in the Middle East and six days later China tested its first H-bomb. As the Space Racegathered momentum, the
continuing turmoil of decolonisation visited wars, coups, famine, armed uprisings and violent repression on countries across
South and Central America, Africa and Asia. The transfer of power from Menzies to Holt in February 1966 was smooth and
unproblematic, and at the federal election later that year, the electorate overwhelmingly endorsed Holt, giving the HoltMcEwen Coalition government a 41-seat majority, the largest in Australian history up to that time. They also won 56% of the
two-party preferred vote, which is still the greatest winning margin at a federal election in Australian political history. Behind
the scenes, however, Menzies' retirement had created a power vacuum in the party, and internal divisions soon emerged.
Menzies' domination of the party, and the fact that Holt's succession had been established for many years, meant that a
secure second rank of leadership had not been developed. Holt's disappearance at the end of 1967 forced the party to
choose a "wild card" successor from the Senate after the leading contender, deputy Liberal leader William McMahon, was
unexpectedly eliminated from the contest due to a dispute with their Coalition partners, the Country Party. Political
historian James Jupp says that, in domestic policy, Holt identified with the reformist wing of Victorian Liberalism. One of his
most notable achievements was to initiate the process of breaking down the preferential White Australia policy by ending the
distinction between Asian and European migrants and by permitting skilled Asians to settle with their families. He also
established the Australian Council for the Arts (later the Australia Council), which began the tradition of federal government
support for Australian arts and artists, an initiative that was considerably expanded by Holt's successor John Gorton. In the
area of constitutional reform, undoubtedly the most significant event of Holt's time as Prime Minister was the 1967
referendum in which an overwhelming majority of Australians voted in favour of giving the Commonwealth power to legislate
specifically for indigenous Australians and to include them in the Commonwealth census. In economics, Holt's tenure began
with the phasing in of Australia's new system of decimal currency, launched on 14 February 1966, and it was marked by a
major realignment of commercial and military ties away from the UK and towards the US and Asia. Although all the
preparatory work for the decimal changeover had been done while Menzies was Prime Minister, Holt had particular
responsibility as Treasurer for currency matters, and he was centrally involved in both the decision to change and its
implementation. In 1967 the Holt government made the historic decision not to depreciate the Australian dollar in line with
Britain's depreciation of the pound sterling, a custom that Australia had previously always followed, but this decision created
considerable dissent within the Coalition; Country Party leader John McEwen was particularly angered by the movehe saw it
as a threat to Australia's balance of payments and feared that it would lead to increased production costs for primary
industry. In terms of party politics, one of the most significant features of Holt's brief tenure as PM is that his unexpected
death triggered the beginning of an unprecedented period of turmoil within the Liberal Party and a rapid decline in the
Coalition's electoral fortunes. For twenty-two years, from its founding in 1944 to his retirement in 1966, the Liberal Party had

had only one leader, Robert Menzies. After Menzies' retirement, the party had three leaders
in six years: Holt, Gorton and William McMahon. In December 1969, the ALP under Gough
Whitlam came within four seats of ending the Coalition's hold on power before winning a
convincing victory in 1972. During Holt's term in office, the Vietnam War was the dominant
foreign policy issue. The Holt government significantly increased Australia's military
involvement in the war and Holt vehemently defended U.S. policy in the region. He also
forged a close relationship with U.S. President Lyndon B. Johnson, whom he had first met in
Melbourne in 1942. Holt visited Washington in mid-1966 and Johnson visited Australia in
October that year, the first time a serving American president had visited Australia. Whilst
Holt stated that his friendship with Johnson was reflected in the strong relationship between
Australia and the US, former Australian diplomat and foreign-affairs expert Alan Renouf was
more cynical in his assessment of the situation. In the chapter on Vietnam in The
Frightened Country, his 1979 book on Australian foreign policy, Renouf bluntly suggested that Holt was in effect "seduced" by
Johnson, and notes that the Johnson administration criticized the Holt government for not doing enough and repeatedly
pressured Australia to increase its troop commitment in Vietnam. On taking office, Holt declared that Australia had no
intention of increasing its commitment to the war, but just one month later, in December 1966, he announced that Australia
would treble its troop commitment to 4,500, including 1,500 National Service conscripts, creating a single independent
Australian task force based at Nui Dat. Five months later, in May, Holt was obliged to announce the death of the first National
Service conscript in Vietnam, Private Errol Wayne Noack, aged 21. Just before his disappearance, Holt approved a further
increase in troop numbers, committing a third battalion to the wara decision that was subsequently revoked by his
successor, John Gorton. Holt visited the US in late June 1966, where he gave a speech in Washington in the presence of
President Johnson. Reported in The Australian on July 1, 1966, Holt's speech concluded with a remark which has come to be
seen as encapsulating his unquestioning support for Johnson, for America's Vietnam policy and for continued Australian
military involvement in the Vietnam War:
"You have in us not merely an understanding friend but one staunch in the belief of the need for our presence in Vietnam.
"We are not there because of our friendship, we are there because, like you, we believe it is right to be there and, like you,
we shall stay there as long as it seems necessary to achieve the purposes of the South Vietnamese Government and the
purposes that we join in formulating and progressing together. "And so, sir, in the lonelier and perhaps even more
disheartening moments which come to any national leader, I hope there will be a corner of your mind and heart which takes
cheer from the fact that you have an admiring friend, a staunch friend that will be all the way with LBJ."
Following his Washington visit Holt went on to London and in a speech there given on July 7, he was sharply critical of the UK,
France and other U.S. allies that had refused to commit troops to the Vietnam War. On October 20, 1966, President Johnson
arrived in Australia at Holt's invitation for a three-day state visit, the first to Australia by a serving U.S. President. The tour
marked the first major anti-war demonstrations staged in Australia. In Sydney, protesters lay down in front of the car carrying
Johnson and the Premier of New South Wales, Robert Askin(prompting Askin's notorious order to "Run over the bastards" ). In
Melbourne, a crowd estimated at 750,000 turned out to welcome Johnson, although a vocal anti-war contingent demonstrated
against the visit by throwing paint bombs at Johnson's car and chanting "LBJ, LBJ, how many kids did you kill today?". In
December, Australia signed a controversial agreement with the United States that would allow the U.S. to establish a secret
strategic communications facility at Pine Gap in theNorthern Territory. On December 20, 1966, Holt announced that
Australia's military force in Vietnam was to be increased again to 6,300 troops plus an additional twelve tanks, two
minesweepers and eight bombers. Holt fought his first and only general election as Prime Minister on 26 November 1966,
focusing his campaign on the issue of Vietnam and the supposed Communist threat in Asia. Labor leader Arthur
Calwell bitterly opposed Australia's part in the war and promised that Australian troops would be brought home if Labor won
office, and opposition to overseas service by Australian conscripts had long been part of ALP policy. Although domestic
opposition to the war was beginning to build, Australia's involvement in Vietnam still enjoyed majority popular support. The
Coalition scored a stunning victory over the ALP, winning many former ALP seats and sweeping back into power with (at the
time) the largest parliamentary majority since Federation. The Liberal Party increased its numbers from 52 to 61, and the
Country Party from 20 to 21, with Labor dropping from 51 to 41 seats, and one Independent. Among the new members
elected was future federal Treasurer Phillip Lynch. In early 1967, Arthur Calwell retired as ALP leader and Gough
Whitlam succeeded him. Whitlam proved a far more effective opponent, both in the media and in parliament, and Labor soon
began to recover from its losses and gain ground, with Whitlam repeatedly besting Holt in Parliament. By this time, the longsuppressed tensions between the Coalition partners over economic and trade policies were also beginning to emerge.
Throughout his reign as Liberal leader, Menzies had enforced strict party discipline but, once he was gone, dissension began
to surface. Some Liberals soon became dissatisfied by what they saw as Holt's weak leadership. Alan Reid asserts that Holt
was being increasingly criticised within the party in the months before his death, that he was perceived as being "vague,
imprecise and evasive" and "nice to the point that his essential decency was viewed as weakness". Holt's popularity and
political standing was damaged by his perceived poor handling of a series of controversies that emerged during 1967. In
April, the ABC's new nightly current affairs program This Day Tonight ran a story which criticised the government's decision
not to reappoint the Chair of the ABC Board, Sir James Darling. Holt responded rashly, questioning the impartiality of the ABC
and implying political bias on the part of journalist Mike Willesee (whose father Don Willesee was an ALP Senator and future
Whitlam government minister), and his statement drew strong protests from both Willesee and the Australian Journalists'
Association. In May, increasing pressure from the media and within the Liberal Party forced Holt to announce a parliamentary
debate on the question of a second inquiry into the 1964 sinking of HMAS Voyager to be held on 16 May. The debate included
the maiden speech by newly-elected NSW Liberal MPEdward St John QC, who used the opportunity to criticize the
government's attitude to new evidence about the disaster. An enraged Holt interrupted St John's speech, in defiance of the
parliamentary convention that maiden speeches are heard in silence; his blunder embarrassed the government and further
undermined Holt's support in the Liberal Party. A few days later, Holt announced a new Royal Commission into the disaster. In
June, Holt travelled to London via Canada, where on 6 June he opened the Australian Pavilion at Expo 67 in Montreal; on the
return journey, the Holts stayed with the Johnsons at the presidential summer resort, Camp David, in Maryland. In October
the government became embroiled in another embarrassing controversy over the alleged misuse of VIP aircraft, which came
to a head when John Gorton (Government Leader in the Senate) tabled documents that showed that Holt had unintentionally
misled Parliament in his earlier answers on the matter. Support for his leadership was eroded even further by his refusal to
sack the Minister for Air, Peter Howson, in order to defuse the scandal, fuelling criticism from within the party that Holt was
"weak" and lacked Menzies' ruthlessness. Much of the blame for the episode within the Public Service was visited upon
Sir John Bunting, Secretary of the Prime Minister's Department, although other figures such as the Deputy Secretary Peter
Lawler were able to protect themselves. One of John Gorton's first acts upon becoming Prime Minister in January 1968 was to
sideline Bunting by creating a separate Department of the Cabinet Office with Bunting as its head, and replaced him
with Lenox Hewitt. In November 1967, the government suffered a serious setback in the Senate election, winning just 42.8
per cent of the vote against Labor's 45 per cent. The coalition also lost the seats of Corio and Dawson to Labor in by-

elections. Alan Reid says that, within the party, the reversal was blamed on Holt's mishandling of the VIP planes scandal. In
December, days before Holt disappeared, the Chief Government Whip Dudley Erwin decided to meet with Holt and confront
him about growing unrest in the party. According to Alan Reid's account, Erwin had no concerns about policy; his anxiety was
entirely focussed on Holt's leadership style, his parliamentary performance and his public image. The notes Erwin made for
his planned meeting with Holt (which he evidently provided to Reid) indicate that he and others were worried that Holt was
too susceptible to traps set for him by the ALP over issues like the VIP jets scandal, and that he had repeatedly let himself
become the target of Opposition "harassment" instead of letting his ministers take the heat on controversial issues. On the
morning of Sunday December 17, 1967, Holt together with friends Christopher Anderson, Jan Lee and George Illson and his
two bodyguards, drove down from Melbourne to see the British yachtsman Alec Rose sail through Port Phillip Heads in his
boat Lively Lady to complete a leg of his solo circumnavigation of the globe, which started and ended in England. Around
noon, the party drove to one of Holt's favourite swimming and snorkelling spots, Cheviot Beach on Point Nepean near Portsea,
on the eastern arm of Port Phillip Bay. Holt decided to go swimming, although the surf was heavy and Cheviot Beach was
notorious for its strong currents and dangerous rip tides. Ignoring his friends' pleas not to go in, Holt began swimming, but
soon disappeared from view. Fearing the worst, his friends raised the alert. Within a short time, the beach and the water off
shore were being searched by a large contingent of police, Royal Australian Navy divers, Royal Australian Air
Force helicopters, Army personnel from nearby Point Nepean and local volunteers. This quickly escalated into one of the
largest search operations in Australian history, but no trace of Holt could be found. Two days later, on December 19, 1967,
the government made an official announcement that Holt was presumed dead. The Governor-General Lord Casey sent for the
Country Party leader and Coalition Deputy Prime Minister John McEwen, and he was sworn in as caretaker Prime Minister until
such time as the Liberals elected a new leader. Holt was a strong swimmer and an experienced skindiver, with what Holt's
biographer Tom Frame describes as "incredible powers of endurance underwater". However, his health was evidently far from
perfect at the time of his death he had collapsed in Parliament earlier in the year, apparently suffering from a "vitamin
deficiency", and this had raised fears among some senior Liberals that he might have a heart condition. In September 1967,
Holt had suffered a recurrence of an old shoulder injury, which reportedly caused him agonising pain, and for this he was
prescribed strong painkillers. He ignored recent advice from his doctor Marcus de Laune Faunce not to play tennis or swim
until the shoulder healed and reportedly obtained a prescription for morphine from another doctor. Tom Frame also records
that Holt had already got into trouble twice while skindiving earlier in 1967 on the first occasion, while snorkeling at
Portsea in May, he got into severe difficulties due to a leaking snorkel and had to be pulled from the water by friends, gasping
for breath, blue in the face and vomiting seawater. A memorial service held at St Paul's Anglican Cathedral in Melbourne on
December 22, 1967 was attended by a number of international dignitaries including President Johnson andCharles, Prince of
Wales. Among the many Asian leaders were Nguyn Vn Thiu, President of South Vietnam and Park Chung-hee, President of
South Korea. It was also one of the first events to be transmitted from Australia to other countries via satellite. There were
many rumours surrounding Holt's death, including claims that he had committed suicide or faked his own death in order to
run away with his mistress. The mystery became the subject of numerous urban myths in Australia, including persistent
claims that he was kidnapped (or rescued) by a Chinese submarine, or that he had been abducted by a UFO. In 1983, British
journalist Anthony Grey published a controversial book in which he claimed that Holt had been an agent for the People's
Republic of China and that he had been picked up by a Chinese submarine off Portsea and taken to China. Such conspiracy
theories rely on the fact that his body was never found. More recently, media speculation about Holt's death has focussed on
the possibility that he took his own life. Journalist Ray Martin made a documentary, Who Killed Harold Holt?, screened in
November 2007, which suggested that Holt might have committed suicide. The Bulletin magazine featured a story
supporting the suicide theory. In support of the view,The Bulletin quoted fellow cabinet minister Doug Anthony who spoke
about Holt's depression shortly before his death. The suggestion of suicide was emphatically rejected by Holt's son Sam, by
his biographer Tom Frame, and by former prime minister and Holt's Cabinet colleague at the time, Malcolm Fraser. On
October 23, 2008, ABC Television broadcast the one-hour docu-drama The Prime Minister is Missing, starring 1960s pop
idol Normie Rowe as Holt. This programme covered much of the same ground as Martin's documentary, but rejected Martin's
suggestion that Holt had committed suicide, stating that he was a vocal 'life affirmer'. The documentary also noted that Holt
was suffering a shoulder injury and had been advised not to swim. No official federal government inquiry was conducted, on
the grounds that it would have been a waste of time and money. Neither was an inquest held at the time because Victorian
law did not provide any mechanism for reporting presumed or suspected deaths to the Victorian Coroner. However, the
Commonwealth and Victoria Police compiled a 108-page report into the disappearance, including statements from all
eyewitnesses and details of the search operation. The law in Victoria was changed in 1985, and in 2003 the Victoria
Police Missing Persons Unit formally reopened 161 pre-1985 cases in which drowning was suspected but no body was found.
Holt's son Nicholas Holt said that after 37 years there were few surviving witnesses and no new evidence would be presented.
On September 2, 2005, the Coroner's finding was that Holt had drowned in accidental circumstances on December 17, 1967.
Holt's disappearance triggered in the Liberal Party a leadership crisis which briefly raised the possibility of a split in the
Coalition. On the morning of December 18, 1967 Country Partyleader John McEwen publicly declared that neither he nor his
Country Party colleagues would serve in a Coalition if the deputy Liberal leader William McMahon were elected as Liberal
leader. McEwen refused to give his reasons, saying only that McMahon knew what they were. The following day, December
19, 1967 McEwen was sworn in as Prime Minister on the understanding that his commission would continue only until such
time as the Liberals could elect a new leader. With McMahon unexpectedly eliminated from the contest, Senator John
Gorton was elected Liberal leader on 9 January 1968, and was sworn in as Prime Minister on January 10, 1968 replacing
McEwen. In the Queen's Birthday Honours of June 1968, Holt's widow Zara Holt was made a Dame Commander of the Order
of the British Empire, becoming Dame Zara Holt DBE. She later married for a third time, to a Liberal party colleague of
Holt's, Jeff Bate, and was then known as Dame Zara Bate. Harold Holt is most famously commemorated by the Harold Holt
Swim Centre in the Melbourne (Australia) suburb of Glen Iris. The complex was under construction at the time of Holt's
disappearance, and since he was Malvern's local member, it was named in his memory. The irony of commemorating Holt
with a swimming pool has been a wry source of amusement to many Australians. In 1968, the newly commissioned United
States Navy Knox class destroyer escort USS Harold E. Holt (FF-1074) was named in his honour. She was launched by Holt's
widow Dame Zara at the Todd Shipyards in Los Angeles on May 3, 1969, and was the first American warship to bear the name
of a foreign leader. In 1969, a plaque commemorating Holt was bolted to the seafloor off Cheviot Beach after a memorial
ceremony. It bears the inscription: In memory of Harold Holt, Prime Minister of Australia, who loved the sea and disappeared
hereabouts on December 17, 1967. Other memorials include: the suburb of Holt, Australian Capital Territory; the Naval
Communication Station Harold E. Holt; the Division of Holt, an electoral district in the Australian House of Representatives in
Victoria; a sundial and garden in the Fitzroy Gardens, Melbourne; a wing for boarders at Wesley College, Melbourne and the
Harold Holt Fisheries Reserves five protected areas in southern Port Phillip, located at Swan Bay, Point Lonsdale, Mud
Islands, Point Nepean and Pope's Eye (The Annulus). By way of a folk memorial, he is recalled in the Australian
vernacular expression "do a Harold Holt" (or "do the Harry" ), rhyming slang for "do a bolt" meaning "to disappear suddenly
and without explanation", although this is usually employed in the context of disappearance from a social gathering rather
than a case of presumed death. Bill Bryson dedicates a chapter of his book Down Under (published in the US as In a
Sunburned Country) to Holt's disappearance.

John "Black Jack" McEwen, GCMG, CH (March

29, 1900 November 20, 1980), was an

Australian politician and the 18th Prime Minister of Australia from December 10, 1967 until January
18, 1868. He is the last member of the Country Party to serve as prime minister. McEwen was born
at Chiltern, Victoria to David James McEwen, a pharmacist from Ireland, and his second wife Amy
Ellen (ne Porter; died 1901). His father died in 1907 and consequently McEwen was raised by his
grandmother. He was educated at state schools and at 15 became a junior public service clerk. He
enlisted in the Army immediately upon turning 18 but the First World War ended while he was still in
training. He commenced dairy farming at Stanhope, Victoria, near Shepparton. McEwen was active
in farmer organisations and in the Country Party. In 1934 he was elected to the House of
Representatives for the electorate of Echuca, switching to Indi in 1937 and Murray in 1949. Between
1937 and 1941 he was successively Minister for the Interior, Minister for External Affairs and
simultaneously Minister for Air and Minister for Civil
Aviation. In 1940 when Archie
Cameron resigned as Country Party leader he contested the leadership ballot against Sir Earle Page:
the ballot was tied and Arthur Fadden was chosen as a compromise. When the conservatives returned to office in 1949
under Robert Menzies after eight years in opposition, McEwen became Minister for Commerce and Agriculture, then Minister
for Trade and Industry. He pursued what became known as "McEwenism" a policy of high tariff protection for the
manufacturing industry, so that industry would not challenge the continuing high tariffs on imported raw materials, which
benefitted farmers but pushed up industry's costs. This policy was a part (some argue the foundation) of what became known
as the "Australian Settlement' which promoted high wages, industrial development, government intervention in industry
(both as an owner- Australian governments traditionally owned banks and insurance companies and the railways and through
policies designed to assist particular industries) and decentralisation. In 1958 Fadden retired and McEwen succeeded him as
Country Party leader. When Menzies retired in 1966, McEwen became the longest-serving figure in the government, and he
had an effective veto over government policy. When Menzies' successor, Harold Holt, was officially presumed dead on 19
December 1967, the Governor-General Lord Casey sent for McEwen and he was sworn in as Prime Minister, on the
understanding that his commission would continue only so long as it took for the Liberals to elect a new leader. Approaching
68, McEwen was the oldest person ever to be appointed Prime Minister of Australia, although not the oldest to serve; Menzies
left office two months after his 71st birthday. It had long been presumed that the Treasurer and Liberal deputy leader, William
McMahon, would succeed Holt as Liberal leader. However, McEwen sparked a leadership crisis when he announced that he
and his Country Party colleagues would refuse to serve in a government led by McMahon. McEwen is reported to have
despised McMahon personally, and it is very possible that he disliked McMahon because of his rumoured homosexuality,
which has been the subject of persistent rumours in Australia. But more importantly, McEwen was bitterly opposed to
McMahon on political grounds, because McMahon was allied with free trade advocates in the conservative parties and
favoured sweeping tariff reforms: a position that was vehemently opposed by McEwen, his Country Party colleagues and their
rural constituents. Another key factor in McEwen's antipathy towards McMahon was hinted at soon after the crisis by the
veteran political journalist Alan Reid. According to Reid, McEwen was aware that McMahon was habitually breaching Cabinet
confidentiality and regularly leaking information to favoured journalists and lobbyists, including Maxwell Newton, who had
been hired as a "consultant" by Japanese trade interests. This version of events was confirmed years later by the former
Canberra lobbyist Richard Farmer, following the release of sealed Cabinet papers from the period. McEwen's opposition forced
McMahon to withdraw from the leadership ballot and opened the way for the successful campaign to promote the Minister for
Education and Science, Senator John Gorton, to the Prime Ministership with the support of a group led by Defence Minister
Malcolm Fraser. Gorton replaced McEwen as Prime Minister on 10 January 1968. It was the second time the Country Party had
effectively vetoed its senior partner's choice for the leadership; in 1923 Earle Page had demanded that the Nationalist Party,
one of the forerunners of the Liberals, remove Billy Hughes as leader before he would even consider coalition talks. Gorton
created the formal title Deputy Prime Minister for McEwen, confirming his status as the second-ranking member of the
government. McEwen retired from politics in 1971. His successor, Doug Anthony, said that the Country Party's objections to
McMahon no longer held, finally freeing the Liberals to replace Gorton with McMahon within two months. At the time of his
resignation, McEwen had served 36 years and 5 months and was the last serving parliamentarian from the Great
Depression era and the last parliamentary survivor of the Lyons government. Sir John McEwen died in 1980, in Melbourne,
aged 80, by which time Malcolm Fraser's government was abandoning McEwenite trade policies. McEwen was awarded
the Companion of Honour (CH) in 1969. He was knighted in 1971 after his retirement from politics, becoming aKnight Grand
Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George (GCMG). The Japanese appointed conferred the Grand Cordon, Order of the
Rising Sun in 1973. On September 21, 1921 he married Annie Mills McLeod; they had no children. In 1966, she was made a
Dame Commander of the Order of the British Empire (DBE). After a long illness Dame Anne McEwen died on February 10,
1967. At the time of becoming Prime Minister in December of that year, McEwen was a widower, being the first Australian
Prime Minister unmarried during his term of office. (The next such case was Julia Gillard, Prime Minister from June 24, 2010,
who has a domestic partner but is unmarried.) On 26 July 1968, McEwen married Mary Eileen Byrne, his personal secretary;
he was aged 68, she was 46. In retirement he distanced himself from politics, undertook some consulting work, and traveled
to Japan and South Africa. Survived by his second wife, McEwen died, without heir, on 20 November 1980 at Toorak and was
cremated. His estate was sworn for probate at $2,180,479. At the time of his death he was receiving a small pension from the
Department of Social Security.

John Grey Gorton, GCMG, AC, CH (September

9, 1911 May 19, 2002), Australian politician, was the 19th Prime
Minister of Australia from January 10, 1968 until March 10, 1971. Sir John Grey Gorton was born in Melbourne, Victoria, the
illegitimate son of Alice Sinn, the daughter of a railway worker, and English orange orchardist John Rose Gorton. The older
Gorton and his wife Kathleen had emigrated to Australia by way of South Africa, where they had prospered during the Boer
War. They separated in Australia, and Gorton established a de facto relationship with Sinn, who died of tuberculosis in 1920.
Gorton the younger went to live with his father's estranged wife and his half-sister Ruth, in Sydney. He was educated
at Sydney Church of England Grammar School (where he was a class mate ofErrol Flynn) and Geelong Grammar School, and
then traveled to England to attend Brasenose College, Oxford. While in England, he undertook flying lessons and was
awarded a British pilots' licence in 1932. He studied history, politics and economics at Oxford and graduated with an upper
second undergraduate degree. During a holiday in Spain while he was at Oxford, Gorton met Bettina Brown of Bangor, Maine,
U.S.A. She was a language student at the Sorbonne. This meeting came about through Gorton's friend from Oxford, Arthur
Brown, who was Bettina's brother. Brown was later revealed to be a card-carrying member of the Communist Party. [ In 1935,
Gorton and Bettina Brown were married in Oxford and after his studies were finished, they settled in Australia, taking over his
father's orchard, "Mystic Park", at Lake Kangaroo near Kerang, Victoria. They had three children: Joanna, Michael and Robin.
On May 31, 1940, following the outbreak of World War II, Gorton enlisted in the Royal Australian Air Force Reserve. At the age
of 29, he was considered too old for pilot training, but he re-applied in September after this rule was relaxed. Gorton was
accepted and commissioned into the RAAF on November 8, 1940. He trained as a fighter pilot at Somers, Victoria and Wagga

Wagga, New South Wales, before being sent to the UK. Gorton completed his training at RAF Heston and RAF
Honiley, with No. 61 Operational Training Unit RAF, flying Supermarine Spitfires. He was disappointed when his first
operational posting was No. 135 Squadron RAF, aHawker Hurricane unit, as he considered the type greatly inferior to Spitfires.
During late 1941, Gorton and other members of his squadron became part of the cadre of a Hurricanewing being formed for
service in the Middle East. They were sent by sea, with 50 Hurricanes in crates, travelling around Africa to reduce the risk of
attack. In December, when the ship was atDurban, South Africa, it was diverted to Singapore, after Japan entered the war. As
it approached its destination in mid-January, Japanese forces were advancing down the Malayan Peninsula. The ship was
attacked on at least one occasion by Japanese aircraft, but arrived and unloaded safely after tropical storms made enemy air
raids impossible. As the Hurricanes were assembled, the pilots were formed into a composite operational squadron, No. 232
Squadron RAF. In late January 1942, the squadron became operational and joined the remnants of several others that had
been in Malaya, operating out of RAF Seletar and RAF Kallang. During one of his firstsorties, Gorton was involved in a brief
dogfight over the South China Sea, after which he suffered engine failure and was forced to land on Bintan island, 40 km
(25 mi) south east of Singapore. As he landed, one of the Hurricane's wheels hit an embankment and flipped over. Gorton was
not properly strapped in and his face hit the gun sight and windscreen, mutilating his nose and breaking both cheekbones. He
also suffered severe lacerations to both arms. He made his way out of the wreck and was rescued by members of the Royal
Dutch East Indies Army, who provided some medical treatment. Gorton later claimed that his face was so badly cut and
bruised, that a member of the RAF sent to collect him assumed he was near death, collected his personal effects and
returned to Singapore without him. By chance, one week later, Sgt Matt O'Mara of No. 453 Squadron RAAF also crash landed
on Bintan, and arranged for them to be collected. They arrived back in Singapore, on February 11, 1942 three days after the
island had been invaded. As the Allied air force units on Singapore had been destroyed or evacuated by this stage, Gorton
was put on the Derrymore, an ammunition ship bound for Batavia (Jakarta). On February 13, 1942, as it neared its
destination, the ship was torpedoed by Japanese submarine I-55 Kaidai class submarine and the Derrymore was abandoned.
Gorton then spent almost a day on a crowded liferaft, in shark-infested waters, with little drinking water, until the raft was
spotted by HMAS Ballarat, which picked up the passengers and took them to Batavia. Two schoolfriends, who had also been
evacuated from Singapore to Batavia, heard that Gorton was in hospital, arranged for them to be put on a ship for Fremantle,
which left on February 23, 1942 and treated Gorton's wounds. When the ship arrived in Fremantle, on March 3, 1942 one of
Gorton's arm wounds had become septic and needed extensive treatment. However, he was more concerned about the effect
that the sight of his mutilated face would have on his wife. It is reported that Betty Gorton, who had been running the farm in
his absence, was relieved to see Gorton alive. After arriving in Australia he was posted to Darwin, Northern Territory on
August 12, 1942 with No. 77 Squadron RAAF (Kittyhawks), during this time he was involved in his second air accident. While
flying P-40E A29-60 on September 7, 1942, he was forced to land due to an incorrectly set fuel cock. Both Gorton and his
aircraft were recovered several days later after spending time in the bush. On February 21, 1943 the squadron was relocated
to Milne Bay, New Guinea. John Gorton's final air incident came on 18 March 1943. His A29-192 Kittyhawk's engine failed on
take off, causing the aircraft to flip at the end of the strip. Gorton was unhurt. In March 1944, Gorton was sent back to
Australia with the rank of Flight Lieutenant. His final posting was as a Flying Instructor with No. 2 Operational Training Unit
at Mildura, Victoria. He was then discharged from the RAAF on December 5, 1944. During late 1944 Gorton went
to Heidelberg hospital for surgery which could not fully repair his facial injuries. Although Gorton had been a member of
the Country Party before the war, in 1949 he was elected to the Senate for the Liberal Party. He served in various positions
under Robert Menzies and Harold Holt, including Minister for the Navy from 195863, Minister for Works, Minister for the
Interiorand Minister for Education as well as Leader of the Government in the Senate. Gorton was an energetic and capable
minister, and began to be considered leadership material once he moderated his early extremely right-wing views. Harold
Holt disappeared while swimming on December 17, 1967 and was declared presumed drowned two days later. His presumed
successor was Liberal deputy leader William McMahon. However, on 18 December, the Country Party leader and Deputy
Prime Minister John McEwenannounced that the Country Party would not continue to serve in the coalition if McMahon were to
be the new Liberal leader. His reasons were never stated publicly, but in a private meeting with McMahon, he said "I will not
serve under you because I do not trust you". McEwen's shock declaration triggered a leadership crisis within the Liberal Party;
even more significantly, it raised the threat of a possible breaking of the Coalition, which would spell electoral disaster for the
Liberals. The Liberals had never won enough seats in any House of Representatives election to be able to govern without
Country Party support, and would not do so until 1975. Indeed, since the Coalition's formation in 1923, the major nonLabor party had only been able to govern alone once, during Joseph Lyons' first ministryand even then, Lyons' United
Australia Party had come up four seats short of a majority and needed confidence and supply support from the Country Party
to govern. The Governor-General Lord Casey swore McEwen in as Prime Minister, on an interim basis pending the Liberal Party
electing its new leader. McEwen agreed to accept an interim appointment provided there was no formal statement of time
limit. This appointment was in keeping with previous occasions when a conservative Coalition government had been deprived
of its leader. Casey also concurred in the view put to him by McEwen that to commission a Liberal temporarily as Prime
Minister would give that person an unfair advantage in the forthcoming party room ballot for the permanent leader. In the
subsequent leadership struggle, Gorton was championed by Army Minister Malcolm Fraser and Liberal Party Whip Dudley
Erwin, and with their support he was able to defeat his main rival, External Affairs Minister Paul Hasluck, to become Liberal
leader even though he was a member of the Senate. He was elected party leader on January 9, 1968, and appointed Prime
Minister on January 10, 1968, replacing McEwen. He was the only Senator in Australia's history to be Prime Minister and the
only Prime Minister to have ever served in the Senate. He remained a Senator until, in accordance with the Westm
inster tradition that the Prime Minister is a member of the lower house of parliament, he resigned on February 1, 1968 in
order to contest the House of Representatives by-election for the electorate of Higgins in south Melbourne (necessitated by
Holt's death). That by-election was held on February 24, 1968; there were three other candidates, but Gorton achieved a
massive 68% of the formal vote. He visited all the polling booths during the day, but was unable to vote for himself as he was
still enrolled in the western Victorian seat of Mallee.[22] Between 2 and 23 February (both dates inclusive) he was a member of
neither house of parliament. Gorton was initially a very popular Prime Minister. He carved out a style quite distinct from those
of his predecessors the aloof Menzies and the affable, sporty Holt. Gorton liked to portray himself as a man of the people
who enjoyed a beer and a gamble, with a bit of a "larrikin" streak about him. Unfortunately for him, this reputation later came
back to haunt him. He also began to follow new policies, pursuing independent defence and foreign policies and distancing
Australia from its traditional ties to Britain. But he continued to support Australia's involvement in the Vietnam War, a position
he had reluctantly inherited from Holt, which became increasingly unpopular after 1968. On domestic issues, he favoured
centralist policies at the expense of the states, which alienated powerful Liberal state leaders like Sir Henry Bolte of Victoria
and Sir Robert Askin of New South Wales. He also fostered an independent Australian film industry and increased government
funding for the arts. Gorton proved to be a surprisingly poor media performer and public speaker, and was portrayed by the
media as a foolish and incompetent administrator. He was unlucky to come up against a new and formidable Labor
Opposition Leader in Gough Whitlam. Also, he was subjected to media speculation about his drinking habits and his
involvements with women. He generated great resentment within his party, and his opponents became increasingly critical of
his reliance on an inner circle of advisers most notably his private secretary Ainsley Gotto. The Coalition suffered a 7%
swing against it at the 1969 election, and Labor outpolled it on the two-party-preferred vote. The Coalition lost most of the
sizeable majority in the House of Representatives it had inherited from Holt, with its majority reduced from 45 seats to seven.

It may have lost government had it not been for the Democratic Labor Party's longstanding
practice of preferencing against Labor. Indeed, had DLP preferences in four Melbourne-area seats
the DLP's heartlandgone the other way, Whitlam would have become Prime Minister. After the
election, Gorton was challenged for the Liberal leadership by McMahon and David Fairbairn, but
so long as McEwen's veto on McMahon remained in place, he was fairly safe. McEwen retired in
January 1971, and his successor, Doug Anthony, told the Liberals that the veto no longer applied.
With the Liberals falling further behind Labor in the polls, a challenge was launched in March
when Defence Minister Fraser resigned. Fraser had strongly supported Gorton for the leadership
two years earlier, but now attacked Gorton on the floor of Parliament in his resignation speech,
saying that Gorton was "not fit to hold the great office of Prime Minister." Gorton called a Liberal
caucus meeting to settle the matter. A motion of confidence in his leadership was tied. Under
Liberal caucus rules of the time, a tied vote meant the motion was automatically defeated, and
hence Gorton could have remained as party leader and Prime Minister without further ado.
However, he took it upon himself to resign, saying "Well, that is not a vote of confidence, so the
party will have to elect a new leader." (Contrary to myth, Gorton did not exercise a casting vote,
as such a vote was not possible under party rules.) A ballot was held and McMahon was elected leader and thus Prime
Minister. Australian television marked the end of his stormy premiership with a newsreel montage appropriately accompanied
by Sinatra's anthem My Way. In a surprise move, Gorton contested and won the position of Deputy Leader, forcing McMahon
to make him Defence Minister. This farcical situation ended within five months when McMahon sacked him for disloyalty. After
Labor won the 1972 election, Gorton served in the Shadow Ministry of Billy Snedden until after the 1974 election, when he
was dropped. In 1973, Gorton moved a motion in Parliament calling for the decriminalisation of homosexual acts between
consenting adults in Australia. The motion was successful following a conscience vote. When Fraser became Liberal leader in
1975, Gorton resigned from the party, sat as an independent, and openly campaigned against Fraser, whom he detested. He
denounced thedismissal of the Whitlam government by Sir John Kerr, and unsuccessfully stood for an Australian Capital
Territory Senate seat at the 1975 election as an independent. He achieved 11 per cent of the vote, coming third behind the
major parties. Gorton retired to Canberra, where he kept out of the political limelight, although he quietly rejoined the Liberal
Party. John Hewson credited himself with "returning Gorton to the fold" In March 1983, he congratulated Bob Hawke "for
rolling that bastard Fraser". Bettina Gorton died aged about 67 on October 2, 1983, and in 1993 he married Nancy Home. In
his old age he was rehabilitated by the Liberals; his 90th birthday party was attended by Prime Minister John Howard. As late
as 2002, he told his biographer Ian Hancock that he still could not tolerate being in the same room as Malcolm Fraser. He died
at the age of 90 in Sydney in May 2002. Gorton was appointed a Privy Counsellor in 1968, a Companion of Honour in 1971, a
Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George in 1977 and a Companion of the Order of Australia in 1988. He
was awarded the Centenary Medal in 2001, (GCMG) - Knight Grand Cross in The Most Distinguished Order of Saint Michael
and Saint George, (AC) - Companion in the Order of Australia, (CH) - Companion in the Order of the Companions of Honour,
193945 Star, Pacific Star, War Medal, Australia Service Medal 1939-45, Centenary Medal and Australian Defence Medal.

William McMahon, GCMG, CH (February

23, 1908 March 31,1988), was an Australian Liberal politician and

the 20th Prime Minister of Australia from March 10. 1971 until December 5, 1972. He was the longest continuously serving
government minister in Australian history (21 years and 6 months) and the longest serving Prime Minister never to have won
an election. William McMahon was born in Sydney, the son of Mary Ann (ne Walder) and William McMahon, a lawyer. His
uncle (his mother's brother) was Samuel Robert Walder, Lord Mayor of Sydney. McMahon's mother died when he was 9 and
his father when he was 18. He was educated at Sydney Grammar School and at the University of Sydney, where he
graduated in law. He practised in Sydney with Allen, Allen & Hemsley (now Allens Arthur Robinson), the oldest law firm in
Australia. In 1940 he joined the Army, but because of a hearing loss, he was confined to staff work. After World War II, he
travelled in Europe and completed an economics degree at the University of Sydney. Billy McMahon was elected to the House
of Representatives for the Sydney seat of Lowe in 1949, one of the flood of new Liberal MPs known as the "forty-niners". He
was capable and ambitious, and in 1951 Prime Minister Robert Menzies made him Minister for Air and Minister for the Navy.
Over the next 15 years he held the portfolios of Social Services, Primary Industry and Labour and National Service, and he
was also Vice-President of the Executive Council. In 1966, when Harold Holt became Prime Minister, McMahon succeeded him
as Treasurer and as Deputy Leader of the Liberal Party. Despite his steady advance, McMahon remained unpopular with his
colleagues. He was highly capable, but seen as too ambitious and a schemer. He had never married, and there were frequent
rumours throughout his life that he was homosexual. In 1965, aged 57, he married Sonia Rachel Hopkins, who was then aged
32. They had three children: Melinda, Julian (who would find fame in his own right as a model and an actor), and Deborah.
When Holt drowned in December 1967, McMahon was assumed to be his probable successor. However, John McEwen, interim
Prime Minister and leader of the Country Party, announced that he and his party would not serve in a government led by
McMahon. McEwen did not state his reasons publicly, but privately he told McMahon he did not trust him. There was also
McEwen's personal dislike of McMahon due to his perceived homosexuality. McEwen, an arch-protectionist, also correctly
suspected that McMahon favoured policies of free trade and deregulation. McMahon therefore withdrew, and Senator John
Gorton won the party room ballot for party leader and Prime Minister. McMahon became Foreign Minister and waited for his
chance at a comeback. He challenged Gorton for the Liberal Party leadership after the 1969 election, but was defeated. In
January 1971, McEwen retired as Country Party leader and Deputy Prime Minister. His successor, Doug Anthony, discontinued
the veto against McMahon. In March 1971 the Defence Minister, Malcolm Fraser, resigned from Cabinet and denounced
Gorton, who then announced a leadership spill. The party room vote on a motion of no confidence was initially tied, which
meant the motion was lost. Nevertheless, Gorton voluntarily declared that he lacked the confidence of the party, and
relinquished the leadership. McMahon was then elected leader (and Prime Minister), and Gorton was elected deputy Liberal
leader. Following continued plotting from Gorton's supporters, in 1971, McMahon found occasion to sack Gorton for perceived
disloyalty; Billy Snedden was chosen as the new deputy Liberal leader. In June 1971 McMahon cancelled Gorton's planned
nuclear power program, which had included a reactor capable of generating weapons-grade plutonium. He considered it
inconsistent with the goals of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, signed under Gorton in 1970, and later ratified under
Whitlam in 1973. McMahon attacked the Opposition Leader E.G. Whitlam over his policy of recognising the People's Republic
of China, then had to back down when President Nixon announced his visit to China. McMahon's reputation for economic
management was undermined by high inflation. His voice and appearance came across badly on television and he was no
match in parliamentary debates for Whitlam, a witty and powerful orator, who opposed the increasingly unpopular Vietnam
War, and advocated radical new policies such as universal health insurance. In the December 1972 election campaign, he
was outperformed by Whitlam. When Whitlam won the election, McMahon resigned the Liberal leadership and was replaced
by Snedden, who became the new Opposition Leader. McMahon had been a minister continuously for 21 years and 6 months,
a record in the Australian Government. Only Sir George Pearceand Sir John McEwen had longer overall ministerial service, but
their terms were not continuous. McMahon served in the Shadow Cabinet under his successor Billy Snedden, but was dropped
after the 1974 election. He retained his seat in Parliament in the 1975, 1977 and 1980elections. He became Joint Father of
the House of Representatives with Clyde Cameron in 1977, and sole Father in 1980 when Cameron retired. On the retirement
of Senator Justin O'Byrne in 1981, he became Father of the Parliament. He resigned from Parliament in 1982. McMahon died

of cancer in Sydney on 31 March 1988 at 80. His widow Lady (Sonia) McMahon died aged 77 on 2 April 2010. McMahon was
appointed a Privy Counsellor in 1966, a Companion of Honour in the New Year's Day Honours of
1972
and a KnightGrand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George in the Queen's Birthday Honours of 1977.
Following the 2009 redistribution of New South Wales federal elecorates, the Division of Prospect was
renamed the Division of McMahonstarting at the 2010 federal election.

Edward Gough Whitlam, AC, QC (July

11, 1916 October 21, 2014), known as Gough

Whitlam served as the 21st Prime Minister of Australia from December 5, 1972 until November 11,
1975. Whitlam led the Australian Labor Party (ALP) to power at the 1972 election and retained
government at the 1974 election, before being dismissed by Governor-General Sir John Kerr at the
climax of the 1975 Australian constitutional crisis. Whitlam remains the only Prime Minister to have
his commission terminated in that manner. Whitlam entered Parliament in 1952, as an ALP member
of the House of Representatives. In 1960 he was elected deputy leader of the ALP and in 1967, after party leader Arthur
Calwell retired, he assumed the leadership and became Leader of the Opposition. After narrowly losing the 1969 election,
Whitlam led Labor to victory at the 1972 election after 23 years of Liberal-Country Coalition government. In his time in office,
Whitlam and his government implemented a large number of new programs and policy changes, including the elimination of
military conscription and criminal execution, institution of universal health care and fee-free tertiary schooling (university),
and the implementation of legal aid programs. He won the 1974 election with a reduced majority. Subsequently, the
Opposition, which controlled the Senate, was emboldened by government scandals and a flagging economy to challenge
Whitlam. In late 1975, there was a weeks-long deadlock over the passage of appropriation bills, which was resolved by Kerr's
dismissal of Whitlam and commissioning of Opposition leader Malcolm Fraser as caretaker Prime Minister. Labor lost the
subsequent 1975 election in a landslide. Whitlam resigned from the leadership after the ALP lost again at the 1977 election,
and left Parliament in 1978. With the advent of the Hawke government in 1983, he served as ambassador to UNESCO, and
remained active in public life into his nineties. The circumstances of his dismissal, and the legacy of his government, remain
part of Australian political discourse. Edward Gough Whitlam was born on July 11, 1916 in Kew, a suburb of Melbourne. He
was the older of two children (he has a younger sister, Freda) born to Martha (ne Maddocks) and Fred Whitlam. His father
was a federal public servant who later served asCommonwealth Crown Solicitor, and Whitlam senior's involvement in human
rights issues was a powerful influence on his son. Since the boy's maternal grandfather was also named Edward, from early
childhood he was called by his middle name. In 1918, Fred Whitlam was promoted to Deputy Crown Solicitor and transferred
to Sydney. The family lived first in the North Shore suburb of Mosman and then in Turramurra. At age six, Gough began his
education at Chatswood Church of England Girls School (early primary schooling at a girls' school was not unusual for small
boys at the time). After a year there, he attended Mowbray House Schooland Knox Grammar School, in the suburbs of
Sydney. Fred Whitlam was promoted again in 1927, this time to Assistant Crown Solicitor. The position was located in the new
national capital of Canberra, and the Whitlam family moved there. Gough Whitlam remains the only Prime Minister to have
spent his formative years in Canberra. At the time, conditions remained primitive in what was dubbed "the bush capital" and
"the land of the blowflies". Gough, who had always attended a private school, was sent to the government-run Telopea Park
School, since no other school was available. In 1932, Fred Whitlam transferred his son to Canberra Grammar School, where,
at the 1932 Speech Day ceremony, Gough Whitlam was awarded a prize by the Governor-General, Sir Isaac Isaacs. Whitlam
enrolled at St. Paul's College at the University of Sydney at the age of 18. He earned his first wages by appearing, with
several other "Paulines", in a cabaret scene in the film The Broken Melodythe students were chosen because St. Paul's
required (and requires) formal wear at dinner, and they could therefore supply their own costumes. After receiving a Bachelor
of Arts degree with second-class honours in Classics, Whitlam remained at St. Paul's to begin his law studies; he had originally
contemplated an academic career, but his lacklustre marks made that unlikely. Soon after the outbreak of World War II in
1939, Whitlam enlisted in the Sydney University Regiment, part of the Army Reserve. In late 1941, following the
Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, and with a year remaining in his legal studies, he volunteered for the Royal Australian Air
Force. In 1942, while awaiting entry into the service, Whitlam met and married Margaret Elaine Dovey, who had swum for
Australia in the 1938 British Empire Games and was the daughter of barrister and future New South Wales Supreme Court
judge Bill Dovey. Whitlam trained as a navigator and bomb aimer, before serving with No. 13 Squadron RAAF, based mainly
on the Gove Peninsula, Northern Territory, flying Lockheed Ventura bombers. He reaching the rank of Flight Lieutenant. While
in the service, he began his political activities, distributing literature for the Australian Labor Party during the 1943 federal
election and urging the passage of the "Fourteen Powers" referendum of 1944, which would have expanded the powers of the
Federal government. Although the party was victorious, the referendum it advocated was defeated. In 1961, Whitlam said of
the referendum defeat, "My hopes were dashed by the outcome and from that moment I determined to do all I could do to
modernise the Australian Constitution." While still in uniform, Whitlam joined the ALP in Sydney in 1945. Whitlam completed
his studies after the war, obtained his Bachelor of Laws, and was admitted to the Federal and New South Wales bars in 1947.
With his war service loan, Whitlam built a house in seaside Cronulla. He sought to make a career in the ALP there, but local
Labor supporters were sceptical of Whitlam's loyalties, given his privileged background. In the postwar years, he practised
law, concentrating on landlord/tenant matters, and sought to build his bona fides in the party. He ran twiceunsuccessfullyfor
the local council, once (also unsuccessfully) for the New South Wales Legislative Assembly, and campaigned for other
candidates. He also became a radio celebrity, winning the Australian National Quiz Championship in 1948 and 1949, and
finishing runner-up in 1950. In 1951, Hubert Lazzarini, the Labor member for the Federal electorate of Werriwa, announced
that he would stand down at the next election. Whitlam won the preselection as ALP candidate. Lazzarini died in 1952 before
completing his term and Whitlam was elected to the House of Representatives in the ensuing by-election on November 29,
1952. Whitlam trebled Lazzarini's majority in a 12 per cent swing to Labor. Whitlam joined the ALP minority in the House.
His maiden speech provoked an interruption by future Prime Minister John McEwen, who was told by the Speaker that maiden
speeches are traditionally heard in silence. Whitlam responded to McEwen by stating that Benjamin Disraeli had been heckled
in his maiden speech, and had responded, "The time will come when you shall hear me". He told McEwen, "The time will
come when you may interrupt me". According to early Whitlam biographers Laurie Oakes and David Solomon, this cool
response put the Coalition government on notice that the new Member for Werriwa would be a force to be reckoned with. In
the rough and tumble debate in the House of Representatives, Whitlam called fellow MHRs Bill Bourke "this
grizzling Quisling", Garfield Barwick (who would, as High Court Chief Justice, play a role in Whitlam's downfall) a "bumptious
bastard", and stated that William Wentworth exhibited a "hereditary streak of insanity". After he stated that future Prime
Minister William McMahon was a "quean", he apologised. The ALP had been out of office since the Chifley Government's
defeat in 1949, and since 1951 had been under the leadership of Bert Evatt, whom Whitlam greatly admired. In 1954, the ALP
seemed likely to return to power. The Prime Minister, Robert Menzies, adroitly used the defection of a Soviet official to his
advantage, and his coalition of the Liberal andCountry parties was returned in the election with a seven-seat majority. After
the election, Evatt attempted to purge the party of industrial groupers, who had long dissented from party policy, and who
were predominately Catholic and anti-communist. The ensuing division in the ALP, which came to be known as "The Split",
sparked the birth of theDemocratic Labor Party. It was a conflict that helped to keep Labor out of power for a generation,
since DLP supporters chose the Liberal Party in preferential voting. Whitlam supported Evatt throughout "the Split". In 1955, a
redistribution divided Whitlam's electorate of Werriwa in two, with his Cronulla home located in the new electorate of Hughes.

Although Whitlam would have received ALP support in either division, he chose to continue standing for Werriwa, and moved
from Cronulla to Cabramatta. This meant even longer journeys for his older children to attend school, since neither electorate
had a high school at the time, and they attended school in Sydney. Whitlam was appointed to the Parliamentary Joint
Committee on Constitutional Review in 1956. Biographer Jenny Hocking calls his service on the Committee, which included
members from all parties in both chambers of Parliament, one of the "great influences in his political development".
According to Hocking, service on the committee caused Whitlam to focus not on internal conflicts consuming the ALP, but on
which Labor goals were possible and worthwhile in the constitutional framework. Many Labor goals, such as nationalisation,
ran contrary to the Constitution. Whitlam came to believe that the Constitution and especially Section 96 (which allowed the
federal government to make grants to the states) could be used to advance a worthwhile Labor programme. By the late
1950s Whitlam was seen as a leadership contender once the existing Labor leaders exited the scene. Most Labor leaders,
including Evatt, Deputy Leader Arthur Calwell, Eddie Ward, and Reg Pollard, were in their sixties, twenty years older than
Whitlam. In 1960, after losing three elections, Evatt resigned and was replaced by Calwell, with Whitlam defeating Ward for
deputy leader. Calwell came within a handful of votes of winning the cliffhanger 1961 election. He had not wanted Whitlam as
deputy leader, and believed Labor would have won if Ward had been in the position. Soon after the 1961 election, events
began to turn against Labor. When Indonesian President Sukarno announced that he intended to take over West New
Guinea as the colonial Dutch departed, Calwell responded by declaring that Indonesia must be stopped by force. Calwell's
statement was called "crazy and irresponsible" by Prime Minister Menzies, and the incident reduced public support for the
ALP. At that time, the Federal Conference of the Labor Party, which dictated policy to parliamentary members, consisted of six
members from each state but not Calwell or Whitlam. In early 1963 a special conference met in a Canberra hotel to
determine Labor policy regarding a proposed US base in northern Australia; Calwell and Whitlam were photographed by
the The Daily Telegraph peering in through the doors, waiting for the verdict. In an accompanying story, Alan Reid of
the Telegraph wrote that Labor was ruled by "36 faceless men." The Liberals seized on it, issuing a leaflet called "Mr Calwell
and the Faceless Men" which accused Calwell and Whitlam of taking direction from "36 unknown men, not elected to
Parliament nor responsible to the people." Menzies manipulated the Opposition on issues that bitterly divided it, such as
direct aid to the states for private schools, and the proposed base. He called an early election for November 1963, standing in
support of those two issues. The Prime Minister performed better than Calwell on television and received an unexpected
boost after the assassination of US President John F. Kennedy. As a result, the Coalition easily defeated Labor on a 10-seat
swing. Whitlam had hoped Calwell would step down after 1963, but he remained, reasoning that Evatt had been given three
opportunities to win, and that he should be allowed a third attempt to win the Prime Ministership. Calwell dismissed proposals
that the ALP leader and deputy leader should be entitled to membership of the party's conference (or on its governing 12person Federal Executive, which had two representatives from each state), and instead ran successfully for one of the
conference's Victoria seats. Labor did badly in a 1964 by-election in the Tasmanian electorate of Denison, and lost seats in
the 1964 half-Senate election. The party was also defeated in the state elections in the most populous state, New South
Wales, surrendering control of the state government for the first time since 1941. Whitlam's relationship with Calwell, never
good, deteriorated further after a 1965 article in The Australian was published. The article reported off-the-record comments
Whitlam had made that his leader was "too old and weak" to win office, and that the party might be gravely damaged by an
"old-fashioned" 70-year-old Calwell seeking his first term as Prime Minister. Later that year, at Whitlam's urging, and over
Calwell's objection, the biennial Party Conference made major changes to the party's platform: deleting support for the White
Australia policy and making the ALP's leader and deputy leader ex officio members of the conference and Executive, along
with the party's leader and deputy leader in the Senate. As Whitlam considered the Senate unrepresentative, he opposed the
admission of its ALP leaders to the party's governing bodies. Sir Robert Menzies retired in January 1966, and was succeeded
as Prime Minister by the new Liberal Party leader, Harold Holt. After years of politics being dominated by the elderly Menzies
and Calwell, the younger Holt was seen as a breath of fresh air, and attracted public interest and support in the run-up to the
November election. In early 1966, the 36-member conference, with Calwell's assent, banned any ALP parliamentarian from
supporting federal assistance to the states for spending on both government and private schools, commonly called "state
aid". Whitlam broke with the party on the issue, and was charged with gross disloyalty by the Executive, an offence which
carried the penalty of expulsion. Before the matter could be heard, Whitlam left for Queensland, where he campaigned
intensively for the ALP candidate in the Dawson by-election. The ALP won, dealing the government their first by-election
defeat since 1952. Whitlam survived the expulsion vote by a margin of only two, gaining both Queensland votes. At the end
of April, Whitlam challenged Calwell for the leadership; though Calwell received two-thirds of the vote, the ALP leader
announced that if the party lost the upcoming election, he would not stand again for the leadership. Holt called an election
for November 1966, in which the Australian involvement in the Vietnam War was a major issue. Calwell called for an
"immediate and unconditional withdrawal" of Australian troops from Vietnam. Whitlam, however, said that this would deprive
Australia of any voice in a settlement, and that regular troops, rather than conscripts, should remain under some
circumstances. Calwell considered Whitlam's remark disastrous, disputing the party line just five days before the election. The
ALP suffered a crushing defeat in the election, falling to forty seats in the House of Representatives. At the caucus meeting on
8 February 1967, Whitlam was elected party leader, defeating leading left-wing candidate Dr Jim Cairns. Gough Whitlam saw
that the party had little chance of being elected unless it could expand its appeal from the traditional working-class base to
include the suburban middle class. He sought to shift control of the ALP from union officials to the parliamentary party, and
hoped that even rank-and-file party members could be given a voice in the conference. In 1968, controversy erupted within
the party when the Executive refused to seat new Tasmanian delegate Brian Harradine, a Whitlam supporter who was
considered a right-wing extremist. Whitlam resigned the leadership, demanding a vote of confidence from caucus. He
defeated Cairns for the leadership in an unexpectedly close 3832 vote. Despite the vote, the Executive refused to seat
Harradine. With the ALP's governing bodies unwilling to reform themselves, Whitlam worked to build support for change
among ordinary party members. He was successful in reducing union influence in the party, though he was never able to give
the rank-and-file a direct vote in selecting the Executive. The Victoria branch of the party had long been a problem; its
executive was far to the left of the rest of the ALP, and had little electoral success. Whitlam was able to reconstruct the
Victoria party organisation against the will of its leaders, and the reconstituted state party proved essential to victory in the
1972 election. By the time of the 1969 party conference, Whitlam had gained considerable control over the ALP. That
conference passed 61 resolutions, including broad changes to party policy and procedures. It called for the establishment of
an Australian Schools Commission to consider the proper level of state aid for schools and universities, recognition of
Aboriginal land claims, and expanded party policy on universal health care. The conference also called for increased federal
involvement in urban planning, and would form the basis of "The Program" of modern socialism which Whitlam and the ALP
would present to the voters in 1972. Since 1918, Labor had called for the abolition of the Australian Constitution, with the
vesting of all political power in Parliament, a plan which would turn the states into powerless geographic regions. Beginning in
1965, Whitlam had sought to change this goal. He finally succeeded at the 1971 ALP Conference in Launceston, Tasmania,
which called for Parliament to receive "such plenary powers as are necessary and desirable" to achieve the ALP's goals in
domestic and international affairs. Labor was also pledged to abolish the Senate; this goal would not be erased from the party
platform until 1979, after Whitlam had stepped down as leader. Soon after taking the leadership, Whitlam reorganised the
ALP caucus, assigning portfolios and turning the Labor frontbench into a shadow cabinet. While the Liberal/Country Coalition
had a huge majority in the House of Representatives, Whitlam energised the party by campaigning intensively to win two by-

elections in 1967: first in Corio in Victoria, and later that year in Capricornia (Queensland). The November half-Senate
election saw a moderate swing to Labor and against the Coalition, compared with the general election the previous
year. These federal victories, in which both Whitlam and Holt campaigned, helped give Whitlam the leverage he needed to
carry out party reforms. At the end of 1967, Prime Minister Holt vanished while swimming in rough seas near Melbourne; his
body was never recovered. McEwen, as leader of the junior Coalition partner, the Country Party, took over as Prime Minister
for three weeks until the Liberals could elect a new leader. Senator John Gorton won the vote and became Prime Minister. The
leadership campaign was conducted mostly by television, and Gorton appeared to have the visual appeal needed to keep
Whitlam out of office. Gorton resigned his seat in the Senate, and in February 1968 won the by-election for Holt's seat
of Higgins in Victoria. For the remainder of the year, Gorton appeared to have the better of Whitlam in the House of
Representatives. However, in his chronicle of the Whitlam years, speechwriter Graham Freudenberg asserts that Gorton's
erratic behaviour, Whitlam's strengthening of his party, and events outside Australia (such as the Vietnam War) ate away at
the Liberal dominance. Gorton called an election for October 1969. Whitlam and the ALP, with little internal dissension, stood
on a platform calling for domestic reform, an end to conscription, and the withdrawal of Australian troops from Vietnam by
July 1, 1970. Whitlam knew that, given the ALP's poor position after the 1966 election, victory was unlikely. Nevertheless,
Whitlam scored an 18-seat swing, Labor's best performance since losing government in 1949. The Coalition was returned to
office with a slim majority. The 1970 half-Senate election brought little change to Coalition control, but the Liberal vote fell for
the first time below 40 percent, representing a severe threat to Gorton's leadership. In March 1971, Gorton lost a vote of no
confidence in the Liberal caucus. The Liberals elected William McMahon as their new leader, and he became Prime
Minister. With the Liberals in turmoil, Whitlam and the ALP sought to gain public trust as a credible government-in-waiting.
The party's actions, such as its abandonment of the White Australia policy, gained favourable media attention. The Labor
leader flew to Papua New Guinea and pledged himself to the independence of what was then an Australian possession. In
1971, Whitlam flew to Beijing and met with Chinese officials, including Zhou Enlai. McMahon attacked Whitlam for the visit
and claimed that the Chinese had manipulated him. This attack backfired when US President Richard Nixon announced
that he would visit China the following year. His National Security Advisor, Henry Kissinger, had actually been in Beijing
(unknown to Whitlam) at the same time as the Labor delegation. According to Whitlam biographer Jenny Hocking, the
incident transformed Whitlam into an international statesman, while McMahon was seen as reacting defensively to Whitlam's
foreign policy ventures. Other errors by McMahon, such as a confused ad-lib speech while visiting Washington, and a
statement to Indonesian President Suharto that Australia was a "West European nation", also damaged the government. By
early 1972, Labor had established a clear lead in the polls. Unemployment was at a ten-year peak, rising to 2.14 percent in
August (though the unemployment rate was calculated differently compared to the present, and did not include thousands of
rural workers on Commonwealth-financed relief work). Inflation was also at its highest rate since the early 1950s. The
government recovered slightly in the August Budget session of Parliament, proposing income tax cuts and increased
spending. The Labor strategy for the run-up to the election was to sit back and allow the government to make mistakes.
Whitlam controversially stated in March that "draft-dodging is not a crime" and that he would be open to a revaluation of
the Australian dollar. McMahon called a general election for the House of Representatives for 2 December 1972. Whitlam
noted that the polling day was the anniversary of the Battle of Austerlitzat which another "ramshackle, reactionary
coalition" had been given a "crushing defeat". Labor campaigned under the slogan "It's Time", an echo of Menzies' successful
1949 slogan, "It's Time for a Change". Surveys showed that even Liberal voters approved of the Labor slogan. [68] Whitlam
pledged an end to conscription and the release of individuals who had refused the draft, an income tax surcharge to pay for
universal health insurance, free dental care for students, and renovation of aging urban infrastructure. The party was pledged
to eliminate university tuition fees and to the establishment of a schools commission to evaluate educational needs. The
party benefited from the support of the proprietor of News Limited, Rupert Murdoch, who preferred Whitlam over
McMahon. Labor was so dominant in the campaign that some of Whitlam's advisers urged him to stop joking about McMahon;
people were feeling sorry for him. The election saw the ALP increase its tally by 12 seats, mostly in suburban Sydney and
Melbourne, for a majority of nine in the House of Representatives. However, the ALP gained little beyond the suburban belts,
losing a seat in South Australia and two in Western Australia. Whitlam took office with a majority in the House of
Representatives, but without control of the Senate (elected in 1967 and 1970). The Senate at that time consisted of ten
members from each of the six states, elected by proportional representation. The ALP parliamentary caucus chose the
ministers, but Whitlam was allowed to assign portfolios. A caucus meeting could not be held until after the final results came
in on 15 December, 1967. In the meantime, McMahon would remain caretaker Prime Minister. Whitlam, however, was
unwilling to wait that long. On December 5, 1967 once Labor's win was secure, Whitlam had the Governor-General, Sir Paul
Hasluck swear him in as Prime Minister and Labor's deputy leader, Lance Barnard, as Deputy Prime Minister. The two men
held 27 portfolios during the two weeks before a full cabinet could be determined. During the two weeks the so-called
"duumvirate" held office, Whitlam sought to fulfill those campaign promises that did not require legislation. Whitlam ordered
negotiations to establish full relations with the People's Republic of China, and broke those with Taiwan. Legislation allowed
the Minister for Defence to grant exemptions from conscription. Barnard held this office, and exempted everyone. Seven men
were at that time incarcerated for refusing conscription; Whitlam arranged for their freedom. The Whitlam government in its
first days re-opened the equal pay case pending before the Commonwealth Conciliation and Arbitration Commission, and
appointed a woman, Elizabeth Evatt to the commission. Whitlam and Barnard eliminated sales tax on contraceptive pills,
announced major grants for the arts, and appointed an interim schools commission. The duumvirate barred racially
discriminatory sport teams from Australia, and instructed the Australian delegation at the United Nations to vote in favour of
sanctions on apartheid South Africa and Rhodesia. It also ordered home all remaining Australian troops in Vietnam, though
most (including all conscripts) had been withdrawn by McMahon. According to Whitlam speechwriter Graham Freudenberg,
the duumvirate was a success, as it showed that the Labor government could manipulate the machinery of government,
despite its long absence from office. However, Freudenberg noted that the rapid pace and public excitement caused by the
duumvirate's actions caused the Opposition to be wary of giving Labor too easy a time, and led to one post mortem of the
Whitlam government, "We did too much too soon." The McMahon government had consisted of 27 ministers, twelve of whom
comprised the Cabinet. In the run-up to the election, the Labor caucus had decided that should the party take power, all
27 ministers were to be Cabinet members. [83] Intense canvassing took place amongst ALP parliamentarians as the duumvirate
did its work, and on 18 December the caucus elected the Cabinet. The results were generally acceptable to Whitlam, and
within three hours, he had announced the portfolios of the cabinet members. To give himself greater control over the Cabinet,
in January 1973 Whitlam established five cabinet committees (with the members appointed by himself, not the caucus) and
took full control of the cabinet agenda. The Whitlam government abolished the death penalty for Federal crimes. Legal
Aid was established, with offices in each state capital. It abolished tertiary school (university) fees, and established the
Schools Commission to allocate funds to schools. Whitlam founded the Department of Urban Development and, having lived
in developing Cabramatta when it was largely unsewered, set a goal to leave no urban home unsewered. The Whitlam
government gave grants directly to local government units for urban renewal, flood prevention, and the promotion of tourism.
Other federal grants financed highways linking the state capitals, and paid for standard-gauge rail lines between the states.
The government attempted to set up a new city at Albury-Wodonga on the VictoriaNew South Wales border. "Advance
Australia Fair" became the country's national anthem in place of "God Save the Queen". The Order of Australia replaced the
British honours system in early 1975. In 1973, the National Gallery of Australia, then called the Australian National Gallery,

bought the painting Blue Poles by contemporary artist Jackson Pollock for US$2 million (A$1.3 million at the time of
payment) about a third of its annual budget. This required Whitlam's personal permission, which he gave on the condition
the price was publicized. The purchase created a political and media scandal, and was said to symbolise either Whitlam's
foresight and vision, or his profligate spending. Whitlam travelled extensively as Prime Minister, and was the first Australian
Prime Minister to visit China while in office. He was criticised for this travel, especially after Cyclone Tracy struck Darwin; he
interrupted an extensive tour of Europe for 48 hours (deemed too brief a period by many) to view the devastation. In
February 1973, the Attorney General, Senator Lionel Murphy, led a police raid on the Melbourne office of the Australian
Security Intelligence Organisation, which was under his ministerial responsibility. Murphy believed that the ASIO might have
files relating to threats against Yugoslav Prime Minister Demal Bijedi, who was about to visit Australia, and feared the ASIO
might conceal or destroy them. The Opposition attacked the Government over the raid, terming Murphy a "loose cannon". A
Senate investigation of the incident was cut short when Parliament dissolved in 1974. According to journalist and author
Wallace Brown, the controversy over the raid continued to dog the Whitlam government throughout its term because the
incident was "so silly". From the start of the Whitlam government, the Opposition, led by Billy Snedden (who replaced
McMahon as Liberal leader in December 1972) sought to use control of the Senate to balk Whitlam. It did not seek to block all
government legislation; the Coalition senators, led by Senate Liberal leader Reg Withers, sought to block government
legislation only when the obstruction would advance the Opposition's agenda. The Whitlam government also had troubles in
relations with the states. New South Wales refused the government's request that it close the Rhodesian Information Centre
in Sydney. The Queensland premier, Joh Bjelke-Petersen refused to consider any adjustment in Queensland's border with
Papua New Guinea, which, due to the state's ownership of islands in the Torres Strait, came within half a kilometre (about
one-third of a mile) of the Papuan mainland. Liberal state governments in New South Wales and Victoria were re-elected by
large margins in 1973. Whitlam and his majority in the House of Representatives proposed a constitutional referendum in
December 1973, transferring control of wages and prices from the states to the Federal government. The two propositions
failed to attract a majority of voters in any state, and were rejected by over 800,000 votes nationwide. By early 1974, the
Senate had rejected nineteen government bills, ten of them twice. With a half-Senate election due by midyear, Whitlam
looked for ways to shore up support in that body. Queensland Senator and former DLP leader Vince Gair signalled his
willingness to leave the Senate for a diplomatic post. With five Queensland seats at stake in the half-Senate election, the ALP
would probably win only two, but if six were at stake, the party would most likely win three. Possible control of the Senate was
therefore at stake; Whitlam agreed to Gair's request and had the Governor-General Sir Paul Hasluck appoint him Ambassador
to Ireland. Word leaked of Gair's pending resignation, and Whitlam's opponents attempted to counteract his manoeuvre. On
what became known as the "Night of the Long Prawns", Country Party members secreted Gair at a small party in a legislative
office as the ALP searched for him to secure his written resignation. As Gair enjoyed beer and prawns, Bjelke-Petersen
advised the Queensland Governor, Sir Colin Hannah, to issue writs for only the usual five vacancies, since Gair's seat was not
yet vacant, effectively countering Whitlam's plan. With the Opposition threatening to disrupt supply, Whitlam used the
Senate's defeat of six bills twice to trigger a double dissolution election, holding it instead of the half-Senate election. After a
campaign featuring the Labor slogan "Give Gough a fair go", the Whitlam government was returned, with its majority in the
House of Representatives cut from seven to five. It was only the second time since Federation that a Labor government had
been reelected to a second full term. Both Labor and the Coalition secured 29 seats in the Senate, with the balance of power
held by two independents. The deadlock over the twice-rejected bills was broken, uniquely in Australian history, with a
special joint sittingof the two houses of Parliament under Section 57 of the Constitution. This session, authorised by the new
Governor-General, Sir John Kerr, passed bills providing for universal health insurance (known then as Medibank, today
as Medicare) and providing the Northern Territory and Australian Capital Territory with representation in the Senate, effective
at the next election. By mid-1974, Australia was in an economic slump. The 1973 oil crisis had caused prices to spike, and
according to government figures inflation topped 13 percent for over a year between 1973 and 1974. Part of the inflation was
due to Whitlam's desire to increase wages and conditions of the Commonwealth Public Service as a pacesetter for the private
sector. The Whitlam government had cut tariffs by 25 percent in 1973; 1974 saw an increase in imports of 30 percent and a
$1.5 billion increase in the trade deficit. Primary producers of commodities such as beef were caught in a credit squeeze as
short-term rates rose to extremely high levels. Unemployment also rose significantly. Unease within the ALP led to Barnard's
defeat when Jim Cairns challenged him for his deputy leadership. Whitlam gave little help to his embattled deputy, who had
formed the other half of the duumvirate. Despite these economic indicators, the budget presented in August 1974 saw large
increases in spending, especially in education. Treasury officials had advised a series of tax and fee increases, ranging from
excise taxes to the cost of posting a letter; their advice was mostly rejected by Cabinet. The budget was unsuccessful in
dealing with the inflation and unemployment, and Whitlam introduced large tax cuts in November. He also announced
additional spending to help the private sector. Beginning in October 1974, the Whitlam government sought overseas loans to
finance its development plans, with the newly enriched oil nations a likely target. Whitlam attempted to secure financing
before informing the Loan Council (which included state officials hostile to Whitlam), and his government empowered
Pakistani financier Tirath Khemlani as an intermediary in the hope of securing US$4 billion in loans. While the Loans
Affair never resulted in an actual loan, according to author and Whitlam speechwriter Graham Freudenberg, "The only cost
involved was the cost to the reputation of the Government. That cost was to be immenseit was government itself." Whitlam
appointed Senator Murphy to the High Court, even though Murphy's Senate seat would not be up for election if a half-Senate
election were held. Labor then held three of the five short-term New South Wales Senate seats. Under proportional
representation, Labor could hold its three short term seats in the next half-Senate election, but if Murphy's seat were also
contested, Labor was unlikely to win four out of six. Thus, a Murphy appointment meant the almost certain loss of a seat in
the closely divided Senate at the next election. Whitlam appointed Murphy anyway. By convention, senators appointed by the
state legislature to fill casual vacancies were from the same political party as the former senator. The New South Wales
premier, Tom Lewis felt that this convention only applied to vacancies caused by deaths or ill-health, and arranged for the
legislature to elect Cleaver Bunton, former mayor of Albury and an independent. By March 1975, many Liberal
parliamentarians felt that Snedden was doing an inadequate job as Leader of the Opposition, and that Whitlam was
dominating him in the House of Representatives. Malcolm Fraser challenged Snedden for the leadership, and defeated him on
March 21, 1975. Soon after Fraser's accession, controversy arose over the Whitlam government's actions in trying to restart
peace talks in Vietnam. As the North prepared to end the civil war, Whitlam sent cables to both Vietnamese governments,
telling Parliament that both cables were substantially the same. The Opposition contended he had misled Parliament, and a
motion to censure Whitlam was defeated along party lines. The Opposition also attacked Whitlam for not allowing enough
South Vietnamese refugees into Australia, with Fraser calling for the entry of 50,000. Freudenberg alleges that
1,026 Vietnamese refugees entered Australia in the final eight months of the Whitlam government, and only 399 in 1976
under Fraser. However, by 1977, Australia had accepted over five thousand refugees. As the political situation deteriorated,
Whitlam and his government continued to enact legislation: The Family Law Act 1975 provided for no-fault divorce while the
Racial Discrimination Act 1975 caused Australia to ratify United Nations conventions against racial discrimination that
Australia had signed under Holt, but which had never been ratified. In August 1975, Whitlam gave the Gurindji people of the
Northern Territory title deeds to part of their traditional lands, beginning the process of Aboriginal land reform. The next
month, Australia granted independence to Papua New Guinea. Following the 1974 Carnation Revolution, Portugal began a
process of decolonisation and began a withdrawal from Portuguese Timor(later East Timor). Australians had long taken an

interest in the colony; the nation had sent troops to the region during World War II, and many
East Timorese had fought the Japanese as guerrillas. In September 1974, Whitlam met with
Indonesian President, Suharto, in Indonesia and indicated that he would support Indonesia if it
annexed East Timor. At the height of the Cold War and with American retreat from Indo-China,
he felt that if incorporated into Indonesia, the region would be more stable, and Australia would
not risk having the East Timorese FRETILIN movement, which many feared was communist,
come to power. Whitlam had offered Barnard a diplomatic post; in early 1975 Barnard agreed to
this, triggering a by-election in his Tasmanian electorate of Bass. The election on June 28 proved
a disaster for Labor, which lost the seat with a swing against it of 17 percent. The next week,
Whitlam fired Barnard's successor as deputy prime minister, Cairns, who had misled Parliament
regarding the Loans Affair amid innuendo about his relationship with his office manager, Junie
Morosi. At the time of Cairns' dismissal, one Senate seat was vacant, following the death on 30
June of Queensland ALP Senator Bertie Milliner. The state Labor party nominated Mal Colston,
resulting in a deadlock. The unicameral Queensland legislature twice voted against Colston, and
the party refused to submit any alternative candidates. Bjelke-Petersen finally convinced the
legislature to elect a low-level union official, Albert Field, who had contacted his office and
expressed a willingness to serve. In interviews, Field made it clear he would not support Whitlam. Field was expelled from the
ALP for standing against Colston, and Labor senators boycotted his swearing-in. Whitlam argued that, because of the manner
of filling vacancies, the Senate was "corrupted" and "tainted", with the Opposition enjoying a majority they did not win at the
ballot box. In October 1975, the Opposition, led by Malcolm Fraser, determined to block supply by deferring consideration of
appropriation bills. With Field on leave (his Senate appointment having been challenged), the Coalition had an effective
majority of 3029 in the Senate. The Coalition believed that if Whitlam could not deliver supply, and would not advise new
elections, Kerr would have to dismiss him. Supply would run out on November 30. The stakes were raised in the conflict on
October 10, when the High Court declared valid the Act granting the territories two senators each. In a half-Senate election,
most successful candidates would not take their places until July 1, 1976, but the territorial senators, and those filling Field's
and Bunton's seats, would assume their seats at once. This gave Labor an outside chance of controlling the Senate, at least
up until July 1, 1976. On October 14, Labor minister Rex Connor, mastermind of the loans scheme, was forced to resign when
Khemlani released documents showing that Connor had made misleading statements. The continuing scandal confirmed the
Coalition in their stance that they would not concede supply. Whitlam on the other hand, convinced that he would win the
battle, was glad of the distraction from the Loans Affair, and believed that he would "smash" not only the Senate, but Fraser's
leadership as well. Whitlam told the House of Representatives on October 21, Let me place my government's position clearly
on the record. I shall not advise the Governor-General to hold an election for the House of Representatives on behalf of the
Senate. I shall tender no advice for an election of either House or both Houses until this constitutional issue is settled. This
government, so long as it retains a majority in the House of Representatives, will continue the course endorsed by the
Australian people last year. Whitlam and his ministers repeatedly warned that the Opposition was damaging not only the
Constitution, but the economy as well. The Coalition senators tried to remain united, as several became increasingly
concerned about the tactic of blocking supply. As the crisis dragged into November, Whitlam attempted to make
arrangements for public servants and suppliers to be able to cash cheques at banks. These transactions would be temporary
loans which the government would repay once supply was restored. Governor-General Kerr was following the crisis closely. At
a luncheon with Whitlam and several of his ministers on 30 October, Kerr suggested a compromise: if Fraser conceded supply,
Whitlam would agree not to call the half-Senate election until May or June 1976, or alternatively would agree not to call the
Senate into session until after July 1, 1976. Whitlam rejected the idea, seeking to end the Senate's right to deny supply. On
November 3, 1976, after a meeting with Kerr, Fraser proposed that if the government agreed to hold a House of
Representatives election at the same time as the half-Senate election, the Coalition would concede supply. Whitlam rejected
this offer, stating that he had no intention of advising a House election for at least a year. With the crisis unresolved, on
November 6, 1976 Kerr decided to dismiss Whitlam as Prime Minister. Fearing that Whitlam would go to the Queen and have
him removed, Kerr did not give Whitlam any hint of what was coming. He conferred (against Whitlam's advice) with High
Court Chief Justice Sir Garfield Barwick, who agreed that he had the power to dismiss Whitlam. A meeting among the party
leaders, including Whitlam and Fraser, to resolve the crisis on the morning of November 11, came to nothing. Kerr and
Whitlam met at the Governor-General's office that afternoon at 1.00 pm. Unknown to Whitlam, Fraser was waiting in an anteroom; Whitlam later stated that he would not have set foot in the building if he had known Fraser was there. Whitlam, as he
had told Kerr by phone earlier that day, came prepared to advise a half-Senate election, to be held on 13 December,
1976. Kerr instead told Whitlam that he had terminated his commission as Prime Minister, and handed him a letter to that
effect. After the conversation, Whitlam returned to the Prime Minister's residence, The Lodge, had lunch and conferred with
his advisers. Immediately after his meeting with Whitlam, Kerr commissioned Fraser as caretaker Prime Minister, on the
assurance he could obtain supply and would then advise Kerr to dissolve both houses for election. In the confusion, Whitlam
and his advisers did not immediately tell any Senate members of the dismissal, with the result that when the Senate
convened at 2.00 pm, the appropriation bills were rapidly passed, with the ALP senators assuming the Opposition had given
in. The bills were soon sent to Kerr to receive Royal Assent. At 2.34 pm, ten minutes after supply had been secured, Fraser
rose in the House and announced he was Prime Minister. He promptly suffered a series of defeats in the House, which
instructed the Speaker, Gordon Scholes, to advise Kerr to reinstate Whitlam. By the time Kerr received Scholes, Parliament
had been dissolved by proclamation. Kerr's Official Secretary, David Smith came to Parliament House to proclaim the
dissolution from the front steps. A large, angry crowd had gathered, and Smith was nearly drowned out by their noise. He
concluded with the traditional "God save the Queen". Former Prime Minister Whitlam, who had been standing behind Smith,
then addressed the crowd:
Well may we say "God save the Queen", because nothing will save the Governor-General! The Proclamation which you have
just heard read by the Governor-General's Official Secretary was countersigned Malcolm Fraser, who will undoubtedly go
down in Australian history from Remembrance Day 1975 as Kerr's cur. They won't silence the outskirts of Parliament House,
even if the inside has been silenced for a few weeks ... Maintain your rage and enthusiasm for the campaign for the election
now to be held and until polling day.
As the ALP began the 1975 race, it seemed that its supporters would maintain their rage. Early rallies saw huge crowds, with
attendees handing Whitlam money to pay election expenses. The crowds greatly exceeded those in any of Whitlam's earlier
campaigns; in Sydney, 30,000 partisans gathered for an ALP rally in The Domain below a banner: "Shame Fraser
Shame". Fraser's appearances saw protests, and a letter bomb sent to Kerr was defused by authorities. Instead of making a
policy speech to keynote his campaign, Whitlam made a speech attacking his opponents and calling November 11, 1975 "a
day which will live in infamy". Polls from the first week of campaigning showed a nine point swing against Labor. Whitlam's
campaign disbelieved the results at first, but additional polling were clear: the electorate was turning against the ALP. The
Coalition attacked Labor for economic conditions, and released television commercials including "The Three Dark Years"
showing images from Whitlam government scandals. The ALP campaign, which had concentrated on the issue of Whitlam's

dismissal, did not address the economy until its final days. By that time Fraser, confident of victory, was content to sit back,
avoid specifics and make no mistakes. On election night, 13 December, the Coalition enjoyed the largest victory in Australian
history, winning 91 seats to the ALP's 36, and taking a 3725 majority in the Senate in a 6.5 percent swing against Labor.
Whitlam stayed on as Opposition Leader, defeating a leadership challenge. In early 1976, an additional controversy broke
when it was reported that Whitlam had been involved in ALP attempts to raise $500,000 during the election from the preSaddam Husseingovernment of Iraq. No money had actually been paid, and no charges were filed. The Whitlams were visiting
China at the time of theTangshan earthquake in July 1976, though they were staying in Tianjin, 90 miles away from the
epicentre. The Age printed a cartoon byPeter Nicholson showing the Whitlams huddled together in bed with Margaret Whitlam
saying, "Did the earth move for you too, dear?" This cartoon prompted a page full of outraged letters from Labor partisans
and a telegram from Gough Whitlam, safe in Tokyo, requesting the original of the cartoon. In early 1977 Whitlam faced a
leadership challenge from Bill Hayden, the final Treasurer in the Whitlam government in 1975, and won by a two-vote margin.
Fraser called an election for 10 December, and though Labor gained slightly, the Coalition still enjoyed a majority of
48. According to Freudenberg, "The meaning and the message were unmistakable. It was the Australian people's rejection of
Edward Gough Whitlam." Whitlam's son Tony, who had joined his father in the House of Representatives at the 1975 election,
was defeated. Shortly after the election, Whitlam resigned as party leader and was succeeded by Hayden. Whitlam was made
a Companion of the Order of Australia in June 1978, and resigned from Parliament on July 31 of the same year. He took
various academic positions, and when Labor was restored to power under Bob Hawke in 1983, Whitlam was appointed
Ambassador to UNESCO, based in Paris. He served for three years in this post, defending UNESCO against allegations of
corruption. In 1985, he was appointed to Australia's Constitutional Commission. Whitlam was appointed chairman of the
National Gallery of Australia in 1987, after his son Nick (then managing director of the State Bank of New South Wales) turned
it down. In 1995, Gough and Margaret Whitlam were part of the bid team which was successful in getting the International
Olympic Committee to host the 2000 Summer Olympics in Sydney. Kerr died in 1991; he and Whitlam never reconciled.
However, Whitlam and Fraser put aside their differences, campaigning together in support of the 1999 referendum which
would have made Australia a republic. In March 2010, Fraser visited Whitlam at his Sydney office while on a book tour to
promote his memoirs. Whitlam accepted an autographed copy of the book, and presented Fraser with a copy of his 1979 book
about the dismissal, The Truth of the Matter. In 2003, Mark Latham became the leader of the ALP. Although Latham was more
conservative than Whitlam, the former Prime Minister gave Latham much support, according to one account "anointing him
as his political heir". Latham, like Whitlam, represented Werriwa in the House of Representatives. Whitlam supported Latham
when he opposed the invasion and occupation of Iraq, despite Prime Minister John Howard's warning that Latham risked
endangering an alliance with the United States. Labor lost the 2004 election and Latham resigned from the House of
Representatives the following year. Whitlam has been a supporter of fixed four-year terms for both houses of Parliament. In
2006, he accused the ALP of failing to press for this change. In April 2007, Gough and Margaret Whitlam were made life
members of the Australian Labor Party. This was the first time anyone had been made a life member at the national level of
the Party organisation. In 2007, Whitlam testified at an inquest into the death of Brian Peters, one of five Australia-based TV
personnel killed in East Timor in October 1975. Whitlam indicated that he had warned Peters' colleague, Greg Shackleton
(who was also killed) that the Australian government could not protect them in East Timor, and that they should not go there.
The former Prime Minister also alleged that Shackleton was "culpable" if Shackleton had not passed on Whitlam's warning.
Whitlam joined three other former Prime Ministers in February 2008 in returning to Parliament to witness the Federal
Government apologyto the Aboriginal Stolen Generations by Prime Minister Kevin Rudd. On 21 January 2009, Whitlam
achieved a greater age (92 years,195 days) than any other Prime Minister of Australia, surpassing the previous record
holder Frank Forde. On the 60th anniversary of his marriage to Margaret Whitlam, Gough Whitlam called it "very satisfactory"
and claimed a record for "matrimonial endurance". In 2010, it was reported that Gough Whitlam had moved into an aged care
facility in Sydney's inner east in 2007. Despite this, the former Prime Minister continued to go to his office three days a week.
Margaret Whitlam remained in the couple's nearby apartment. In early 2012 she suffered a fall there, leading to her death in
hospital at age 92 on March 17, 2012, a month short of the Whitlams' 70th wedding anniversary. Now in his mid-nineties,
Whitlam remains well remembered for the circumstances of his dismissal. It is a legacy he has done little to efface; he wrote
a 1979 book, The Truth of the Matter (the title is a play on that of Kerr's 1978 memoir, Matters for Judgment) and devoted
part of his subsequent book, Abiding Interests, to the circumstances of his removal. According to journalist and author Paul
Kelly, who penned two books on the crisis, Whitlam has "achieved a paradoxical triumph: the shadow of the dismissal has
obscured the sins of his government". More books have been written about Whitlam, including his own writings, than about
any other Australian prime minister. According to Whitlam biographer Jenny Hocking, for a period of at least a decade, the
Whitlam era was viewed almost entirely in negative terms, but that has changed. Still, she feels that Australians take for
granted programs and policies initiated by the Whitlam government, such as recognition of China, legal aid, and Medicare.
Ross McMullin, who wrote a book on the history of the ALP, notes that Whitlam remains greatly admired by many Labor
supporters because of his efforts to reform Australian government, and because of inspiring leadership. Wallace Brown
describes Whitlam in his book about his experiences covering Australian Prime Ministers as a journalist:
Whitlam was the most paradoxical of all prime ministers in the last half of the 20th century. A man of superb intellect,
knowledge, and literacy, he yet had little ability when it came to economics ... Whitlam rivalled Menzies in his passion for the
House of Representatives and ability to use it as his stage, and yet his parliamentary skills were rhetorical and not tactical.
He could devise a strategy and then often botch the tactics in trying to implement that strategy ... Above all he was a man of
grand vision with serious blind spots.
On the morning of October 21, 2014, Whitlam's family announced his death, at the age of 98, and that there would be a
private cremation and a public memorial service. Whitlam was survived by his four children, five grandchildren and nine
great-grandchildren. A state memorial service was held on November 5, 2014 in the Sydney Town Hall and was led by Kerry
O'Brien. The Welcome to Country was given by Auntie Millie Ingram and eulogies were delivered byGraham
Freudenberg, Cate Blanchett, Noel Pearson, John Faulkner and Antony Whitlam. Pearson's contribution in particular was hailed
as "one of the best political speeches of our time". Musical performances were delivered by William
Barton (a didgeridoo improvisation), Paul Kelly and Kev Carmody (their land rights protest song From Little Things Big Things
Grow), as well as the Sydney Philharmonia Choir and the Sydney Symphony Orchestra, conducted by Benjamin Northey. In
accordance with Whitlam's wishes, the orchestra performed "In Tears of Grief" from Bach's St Matthew Passion, "Va, pensiero"
from Verdi's Nabucco, "Un Bal" from Symphonie fantastique by Berlioz and, as the final piece, Jerusalem by Parry.
Jerusalem was followed by a flypast of four RAAF F/A-18 Hornets in missing man formation.Those attending the memorial
included the current and some former governors-general, the current and all living former prime ministers, and members of
the family of Vincent Lingiari. The two-hour service, attended by 1,000 invited guests and 900 others, was screened to
thousands outside the Hall, as well as in Cabramatta and Melbourne, and broadcast live by ABC television. Chief Minister of
the Australian Capital Territory Katy Gallagher announced that a future Canberra suburb will be named for Whitlam, and that
his family would be consulted about other potential memorials.In honour of Whitlam, the Australian Electoral Commission is
set to rename the Division of Throsby to Whitlam, to take effect at the next Australian federal election.The house in which
Whitlam was born, "Ngara" at 46 Rowland St, Kew in suburban Melbourne, was temporarily preserved on October 22, 2014

pending an assessment of its heritage value. Initial work to demolish the house had started several days before Whitlam's
death. In July 2015 the Heritage Council of Victoria deemed the property not significant enough to warrant protection.

John Malcolm Fraser, AC, CH, GCL, PC (May

21, 1930 March 20, 2015) was a Australian Liberal Party politician who
was the 22nd Prime Minister of Australia from November 11, 1975 until March 11, 1983. He came to power in 1975 through
the dismissal of the Whitlam Labor government, in which he played a key role. After three election victories, he was defeated
by Bob Hawke in the 1983 election and ended his career alienated from his own party. John Malcolm Fraser was born on May
21, 1930 in Toorak to a family with a history of involvement in politics and the pastoral/grazing industry. His
grandfather, Simon Fraser, emigrated from Nova Scotiain 1853, becoming a successful pastoralist and speculator, as well as a
member of the Victorian Parliament, the Federation Conventions of 189798 and the Australian Senate. Malcolm Fraser's
father, John Neville Fraser, was a pastoralist at Deniliquin in the Riverina region of New South Wales and later at a property
called "Nareen station", in Nareen, near Hamilton in the Western District of Victoria. Malcolm Fraser's mother, Una Woolf, was
of Jewish descent on her own father's side. He grew up on the family's pastoral properties and was educated at Glamorgan
(now part of Geelong Grammar School) and Melbourne Grammar School, before completing a degree in philosophy, politics
and economics ("Modern Greats") at Magdalen College, Oxford in 1952, where he became friendly with future Canadian Prime
Minister John Turner. Fraser contested the seat of Wannon, in Victoria's Western District, in 1954 for the Liberal Party, losing to
Labor incumbent Donald McLeod by 17 votes. However, a redistribution made Wannon notionally Liberal, and McLeod retired
before the election held a year later. Fraser won the seat with a majority of more than 5,000 on a swing of 8.5 per cent, and
continued to represent Wannon until his retirement in 1983. In 1956, Fraser married Tamara "Tamie" Beggs; the couple have
four children. Fraser developed an early reputation as an Australian liberal, and he had a long wait for ministerial preferment.
He was finally appointed Minister for the Army by Harold Holt in 1966, in which he presided over the controversial Vietnam
war conscription. Under John Gorton he became Minister for Education and Science, and in 1969 he was made Minister for
Defence: a challenging post at the height of Australia's involvement in theVietnam War and the protests against it. In March
1971 Fraser resigned abruptly in protest at what he said was Gorton's interference in his ministerial responsibilities. This led
to the downfall of Gorton and his replacement by William McMahon. Under McMahon, Fraser once again became Minister for
Education and Science. When the Liberals were defeated at the 1972 election by the Labor Party under Gough Whitlam, he
became a member of the opposition front bench under Billy Snedden's leadership. Fraser responded to Snedden's defeat at
the 1974 election by successfully challenging for the opposition leadership in March 1975. Later that year, in the context of a
series of ministerial scandals that were rocking the Whitlam government, Fraser opted to use the Coalition opposition Senate
numbers to delay the government's budget bills with the objective of achieving an early election (see 1975 Australian
constitutional crisis). After several months of deadlock, during which the government secretly explored methods of obtaining
supply funding outside the Parliament, [6] Governor-General Sir John Kerr intervened and revoked Whitlam's commission on
November 11, 1975. Fraser was immediately sworn in as caretaker prime minister on condition that he give the GovernorGeneral immediate advice to dissolve both Houses and issue writs for an election for both houses. At the December 1975
election, the Liberal-Country Party coalition won a landslide victory. The Coalition took 30 seats from Labor en route to a 55seat majority, the largest in Australian history. The Coalition won a second term nearly as easily in 1977. The Liberals won a
majority in their own right in both electionssomething not even Holt or Robert Menzies had been able to achieve. Although
there was no need for a coalition with the Country Party, the traditional non-Labor coalition was retained. Fraser quickly
dismantled some of the programs of the Labor government, such as the Ministry of the Media, and he made major changes to
the universal health insurance system Medibank. He initially maintained Whitlam's real level of tax and spending, but real
per-person tax and spending soon began to increase. He did manage to rein in inflation which had soared under Whitlam.
Although his so-called "Razor Gang" implemented stringent budget cuts across many areas of the Commonwealth Public
Sector, including the ABC, the Fraser government did not carry out the radically conservative program that his political
enemies had predicted, and that some of his followers wanted. Fraser's relatively moderate policies disappointed his
Treasurer, John Howard, and other pro-Thatcherite ministers, who were strong adherents of free market economics. Fraser's
economic record was marred by rising unemployment, which reached record levels under his administration, caused in part
by the ongoing effects of the 1973 oil crisis. Fraser was active in foreign policy. He supported the Commonwealth in
campaigning to abolish apartheid in South Africa, and refused permission for the aircraft carrying the Springbok rugby team
to refuel on Australian territory en route to their controversial 1981 tour of New Zealand.[8]However, an earlier tour by the
South African Ski Boat Angling Team was allowed to pass through Australia on the way to New Zealand in 1977, and the
transit records were suppressed by Cabinet order. Fraser opposed white minority rule in Rhodesia. During the 1979
Commonwealth Conference, Fraser, together with his Nigerian counterpart, convinced newly-elected British Prime
Minister Margaret Thatcher to withhold recognition of the internal settlement Zimbabwe Rhodesiagovernment (Thatcher had
earlier promised to recognise it). Subsequently, the Lancaster House talks were held and Robert Mugabe was elected leader
of an independent Zimbabwe at the inaugural 1980 election. A former deputy secretary of the Department of Foreign Affairs
and Trade has stated that Fraser was 'the principal architect' in the installation of Robert Mugabe. Tanzanian president Julius
Nyerere said he considered Fraser's role "crucial in many parts", and Zambian president Kenneth Kaunda called it "vital".
Under his government, Australia recognised Indonesia's annexation of East Timor, although many East Timorese refugees
were granted asylum in Australia. Fraser was a strong supporter of the United States and supported the boycott of the 1980
Summer Olympics in Moscow. But, although he persuaded some sporting bodies not to compete, Fraser did not try to the
prevent the Australian Olympic Committee sending a team to the Moscow games. Fraser also surprised his critics in
immigration policy. According to 1977 cabinet documents, the Fraser government adopted a formal policy for "a humanitarian
commitment to admit refugees for resettlement". Fraser expanded immigration from Asian countries and allowed more
refugees to enter Australia. Fraser supported multiculturalism and established a government-funded multilingual radio and
television network, the Special Broadcasting Service (SBS), though their first radio stations were established under the
Whitlam government. Despite his support for SBS, the Fraser government imposed stringent budget cuts on the national
broadcaster, the ABC, which came under repeated attack from the Coalition for its supposed left-wing bias and for allegedly
"unfair" or critical coverage on TV programs including This Day Tonight and Four Corners, and on the ABC's new youthoriented radio station Double Jay (2JJ). One result of the cuts was a plan to establish a national youth radio network, of which
Double Jay was the first station. The network was delayed for many years, and did not come to fruition until the 1990s. Fraser
also legislated to give Indigenous Australians control of their traditional lands in the Northern Territory, but would not impose
land rights laws on the conservative governments in the states. At the 1980 election, Fraser saw his majority sharply reduced
and his coalition lose control of the Senate. Fraser was convinced, however, that he had the measure of the Labor leader, Bill
Hayden. But in 1982 the economy experienced a sharp recession; and also a protracted scandal over tax-avoidance schemes
run by prominent Liberals plagued the government. A popular minister, Andrew Peacock, resigned from Cabinet and

challenged Fraser's leadership. Although Fraser won, these events left him politically weakened.
By the end of 1982 it was obvious that the popular former trade union leader Bob Hawke was
going to replace Hayden as Labor leader. On 3 February 1983, Fraser called a double
dissolution election for 5 March, several months before it was due. Fraser was emboldened by a
swing to the coalition in a by-election for the Division of Flinders. He was also well aware of the
infighting between Hayden and Hawke, and believed he'd caught Labor before Hawke took the
leadership. However, Fraser made his run too late. Unknown to Fraser, Hayden had resigned in
favour of Hawke that morningliterally hours before the writ was dropped. In the election, the
Coalition was heavily defeated, suffering a 24-seat swingthe worst defeat of a non-Labor
government since Federation. It also made him (to date) the last Prime Minister from a nonmetropolitan seat. Fraser resigned from Parliament within two months. Over the 13 years that
the Liberals then spent in opposition until 1996, they tended to blame the "wasted
opportunities" of the Fraser years for their problems. Fraser distanced himself from his old
party, resigning from the party in 2009. In retirement Fraser served as Chairman of the UN
Panel of Eminent Persons on the Role of Transnational Corporations in South Africa 1985, as CoChairman of the Commonwealth Group of Eminent Persons on South Africa in 198586, and as
Chairman of the UN Secretary-General's Expert Group on African Commodity Issues in 198990. He was a distinguished
international fellow at the American Enterprise Institute from 1984-86. Fraser became president of the foreign aid group Care
International in 1991, and worked with a number of other charitable organisations. In 2006, he was appointed Professorial
Fellow at the Asia Pacific Centre for Military Law, and in October 2007 he presented his inaugural professorial lecture, "Finding
Security in Terrorisms Shadow: The importance of the rule of law". On October 14, 1986, Fraser, then the Chairman of
the Commonwealth Eminent Persons Group, was found in the foyer of the Admiral Benbow Inn, a seedy Memphis hotel,
wearing nothing but a towel and confused as to where his trousers were. The hotel was an establishment popular with
prostitutes and drug dealers. Though it was rumoured at the time that the former Prime Minister had been with a prostitute,
his wife stated that Fraser had no recollection of the events and that she believes it more likely that he was the victim of a
practical joke by his fellow delegates. In 1993 Fraser made a bid for the Liberal Party presidency but withdrew at the last
minute following opposition to his bid due to Fraser being critical of then Liberal leader John Hewson for losing the election
earlier that year. After 1996, Fraser was critical of the Howard Coalition government over foreign policy issues
(particularly John Howard's alignment with the foreign policy of the Bush administration, which Fraser saw as damaging
Australian relationships in Asia). He opposed Howard's policy on asylum-seekers, campaigned in support of an Australian
Republic and attacked what he perceived as a lack of integrity in Australian politics, together with former Labor prime
minister Gough Whitlam, finding much common ground with his predecessor and his successor Bob Hawke is also republican.
The 2001 election completed Fraser's estrangement from the Liberal Party. Many Liberals criticised the Fraser years as "a
decade of lost opportunity," on deregulation of the Australian economy and other issues. In early 2004, a Young
Liberal convention in Hobart called for Fraser's life membership of the Liberal Party to be ended. In 2006, Fraser launched a
"scathing attack" on the Howard Liberal government, attacking their policies on areas such as refugees, terrorism and civil
liberties, and that "if Australia continues to follow United States policies, it runs the risk of being embroiled in the conflict in
Iraq for decades, and a fear of Islam in the Australian community will take years to eradicate". Fraser claimed that the way
the Howard government handled the David Hicks, Cornelia Rau and Vivian Solon cases was questionable. On July 20, 2007,
Fraser sent an open letter to members of the large activist group GetUp!, encouraging members to support GetUp!'s
campaign for a change in policy on Iraq including a clearly defined exit strategy. Fraser stated: "One of the things we should
say to the Americans, quite simply, is that if the United States is not prepared to involve itself in high-level diplomacy
concerning Iraq and other Middle East questions, our forces will be withdrawn before Christmas." After the defeat of the
Howard government at the 2007 federal election, Fraser claimed Howard approached him in a corridor, following a cabinet
meeting in May 1977 regarding Vietnamese refugees, and said: "We don't want too many of these people. We're doing this
just for show, aren't we?" The claims were made by Fraser in an interview to mark the release of the 1977 cabinet papers.
Howard, through a spokesman, denied making the comment. In January 2008, Liberal MP Sophie Mirabella launched an attack
on Fraser, after a speech he gave at Melbourne University on "the Bush Administration (reversing) 60 years of progress in
establishing a law-based international system", claiming errors and "either intellectual sloppiness or deliberate dishonesty",
and that he tacitly supports Islamic fundamentalism, should have no influence on foreign policy, and that his stance on
the war on terror has left him open to caricature as a "frothing-at-the-mouth leftie". In December 2009, shortly after the
election of Tony Abbott to the Liberal Party leadership, Fraser resigned from the Liberal Party. Fraser said "the party was no
longer a liberal party but a conservative party." In December 2011, Fraser was highly critical of the Australian government's
decision (also supported by the Liberal Party Opposition) to permit the export of uranium to India, relaxing the Fraser
government's policy of banning sales of uranium to countries that are not signatories of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.
In 2012, Fraser criticised the basing of American forces in Australia. In late 2012, Fraser wrote a forward for The Journal
Jurisprudence where he openly criticised the current state of human rights in Australia and the Western World. "It is a
sobering thought that in recent times, freedoms hard won through centuries of struggle, in the United Kingdom and
elsewhere have been whittled away. In Australia alone we have laws that allow the secret detention of the innocent. We have
had a vast expansion of the power of intelligence agencies. In many cases the onus of proof has been reversed and the
justice that once prevailed as been gravely diminished." In 2004, Fraser designated the University of Melbourne the official
custodian of his personal papers and library to create the Malcolm Fraser Collection at the University of Melbourne. Fraser
was made a Privy Councillor in 1976, a Companion of Honour in 1977 and a Companion of the Order of Australia in 1988. In
2000 he was awarded the Human Rights Medal. In 2006 he received the Grand Cordon of the Order of the Rising Sun from
the Emperor of Japan and in 2009 he received the highest honour of Papua New Guinea, the Grand Companion of the Order of
Logohu. He has been awarded honorary doctorates from Deakin University, Murdoch University and the University of South
Carolina, and is a Professorial Fellow at the Asia Pacific Centre for Military Law at the University of Melbourne. He was a VicePresident of the Royal Commonwealth Society. In July 2013, Fraser endorsed Australian Greens Senator Sarah HansonYoung for re-election in a television advertisement, stating she had been a "reasonable and fair-minded voice". Fraser's books
include Malcolm Fraser: The Political Memoirs (with Margaret Simons The Miegunyah Press, 2010) and Dangerous
Allies (Melbourne University Press, 2014), which warns of "strategic dependence" on the United States.On March 20, 2015, his
office announced that Fraser had died in the early hours of the morning, noting that he had suffered a brief illness.
An obituary noted that there had been "greater appreciation of the constructive and positive nature of his post-prime
ministerial contribution" as his retirement years progressed. He was survived by his wife Tamara "Tamie" Beggs, whom he had
married in 1956, and their four children, Mark, Angela, Hugh and Phoebe. Fraser was given a state funeral at Scots' Church in
Melbourne on March 27, 2015.

Robert James Lee Hawke AC GCL (born

December 9, 1929) is a former Australian politician and trade unionist who

was the 23rd Prime Minister of Australia from March 11, 1983 until December 20, 1991 and the parliamentary leader of
the Australian Labor Party (ALP) from February 3, 1983 until December 20, 1991. After a decade as President of the Australian
Council of Trade Unions, he entered the House of Representatives as the Labor MP for Wills at the 1980 federal election. Three

years later he led Labor to a landslide victory, and was sworn in as Prime Minister. In total, he led Labor to victory at four
federal elections in 1983, 1984, 1987 and 1990, thus making him the most successful Labor leader in history. Hawke was
eventually replaced by Paul Keating in 1991. He is, to date, Labor's longest-serving Prime Minister and Australia's thirdlongest-serving Prime Minister. Hawke was born in Bordertown,
South Australia. His father, Clem, was
a Congregationalist minister, and his uncle, Albert Hawke, was Labor Premier of Western Australia between 1953 and 1959,
and was also a close friend of Prime Minister John Curtin, who was in many ways Bob Hawke's role model. Hawke's mother,
Ellie, had an almost messianic belief in her son's destiny and this contributed to his supreme self-confidence throughout his
career. Both his parents were of Cornishorigin and he himself has stated that his background is Cornish. This led the Cornish
writer and historian A.L. Rowse to write, "Bob Hawke's characteristics are as Cornish as Australian. I know them well: the
aggressive individualism, the egoism, the touchiness, the liability to resentment, even a touch of vindictiveness." While
attending the 1952 World Christian Youth Conference, held inKottayam in Southern India, Hawke was struck by "this
enormous sense of irrelevance of religion to the needs of the people" and abandoned his Christian beliefs. By the time he
entered politics he was a self-described agnostic. Hawke told Andrew Denton in 2008 that his father's Christian faith
continued to influence his outlook however: "[My father] said if you believe in the fatherhood of God you must necessarily
believe in the brotherhood of man, it follows necessarily and even though I left the church and was not religious, that truth
remained with me." Hawke was raised in Perth, attending Perth Modern School and completing Bachelor of Arts in Law and
Economics at the University of Western Australia. At age 15, he boasted that he would one day become Prime Minister of
Australia. He joined Labor in 1947, and successfully applied for aRhodes Scholarship at the end of 1952. In 1953, Hawke went
to the University of Oxford to commence a Bachelor of Arts at University College. He soon found he was covering much the
same ground as his Bachelor's degree from Perth, and switched to a Bachelor of Letters, with a thesis on wage-fixing in
Australia. The thesis was successfully presented in January 1956. His academic achievements were complemented by setting
a new world speed record for beer drinking; he downed 2 1/2 pints - equivalent to a yard of ale - from a sconce pot in eleven
seconds as part of a college penalty. In his memoirs, Hawke suggested that this single feat may have contributed to his
political success more than any other, by endearing him to a voting population with a strong beer culture. In March 1956,
Hawke married Hazel Masterson at Trinity Church, Perth, Western Australia. They would eventually have three children: Susan
Pieters-Hawke (born 1957), Stephen (born 1959) and Roslyn (born 1960). Their fourth child, Robert Jr, died in his early infancy
in 1963. In the same year, Hawke accepted a scholarship to undertake doctoral studies in the area of arbitration law in the
law department of the Australian National University, Canberra. Soon after arrival at ANU, Hawke became the students'
representative on the University Council. In 1957, Hawke was recommended to ACTU President Albert Monk to become a
research officer, replacing Harold Souter who had become ACTU Secretary. The recommendation was made by Hawke's
mentor at ANU, H.P. Brown, who for a number of years had assisted the ACTU in national wage cases. Hawke decided to
abandon his doctoral studies and accept the offer, moving toMelbourne. Not long after Hawke began work at the ACTU, he
became responsible for the presentation of its annual case for higher wages to the national wages tribunal, the Conciliation
and Arbitration Commission. He was first appointed as an ACTU advocate in 1959. The 1958 case, under advocate R.L
Eggleston, had yielded only a five-shilling increase. The 1959 case found for a fifteen-shilling increase, and was regarded as a
personal triumph for Hawke. He went on to attain such success and prominence in his role as an ACTU advocate that, in
1969, he was encouraged to run for ACTU President, despite the fact that he had never held elected office in a trade union.
He was elected ACTU President in 1969 on a modernising platform, by a narrow margin of 399 to 350, and with the support of
the left of the union movement, including some associated with the Communist Party. Hawke declared publicly that
"socialist is not a word I would use to describe myself" and his approach to government was pragmatic. He concerned himself
with making improvements to workers' lives from within the traditional institutions of government, rather than to any
ideological theory. He opposed the Vietnam War, but was a strong supporter of the US-Australian alliance, and also an
emotional supporter of Israel. It was his commitment to the cause of Jewish Refuseniks that led to a planned assassination
attempt on Hawke by the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, and its Australian operative Munif Mohammed Abou
Rish. In industrial matters, Hawke continued to demonstrate a preference for, and considerable skill at, negotiation, and was
generally liked and respected by employers as well as the unions he advocated for. As early as 1972 speculation began that
he would soon enter Parliament and run to become Labor's parliamentary leader. But while his career continued successfully,
his heavy use of alcohol and his notorious womanising placed considerable strains on his family life. In 1973 Hawke was
elected Labor's Federal President. Two years later, when the Whitlam Government was controversially dismissed by the
Governor-General and Labor was defeated at the ensuing election, Whitlam initially offered the Labor leadership to Hawke,
although it was not within Whitlam's power to decide who would succeed him. Hawke decided not to enter Parliament at that
time, a decision he soon regretted. He was, however, influential in averting national strike action. The strain of this period
took its toll, and in 1979 he suffered a physical collapse. This shock led Hawke to make a sustained and ultimately successful
effort to conquer his alcoholism John Curtin was his inspiration in this, as in other things. He was helped in this by his
relationship with the writer Blanche d'Alpuget, who in 1982 published an admiring biography of Hawke. His popularity with
the public was unaffected by this period, and polling suggested that he was a far more popular public figure than either Labor
leader Bill Hayden or Liberal Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser. Hawke's first attempt to enter Parliament came during the 1963
federal election. He stood in the seat of Corio and managed to achieve a 3.1% swing against the national trend, but fell short
of winning the seat. He was first elected to the House of Representatives at the 1980 federal election for Wills in Melbourne.
Immediately upon his entry into Parliament, Hawke was appointed to the Shadow Cabinet by Labor leader Bill Hayden as
Shadow Minister for Industrial Relations, Employment and Youth. With opinion polls indicating that, in contrast to Hayden,
Hawke was "a certain election winner", Hayden called a leadership ballot for July 16, 1982. Hayden managed to defeat Hawke
and remain Labor leader, but his five vote victory over the former ACTU President was not large enough to dispel doubts that
he could lead the Labor to victory at a federal election. Hayden's leadership was further questioned when Labor performed
poorly in a by-election in December 1982 for the Victorian seat of Flinders, following the resignation of the former Liberal
Minister Sir Phillip Lynch. Labor needed a swing of 5.5% to win the seat, but could only achieve 3%.This convinced many
Labor MPs that only Hawke could lead Labor to victory at the upcoming election. Labor Party power-brokers such as Graham
Richardson and Barrie Unsworth now lined up behind Hawke. More significantly, Hayden's staunch friend and political ally,
LaborSenate Leader John Button, eventually became convinced that Hawke's chances of victory were greater than Hayden's.
Button's defection was crucial in encouraging Hayden to resign as Labor leader less than two months after the lacklustre
performance in Flinders. When Hayden announced his resignation on February 3, 1983, Hawke was named acting leader. On
the same day, Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser called asnap election for March 5, 1983, hoping to capitalise on Labor's
feuding. He believed at first that he had caught Labor before it could elect a replacement Leader, but was surprised to find
out that Hayden had already resigned. Hawke was elected Leader of the Labor Party, and twenty-five days later Labor won on
a 24-seat swing, ending seven years of Liberal rule. The inaugural days of the Hawke Government were distinctly different
from those of the Whitlam Government. Rather than immediately initiating extensive reform programmes, Hawke announced
that Fraser's pre-election concealment of the budget deficit meant that many of Labor's election commitments would have to
be deferred. Hawke managed to persuade Labor MPs to divide the Government into two tiers, with only the most important
ministers attending regular meetings of the Cabinet. Caucus still selected the full ministry, but allowed Hawke to select which
ministers would comprise the 13-strong Cabinet. This was to avoid what Hawke viewed as the unwieldy nature of the 27member Whitlam Cabinet. The caucus under Hawke also exhibited a much more formalised system of parliamentary factions,

which significantly altered the dynamics of caucus operations. Hawke used his authority within the Labor Party to carry out a
substantial set of policy changes. Accounts from ministers indicate that while Hawke was not usually the driving force for
economic reform, that impetus instead coming from Treasurer Paul Keating and Industry Minister John Button, he took on the
role of achieving consensus and providing political guidance on what was electorally feasible and how best to sell it to the
public, at which he was highly successful. Hawke proved to be incredibly popular with the Australian electorate, and
continues to hold the highest ever AC Nielsen approval rating. Hawke and Keating provided a study in contrasts: Hawke was a
Rhodes Scholar; Keating left high school early. Hawke's enthusiasms were cigars, horse racing and all forms of sport; Keating
preferred classical architecture, Mahler symphonies, and collecting English Regency and French Empire antiques. Hawke was
consensus-driven; Keating revelled in aggressive debate. Hawke was a lapsed Protestant; Keating was a practising Catholic.
Despite their differences, however, the two formed an effective political partnership. According to political commentator Paul
Kelly, "the most influential economic decisions of the 1980s were the floating of the Australian Dollar and the deregulation of
the financial system". Although the Fraser Government had played a part in the process of financial deregulation by
commissioning the Campbell Report, published in 1981, opposition from Fraser himself stalled the deregulation process.
When the Hawke Government implemented a comprehensive program of financial deregulation and reform, it "transformed
economics and politics in Australia". The Australian economy became significantly more integrated with the global economy
as a result. Both Hawke and Keating would claim the credit for being the driving force behind the Australian Dollar float.
Among other reforms, the Hawke Government dismantled the tariff system, privatised state sector industries, ended
subsidisation of loss-making industries, and sold off the state-owned Commonwealth Bank of Australia. The tax system was
reformed, with the introduction of fringe benefits tax and a capital gains tax, a reform strongly opposed by the Liberal Party
at the time, but not one they reversed when they eventually returned to office. Partially offsetting these imposts upon the
business community the 'main loser' from the 1985 Tax Summit, according to Paul Kelly was the introduction of
full dividend imputation, a reform insisted upon by Keating. Funding for schools was considerably increased, while financial
assistance was provided for students to enable them to stay at school longer. Considerable progress was also made in
directing assistance "to the most disadvantaged recipients over the whole range of welfare benefits." Hawke benefited
greatly from the disarray into which the Liberal Party fell after the resignation of Malcolm Fraser. The Liberals were divided
between supporters of the dour, socially conservative John Howard and the urbane Andrew Peacock. The archconservativePremier of Queensland, Joh Bjelke-Petersen, added to the Liberals' problems with his "Joh for Canberra"
campaign in 1987, which proved highly damaging. Exploiting these divisions, Hawke led the Labor Party to comfortable
election victories in a snap 1984 federal electionand the 1987 federal election. Hawke's time as Prime Minister saw
considerable friction between himself and the grassroots of the Labor Party, who were unhappy at what they viewed as
Hawke's iconoclasm and willingness to cooperate with business interests. All Labor Prime Ministers have at times engendered
the hostility of the organisational wing of the party, but none more so than Hawke, who expressed his willingness to cull
Labor's "sacred cows". The Socialist Left faction, as well as prominent Labor figure Barry Jones, offered severe criticism of a
number of government decisions. He also received criticism for his 'confrontationalist style' in siding with the airlines in
the 1989 Australian pilots' strike. In spite of the criticisms levelled against the Hawke Government, it succeeded in enacting a
wide range of social reforms during its time in office. Deflecting arguments that the Hawke Government had failed as a
reform government, Neville Wran, John Dawkins, Bill Hayden, and Paul Keating made a number of speeches during the
Eighties arguing that the Hawke Government had been a recognisably reformist government, drawing attention to Hawke's
achievements as Prime Minister during his first five years in office. As well as the reintroduction of Medibank, under the
name Medicare, these included a doubling of child care places, the introduction of occupational superannuation, a boost in
school retention rates, a focus on young people's job skills, a doubling of subsidised home care services, the elimination of
poverty traps in the welfare system, a 50% increase in public housing funds, an increase in the real value of the old-age
pension, the development of a new youth support program, the re-introduction of six-monthly indexation of single adult
unemployment benefits, and significant improvements in social security provisions. As pointed out by John Dawkins, the
proportion of total government outlays allocated to families, the sick, single parents, widows, the handicapped, and veterans
had been higher under the Hawke Government than under the Whitlam Government. Another notable success for which
Hawke's response is given considerable credit was Australia's public health campaign about AIDS. In the later years of the
Hawke Government, Aboriginal affairs also saw considerable attention, with an investigation of the idea of a treaty between
Aborigines and the Government, though this idea was overtaken by events, notably including the Mabo court decision. The
Hawke Government also made some notable environmental decisions. In its first months in office it stopped the construction
of the Franklin Dam, on the Franklin River inTasmania, responding to a groundswell of protest about the issue. In 1990, a
looming tight election saw a tough political operator, Graham Richardson, appointed Environment Minister, whose task it was
to attract second-preference votes from the Australian Democrats and other environmental parties. Richardson claimed this
as a major factor in the government's narrow re-election at the 1990 federal election, Hawke's last triumph. Richardson felt
that the importance of his contribution to Labor's victory would automatically entitle him to the ministerial portfolio of his
choice Transport and Communications. He was shocked, however, at what he perceived as Hawke's ingratitude in allocating
him Social Security instead. He vowed in a telephone conversation with Peter Barron, a former Hawke political staffer to do
'whatever it takes' to 'get' Hawke. He immediately transferred his allegiance to Keating and subsequently claimed credit for
playing a vital role in Keating's campaign for the leadership as a numbers man. The late 1980s recession and high interest
rates saw the government in considerable electoral trouble. Although Keating was the main architect of the government's
economic policies, he took advantage of Hawke's declining popularity to plan a leadership challenge. In 1988 Hawke had
responded to pressure from Keating to step down by making a secret agreement (the so-called " Kirribilli agreement" or
"Kirribilli accord") to resign in favour of Keating some time after winning the 1990 election. After Keating made a speech to
theFederal Parliamentary Press Gallery that Hawke considered disloyal, Hawke indicated to Keating that he would renege on
the agreement. In June 1991, Keating responded by resigning from the Cabinet and challenging for the leadership. Hawke
defeated Keating's leadership challenge, but he was thereafter seen as a wounded leader. Hawke swore himself in as
Treasurer for one day while he decided between the rival claims of Ralph Willis and John Kerin to replace Keating. Hawke
eventually chose Kerin, who proved to be unequal to the job. Hawke's leadership was further damaged as a consequence of
the new Liberal Leader, John Hewson, releasing Fightback!, a detailed proposal for sweeping economic change, including
a goods and services tax and deep cuts to government spending and personal income tax in November 1991. Hawke's
response to this challenge was judged to be ineffective, and a rattled Labor Party turned to Keating. At a second leadership
challenge on December 19, 1991, Keating defeated Hawke by 56 votes to 51. Hawke briefly returned to the backbenches
before resigning from Parliament on February 20, 1992, sparking a by-election which was won by independent Phil
Cleary from a record field of 22 candidates. Hawke had few regrets, although his bitterness towards Keating surfaced in his
memoirs. Hawke now claims to have buried his differences and considers Keating a friend. By July 1990, Hawke had
overtaken Malcolm Fraser to become Australia's second-longest serving Prime Minister. This record has since been overtaken
by John Howard, making Hawke Australia's third-longest serving Prime Minister. He remains to this day the Labor Party's
longest-serving Prime Minister. It is also said by a former Tony Blair staffer that Blair learnt from the Hawke Government in the
1980s on how to govern when they took power in the UK. After leaving Parliament, Hawke entered the business world with
considerable success. Hazel Hawke, who for the sake of the Labor cause had put up with his open relationship with
biographer Blanche d'Alpuget while he was Prime Minister, divorced him, and shortly afterwards Hawke married d'Alpuget. He

had little to do with the Labor Party during Keating's time as Prime Minister, often criticising him
publicly. After Keating's defeat and the election of the John Howard at the 1996 federal election, he
became a close supporter of Opposition Leader Kim Beazley. In the run up to the 2007 federal election,
Hawke, then 78, made a considerable personal effort to support Labor's campaign, making speeches
at a large number of campaign office openings across Australia. As well as campaigning
against WorkChoices, Hawke also attacked John Howard's record as Treasurer, stating "it was the
judgement of every economist and international financial institution that it was the restructuring
reforms undertaken by my government with the full cooperation of the trade union movement which
created the strength of the Australian economy today". In 2009, Hawke helped establish the Centre for
Muslim and Non-Muslim Understanding at the University of South Australia. Interfaith dialogue is an
important issue for Hawke, who told the Adelaide Review that he is "convinced that one of the great
potential dangers confronting the world is the lack of understanding in regard to the Muslim world.
Fanatics have misrepresented what Islam is. They give a false impression of the essential nature of Islam." In the 2010 and
2013 election campaign, Hawke leant considerable support to Julia Gillard and Kevin Rudd respectively. In 2011 Hawke
publicly supported NSW Premier Kristina Keneally in an election campaign, who was facing almost certain defeat to Liberal
opposition leader Barry O'Farrell, describing her campaign as "gutsy". Hawke was made a Companion of the Order of
Australia in 1979. In late 2008, he was made Grand Companion of the Order of Logohu, the highest Papua New Guinean
honour available to non-Papua New Guinean citizens, entitling him to be referred to as "Chief". In a letter to Bob Hawke,
Papua New Guinean Prime Minister Sir Michael Somareinformed him that he was being honoured for his "support for Papua
New Guinea [...] from the time you assisted in the development of our trade union movement, and basic workplace
conditions, to the strong support you gave us during your term as Prime Minister of Australia". In August 2009 Bob Hawke
became just the third person to be awarded life membership of the Australian Labor Party. Bob Hawke has received the
following honours from academic institutions: Honorary Fellow University College, Oxford, Honorary Doctor of
Letters University of Western Australia, Honorary Doctor of Civil Law Oxford University, Honorary Doctor of
Humanities Rikkyo University, other honorary doctoral degrees from Nanjing University, Hebrew University of
Jerusalem, University of New South Wales, and the University of South Australia, The University of South Australia named the
Bob Hawke Prime Ministerial Library in his honour. A television film titled Hawke detailing his political career aired on the Ten
Network in Australia on July 18, 2010, with Richard Roxburgh playing the title character. Rachael Blakeand Felix Williamson
portrayed Hazel Hawke and Paul Keating respectively. Patrick Brammall starred as then Deputy Prime Minister Kim Beazley.

Paul John Keating (born

January 18, 1944) is a former Australian politician who served as the 24th Prime Minister of
Australia from from December 20, 1991 until March 11, 1996. Keating was first elected to the House of Represe ntatives at
the 1969 election as the Labor member for Blaxland in New South Wales. He came to prominence as the reformist
Treasurer of the government of Bob Hawke, which came to power at the 1983 election. In 1991, Keating defeated Hawke for
the Labor leadership in a partyroom ballot and became prime minister. He went on to lead Labor to a record fifth consecutive
victory at the 1993 election against the Liberal-National coalition led by John Hewson. Many had considered this election
unwinnable for Labor due to poor polls for the 10-year-incumbent federal Labor government, and the effects of the early
1990s recession on Australia. Keating Labor lost the subsequent 1996 election to the Liberal/National Coalition led by John
Howard. Keating grew up in Bankstown, a working-class suburb of Sydney. He was one of four children of Matthew Keating, a
boilermaker and trade-union representative of Irish Catholic descent, and his wife, Minnie. Leaving De La Salle College
Bankstown (now LaSalle Catholic College) at 15, Keating decided not to pursue higher education, and worked as a clerk at the
Electricity Commission of New South Wales and then as a trade union research assistant. He joined the Labor Party as soon as
he was eligible. In 1966, he became president of the ALPs Youth Council. In the 1960s Keating managed The Ramrods rock
band. Through the unions and the NSW Young Labor Council, Keating met other future Labor figures such as Laurie
Brereton, Graham Richardson and Bob Carr. He also developed a friendship and discussed politics with former New South
Wales Labor premier Jack Lang, then in his 90s. In 1971, he succeeded in having Lang re-admitted to the Labor Party. Using
his extensive contacts Keating gained Labor endorsement for the federal seat ofBlaxland in the western suburbs of Sydney
and was elected to the House of Representatives at the 1969 election when he was 25 years of age. Keating was a
backbencher for most of the period of the Whitlam Government (December 1972 November 1975). He briefly
became Minister for the Northern Territory in late October 1975, but lost that post when the Whitlam Government was
dismissed by Sir John Kerr on 11 November 1975. After Labor's defeat in 1975, Keating became an opposition frontbencher
and, in 1981, he became president of the New South Wales branch of the party and thus leader of the dominant right-wing
faction. As opposition spokesperson on energy, his parliamentary style was that of an aggressive debater. He initially
supported Bill Hayden against Bob Hawke's leadership challenges, partly because he hoped to succeed Hayden
himself. However, by July 1982, as the leader of the New South Wales right-wing faction, he had to accept, at least nominally,
his own faction's endorsement of Hawke's challenge. The formal announcement by Keating, as the faction leader, was
actually penned by Gareth Evans. Following the Labor Party's victory in the March 1983 election, Keating was appointed
treasurer, a post he held until 1991. Keating succeeded John Howard as treasurer and was able to use the size of the budget
deficit to attack the former treasurer, and question the economic credibility of the Liberal-National coalition. That the deficit
had significantly blown out in the lead up to the election was not disclosed by the Liberal-National coalition government. The
incoming Hawke Labor government only learned about the extent of the deficit when briefed by Treasury officials after the
election. According to Bob Hawke, the historically large $9.6 billion budget deficit left by the Coalition became a stick with
which we were justifiably able to beat the Liberal National Party Opposition for many years. Although, as the former
treasurer, Howard was discredited by the budget blowout, he had argued unsuccessfully against Prime Minister Malcolm
Fraser, that the revised figures should be disclosed before the election. Keating was one of the driving forces behind the
various microeconomic reforms of the Hawke government. The Hawke/Keating governments of 19831996 pursued economic
policies and restructuring such as floating the Australian dollar in 1983, reducing tariffson imports, taxation reforms, moving
from centralised wage-fixing to enterprise bargaining, privatisation of publicly owned companies such as Qantas and
the Commonwealth Bank, and deregulation of the banking system. Keating was instrumental in the introduction of the Prices
and Incomes Accord, an agreement between the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) and the government to negotiate
wages. His management of the Accord, and close working relationship with ACTU leader Bill Kelty, was a source of
tremendous political power for Keating. Keating was able to bypass cabinet in many instances, notably in the exercise
of monetary policy. In 1985, Keating championed introduction of a broad-based consumption tax, similar to the goods and
services tax (GST) of the Howard government. During the 1984 election campaign, Hawke had promised a policy paper on
taxation reform to be discussed with all stakeholders at a tax summit. Three options - A, B and C - were presented in the Draft
White Paper, with Keating and his Treasury colleagues fiercely advocating for Option C, which included a consumption tax of
15% on goods and services along with reductions in personal and company income tax, a fringe benefits tax and a capital
gains tax. Although Keating was able to win the support of a reluctant cabinet, in the face of opposition from the public, the
welfare lobby, the ACTU, and the business community, Hawke intervened to drop the consumption tax. Many of the
remainder of the reforms were adopted in the September 1985 tax reform package, but the loss of the consumption tax was
a bitter defeat for Keating. However, he joked about it at the press conference saying: "It's a bit like Ben Hur. We've crossed

the line with one wheel off, but we have crossed the line." Keating's tenure as treasurer and prime minister is often criticised
for high interest rates and the 1990s recession - the so-called "recession we had to have". Through the 1980s both the global
and Australian economy grew quickly and by the late 1980s was overheating, with inflation around 8 to 10 percent. By 1988
the Reserve Bank of Australia began tightening monetary policy, and household interest rates peaked at 18 percent. It is
often said that the Bank was too slow in easing monetary policy, and that this ultimately led to a recession. In private,
Keating had argued for rates to rise earlier than they did, and fall sooner, although his view was at odds with the Reserve
Bank and his Treasury colleagues. Publicly, Hawke and Keating had said there would be no recession - or there would be a
"soft landing" - but this changed when Keating announced the country was indeed in recession - "this was the recession we
had to have" he famously added. According to Paul Kelly, "It was perhaps the most stupid remark of his career and it nearly
cost him the prime ministership. However it is largely true the boom begat the recession." During the
subsequent Howard Government (19962007), Keating often criticised Howard for taking credit for the relatively good
economic conditions Australia experienced over the latter half of Howard's time as prime minister, without acknowledging
that the 1990s recession ended the inflation problem. At a 1988 meeting at Kirribilli House, Hawke and Keating discussed the
handover of the leadership to Keating. Hawke agreed in front of two witnesses that he would resign in Keating's favour after
the 1990 election. The Deputy Prime Minister, Lionel Bowen, retired at the 1990 election, and Keating was appointed Deputy
to Hawke. In June 1991, after Hawke had intimated to Keating that he planned to renege on the deal on the basis that Keating
had been publicly disloyal and moreover was less popular than Hawke, Keating challenged him for the leadership. He lost
(Hawke won 6644 in the party room ballot), [17] resigned as Treasurer and Deputy Prime Minister, and declared in a press
conference that he had fired his 'one shot'. Publicly, at least, this made his leadership ambitions unclear. Having lost the first
challenge to Hawke, Keating realised that events would have to move very much in his favour for a second challenge to be
even possible. Several factors contributed to the success of Keatings second challenge in December 1991. Over the
remainder of 1991, the economy showed no signs of recovery from the recession, and unemployment continued to rise. Some
of Keatings supporters undermined the government. The Government was polling poorly. Perhaps more significantly, Liberal
leader John Hewson introduced 'Fightback!', an economic policy package, which, according to Keatings biographer, John
Edwards, appeared to astonish and stun Hawkes cabinet. According to Edwards, Hawke was unprepared to attack it and
responded with windy rhetoric. After Fightback!, Keating did practically nothing as Hawkes support dwindled and the
numbers moved in Keatings favour. On December 19, 1991, Keating defeated Hawke in a party-room ballot for the leadership
by 56 votes to 51, to become Prime Minister the following day. Keating's agenda included making Australia a republic,
reconciliation with Australia's indigenous population, and furthering economic and cultural ties with Asia. The addressing of
these issues came to be known as Keating's "big picture." Keating's legislative program included establishing the Australian
National Training Authority (ANTA), a review of the Sex Discrimination Act, and native title rights of Australia's indigenous
peoples following the Mabo High Court decision. He developed bilateral links with Australia's neighbours he frequently said
there was no other country in the world more important to Australia than Indonesia and took an active role in the
establishment of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Forum (APEC), initiating the annual leaders' meeting. One of Keating's
far-reaching legislative achievements was the introduction of a national superannuation scheme, implemented to address low
national savings. Keating introduced mandatory detention for asylum seekers in 1992. On 10 December 1992, Keating
delivered the Redfern Speech on Aboriginal reconciliation. Most commentators believed the 1993 election was "unwinnable"
for Labor; the government had been in power for 10 years and the pace of economic recovery from the early 1990s
recession was 'weak and slow'. However, Keating succeeded in winning back the electorate with a strong campaign opposing
Fightback and a focus on creating jobs to reduce unemployment. Keating led Labor to an unexpected election victory, made
memorable by his "true believers" victory speech. After Keating, some of the reforms of Fightback were implemented under
the centre-right coalition government of John Howard, such as the GST. In December 1993, Keating was involved in a
diplomatic incident with Malaysia, over Keating's description of Dr. Mahathir bin Mohamadas "recalcitrant". The incident
occurred after Dr. Mahathir refused to attend the 1993 APEC summit. Keating said, "APEC is bigger than all of us Australia,
the U.S. and Malaysia and Dr. Mahathir and any other recalcitrants." Dr. Mahathir demanded an apology from Keating, and
threatened to reduce diplomatic and trade ties with Australia, which became an enormous concern to Australian exporters.
Some Malaysian officials talked of launching a "Buy Australian Last" campaign. Keating eventually apologised to Mahathir
over the remark. Keating's friendship with Indonesian President Suharto was criticised by human rights activists supportive
of East Timorese independence and by Nobel Peace Prize winner, Jos Ramos-Horta (later to be East Timor's prime minister
and president). The Keating government's cooperation with the Indonesian military and the signing of the Timor Gap
Treaty were also criticised. John Hewson was replaced as Liberal party leader by Alexander Downer after being defeated at a
leadership spill in May 1994. However Downer's well received tenure was marred by gaffes and controversies by the end of
1994, and he resigned as leader in January 1995. He was succeeded by John Howard, who had previously led the party from
1985 to 1989. Under Howard, the Coalition moved ahead of Labor in opinion polls and Keating was unable to wrest back the
lead. The first warning sign of a swing away from Labor came in March 1995, when Labor lost Canberra in a by-election. Later
in 1995, Queensland Labor barely held onto its majority at the 1995 state election before losing it altogether in a 1996 byelection held a week after Keating called a federal election for March. Later, defeated Queensland Premier Wayne Goss said
that the people of his state had turned so violently on Keating that they were "sitting on their verandas with baseball bats"
waiting for the writs to drop. Howard, determined to avoid a repetition of the 1993 election, adopted a "small target"
strategy committing to keep Labor reforms such as Medicare, and defusing the republic issue by promising to hold
a constitutional convention. This allowed Howard to focus the election on the economy and memory of the early 1990s
recession, and on the longevity of the Labor government, which in 1996 had been in power for 13 years. Keating was
criticised for stifling public debate in Australia on sensitive issues. Many believe this resulted in Pauline Hanson's rise to
power at the 1996 election. At the 1996 election, the Keating Government was swept from power in a landslide, losing 29
seats and suffering a five percent two party preferred swingin terms of seats lost, the second-worst defeat of a sitting
government at the federal level in Australia. Keating immediately resigned as Labor Party leader, and resigned from
Parliament a little over a month later, on 23 April 1996. Since leaving parliament, Keating has been a director of various
companies, and an adviser to Lazard, an investment banking firm. In 1997 Keating declined appointment as a Companion of
the Order of Australia, which has been offered to all exiting prime ministers since the present Australian Honours Systemwas
introduced in 1975. In 2000, he published a book, Engagement: Australia Faces the Asia-Pacific, which focused on foreign
policy during his term as prime minister. In 2002, Keating's former speechwriter and adviser, Don Watson,
published Recollections of a Bleeding Heart: A Portrait of Paul Keating PM. The book first drew criticism from Keating's
estranged wife, Annita Keating, who said that it understated her contribution, a complaint Watson rejected. Keating himself
was so unhappy with the book that it brought the two men's friendship to an end. Their antagonism has crystallised, in part,
around the authorship of the Redfern Speech, which Watson claimed for himself inRecollections of a Bleeding Heart and
elsewhere, crediting Keating only with reading his text unchanged. Keating has disputed this account. During Howard's prime
ministership, Keating made occasional speeches strongly criticising his successor's social policies, and defending his own
policies, such as those on East Timor. Keating described Howard as a "desiccated coconut" who was "Araldited to the seat"
and that "Howard ... is an old antediluvian 19th century person who wanted to stomp forever ... on ordinary people's rights to
organise
themselves
at
work
...
he's
a
pre-Copernican obscurantist",
when
criticising
the
Howard
government's WorkChoices policy. He described Howard's deputy, Peter Costello, as being "all tip and no iceberg" when

referring to a pact made by Howard to hand the prime ministership over to Costello after two
terms. On Labor's victory at the 2007 election, Keating said that he was relieved, rather than
happy, that the Howard government had been removed. He claimed that there was "Relief that
the nation had put itself back on course. Relief that the toxicity of the Liberal social agenda the
active disparagement of particular classes and groups, that feeling of alienation in your own
country was over." In May 2007, Keating suggested that Sydney, rather than Canberra, should
be the capital of Australia, saying that: John Howard has already effectively moved
the Parliament here. Cabinet meets in Philip Street in Sydney, and when they do go to Canberra,
they fly down to the bush capital, and everybody flies out on Friday. There is an air of unreality
about Canberra. If Parliament sat in Sydney, they would have a better understanding of the
problems being faced by their constituents. These real things are camouflaged from Canberra.
Keating was critical of the then opposition leader (and later prime minister) Kevin Rudd's
leadership team. For example, before the 2007 federal election, which Labor won, he criticised the
then opposition industrial relations spokesperson Julia Gillard, saying she lacked an understanding
of principles such as enterprise-bargaining set under his government in the late 1980s and early 1990s. He also attacked
Rudd's chief of staff David Epstein and Gary Gray, who was at that time a candidate for Kim Beazley's seat ofBrand, to which
he was elected in 2007. In February 2008, Keating joined former prime ministers Whitlam, Fraser and Hawke in Parliament
House, Canberra, to witness the parliamentary apology to the Stolen Generations. In August 2008, he spoke at the book
launch of Unfinished Business: Paul Keating's Interrupted Revolution, authored by economist David Love. Among the topics
discussed during the launch were the need to increase compulsory superannuation contributions, as well as to restore
incentives (removed under Howard/Costello) for people to receive their super annuation payments in annuities. Keating is
currently a Visiting Professor of Public Policy at the University of New South Wales. He has been awarded honorary doctorates
in law from Keio University in Tokyo, theNational University of Singapore, and the University of New South WalesIn 1975,
Keating married Annita van Iersel, a Dutch flight attendant for Alitalia. The Keatings had four children, who spent some of
their teenage years in The Lodge, the Prime Minister's official residence in Canberra. The couple separated in November
1998. Paul Keating's daughter, Katherine Keating, is a former adviser to former New South Wales minister Craig Knowles and
is co-founder of Matilda Media Ventures. Keating's interests include the music of Gustav Mahler and collecting French
antique clocks. He now resides in Potts Point, in the eastern suburbs of Sydney.

John Winston Howard, OM, AC, SSI,

(born July 26, 1939) was the 25th Prime Minister of Australia, from March 11
1996 until December 3, 2007. He was the second-longest serving Australian Prime Minister after Sir Robert Menzies. Howard
was a member of the House of Representatives from 1974 to 2007, representing the Division of Bennelong, New South Wales.
He served as Treasurer in the Fraser government from 1977 to 1983. He was Leader of the Liberal Party and
Coalition Opposition from 1985 to 1989, which included the 1987 federal election against Bob Hawke. He was re-elected as
Leader of the Opposition in 1995. Howard led the Liberal-National coalition to victory at the 1996 federal election,
defeating Paul Keating's Labor government and ending a record 13 years of Coalition opposition. The Howard Government
was re-elected at the 1998, 2001 and 2004 elections, presiding over a period of strong economic growth and prosperity.
Major issues for the Howard Government included taxation, industrial relations, immigration, the Iraq war, and Aboriginal
relations. Howard's coalition government was defeated at the 2007 election by the Labor Party led by Kevin Rudd. Howard
also lost his own parliamentary seat at the election; he was the second Australian Prime Minister, afterStanley Bruce in 1929,
to do so. John Howard is the fourth son of Mona (ne Kell) and Lyall Howard. His parents were married in 1925. His eldest
brother Stanley was born in 1926, followed by Walter in 1929, and Robert (Bob) in 1936. Lyall Howard was an admirer
of Winston Churchill, and a sympathiser with the New Guard. Howard grew up in the Sydney suburb of Earlwood in
a Methodist family. His mother had been an office worker until her marriage. His father and his paternal grandfather, Walter
Howard, were both veterans of the First AIF in World War I. They also ran two Dulwich Hill petrol stations where Howard
worked as a boy. Lyall Howard died in 1955 when John was sixteen, leaving his mother to take care of John (or "Jack" as he
was also known). Howard suffered a hearing impairment in his youth, leaving him with a slight speech impediment, and he
continues to wear a hearing aid. It also influenced him in subtle ways, limiting his early academic performance; encouraging
a reliance on an excellent memory; and in his mind ruling out becoming a barrister as a likely career. Howard attended
the state schools Earlwood Primary School and Canterbury Boys' High School. Howard won a citizenship prize in his final year
at Earlwood (presented by local politician Eric Willis), and subsequently represented his secondary school at debating as well
as cricket and rugby. Cricket remained a lifelong hobby. In his final year at school he took part in a radio show hosted byJack
Davey, Give It a Go broadcast on the commercial radio station, 2GB, and a recording of the show survives. After gaining his
Leaving Certificate, he studied law at the University of Sydney, graduating in 1961, and subsequently practising as a solicitor
for twelve years. Howard married fellow Liberal Party member Janette Parker in 1971, with whom he had three children:
Melanie (1974), Tim (1977) and Richard (1980). Howard joined the Liberal Party in 1957. He held office in the New South
Wales Liberal Party on the State Executive and served as President of the Young Liberals (196264), the party youth
organisation. Howard supported Australia's involvement in the Vietnam War, although has since said there were "aspects of it
that could have been handled and explained differently".At the 1963 federal election, Howard acted as campaign manager in
his local seat of Parkes for the successful candidacy of Tom Hughes who defeated the 20 year Labor incumbent. In 1967 with
the support of party power brokers, John Carrick and Eric Willis, he was endorsed as candidate for the marginal suburban
state seat of Drummoyne, held by ALP member Reg Coady. Howard's mother sold the family home in Earlwood and rented a
house with him at Five Dock, a suburb within the electorate. At the election in February 1968, in which the incumbent state
Liberal government was returned to office, Howard narrowly lost to Coady, despite campaigning vigorously. Howard and his
mother subsequently returned to Earlwood, moving to a house on the same street where he grew up. At the 1974 federal
election, Howard successfully contested the Sydney suburban seat of Bennelong and became a Member of Parliament in
the House of Representatives during the Gough Whitlam-led Labor Government. Howard backed Malcolm Fraser for the
leadership of the Liberal Party against Billy Snedden following the 1974 election. When Fraser won office in December 1975,
Howard was appointed Minister for Business and Consumer Affairs, a position in which he served until 1977. At this stage, he
followed theprotectionist and pro-regulation stance of Fraser and the Liberal Party. In December 1977, at the age of 38,
Howard was appointed Treasurer. During his five years in the position, he became an adherent of free-market economics,
which was challenging economic orthodoxies in place for most of the century. He came to favour tax reform including broadbased taxation (later the GST), a freer industrial system including the dismantling of the centralised wage-fixing system, the
abolition of compulsory trade unionism, privatisation and deregulation. In 1978, the Fraser government instigated the
Campbell Committee to investigate financial system reforms. Howard supported the Campbell report, but adopted an
incremental approach with Cabinet, as there was wide opposition to deregulation within the government and the
treasury. The process of reform began before the committee reported 2 years later, with the introduction of the tender
system for the sale of Treasury notes in 1979, and Treasury bonds in 1982. Ian Macfarlane (Governor of the Reserve Bank of
Australia, 19962006) described these reforms as "second only in importance to the float of the Australian dollar in 1983." In
1981, Howard proposed a broad-based indirect tax with compensatory cuts in personal rates; however, cabinet rejected it
citing both inflationary and political reasons. After the free-marketeers or "drys" of the Liberals challenged the protectionist

policies of Minister for Industry and Commerce Phillip Lynch, they shifted their loyalties to Howard. Following an unsuccessful
leadership challenge by Andrew Peacock to unseat Fraser as prime minister, Howard was elected deputy leader of the Liberal
Party in April 1982. His election depended largely on the support of the "drys", and he became the party's champion of the
growing free-market lobby. The economic crises of the early 1980s brought Howard into conflict with the economically
conservative Fraser. As the economy headed towards the worst recession since the 1930s, Keynesian Fraser pushed an
expansionary fiscal position much to Howard's and Treasury's horror. With his authority as treasurer being flouted, Howard
considered resigning in July 1982, but, after discussions with his wife and senior advisor John Hewson, he decided to "tough it
out". The 1982 wages explosionwages rose 16 per cent across the countryresulted in stagflation; unemployment touched
double-digits and inflation peaked at 12.5% (official interest rates peaked at 21%). The Fraser Government with Howard as
Treasurer lost the 1983 election to the Labor Party led by Bob Hawke. Over the course of the 1980s, the Liberal party came to
accept the free-market policies that Fraser had resisted and Howard had espoused. Policies included low protection,
decentralisation of wage fixation, financial deregulation, a broadly-based indirect tax, and the rejection of counter-cyclical
fiscal policy.[27] Following the defeat of the Fraser government and Fraser's subsequent resignation from parliament, Howard
contested the Liberal leadership but was defeated by Andrew Peacock. Remaining Deputy Leader of the parliamentary party,
Howard became Deputy Leader of the Opposition and the Liberal Party were defeated by Hawke's Labor Government at
the1984 election. In 1985, as Labor's position in opinion polls improved, Peacock's popularity sank, and Howard's profile rose,
leadership speculation persisted. Peacock said he would no longer accept Howard as deputy unless he offered assurances
that he would not challenge for the leadership. Following Howard's refusal to offer such an assurance, Peacock sought, in
September 1985, to replace him with John Moore as Deputy Leader. The party room re-elected Howard as Deputy on
September 5, 1985 (38 votes to 31), and, believing his position untenable, Peacock resigned the leadership. With Peacock not
contesting the Liberal Party leadership ballot, Howard defeated Jim Carlton 57 votes to 6 to become Leader of the party and
the Opposition. Howard was in effect the Liberal party's first pro-market leader in the conservative coalition and spent the
next two years working to revise Liberal policy away from that of Fraser's. In his own words he was an "economic radical" and
a social conservative. Referring to the pro-market liberalism of the 1980s, Howard said in July 1986 that "The times will suit
me". That year the economy was seen to be in crisis with a 40% devaluation of the Australian dollar, a marked increase in the
current account deficit and the loss of the Federal Government's triple A rating. In response to the economic circumstances,
Howard persistently attacked the Labor government and offered his free-market reform agenda. Support for the Labor Party
and Hawke strengthened in 1985 and 1986 and Howard's approval ratings dropped in the face of infighting between Howard
and Peacock supporters, a "public manifestation of disunity" over policy positions, and questions over Howard's leadership.
Hawke called the 1987 election six months early. In addition to the HowardPeacock rivalry, Queensland National Party
criticism of the federal Liberal and National leadership led to a split in the Coalition whereby Nationals ran against Liberals,
and culminated in the "Joh for Canberra" campaign. Keating campaigned against Howard's proposed tax changes forcing
Howard to admit a double-counting in the proposal, and emphasising to the electorate that the package would mean at that
stage undisclosed cuts to government services. The Hawke Government was re-elected with an increased majority. In his
social agenda, Howard promoted the traditional family and was antipathetic to the promotion of multiculturalism at the
expense of a shared Australian identity. The immigration policy, One Australia, outlined a vision of "one nation and one
future" and opposed multiculturalism. Howard publicly suggested that to support "social cohesion" the rate of Asian
immigration be "slowed down a little". The comments divided opinion within the Coalition, and undermined Howard's
standing amongst Liberal party figures including federal and state Ministers, intellectual opinion makers, business leaders,
and within the Asia Pacific. Three Liberal MPs crossed the floor and two abstained in response to motion put forward by Prime
Minister Hawke to affirm that race or ethnicity would not be used as immigrant selection criteria. Many Liberals later
nominated the issue as instrumental in Howard subsequently losing the leadership in 1989. In a 1995 newspaper article (and
in 2002 as Prime Minister), Howard recanted his 1988 remarks on curbing Asian immigration. In line with "One Australia's"
rejection of Aboriginal land rights, Howard said the idea of an Aboriginal treaty was "repugnant to the ideals of One
Australia" and commented "I don't think it is wrong, racist, immoral or anything, for a country to say 'we will decide what the
cultural identity and the cultural destiny of this country will be and nobody else." As the country's economic position
worsened in 1989, public opinion moved away from Labor, however there was no firm opinion poll lead for Howard or the
Coalition. In February, Liberal Party president and prominent businessman, John Elliott, said confidentially to Andrew Peacock
that he would support him in a leadership challenge against Howard, and in May a surprise leadership coup was launched,
ousting Howard as Liberal leader. When asked that day whether he could become Liberal leader again, Howard likened it
to "Lazarus with a triple bypass". The loss of the Liberal Party leadership to Peacock deeply affected Howard, who admitted he
would occasionally drink too much. [46]Declining Peacock's offer of Shadow Education, Howard went to the backbench and a
new period of party disunity ensued. Howard served as Shadow Minister for Industry, Technology and Communications,
Shadow Minister Assisting the Leader on the Public Service, Chairman of the Manpower and Labour Market Reform Group,
Shadow Minister for Industrial Relations and Manager of Opposition Business in the House. Following the Coalition's 1990
election loss, Howard had wanted to run again however he did not have enough support Peacock was replaced with former
Howard staffer John Hewson who defeated Peter Reith, Peacock supported Hewson with generational change which took
Howard's name out. Howard was a supporter of Hewson's economic program, with a Goods and Services Tax (GST) as its
centrepiece. After Hewson lost the "unloseable" 1993 election to Paul Keating, Howard unsuccessfully challenged Hewson for
the leadership. In 1994, he was again passed over for the leadership, which went to Alexander Downer. In January 1995,
leaked internal Liberal Party polling showed that with gaffe-prone Downer as leader, the Coalition had slim chance of holding
its marginal seats in the next election, let alone of winning government. Media speculation of a leadership spill ended when,
on 26 January 1995, Downer resigned as Liberal Leader and Howard was elected unopposed to replace
him. The Coalition subsequently opened a large lead over Labor in most opinion polls, and Howard overtook Paul Keating as
preferred Prime Minister. Hoping to avoid a repeat of 1993, Howard revised his earlier statements against Medicare and Asian
immigration, describing Australia as "a unique intersection between Europe, North America and Asia". This allowed Howard to
focus on the economy and memory of the early 1990s recession, and on the longevity of the Labor government, which in
1996 had been in power for 13 years. By the time the writs were dropped for the 1996 election, the Coalition had been well
ahead of Labor in opinion polls for over a year. The consensus of most opinion polls was that Howard would be the next Prime
Minister. With the support of many traditionally Labor votersdubbed "Howard battlers"Howard and the Liberal-National
Coalition swept to power on the back of a 29-seat swing. This was the second-worst defeat of an incumbent government
since Federation. With a 45-seat majoritythe second-biggest majority in Australian history (behind only Fraser's 55-seat
majority in 1975)--Howard came into office in a strong position. By this time, as he put it, he had "very clear views on where I
wanted to take the country". At the age of 56, he was sworn in as Prime Minister on March 11, 1996, ending a record 13 years
of Coalition opposition. Howard departed from tradition and made his primary residence Kirribilli House in Sydney rather
than The Lodge in Canberra. Early in the term Howard had championed significant new restrictions on gun ownership
following the Port Arthur massacre in which 35 people had been shot dead. Achieving agreement in the face of immense
opposition from within the Coalition and some State governments, was credited with significantly elevating Howards stature
as Prime Minister despite a backlash from core Coalition rural constituents. Howard's initial silence on the views of Pauline
Hansona disendorsed Liberal Party candidate and later independent MPwas criticised in the press as an endorsement of
her views. Howard said that she was entitled to express her opinion, that many others would share it, and that to denounce

her would "elevate it". Howard repudiated her views seven months after Hanson's controversial maiden parliamentary
speech. Following the Wik Decision of the High Court in 1996, the Howard government moved swiftly to legislate limitations
on its possible implications through the so-called Ten-Point Plan. From 1997, Howard spearheaded the Coalition push to
introduce a Goods and Services Tax (GST) at the 1998 election. Before winning the Prime Ministership, Howard said that he
considered the Coalition's defeat in 1993 to be a rejection of the GST, and as a result it would "never ever" be part of
Coalition policy. A long held conviction of Howards, his tax reform package was credited with "breaking the circuit" of party
moraleboosting his confidence and direction, which had appeared to wane early in the Governments second term. The
1998 election was dubbed a "referendum on the GST", and the tax changesincluding the GSTwere implemented in the
government's second term after amendments to the legislation were negotiated with the Australian Democrats to ensure its
passage through the Senate. Through much of its first term, opinion polling was disappointing for the government and its
members at times feared being a "one-term wonder". The popularity of Pauline Hanson, and the new restrictions on gun
ownership drew many traditionally Coalition voters away from the Howard government. Also unpopular with voters were large
spending cuts aimed at eliminating the budget deficit (and Howard's distinction between "core" and "non-core" election
promises when cutting spending commitments), industrial changes and the 1998 waterfront dispute, the partial sale of
government telecommunications company Telstra, and the Government's commitment to a GST. Howard called a snap
election for October 1998, three months sooner than required. The Coalition actually lost the national two-party preferred
vote to Labor, suffering a 14-seat swing. However, the uneven nature of the swing allowed Howard to win a second term in
government, with a considerably reduced majority (from 45 seats to 12). Howard himself finished just short of a majority on
the first count in his own seat, and was only assured of reelection on the ninth count. He ultimately finished with a fairly
comfortable 56 percent of the two-party preferred vote. In 1998, Howard convened a Constitutional Convention which
decided in principle that Australia should become a Republic. At the convention Howard confirmed himself as a monarchist,
and said that of the Republican options, he preferred the minimalist model. Howard outlined his support for retaining the
status quo on the basis that it had provided a long period of stability and whilst he said there was no question that Australia
was a fully independent nation, he believed that the "separation of the ceremonial and executive functions of government"
and the presence of a neutral "defender of constitutional integrity" was an advantage in government and that no republican
model would be as effective in providing such an outcome as the Australian constitutional monarchy. Despite opinion polls
suggesting Australians favoured a republic, a 1999 referendum rejected the model chosen by the convention. Although
new Indonesian President B.J. Habibie had some months earlier agreed to grant special autonomy to Indonesianoccupied East Timor, his subsequent snap decision for a referendum on the territory's independence triggered a Howard and
Downer orchestrated shift in Australian policy. In September 1999, Howard organised an Australian-led international peacekeeping force to East Timor (INTERFET), after pro-Indonesia militia launched a violent "scorched-earth" campaign in
retaliation to the referendum's overwhelming vote in favour of independence. The successful mission was widely supported
by Australian voters, but the government was criticised for "foreign policy failure" following the violence and collapse of
diplomatic relations with Indonesia. By Howard's fourth term, relations with Indonesia had recovered to include counterterrorism cooperation and Australia's $1bn Boxing Day Tsunami relief efforts, and were assisted by good relations between
Howard and Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Throughout his prime-ministership, Howard was resolute in his
refusal to provide a parliamentary "apology" to Indigenous Australians as recommended by the 1997 "Bringing Them Home"
Report. Howard argued this was inappropriate, because "Australians of this generation should not be required to accept guilt
and blame for past actions and policies." Howard did offer this personal apology before the release of the Report: "I feel deep
sorrow for those of my fellow Australians who suffered injustices under the practices of past generations towards indigenous
people. Equally, I am sorry for the hurt and trauma many here today may continue to feel, as a consequence of these
practices". In 1999 Howard negotiated a "Motion of Reconciliation" with Aboriginal Senator Aden Ridgeway. Eschewing use of
the word "sorry", the motion recognised mistreatment of Aborigines as the "most blemished chapter" in Australia's history;
offered deep and sincere regret" for past injustices. Following his 2007 loss of the Prime Ministership, Howard was the only
living former Prime Minister who declined to attend the February 2008 apology made by Kevin Rudd with bi-partisan support.
Howard did not commit to serving a full term if he won the next election; on his 61st birthday in July 2000 he said he would
consider the question of retirement when he turned 64. This was interpreted as boosting Costellos leadership aspirations,
and the enmity over leadership and succession resurfaced publicly when Howard did not retire at the age of 64. In the first
half of 2001, rising petrol prices, voter enmity over the implementation of the GST, a spike in inflation and economic
slowdown led to bad opinion polls and predictions the Government would lose office in the election later that year. With
Howard telling Cabinet he would not be "sacrificed on the pyre of ideological purity", the government announced a series of
policy reversals and softenings which boosted the government's fortunes, as did news that the economy had avoided
recession. Following the Liberal Party win at the Aston by-election, Howard said that the Coalition was "back in the game".
The government's position on "border protection", in particular the Tampa affairwhere Howard refused the landing of asylum
seekers rescued by a Norwegian freighter, consolidated the improving polls for the government, as did the September 11,
2001 attacks. Howard led the government to victory in the 2001 federal election with an increased majority. Howard had first
met US President George W. Bush in the days before the 11 September terrorist attacks and was in Washington the morning
of the attacks. In response to the attacks, Howard invoked the ANZUS Treaty and said that the invocation of the
treaty"demonstrates Australia's steadfast commitment to work with the United States. In October, he committed Australian
military personnel to the war in Afghanistan. Howard developed a strong personal relationship with the president, and they
shared often similar ideological positions including on the role of the United States in world affairs and their approach to the
"War on Terror". In May 2003, Howard made an overnight stay at Bush's Prairie Chapel Ranch in Texas, after which Bush said
that Howard "...is not only a man of steel, he's showed the world he's a man of heart." Howard responded to the 2002 Bali
bombing, in which 88 Australian citizens were killed, by calling on Australians to "wrap their arms around the people of
Indonesia" and said that, while affected, Australia remained "strong and free and open and tolerant". Howard re-dedicated
his government to the "War on Terror", saying the Bali bombing was proof that no country was "immune" to the effects of
terrorism. In March 2003, Australia joined the US-led "Multinational force in Iraq" in sending 2,000 troops and naval units to
support in the invasion of Iraq. Howard said that the invasion to "disarm Iraq...is right, it is lawful, and it is in Australias
national interest." He later said that the decision to go into Iraq was the most difficult he made as Prime Minister. In response
to the Australian participation in the invasion, there were large protests in Australian cities during March 2003, and Prime
Minister Howard was heckled from the public gallery of Parliament House. [73] While opinion polls showed that opposition to the
war without UN backing was between 48 and 92 per cent, Howard remained preferred prime-minister over opposition
leader, Simon Crean, and his approval dropped compared to before the war. Throughout 2002 and 2003 Howard had
increased his opinion poll lead over Labor leader, Simon Crean. In December 2003, Crean resigned after losing party support
and Mark Latham was elected leader. Howard called an election for 9 October 2004. While the government was behind Labor
in the opinion polls, Howard himself had a large lead over Latham as preferred Prime Minister. In the lead up to the election,
Howard again did not commit to serving a full term. Howard campaigned on the theme of trust, asking: "Who do you trust to
keep the economy strong, and protect family living standards? Who do you trust to keep interest rates low?" Howard attacked
Latham's economic record as Mayor ofLiverpool City Council and attacked Labor's economic history saying: "It is an historic
fact that interest rates have always gone up under Labor governments over the last 30 years, because Labor governments
spend more than they collect and drive budgets into deficit ... So it will be with a Latham Labor government... I will guarantee

that interest rates are always going to be lower under a Coalition government." The election
resulted in a five-seat swing to the Coalition, netting it a majority almost as large as in 1996. It also
resulted the first, albeit slim, government majority in the Senate since 1981. For the second time
since becoming Prime Minister, Howard came up short of a majority in the first count for his own
seat. He was assured of reelection on the third count, ultimately winning 53.3 percent of the twoparty preferred vote. On 21 December 2004, Howard became the second-longest serving
Australian Prime Minister after Sir Robert Menzies. In 2006, with the government now controlling
both houses of parliament for the first time since the Fraser era, industrial relations changes were
enacted. Named "WorkChoices" and championed by Howard, they were intended to fundamentally
change the employer-employee relationship. Opposed by a broad trade union campaign and
antipathy within the electorate, WorkChoices was subsequently seen as a major factor in the
governments 2007 election loss. In April 2006, the government announced it had completely paid
off the last of $96 billion of Commonwealth net debt inherited when it came to power in 1996. By
2007, Howard had been in office for 11 of the 15 years of consecutive annual growth enjoyed by the Australian economy.
Unemployment had fallen from 8.1% at the start of his term to 4.1% in 2007, and average weekly earnings grew 24.4% in
real terms. Howard often cited economic management as a strong point of the government, and during his Prime
Ministership, opinion polling consistently showed that a majority of the electorate thought his government were better to
handle the economy than the Opposition. In 2006, Ian McLachlan and Peter Costello said that under a 1994 deal between
Howard and Costello, Howard would serve one and half terms as Prime Minister if the Coalition won the next election before
stepping aside to allow Costello to take over. Howard denied that this constituted a deal; and there were calls for Costello to
either challenge or quit. Citing strong party room support for him as leader, Howard stated later that month that he would
remain to contest the 2007 election. Six weeks before the election, Howard said that, if elected, he would stand down during
the next term, and anointed Costello as his successor. Peter Costello commented, in 2007 whilst still in government, that
"The Howard treasurership was not a success in terms of interest rates and inflation... he had not been a great reformer," and
questioned Howard's account of his conflicts with the Prime Minister Fraser. The Coalition trailed Labor in opinion polls from
mid-2006 onward, but Howard still consistently led Labor leader Kim Beazley on the question of preferred Prime Minister
and was even described as a "revolutionary" in his opposition to unionism. In December 2006, after Kevin Rudd became
Labor leader, the two-party preferred deficit widened even further and Rudd swiftly overtook Howard as preferred Prime
Minister. Howard chaired APEC Australia 2007, culminating in the APEC Economic Leaders Meeting in Sydney during
September. The meeting was at times overshadowed by further leadership speculation following continued poor poll results.
Leading up to the November 24, 2006 election, the Coalition trailed Labor in the polls since the Labor party elected Kevin
Rudd as party leader in late 2006. In the election, Howard and his government were defeated, suffering a 23-seat swing to
Labor, which was almost as large as the 29-seat swing that propelled him to power in 1996. Howard lost his seat of
Bennelong to former journalist Maxine McKew by 44,685 votes (51.4 percent) to Howard's 42,251 (48.6 percent). The final
tally indicated that McKew defeated Howard on the 14th count due to a large flow of Green preferences to her; 3,793 (78.84
percent) of Green voters listed McKew as their second preference. Howard told a former colleague that losing Bennelong was
a "silver lining in the thunder cloud of defeat" as it spared him the ignominy of opposition. Howard is the second Australian
Prime Minister, after Stanley Bruce, to lose his seat in an election. He remained in office as caretaker Prime Minister until the
formal swearing in of Rudd's government on December 3, 2006. Federal Liberal Party director Brian Loughnane said "it was
the failure of Kim Beazley's leadership that had masked voter concerns about Howard". Media analysis of The Australian
Election Study, a postal survey of 1873 voters during the 2007 poll, found that although respondents respected Howard and
thought he had won the 6-week election campaign, Howard was considered "at odds with public opinion on cut-through
issues", his opponent had achieved the highest "likeability" rating in the survey's 20-year history, and a majority had decided
their voting intention prior to the election campaign. In January 2008, Howard signed with a prominent speaking agency
called the Washington Speakers Bureau, joining Tony Blair, Colin Powell, Madeleine Albright, and others. He will be available
for two speeches, Leadership in the New Century and The Global Economic Future. The Australian and New Zealand cricket
boards jointly nominated Howard as their candidate for president of the International Cricket Council. However, his
nomination was rejected by the ICC's executive board in Singapore after members from six countries signalled their intention
to block the appointment. Howard is currently the chairman of theInternational Democrat Union, a body of international
conservative political parties, and in 2008 was appointed a Director of the Foundation established to preserve the legacy
ofDonald Bradman. As a result of an anaphylactic reaction to an anaesthetic used during dental surgery, Howard was rushed
to hospital in 2009 and spent two nights under observation in the hospital before being released.
Howard's
autobiography Lazarus Rising: A Personal and Political Autobiography was released on 26 October 2010. Recognised
as Australian Father of the Year in 1997. Received the Woodrow Wilson Award from the Woodrow Wilson Center of the
U.S. Smithsonian Institution on August 22, 2005 in Sydney. B'nai B'rith International bestowed its Presidential Gold Medal on
Howard in May 2006, Irving Kristol Award, the highest award of the American Enterprise Institute, March 5, 2008, Common
Wealth Award of Distinguished Service in Government, April 6, 2008. On January 26, 2008, he was appointed a Companion of
the Order of Australia (AC) "for distinguished service to the Parliament of Australia, particularly as Prime Minister and through
contributions to economic and social policy reform, fostering and promoting Australia's interests internationally, and the
development of significant philanthropic links between the business sector, arts and charitable organisations" . On January 1,
2012 Howard was invested as a Member of the Order of Merit (OM) by Her Majesty, Queen Elizabeth II.On January 1, 2001, he
was awarded the Centenary Medal.On June 15, 2005, he was awarded the Star of the Solomon Islands (SSI).On January 13,
2009, he was awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom by the President of the United States George W. Bush. On February
14, 2009, he was awarded an Honorary doctorate from Bond University. In April 2012, he was awarded an Honorary Doctor of
Letters from Macquarie University. In December 2008, he was awarded an Honorary Doctorate from the Hebrew University of
Jerusalem for "outstanding statesmanship and leading role on the world stage in promoting democracy and combating
international terrorism" and his "remarkable understanding of, and exceptional support for, the State of Israel and his deep
friendship with the Australian Jewish community".In 2014 Howard published The Menzies Era, concerning the premiership of
Prime Minister Robert Menzies.Howard was the subject of a lengthy interview series by The Australian columnist Janet
Albrechtsen in 2014, which aired as a featured story on Seven Network'sSunday Night, and again in January 2015 as its own
five part series on Sky News Australia entitled Howard Defined.

Kevin Michael Rudd (born

September 21, 1957) is an Australian politician who was the 26th Prime Minister of
Australia from December 3, 2007 until June 24, 2010 and from June 27 until September 18, 2013. He was the Leader of
the Labor Party from December 4, 2006 until June 24, 2010 and from une 26 until September 13, 2013. He was also Foreign
Minister of Australia from September 14, 2010 until February 22, 2012 and Leader of the Opposition from December 4, 2006
until December 3, 2007. He was also Member of the Australian Parliament for Griffith from October 3, 1998 until November
22, 2012 and the 9th Chairperson-in-office of the Commonwealth of Nations from June 27 until September 18, 2013. Rudd
was born in Queensland and grew up on a dairy farm. He joined the Australian Labor Party at the age of 15 and
was dux ofNambour State High School in 1974. He studied a Bachelor of Arts in Asian Studies at the Australian National
University, majoring inChinese language and Chinese history. He worked for the Department of Foreign Affairs from 1981 to

1988, when he became Chief of Staff to Queensland Premier Wayne Goss. After the Goss Government lost office in 1996,
Rudd was hired as a Senior China Consultant by the accounting firm KPMG Australia. Rudd was first elected to the House of
Representatives for Griffith at the 1998 federal election, joining the Shadow Cabinet in 2001 as Shadow Minister for Foreign
Affairs. In December 2006, he successfully challenged Kim Beazley to become the Leader of the Labor Party, subsequently
becoming theLeader of the Opposition. Under Rudd, Labor overtook the incumbent Liberal/National Coalition led by John
Howard in the polls, as Labor made a number of policy announcements on areas such as industrial relations, climate change,
an "education revolution", aNational Broadband Network, and health. Labor won the 2007 federal election with a 23-seat
swing, and Rudd was sworn in as the 26th Prime Minister of Australia on 3 December. The Rudd Government's first acts
included signing the Kyoto Protocol and delivering an apology to Indigenous Australiansfor the stolen generations. The
previous government's industrial relations legislation, WorkChoices, was largely dismantled, Australia's remaining Iraq
War combat personnel were withdrawn, and the "Australia 2020 Summit" was held. In response to the global financial crisis,
the government provided economic stimulus packages, and Australia was one of the few western countries to avoid the late2000s recession. Despite a long period of high popularity in opinion polls, a significant fall in Rudd's personal ratings was
blamed on a proposed Resource Super Profits Tax and the deferral of the Senate-rejected Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme.
With the next election drawing near, there was growing dissatisfaction with Rudd's leadership within the Labor Party.
Eventually, Rudd's deputy, Julia Gillard, announced on June 23, 2010 that she would challenge him for the leadership the
following day. Knowing he would be defeated if he contested the leadership, on the morning of the ballot Rudd resigned as
Prime Minister. After his resignation, he successfully recontested his seat at the 2010 federal election, after which Labor
formed a minority government. He was subsequently promoted back to the Cabinet by Julia Gillard as Minister for Foreign
Affairs, a post he remained in until he resigned on February 22, 2012 in an ultimately unsuccessful attempt to challenge
Gillard for the leadership. Following persistent tensions, Gillard announced another caucus ballot on the leadership on June
26, 2013, from which Rudd emerged victorious.He was sworn in as prime minister for a second time the following day, and
formed his second Cabinet, which contained a record number of women.He also became the first serving Australian prime
minister to publicly support same-sex marriage. Despite an initial rise in opinion polls following his return, Labor was defeated
in the 2013 election. Rudd resigned as prime minister for a second time on September 18, and announced on November 13,
that he would be stepping down from Parliament within a few days. On November 22, 2014 Rudd formally tendered his
resignation to the Speaker of the House of Representatives.In February 2014, he was named a Senior Fellow with John F.
Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University.In September 2014, he became a Distinguished Fellow at the Paulson
Institute, a think tank at the University of Chicago. In December 2014, he became a Senior Advisor with the political risk
consulting firm Eurasia Group. Rudd was born in Nambour, Queensland to Albert and Margaret (ne DeVere) Rudd, and grew
up on a dairy farm in nearby Eumundi. At an early age (57) he contracted rheumatic fever and spent a considerable time at
home convalescing. It damaged his heart, but this was only discovered some 12 years later. Farm life, which required the use
of horses and guns, is where he developed his lifelong love of horse riding and shooting clay targets. When Rudd was 11, his
father, a share farmer and Country Party member, died. Rudd states that the family was required to leave the farm amidst
financial difficulty between two to three weeks after the death, though the family of the landowner states that the Rudds
didn't have to leave for almost six months. Rudd joined the Australian Labor Party in 1972 at the age of 15. He boarded
at Marist College Ashgrove in Brisbane although these years were not happy due to the indignity of poverty and reliance on
charity he was known to be a "charity case" due to his father's sudden death; and, he has since described the school as "...
tough, harsh, unforgiving, institutional Catholicism of the old school." ] Two years later, after she retrained as a nurse, his
mother moved the family to Nambour, and Rudd rebuilt his standing through study and scholastic application and
was dux of Nambour State High School in 1974. His future Treasurer Wayne Swan attended the same school at the same
time, although they did not know each other as Swan was three years ahead. In that year he was also the Queensland winner
of the Rotary 'Youth Speaks for Australia' public speaking contest. Rudd is of English and Irish descent. His paternal fourth
great-grandparents were English and of convict heritage: Thomas Rudd and Mary Cable (she was from Essex). Thomas arrived
from London, England in 1801, Mary in 1804. Thomas Rudd, a convict, arrived in NSW on board the Earl Cornwallis in 1801.
He was convicted of stealing a bag of sugar. Rudd studied at the Australian National University in Canberra where he resided
at Burgmann College and graduated with First Class Honours in Arts (Asian Studies). He majored inChinese
language and Chinese history, became proficient in Mandarin and acquired a Chinese name, L Kwn (Chinese: or in
simplified Chinese: ). Rudd's thesis on Chinese democracy activist Wei Jingsheng was supervised by Pierre Ryckmans,
the eminent Belgian-Australian sinologist. During his studies Rudd did housecleaning for political commentator Laurie
Oakes to earn extra money. In 1980 he continued his Chinese studies at the Mandarin Training Center of National Taiwan
Normal University in Taipei, Taiwan. Delivering the 2008 Gough Whitlam Lecture at Sydney University on The Reforming
Centre of Australian Politics, Rudd praised the former Labor Prime Minister for implementing educational reforms, saying he
was: ... a kid who lived Gough Whitlam's dream that every child should have a desk with a lamp on it where he or she could
study. A kid whose mum told him after the1972 election that it might just now be possible for the likes of him to go to
university. A kid from the country of no particular means and of no political pedigree who could therefore dream that one day
he could make a contribution to our national political life. In 1981, Rudd married Thrse Rein whom he had met at a
gathering of the Australian Student Christian Movement during his university years. Both were residents at Burgmann
College during their first year of university. They have three children: Jessica (born 1984), Nicholas (born 1986) and Marcus
(born 1993). Rudd's nephew, Van Thanh Rudd is a Melbourne-based artist and activist. Rudd joined the Department of Foreign
Affairs in 1981, serving there until 1988. He and his wife spent most of the 1980s overseas at various Australian embassies,
including inStockholm and in Beijing. Returning to Australia in 1988, he was appointed Chief of Staff to the Opposition Leader
in Queensland, Wayne Goss. He remained in that role when Goss was elected Premier in 1989, a position he held until 1992
when Goss appointed him Director-General of the Office of Cabinet. In this position, Rudd was arguably Queensland's most
powerful bureaucrat. He presided over a number of reforms, including development of a national program for teaching
foreign languages in schools. Rudd was influential in both promoting a policy of developing an Asian languages and cultures
program which was unanimously accepted by the Council of Australian Governments (COAG) in 1992 and later chaired a high
level working group which provided the foundation of the strategy in its report, which is frequently cited as "the Rudd
Report". During this time he underwent a cardiac valve transplant operation (Ross procedure), receiving a cadaveric aortic
valve replacement for rheumatic heart disease. The Goss Government saw its majority slashed in 1995, before losing it
altogether after a by-election one year later. After Goss' resignation, Rudd left the Queensland Government and was hired as
a Senior China Consultant by the accounting firm KPMG Australia. While in that position, he won selection to be the Labor
candidate for the seat of Griffith at the1996 federal election. Despite being endorsed by the retiring Labor MP, Ben
Humphreys, Rudd was considerably hampered by Labor's unpopularity in Queensland, as well as a redistribution that almost
halved Labor's majority. Rudd was defeated by Liberal Graeme McDougall on the eighth count as Labor won only two seats in
Queensland. Rudd stood in the same seat against McDougall in the 1998 election, this time winning on the fifth count. Rudd
made his maiden speech to the House of Representatives as the new Member for Griffith on November 11, 1998. Following
Labor's defeat in the 2001 federal election, Rudd was promoted to the Shadow Cabinet and appointed Shadow Minister for
Foreign Affairs. In 2002, he met with British intelligence and helped define the position that Labor would take in regards to
the 2003 invasion of Iraq. There is no debate or dispute as to whether Saddam Hussein possesses weapons of mass
destruction. He does. There's no dispute as whether he's in violation of UN Security Council resolutions. After the fall

of Saddam Hussein he would criticise the Howard Government over its support for the United
States, while maintaining Labor's position of support for the Australian-American alliance.
Well, what Secretary Powell and the US seems to have said is that he now has grave doubts
about the accuracy of the case he put to the United Nations about the claim that Iraq possessed
biological weapons laboratories the so-called mobile trailers. And here in Australia, that formed
also part of the government's argument on the war. I think what it does is it adds to the fabric of
how the Australian people were misled about the reasons for going to war. Kevin Michael Rudd.
Rudd's policy experience and parliamentary performances during the Iraq War made him one of
the best-known Labor members. When Labor Leader Simon Crean was challenged by his
predecessor Kim Beazley, Rudd did not publicly commit himself to either candidate. When Crean
resigned, Rudd was considered a possible candidate for the Labor leadership, however he
announced that he would not run in the leadership ballot, and would instead vote for Kim Beazley.
Rudd was predicted by some commentators to be demoted or moved as a result of his support for
Beazley following the election of Mark Latham as Leader, but he retained his portfolio. Relations between Latham and Rudd
deteriorated during 2004, especially after Latham made his pledge to withdraw all Australian forces from Iraq by Christmas
2004 without consulting Rudd. After Latham failed to win the 2004 federal election, Rudd was again spoken of as a possible
alternative leader, although he disavowed any intention of challenging Latham. When Latham suddenly resigned in January
2005, Rudd was in Indonesia and refused to say whether he would be a candidate for the Labor leadership. After returning
from Indonesia, Rudd announced that he would again not contest the leadership, and Beazley was subsequently elected
unopposed. Following this, Rudd was given expanded responsibilities in the Shadow Cabinet, retaining his role as Shadow
Minister for Foreign Affairs and also becoming the Shadow Minister for Trade. Following opinion polls indiciating that voter
support for Rudd as Labor Leader was higher than for Beazley, speculation mounted that Rudd would challenge Beazley for
the leadership. One particular poll in November 2006 incidicated that support for Labor would double if Rudd was to become
Leader. On December 2, 2006, Beazley called a leadership election. Rudd announced his candidacy for the leadership hours
later. On 4 December, Rudd was elected Leader of the Labor Party and Leader of the Opposition with 49 votes to Beazley's
39. Julia Gillard was subsequently elected unopposed as Deputy Leader after Jenny Macklin resigned. At his first press
conference as Labor Leader, having thanked Beazley and Macklin, Rudd said he would offer a "new style of leadership" and
would be an "alternative, not just an echo" of the Howard Government. He outlined the areas of industrial relations, the war
in Iraq,climate change, Australian federalism, social justice and the future of Australia's manufacturing industry as major
policy concerns. Rudd also stressed his long experience in state government and also as a diplomat and in business before
entering federal politics. Rudd and the Labor Party soon overtook the Howard Government in both party and leadership
polling. Rudd maintained a high media profile with major announcements on an "education revolution", federalism, climate
change, a National Broadband Network, and the domestic car industry. In March 2007 the Government raised questions over
a series of meetings Rudd had had with former West Australian Labor Premier Brian Burke during 2005, alleging that Rudd
had been attempting to use Burke's influence to become Labor Leader (after losing office, Burke had spent time in prison
before returning to politics as a lobbyist). Rudd said that this had not been the purpose of the three meetings and said that
they had been arranged by his colleague Graham Edwards, the Member for Cowan. From 2002, Rudd appeared regularly in
interviews and topical discussions on the popular breakfast television program Sunrise, along with Liberal MP Joe Hockey. This
was credited with helping to raise Rudd's public profile even further. Rudd and Hockey ended their joint appearances in April
2007, citing the increasing political pressures of an election year. On August 19, 2007, it was revealed that Rudd, while on a
visit to New York as Shadow Minister for Foreign Affairs, had visited a strip club in September 2003, with New York Post editor
Col Allan and Labor MP Warren Snowdon. By way of explanation, Rudd said: "I had had too much to drink, I have no
recollection, and nor does Mr Snowdon, of any incident occurring at the nightclub or of being asked to leave...it is our
recollection that we left within about an hour". The incident generated a lot of media coverage, but made no impact on
Rudd's popularity in the polls. Some believe the incident may have enabled Rudd to appear "more human" and lifted his
popularity. Electoral writs were issued for the 2007 federal election on October 17, 2007. On October 21, 2007 Rudd faced
incumbent Prime Minister John Howard in a television debate, where he was judged by most media analysts to have
performed strongly. On November 14, 2007 Rudd officially launched the Labor Party's election campaign with a policy of fiscal
restraint, usually considered the electoral strength of the opposing Liberal Party. Rudd proposed Labor spending measures
totalling $2.3 billion, contrasting them to $9.4 billion Rudd claimed the Liberals had promised, declaring: "Today, I am saying
loud and clear that this sort of reckless spending must stop." The election was held on November 24, 2007 and was won
overwhelmingly by Labor. The result was dubbed a 'Ruddslide' by the media and was underpinned by the considerable
support from Rudd's home state of Queensland, with the state result recording a two party preferredswing of 7.53%. The
overall swing was 5.44% from the Liberals to Labor, the third largest swing at a federal election since two party estimates
began in 1949. As foreshadowed during the election campaign, on 29 November Rudd announced the members of
his Government, breaking with more than a century of Labor tradition whereby the frontbench was elected by the Labor
caucus, with the leader then given the right to allocate portfolios. On December 3, 2007, Rudd was sworn in as
the 26th Prime Minister of Australia by Governor-General Michael Jeffery. Rudd was the first Labor Prime Minister in over a
decade, and the first ever to make no mention of the Monarch when taking his oath of office. He also became only the second
Queenslander to lead his party to a federal election victory (the first being Andrew Fisher in 1910) and was the first Prime
Minister since the Second World War not to have come from either New South Wales or Victoria. Early initiatives of the Rudd
Government included the signing of the Kyoto Protocol, a Parliamentary Apology to the Stolen Generationsand the 2020
Summit. During his first two years in office, Rudd set records for popularity in Newspoll opinion polling, maintaining very high
approval ratings. By 2010, however, Rudd's approval ratings had began to drop significantly, with controversies arising over
the management of the financial crisis, the delay of the proposed Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme, policies on asylum
seekers and a debate over a proposed "super profits" tax on the mining industry. The United States diplomatic cables
leaks revealed that Robert McCallum, the former US Ambassador to Australia, described Rudd as a "control freak" and
"a micro-manager", obsessed with "managing the media cycle rather than engaging in collaborative decision making".
Diplomats also criticised Rudd's foreign policy record and considered Rudd's "mis-steps" largely arose from his propensity to
make "snap announcements without consulting other countries or within the Australian Government". On June 23, 2010,
following lengthy media speculation, and after it had become apparent that Rudd had lost the support of many Labor
MPs, Deputy Prime Minister Julia Gillardpublicly asked that a leadership election be held. Rudd announced a leadership
election for the following day. In opposition, Rudd called climate change "the greatest moral, economic and social challenge
of our time" and called for a cut to greenhouse gas emissions by 60% before 2050. On December 3, 2007, as his first official
act after being sworn in, Rudd signed the Kyoto Protocol. On December 15, 2008, Rudd released a White Paper on reducing
Australia's greenhouse gas emissions. The White Paper included a plan to introduce an emissions trading scheme in 2010
that is known as the Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme and gave a target range for Australia's greenhouse gas emissions in
2020 of between 5% and 15% less than 2000 levels. The White Paper was criticised by the Federal Government's climate
change advisor, Professor Ross Garnaut. Rudd criticised the opposition Liberal Party for its refusal to support the new

legislation ("What absolute political cowardice, what absolute failure of leadership, what absolute failure of logic ...") but on
May 4, 2009 announced that the Government would delay implementing an emissions trading scheme until 2011. Rudd also
deferred the CPRS legislation until 2013. Rudd was unable to achieve any significant action on a national response to climate
change, and abandoned his vision in the face of political opposition. Many of Rudd's minor climate change initiatives were
scrapped or slashed by Julia Gillard. However he did implement an expanded mandatory renewable energy target with
coalition support. As the parliament's first order of business, on February 13, 2008, Rudd read an apology directed
to Indigenous Australians for the stolen generations. The apology, for the policies of successive parliaments and
governments, passed unanimously as a motion by both houses of parliament. Rudd pledged the government to bridging the
gap between Indigenous and Non-Indigenous Australian health, education and living conditions, and in a way that respects
their rights to self-determination. During meetings held in December 2007 and March 2008 the Council of Australian
Governments (COAG) adopted six targets to improve the wellbeing of Indigenous Australians over the next five to twenty
years. As of late 2011, data on changes since 2008 in relation to most of these targets was not yet available. WorkChoices,
the industrial relations regime introduced by the Howard government, was overhauled. Rudd's 2007 policy included the
phasing out of Australian Workplace Agreements over a period of five years, the establishment of a simpler awards system as
a safety net, the restoration of unfair dismissal laws for companies with under 100 employees (probation period of 12 months
for companies with less than 15 employees), and the retention of the Australian Building and Construction Commission until
2010. It retained the illegality of secondary boycotts, the right of employers to lock workers out, restriction of a union right of
entry to workplaces, and restrictions on workers' right to strike. Rudd also established a single industrial relations
bureaucracy called Fair Work Australia, designed to play a far more interventionist role than the Howard Government's Fair
Pay Commission. Fair Work Australia mediated the 2011 Qantas industrial disputes. In his first speech to parliament, Rudd
affirmed his general belief in competitive markets, while repudiating Thatcherism and supportingthe Third Way. Rudd is
critical of free market economists such as Friedrich Hayek, although Rudd describes himself as "basically a conservative when
it comes to questions of public financial management", pointing to his slashing of public service jobs as a Queensland
governmental advisor. Upon election to office, the Rudd government announced a five-point plan to combat inflation. The first
budget of the Rudd government was delivered by Treasurer Wayne Swan in May 2008 and a projected surplus of $21.7 billion
was announced. As the global recessionbegan to take hold, the Government guaranteed bank deposits and announced two
stimulatory spending packages. The first was worth $10.4 billion and announced in late 2008, and the second worth
$42 billion was announced in February 2009 and included $900 dollar cash payments to resident taxpayers who paid net tax
in the 200708 financial year. After initially raising interest rates to combat inflation, The Reserve Bank cut official interest
rates several times in increments of up to 1 percent, and fell to 3 percent in May 2009, the lowest since 1960. The second
budget, released in May 2009, projected a $57.6 billion deficit for 200910. The majority of the deficit was created by a loss
of taxation revenue as a result of the recession, with the rest made up in stimulus and other spending. The downturn was
expected to remove $210 billion in taxation revenue from the budget over the next four years. Following the start of
the Global Financial Crisis in 2008, increased exports and consumer spending helped the Australian economy avoid recession
in 2009. Australia was the only western economy to do so. In early 2009, in the wake of the global financial crisis, Rudd
stated "that the great neo-liberal experiment of the past 30 years has failed", and that "Neo-liberalism and thefree-market
fundamentalism it has produced has been revealed as little more than personal greed dressed up as an economic philosophy.
And, ironically, it now falls to social democracy to prevent liberal capitalism from cannibalising itself." Rudd called for a new
era of "social capitalism" from social democrats such as himself and U.S. President Barack Obama to "support a global
financial system that properly balances private incentive with public responsibility". As part of its economic stimulus program,
the government offered householders a rebate for ceiling insulation. Rudd demoted Peter Garrett, the minister responsible for
the program, before abandoning the program altogether in 2010 after the scheme was blamed for house fires and 4
deaths. The Building the Education Revolution program sought to stimulate the nationwide economy by employing
construction workers in school building developments, but came under media scrutiny following allegations of overpricing and
bad value for money. The Rudd Government's third budget in 2010 projected a $40.8 billion deficit for 201011 but forecast
that Australia would return to surplus by 201213. The government proposed a "super profits" tax on the mining industry and
included $12 billion in revenue from the proposal in the forecast, although the tax had not been passed by the Senate. In
February 2008 Rudd announced the Australia 2020 Summit, held from 1920 April 2008, which brought together 1000 leading
Australians to discuss ten major areas of policy innovation. Among the initiatives supported at the event, the summit voted in
favour of a plebiscite on Australia "relinquishing ties" to the United Kingdom followed by a referendum on the model for an
Australian republic, a bill of rights, the re-formation of an Indigenous peak representative body similar to ATSIC, (which had
been abolished by theHoward Government), the introduction of an Emissions Trading Scheme, and a review of the taxation
system. Findings released in April 2009 reported that nine out of the 1000 submitted ideas were to be immediately enacted
and that the government was deliberating on other ideas proposed. By mid-2010, among the key reform ideas suggested,
Prime Minister Rudd had sought to introduce an ETS, but postponed it after failing to secure passage through the senate;
formed a consultative committee on a Bill of Rights then rejected its recommendation for implementation; established
the National Congress of Australia's First Peoples in 2010; commissioned the Henry Review of taxation (on the basis of which
the Rudd Government proposed a new "super-profits" tax on mining); and Rudd had described the issue of a vote on a
republic as not being "a priority".During the election, Rudd promised a "Digital Education Revolution", including provision of a
computer on the desk of every upper secondary student. The program initially stalled with state governments asserting that
the proposed funding was inadequate. The federal government increased proposed funding from $1.2 billion to $2 billion, and
did not mandate that a computer be provided to each upper secondary student. The program supplied office software, photo
and video editing software, and web design software, some of it unusable due to the hardware becoming obsolete. As Prime
Minister, Rudd professed his belief in a "Big Australia", while his government increased the immigration quota after to around
300,000 people. In 2010, Rudd appointed Tony Burke as population minister to examine population goals. In 2008, the
government adjusted the mandatory detention policies established by the Keating and Howard governments and declared an
end to the Pacific Solution. Boat arrivals increased considerably during 2009 and the Opposition said this was due to the
government's policy adjustments, the Government said it was due to "push factors". After a fatal explosion on an asylum
seeker boat in April 2009, Rudd said: "People smugglers are the vilest form of human life." Opposition frontbencher Tony
Abbott said that Kevin Rudd was inept and hypocritical in his handling of the issue during the Oceanic Viking affair of October
2009. In April 2010, the Rudd government suspended processing new claims by Sri Lankan and Afghan asylum seekers, who
comprised 80 per cent of all boat arrivals, for three and six months respectively. Rudd commissioned the Henry Tax Review, to
undertake a "root and branch" review of the Australian taxation system. In 2010, the Rudd government pursued its proposal
for a new 40% tax on the "super profits" of resource companies to offset a lower corporate tax rate and some adjustments to
superannuation. In the face of strong opposition from the mining industry, the government exempted itself from its own
guidelines on taxpayer-funded advertising and launched an advertising campaign in support of its tax policy proposal. During
the 2007 election campaign, Rudd had described tax payer funded political advertising as "a long-term cancer on our
democracy", but he said that a government funded campaign was needed in 2010 on this issue. Rudd announced a
significant and far-reaching strategic reform to Australian healthcare in 2010. However, this was not pursued beyond inprinciple agreements with Labor State and Territory governments, and was scrapped by Julia Gillard during her first year in
office. In accordance with a Multinational Force Iraq agreement with the new Iraqi Government, Labor's plan to withdraw

the Australian Defence Force "combat" contingent was completed on July 28, 2009, three days ahead of the deadline. In mid2010, there were about 65 ADF personnel remaining in Iraq supporting UN operations or the Australian Embassy. While
Shadow Minister for Foreign Affairs, Rudd said that Afghanistan was 'terrorism central'. In July 2005 he said: It's time to
recognise once and for all that terrorism central is Afghanistan. You see, a lot of Jemaah Islamiah's terrorist operations in
South East Asia are financed by the reconstitution of the opium crop in Afghanistan $2.3 billion a year worth of narcofinance flowing out of Afghanistan into terrorist groups here in our region, our neighbourhood, our backyard. As Prime
Minister, Rudd continued to support Australian military involvement in Afghanistan, despite the growing number of Australian
casualties. On 29 April 2009, Rudd committed 450 extra troops to the region bringing the total to 1550. Explaining the
deployment he said: A measured increase in Australian forces in Afghanistan will enhance the security of Australian citizens,
given that so many terrorists attacking Australians in the past have been trained in Afghanistan. On a November 2009 visit to
Afghanistan, Rudd told Australian troops: "We from Australia will remain for the long haul." In April 2010, the Australian
Government decided not to commit further troops to Uruzgan province to replace Dutch forces when they withdraw, but
increased the numbers of diplomatic, development aid, and police personnel to around 50 with military effort and civilian
work focussed on Uruzgan. The United States diplomatic cables leak reported Rudd's criticisms of Australia's European allies
in the Afghanistan campaign. As shadow foreign minister, Rudd reformulated Labor's foreign policy in terms of "Three Pillars":
engagement with the UN, engagement with Asia, and the US alliance. Although disagreeing with the original commitment to
the Iraq War, Rudd supports the continued deployment of Australian troops in Iraq, but not the continued deployment of
combat troops. Rudd was also in favour of Australia's military presence in Afghanistan. Rudd backs the road map for
peace plan and defended Israel's actions during the 2006 Israel-Lebanon conflict, condemning Hezbollah and Hamas for
violating Israeli territory. As Prime Minister, he also pledged support for East Timor, stating that Australian troops would
remain in East Timor for as long as East Timor's government wanted them to. Rudd also gave his support for the
independence of Kosovo from Serbia, before Australia officially recognised the republic. This decision sparked protests of
the Serbian Australian community against Rudd. In 2008 Rudd recommended the appointment of Quentin Bryce as the first
female Governor-General of Australia to Queen Elizabeth II. Some commentators have described Rudd as a social
conservative. While moving to remove financial discrimination againstLGBT couples, he has remained opposed to same-sex
marriage: I have a pretty basic view on this, as reflected in the position adopted by our party, and that is, that marriage is
between a man and a woman. In a conscience vote in 2006, Rudd supported legislation to transfer regulatory authority for
the abortion-inducing drug RU486 from the federal Minister For Health to the Therapeutic Goods Administration, removing the
minister's veto on the use of RU486 in Australia. Rudd said that, For me and for the reasons I have outlined, the life of the
unborn is of great importance. And having tested these reasons with men and women of faith, and men and women of
science, that I've decided not to oppose this bill. In another 2006 Parliamentary conscience vote, Mr Rudd voted against
legislation to expand embryonic stem cell research Rudd and his family attend the Anglican church of St John the Baptist
in Bulimba in his electorate. Although raised a Roman Catholic, Rudd began attending Anglican services in the 1980s with his
wife. In December 2009, Rudd was spotted at a Catholic Mass to commemorate the canonisation of Mary MacKillop, in which
he was administered with theHoly Communion. Rudd's actions provoked criticism and debate among both among political
and religious circles. A report by The Australian quoted that Rudd embraced Anglicanism but at the same time did not
formally renounce his Catholic faith. Rudd is the mainstay of the parliamentary prayer group in Parliament House, Canberra.
He is vocal about his Christianity and has given a number of prominent interviews to the Australian religious press on the
topic. Rudd has defended church representatives engaging with policy debates, particularly with respect
to WorkChoices legislation, climate change, global poverty, therapeutic cloning and asylum seekers. In an essay in The
Monthly, he argued: A [truly] Christian perspective on contemporary policy debates may not prevail. It must nonetheless be
argued. And once heard, it must be weighed, together with other arguments from different philosophical traditions, in a fully
contestable secular polity. A Christian perspective, informed by a social gospel or Christian socialist tradition, should not be
rejected contemptuously by secular politicians as if these views are an unwelcome intrusion into the political sphere. If the
churches are barred from participating in the great debates about the values that ultimately underpin our society, our
economy and our polity, then we have reached a very strange place indeed. He cites Dietrich Bonhoeffer as a personal
inspiration in this regard. In May 2008, Rudd was drawn into the controversy over photographic artist Bill Henson and his
work depicting naked adolescents as part of a show due to open at an inner-city gallery in Sydney. In a televised interview,
Rudd stated that he found the images "absolutely revolting" and that they had "no artistic merit". These views swiftly drew
censure from members of the 'creative stream' who attended the recent 2020 Summit convened by Rudd, led by actor Cate
Blanchett. When in Canberra, Rudd and Rein worship at St John the Baptist Church, Reid, where they were married. Rudd
often does a "door stop" interview for the media when leaving the church yard. On June 23, 2010, the Sydney Morning
Herald reported that Rudd's Chief of Staff, Alister Jordan, had talked to over half of the Labor caucus to gauge the level of
Rudd's support within the party. This followed significant media speculation that his deputy, Julia Gillard, would challenge him
for the leadership. Late that evening, after it became clear that Rudd had lost the support of a large number of Labor MPs,
Gillard publicly requested that Rudd hold a leadership election as soon as possible. Rudd subsequently announced a
leadership election for June 24, 2010 saying that he would stand. Hours before the vote, however, it became clear that Rudd
would not have the support to win, and so he resigned as Labor Leader and Prime Minister. Julia Gillard went on to become
Australia's first female Prime Minister unopposed. Bill Shorten, the Parliamentary Secretary for Disabilities and Children's
Services and a key member of the Labor Party's right faction, speculated that it was the Government's handling of
the insulation program, the sudden announcement of change of policy on the Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme, and the
way in which they had "introduced the debate" about the Resource Super Profits Tax as the main reasons which had led to a
collapse in support for Rudd's leadership. Barry Cohen, a former minister in the Hawke Government, said that many in the
Labor Party felt ignored by Rudd's centralist leadership style, and his at times insulting and rude treatment of staff and other
ministers. Many were willing to overlook this due to his immense popularity, but when Rudd's poll numbers began to drop in
late 2009 and 2010, they wanted to install a leader more able to establish consensus and involve the party caucus as a
whole. Rudd became the first Australian Prime Minister to be removed from office by his own party during his first term. Rudd
announced following his resignation as Prime Minister that he would re-contest his seat of Griffith for the 2010 federal
election, scheduled to be held on August 21. Early in the campaign, he suffered abdominal pain and underwent surgery to
remove his gall bladder. His first public statements after the operation were in an interview with ABC Radio National's Phillip
Adams for Late Night Live, which received wide national coverage; in it, he denied being the source ofpolitical
leaks concerning Julia Gillard. Prime Minister Gillard later requested that Rudd join the national campaign in order to boost
Labor's chances of re-election, which he did. Rudd and Gillard were subsequently photographed together during a private
meeting in Brisbane, both appearing uncomfortable, unsmiling and unspeaking. Labor went on to form a minority
government after the election resulted in a hung parliament, and Rudd was comfortably re-elected as the Member for Griffith.
Following her re-election, Prime Minister Julia Gillard appointed Rudd as Minister for Foreign Affairs in her Cabinet; he was
sworn into this office on September 14, 2010. He represented Gillard at a UN General Assembly meeting in September 2010.
Material relating to Kevin Rudd's term as Prime Minister was included in the United States diplomatic cables leaks released en
masse by Wikileaks in 2010. As Foreign Minister, Rudd denounced the publication of classified documents by Wikileaks. The
Australian media extensively reported purported references to Rudd in the cables including frank discussions between
Rudd and US officials regarding China and Afghanistan; and negative assessments of some of Rudd's foreign policy initiatives

and leadership style, written in confidence for the US Government by the US Ambassador to Australia. Prior to his first visit to
Israel as Foreign Minister, Rudd informed The Australian newspaper of a new policy position on Israeli nuclear facilities, saying
that they should be subject to International Atomic Energy Agency inspection. Israeli Foreign Minister Avigdor
Lieberman rejected the call. Following the 2011 Egyptian revolution and resignation of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak,
Rudd called for "constitutional reform and a clear timetable towards free and fair elections". In response to the 2011 Libyan
civil war, Rudd announced in early March 2011 that a no-fly zone should be enforced by the international community as a
"lesser of two evils" to prevent dictator Muammar Gaddafi from using the Libyan airforce to attack protesters and rebels. The
Age and other media outlets reported this as representing a rift between Rudd and Prime Minister Gillard, and said that US
officials in Canberra had sought official clarification on what the Australian Government was proposing. Speaking from
Washington, Ms Gillard said in response that the United Nations Security Council should consider a "full range" of options to
deal with the situation, and that Australia was not planning to send forces to enforce a no-fly zone. Following the
devastating 2011 Thoku earthquake and tsunami in Japan, Rudd announced that in his conversation with Japanese Foreign
Minister Takeaki Matsumoto, he had offered Australian field hospitals and disaster victim identification teams to assist with
recovery. He also said he had offered Australian atomic expertise and requested urgent briefings following an explosion at a
nuclear plant, telling ABC TV: "We and the rest of the international community need urgent briefings on the precise status of
these reactors". Rudd suddenly announced his resignation as Foreign Minister on February 22, 2012, citing a lack of support
from Julia Gillard and character attacks launched by Simon Crean and "a number of other faceless men" as his
reasons. Speaking to the press in an early morning news conference in Washington D.C., Rudd explained his decision to
resign, saying, "I can only serve as Foreign Minister if I have the confidence of Prime Minister Gillard and her senior
ministers." Rudd's resignation following heated speculation about a possible leadership spill. The following day, Rudd was
replaced as Minister for Foreign Affairs initially by Craig Emerson on a temporary basis, and then by former NSW Premier and
Senator Bob Carr on March 13. 2012 Speculation regarding Rudd's desire to challenge Gillard to regain the Leadership of the
Labor Party became a near constant feature of media commentary on the Gillard Government. In October 2011, Queensland
MP Graham Perrett announced that if Labor replaced Gillard with Rudd, he would resign and force a by-election, a move that
would likely cost Labor its majority. In her speech to Labor's 2011 Conference, Prime Minister Gillard mentioned every Labor
Prime Minister since World War II with the exception of Kevin Rudd. The speech was widely reported as a snub to Rudd. In
early 2012, Labor MPs began to openly discuss the issue of leadership. Simon Crean told Radio 3AW, "[Rudd] can't be leader
again...people will not elect as leaders those they don't perceive as team players". Following a Four Corners program that
revisited Gillard's role in Rudd's downfall as Prime Minister, a break down in party discipline saw Labor MP Darren
Cheeseman call on Gillard to resign, while his colleague Steve Gibbons called Rudd a "psychopath with a giant ego". Amidst
the controversy, an expletive-laden video of out-takes of an intemperate Kevin Rudd attempting to record a Chinese language
message during his time as Prime Minister was released anonymously on YouTube, apparently aimed at discrediting his push
for the leadership. While Rudd said publicly only that he was "happy as Foreign Minister", media commentators widely
declared that a leadership challenge was "on". When Rudd resigned on February 22, 2012, Deputy Prime Minister Wayne
Swan lambasted Rudd as "dysfunctional". His Cabinet colleague Tony Burke also spoke against Rudd, saying of his time in
office that "the stories that were around of the chaos, of the temperament, of the inability to have decisions made, they are
not stories." Labor Senator Doug Cameron came out in support of Rudd and called on his colleagues to show him respect.
Later that day, Rudd said that he did not think Gillard could defeat the Coalition at the next election and that, since his
resignation, he had received encouragement from Labor MPs to contest the leadership. Gillard responded to these
developments by announcing a leadership election for the morning of February 27, 2012, and stating that she would be a
candidate. Two days later, Rudd announced his own candidacy. Before the vote, Rudd promised that he would not initiate any
further leadership challenges against Gillard should he lose, but he did not rule out becoming Leader again at a later date.
Gillard won the leadership election comfortably with 71 votes to Rudd's 31. Following the result Rudd returned to the
backbenches, reiterating that he would not mount any further leadership challenges against Gillard, and stating that he
would support her in any further leadership elections. On March 21, 2013, following a request from Simon Crean, the prime
minister, Julia Gillard, called a leadership spill. It was widely reported that Rudd was considering nominating for the leadership
of the Australian Labor Party, but he chose not to stand. Gillard was the sole candidate and was elected unopposed. On June
10, 2013, the security of Gillard's position as leader was put in doubt following the loss of significant support in the Labor
caucus. Furthermore, polling in the preceding week indicated that the party could be left with a very low number of 40 seats
in the Federal Parliament, while one Labor backbencher compared the Labor Party to the Titanic. ABC reported that "some
former staunch supporters" held the view that Gillard could not win the election, and ABC journalist Barrie Cassidy identified
Rudd as the only feasible replacement. The political editor of the Australian newspaper, Dennis Shanahan, reported on June
10, 2013 that Rudd was "mobbed" by supporters in the Victorian city of Geelong on June 7, 2013 and that he was "expected
to be returned to the ALP leadership". On June 26, 2013, Julia Gillard called a leadership spill, intending to head off any
challenge. Rudd announced that he would challenge the prime minister. Gillard said that, in her view, the loser of the ballot
should retire from politics; Rudd agreed that this would be appropriate. Key Gillard supporter Bill Shorten, who was one of the
main figures responsible for Rudd's previous overturn as prime minister, this time announced his support for Rudd. Rudd
subsequently won the leadership ballot, 5745, and became the Leader of the Labor Party for the second time. Following
the leadership election on June 26, 2013, Julia Gillard resigned as prime minister. After seeking legal advice from the acting
Solicitor-General, Robert Orr, the Governor-General, Quentin Bryce, invited Rudd to be sworn in as prime minister for the
second time on June 27. At 9:53 am (AEST), Rudd was sworn in as prime minister for a second term, becoming the second
Labor Prime Minister to have a second non-consecutive term; the first was Andrew Fisher. On August 4, 2013, Rudd
announced that he had visited Governor-General Quentin Bryce at Parliament House, asking her to dissolve Parliament and
for a federal election to be held on September 7. After Labor subsequently lost the election, Rudd resigned as prime minister
for the second time on September 18, 2013. Following a period of intense criticism from prominent members of the ALP, on
November 13, 2013 Rudd announced that he would soon resign from Parliament. Rudd submitted his resignation in writing to
the Speaker, Bronwyn Bishop, on November 22, 2013, formally ending his parliamentary career. A by-election for his seat
was held on February 8, 2014, at which he was succeeded as the Member for Griffith by ALP candidate Terri Butler. In early
2014, Rudd left Australia to live in the United States, where he was a fellow at the Harvard Kennedy School's Belfer
Center in Cambridge, Massachusetts. In October of that year, he became the first Head of the Asia Society Policy Institute in
New York City. In 1981, Rudd married Thrse Rein whom he had met at a gathering of the Australian Student Christian
Movement during his university years. Both were residents at Burgmann College during their first year of university. Rudd and
Rein have three children and one granddaughter.In 1993, Rudd underwent a cardiac valve transplant operation (Ross
procedure), receiving a cadaveric aortic valve replacement for rheumatic heart disease. In 2011, Rudd underwent a second
cardiac valve transplant operation, making a full recovery from the surgery.

Julia Eileen Gillard (born September 29, 1961)

is a former Australian politician who served as the 27th Prime Minister

of Australia from June 24, 2010 until June 27, 2013, as leader of the Australian Labor Party from June 24, 2010 until June 26,
2013. She was the first and to date only woman to hold either position. Gillard was born in Barry, Wales, and migrated with
her family to Adelaide, South Australia, in 1966, attending Mitcham Demonstration School and Unley High School. In 1982,
she moved to Melbourne, Victoria. She graduated from the University of Melbourne with a Bachelor of Arts and a Bachelor of

Laws in 1986. In 1987, Gillard joined the law firm Slater & Gordon, working in industrial law before entering politics. Gillard
was first elected to the House of Representatives at the 1998 federal election for the seat of Lalor, Victoria. Following
the 2001 federal election, she was elected to the Shadow Cabinet and was given the portfolio of Population and Immigration.
In 2003, she took on responsibility for both Reconciliation and Indigenous Affairs and Health. In December 2006, when Kevin
Rudd was elected as Labor Leader and became Leader of the Opposition, Gillard was elected unopposed as his deputy. Gillard
became the first female Deputy Prime Minister of Australia upon Labor's victory in the 2007 federal election, also serving as
bothMinister for Education and Minister for Employment and Workplace Relations. On June 24, 2010, after Rudd lost the
support of his party and resigned, Gillard was elected unopposed as the Leader of the Labor Party, thus becoming
the 27th Prime Minister of Australia. The subsequent 2010 federal election saw the first hung parliament since the 1940
federal election. Gillard was able to form a minority government with the support of a Green MP and three independent MPs,
defeating the Liberal/National Coalition led by Tony Abbott. On June 26, 2013, after a leadership spill, Gillard lost the
leadership of the Labor Party to Rudd. Her resignation as Prime Minister took effect the following day. Gillard was born on
September 29, 1961 in Barry, Wales. After she suffered from bronchopneumonia as a child, her parents were advised it would
aid her recovery if they were to live in a warmer climate. This led the family to migrate to Australia in 1966, settling
inAdelaide. She became an Australian citizen (along with the rest of her family) in 1974, and renounced her British citizenship
before entering Parliament in 1998. Gillard's mother, Moira, currently lives in Pasadena, South Australia. She also has a sister,
Alison, who is three years older. Gillard's father, John, died in 2012. Gillard's father worked as a psychiatric nurse, while her
mother worked at the local Salvation Army nursing home. She and her sister attended Mitcham Demonstration School, and
Julia went on to attend Unley High School. She then studied at the University of Adelaide but cut short her courses in 1982
and moved to Melbourne to work with the Australian Union of Students. She graduated from the University of Melbourne with
Bachelor of Arts and Bachelor of Laws degrees in 1986. In 1987, Gillard joined the law firm Slater & Gordon at Werribee,
Melbourne, working in industrial law. In 1990, at the age of 29, she was admitted as a partner. Gillard took leave of absence
in September 1995 to campaign for a Senate seat and resigned in May 1996, to work as chief of staff to Victorian opposition
leader John Brumby. According to The Australian newspaper, Gillard's departure occurred "amid fractured relationships
between partners at Slater & Gordon" partly attributable to the AWU affair. Introduced to politics in her second year at
the University of Adelaide by the daughter of a State Labor Minister, Gillard joined the Labor Club and became involved in a
campaign to fight federal education budget cuts. After moving to Melbourne, in 1983 Gillard became the second woman to
lead the Australian Union of Students. She was also formerly the secretary of the left-wing organisation, Socialist Forum. In
1995, Gillard took leave from her legal firm to contest the 1996 federal election as a Senate candidate, standing third on the
ALP's ticket, although she was unsuccessful. One year later in 1996, Gillard resigned from her position with Slater & Gordon in
order to become the Chief of Staff to John Brumby, at that time the Leader of the Opposition in Victoria. She was responsible
for drafting the affirmative-action rules within the Labor Party in Victoria that set the target of pre-selecting women for 35 per
cent of "winnable seats". She also played a role in the foundation of EMILY's List, the pro-choice fund-raising and support
network for Labor women. The Welsh Labour politician Aneurin Bevan remains one of her political heroes. Gillard was first
elected to the House of Representatives at the 1998 federal election representing Lalor, a safe Labor seat near Melbourne,
replacing Barry Jones who retired. She made her maiden speech to the House on November 11, 1998. After Labor's defeat at
the 2001 federal election, Gillard was elected to the Shadow Cabinet under then-Labor Leader Simon Crean, where she was
given responsibility for Population and Immigration. In February 2003, she was given additional responsibilities for
Reconciliation and Indigenous Affairs. In these roles, in the wake of the Tampa and Children Overboard affairs, which were
partly credited with Labor's 2001 election loss, Gillard developed a new immigration policy for the Labor Party. Gillard was
later promoted to the position of Shadow Minister for Health in July 2003. During this time, she shadowed Tony Abbott, with
the rivalry between the two often attracting attention from the media. She was later given additional responsibility for
managing opposition business in the House of Representatives by new Labor Leader Mark Latham. In the aftermath of Labor's
fourth consecutive defeat in the 2004 federal election it was widely speculated that Gillard might challenge Jenny Macklin for
the deputy leadership, but she did not do so. Gillard had been spoken of as a potential future leader of the party for some
years, but never stood in a leadership contest. After Mark Latham resigned as Labor Leader in January 2005, Gillard appeared
on ABC's Australian Storyin March 2006, after which an Ipsos Mackay poll conducted for Network Ten's Meet the Press found
that more respondents would prefer Gillard to be Labor Leader; she polled 32% compared with Beazley's 25% and Kevin
Rudd's 18%. Although she had significant cross-factional support, she announced on January 25, 2005 that she would not
contest the leadership, allowing Beazley to be elected unopposed. On December 1, 2006, as part of a cross-factional political
partnership with Kevin Rudd, Gillard challenged Jenny Macklin for the deputy leadership. After Rudd successfully replaced
Beazley as Labor Leader on December 4, 2006, Macklin chose to resign, meaning that Gillard became Deputy Leader
unopposed. In the subsequent reshuffle, Gillard was allocated responsibility for Employment, Workplace Relations and Social
Inclusion, as well as being made Deputy Leader of the Opposition. Later, deposed Opposition Leader Kim Beazley said of
Gillard's role in his Shadow Cabinet in the lead up to the Rudd/Gillard challenge "I had some very loyal supporters... and I
also had some very effective people who were not so supportive and she was one of them" . After the Labor Party's victory in
the 2007 federal election, Gillard was sworn in as the first ever female Deputy Prime Minister of Australiaon December 3,
2007. In addition to being made Deputy Prime Minister, Gillard was given responsibility for a so-called "super ministry",
the Department of Education, Employment and Workplace Relations. In her role as Minister for Education, Gillard travelled to
Washington D.C., where she signed a deal with US Secretary of Education Arne Duncan to encourage improved policy
collaboration in education reform between both countries. As Minister for Employment and Workplace Relations, Gillard
removed the WorkChoices industrial relations regime introduced by the Howard Government, and replaced it with the Fair
Work Bill. This established a single industrial relations bureaucracy called Fair Work Australia. Gillard also oversaw the
government's "Building the Education Revolution" program, which allocated $16 billion to build new school accommodation
including classrooms, libraries and assembly halls. On December 11, 2007, she temporarily assumed the duties of the Prime
Minister while Kevin Rudd attended the United Nations Climate Change Conference in Bali, becoming the first woman ever to
do so. She assumed these duties for a total of 69 days during Rudd's various overseas travel engagements. Gillard quickly
became known as a highly regarded debater, with her performances during parliamentary question time prompting Peter van
Onselen to call her "the best parliamentary performer on the Labor side". Prime Minister Kevin Rudd suffered a decline in his
personal ratings, and a perceived loss of support among his own MPs, following the failure of the Government's insulation
program, controversy regarding the implementation of a tax on mining, the failure of the government to secure passage of
its carbon trading scheme and some policy debate about immigration policy. Significant disaffection had arisen within the
Labor Party as to the leadership style and direction of Kevin Rudd. Rudd announced on June 23, 2010 that Gillard had asked
him to hold a leadership ballot the following day to determine the leadership of the Labor Party, and hence the Prime
Ministership of Australia. As late as May 2010, prior to challenging Rudd, Gillard was quipping to the media that "There's
more chance of me becoming the full-forward for the Dogs than there is of any change in the Labor Party". Consequently,
Gillard's move against Rudd on June 23, 2010 appeared to surprise many Labor backbenchers. Daryl Melham when asked by
a reporter on the night of the challenge if indeed a challenge was on, replied: "Complete garbage. ABC have lost all
credibility." As he was being deposed, Rudd suggested that his opponents wanted to move Labor to the right, saying on June
23, 2010: " This party and government will not be lurching to the right on the question of asylum seekers, as some have
counselled us to do." Initially, the Sydney Morning Herald reported that the final catalyst for the move on Rudd was sparked

by a report that Rudd had used his chief of staff to sound out back benchers on his level of support, thus implying that "he
did not trust the repeated assurances by Ms Gillard that she would not stand". Later, ABC's 7:30 Report said the seeds for the
challenge to Rudd came from "factional heavyweights" Bill Shorten and Senator David Feeney, who secured the support of
"New South Wales right power broker" Mark Arbib and that Feeney and Arbib went to discuss a challenge with Gillard on the
morning of June 23, 2010 and a final numbers count began for a challenge. Accounts have continued to differ as to the
extend of Julia Gillard's foreknowledge and planning of the replacement of Rudd. Rudd initially said that he would challenge
Gillard, but it soon became apparent that he did not have enough support within the party to survive in his position. Hours
before the vote on June 24, 2010 he resigned as Prime Minister and Leader of the Labor Party, leaving Gillard to assume the
leadership unopposed. Treasurer Wayne Swan was at the same time elected unopposed to succeed Gillard as Deputy Leader.
Shortly afterward, Gillard was sworn in as the 27th Prime Minister of Australia by Governor-General Quentin Bryce, with
Wayne Swan being sworn in as Deputy Prime Minister. The members of the Rudd Ministry, with the exception of Rudd himself
who returned to the backbenches, subsequently became the members of the First Gillard Ministry. Later that day, in her first
press conference as Prime Minister, Gillard said that at times the Rudd Government "went off the tracks", and "[I] came to the
view that a good Government was losing its way". Gillard offered wider explanation of her motivations for replacing Rudd
during the 2012 Labor Leadership Spill in which Rudd challenged Gillard to regain the Labor leadership, telling the media that
the Rudd Government had entered a "period of paralysis" and that Rudd's work patterns were "difficult and chaotic". Upon
her election by the Labor Party, Gillard said that she wouldn't move into The Lodge until she was elected Prime Minister in her
own right, instead choosing to divide her time between a flat in Canberra and her home in Altona, a western suburb
of Melbourne. Gillard moved into The Lodge on 26 September 2010. As well as being the first female Prime Minister, and the
first never to have married, Gillard is the first Prime Minister since Billy Hughesto have been born overseas. The leadership
question remained a feature of the Gillard Government's terms in office, and amidst ongoing leadership speculation following
an ABC TV Four Corners examination of the events leading up to Rudd's replacement which cast doubt on Gillard's insistence
that she did not actively campaign for the Prime Ministership, Attorney General Nicola Roxonspoke of Rudd's record in the
following terms: "I don't think we should whitewash history while there are a lot of very good things our government did
with Kevin as prime minister there were also a lot of challenges, and it's Julia who has seen through fixing a lot of those
problems." On July 17, 2010, 23 days after becoming prime minister and after receiving the agreement of the GovernorGeneral Quentin Bryce, Gillard announced the next federal election would be held on August 21, 2010. Gillard began
campaigning with a speech utilising the slogan "moving forward". In the early stages of the campaign, a series of leaks were
released by purported Labor Party sources, indicating apparent divisions within Cabinet over the replacement of Kevin Rudd
by Gillard. Mid-way through the campaign, Gillard offered journalists a self-assessment of her campaign by saying that she
had been paying too much attention to advisers in her strategy team, and she wanted to run a less "stage-managed"
campaign: I think it's time for me to make sure that the real Julia is well and truly on display, so I'm going to step up and take
personal charge of what we do in the campaign from this point. Gillard met Opposition leader Tony Abbott for one official
debate during the campaign. Studio audience surveys by Channel 9 and the Seven Network suggested a win to Gillard.
Unable to agree on further debates, the leaders went on to appear separately on stage for questioning at community forums
in Sydney, New South Wales and Brisbane,Queensland. An audience exit poll of the Rooty Hill RSL audience indicated an
Abbott victory. Gillard won the audience poll at the Broncos Leagues Club meeting in Brisbane on 18 August. Gillard also
appeared on the ABC's Q&A program on August 9, 2010. On August 7, 2010 Gillard was questioned by former Labor leader
turned Channel Nine reporter Mark Latham. Gillard officially "launched" Labor's campaign in Brisbane five days before polling
day, outlining Labor policies and utilising the slogan: "Yes we will move forward together". Labor and the Coalition each won
72 seats in the 150-seat House of Representatives, four short of the requirement for majority government, resulting in the
first hung parliament since the 1940 election. Both major party leaders sought to form a minority government.
Six crossbench MPs held the balance of power. Four crossbench MPs, Greens Adam Bandt and independents Andrew
Wilkie, Rob Oakeshott and Tony Windsor declared their support for Labor on confidence and supply, allowing Gillard and Labor
to remain in power with a minority government. Governor-General Bryce swore in the Second Gillard Ministry on September
14, 2010. Gillard came to office in the aftermath of the global financial crisis of 20072008. Government receipts fell during
the international downturn and the Rudd Government had employed pump priming expenditure. Upon taking over as leader
of the ALP on June 23, 2010, Gillard said she could "assure" Australians that the Federal Budget would be in surplus in 2013.
The Government continued to promise this outcome until December 2012. Gillard initially ruled out a "carbon tax" but said
that she would build community consensus for a price on carbon and open negotiations with the mining industry for a revamped mining profits tax. Following the 2010 hung parliament election result, the ALP elected to adopt the Australian
Greens preference for a carbon tax to transition to an emissions trading scheme, establishing a carbon price via the Clean
Energy Bill 2011. The government also introduced a revised Minerals Resource Rent Tax and the Queensland Flood Levy. The
Gillard Government stressed a need to return the Federal Budget to surplus for the 2012-13 financial year, and Gillard said
there were "no ifs no buts" about this promise and that "failure is not an option here and we won't fail". In his 2012-13
Budget Treasurer Swan announced that the government would deliver a $1.5 billion surplus. The government cut defence and
foreign aid spending. In December 2012 Swan announced that the government no longer expected to achieve a surplus,
citing falling revenue and global economic conditions. Like her predecessor Rudd, Gillard has said that health is a priority in
her agenda. She announced during the 2010 election, that there would be an increase of 270 placements for emergency
doctors and nurses and 3,000 extra nursing scholarships over the following 10 years. She also said mental health would be a
priority in her second term, with a $277 million suicide-prevention package which would target high-risk groups. As the
election delivered a hung parliament, a $1.8 billion package was given to rural hospitals, which was agreed to by the
independents to support her re-election. In October 2010, her government introduced legislation to reform funding
arrangements for the health system, with the intention of giving the Commonwealth responsibility for providing the majority
of funding to public hospitals and 100 per cent of funding for primary care and GP services. In February 2011, Gillard
announced extensive revision of the original health funding reforms proposed by the Rudd Government, which had been
unable to secure the support of all state governments. The revised Gillard government plan proposed that the federal
government move towards providing 50% of new health funding (and not 60 per cent as originally agreed) and removed the
requirement of the states to cede a proportion of their GST revenue to the Federal Government in order to fund the new
arrangement. The new agreement was supported by all state premiers and chief ministers and signed on August 2, 2010. In
relation to population targets for Australia, Gillard told Fairfax Media in August 2010 that while skilled migration is important:
"I don't support the idea of a big Australia". Gillard also altered the nomenclature of Tony Burke's role as "Minister for
Population" to that of "Minister for Sustainable Population". After winning leadership of the Labor Party, Gillard identified
addressing the issue of unauthorised arrivals of asylum seekers as a priority of her government. She announced that
negotiations were underway for a return to "offshore processing" of asylum seeker claims. Gillard ruled out a return to
processing at Nauruand named East Timor as a preferred location for new detention and processing facilities. The East
Timorese Government rejected the plan. In October 2010, her government announced that it would open two detention
centres for 2000 immigrants, due to the pressures in allowing women and children to be released into the community. One to
be opened in Inverbrackie, South Australia and one in Northam, Western Australia. She said it would be a short-term solution
to the problem and that temporary detention centres will be closed. On December 15, 2010 a ship containing 89 asylum
seekers crashed on the shore of Christmas Island, killing up to fifty people. Refugee and migrant advocates condemned

government policy as responsible for the tragedy, and ALP Party President Anna Bligh called for a complete review of ALP
asylum seeker policy. Gillard returned early from holidays in response to the crash, and to review asylum seeker policy. Some
months later Gillard would announce "The Malaysia Solution" in response. In April 2011 the Federal Government confirmed
that a detention centre for single men will be built at the old army barracks at Pontville, 45 minutes north
of Hobart, Tasmania. This immigration detention centre will house up to 400 refugees. Also in April 2011 immigration
detainees at the Villawood detention centre rioted in protest of their treatment, setting fire to several buildings. In May 2011
Gillard announced that Australia and Malaysia were finalising an arrangement to exchange asylum seekers. Gillard and
Immigration Minister Chris Bowen said they were close to signing a bilateral agreement which would result in 800 asylum
seekers who arrive in Australia by boat being taken to Malaysia instead. Australia will take 4,000 people from Malaysia who
have previously been assessed as being refugees. On August 31, 2011 the High Court ruled that the agreement to transfer
refugees from Australia to Malaysia was invalid, and ordered that it not proceed. Australia will still accept 4,000 people who
have been assessed as refugees in Malaysia. The asylum seeker debate returned during August 2012 following the report of
the Expert Panel on Asylum Seekers, led by retired Air Chief Marshall Angus Houston. Accepting the panel's recommendation,
Gillard on August 12, 2012 announced that a bill then before Parliament would be amended to allow the Government to
choose sites for off-shore processing. At the same time she announced the Government would nominate Nauru and Manus
Island, Papua New Guinea to be re-opened. The amended bill passed with the support of the Opposition on August 16, 2012.
When she became Prime Minister, she gave her Education portfolio to Simon Crean. She has promised to "make education
central to my economic agenda." After her re-election, she extended tax-cuts to parents to help pay for school uniforms for
people struggling to cover the costs of education under the Education Tax Refund scheme. Gillard continued to put the My
School website centre of her education agenda, which was controversial when she implemented when she was the Minister
for Education. Although it was popular amongst parents, the website helped parents view statistics of the school their
children attended. She has unveiled the revamped version, My School 2.0, promising better information to parents.
Universities also placed highly on her education agenda. Legislation due to be voted on in November 2010 that would see the
introduction of a national universities regulator was delayed till 2011 following criticisms from the higher education sector. It
was also announced by her government that legislation to establish the Tertiary Education Quality and Standards Agency
would also be introduced early 2011. The Rudd Labor opposition promised to implement an emissions trading scheme (ETS)
before the 2007 federal election which Labor won. Rudd, unable to secure support for his scheme in the Senate, dropped it.
During his 2012 leadership challenge against Gillard's prime ministership, Kevin Rudd said that it was Julia Gillard and Wayne
Swan who convinced him to delay his Emissions Trading Scheme. In her 2010 election campaign, Gillard pledged to build a
"national consensus" for a carbon price by creating a "citizens assembly", to examine "the evidence on climate change, the
case for action and the possible consequences of introducing a market-based approach to limiting and reducing carbon
emissions", over the course of one year. The assembly was to be selected by an independent authority who would select
people from the electoral roll using census data. The plan was never implemented. After the 2010 Election, Gillard agreed to
form a minority government with the Greens and Independents and replaced her "citizens assembly" plan with a climate
change panel consisting of Labor, Greens and Independent members of Parliament. The panel ultimately announced backing
for a temporary carbon tax, leading in to an Emissions Trading Scheme. During the 2010 Election campaign, Gillard said that
no carbon tax would be introduced under a government she led. In the first hung parliament result in 70 years, the Gillard
Government, with the support of the Australian Greens and some cross bench independents, negotiated the implementation
of a carbon tax (the preferred policy of the Australian Greens), by which a fixed-price carbon tax would proceed to a floatingprice ETS within a few years under the plans. The government proposed the Clean Energy Bill in February 2011, which the
opposition claimed to be a broken election promise. The bill was passed by the Lower House in October 2011 and the Upper
House in November 2011. During her first major international tour as Prime Minister, Julia Gillard told ABC TV's 7.30 Report:
[F]oreign policy is not my passion. It's not what I've spent my life doing. You know, I came into politics predominantly to make
a difference to opportunity questions, particularly make a difference in education. So, yes, if I had a choice I'd probably more
be in a school watching kids learn to read in Australia than here in Brussels at international meetings. Following her 2010
election victory, Gillard selected her former leader Kevin Rudd (a career diplomat) as Foreign Minister. Gillard travelled to the
United States in March 2011 to mark the 60th Anniversary of the ANZUS Alliance and was invited to address the United
States Congress. In a 2008 speech in Washington, Gillard endorsed the ANZUS Aliance and described the United States as a
civilising global influence. Her former colleague and leader Mark Latham wrote in a 2009 article for the Australian Financial
Review that these comments were "hypocritical", given past private communications Gillard had exchanged with him which
apparently mocked elements of American foreign policy: "One of them concerned her study tour of the US, sponsored by the
American Government in 2006or to use her moniker'a CIA re-education course'. She asked me to 'stand by for emails
explaining George Bush is a great statesman, torture is justified in many circumstances and those Iraqi insurgents should just
get over it'." During her first day as Prime Minister, Gillard reassured US President Barack Obama of Australia's continuing
support for the military campaign in Afghanistan. She visited Afghanistan on October 2, 2010 and met with Australian forces
in Tarin Kowt and PresidentHamid Karzai in Kabul. The visit formed part of her first overseas trip as prime minister. A
parliamentary debate was conducted for four sitting weeks of parliament, with the agreement between Gillard and Abbott
that it is necessary to stay in Afghanistan and prevent it from becoming a safe haven for terrorists. In the light of poor polling
results for the Gillard Government, speculation that Foreign Minister and former Prime Minister Kevin Rudd wished to
challenge Gillard for the leadership culminated with Rudd resigning from the Cabinet on February 22, 2012. Rudd told the
media "I can only serve as Foreign Minister if I have the confidence of Prime Minister Gillard and her senior ministers" after
Gillard failed to repudiate cabinet ministers who publicly criticised Rudd and his tenure as Prime Minister. The situation had
been further exacerbated by the revelation on Four Corners that Gillard's staff wrote her victory speech for the 2010
leadership election two weeks prior to her challenge, contradicting Gillard's earlier claims that she had only resolved to
challenge Rudd the day before the vote. This revelation caused particular conflict between Labor factions to surface, with
Labor MPDarren Cheeseman calling on Gillard to resign, while his colleague Steve Gibbons called Rudd a "psychopath with a
giant ego". After resigning, Rudd stated that he did not think Gillard could defeat the Coalition at the next election and that,
since his resignation, he had received encouragement from Labor MPs and Cabinet Ministers to contest the leadership. Gillard
responded to these developments by announcing a leadership ballot for the morning of February 27, 2012, saying that if she
lost the vote she would return to the backbench and renounce any claims to the leadership. She asked that Rudd make the
same commitment. At the leadership ballot, Gillard won comfortably by a vote of 71 to 31. Despite Gillard's defeating Kevin
Rudd comfortably in the 2012 leadership spill, tensions remained in the Labor Party regarding Gillard's leadership. After
Labor's polling position worsened in the wake of Gillard announcing the date of the 2013 election, these tensions came to a
head when former Labor Leader andRegional Minister Simon Crean called for a leadership spill and backed Rudd on 21 March
2013. In response, Gillard sacked Crean from his position, and called a leadership spill for 4.30pm that same day. Ten minutes
before the ballot was due to occur, Rudd publicly announced that he would not contest the leadership, in line with the
commitment he had made following the 2012 contest. As such, Gillard and Wayne Swan were the only candidates for the
Leadership and Deputy Leadership of the Labor Party, and were elected unopposed. This marked the first time in history that
an incumbent Labor Leader was elected unopposed at a leadership ballot. Several ministers subsequently resigned from the
government, including Chief Government Whip Joel Fitzgibbon, Human Services Minister Kim Carr, and Energy Minister Martin
Ferguson. Gillard declared that the question of the Labor leadership was now "settled". Nevertheless, speculation on Gillard's

leadership remained a major issue, with polling results indicating an electoral disaster were she to lead the Labor Party into
the election. In light of this, media attention once more turned to Kevin Rudd as a possible replacement in the short term. It
was reported that Gillard's supporter Bill Shorten was under pressure to ask her to resign, creating a vacancy that Rudd would
contest. By the end of June 2013, Labor's standing in the polls had worsened, and the Coalition had been leading in most
opinion polls for two years; one poll in early June showed that Labor would be reduced to as few as 40 seats after the next
election. With a general election due later that year, even some staunch Gillard supporters began to believe that Labor faced
almost certain defeat if Gillard continued as leader. According to the ABC's Barrie Cassidy, the question was not whether
Gillard would be ousted as Labor leader, but when the ousting would take place.Following further speculation over her
leadership, on 26 June a rumour emerged that supporters of Kevin Rudd were collecting signatures for a letter demanding an
immediate leadership vote. That afternoon, before any letter had been published, Gillard called a leadership spill live on
television. She challenged any would-be opponent to join her in a pledge that, while the winner would become leader, the
loser would immediately retire from politics. Despite his earlier comments that he would not return to the leadership under
any circumstances, Kevin Rudd announced that he would challenge Gillard for the leadership, and committed to retiring from
politics if he lost. In the party-room ballot later that evening, Rudd defeated Gillard by a margin of 57 votes to 45.Following
her defeat in the leadership vote on 26 June 2013, Gillard congratulated the winner Kevin Rudd and announced that she
would immediately tender her resignation as Prime Minister to the Governor-General, Quentin Bryce. She also announced, in
keeping with her pledge before the leadership vote, that she would not re-contest her seat of Lalor at the upcoming election,
and thus would retire from politics. Her resignation as Prime Minister took effect the following day, upon the swearing in of
Rudd. In July 2013, Gillard signed a book deal for her memoirs with Penguin Australia.The book My Story was published in
2014 byRandom House. In the book, Senator Nick Xenophon was said to have been '"infamously excluded from university for
a period as punishment for stuffing a ballot box full of voting papers he had somehow procured", which was denied by
Xenophon. In February 2015, the publisher Random House issued a public apology to Xenophon and paid a confidential cash
settlement. Xenophon continued to request a personal apology from Gillard. On August 6, 2015, Gillard published a personal
apology to Xenophon in a number of Australian newspapers. She has been appointed an Honorary Visiting Professor at
the University of Adelaide. Gillard resides in Adelaide. In October 2013, Gillard joined the Brookings Institution's Center for
Universal Education as a nonresident senior fellow. In February 2014, Gillard was announced as chair of Global Partnership for
Education. Later that year, in December, Gillard joined the board of the mental health organisation beyondblue, chaired by
former Victorian Premier Jeff Kennett. On February 11, 2015 Julia Gillard received an honorary doctorate from the Vrije
Universiteit Brussel "for her achievements as a woman committed to education and to social inclusion, and for the impact of
her commitment on the situation of children, youngsters and women worldwide"; and she also held aKapuscinski
Development Lecture on "the importance of education in development contexts" at the said university. On June 30, 2015 she
was conferred with a fellowship from Aberystwyth University in recognition of her "significant contribution to political life".
During the course of Gillard's prime ministership, sexism has been a contentious issue for a number of Labor and Greens
Party figures as well as some commentators. Former Labor Party advisor Anne Summers said in 2012 that "Gillard is being
persecuted both because she is a woman and in ways that would be impossible to apply to a man" . In reply, journalist Peter
Hartcher wrote, "She was a woman when she was popular; she can't be unpopular now because she's a woman. The change
is a result of her actions in office, not her gender." In an August 2012 press conference regarding the AWU scandal, Gillard
was critical of The Australian newspaper for writing about her connection to the affair and of what she called "misogynist nut
jobs on the internet". Gillard said that she had been "the subject of a very sexist smear campaign". In early October, the
Opposition Leader's wife accused the Gillard Government of a deliberate campaign to smear her husband, Tony Abbott, on
gender issues. On October 16, 2012, Gillard also raised "sexism and misogyny" in a speech opposing a motion to
remove Peter Slipper, her choice as Speaker of the House of Representatives, after revelations of inappropriate conduct on his
part became public. Gillard linked the speech to the context of the then ongoing Alan Jones "died of shame" controversy. The
speech was widely reported around the world. In Laos soon after for an Asian-European leaders conference, Gillard said: "The
president of France [ Franois Hollande ] congratulated me on the speech, as did the Prime Minister of Denmark [Helle
Thorning-Schmidt ], and some other leaders, just casually as I've moved around, have also mentioned it to me," US
President Barack Obama reportedly "complimented" Gillard on the speech in a private coversation following his re-election.
Labor had secured the defection of Slipper from the LNP to sit in the Speaker's chair a year earlier, but he was forced to stand
aside from his main duties in April 2012 pending the conclusion of a criminal investigation. After a week of controversy,
Gillard announced that she was asking Slipper to delay his return to the Chair pending the conclusion of concurrent civil
proceedings, in effort to dispel what she described as a "dark cloud" over her government (a reference also to the
ongoing Craig Thomson affair involving a Labor MP linked to corruption allegations). Gillard has expressed support for legal
abortion saying that "Women without money would be left without that choice or in the hands of backyard abortion
providers" and that she understood "the various moral positions" regarding abortions. Concerning euthanasia Gillard warned
that it may "open the door to exploitation and perhaps callousness towards people in the end stage of life" and that she is not
convinced that the policy of pro-euthanasia advocates contain "sufficient safeguards". Although nominally a member of
the Victorian Left faction of the Labor Party, her election to Prime Minister occurred because of support from the Right
factions of the party, with the hard Left planning to support Rudd in the Caucus vote had there actually been one. Analyses of
Jacqueline Kent's 2009 biography of Gillard suggest that her membership in the Left faction is "more organisational than
ideological". In July 2010, historian Ross Fitzgerald said, "... at least since [2009] Gillard has sought to reposition herself more
towards the Labor Right." In 2010, Gillard agreed with Nick Xenophon, Andrew Wilkie and the Australian Greens to
introduce poker machine reform legislation, to curb problem gambling, into the parliament by May 2012. After members of
the cross bench advised that they would not support this bill in the House of Representatives, Gillard withdrew her support.
Wilkie said that many Australians felt "very let down by the PM", and fellow anti-gambling campaigner Xenophon accused the
Prime Minister of "backstabbing the person who put her in office". Gillard supports Australia becoming a republic and has
suggested that the end of Queen Elizabeth II's reign would be "probably the appropriate point for a transition". Gillard does
not support legalisation for same-sex marriage in Australia, saying she believes "the Marriage Act is appropriate in its current
form, that is recognising that marriage is between a man and a woman" and that marriage being between a man and woman
"has a special status". The triennial Labor conference held in December 2011 saw Gillard successfully negotiate an
amendment on same-sex marriage which will see the party introduce a conscience vote to parliament through a private
members bill, rather than a binding vote. Following the November 2010 release of secret United States diplomatic cables,
Julia Gillard stated, "I absolutely condemn the placement of this information on the WikiLeaks website. It's a grossly
irresponsible thing to do and an illegal thing to do". After an Australian Federal Police investigation failed to find WikiLeaks
had broken any Australian laws by publishing the US diplomatic documents, Gillard maintained her stance that the release of
the documents was "grossly irresponsible". Gillard's partner since 2006 is Tim Mathieson. She has had previous relationships
with union officials Michael O'Connor and Bruce Wilson and fellow Federal Labor MP Craig Emerson. She has never married
and has no children. Gillard's mother told ABC TV's Australian Story that Gillard had spoken from a young age of never
wanting children. Gillard herself told the program that while she admired women who could balance child rearing with a
career, "I'm not sure I could have. There's something in me that's focused and single-minded and if I was going to do that, I'm
not sure I could have done this." She owns a home in the south-western Melbourne suburb of Altona which she occupied
prior to The Lodge and sold in December 2013 for $921,000. She currently resides in Adelaide, in the beachside suburb

of Brighton. She is a public supporter of theWestern Bulldogs AFL club. As for the NRL, she is a
supporter of the Melbourne Storm. Gillard was brought up in the Baptist tradition, but is not
religious. In a 2010 interview when asked if she believed in God, Gillard stated: "No I don't ... I'm
not a religious person ... I'm ... a great respecter of religious beliefs but they're not my beliefs."
In a 2013 interview with The Washington Post, she stated: "I think it would be inconceivable for
me if I were an American to have turned up at the highest echelon of American politics being an
atheist, single and childless." Gillard worked in the industrial department of the law firm Slater &
Gordon from 1988 through to 1995. In the early 1990s, she was also in a romantic relationship
with Bruce Wilson, an official of the Australian Workers Union (AWU). Gillard provided probono legal assistance to help establish the AWU Workplace Reform Association for Wilson and his
associate Ralph Blewitt. She was also involved in providing legal services in relation to the
purchase of a Fitzroy property by Wilson and Blewitt. Wilson and Blewitt have been accused of
creating the association in order to use a slush fund for personal benefit, including diverting
funds for the purchase of the house in Fitzroy. Slater & Gordon investigated Gillard's conduct and
prior to the conclusion of the investigation, Gillard took leave from the firm and later resigned to
pursue her political career. Around this time, Gillard also ended her relationship with Wilson. No finding of misconduct was
concluded by Slater and Gordon, and Gillard has denied any wrong doing. The issue was raised in Federal Parliament in June
2012 by Labor MP Robert McClelland (a supporter of Gillard's leadership rival, Kevin Rudd, whom Gillard had demoted). The
Federal Opposition devoted its questions for the final sitting week of Parliament of 2012 to the affair. The Opposition
concluded the week with a call for a judicial inquiry.

Anthony John "Tony" Abbott

(born November 4, 1957) is an Australian politician who was the 28th Prime Minister
of Australia from September 18, 2013 until September 15, 2015. Abbott was leader of the Liberal Party from 2009 to 2015.
Abbott is the Member of Parliament representing the Sydney-based Division of Warringah, having first been elected at a 1994
by-election. Abbott was born in London, England, to an Australian mother and English-born father who returned to Sydney in
1960. Prior to entering Parliament, he studied for a Bachelor of Economics and a Bachelor of Laws at the University of
Sydney, and later for a Master of Arts in Philosophy, Politics and Economics as a Rhodes Scholar at The Queen's College,
Oxford. After graduating, Abbott trained as a Roman Catholic seminarian, later working as a journalist, manager and political
advisor. In 1992, he was appointed director of Australians for Constitutional Monarchy, a position he held until 1994, when he
was successfully elected to parliament at the Warringah by-election. Abbott was first appointed to Cabinet following the 1998
election, as part of the Second Howard Ministry, becoming Minister for Employment, Workplace Relations and Small Business.
In 2003, he became Minister for Health and Ageing, retaining this position until the defeat of the Howard Government at the
2007 election. Initially serving in the Shadow Cabinets of Brendan Nelson and then Malcolm Turnbull, he resigned from the
frontbench in November 2009 in protest against Turnbull's support for the Rudd Government's proposed Emissions Trading
Scheme (ETS). Forcing a leadership ballot on the subject, Abbott defeated Turnbull by 42 votes to 41 to become the party's
leader and Leader of the Opposition. Abbott led the Coalition at the 2010 election, which resulted in a hung parliament.
Following negotiations, Labor formed a Government with the support of one Green MP and three independent MPs, and
Abbott was re-elected as Liberal Leader unopposed. He went on to lead the Coalition to victory at the 2013 election, and was
sworn in as the 28th Prime Minister of Australia on September 18, 2013. On September 14, 2015, he was defeated in a vote
for the Liberal leadership (54 votes to 44) by Malcolm Turnbull, who replaced him as prime minister the following day. Abbott
was born in London, England, on November 4, 1957, to an Australian mother, Fay Abbott (ne Peters), who was born in
Sydney, and an English father, Richard Henry "Dick" Abbott, born in Newcastle upon Tyne and raised in a nearby village. At
sixteen Richard emigrated to Australia with his English parents in 1940, during World War II. The first of Abbott's ancestors to
arrive in Australia was his maternal great-grandmother, Willemina Bredschneijder, who emigrated to Australia from the
Netherlands in 1912 with her five-year old son, Anthony Peters (Abbott's future grandfather). His maternal grandmother,
Phyllis Lacey, was born in Wales. After the war, Dick Abbott returned to the UK where he subsequently met and married Fay
Peters, an Australian dietitian. On September 7, 1960, Abbott and his family left the UK for Australia on the Assisted Passage
Migration Scheme ship Oronsay. His family first lived in Bronte and later moved to Chatswood, both suburbs of Sydney, New
South Wales. Dick Abbott established what was to become one of the largest orthodontics practices in Australia,retiring in
2002. Tony Abbott attended primary school at St Aloysius' College at Milson's Point, before completing his secondary school
education at St Ignatius' College, Riverview (both Jesuit schools). He graduated with a Bachelor of Economics (BEc) and a
Bachelor of Laws (LLB) from the University of Sydney where he resided at St John's College, and was president of the Student
Representative Council.Subsequently he attended The Queen's College, Oxford as a Rhodes Scholar, where he graduated
from in June 1983 with a Bachelor of Arts in Philosophy, Politics and Economics (PPE) and on October 21, 1989 with a Master
of Arts in PPE. Following his time in Britain, he returned to Australia and advised his family of an intention to join the
priesthood. During his university days, Abbott gained media attention for his political stance opposing the then dominant leftwing student leadership. On one occasion he was even beaten up at a university conference. A student newspaper editor with
political views opposed to those of Abbott took him to court for indecent assault after he touched her during a student
debate; these charges were dismissed by the court. According to the Sun-Herald newspaper, it was "an ugly and often violent
time", and Abbott's tactics in student politics were like "an aggressive terrier". Abbott organised rallies in support of
Governor-General John Kerr after he dismissed the Whitlam Government in November 1975, as well as a pro-Falklands War
demonstration during his period at Oxford. Abbott was a student boxer, earning two Blues for boxing while at Oxford. Abbott
was a heavyweight with modest height and reach. When Abbott was 19, his girlfriend became pregnant and claimed Abbott
was the biological father. The couple did not marry and put the child up for adoption. For 27 years, Abbott believed that he
fathered this child. In 2004, the boy sought out his biological mother and it was publicly revealed that the child had become
an ABC sound recordist who worked in Parliament House, Canberra, and was involved in making television programs in which
Abbott appeared. The story was reported around the world, but DNA testing later revealed that Abbott was not the man's
father. In 1984, aged 26, Abbott entered St Patrick's Seminary, Manly. At St. Ignatius College, Riverview, Abbott had been
taught and influenced by the Jesuits. At university, he encountered B. A. Santamaria, a noted and controversial Catholic
layman and political activist who had led a movement against Communism within the Australian trade union movement and
Labor Party a generation earlier, which had resulted in a long, bitter and heavily sectarian split in both Victoria and
Queensland. Abbott did not complete his studies at the seminary, leaving the institution in 1987. Interviewed prior to the
2013 election, Abbott said of his time as a trainee priest: "The Jesuits had helped to instil in me this thought that our calling in

life was to be, to use the phrase: 'a man for others'. And I thought then that the best way in which I could be a 'man for
others' was to become a priest. I discovered pretty soon that I was a bit of a square peg in a round hole ... eventually working
out that, I'm afraid, I just didn't have what it took to be an effective priest. Following his departure from the seminary, Abbott
met and married Margaret "Margie" Aitken, a New Zealander working in Sydney. Abbott and his wife have three daughters:
Louise, Bridget and Frances. Abbott worked in journalism, briefly ran a concrete plant and began to get involved in national
politics.Throughout his time as a student and seminarian, he was writing articles for newspapers and magazinesfirst for
Honi Soit (the University of Sydney student newspaper) and later The Catholic Weekly and national publications such as The
Bulletin. He eventually became a journalist and wrote for The Australian. Abbott began his public life when he was employed
as a journalist for The Bulletin, an influential news magazine, and later for The Australian newspaper. While deciding his
future career path, Abbott had developed friendships with senior figures in the New South Wales Labor Party, and was
encouraged by Bob Carr, as well as Johno Johnson, to join the Labor Party and run for office. Abbott felt uncomfortable with
the role of unions within the party however, and wrote in his biography that he felt Labor "just wasn't the party (for me)". For
a time he worked as a plant manager for Pioneer Concrete before becoming press secretary to Liberal Leader John Hewson
from 1990 to 1993, helping to develop the Fightback! policy. Prime Minister John Howard wrote in his autobiography that
Abbott had considered working on his staff prior to accepting the position with The Bulletin, and it was on Howard's
recommendation that Hewson engaged Abbott. According to Howard, he and Abbott had established a good rapport, but
Hewson and Abbott fell out shortly before the 1993 election, and Abbott ended up in search of work following the re-election
of the Keating Government. He was approached to head Australians for Constitutional Monarchy (ACM), the main group
organising support for the maintenance of the Monarchy in Australia amidst the Keating Government's campaign for a change
to a republic. Between 1993 and 1994, Abbott served as the Executive Director of ACM. According to biographer Michael
Duffy, Abbott's involvement with ACM "strengthened his relationship with John Howard, who in 1994 suggested he seek preselection for a by-election in the seat of Warringah." Howard provided a glowing reference and Abbott won pre-selection for
the safe Liberal seat. Despite his conservative leanings, Abbott has acknowledged he voted for Labor in the 1988 NSW state
election as he thought "Barrie Unsworth was the best deal Premier that New South Wales had ever had" . Nevertheless,
Abbott then clarified that he has never voted for Labor in a federal election. Abbott won Liberal preselection for the federal
Division of Warringah by-election in March 1994 following the resignation of Michael MacKellar. He easily held this safe Liberal
seat in the Liberals' traditional North Shore heartland, suffering only a 1 percent swing in the primary vote.He easily won the
seat in his own right in Australian federal election, 1996, and has only dropped below 59 percent of the two-party vote once,
in 2001; that year independent Peter Macdonald, the former member for the state seat of Manly, held Abbott to only 55
percent. He served as the parliamentary secretary to the Minister for Employment, Education, Training and Youth Affairs
(199698), Minister for Employment Services (19982001), Minister for Employment and Workplace Relations and Small
Business (2001), Minister for Employment and Workplace Relations (200103) and Minister for Health and Ageing from 2003
to November 2007. From late 2001 to November 2007, he was also Manager of Government Business in the House of
Representatives. As a Parliamentary Secretary, Abbott oversaw the establishment of the Green Corps program which involved
young people in environmental restoration work. As Minister for Employment Services, he oversaw the implementation of the
Job Network and was responsible for the government's Work for the Dole scheme. He also commissioned the Cole Royal
Commission into "thuggery and rorts" in the construction industry and created the Office of the Australian Building and
Construction Commissioner in response and to lift productivity. The Liberal Party allowed members a free choice in the 1999
republic referendum. Abbott was one of the leading voices within the Party campaigning for the successful "No" vote, pitting
him against future Parliamentary colleague and leading Republican Malcolm Turnbull. When Abbott was promoted to the
Cabinet in 2000, Prime Minister Howard described him as an effective performer with an endearing style, whereas the
Opposition described him as a "bomb thrower."Howard appointed Abbott to replace Kay Patterson as Minister for Health in
2003, during a period of contentious Medicare reform and a crisis in Medical Indemnity Insurance, in which the price of
insurance was forcing doctors out of practice. The Australian Medical Association was threatening to pull out all Australian
doctors. Abbott worked with the states to address the crisis and keep the system running. Health care initiatives instigated by
Abbott include the Nurse Family Partnership, a long term scheme aimed at improving conditions for indigenous youth by
improving mother-child relationships. The scheme was successful in reducing child abuse and improving school retention
rates. In 2005, Abbott was holidaying with his family in Bali when the Bali bombings occurred. Abbott visited the victims of
the bombings in hospital, and, in his capacity as health minister organised for Australians who required lifesaving emergency
surgery and hospitalisation to be flown to Singapore. Abbott was involved in controversy in 2006 for opposing access to the
abortion drug RU486, and the Parliament voted to strip Health Ministers of the power to regulate this area of policy. During
this time Abbott likened the act of having an abortion to committing a murder, saying "... we have a bizarre double standard,
a bizarre double standard in this country where someone who kills a pregnant woman's baby is guilty of murder but a woman
who aborts an unborn baby is simply exercising choice". He introduced the Medicare Safety Net to cap the annual out-ofpocket costs of Medicare cardholders to a maximum amount. In 2007 he attracted criticism over long delays in funding for
cancer diagnostic equipment (PET scanners). According to Sydney Morning Herald's political editor, Peter Hartcher, prior to
the defeat of the Howard Government at the 2007 election, Abbott had opposed the government's centrepiece WorkChoices
industrial relations deregulation reform in Cabinet, on the basis that the legislation exceeded the government's mandate; was
harsh on workers; and was politically dangerous to the government. John Howard wrote in his 2010 autobiography that Abbott
was "never a zealot about pursuing industrial relations changes" and expressed "concern about making too many changes"
during Cabinet's discussion of Workchoices. Abbott campaigned as Minister for Health at the 2007 election. On October 31,
2007 he apologised for saying "just because a person is sick doesn't mean that he is necessarily pure of heart in all things",
after Bernie Banton, an asbestos campaigner and terminal mesothelioma sufferer, complained that Abbott was unavailable to
collect a petition. The Coalition lost government in 2007 and Abbott was re-elected to the seat of Warringah with a 1.8%
swing toward the Labor Party. Following Peter Costello's rejection of the leadership of the Parliamentary Liberal Party, Abbott
nominated for the position of party leader, along with Malcolm Turnbull and Brendan Nelson. After canvassing the support of
his colleagues, Abbott decided to withdraw his nomination. He seemingly did not have the numbers, noting that he was
"obviously very closely identified with the outgoing prime minister."He said he would not rule out contesting the leadership at
some time in the future. Ironically of the three candidates, Abbott was the only one who had previous experience in
Opposition. Nelson was elected as Liberal leader in December 2007, and Abbott was assigned the Shadow Portfolio of
Families, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs. As indigenous affairs spokesman, Abbott said that it had been a

mistake for the Howard Government not to offer a National Apology to the Stolen Generations; spent time teaching at remote
Aboriginal communities; and argued for the Rudd Government to continue the Northern Territory National Emergency
Response which restricted alcohol and introduced conditional welfare in certain Aboriginal communities. During this period in
Opposition, Abbott wrote Battlelines, a biography and reflection on the Howard Government, and potential future policy
directions for the Liberal Party. In the book, Abbott said that in certain aspects the Australian Federation was "dysfunctional"
and in need of repair. He recommended the establishment of local hospital and school boards to manage health and
education; and discussed family law reform; multiculturalism, climate change; and international relations. The book received
a favourable review from former Labor Party speech writer Bob Ellis and The Australian described it as "read almost
universally as Abbott's intellectual application for the party's leadership after the Turnbull experiment". The number of
unauthorised boat arrivals to Australia increased during 2008. Abbott claimed that this was an effect of the Rudd
Government's easing of border protection laws and accused Kevin Rudd of ineptitude and hypocrisy on the issue of boat
arrivals, particularly during the Oceanic Viking affair of October 2009, and said "John Howard found a problem and created a
solution. Kevin Rudd found a solution and has now created a problem". During November 2009, Abbott resigned from shadow
ministerial responsibilities due to the Liberal Party's position on the Rudd Government's Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS),
leading to the resignation of other shadow ministers. On December 1, 2009, Abbott was elected to the position of Leader of
the Liberal Party of Australia over Turnbull and Shadow Treasurer Joe Hockey. Abbott proposed blocking the government's ETS
in the Senate whereas Turnbull sought to amend then pass the bill which the majority of the Liberal Party did not support.
Abbott named his Shadow Cabinet on December 8, 2009. Abbott described Prime Minister Rudd's Emission Trading plan as a
'Great big tax on everything' and opposed it. The Coalition and minor parties voted against the government's ETS legislation
in the Senate and the legislation was rejected. Abbott announced a new Coalition policy on carbon emission reduction in
February, which committed the Coalition to a 5 per cent reduction in emissions by 2020. Abbott proposed the creation of an
'emissions reduction fund' to provide 'direct' incentives to industry and farmers to reduce carbon emissions. In April, Rudd
announced that plans for the introduction his ETS would be delayed until 2013. When appointed to the Liberal leadership, the
subject of Abbott's Catholicism and moral beliefs became a subject of repeated media questioning. Various commentators
suggested that his traditionalist views would polarise female voters. He told press gallery journalist Laurie Oakes that he does
not do doorstop interviews in front of church but regularly faces pointed questions about his faith which were not being put to
the prime minister, Kevin Rudd, who conducted weekly church door press conferences following his attendances at Anglican
services. In a 60 Minutes interview aired on March 7, 2010, Abbott was asked: "Homosexuality? How do you feel about that?".
He replied: "I'd probably feel a bit threatened ... it's a fact of life and I try to treat people as people and not put them in
pigeonholes." In later interviews Abbott apologised for the remark. Unknown to journalists at the time, Abbott has a lesbian
sister, for whom he has subsequently voiced public support. In March 2010, Abbott, announced a new policy initiative to
provide for six months paid parental leave, funded by an increase in corporate tax by 1.7 per cent on all taxable company
income of more than $5 million. Business groups and the government opposed the plan, however it won support from the
Australian Greens. During his time as Opposition Spokesman for Indigenous Affairs, Abbott spent time in remote Cape York
Aboriginal communities as a teacher, organised through prominent indigenous activist Noel Pearson. Abbott has repeatedly
spoken of his admiration for Pearson, and in March 2010, introduced the Wild Rivers (Environmental Management) Bill to
Parliament in support of Pearson's campaign to overturn the Queensland government's Wild Rivers legislation. Abbott and
Pearson believed that the QLD law would 'block the economic development' of indigenous land, and interfere with Aboriginal
land rights. Abbott completed an Ironman Triathlon event in March 2010 at Port Macquarie, New South Wales and in April set
out on a 9-day charity bike ride between Melbourne and Sydney, the annual Pollie Pedal, generating political debate about
whether Abbott should have committed so much time to physical fitness. Abbott described the events as an opportunity to
"stop at lots of little towns along the way where people probably never see or don't very often see a federal member of
Parliament." In his first Budget reply speech as Opposition Leader, Abbott sought to portray the Rudd Government's third
budget as a "tax and spend" budget and promised to fight the election on the new mining "super-profits" tax proposed by
Rudd. On June 24, 2010, Julia Gillard replaced Kevin Rudd as Australian Labor Party leader and Prime Minister. The
replacement of Rudd was unusual in Australian political history and the Rudd-Gillard rivalry was to remain a vexed issue for
the Gillard Government into the 2010 election and its subsequent term and remainder of Abbott's term as opposition leader.
On July 17, 2010 Gillard called the 2010 federal election for August 21, 2010. Polls in the first week gave a view that Labor
would be re-elected with an increased majority, with Newspoll showing a lead of 10 points (5545) two party preferred and
the Essential poll similarly reflecting Newspoll. The two leaders met for one official debate during the campaign. Studio
audience surveys by Channel 9 and Seven Network suggested a win to Gillard. Unable to agree on further debates, the
leaders went on to appear separately on stage for questioning at community fora in Sydney and Brisbane. In Sydney on
August 11, 2010 Abbott's opening statement focused on his main election messages of government debt, taxation and
asylum seekers. An audience exit poll of the Rooty Hill RSL audience accorded Abbott victory. Gillard won the audience poll at
Broncos Leagues Club meeting in Brisbane on August 18, 2010. Abbott appeared for public questioning on the ABC's Q&A
program on August 16, 2010. Labor and the Coalition each won 72 seats in the 150-seat House of Representatives,[ four
short of the requirement for majority government, resulting in the first hung parliament since the 1940 election. Abbott and
Gillard commenced a 17-day period of negotiation with the crossbenchers over who would form government. On the
crossbench, four independent members, one member of the National Party of Western Australia and one member of the
Australian Greens held the balance of power. Following the negotiations, the incumbent Gillard Labor government formed a
minority government with the support of an Australian Greens MP and three independent MPs on the basis of confidence and
supply, while another independent and the WA National gave their confidence and supply support to the Coalition, resulting in
Labor holding a 7674 tally of votes on the floor of the Parliament. The Coalition finished with 49.88 percent of the two party
preferred vote, obtaining a national swing of around 2.6%. During negotiations, the Independents requested that both major
parties' policies be costed by the apolitical Australian Treasury. The Coalition initially resisted the idea, citing concerns over
Treasury leaks, however the Coalition eventually allowed the analysis. Treasury endorsed Labor's budget costings but
projected that Coalition policies would only add between $860 million and $4.5 billion to the bottom line (the Coalition had
projected that its promises would add about $11.5 billion to the budget bottom line over the next four years).The close result
was lauded by former Prime Minister John Howard, who wrote in 2010 that Abbott had shifted the dynamic of Australian
politics after coming to the leadership in 2009 and "deserves hero status among Liberals". Following the 2010 election,
Abbott and his deputy, Julie Bishop, were re-elected unopposed as leaders of the Liberal Party. Abbott announced his shadow

ministry on September 14, 2010 with few changes to senior positions, but with the return of former leadership rival Malcolm
Turnbull, whom he selected as Communications spokesman. Abbott announced that he wanted Turnbull to prosecute the
Opposition's case against the Gillard Government's proposed expenditure on a National Broadband Network. Following the
20102011 Queensland floods, Abbott opposed plans by the Gillard government to impose a "flood levy" on taxpayers to fund
reconstruction efforts. Abbott said that funding should be found within the existing budget. Abbott announced a proposal for
a taskforce to examine further construction of dams in Australia to deal with flood impact and food security. In February 2011,
Abbott criticised the Gillard government's handling of health reform and proposal for a 5050 public hospitals funding
arrangement with the states and territories, describing the revised Labor Party proposal as "the biggest surrender since
Singapore". Abbott considered a carbon tax the best way to set a price on carbon but a year year later opposed Prime
Minister Gillard's February 2010 announcement of a proposal for the introduction of a "carbon tax", and called on her to take
the issue to an election. Abbott said that Gillard had lied to the electorate over the issue because Gillard and her Treasurer
Wayne Swan had repeatedly ruled out the introduction of a carbon tax in the lead up to the 2010 election. In April 2011,
Abbott proposed consultation with Indigenous people over a bipartisan Federal Government intervention in Northern Territory
towns like Alice Springs, Katherine and Tennant Creek, which would cover such areas as police numbers and school
attendance in an effort to address what he described as a "failed state" situation developing in areas of the Northern Territory.
April saw Abbott announce a $430 million policy plan to improve the employment prospects of people with serious mental
health problems Australia. Following the first Gillard Government budget in May 2011, Abbott used his budget-reply speech to
reiterate his recent critiques of government policy and call for an early election over the issue of a carbon tax. Rhetorically
echoing Liberal party founder, Robert Menzies, Abbott addressed remarks to the "forgotten families". In June 2011, Abbott for
the first time led Gillard in the Newspoll as preferred Prime Minister. In September 2011, he announced a plan to develop an
agricultural food bowl in the north of Australia by developing dams for irrigation and hydroelectricity. Coalition task force
leader Andrew Robb claimed that Australia currently produced enough food for 60 million people, but that the coalition plan
could double this to 120 million people by 2040. The head of the Northern Australia Land and Water Taskforce expressed
concerns with the economic and environmental viability of this plan as well as its effects on the indigenous Australian
communities in northern Australia. Reflecting on indigenous issues on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the Aboriginal
Tent Embassy on Australia Day 2012, Abbott said that there had been many positive developments in indigenous affairs in
recent decades including Rudd's apology and moves to include indigenous Australians in the Australian Constitution. Later
that day, Abbott became the target of protesters from the "Embassy" after one of Gillard's advisers contacted a union official
who advised Tent Embassy protesters of Abbott's whereabouts and misrepresented Abbott's views on Aboriginal affairs to
them, saying he intended to "pull down" the embassy. A major security scare resulted, which was broadcast around the world,
and resulted in Gillard and Abbott being rushed to a government car amid a throng of security and fears for their safety. In an
address to the National Press Club on January 31, 2012, Abbott outlined some of his plans for government if elected. These
included an intent to live one week of every year in an indigenous Australian community, and to prune government
expenditure and cut taxes. Abbott also announced "aspirational" targets for a disability insurance scheme and a subsidised
dentistry program once the budget had been restored to "strong surplus". Abbott responded to the February 2012 Labor
leadership crisis by criticising the cross bench independents for keeping Labor in power and renewed his calls for a general
election to select the next Prime Minister of Australia. In criticising the Gillard Government on foreign policy, Abbott said that
"foreign policy should have a Jakarta rather than a Geneva focus". Following his attendance at the 10th anniversary
commemoration of the Bali bombing in Bali, Abbott travelled to Jakarta with his Shadow Ministers for Foreign Affairs and
Immigration for a meeting with Indonesian President Yudhoyono and Foreign Minister Marty Natalegawa. In April, Rudd
announced that plans to introduce the ETS would be delayed until 2013. Abbott promised a "no-surprises principle" for
dealings with Indonesia. The presidential reception was an unusual occurrence for an opposition leader. In November 2012,
Abbott launched his fourth book, A Strong Australia, a compilation of nine of his "landmark speeches" from 2012, including
his budget reply and National Press Club addresses. At the federal election on September 7, 2013, Abbott led the
Liberal/National coalition to a victory over the incumbent Labor government, led by Kevin Rudd. Abbott and his ministry were
sworn in on September 18, 2013. On his first day as Prime Minister, Abbott introduced legislation into Parliament to repeal the
Carbon Tax, and commenced Operation Sovereign Borders, the Coalition's policy to stop illegal maritime arrivals, which
received strong public support. Abbott announced a Royal Commission into trade union governance and corruption on
February 11, 2014. This was followed by amendments to the Fair Work Act, and a "Repeal Day", where more that 10,000 "Red
Tape" regulations were repealed. Abbot has called for more Chinese investment in Australia and would welcome Chinese
participation in joint military exercises in the Northern Territory. The 2014 Australian federal budget was released on May 13.
As Prime Minister, Abbott oversaw free trade agreements signed with Japan, South Korea and China. The Carbon Tax Repeal
Bill passed both houses of Parliament on 17 July 2014 and the Mining Tax Repeal Bill passed both houses of Parliament on 2
September 2014 after negotiations with the Palmer United Party. The Abbott Government's first budget, delivered by
Treasurer Joe Hockey, was criticised by the Opposition as "cruel" and unfair" and a large number of budget saving measures
were blocked by the crossbench in the Senate. Hockey and Abbott were both criticised for their inability to "sell" the necessity
of the budget cuts to the cross bench or the public. Hockey was further criticised for several "out of touch" and "insensitive"
comments in subsequent months, however, the prime minister continuously publicly backed the treasurer, refusing to replace
him with a better performing minister. On March 25, 2014, Abbott announced that he had advised the Queen to reinstate the
knight and dame system of honours to the Order of Australia. Outgoing Governor-General Quentin Bryce and her
successor, Peter Cosgrove, became the first recipients of the reinstated honours. Controversy ensued when Abbott
announced on Australia Day 2015 that Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh, the Queen's husband and a resident of the United
Kingdom, would be appointed a Knight of the Order of Australia. This decision was widely criticised, including by members of
the government, and fuelled speculation that the prime minister's leadership could be challenged. On November 2, 2015,
new prime minister Malcolm Turnbull announced that knights and dames had been removed from the Order of Australia, as
"not appropriate in our modern honours system", although existing titles would not be affected. On February 6, 2015, Liberal
backbencher Luke Simpkins announced that he would move a motion, at a meeting of the party room, for a spill of the federal
Liberal Party's leadership positions. Simpkins stated that such a motion would give Liberal members of parliament and
senators the opportunity to either endorse the Prime Minister or "seek a new direction." The meeting was held on February 9,
2015 and the spill motion was defeated by 61 votes to 39. Both Malcolm Turnbull and deputy leader Julie Bishop were
speculated to be considering a leadership run if the spill motion had succeeded. Prime Minister Abbott described the

leadership motion as a "near death experience" and declared that "good government starts today", promising to consult his
colleagues more, to shy away from his so called "captain's calls" and to reduce the role of his controversial chief of staff Peta
Credlin. Another of Abbott's "captain's calls", the appointment of former Howard Government minister Bronwyn
Bishop as Speaker of the Australian House of Representatives, caused controversy because of Bishop's partisan management
of the House and for her decision to attend Liberal party room meetings despite the convention that the Speaker be impartial
regardless of political alignment. Bishop came under intense media scrutiny in July 2015 after details of her use of tax payer
funded political entitlements were made public, including chartering a helicopter flight between Melbourne and Geelong to
attend a Liberal party fundraiser. Abbott was criticised over his handling of the entitlements scandal as he allowed the
controversy to drag on for weeks because of his refusal to sack the Speaker, a close friend and political mentor. Despite
Abbott's support, Bishop resigned as Speaker on August 2, 2015. On August 11, 2015, after weeks of renewed debate
about same-sex marriage in Australia, Abbott confronted the issue by agreeing to hold a party room vote on whether to allow
government members a free vote on the issue. Abbott shocked the pro-gay marriage members of the government by holding
the vote in the Coalition party room, rather than the Liberal party room, virtually ensuring the vote would fail because
practically all of the conservative National MP's and senators are against gay marriage. Abbott was openly criticised by his
Education Minister Christopher Pyne, a Liberal who supports marriage equality, who suggested that the Prime Minister was
"branch stacking" in order to get his way over gay marriage. The Coalition party room voted against allowing a free vote on
the issue 66 to 33. Despite this, several government backbenchers declared they would cross the floor to vote in favour when
the issue is put before the Parliament. Abbott announced that the government plans to hold a "people's vote" on the issue
following the next election, despite opinion polling consistently showing that close to 70% of Australians support the reform.
Abbott did not initially specify whether the vote would be in the form of a plebiscite or a referendum, which caused public
infighting amongst members of his cabinet who disagreed on the matter; however, he later confirmed that the vote would be
in the form of a non-binding plebiscite. On September 14, 2015, Malcolm Turnbull, the Minister for Communications, resigned
and stated his intention to challenge the Liberal Party leadership in aleadership spill. Turnbull stated that Abbott "was
not capable of providing the economic leadership we need" and that the Liberal Party needs a "style of leadership that
respects the people's intelligence". A party-room meeting held that evening saw Abbott defeated by Turnbull on a 54-44 vote.
According to The Economist, his demise was a result of poor opinion polling, policy U-turns and gaffes, mean-spirited politics
and being "readier to alarm Australians about security for instance the threat of militant Islam in their midst than to develop
an inspired economic agenda". Abbott's final speech as Prime Minister on September 15, did not address his political
future. However, he announced the next day that he would remain in Parliament.Abbott has an active interest in Indigenous
Affairs. As Opposition Leader, Abbott said that he would prioritise indigenous affairs, saying: "There will be, in effect, a prime
minister for Aboriginal affairs". As Prime Minister, Abbott reformed the administration of the portfolio, moving it into the
Department of Prime Minister. As Health Minister Abbott established the Nurse Family Partnership to improve conditions for
indigenous youths. Before becoming Opposition Leader, he served as Shadow Minister for Indigenous Affairs. He has worked
closely with Cape York Aboriginal activist Noel Pearson. He has volunteered as a teacher in remote Aboriginal Communities
and gave a commitment to continue to live one week a year in such communities if elected Prime Minister. He actively
supports recognition of Aboriginal people in the Australian constitution. In contrast to his mentor John Howard, as Opposition
Leader, Abbott has praised Rudd's National Apology to the Stolen Generation. While the Coalition and Labor parties were
engaged in negotiations with crossbenchers to obtain minority government in 2010, Noel Pearson lobbied Rob Oakeshott to
back Abbott as a "once-in-a-generation" conservative who could lead the way on reconciliation and described his policies as
"more progressive on the question of Aboriginal rights than the Labor and Greens position". Rising to support the passage of
the Gillard Government's historic Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples Recognition Bill through the House of
Representatives in 2013, Abbott said: Australia is a blessed country. Our climate, our land, our people, our institutions rightly
make us the envy of the earth, except for one thingwe have never fully made peace with the First Australians. This is the
stain on our soul that Prime Minister Keating so movingly evoked at Redfern 21 years ago. We have to acknowledge that pre1788 this land was as Aboriginal then as it is Australian now. Until we have acknowledged that we will be an incomplete
nation and a torn people ... So our challenge is to do now in these times what should have been done 200 or 100 years ago to
acknowledge Aboriginal people in our country's foundation document. In short, we need to atone for the omissions and for
the hardness of heart of our forebears to enable us all to embrace the future as a united people. In November 2012, Abbott
flew to Alice Springs to back Aboriginal Country Liberal Party MLA Alison Anderson to run in the federal seat of Lingiari and
become the first indigenous woman to enter Parliament. Abbott said that he was very proud that West Australian MP Ken
Wyatt, whom he described as "urban", was sitting with the Coalition as the first Indigenous Australian in the House of
Representatives, and that it would be "terrific" to also have "an Aboriginal person from central Australia, an authentic
representative of the ancient cultures of central Australia in the parliament. West Australian state Labor MP Ben Wyatt
(nephew of Ken Wyatt) claimed this was "offensive", and an "attack" on Ken Wyatt which demonstrated that Abbott had "no
understanding at all about Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal history. To suggest that Ken is not a sufficient Aboriginal for Tony
Abbott because he's not a man of culture." In April 2010 while on the panel of Q&A, Tony Abbott was asked whether his vision
for Australia involved any kind of republican model, and whether he agreed that Indigenous Australians cannot celebrate
Australia Day. Abbott stated his support for existing constitutional arrangements in Australia, and said that, "I know that there
are some Aboriginal people who aren't happy with Australia Day. For them it remains Invasion Day. I think a better view is the
view of Noel Pearson, who has said that Aboriginal people have much to celebrate in this country's British Heritage. I know
not everyone agrees with him, but I think there's much to be said for that view and I think that Aboriginal heritage
Australia's Aboriginal heritage should be important to all of us and I think that Australia's British and western heritage should
also be important to all of us." In July 2010, when speaking about ending disadvantages faced by indigenous Australians,
Abbott stated: "There may not be a great job for them but whatever there is, they just have to do it, and if it's picking up
rubbish around the community, it just has to be done. The statement was later used in an advertisement launched by GetUp!
in its advertising campaign against Abbott at the 2013 Australian federal election. Abbott is a supporter of the constitutional
monarchy in Australia. Prior to entering Parliament, he was Executive Director of Australians for Constitutional Monarchy from
199394. Arguing against the case for a republican system of government in Australia in 1999, Abbott outlined his beliefs on
conservatism and the monarchy: There are some people who believe that any republic would be better than what we have
now. "Republic or bust" zealots are incapable of perceiving any difficulties. Conservatives, however, don't change anything
lightly. Conservatives approach issues with instinctive respect for institutions and approaches that have stood the test of

time. "If it is not necessary to change" the conservative ethos runs, "it is necessary not to change". "If it ain't broke, don't fix
it" say conservatives, "and if it is broke, recycle it, don't throw it away". Abbott supports the argument espoused by former
Prime Minister John Howard and Justice Michael Kirby that Australia is presently and should remain a crowned republic. He
predicted in his 2009 book Battlelines that Australia would still be a crowned republic in 2020. In March 2014 Abbott
reintroduced Knight and Dame honours to the Order of Australia, without discussing it in the Cabinet, and despite stating a
few months earlier that had no plans to do so. The titles of Knight and Dame of the Order of Australia were initially introduced
in 1976 by the Fraser Government and discontinued by the Hawke Government in 1986. Restoring these honours has been
described as "anachronistic" both by the leader of the opposition Bill Shorten and former Liberal prime minister Howard. Prior
to becoming Opposition Leader, Tony Abbott initially supported proposals by Liberal leaders Howard and Turnbull to introduce
floating prices to reduce carbon emissions, but also expressed some doubts as to the science and economics underlying such
initiatives. In 2009 Abbott announced his opposition to Turnbull's support for the Rudd Government's Emissions Trading
Scheme proposal, and successfully challenged Turnbull for the Liberal leadership, chiefly over this issue. As Opposition
Leader, Abbott declared that he accepted that climate change was real and that humans were having an impact on it, but
rejected carbon pricing as a means to address the issue, proposing instead to match the Labor government's 5% emissions
reduction target through implementation of a "direct action" climate plan, involving financial incentives for emissions
reductions by industry, and support for carbon storage in soils and expanded forests. On the eve of the 2013 Election, Abbott
told the ABC: [J]ust to make it clear... I think that climate change is real, humanity makes a contribution. It's important to take
strong and effective action against it, and that is what our direct action policy does... The important thing is to take strong
and effective action to tackle climate change, action that doesn't damage our economy. And that is why the incentive-based
system that we've got, the direct action policies, which are quite similar to those that president Obama has put into practice,
is - that's the smart way to deal with this, a big tax is a dumb way to deal with it. Abbott on ABC TV Insiders prior to 2013
election. Abbott's predecessor as Liberal leader, Turnbull, wrote that Abbott had described himself as a 'weathervane' in
relation to climate change policy in the months prior to his becoming leader of the Liberal Party. Prior to becoming Opposition
Leader in November 2009, Abbott told the ABC's 7:30 Report in July, that though he thought the science of climate change
was "highly contentious" and that he thought that the economics of an ETS was "a bit dodgy", he nevertheless thought that
the Opposition should pass the Rudd government's ETS as he did not think it would be "a good look for the Opposition to be
browner than Howard going into the next election". At an October 2009 meeting in the Victorian town of Beaufort, Abbott
was reported to have said: "The argument is absolute crap ... However, the politics of this are tough for us. 80% of people
believe climate change is a real and present danger". On December 1, 2009, when questioned about that statement, he said
he had used "a bit of hyperbole" at that meeting rather than it being his "considered position". In November, Abbott outlined
his objections to the Rudd Government's carbon pricing plan on the ABC's Lateline program: I am always reluctant to join
bandwagons. I think there are fashions in science and in the academe, just as there are fashions in so many other things. But
look, we should take reasonable precautions against credible threats. I think it is perfectly reasonable to take action against
climate change. The problem with the Rudd Government's position is that Australia could end up impoverishing itself through
this dramatic ETS, and not do anything for the environment if the rest of the world does not adopt an ETS or something like it.
Abbott on ABC TV Lateline, November 2009. Upon becoming Leader of the Opposition, Abbott put the question of support
for the Government's Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme (CPRS) to a secret ballot and the Liberal Party voted to reject
support for the policy overturning an undertaking by Turnbull, to support an amended version of the government's scheme.
Under Abbott, the Coalition joined the Greens and voted against the CPRS in the Senate, and the bill was defeated twice,
providing a double dissolution trigger. Abbott's alternative 'direct-action' climate policy involved a 5% reduction in emissions
by means of creating a $2.5bn fund to provide incentives for industry and farmers to reduce emissions and through measures
like storing carbon in soil; planting 20 million trees over the next decade; and providing $1000 rebates to homes for
installation of solar cells. However estimates by Federal Treasury put the likely cost of such a scheme at A$10 billion a year or
more. The Rudd government eventually deferred its CPRS legislation until 2013. With Abbott as Opposition Leader, the Liberal
party opposed a carbon emissions tax and an Emissions Trading Scheme and said that, in the absence of a global marketbased mechanism, "direct action" is the better approach for Australia. Abbott predicted in March 2012 that the Gillard
government's carbon tax would be the world's "biggest". A January 2013 OECD report on taxation of energy use measured
Australia's effective tax rate on carbon at July 1, 2012 as among the lower rates in the OECD. In July 2011, Abbott criticised
the proposed powers of the government's carbon tax regulator, telling John Laws that policing of the carbon tax would be
difficult: "carbon dioxide is invisible, it's weightless and it's odourless. How are we going to police these emissions... this
carbon cop is going to be an extraordinarily intrusive instrumentality". Although opposing the Labor party's environmental
policies, claiming that Labor would increase electricity prices, the Liberal party is in bipartisan support for the Mandatory
Renewable Energy Targets, which would see an increase to electricity prices. Abbott is an opponent of embryonic stem cell
research and euthanasia. He has said that abortion should be "safe, legal and rare". He tried, but failed, to block the
introduction of the abortion pill RU-486, but promised not to change abortion law if elected. As Health Minister, Abbott said he
saw reducing the number of abortions performed each year as a national priority. He promised to launch an investigation into
a product called Pink or Blue, produced by the American firm Consumer Genetics. This test is one of several pre-natal blood
tests designed to detect the sex of a fetus as early as six weeks into pregnancy. Some ethicists and anti-abortion
campaigners have raised concerns that it could be used for sex-selective abortion. Abbott opposed allowing the introduction
of embryonic stem cell research or therapeutic cloning in another conscience vote. He argued, "There are very important
ethical questions here and even the very best end does not justify every possible means." In his 2009 book Battlelines,
Abbott proposed that consideration should be given to a return to an optional at-fault divorce agreement between couples
who would like it, similar to the Matrimonial Causes Act, which would require spouses to prove offences like adultery, habitual
drunkenness, cruelty, desertion, or a five-year separation before a divorce would be granted. Abbott said that this would be a
way of "providing additional recognition to what might be thought of as traditional marriage". Abbott opposes euthanasia.
Addressing a 2009 Intelligence squared debate, he said, "Love, not death, is our obligation and our duty [to the sick]. I would
be slow to judge anyone who helped the passage to death [who really needed it] ... Let's not make bad laws on hard cases."
In his argument, he feared that legalised euthanasia could result in doctors avoiding complex responses and that there was,
in some cases, a danger of unscrupulous relatives who might abuse the practice in the interests of gaining an inheritance. In
2010, when Abbott told the ABC's Q&A program that an Abbott-led government would not amend Australian law to recognise
gay marriage, he said, "I certainly want to see just a general principle. I want to see stable, committed relationships, but I

do think that a marriage, by definition, is between a man and a woman." In the first few months of his
Prime Ministership, the Australian Capital Territory Legislative Assembly passed the Marriage Equality
(Same Sex) Act 2013, a bill to allow same-sex couples to legally marry. Abbott announced that the
federal government would challenge this decision in the High Court. The case was heard on December
3, 2013. Nine days later, on December 12, 2013, the High Court gave judgement that the Same Sex
Act would be dismantled as it clashed with the Federal Marriage Act 1961. Abbott is a Roman Catholic.
Prior to the 2013 Election, Abbott spoke of his religious outlook: The Jesuits helped to instill in me this
thought that our calling in life was to be... 'a man for others'... I am a pretty traditional Catholic... I'm
not an evangelical, a charismatic Christian, I'm not. I try to attend Mass, but I don't get there every
Sunday any more... Faith has certainly helped to shape my life, but it doesn't in any way determine my
politics...". Tony Abbott on ABC TV's Kitchen Cabinet; September 2013. As a former Catholic
seminarian, Abbott's religiosity has come to national attention and journalists have often sought his
views on the role of religion in politics. According to John Warhurst, of the Australian National University, academics have at
times placed an "exaggerated concentration on the religious affiliation and personal religious background of just one of [the
Howard government's] senior ministers, Tony Abbott." Journalist Michelle Grattan wrote in 2010 that while Abbott has always
"worn his Catholicism on his sleeve", he is "clearly frustrated by the obsession with [it] and what might hang off that". Abbott
has said that a politician should not rely on religion to justify a political point of view: We are all influenced by a value system
that we hold, but in the end, every decision that a politician makes is, or at least should, in our society be based on the
normal sorts of considerations. It's got to be publicly justifiable; not only justifiable in accordance with a private view; a
private belief. Abbott on ABC TV Four Corners', March 2010. Various political positions supported by Abbott have been
criticised by church representatives, including aspects of Coalition industrial relations policy, asylum seeker and Aboriginal
affairs policy. After criticisms of Liberal Party policy by clergy, Abbott has said, "The priesthood gives someone the power to
consecrate bread and wine into the body and blood of Christ. It doesn't give someone the power to convert poor logic into
good logic." Abbott is an active volunteer member for the Davidson, NSW Rural Fire Service. Abbott participates in the Pollie
Pedal, an annual 1,000 km charity bike ride. In April 2007, he launched the tenth annual Pollie Pedal, to raise money for
breast cancer research. In 2008 Abbott spent three weeks teaching in a remote Aboriginal settlement in Coen on Cape York,
organised through indigenous leader Noel Pearson. He taught remedial reading to Aboriginal children, worked with an income
management group helping families manage their welfare payments. In 2009 he spent 10 days in Aurukun on Cape York,
working with the truancy team, visiting children who had not been attending school. Abbott's stated goal for these visits was
to familiarise himself with indigenous issues. Abbott has published four books. In 2009, he launched Battlelines; a personal
biography, reflections on the Howard Government and discussion of potential policy directions for the Liberal Party of
Australia. Previously he had published two books in defence of the existing constitutional monarchy system, The Minimal
Monarchy and How to Win the Constitutional War. In 2012, he released a compilation of key speeches from that year, entitled
A Strong Australia. He was published following works: 1995 - The Minimal Monarchy: and why it still makes sense for
Australia, 1997 - How to Win the Constitutional War: and give both sides what they want, 2009 - Battlelines. Carlton Victoria
Australia: Melbourne University Press and 2012 - A Strong Australia. On January 1, 2001, he received Honour Medal,
Centenary Medal for service as Minister for Employment and Workplace Relations.

Malcolm Bligh Turnbull

(born October 24, 1954) is an Australian politician who has served as the 29th Prime
Minister of Australia and Leader of the Liberal Party since September 15, 2015, and as the Member of Parliament (MP) for
Wentworth since October 9, 2004. Turnbull attended Sydney Grammar School before going to the University of Sydney, where
he received Bachelor of Arts and Bachelor of Laws degrees. He then attended Brasenose College, Oxford, as a Rhodes
Scholar, where he attained a Bachelor of Civil Law degree. Before entering politics, Turnbull worked as a journalist, lawyer,
investment banker and venture capitalist. In 1993, he became the chair of the Australian Republican Movement, serving in
the position until 2000. Briefly Minister for the Environment and Water in the Howard government in 2007, Turnbull was
elected Leader of the Liberal Party in September 2008, becoming Leader of the Opposition. In November 2009, his support for
the Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme proposed by the Labor Government split the Liberal Party. In a ballot the following
month, Turnbull lost the leadership to Tony Abbott by one vote. Initially intending to leave politics, Turnbull remained an MP
and eventually became Minister for Communications in the Abbott Government in September 2013. On September 14, 2015,
Turnbull challenged Abbott for the Liberal leadership, and won the subsequent ballot with 54 votes to Abbott's 44. He
succeeded Abbott as prime minister the following day and formed the Turnbull Government. Malcolm Turnbull was born in
Sydney on October 24, 1954 to Bruce Bligh Turnbull and Coral Magnolia Lansbury. His maternal grandmother, May Lansbury
(ne Morle), was born in England. His father was a hotel broker and his mother was a radio actor, writer and academic and a
second cousin of the British film and television actor Angela Lansbury. They separated when Turnbull was nine, with Turnbull's
mother leaving first for New Zealand and then the United States.Turnbull was then raised by his father. Turnbull spent his first
three years of school at Vaucluse Public School. He then attended the St Ives preparatory school at Sydney Grammar School
as a boarder. In senior school he was a boarder at the former Randwick campus of the school while attending classes at the
main College Street campus. on a partial scholarship. He was senior school co-captain in 1972, as well as winning the
Lawrence Campbell Oratory Competition,[citation needed] excelling particularly in the literary subjects such as English and
history. However, contrary to certain sources, Turnbull was not the dux of his graduating year at Sydney Grammar. In 1987, in
memory of his late father, he set up the Bruce Turnbull means-tested scholarship at Sydney Grammar, which offers full
remission of fees to a student unable to afford them. In 1973 Turnbull attended the University of Sydney and graduated with a
Bachelor of Arts degree (majoring in political science) in 1977 and a Bachelor of Laws degree in 1978. During his studies, he
was active in student politics, serving as Board Director of the University of Sydney Union. He also worked as a political
journalist for Nation Review, Radio 2SM and Channel 9 covering state politics. In 1978, Turnbull won a Rhodes Scholarship and
attended Brasenose College, Oxford, where he studied for a Bachelor of Civil Law degree from 1978 to 1980, graduating with
honours. While at Oxford, he worked for The Sunday Times and contributed to newspapers and magazines in the United
States and Australia. While at Oxford, a university don wrote of Turnbull that he was always going to enter lifes rooms
without knocking. After graduating with honours from Oxford, Turnbull returned to Australia and began working as a
barrister. He left the bar in 1983 to become general counsel and secretary for Australian Consolidated Press Holdings Group,
from 1983 to 1985. During this time he defended Kerry Packer against the "Goanna" allegations made by the Costigan

Commission. In partnership with Bruce McWilliam he established his own law firm, Turnbull McWilliam during 1986 Turnbull
defended Peter Wright, a former MI5 agent who authored the book Spycatcher, and successfully blocked the British
government's attempts to suppress the book's publication. Turnbull later wrote a book on the trial. In 1987, he established an
investment banking firm, Whitlam Turnbull & Co Ltd, in partnership with Neville Wran (a former Labor Premier of New South
Wales) and the former State Bank of New South Wales chief executive, Nicholas Whitlam (son of Gough Whitlam, a former
Labor prime minister). Whitlam parted company with the others in 1990 and the firm operated as Turnbull & Partners Ltd from
then until 1997, when Turnbull moved to become a managing director and later a partner of Goldman Sachs. Turnbull was a
director of FTR Holdings Ltd (19952004), chair and managing director of Goldman Sachs Australia (19972001) and a
partner with Goldman Sachs and Co (19982001). In the 1990s, Turnbull was chairman of Axiom Forest Resources, which
conducted logging in the Solomon Islands under the trading name Silvania Forest Products. The latter's work was described
by the Australian International Development Assistance Bureau as a "clear-felling operation", and the then Solomon Islands
Prime Minister Solomon Mamaloni reportedly threatened to close it down for "constant breaches of logging practices",
according to a critical article in the Solomon Times. Turnbull oversaw the expansion of Australian Internet Service Provider
OzEmail from 1994 to 1999, at which point the company was sold to then-telecommunications giant MCI Worldcom and his
stake was reportedly worth nearly A$60 million. In the same year he used his software and investment company FTR Holdings
Ltd to take positions in a number of Internet businesses including WebCentral and Chaos.com. In May 2002, Turnbull
appeared before the HIH Insurance royal commission and was questioned on Goldman Sachs's involvement in the possible
privatisation of one of the acquisitions of the collapsed insurance company. The Royal Commissioner's report made no
adverse findings against him or Goldman Sachs. Turnbull first showed interest in entering the Australian Parliament in 1981.
He stood for Liberal Party preselection for the seat of Wentworth in the eastern suburbs of Sydney in the 1981 Wentworth byelection; however he was beaten by Peter Coleman. He let his membership of the Liberal Party lapse in the 1980s, and
rejoined in late 2000. Turnbull was Federal Treasurer of the Liberal Party and a member of the party's federal and New South
Wales executives from 2002 to 2003, and was also a director of the Menzies Research Centre, the Liberal Party's research
centre. From 1993 to 2000, Turnbull was the chairman of the Australian Republican Movement. He was an elected delegate at
the Australian Constitutional Convention 1998 in Canberra in February. At the Convention, Turnbull cautioned against mixing
the roles of president and prime minister, advocating a parliamentary republic, and supported the bi-partisan appointment
republican model adopted by the convention. Turnbull was active in the unsuccessful 1999 referendum campaign to establish
an Australian republic as chairman of the Yes Committee. He published a book on the campaign, called Fighting for the
Republic. When the referendum failed, Turnbull accused incumbent Prime Minister and Monarchist John Howard of "breaking
the nations heart". In 2000 Turnbull retired as chairman of the Australian Republican Movement. Turnbull left the board of
Ausflag in 1994 after being asked for his resignation and in 2004 joined the Australian National Flag Association.In 2003,
Turnbull announced that he was again seeking a parliamentary seat. In early 2004 he won another hotly-contested battle for
Wentworth, defeating Peter King, the sitting Liberal member. Following his de-selection, King stood for the seat at the 2004
election as an independent candidate. As a result, the traditionally safe Liberal electorate was turned into an electoral
wildcard, with the contest for the seat becoming a three-person race between Turnbull, King and Labor candidate David
Patch. During the campaign, Turnbull spent over A$600,000 on the campaign. The Liberal primary vote fell ten per cent, and
Turnbull won on King's preferences. Announcing his cabinet reshuffle on January 24, 2006, the prime minister, John Howard,
promoted Turnbull from the backbench to Parliamentary Secretary, with special responsibility for water, at the height of the
2000s Australian drought. In this new capacity he reported directly to the prime minister. On September 26, 2006, Howard
announced the creation, within the Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet, of the new "Office of Water Resources" to
address the problem of drought in Australia. Turnbull was given charge of this office until he was elevated by Howard as
Minister for the Environment and Water Resources in January 2007. In his position as Environment Minister, Turnbull approved
a proposed A$1.7 billion Bell Bay Pulp Mill in Tasmania's north, near Launceston.Turnbull's approval of the Bell Bay Pulp Mill
project of Gunns Ltd came on October 4, 2007 and followed a report by the Government's chief scientist Jim Peacock on the
project's potential environmental impact, which requires the project to meet 48 "strict environmental" conditions. In February
2007, Turnbull was criticised for claiming a government allowance of A$175 a night and paying it to his wife as rent while
living in a townhouse owned by her in Canberra. During the 2007 election campaign, Turnbull announced that the then
Government would contribute A$10 million to the investigation of an untried Russian technology that aims to trigger rainfall
from the atmosphere, even when there are no clouds. The Australian Rain Corporation presented research documents written
in Russian, explained by a Russian researcher who spoke to local experts in Russian. Although Turnbull claimed that Australian
Rain Corporation was Australian-based, investigations revealed that it was 75 per cent Swiss-owned. It was also revealed that
a prominent stakeholder in the Australian Rain Corporation, Matt Handbury, is a nephew of Rupert Murdoch. Turnbull has
refused to answer questions regarding Handbury's contribution to the Wentworth Forum, the main fund-raising organisation
for Turnbull's 2007 election campaign. In 2007, Turnbull promised that his government, if elected, would grant same-sex
couples death benefits in Commonwealth superannuation schemes, a promise similar to one made three years earlier, during
the 2004 federal election campaign. With no electoral competition from former incumbent MP Peter King, as there had been
in 2004, Turnbull retained his seat at the 2007 election gaining a two-party 1.3-point swing in Wentworth, despite a 5.6-point
swing away from the coalition in the state, and a 5.4-point swing nationwide. Prime Minister Howard had lost his own seat of
Bennelong, and on November 25, 2007, Liberal deputy leader Peter Costello announced he would not seek the party
leadership. Turnbull declared his candidacy later the same day, and was considered a favourite by many. He lost to Brendan
Nelson, in a 45 to 42 vote. Nelson in turn appointed him Shadow Treasurer. Shortly afterwards, fellow opposition front bencher
Nick Minchin suggested that Turnbull's failure to consult with party colleagues before declaring his opinion to the media on
such issues as an apology to the Stolen Generations cost him the leadership. This led to a disagreement between the two and
culminated in Minchin privately telling Turnbull that he was "too f***ing sensitive." In May 2008, Turnbull attacked the 2008
Australian federal budget, concerned by increased taxes on luxury cars and certain alcoholic drinks, citing possible increased
inflation. On September 16, 2008, Turnbull was elected party leader, 45 votes to 41. The same month, he confessed that he
had smoked marijuana in his younger days, becoming the first Liberal leader to make such an admission. He said he now
thought it was a very bad idea because the drug could be damaging. In early 2009 Turnbull appointed Chris Kenny, a former
Downer staffer and Advertiser journalist, as his chief of staff. In May 2009, Turnbull attacked the 2009 Australian federal
budget, in particular the means testing of the private health insurance rebate. The following month, Godwin Grech, a Treasury
official, alleged that a car dealer with links to the Labor Party had received preferential treatment under the OzCar program,

sparking the 'OzCar affair'. That day Turnbull stated that Prime Minister Rudd and Treasurer Wayne Swan had "used their
offices and taxpayers' resources to seek advantage for one of their mates and then lied about it to the Parliament" and that
they needed to explain their actions or resign. On June 22, the e-mail Grech had provided to the Liberal Party to support this
allegation was found to have been faked by Grech; later admitted by Grech, and an Australian National Audit Office inquiry on
4 August cleared both Rudd and Swan of any wrongdoing. Turnbull's handling of the OzCar affair led to a large decline in his
and the Liberal Party's approval ratings in opinion polls. On November 24, 2009 a party room meeting was held to discuss the
Rudd government's proposed Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme (CPRS). Turnbull instructed the party to support CPRS
despite significant disagreement among his colleagues. There was even a suggestion that some Liberal Senators should vote
to "guillotine" debate and force an immediate Senate vote on the CPRS bill. (If the Senate rejected the bill, this would have
given the government a double dissolution trigger.) In response the next day, MPs Wilson Tuckey and Dennis Jensen made a
"spill motion" (for a party leadership vote), but it was defeated, 48 votes to 35. The rebellion continued, though many front
bench Liberals resigned from the shadow cabinet, including Tony Abbott. On December 1, 2009, a spill motion was carried.
Turnbull lost the subsequent leadership ballot to Abbott, 42 votes to 41 on the second ballot. After the leadership vote,
Turnbull said he would serve out his full term as member for Wentworth. On April 6, 2010, he announced he would not seek
re-election. However, on May 1, 2010 he reversed his decision, convinced by the former Liberal Prime Minister, John Howard,
to remain in parliament. At the 2010 federal election, Turnbull was re-elected with a swing of over 11% and was subsequently
brought back to the front bench as shadow communications minister. At the 2012 Alfred Deakin Lecture on digital liberty he
spoke out strongly against the Australian government's proposed two-year data retention law. In July 2012, Turnbull was
criticised for saying that civil unions should be accepted as a first step toward same-sex marriage in Australia. Turnbull
supports same-sex marriage and a conscience vote for Coalition MPs on the issue. However, Tony Abbott did not allow a
conscience vote on the issue. Turnbull said that countries that have allowed same-sex marriage, such as the Netherlands,
Spain, Sweden, Norway, Canada and the United Kingdom first had civil unions. On April 9, 2013, Turnbull and Tony Abbott
announced their party's alternative National Broadband Network (NBN) plan. The new plan is a modified and scaled-down
NBN with "fibre to the node" (FTTN) then last-mile by copper cable. The new policy developed by Turnbull contrasted with the
previous Liberal Party position, which had called for the dismantling of the NBN should the Liberal Party win the 2013 federal
election. As such, the policy allowed the NBN to continue irrespective of the result of the election, although it did so in a
different form from what was previously being built. In 2014, Turnbull announced that the Vertigan Report, a cost-benefit
analysis of providing fast broadband to regional and rural Australia through wireless and satellite services, revealed that it will
cost nearly A$5 billion and was expected to produce only A$600 million in economic benefits a return of just 10 per cent. In
spite of the economic cost, Turnbull stated that subsidising broadband to regional areas is "fiendishly expensive" but said
there was no other option. Turnbull brokered a deal between the government, NBN Co and Telstra in December 2014 whereby
NBN Co acquired Telstra's copper network and hybrid-fibre coaxial (HFC) which shall be used to deliver the NBN. Further,
Telstra and NBN Co are to work together on the FTTN trial which involves 200,000 premises. In August 2015, Turnbull revealed
that the overall end cost of the network build would likely expand up to an additional $15 billion, with NBN Co. likely to take
on the additional expenditure as debt. Though still cheaper than the original Labor Party NBN policy, which would have
delivered faster download speeds, the peak funding requirement under the current model is between $46 billion and $56
billion. On February 9, 2015, a spill motion against Tony Abbott was defeated 61 votes to 39. Turnbull was thought to be
considering a leadership run if the spill motion had succeeded, and told reporters that "if for whatever reason the leadership
of a political party is vacant then anyone, any member of the party can stand, whether they be a minister or a backbencher,
without any disloyalty to the person whose leadership has been declared vacant." On September 14, 2015, Turnbull
announced he would challenge Abbott for the leadership of the Liberal Party, and hence as leader of the LiberalNational
Coalition and prime minister. He resigned from Cabinet soon afterward. Turnbull stated that Abbott "was not capable of
providing the economic leadership we need" and that the Liberal Party needs a "style of leadership that respects the people's
intelligence." In the leadership ballot of Liberal MPs, Turnbull won, 54 votes to 44. He was sworn in as the 29th Prime Minister
of Australia on September 15. On September 20, 2015, Turnbull announced an extensive reshuffle for what would be the
Turnbull Ministry. Notably, he increased the number of female cabinet ministers from two to five and appointed Marise Payne
as Australia's first female Minister for Defence. The number of cabinet ministers rose from 19 to 21. On Turnbull's key policy
differences with Abbott, climate change, republicanism and same-sex marriage, as well as wider policy generally, he stated
his government would continue to follow the same policies of the Abbott Government. The Nationals successfully negotiated
a total of $4 billion worth of deals from Turnbull, as well as control of the water portfolio, in exchange for a continued Coalition
agreement. On November 2, 2015, Turnbull announced that the Queen had approved the Government's request to amend the
Order's letter patent and cease awards as Knights and Dames in the Order of Australia, after Cabinet had agreed that the
titles were no longer appropriate in the modern awards system. On September 24, 2015, Turnbull made his first major policy
announcement as Prime Minister. Together with the Minister for Women, Michaelia Cash, Turnbull announced a "$100 million
package of measures designed to provide a safety net for women and children at high risk of experiencing violence" . Minister
Cash also suggested that the government was considering denying American singer Chris Brown a visa due to his highly
publicised domestic violence offence in 2009. Turnbull stated that Cash had "very brilliantly expressed the thoughts of the
government". Brown was later denied entry to Australia. Turnbull is married to prominent businesswoman and former Lord
Mayor of Sydney Lucy Turnbull AO, ne Hughes. They were married on March 22, 1980 at Cumnor, Oxfordshire, near Oxford
by a Church of England priest while Turnbull was attending the University of Oxford. They and their two children, Alex and
Daisy, live in Sydney. The use of Bligh as a male middle name is a tradition in the Turnbull family. It is Turnbull's middle name
as well as that of his son. One of Turnbull's ancestors was colonist John Turnbull, who named his youngest son William Bligh
Turnbull in honour of deposed Governor William Bligh at the time of the Rum Rebellion. Turnbull and Lucy became
grandparents in September 2013, when their daughter Daisy gave birth to a boy named Jack Alexander Turnbull-Brown.
Although Turnbull is a convert from Presbyterianism to Roman Catholicism (the church of his wife's family), he has found
himself at odds with the church's teaching on abortion, stem cell research and same-sex marriage.Turnbull supported
legislation relaxing restrictions on abortion pill RU486 and he also voted for the legalisation of somatic cell nuclear transfer.He
did so despite the vocal public opposition to both proposals by Cardinal George Pell, the then-Archbishop of Sydney. In 2005,
the combined net worth of Malcolm and Lucy Turnbull was estimated at A$133 million, making him Australia's richest
parliamentarian until the election of billionaire Clive Palmer in the 2013 elections. Turnbull made the BRW Rich 200 list for the
second year running in 2010, and although he slipped from 182 to 197, his estimated net worth increased to A$186 million,

and he continued to be the only sitting politician to make the list. Turnbull was not listed in the 2014 list
of the BRW Rich 200. On January 1, 2001 he received Centenary Medal, For services to the corporate
sector. Turnbull has written several books on the republican debate, as well as his experiences during the
Spycatcher trial. Notable examples of his writings include: The Spycatcher Trial, 1988, The Reluctant
Republic, 1993, with the foreword written by Robert Hughes,[105] his wife's uncle; and Fighting for the
Republic: the Ultimate Insider's Account, 1999.

AUSTRIA
Noricum Kingdom
Noricum is the Latin name for a Celtic kingdom, or federation of twelve tribes,including most of modern Austria and part of
Slovenia. It became a province of the Roman Empire. Its borders were the Danube to the north, Raetia and Vindelicia to the
west, Pannonia to the east and southeast, and Italia (Venetia et Histria) to the south. The kingdom was founded ca. 400 BC,
and had its capital at the royal residence at Virunum on the Magdalensberg. Its area corresponded to the greater part of
modern Styria and Carinthia, Upper/Lower Austria west of Vienna, Salzburg, a part of Bavaria, and a part of Slovenia. The
original population appears to have consisted of Illyrians, who, after the great migration of the Gauls, became subordinate to
various Celto-Ligurians tribes, chief amongst them being the Taurisci, who were probably identical with the Norici of Roman
sources, so called after their capital Noreia, whose location is, as yet, unknown. The country is mountainous and the soil
relatively poor except in the southeastern parts, but it proved rich in iron and supplied material for the manufacturing of arms
in Pannonia, Moesia and northern Italy. The famous Noric steel was largely used in the making of Roman weapons (e.g.
Horace, Odes, i.16.9-10: Noricus ensis, "a Noric sword"). Gold and salt were found in considerable quantities.[citation needed]
From a statement of Polybius we learn that in his own time in consequence of the great output of gold from a mine in Noricum
gold went down one-third in value. The plant called saliunca (the wild or Celtic nard, a relative of the lavender) grew in
abundance and was used as a perfume according to Pliny the Elder. The inhabitants were a warlike people, who paid more
attention to cattle-breeding than to agriculture, although it is probable that when the area became a Roman province the
Romans increased the fertility of the soil by draining the marshes and cutting down timber. Noric steel was famous for its
quality and hardness. When the Celts had superseded the Illyrians, Noricum was the southern outpost of the northern Celtic
peoples and, during the later period of the Iron Age, the starting point of their attacks upon Italy.[citation needed] It is in
Noricum that we first learn of almost all those Celtic invaders. Archaeological research, particularly in the cemeteries of
Hallstatt, has shown that there was a vigorous civilization in the area centuries before recorded history, but the Hallstatt
civilization was a cultural manifestation prior to the Celtic invasions and close to the earlier Illyrians. The Hallstatt graves
contained weapons and ornaments from the Bronze age, through the period of transition, up to the "Hallstatt culture", i.e.,
the fully developed older period of the Iron age. William Ridgeway made a strong case for the theory that the cradle of the
Homeric Achaeans was in Noricum and neighbouring areas.

List of Rulers of Noricum Kingdom

Cincibilus

was the King of the Noricum Kingdom Tribal Federation around 170 BC.

Voccio was the King of the Noricum Kingdom Tribal Federation around 49 BC.
Promotus

was the head of the Noricum country around the middle 5th century.

Romanus was the head of the Noricum country around the middle 5th century.

March of Austria
The March of Austria was a southeastern frontier march of the Holy Roman Empire created in 976 out of the territory on the
border with the Kingdom of Hungary. Originally under the overlordship of the Dukes of Bavaria, it was ruled by margraves of
the Franconian Babenberg dynasty. It became an Imperial State in its own right, when the Babenbergs were elevated
to Dukes of Austria in 1156.

List of Margraves of the March of Austria

Babenberg Dinasty
Leopold I (died

994), also Luitpold or Liutpold, called the Illustrious (der Erlauchte), was the
first Margrave of Austria from the House of Babenberg from 976 until 994. Leopold was a count in
the Bavarian Donaugau shire and first appears in documents from the 960s as Liupo, a faithful follower of
Emperor Otto I. His descendance is disputed, an affiliation with the ducal Luitpolding dynasty is probable.
After the insurgence instigated by Henry the Wrangler of Bavaria in 976 against Emperor Otto II, Leopold
was appointed as a largely autonomous "Margrave in the East", the core territory of the later Archduchy
of Austria, instead of one Burkhard. His residence was probably at Pchlarn, but maybe already Melk,
where his successors resided. The territory, which originally had only coincided with the modern Wachau,
was enlarged in the east at least as far as the Wienerwald. He was killed at Wrzburg in Franconia by an arrow shot directed
at his cousin Henry of Schweinfurt. The millennial anniversary of his appointment as margrave was celebrated as "Thousand
Years of Austria" in 1976. Celebrations under the same title were held twenty years later at the anniversary of the famous
996 Ostarrchi document first mentioning the Old German name of Austria. Even though he is not mentioned in
the Babenberger Chronicle written by his descendant Otto of Freising (which only starts with Leopold's grandson Adalbert) he
is known as the progenitor of this dynasty. Otto of Freising's claim of ancestry to the Older Franconian Babenbergers, who are
remembered for the Babenberger insurgency of the early 10th century, has not been proven, but cannot be completely ruled
out. Leopold married Richardis of Sualafeldgau. The marriage produced the following children: Henry I (died 1018), succeeded
his father as Margrave of Austria, Judith, Ernest I (died 1015), Duke of Swabia, Adalbert (9851055), succeeded his elder
brother Henry I as Margrave of Austria, Poppo (9861047), Archbishop of Trier, Kunigunda, Hemma, married Count Rapoto
of Dieen and Christina.

Henry I of Austria (died June 23, 1018), also known as Henry the Strong (Ger. Heinrich der Starke),
was margrave of Austria from 994 until his death on June 23, 1018. He was the son of Margrave Leopold
I from the Babenberg family. Under his rule, the name Ostarrchi (996), from which the
modernGerman name of Austria (sterreich) developed, was first mentioned in a preserved document.
His mother was Richardis of Sualafeldgau. Henry took his residence in Melk, where Saint Koloman was
buried. His territory was extended by Emperor Henry II, who gave him some land between
the Kamp and Morava rivers and in the Wienerwald.

Adalbert the Victorious (c.

985 May 26, 1055) was Margrave of Austria from 1018 until his death
on May 26, 1055. He extended the eastern border of the then small Ostmark of Bavaria as far as the
rivers Morava/March and Leitha and supported KingHenry III in his battles against Hungary and Bohemia. He
resided in the Lower Austrian Babenberg castle of Melk, where Melk Abbey was to develop later. He was the
son of Leopold the Illustrious and was married to Glismod of West-Saxony and Frozza Orseolo (who later took
the name of Adelheid), the sister of Peter Urseolo of Hungary. He died at Melk in 1055. His mother
was Richardis of Sualafeldgau.

Ernest the Brave (1027 June

10, 1075) was the Babenberg margrave of Austria from May 26, 1055 to
his death on June 10, 1075, following his father Adalbert and mother Frozza Orseolo. He increased the territory
of Austria by amalgamating the Bohemian and Hungarian marches into Austria. In his time, the colonisation
of the Waldviertel was begun by his ministeriales, the Knringer knights. In the Investiture Controversy, he
sided with the Emperor Henry IV and battled against the Saxons, dying at the First Battle of Langensalza. He
married Adelaide of Eilenburg (1040 26 January 1071) and Swanhilde of Ungarnmark.

Leopold II (1050

October 12, 1095) was a Babenberg Margrave of Austria ruling from June 10, 1075 until
October 12, 1095. He was known as Leopold the 'fair'. He was the son of Ernest the Brave and Adelaide of
Eilenburg, the daughter of Margrave Dedi (or Dedo) II of Meissen. In the Investiture Dispute, he first sided with
Emperor Henry IV, but in 1081 at the Diet of Tulln switched sides under the influence of his wife Itha and
Bishop Altmann of Passau. Subsequently, he was deposed by the Emperor, who gave the fief to Vratislav II of
Bohemia, who defeated Leopold in the Battle of Mailberg. Ultimately, Leopold managed to retain his position,
but he lost some territory in Southern Moravia. Leopold resided in Gars am Kamp. In 1089 Leopold helped pay
for the construction of Melk Abbey in eastern Austria by donating the land for the new Abbey. A few miles away
from Melk Abbey, in eastern Austria, are the ruins of Thunau a Kamp castle, once a summer residence of Leopold. In 1065
Leopold married Ida, countess of Cham (10601101), in Cham, Oberphalz, Bavaria. Ida was the daughter of Rapoto IV and
Mathilde. Ida is said to have died on a crusade. The two had a son, Leopold III, as well as six daughters who married Dukes
and Counts from Carinthia, Bohemia and Germany.

Leopold III (1050

November 15, 1136) was the Margrave of Austria from 1073 until his death on November 15, 1136.
He is the patron saint of Austria, of the city of Vienna, of Lower Austria, and, jointly with Saint Florian, of Upper Austria.
His feast day is November 15. Leopold was born at Babenberg castle in Gars am Kamp, the son of Margrave Leopold
II and Ida of Formbach-Ratelnberg. He married twice. His first wife may have been one of the von Perg family, who died in

1105. His second wife was Agnes, the widowed sister of Emperor Henry V whom he had supported against
her father Henry IV. This connection to the Salians raised the importance of the House of Babenberg, to
which important royal rights over the margravate of Austria were granted. Also, Agnes had influential
connections through her previous marriage, one of her sons being Conrad III of Germany. Leopold called
himself "Princeps Terr", a reflection of his sense of territorial independence. He was considered a
candidate in the election of the Kaiser of The Holy Roman Empire in 1125, but declined this honour. He is
mainly remembered for the development of the country and, in particular, the founding of several
monasteries. His most important foundation is Klosterneuburg (1108). According to legend, the Virgin
Mary appeared to him and led him to a place where he found the veil of his wife Agnes, who had lost it
years earlier. He established the monastery of Klosterneuburg there. He subsequently expanded the
settlement to become his residence. Leopold also founded the monasteries of Heiligenkreuz,
Kleinmariazell and Seitenstetten which developed a territory still largely covered by forest. All of these
induced the church to canonize him in 1485. Leopold also fostered the development of cities, such as
Klosterneuburg, Vienna and Krems. The last one was granted the right tomint but never attained great importance. The
writings of Henry of Melk and Ava of Gttweig, which are the first literary texts from Austria, date back to Leopold's time. He
is buried in the Klosterneuburg Monastery, which he founded. His skull is kept in an embroidered reliquary, which leaves the
forehead exposed; it also wears an archducal crown. In 1663, under the rule of his namesake Emperor Leopold I, he was
declared patron saint of Austria instead of Saint Koloman. The brothers Joseph and Michael Haydn, each of whom sang in the
choir of St. Stephen's Cathedral, both sang in that capacity at Klosterneuburg on this day. Joseph Haydn later became the
more famous composer of the two. Michael Haydn later (1805) wrote a Mass in honour of Leopold, the Missa sub titulo Sancti
Leopoldi. By his first marriage, possibly to a lady of the Perg family: Adalbert or Albert II The Devout, Markgraf (11361137),
d. 1137 By his second wife, Agnes of Germany, widow of Frederick I, Duke of Swabia: Leopold IV, Henry II Jasomirgott, Berta,
m. Henry III, Burggraf of Regensburg, Agnes, m. Wadysaw II of Poland, Ernst, Otto of Freising, Bishop and biographer of his
nephew (from his mother's first marriage), Emperor Frederick I "Barbarossa", Conrad, Bishop of Passau and Archbishop of
Salzburg, Elizabeth, m. Hermann II of Winzenburg, Judith, m. William V of Montferrat and Gertrude, m. King Vladislaus II of
Bohemia. According to the Continuation of the Chronicles of Klosterneuburg, there may have been up to seven others
(possibly from multiple births) stillborn or died in infancy.

Leopold the Generous (c. 1108 October 18, 1141) was Margrave

of Austria as Leopold IV from 1137

and Duke of Bavaria as Leopold I from 1139 until his death on October 18, 1141. He was one of the younger
sons of Margrave Leopold III, the Holy. It is not known why he was originally preferred to his brothers Adalbert
and Henry Jasomirgott. Through his mother Agnes, he was related to the Hohenstaufen. In the course of their
struggle against the competing Welfen family, he was given the formerly Welfish Bavaria as a fief by
Emperor Conrad III. He managed to maintain his position there, as his brother Ottowas Bishop of Freising there.
The most important measure of his short reign was the Exchange of Mautern entered into with the Bishop of
Passau in 1137. The bishop was given the Church of St. Peter in Vienna, while the Margrave received extended
stretches of land from the bishop outside the city walls, with the notable exception of the territory where a new
church was to be built, which was to become St. Stephen's Cathedral. Leopold died at Niederaltaich (Bavaria) unexpectedly
and was succeeded by his brother Henry.

Duchy of Austria
The Duchy of Austria was a state of the Holy Roman Empire established in 1156 by the Privilegium Minus, when the
former March of Austria (Ostarrchi) was detached from the Duchy of Bavaria and made a duchy in its own right.

List of Dukes of the Duchy of Austria

Henry II (1107

January 13, 1177) was Count Palatine of the Rhine from 1140 until
1141, Margrave of Austria from 1141 until 1156 and, as Henry XI, also Duke of Bavaria from 1141 until
1156, Duke of Austria from 1156 until his death on January 13, 1177. He was a prince of
the Babenberg dynasty. As the son of Markgrave Leopold III, he first became Count Palatine of the Rhine
until being appointed Duke of Bavaria and Margrave of Austria when his brother Leopold IV unexpectedly
died. In the course of the dispute between the Welfen and Staufen dynasties in the Holy Roman Empire, the
duchy of Bavaria had been taken away from the Welf Henry the Proud by the emperor and given to the
Babenberg dynasty. The new Emperor, Frederick I, tried to reach a compromise with the Welfs and endowed
the son of Henry the Proud, Henry the Lion, with Bavaria in 1156. A replacement had to be found for the
Babenberg family, namely the Privilegium Minus, by which Austria was elevated to a duchy and gained
complete independence from Bavaria. Other than his father, who resided in Klosterneuburg for most of the
time, Henry moved his residence to Vienna in 1145. Only by this act could the modern Austrian capital
surpass cities such as Krems, Melk or Klosterneuburg. Since then, it has remained the capital of the country. Also in 1147, St.
Stephen's Cathedral was completed, which became a visible landmark of the city, showing its prominence. In 1155, Henry
founded the Schottenstiftmonastery in Vienna, in the courtyard of which a statue of him stands to this day. Until 1143, he was
married to Gertrude of Spplingenburg, the daughter of Emperor Lothair II. In 1148 he married Theodora Comnena, a niece of
the Byzantine Emperor Manuel I. Both marriages strongly show the importance of the House of Babenberg in Central
Europe in that period. Henry's brother was the important chronicler Otto of Freising. His sister Judith was the wife of William V
of Montferrat. Henry's nickname, Jasomirgott, was first documented during the 13th century in the form ofJochsamergott, the
meaning of which is unclear. According to one theory, it is derived from an Arab word bearing a connection to the Second
Crusade where Henry participated in 1146. According to a popular etymology, it is derived from the formula Ja so mir Gott
helfe(meaning: "Yes, God willing").

Leopold V (1157

December 31, 1194), the Virtuous, was a Babenberg duke of Austria from 1177 and of Styria from
1192 until his death on December 31, 1194. He was the son of the Austrian duke Henry II Jasomirgott and his Byzantine
wife, Theodora Comnena, a daughter of Andronicus Comnenus, the second eldest son of the Emperor John II Komnenos.
Leopold succeeded his father as Duke of Austria upon his death on 13 January 1177. Soon after becoming Duke, Leopold lent
his support to Frederick of Bohemia in his struggle against Duke Sobslav II, who had campaigned in the Austrian duchy, and
in 1179, Leopold reached a peace agreement with Bohemia. On 17 August 1186, he negotiated theGeorgenberg
Pact with Ottokar IV of Styria, by which Styria and the central part of Upper Austria were amalgamated into the Duchy of
Austria after 1192. This was the first step towards the creation of modern Austria. Leopold is mainly remembered outside

Austria for his participation in the Third Crusade. He arrived to take part in the siege of Acre in
spring 1191, having sailed from Zadar on the Adriatic coast. He took over command of what
remained of the imperial forces after the death of Frederick VI, Duke of Swabia in January. According
to legend, his tunic was blood-soaked after the fights and when he doffed his belt, a white stripe
appeared. Emperor Henry VI granted him the privilege to adopt these colours as his new banner,
that later would become the flag of Austria. After Acre had surrendered, the banners of
the Kingdom of Jerusalem, Richard I of England, Philip II of France and Leopold's ducal flag were
raised in the city by Leopold's cousin,Conrad of Montferrat. However, Richard removed Leopold's
colours (see Siege of Acre) and the duke wrathfully left for his Austrian home, where he arrived by
the end of 1191. Richard was also suspected of involvement in the murder of Conrad, shortly after
his election as King of Jerusalem in April 1192. On his journey back that winter, Richard, travelling
in disguise, shortly before Christmas 1192 had to stop near Vienna, where he was recognized
(supposedly because of his signet ring) and arrested in Erdberg (modern Landstrae district). For some time the king was
imprisoned in Drnstein, and in March 1193 was brought before Emperor Henry VI at Trifels Castle, accused of Conrad's
murder. Leopold's share of the immense ransom, supposedly six thousand bucketsabout 23 tonsof silver, became the
foundation for the mint in Vienna, and was used to build new city walls for Vienna, as well as to found the towns of Wiener
Neustadt and Friedberg in Styria. However, the duke was excommunicated byPope Celestine III for having taken a
fellow crusader prisoner. In 1172, Leopold married Helena, a daughter of King Gza II of Hungary. By her, Leopold had at least
two children; Frederick I (d. 16 April 1198) and Leopold VI (d. 28 July 1230). In 1194, Leopold's foot was crushed when his
horse fell on him at a tournament in Graz. He died of gangrene, still under excommunication, and was buried at Heiligenkreuz
Abbey.

Frederick I of

Austria (c. 1175 April 16, 1198) was a Duke of Austria from the Babenberg family from 1195
until his death on April 16, 1198. He was a son of Duke Leopold V and, in 1197, participated in the Emperor Henry
VI's Crusade of 1197. He died on the return from Palestine.

Leopold VI (1176

July 28, 1230), called the Glorious, from the House of Babenberg,
was Duke of Austria from 1198 to 1230 and of Styria from 1194 until his death on July 28, 1230.
Leopold VI was the younger son of Duke Leopold V and his wife, Helena of Hungary (daughter of Gza II
of Hungary and Euphrosyne of Kiev). In contravention of the provisions of the Georgenberg Pact, the
Babenberg reign was divided after the death of Leopold V: Leopold VI's elder brother, Frederick I, was
given the Duchy of Austria (corresponding roughly to modern Lower Austria and easternUpper Austria),
while Leopold VI himself became Duke of Styria. Both duchies were reunified under Leopold VI when
Frederick died after only four years of rule. Leopold VI participated in the Reconquista in Spain and in
two crusades, the Albigensian Crusade in 1212 and the failed Fifth Crusadefrom 1217 to 1221, and
like his predecessorsattempted to develop the land by founding monasteries. His most important foundation is Lilienfeld in
the Lower Austrian valley of the Traisen river, where he was buried after his death. Besides that, he supported the then highly
modern Mendicant Orders of the Franciscans and Dominicans. He elevated Enns to the status of a city in 1212, andVienna in
1221, the territory of which was nearly doubled. Under Leopold's rule, the Gothic style began to reach Austria - the Cappella
Speciosa in his temporary residence of Klosterneuburg is known as the first building influenced by it in the Danube area - a
reconstruction of it can be seen today in the palace gardens ofLaxenburg. Babenbergian Austria reached the zenith of its
prestige under Leopold's rule. Evidence of this is given by his marriage to the Byzantine princess Theodora Angelina and his
attempt to mediate between Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II and Pope Gregory IX, which he was working on when he died in
1230 in Italy. Leopold's court is known as a center of the Minnesang, e.g., Walther von der Vogelweide, Neidhart von
Reuental and Ulrich von Liechtenstein were active here. Also, the Nibelungenlied may have been written in his court. Leopold
died at San Germano in 1230. Leopold and Theodora Angelina had seven children: Margaret, Duchess of Austria (1204
February 28, 1266). Married firstly with Henry, elder son and presumptive heir of the Holy Roman Emperor Frederick II, and
after he died, she married King Ottokar II of Bohemia, Agnes of Austria (February 19, 1205 August 29, 1226). Married Albert
I, Duke of Saxony, Leopold of Austria (12071216), Henry of Austria (1208 November 28, 1228), Duke of Mdling.
Married Agnes of Thuringia; their only daughter, Gertrudis, was the general heiress of the House of Babenberg after the death
of her uncle, Gertrude of Austria (12101241). Married Henry Raspe, Landgrave of Thuringia, Frederick II, Duke of
Austria (April 25, 1211 June 15, 1246) and Constantia of Austria (April 6, 1212 June 5, 1243). Married Henry III, Margrave of
Meissen.

Frederick II,

known as the Quarrelsome (German: Friedrich der Streitbare) or the Warlike, (April 25, 1211 June 15,
1246) was Duke of Austria and Styria from 1230 until his death on June 15, 1246, the fifth and last from the Babenberg
dynasty. He was the third, but the second surviving son of Duke Leopold VI of Austria and Theodora Angelina,
a Byzantine princess. The death of his elder brother Henry in 1228 made him the only heir to the Austrian and Styrian
duchies. Two years later, his father died and Frederick succeeded him. His first spouse was Byzantine princess Sophia
Laskarina, and his second wife was Agnes of Merania. Frederick called himself a "Lord of Carniola". However, the couple
divorced due to childlessness in 1243. Frederick had no surviving children. Proud of his Byzantine descent, the young duke
soon was known as the Quarrelsome because of his harsh rule and frequent wars against his neighbors, primarily
with Hungary, Bavaria and Bohemia. Even the Austrian Kuenringer noble family, which had so far been faithful to the ruling
house, started an insurgency as soon as his reign began. But most dangerous were his disputes with the Hohenstaufen
Emperor Frederick II in the course of the rebellion of the emperor's son Henry (VII), husband of Frederick's sister Margaret.
Not only had the duke refused to appear at the 1232 Reichstag diet in Aquileia, appealing to the Austrian Privilegium Minus,
and displeased the emperor by picking quarrels with King Bla IV of Hungary, he furthermore seemed to be involved in his
brother-in-law Henry's conspiracy. When he again refused to attend the 1235 diet in Mainz, Emperor Frederick II finally
ostracized him and gave permission to King Wenceslaus I of Bohemia to invade the Austrian lands. Vienna opened its gates
for the united Bohemian and Bavarian forces and during the years of Frederick's ban became an imperial free city, where the
emperor had his son Conrad IV elected King of the Romans in 1237. However, the expelled duke managed to maintain his

position as the ruler of an Austrian rump state at Wiener Neustadt. In 1239, in a spectacular change in
imperial politics, Duke Frederick became one of the emperor's most important allies. The conflict with
Bohemia was settled by the engagegement of his niece Gertrude of Babenberg with King Wenceslaus'
eldest son Margrave Vladislaus of Moravia. Negotiations with the emperor about the elevation of Vienna to
a bishopric and of Austria (including Styria) to a kingdom were initiated, however, on condition that the
duke's niece Gertrude now would have to marry the fifty-year-old emperor, who moreover had recently
been banned by Pope Gregory IX and needed allies. In 1245 the terms were arranged, but the willful young
girl, then in her late teens, refused to appear in the consummation ceremony at the diet of Verona. In the
year before his death, Duke Frederick finally succeeded in gaining the March of Carniola from
the Patriarchal State of Friuli, but upon his death it fell to the Carinthian duke Bernhard von Spanheim. Duke
Frederick's ambitious plans were dashed when he died at the Battle of the Leitha River, in a border conflict
he had picked with the Hungarian king Bla IV rpd. He is buried at Heiligenkreuz Abbey. As the last
Babenberg duke, Frederick the Quarrelsome signifies the end of an era in the history of Austria. With his
overambitious plans, which were frequently foiled by his erratic character, he somewhat resembled his
later Habsburg successor Duke Rudolf IV. According to the 18th century historian Chrysostomus Hanthaler,
Frederick was the first Austrian duke utilizing the red-white-red coat of arms after his accessionan attempt to prevail against
the reluctant local nobles and to stress his autonomy towards Emperor Frederick II. The triband is first documented in a seal
on a deed issued on 30 November 1230, confirming the privileges of Lilienfeld Abbey. The medieval chronicler Jans der
Enikel reports that the duke appeared in a red-white-red ceremonial dress at his 1232 accolade in the Vienna Schottenstift. As
the Austrian Privilegium Minus also allowed women to inherit, his sister Margaret and his niece Gertrude would have been
entitled to the throne. Shortly after the death of her uncle, Gertrude first married her fianc Vladislaus of Moravia, who
nevertheless died in the next year, then Margrave Herman VI of Baden, who did not manage to maintain his position in
Austria, and finally in 1252 Prince Roman Danylovich, a younger brother of Kynaz Lev I Rurik, son-in-law of the Hungarian
king. In the same year the Bohemian Pemyslids made a second attempt to confirm their claims to Austria by arranging the
marriage between Gertrude's aunt Margaret of Babenberg and King Wenceslaus' son Ottokar II, more than twenty years her
junior. Subsequently, Austria became of field of conflict between the Pemyslids and the Hungarian rpd dynasty, in which
Ottokar at first would prevail defeating King Bla at the 1260 Battle of Kressenbrunn, until finally being overthrown by the
German king Rudolph of Habsburg at the Battle on the Marchfeld in 1278.

House of Habsburg
Rudolph I (also

known as Rudolph of Habsburg) (German: Rudolf von Habsburg, Latin: Rudolphus, Czech: Rudolf
Habsbursk) (May 1, 1218 July 15, 1291) was Duke of Austria and Styria from August 26, 1278 until December 27, 1282,
King of Germany (formally King of the Romans) from September 29, 1273 until his death on July 15, 1291 and Duke of
Carinthia from August 26, 1278 until February 1, 1286. He played a vital role in raising the Habsburg dynasty to a leading
position among the Imperial feudal dynasties. Originally a Swabian count, he was the first Habsburg to acquire the duchies
ofAustria and Styria, territories that would remain under Habsburg rule for more than 600 years and would form the core of
the Habsburg Monarchy and the present-day country of Austria. Rudolph was the son of Count Albert IV of Habsburg and
Hedwig, daughter of Count Ulrich of Kyburg, and was born at Limburg Castlenear Sasbach am Kaiserstuhl in
the Breisgau region. At his father's death in 1239, he inherited large estates from his father around the ancestral seat
of Habsburg Castle in the Aargau region of present-day Switzerland as well as in Alsace. In 1245 Rudolph married Gertrude,
daughter of Count Burkhard III of Hohenberg. As a result, he became an important vassal in Swabia, the former Alemannic
German stem duchy. Rudolph paid frequent visits to the court of his godfather, the Hohenstaufen emperor Frederick II, and
his loyalty to Frederick and his son, King Conrad IV of Germany, was richly rewarded by grants of land. In 1254, he was
excommunicated by Pope Innocent IV as a supporter of King Conrad, due to ongoing political conflicts between the Emperor,
who held the Kingdom of Sicily and wanted to reestablish his power in the Imperial Kingdom of Italy, especially in
the Lombardy region, and the Papacy, whose States lay in between and feared being overpowered by the Emperor.The
disorder in Germany during the interregnum after the fall of the Hohenstaufen dynasty afforded an opportunity for Count
Rudolph to increase his possessions. His wife was a Hohenberg heiress; and on the death of his childless maternal uncle,
Count Hartmann IV ofKyburg in 1264, he also seized his valuable estates. Successful feuds with the Bishops of
Strasbourg and Basel further augmented his wealth and reputation, including rights over various tracts of land that he
purchased from abbots and others. These various sources of wealth and influence rendered Rudolph the most powerful prince
and noble in southwestern Germany (where the tribal Duchy of Swabia had disintegrated, leaving room for its vassals to
become quite independent) when, in the autumn of 1273, the prince-electors met to choose a king after Richard of
Cornwall had died in England the year before. Rudolph's election in Frankfurton 29 September, when he was 55 years old,
was largely due to the efforts of his brother-in-law, the Hohenzollern burgrave Frederick III of Nuremberg. The support of
Duke Albert II of Saxony and Elector Palatine Louis II had been purchased by betrothing them to two of Rudolph's daughters.
As a result, within the electoral college, King Ottokar II of Bohemia (12301278), himself a candidate for the throne and
related to the late Hohenstaufen king Philip of Swabia (being the son of the eldest surviving daughter), was almost alone in
opposing Rudolph. Other candidates were Prince Siegfried I of Anhalt and Margrave Frederick I of Meissen (12571323), a
young grandson of the excommunicated Emperor Frederick II, who however did not yet even have a principality of his own as
his father still lived. With the consent of the other electors, Ottokar's dissent was neglected, and by the admission of
Duke Henry XIII of Lower Bavaria, Rudolph gained all seven votes. Rudolph was crowned in Aachen Cathedral on October 24,
1273. To win the approbation of the Pope, Rudolph renounced all imperial rights in Rome, the papal territory, and Sicily, and
promised to lead a new crusade. Pope Gregory X, in spite of Otakar's protests, not only recognised Rudolph himself, but
persuaded King Alfonso X of Castile (another grandson of Philip of Swabia), who had been chosen German (anti-)king in 1257
as the successor to Count William II of Holland, to do the same. Thus, Rudolph surpassed the two heirs of the Hohenstaufen
dynasty that he had earlier served so loyally. In November 1274 it was decided by the Imperial Diet at Nuremberg that all
crown estates seized since the death of the Emperor Frederick II must be restored, and that King Ottokar II must answer to
the Diet for not recognising the new king. Ottokar refused to appear or to restore the duchies of Austria, Styria
and Carinthia with the March of Carniola, which he had claimed through his first wife, a Babenberg heiress, and which he had
seized while disputing them with another Babenberg heir, Margrave Hermann VI of Baden. Rudolph refuted Ottokar's
succession to the Babenberg patrimony, declaring that the provinces reverted to the Imperial crown due to the lack of maleline heirs (a position that however conflicted with the provisions of the Austrian Privilegium Minus). King Ottokar was placed
under the imperial ban; and in June 1276 war was declared against him. Having persuaded Ottokar's former ally Duke Henry
XIII of Lower Bavaria to switch sides, Rudolph compelled the Bohemian king to cede the four provinces to the control of the
royal administration in November 1276. Rudolph then re-invested Ottokar with the Kingdom of Bohemia, betrothed one of his
daughters to Ottokar's son Wenceslaus II, and made a triumphal entry into Vienna. Ottokar, however, raised questions about
the execution of the treaty, made an alliance with some Piast chiefs of Poland, and procured the support of several German
princes, again including Henry XIII of Lower Bavaria. To meet this coalition, Rudolph formed an alliance with King Ladislaus IV

of Hungary and gave additional privileges to the Vienna citizens. On 26 August 1278, the rival armies
met at the Battle on the Marchfeld, where Ottokar was defeated and killed. The March of Moravia was
subdued and its government entrusted to Rudolph's representatives, leaving Ottokar's
widow Kunigunda of Slavonia, in control of only the province surrounding Prague, while the young
Wenceslaus II was again betrothed to Rudolph's youngest daughter Judith. Rudolph's attention next
turned to the possessions in Austria and the adjacent provinces, which were taken into the royal
domain. He spent several years establishing his authority there but found some difficulty in
establishing his family as successors to the rule of those provinces. At length the hostility of the
princes
was
overcome.
In
December
1282,
in Augsburg,
Rudolph
invested
his
sons, Albert andRudolph II, with the duchies of Austria and Styria and so laid the foundation of the
House of Habsburg. Additionally, he made the twelve-year-old Rudolph Duke of Swabia, a merely
titular dignity, as the duchy had been without an actual ruler since Conradin's execution. The 27year-old Duke Albert (married since 1274 to a daughter of Count Meinhard II of Gorizia-Tyrol (1238
95)) was capable enough to hold some sway in the new patrimony. In 1286 King Rudolph fully
invested the Duchy of Carinthia, one of the provinces conquered from Ottokar, to Albert's father-inlaw Count Meinhard. The Princes of the Empire did not allow Rudolph to give everything that was
recovered to the royal domain to his own sons, and his allies needed their rewards too. Turning to the west, in 1281 he
compelled CountPhilip I of Savoy to cede some territory to him, then forced the citizens of Bern to pay the tribute that they
had been refusing, and in 1289 marched against Count Philip's successor, Otto IV, compelling him to do homage. In 1281 his
first wife died. On February 5, 1284, he married Isabella, daughter of Duke Hugh IV of Burgundy, the Empire's western
neighbor in the Kingdom of France. Rudolph was not very successful in restoring internal peace. Orders were indeed issued
for the establishment of landpeaces in Bavaria, Franconia and Swabia, and afterwards for the whole Empire. But the king
lacked the power, resources, or determination, to enforce them, although in December 1289 he led an expedition
into Thuringia where he destroyed a number of robber-castles. In 1291, he attempted to secure the election of his son Albert
as German king. However, the electors refused claiming inability to support two kings, but in reality, perhaps, leery of the
increasing power of the House of Habsburg. Upon Rudolph's death they elected Count Adolf of Nassau. Rudolph died
in Speyer on 15 July 1291, and was buried in the Speyer Cathedral. Although he had a large family, he was survived by only
one son, Albert, afterwards the German king Albert I. Most of his daughters outlived him, apart from Katharina who had died
in 1282 during childbirth and Hedwig who had died in 1285/6. Rudolph's reign is most memorable for his establishment of the
House of Habsburg as a powerful dynasty in the southeastern parts of the realm. In the other territories, the centuries-long
decline of the Imperial authority since the days of the Investiture Controversy continued, and the princes were largely left to
their own devices. In the Divine Comedy, Dante finds Rudolph sitting outside the gates of Purgatory with his contemporaries,
and berates him as "he who neglected that which he ought to have done". He was married twice. First, in 1245, to Gertrude
of Hohenberg and second, in 1284, to Isabelle of Burgundy, daughter of Hugh IV, Duke of Burgundy and Beatrice of
Champagne. All children were from the first marriage: Matilda (ca. 1251/53, RheinfeldenDecember 23, 1304, Munich),
married 1273 in Aachen to Louis II, Duke of Bavaria and became mother of Rudolf I, Count Palatine of the Rhine and Louis IV,
Holy Roman Emperor, Albert I of Germany (July 1255 May 1, 1308), Duke of Austria and also of Styria, Katharina (1256April
4, 1282, Landshut), married 1279 in Vienna to Otto III, Duke of Bavaria who later (after her death) became the disputed King
Bela V of Hungary and left no surviving issue, Agnes (ca. 1257October 11, 1322, Wittenberg), married 1273 to Albert II, Duke
of Saxony and became the mother of Rudolf I, Duke of Saxe-Wittenberg, Hedwig (d. 1285/86), married 1270 in Vienna to Otto
VI, Margrave of Brandenburg-Salzwedel and left no issue, Clementia (ca. 1262after February 7, 1293), married 1281 in
Vienna to Charles Martel of Anjou, the Papal claimant to the throne of Hungary and mother of king Charles I of Hungary, as
well as of queen Clementia of France, herself the mother of the baby king John I of France, Hartmann (1263, Rheinfelden
December 21, 1281), drowned in Rheinau, Rudolph II, Duke of Austria and Styria (1270May 10, 1290, Prague), titular Duke of
Swabia, father of John the Patricide of Austria, Guta (Jutte/Bona) (March 13, 1271 June 18, 1297, Prague), married on January
24, 1285 to King Wenceslaus II of Bohemia and became the mother of king Wenceslaus III of Bohemia, Poland and Hungary, of
queen Anne of Bohemia (12901313), duchess of Carinthia, and of queen Elisabeth of Bohemia (12921330), countess of
Luxembourg and Charles (12761276). Rudolph I's last agnatic descendant was Maria Theresa, Holy Roman Empress (1717
1780), by Albert I of Germany's fourth son Albert II, Duke of Austria.

Albert I of Habsburg (German: Albrecht I.) (July 1255 May

1, 1308) was Duke of Austria and Styria from December

27, 1282 until May 1, 1308 and King of Germany (formally King of the Romans) from July 27, 1298 until May 1, 1308. He was
the eldest son of German King Rudolph I of Habsburg and his first wife Gertrude of Hohenburg. In 1282 his father, the first
German monarch from the House of Habsburg, invested him and his younger brother Rudolph II with the duchies
of Austria and Styria, which he had seized from late King Ottokar II of Bohemia. By the 1283 Treaty of Rheinfelden his father
entrusted Albert with their sole government, while Rudolph II ought to be compensated by the Further Austrian Habsburg
home territories. Albert and his Swabian ministeriales appear to have ruled the duchies with conspicuous success,
overcoming the resistance by local nobles. King Rudolph I was unable to secure the succession to the German throne for his
son, especially due to the objections raised by Ottokar's son King Wenceslaus II of Bohemia, and the plans to install Albert as
successor of the assassinated King Ladislaus IV of Hungary in 1290 also failed. Upon Rudolph's death in 1291, the Princeelectors, fearing Albert's power and the implementation of ahereditary monarchy, chose Count Adolph of NassauWeilburg as King of the Romans. A rising among his Styrian dependents compelled Albert to recognize the sovereignty of his
rival, and to confine himself for a time to the government of the Habsburg lands atVienna. He did not abandon his hopes of
the throne, however, which were eventually realised: In 1298, he was chosen German king by some of the princes, who were
bothered about Adolph's attempts to gain his own power basis in the lands of Thuringia and Meissen, again led by the
Bohemian king Wenceslaus II. The armies of the rival kings met at the Battle of Gllheim near Worms, where Adolph was
defeated and slain. Submitting to a new election but securing the support of several influential princes by making extensive
promises, he was chosen at the Imperial City of Frankfurt on 27 July 1298, and crowned at Aachen Cathedral on August 24,
1398. Although a hard, stern man, Albert had a keen sense of justice when his own interests were not involved, and few of
the German kings possessed so practical an intelligence. He encouraged the cities, and not content with issuing
proclamations against private war, formed alliances with the princes in order to enforce his decrees. The serfs, whose wrongs
seldom attracted notice in an age indifferent to the claims of common humanity, found a friend in this severe monarch, and
he protected even the despised and persecuted Jews. Stories of his cruelty and oppression in the Swiss cantons (cf. William
Tell) did not appear until the 16th century, and are now regarded as legendary. Albert sought to play an important part in
European affairs. He seemed at first inclined to press a quarrel with the Kingdom of Franceover the Burgundian frontier, but
the refusal of Pope Boniface VIII to recognize his election led him to change his policy, and, in 1299, he made a treaty with
King Philip IV, by which his son Rudolph was to marry Blanche, a daughter of the French king. He afterwards became
estranged from Philip, but in 1303, Boniface recognized him as German king and future emperor; in return, Albert recognized
the authority of the pope alone to bestow the Imperial crown, and promised that none of his sons should be elected German
king without papal consent. Albert had failed in his attempt to seize the counties of Holland and Zeeland, as vacant fiefs of

the Holy Roman Empire, on the death of Count John I in 1299, but in 1306 he secured the crown
of Bohemia for his son Rudolph III on the death of King Wenceslaus III. He also renewed the claim
made by his predecessor, Adolph, on Thuringia, and interfered in a quarrel over the succession to
the Hungarianthrone. The Thuringian attack ended in Albert's defeat at the Battle of Lucka in 1307
and, in the same year, the death of his son Rudolph weakened his position in eastern Europe. His
action in abolishing all tolls established on the Rhine since 1250, led the Rhenish prince-archbishops
and the Count Palatine of the Rhine to form a league against him. Aided by the Imperial cities,
however, he soon crushed the rising. He was on the way to suppress a revolt in Swabia when he was
murdered on May 1, 1308, at Windisch on the Reuss River, by his nephew Duke John, afterwards
called "the Parricide" or "John Parricida", whom he had deprived of his inheritance. In 1274 Albert had
married Elizabeth, daughter of Count Meinhard II of Tyrol, who was a descendant of
the Babenberg margraves of Austria who predated the Habsburgs' rule. The baptismal name Leopold,
patron saint margrave of Austria, was given to one of their sons. Queen Elizabeth was in fact better
connected to mighty German rulers than her husband: a descendant of earlier kings, for example
Emperor Henry IV, she was also a niece of the Wittelsbach dukes of Bavaria, Austria's important neighbor. Albert and his wife
had twelve children: Rudolph III (ca. 1282 July 4, 1307, Horaovice) was married but line extinct and predeceased his
father, Frederick I (1289 January 13, 1330, Gutenstein) was married but line extinct, Leopold I (August 4, 1290 February
28, 1326, Strassburg) was married, had issue, Albert II (December 12, 1298, Vienna July 20, 1358, Vienna), Henry the
Gentle (1299 February 3, 1327, Bruck an der Mur) was married but line extinct, Meinhard, 1300 died young, Otto (July 23,
1301, Vienna February 26, 1339, Vienna) was married but line extinct, Anna 1280?, Vienna March 19, 1327, Breslau),
married: in Graz ca. 1295 to Herman, Margrave of Brandenburg-Salzwedel and in Breslau 1310 to Duke Henry VI the Good,
Agnes (May 18, 1281 June 10, 1364, Knigsfelden), married in Vienna February 13, 1296 King Andrew III of Hungary,
Elizabeth (d. May 19, 1353) was married 1304 Frederick IV, Duke of Lorraine, Catherine (1295 January 18, 1323, Naples)
was married Charles, Duke of Calabria in 1316 and Jutta (d. 1329) was married Ludwig V, Count of ttingen in Baden on
March 26, 1319.

Rudolph II of Austria (1270

May 10, 1290) was Duke of Austria and Styria from 1282 until 1283 jointly with his
elder brother Albert I, who succeeded him. He was the youngest son of King Rudolph of Habsburg and Gertrude of
Hohenburg to survive infancy. In December 1282 King Rudolph vested his sons with the Austrian and Styrian duchies, which
he had seized for the House of Habsburgfrom King Ottokar II of Bohemia in 1276. However, in the Treaty of Rheinfelden on
June 1, 1283 Rudolph II had to relinquish his share in favour of his brother Albert. In compensation his father King Rudolph
appointed him "Duke of Swabia" - more or less an honorific title, as the former stem duchy had been in long-term disarray
after the last Hohenstaufen duke, the underage Conradin, was killed in 1268. In Swabia the former Counts of Habsburg only
held various smaller home territories, later summed up as Further Austria, of which Rudolph II never actually got hold. In the
course of the reconciliation process with the Pemyslid dynasty, Rudolph II in 1289 married Agnes of Bohemia, daughter of
King Ottokar II and Kunigunda of Slavonia. They had one son John. Rudolph died suddenly at Prague, where he stayed at the
court of his brother-in-law King Wenceslaus II, in the same year his son was born, at the age of 20. His brother's failure to
ensure that Rudolf would be adequately compensated for relinquishing his claim on the throne caused strife in the Habsburg
dynasty, leading to the assassination of Albert I by Rudolph's son John "Parricida" in 1308.

Rudolf I of Habsburg (1281

July 3/4, 1307) was Duke of Austria and Styria (as Rudolph III) from
1298 and King of Bohemia and titular King of Poland from 1306 until his death on July 3/4, 1308. He was the
eldest son of German king Albert I of Habsburgand Elisabeth of Gorizia-Tyrol. Upon the election of his father
as King of the Romans, Rudolph was vested as a co-ruler with the Austrian and Styrian hereditary lands of
the Habsburg dynasty. On May 25, 1300, King Albert I arranged his marriage with Blanche, daughter of
King Philip III of France by his second wife Marie of Brabant. The intended union with the French House of
Capet however failed as the couple's son and daughter died young and Blanche herself died in 1305.
Another opportunity for a Habsburg gain in power opened when in 1306 the last Bohemian ruler of
the Pemyslid dynasty, King Wenceslaus III was killed and Albert I as rex Romanorum was able to seize
Bohemia as a reverted Imperial fief. Rudolph was presented as a claimant to the Bohemian throne, however contested by his
uncle Henry of Gorizia-Tyrol, Duke of Carinthia and husband of Wenceslaus' sister Anne. To further legitimate the Habsburg
claims to the Bohemian and the Polish throne, Albert had Rudolph married to Elisabeth Richeza of Poland from the Piast
dynasty, widow of the predeceased King Wenceslaus II of Bohemia. In 1306 he occupiedPrague and expelled Henry of
Carinthia to place his son on the Bohemian throne. Mocked as krl kae ("king porridge"), Rudolph was rejected by several
Bohemian nobles, who continued to hold out for Henry. The king besieged the rebel fortress of Horaovice in Bohemia, but
fell ill of dysentery and died there in 1307, leaving no children. The first grab of the Habsburgs for the Crown of Saint
Wenceslas failed, as the nobles restored Henry as king in return for a charter of privileges, who in turn had to renounce the
throne in favour of Count John of Luxembourg three years later. Instead Rudolph's enfeoffment intensified the inner Habsburg
inheritance conflict, culminating in the assassination of King Albert I by his nephew John Parricida in 1308. Rudolph is buried
at the St. Vitus Cathedral in Prague.

Frederick the Handsome (German: Friedrich der Schne) or the Fair (c. 1289, Vienna January 13, 1330) was Duke
of Austria and Styria from 1308 as Frederick I as well as King of Germany (King of the Romans) from 1314 (antiking until
1325) as Frederick III until his death on January 13, 1330. He was the second son of King Albert I of Germany with his
wife Elisabeth of Gorizia-Tyrol, a scion of the Meinhardiner dynasty, thereby a grandson of the first Habsburg king of
Germany Rudolph I. Still a minor, he and his elder brother Rudolph III had been vested with the duchies
of Austria and Styria by their father in 1298. Upon Rudolph's early death in 1307 and the assassination of his father in 1308,
he became the ruler of the Austrian and Styrian duchies on behalf of himself and his younger brothers. The royal title held by
his father and grandfather however passed to Count Henry VII of Luxembourg, who was elected by six of seven votes,
contrived by the mighty Archchancellor Peter von Aspelt, Elector and Prince-Archbishop of Mainz, a fierce opponent of late
King Albert. Frederick had to abjure all claims to the German crown and in turn received the official affirmation of his fiefs by
King Henry. Originally, he was a friend of his cousin Louis IV of Wittelsbach, who also had been raised at the Austrian court
in Vienna. However, armed conflict arose between them when tutelage over the young sons of Louis' cousin, late
Duke Stephen I of Lower Bavaria was entrusted to Frederick by local nobles in 1313. Frederick took the occasion to enlarge
his reach of power, invaded the Bavarian lands, but was beaten by Louis at the Battle of Gammelsdorf on November 9, 1313,
and had to renounce the tutelage. Meanwhile, Henry VII had been crowned Holy Roman Emperor by Pope Clement V on June
29, 1312, he nevertheless died in the following year. As his son John the Blind, King of Bohemia since 1310, seemed too
powerful to the prince-electors, Frederick again became a candidate for the crown, while King John withdrew and backed Louis
IV of Wittelsbach. On October 19, 1314 atFrankfurt-Sachsenhausen, Frederick received four out of seven votes, by
Archbishop Henry II of Cologne, by Louis' brother Elector Palatine Rudolph I of Wittelsbach, by the deposed

King Henry of Bohemia and Duke Rudolph I of Saxe-Wittenberg. The next day however, a second
election was held upon the instigation of Archbishop Peter von Aspelt, where Louis IV of Wittelsbach
was elected with the five votes by the Mainz archbishop himself, by Archbishop Baldwin of Trier,
Margrave Waldemar of Brandenburg as well as by Duke John II of Saxe-Lauenburg and - again - the
King of Bohemia. Louis made use of the conflict around the Bohemian throne and the rivalry over
the Saxon electoral dignity between the Ascanianduchies of Saxe-Wittenberg and Saxe-Lauenburg.
King Henry of Bohemia voting for Frederick actually only claimed the electoral power, as he had
already been deposed in 1310 by late King Henry's son John the Blind voting for Louis. Duke John II of
Saxe-Lauenburg in turn sought to prevail against his cousin Duke Rudolph I of Saxe-Wittenberg - which
ultimately failed as the 1338 Declaration of Rhenseand the Golden Bull of 1356 conclusively named
the dukes of Saxe-Wittenberg as electors. Louis then was quickly crowned at Aachen Cathedral by
Archbishop Peter von Aspelt, while Frederick was forced to proceed to Bonn Minster for his coronation
on November 25, 1314 by the Cologne archbishop Heinrich von Virneburg. Both tried for the support
by theImperial States; Frederick was enfeebled by the fact that he had been crowned at the wrong place and moreover
struggled with the rebellious Swiss Confederacy in the Swabian home territories of the Habsburgs, suffering a crushing defeat
at the 1315 Battle of Morgarten. He nevertheless was able to hold his ground against the Wittelsbach rival and after several
years of bloody war, victory finally seemed to be within Frederick's grasp, as he was strongly supported by the forces of his
younger brother Leopold I. However, Frederick's army was in the end completely beaten near Mhldorf on Ampfing Heath on
September 28, 1322, and Frederick and 1,300 nobles from Austria and the allied Archbishopric of Salzburg were captured.
Louis held Frederick captive at Trausnitz Castle in the Upper Palatinate for three years, but the persistent resistance by
Frederick's brother Leopold, the retreat of King John of Bohemia from his alliance and a ban by Pope John XXII induced Louis to
release him under the Treaty of Trausnitz of March 13, 1325. In this agreement, Frederick finally recognized Louis as
legitimate ruler and undertook to return to captivity if he did not succeed in convincing his younger brothers to submit to
Louis. As he did not manage to overcome Leopold's obstinacy, Frederick returned to Munich as a prisoner, even though the
Pope had released him from his oath. Impressed by Frederick's noble gesture, Louis renewed the old friendship with Frederick
and they agreed to rule the Empire jointly. Since the Pope and the prince-electors strongly objected to this agreement,
another Treaty was signed at Ulm on 7 January 1326, according to which Frederick would govern Germany as King of the
Romans, while Louis would be crowned Emperor by the "people of Rome" under Sciarra Colonna in 1328. After Leopold's
death in 1326, Frederick actually withdrew from the regency of Germany and returned to rule only in Austria and Styria. He
died on January 13, 1330, at GutensteinCastle in the Wienerwald range, and was buried at Mauerbach Charterhouse, which
he had founded. After the charterhouse was closed down in 1783, his remains were brought to the Ducal Crypt at St.
Stephen's Cathedral in Vienna. Frederick's gracious return to captivity inspired Friedrich Schiller to write his poem Deutsche
Treue ("German Loyalty") and Uhland to his tragedy Ludwig der Bayer ("Louis the Bavarian"). On May 11, 1315 Frederick had
married Isabella of Aragon, daughter of King James II of Aragon with Blanche of Anjou, an ambitious woman with an
immense dowry. They had two sons, who died early, their daughter Anna married the Wittelsbach duke Henry XV of Bavaria.
Frederick was succeeded in Austria and Styria by his younger brothers Albert II and Otto. It took the Habsburgs more than a
century to regain the royal crown, when Albert's II great-grandson Albert V of Austria ascended to the German throne in 1438.

Leopold I (August 4, 1290 February 28, 1326) was Duke of Austria and Styria as co-ruler with his elder
brother Frederick the Fair from 1308 until his death on February 28, 1326. Born at Vienna, he was the third
son of King Albert I of Germany and Elisabeth of Gorizia-Tyrol, a scion of the Meinhardiner dynasty. After the
death of his eldest brother Duke Rudolph III in 1307 and the assassination of King Albert in 1308, Leopold
became head of the Habsburg dynasty and administrator of the Swabian home territories, where he started
a retaliation campaign against his father's murderers. The energetic man converged with the royal House of
Luxembourg and accompanied King Henry VII on his Italian campaign. In 1311 he helped to suppress
a Guelph revolt at Milan underGuido della Torre and to lay siege to the city of Brescia. Upon Emperor Henry's
death, he strongly supported his brother Frederick in the 1314 election as King of the Romans. Despite all
efforts (and bribes), the Habsburgs only gained the votes of four Prince-electors, while Louis IV of
Wittelsbach, with support of the Luxembourgs, was elected by five. In the following armed conflict between
the rivals, the forces of Leopold were supportive of his brother's claims. In his ancestral homeland however,
he incurred a decisive defeat by the Swiss Confederacy at the 1315 Battle of Morgarten. When Frederick and their younger
brother Henry had been captured at the Battle of Mhldorf in 1322, Leopold struggled for their release. He entered into
negotiations with King Louis IV and even surrendered the Imperial Regaliahe had kept at Kyburg castle. The parleys failed and
Leopold continued to attack the Bavarian forces of Louis, who unsuccessfully laid siege to the Swabian town of Burgau in
1324. After the king had failed to reach the approval of his election by Pope John XXII and was even banned, he released
Frederick in 1325. The captive however had to promise to swear his brother to acknowledge Louis as his suzerain, which
Leopold refused. Frederick as a man of honour voluntarily returned to the Bavarian court, where he and Louis finally agreed
upon a joint rule. Leopold died in Straburg shortly afterwards, aged 35. In 1315 Leopold married Catherine (12841336),
daughter of Count Amadeus V of Savoy. They had two daughters: Catherine (13201349), who married Lord Enguerrand VI of
Coucy and Agnes (13221392), married Duke Bolko II the Small of widnica.

Albert II of Austria (December

12, 1298 August 16, 1358), known as the Wise or the Lame, was Duke of Austria
from 1330 until 1358 and Duke of Carinthia from 1335 until 1338 jointly with with his younger brother, Otto IV the Merry.
Albert II was born at Habsburg Castle in Habsburg, the son of Albert I of Germany, Rex Romanorum, and Elisabeth of Tirol. He
became the joint ruler of all Habsburg lands with his younger brother, Otto the Merry in 1330, while increasing his
possessions by the inheritance of his wife Joan, which was made up of the County of Pfirt and several cities. Furthermore,
Albert succeeded in establishing his claims on Carinthia and Carniola against John of Bohemia. Reflecting his high reputation
among the secular and Church leaders of Europe, in 1335 Pope Benedict XII asked him to mediate in the church's conflict with
Emperor Louis the Bavarian. Two years later, King Philip VI of France 1337 asked him for help against Emperor Louis and
KingEdward III of England. Nevertheless, Albert remained faithful to the Emperor until Louis' death. He established the
"Albertinian House Rule" (Albertinische Hausordnung) to predetermine the rules of succession in the Austrian lands, although
the rule was disregarded after his death until renewed by Maximilian I, Holy Roman Emperor. Adopted as part of thePragmatic
Sanction, the Albertinian House Rule effectively remained one of the basic laws of Austria until 1918. Styria owes him its
(former) constitution, the so-called "Mountain Book" (Bergbchel); the same is true for Carinthia. Albert began the
construction of the Gothic Choir in St. Stephen's Cathedral in Vienna, known as the Albertinian Choir. It has been speculated
that he had temporal paralysis (explaining his nickname "Albert the Lame") caused by polyarthritis. If so, however, it did not
prevent him from fathering four children: Rudolf, who succeeded him as duke, Frederick (2nd Duke), Albert III (3rd Duke),
andLeopold (3rd co-Duke). Albert died at Vienna in 1358 and was buried in a monastery of his own foundation, Gaming
Charterhouse in Lower Austria. He married on February 15, 1324 Countess Johanna of Pfirt, daughter of Count Ulrich III of
Pfirt and had the following children: Rudolf IV of Austria November 1, 1339, Vienna July 27, 1365, Milan). Married but line

extinct, Catherine (1342, Vienna January 10, 1381, Vienna), Abbess of St. Klara in Vienna, Margaret
(1346, Vienna January 14, 1366, Brno), married: in Passau on September 4, 1359 Count Meinhard III of
Gorizia-Tyrol and in Vienna 1364 Margrave Johann Heinrich of Moravia, Frederick III of Austria (1347, Vienna
1362, Vienna) died unmarried, Albert III of Austria (9 September 1349, Vienna August 29, 1395,
Castle Laxenburg) and Leopold III (1 November 1351, Vienna July 9, 1386, Sempach).

Otto IV, the Merry (July

23, 1301 February 17, 1339) was a Duke

of Austria from 1330 until 1339 and Duke of Carinthia from 1335 until 1338 jointly with
his eldest brother Alberth I. He was the youngest son of Albert I of Germany and
Elisabeth of Tirol. Otto was born in Vienna. He had two brothers, namely Frederick the
Handsome and Albert the Undistinguished. From 1330 onwards, he ruled jointly with
Albert. After the
death of Henry of Carinthia, Emperor Louis the Bavarian gave Carinthia and the
southern part of
the Tyrol as an imperial fief on May 2, 1335, in Linz. Otto was enthroned as duke in
accordance with
the old Carinthian rite on the Zollfeld, and, from that time onwards, took care of
Carinthia rather
than of the Duchy of Austria. He founded the Neuberg Abbey at Neuberg an der
Mrz in Styria an
d the Chapel of Saint George in the Augustine Church in Vienna. In February 1335, he
married
Anna,
the sister of Emperor Charles IV inZnojmo. In 1337 he founded the knightly
order Societas Templois for the crusade against the pagan Prussians and Lithuanians. His nickname the Merry refers to the
festive life at his court. Otto died at Neuberg an der Mrz in 1339. His son and titular successor was Leopold II, Duke of
Austria; however, Leopold died before coming of age, and the line became extinct. On 15 May 1325, Otto married his first
wife Elizabeth of Bavaria. She was a daughter of Stephen I, Duke of Bavaria and Jutta ofSchweidnitz. They had two children:
Frederick II, Duke of Austria (Habsburg) (February 10, 1327 December 11, 1344). Co-ruler with his younger brother and
Leopold II, Duke of Austria (1328 August 10, 1344). Co-ruler with his older brother. Elizabeth of Bavaria died on March 25,
1330. Otto remained a widower for almost five years. On February 16, 1335, Otto married his second wife Anna of Bohemia.
She was a daughter of John I of Bohemia and his first wife Elisabeth of Bohemia (12921330). They would have no children.
She died on September 3, 1338. Otto had four illegitimate sons who appear in genealogies. The identities of their mother or
mothers and their later fates are unknown: Otto, Leopold, Johann and Leopold.

Frederick II

(February 10, 1327 - December 11, 1344) was a Duke of Austria from 1339 until his death on
August 10, 1344. He was eldest son of Otto I and Elisabeth of Bavaria.

Leopold II

(c. 1328 - August 10, 1344) was a Duke of Austria from 1339 unti his death on Aigust 10, 1344. He
was second son of Otto I and Elisabeth of Bavaria.

Rudolf IV

der Stifter ("the Founder") (November 1, 1339 July 27, 1365) was Duke (self-proclaimed Archduke)
of Austria and Duke of Styria and Carinthia from 1358, as well as Count of Tyrol from 1363 and first Duke of Carniola from
1364 until his death on July 27, 1365. After the Habsburgs got nothing from the decree of the Golden Bull in 1356, he gave
order to draw up the "Privilegium Maius", a fake document to empower the Austrian rulers. Born in Vienna, Rudolf was the
eldest son of Duke Albert II of Austria and his wife Joanna of Pfirt. One of the third generation of Habsburg dukes in Austria, he
was the first to be born within the duchy. Therefore, he considered Austria his home, a sentiment that no doubt
communicated itself to his subjects and contributed to his popularity. Faced with the Habsburgs' loss of the Imperial crown
upon the assassination of his grandfather King Albert I of Germany in 1308, Rudolf was one of the most energetic and active
rulers of Austria in the late Middle Ages, and it was said of him that as a young man he already had the air of a king. In 1357
he was married to Catherine of Luxembourg, a daughter of Emperor Charles IV. Eager to compete with his mighty father-inlaw, who had made the Kingdom of Bohemia and its capital Prague a radiant center of Imperial culture, Rudolf desired to raise
the importance of his residence Vienna to a comparable or greater height. For more than a century, the Habsburg dukes had
chafed at the Popes' failure to make Vienna the seat of its own diocese, a status that they considered appropriate for the
capital of a duchy. Instead the city parish was subordinate to the Bishops of Passau, who had excellent connections to
the Pope, apparently dooming Vienna's prospects in this regard. Rudolf, however, resorted to something which could be
considered imposture: He initiated the creation of a "metropolitan cathedral chapter" at the church of St. Stephen (which,
according to the name, should be assigned to a bishop), whose members wore red garments as cardinals do. The provost of
the chapter received the title of a "Archchancellor of Austria". Rudolf extended St. Stephen's Cathedral, with the construction
of its gothic nave being started under Rudolf's rule. The construction efforts can be seen as an attempt to compete with St.
Vitus Cathedral in Prague. Rudolf had himself and his wife depicted on a cenotaphat the cathedral's entrance. Similarly, by
founding the University of Vienna in 1365, Rudolf sought to match Charles IV's founding of the Charles University of Praguein
1348. Still known as Alma Mater Rudolphina today, the University of Vienna is the oldest continuously operating university in
the German-speaking world. However, a faculty of theology, which was considered crucial for a university at that time, was
not established until 1385, twenty years after Rudolf's death. To improve the economy of Vienna Rudolf introduced many
other measures, including the supervision by the mayor of sales of real property, instituted to prevent sales to the dead
hand, i.e., to prevent economically unproductive ownership by the Church. Rudolf also managed to establish a relatively
stable currency, the so-called Wiener Pfennig (Vienna Penny). Rudolf is best known for another bluff, the forgery of
the Privilegium Maius, which de facto put him on par with the seven Prince-electors of the Holy Roman Empire, compensating
for Austria's failure to receive an electoral vote in the Golden Bull of 1356 issued by Emperor Charles IV. The title of Archduke
(Erzherzog), invented by Rudolf, became an honorific title of all males of the House of Habsburg from the 16th century. In
1363, Rudolf entered into a contract of inheritance with widowed Countess Margaret of Gorizia-Tyrol upon the death of her
only sonMeinhard III, which actually brought the County of Tyrol under Austrian rule only after her death in 1369 since

Margraret's brother-in-law Duke Stephen II of Bavaria had invaded the country. In 1364 Rudolf declared
the Carinthian March of Carniola a duchy and the next year established the Lower Carniolan town of Novo
Mesto (in present-day Slovenia), whose German name Rudolfswert was given in his honor. In the same
time, he concluded another contract of inheritance with his father-in-law Emperor Charles IV, providing
for mutual inheritance between the Habsburg and Luxembourg dynasties. In spite of the high-flying (and
maybe sometimes megalomaniac) character of his plans, he managed to modernize his territories and his
city, the prominence of which considerably increased. His untimely death without issue halted further
progress, however. His younger brothers Albert III and Leopold III, who were to rule jointly under
the Rudolfinische Hausordnung (Rudolfinian House Rules), began to quarrel ceaselessly and ultimately
agreed to divide the Habsburg territories between them according to the 1379 Treaty of Neuberg. It was
Leopold's descendant Frederick V of Austria, elected King of the Romans in 1440 and sole ruler over all
Austrian lands from 1457, who reaped the fruit of Rudolf's efforts and laid the foundations of
the Habsburg Monarchy. Rudolf died suddenly at Milan in 1365 aged 26. His and his wife's mortal remains are buried at
the Ducal Crypt underneath the Stephansdom in Vienna.

Albert III of Austria (September

9, 1349 August 29, 1395), known as Albert with the

Pigtail (German: Herzog Albrecht III "mit dem Zopf"), was a duke of Austria from 1365 until his death on
August 29, 1395 and a member of the House of Habsburg. Albert III was born in Vienna, the third son of
Duke Albert II of Austria and his wife Joanna of Pfirt. Even though his father had determined that the
eldest son should be the sole successor, after his father's death in 1358, Albert later inherited the rule
from his two older brothers Rudolf IV and Frederick III and later shared it with his younger
brother Leopold III. In 1377, Albert went on a crusade against the pagan Lithuanians and Samogitians.
After Rudolf's and Frederick's death without an heir, Albert and his remaining brother, Leopold III,
entered, in 1379, into the Treaty of Neuberg to divide the Habsburg territories. Albert received Austria
proper while Leopold ruled over Styria, Carinthia, Tyrol and Further Austria. His government was
beneficial to the realm, as he supported the arts and sciences. Albert was an apt scholar himself,
particularly as a mathematician. He expanded the University of Vienna and attempted to refurbish Vienna. Albert died in
1395 at the castle Schloss Laxenburg. He is buried in the Ducal Crypt in the Stephansdom cathedral in Vienna. Albert III was
married twice. The first marriage, after 19 March 1366, was with Elisabeth of Bohemia (1358-1373), daughter of Charles IV,
Holy Roman Emperor. This marriage was childless; his wife died at age fifteen. Secondly, he married Beatrix of Nuremberg,
daughter of Frederick V of Nuremberg and Elisabeth of Meissen who gave him his only son, Albert IV, who succeeded him.
Elisabeth of Meissen was descended from the Babenberg dukes of Austria.

Leopold III of Austria (November

1, 1351 July 9, 1386) from the Habsburg family, was Duke of

Austria from 1365 until 1379, and Duke of Styria and Carinthia (Inner Austria) from 1365 until his death on
July 9, 1386. Born in Vienna, Leopold was a younger son of Duke Albert the Wise, and younger brother of
the Dukes Rudolf the Founder and Albert the Pigtail. His mother, Joanna of Pfirt, was 51 when she gave birth
to him and died shortly after. He was firstly the administrator ofTyrol, and was jointly charged with the rule
of the Habsburg lands with Albert after Rudolf's death. However, by the Treaty of Neuberg of September 9,
1379, he became the exclusive ruler of Styria (including Wiener Neustadt), Carinthia, Carniola, the Windic
March,Gorizia, the Habsburgs' possessions in Friuli, Tyrol and Further Austria. In 1368 he acquired Freiburg
im Breisgau, in 1375 Feldkirchand in 1382 Trieste. However, his attempts to expand his position
in Switzerland and Swabia failed, when he died in the Battle of Sempach in 1386. He was married, on
February 23, 1365, to Viridis Visconti (13521414), second daughter of Barnab Visconti, Lord of Milan, and Beatrice Regina
della Scala, and had the following children: William the Courteous, Leopold the Fat, Ernest the Iron, Frederick of the Empty
Pockets, Elisabeth (13781392) and Catherine (1385?), Abbess of St. Klara in Vienna He was succeeded by his eldest
son William. Other sons included Leopold, future Duke of Further Austria, Ernest the Iron, future Duke of Inner Austria,
and Frederick, future Duke of Further Austria.

Albert IV of Austria (September 19, 1377 September 14, 1404) was a

duke of Austria from 1395 until

his death on September 14, 1404. He was born in Vienna, the son of Duke Albert III of Austria and Beatrix of
Nuremberg. He was the Duke of Austria from 1395 until 1404, which then included roughly today's Lower
Austria and most of Upper Austria, as the other Habsburg dominions were at that time ruled by his relatives of
the Leopoldinian Line of the family. Albert's rule was characterized by quarrels with that part of his family and
with members of the Luxemburg dynasty, Wenceslaus and Sigismund. Albert died at Klosterneuburg, Lower
Austria, in 1404. He is buried in the Ducal Crypt in the Stephansdom in Vienna. He was succeeded by his
son Albert. Through his maternal grandmother, Elisabeth of Meissen, Albert IV descended from Babenberg dukes of Austria.
He was married in Vienna on April 24, 1390 to Johanna Sophia of Bavaria, daughter of Albrecht I, Duke of BavariaStraubing and Margarete of Brieg. Their children were: Margarete (June 26, 1395, ViennaDecember 24, 1447), married
in Landshut on November 25, 1412 to Duke Henry XVI of Bavaria and Albert V (August 16, 1397October 27,
1439, Neszmly, Hungary).

William the Courteous (c.1370 July 15, 1406) was a member and head of the Leopoldinian Line, Duke of Carinthia,
Styria Carniola and Count of Tyrol from 1386 until his death on July 15, 1406. Born in Vienna, he was the oldest son of
Duke Leopold the Just and his wife, Viridis Visconti, and ruled in Carinthia, Styria and Carniola. His engagement with Hedwig
of Hungary, youngest daughter of the neighboring king, was one of the first attempts of the House of Habsburg to extend their
sphere of influence in Eastern Central Europe by marrying heiresses, a practice that gave rise to the phrase Bella gerant alii:
tu felix Austria nube (Let others make war: thou happy Austria, marry). William's interests lay in having Hungarian lands,
which Hedwig's father, King Louis I of Hungary, intended to leave to her. Fate reversed part of these plans, however: Hedwig
was chosen as queen regnant of Poland, a country far north of Austria, and was confirmed in that position in 1384. The 14year-old William was repudiated, because, from the Polish point of view, there were more fitting marriage prospects for their
11-year-old queen. After the engagement was dissolved, William married Hedwig's relative, another Angevin and also heiress
presumptive, Joan of Naples. However, the marriage did not produce any offspring and William did not live to see his wife
succeed her brother as Queen Joan II. In 1394, after death of his first cousin, Duke Albert the Patient, he tried to obtain
control over the lands of the Albertinian Line's territories during the minority of Albert the Magnanimous. However, he never

achieved that. William died in 1406 in Vienna. He is buried in the Dukes' Catacomb in Vienna's Cathedral
of Saint Stephan.

Leopold IV of Austria, Duke

of Further Austria (1371 June 3, 1411) was

an Austrian Habsburg Duke of the Leopoldinian Line, Duke of Carinthia, Styria
Carniola and Count of Tyrol from 1386 until his death on June 3, 1411, until 1406 he
was ruled jointly with his brother Wiliam the Courteous. He was the second son
of Leopold III. His eldest brother Duke William of Inner Austria took him as his
effective co-ruler,
putting him in particular charge of Further Austria, which also meant ancestral
Habsburg lands in
Swiss Aargau etc. Leopold was to face Swiss opposition to Austrian administration.
From
1391
onwards, he was the effective ruler of Further Austria, and from 1396 to 1406 he was
ruler in Tyrol too. He married Catherine de Valois of Burgundy, daughter of Philip II, Duke of Burgundy, in 1393. She died in
1425, and they had no surviving children. His younger brothers Ernest the Iron and Frederick were, for the time being, left to
grow up. They were initiated with ducal positions in 1402. In 1406 their eldest brother Duke William died without leaving
heirs, and Leopold became the next head of their family. Unfortunately, Leopold had no sons either. The younger brothers
made an agreement how to divide the patrimony in the future: Ernest was to receive Inner Austria and Frederick Further
Austria, including Tyrol. Ernest took the reins in Styria, etc. Frederick was only barely in his twenties, but was put in charge in
Tyrol. Leopold was left with responsibility of the Further Austrian territories, together with the position of head of the family. In
1406, Leopold took over the guardianship of their young cousin Albert V, which resulted in conflicts with his brother Ernest.
Leopold died in Vienna and was buried in the Ducal Crypt in the city's cathedral.

Ernest

the Iron (German: Ernst der Eiserne; 1377 June 10, 1424) was Duke
of Styria, Carinthia and Carniola (collectively Inner Austria) from 1406 until his death on June 10, 1424.
He was a member of the Habsburg dynasty, of the Leopoldian line, whose head of the family he was from
1411 to 1424. Ernest was born in Bruck an der Mur, Styria, the third son of Leopold III, Duke of Inner
Austria. After the death of his father in the Battle of Sempach in 1386, he stood under the guardianship
of Albert III. In 1401 he accompanied the German King Rupert on his campaign in Italy. Upon the death of
their eldest brother William, Duke of Inner Austria in 1406, the remaining three brothers agreed about
the future partition of their patrimony. In the separation agreement of 1406, Ernest received Styria,
Carinthia and Carniola, and jointly with his elder brother duke Leopold IV (the head of the Leopoldian
line), held the guardianship over young Albert V, Duke of Austria. In 1407, conflicts between Leopold and
Ernest resulted in a civil war that lasted until May 1409. When Leopold died without a male heir in 1411,
Ernest became the uncontested head of the Leopoldian family. In 1414, he became the last Duke to be enthroned according
to the traditional rite in Carinthia, and from that time on called himself Archduke. He was the first Habsburg to actually use
this title, which had been invented by Rudolf IV. He was made a member of the Order of the Dragon, but later became bitter
with EmperorSigismund from 1412 onwards when his brother Frederick IV, Duke of Further Austria (ruler of Tirol) was banned
by the Emperor in 1417, Ernest first attempted to gain control over Frederick's territories himself, but then came to an
agreement with him and successfully defended Tirol against the Emperor's pretensions. Ernest died at Bruck an der Mur, and
was buried in the Cistercian monastery of Rein. His nickname the Iron only came into use after his death. On January 14,
1392, Ernest married his first wife Margaret of Pomerania. She was a daughter of Bogusaw V, Duke of Pomerania and his
second wife Adelheid of Brunswick-Grubenhagen. They had no children. She died in 1407 or 1410 according to contradictory
necrologies. On January 25, 1412, Ernest married his second wife Cymburgis of Masovia, who was his equal in vitality and
with whom he had nine children: Holy Roman Emperor Frederick III (September 21, 1415 August 19, 1493),
Margaret (1416/17 February 12, 1486), married on June 3, 1431 to Frederick II, Elector of Saxony, Duke Albert VI (December
18, 1418 2 December 1463), Alexander (died 1420), Rudolf (died before 1424), Catherine (1424 September 11, 1493),
married on July 15, 1447 to Charles I, Margrave of Baden-Baden, Leopold (died before 1424), Anna (died November 11, 1429)
and Ernest (d. 10, August 1432) As the ruler of Inner Austria and the founder of the older Styrian Line of the Habsburg
family, which, by his son, Emperor Frederick III survived the Albertinian-Austrian and the Tyrolean Lines, he became the
ancestor of all later Habsburg emperors.
Frederick IV, Duke of Further Austria (1382 June 24, 1439), also known as Frederick of the Empty
Pockets, was the Habsburg Duke of Further Austria from 1402, and Count of Tyrol from 1406, until his
death on June 24, 1439. He was the younger son of Leopold III, Duke of Inner Austria. Frederick's rule
over Tyrol and the scattered Habsburg territories in southwestern Germany and in the Alsace referred
to collectively asVordersterreich (i.e., Further Austria) was formalized in 1402 through a partition of his
father's inheritance. Later, in 1406, his elder brother Leopold IV ceded Tyrol to his sole rule when their
eldest brother William died; and Frederick became sole ruler in Further Austria only upon Leopold's
death in 1411. The early years of Frederick's reign were marked by external and internal conflicts. He
had to overcome the opposition of the local nobles (who gave him the title of "Empty Pockets") in
1406/07, and had to deal with the independence movement in Appenzell, which became a protectorate
of the Old Swiss Confederacy in 1411. When he sided with Antipope John XXIII at the Council of
Constance, Emperor Sigismund placed him under the Imperial ban. Thanks to the support of the local
populace he managed to keep Tyrol, but he lost the Aargau, the old homeland of the Habsburgs, to the Swiss. By 1425, his
rule over Tyrol had stabilized, partially due to successful beginning of silver mining that brought an increase in prosperity to
the region. Frederick also moved the court from Meran to Innsbruck. On December 24, 1407, Frederick married Elisabeth of
the Palatinate (13811408), daughter of Rupert, King of the Romans in Innsbruck, but she died the following year. On June 11,
1411 Frederick married Anna, daughter of Frederick, Duke of Brunswick-Lneburg; they had one son, Sigismund. By Elisabeth
of the Palatine: Elisabeth (died December 27 or 28, 1408) By Anna of Brunswick-Lneburg: Margaret (1423 July 6, 1424),
Hedwig (1424 February 21, 1427), Wolfgang (February 26, 1426) and Sigismund (October 26, 1427 March 4, 1496).

Archduchy of Austria
The Archduchy of Austria (German: Erzherzogtum sterreich) was one of the most important states within theHoly Roman
Empire and the nucleus of the Habsburg dynastic lands. With its capital at Vienna, the archduchy was centered in
the Danube basin, roughly corresponding to the current Austrian states of Lower Austria and Upper Austria.

List of Archdukes of the Archduchy of Austria

Frederick the Peaceful

(September 21, 1415 August 19, 1493) was Duke of

Austria as Frederick V from November 23, 1424 until August 19, 1493, the successor of Albert
II as German King as Frederick IV from February 2, 1440 until August 19, 1493, and Holy Roman
Emperor as Frederick III from March 19, 1452 until his death on August 19, 1493. In 1493, he was
succeeded by his son Maximilian I after ten years of joint rule. Born in Innsbruck, he was the son of
Duke Ernest the Iron of the Leopoldinian line of the Habsburg family, the ruler of Inner Austria, i.e.
the duchies of Styria, Carinthia and Carniola, and of Ernest's wife Cymburgis of Masovia. He became
duke of Inner Austria as Frederick V upon his father's death in 1424. In 1440 he was elected German
king as Frederick IV and in 1452 crowned Holy Roman Emperoras Frederick III by Pope Nicholas V. In
1452, at the age of 37, he married the 18-year-old InfantaEleanor, daughter of King Edward of
Portugal, whose dowry helped him to alleviate his debts and cement his power. In 1442, Frederick
allied himself with Rudolf Stssi, burgomaster of Zrich, against the Old Swiss Confederacy in
the Old Zrich War (Alter Zrichkrieg). In 1448, he entered into the Vienna Concordat with the Holy
See, which remained in force until 1806 and regulated the relationship between the Habsburgs and
the Holy See. Frederick was the last Emperor to be crowned in Rome. He opposed the reform of
the Holy Roman Empire at that time and was barely able to prevent the electors from electing another king. Frederick's style
of rulership was marked by hesitation and a sluggish pace of decision making. The Italian humanist Enea Silvio Piccolomini,
later Pope Pius II, who at one time worked at Frederick's court, described the Emperor as a person who wanted to conquer the
world while remaining seated. Although this was regarded as a character flaw in older academic research, his delaying tactics
are now viewed as a means of coping with political challenges in far-flung territorial possessions. Frederick is credited with
having the ability to sit out difficult political situations patiently. According to contemporary accounts, Frederick had
difficulties developing emotional closeness to other persons, including his children and wife Eleanor. In general, Frederick
kept himself away from women, the reasons for which are not known. As Frederick was rather distant to his family, Eleanor
had a great influence on the raising and education of Frederick's children, and she therefore played an important role in
the House of Habsburg's rise to prominence. Frederick's political initiatives were hardly bold, but they were still successful.
His first major opponent was his brother Albert VI, who challenged his rule. He did not manage to win a single conflict on the
battlefield against him, and thus resorted to more subtle means. He held his second cousin once removed Ladislaus the
Posthumous, the ruler of the Archduchy of Austria, Hungary and Bohemia, (born in 1440) as a prisoner and attempted to
extend his guardianship over him in perpetuity to maintain his control over Lower Austria. Ladislaus was freed in 1452 by the
Lower Austrian estates. He acted similarly towards his nephew Sigismund of the Tyrolian line of the Habsburg family. Despite
those efforts, he failed to gain control over Hungary and Bohemia in the Bohemian War (1468-1478) and was even defeated
in the Austrian-Hungarian War (1477-1488) by the Hungarian King Matthias Corvinus in 1485, who managed to maintain
residence in Vienna until his death five years later (see Siege of Vienna (1485)). Ultimately, Frederick prevailed in all those
conflicts by outliving his opponents and sometimes inheriting their lands, as was the case with his nephew Ladislaus, from
whom he gained Lower Austria in 1457, and with his brother Albert VI, whom he succeeded in Upper Austria. These conflicts
forced him into an anachronistic itinerant existence, as he had to move his court between various places through the years,
residing in Graz, Linz and Wiener Neustadt. Wiener Neustadt owes him its castle and the "New Monastery". Still, in some
ways his policies were astonishingly successful. In the Siege of Neuss (147475), he forced Charles the Bold of Burgundy to
give up his daughter Mary of Burgundy as wife to Frederick's son Maximilian. With the inheritance of Burgundy, the House
of Habsburg began to rise to predominance in Europe. This gave rise to the saying "Let others wage wars, but you, happy
Austria, shall marry", which became a motto of the dynasty. The marriage of his daughter Kunigunde of Austria to Albert IV,
Duke of Bavaria, was another result of intrigues and deception, but must be counted as a defeat for Frederick. Albert illegally
took control of some imperial fiefs and then asked to marry Kunigunde (who lived in Innsbruck, far from her father), offering
to give her the fiefs as a dowry. Frederick agreed at first, but after Albert took over yet another fief, Regensburg, Frederick
withdrew his consent. On January 2, 1487, however, before Frederick's change of heart could be communicated to his
daughter, Kunigunde married Albert. A war was prevented only through the mediation of the Emperor's son, Maximilian. In
some smaller matters, Frederick was quite successful: in 1469 he managed to establish bishoprics in Vienna and Wiener
Neustadt, a step that no previous Duke of Austria had been able to achieve. Frederick's personal motto was the mysterious
string A.E.I.O.U., which he imprinted on all his belongings. He never explained its meaning, leading to many different
interpretations being presented, although it has been claimed that shortly before his death he said it stands for Alles Erdreich
ist sterreich untertan(English: All the world is subject to Austria.) It may well symbolise his own understanding of the
historical importance and meaning of his rule and of the early gaining of the Imperial title. Frederick had 5 children from his
marriage with Eleanor of Portugal: Christoph (14551456) and Maximilian (14591519), Holy Roman Emperor, married
1477 Mary of Burgundy (14571482), daughter of Duke of Burgundy Charles the Bold and 1494 Bianca Maria Sforza (1472
1510), daughter of Duke of Milan Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Helene (14601462), Kunigunde (14651520), married 1487 Albert
IV, Duke of Bavaria, Johannes (14661467) At the age of 77, Frederick III died at Linz when the amputation of his left leg
caused him to bleed to death. His grave, built by Nikolaus Gerhaert von Leyden, in the Stephansdom in Vienna, is one of the
most important works of sculptural art of the late Middle Ages. His amputed leg was buried with him. For the last ten years of
Frederick's life, he and Maximilian ruled jointly. In the crime novel "The Redbreast" by Jo Nesbo, a senior Norwegian official
concerned with preparations for a forthcoming visit by the President of the United States is depicted as saying: "Why does
the President need to bring with him 700 people for a two-day summit? The answer is simple. We are talking about the oldfashioned rhetoric of power. Seven hundred is precisely the number of people which Kaiser Friedrich III brought with him
when he entered Rome in 1468, to show the Pope who the most powerful man in the world was".

Albert VI (December

12, 1418 December 2, 1463), also known as the Prodigal, from the House of Habsburg was, with
his elder brother Emperor Frederick III, an Archduke of Inner Austria (i.e. the duchies of Styria, Carinthia and Carniola) from
1424 and of Austria from 1457 until his death on December 2, 1463. According to tradition, Albert was the exact opposite of
Frederick, energetic and inclined to thoughtlessness. Albert was born in Vienna, the son of Archduke Ernest the Iron of Inner
Austria and his wife Cymburgis of Masovia. After the death of their father in 1424 he and his brother remained under the
tutelage of their uncle Duke Frederick IV of the Empty Pockets, who ruled overFurther Austria and the County of Tyrol. Coming
of age in 1436 Albert, though a junior heir of Inner Austria, received no full rulership anywhere for a long time, which caused
friction in his relations with his elder brother Frederick (Frederick V as Archduke). When in 1439 both Duke Frederick IV of
Further Austria and King Albert II of Germany, Duke of Austria died, Archduke Frederick assumed the guardianship over their
minor sonsSigismund and Ladislaus the Posthumous. As Habsburg patriarch, heir of Inner Austria and regent of Further
Austria, Tyrol and theAustria proper, he then ruled over all the dynasty's hereditary lands. At that stage, Albert began
quarreling with his brother and in 1446 claimed the lands of Further Austria from him. The conflict between the brothers
escalated when Duke Ladislaus Posthumous of Austria died childless in 1457 and Frederick, Holy Roman Emperor since 1452,
came into his inheritance. Albert rose up and in 1458 occupied the western part of the Austrian archduchy "above the Enns"
(later known as Upper Austria), which he ruled at Linz as a separate principality and, quite small, his portion of Habsburg
patrimony. After laying siege to Frederick in the Vienna Hofburg, he also took over the reign of Austria below the Enns

(nowLower Austria) in 1462. Albert however died childless the next year and all his lands fell back
to his elder brother. In 1452 Albert had married Mathilde (Mechthild), daughter of Count
Palatine Louis III. Both are credited for founding the University of Freiburg in 1457.

Sigismund

of
Austria, Duke,
then Archduke of Further
Austria (October 26, 1427 March 4, 1496) was a Habsburg Archduke of the
Archduchy of Austria and ruler of Tirol from 1446 to 1490. Sigismund (or
Siegmund, sometimes also spelled Sigmund) was born in Innsbruck; his
parents were Frederick IV, Duke of Austria andAnna of Brunswick. He was a
first cousin of Frederick III, Holy Roman Emperor, who served as regent until
1446. In 1446, upon the end of the regency of Frederick III, he acceded to
rulership over Tirol and (other) Further Austria Vordersterreich, which
included the Sundgau in the Alsace, the Breisgau, and some possessions
in Swabia. In 1449, he married Eleanor of Scotland, the daughter of James
I, King of Scots. For much of his reign, Sigismund was engaged in disputes with Nicholas of Cusa,
then bishop of Brixen, for the control of the Eisack, Puster and Inn valleys. In 1460, when he had
Nicholas imprisoned, he was excommunicated by Pope Pius II. The bishop fled to Todi, but died before the archduke
surrendered in order to receive the papal pardon. In 1469, he sold his lands on the Rhine and in the Alsace to Charles, Duke
of Burgundy. Sources are unclear whether he sold them due to his debts he had accumulated owing to his luxurious lifestyle
or just "rented" them because he wanted to have them protected better against the expansion of the Old Swiss Confederacy.
In any case, he bought back these possessions in 1474, and together with the Swiss (with whom he had concluded a peace
treaty in Konstanz) and the Alsatian cities, he sided against Charles in the Battle of Hricourt. In 1477, Frederick III made
him archduke. Three years later, Eleanor died, and 1484, Sigismund married the 16-year-old Catherine of Saxony, daughter
of Albert, Duke of Saxony. He had no offspring from either marriage. In the later years of the 1470s and early 1480s
Sigismund issued a decree that instituted a radical coinage reformation that eventually led up to the creation of the world's
first really large and heavy silver coin in nearly a millennium, the guldengroschen, which the Habsburgs
in Bohemia developed later into the thaler. This coin was the ancestor of many of the major European coin denominations to
come later and also of the US dollar. Using new mining methods and technology, the largely quiescent silver mines in Tirol
were brought back into production and soon numerous surrounding states were re-opening old mines and minting similar
coins. This production of large coinage exploded as silver from Spain's colonies in the Americas flooded the European
economy. It is from these reforms in part that Sigismund acquired the nickname of der Mnzreiche, or "rich in coin".
Sigismund was easily swayed by the bad advice of his council and in March 1487 entered into a pointless war with
the Republic of Venice, sometimes called the War of Rovereto. Tyrolean forces quickly seized silver mines in
the Valsugana valley owned by Venice, and in April 1487 Sigismund outraged Venice further when he imprisoned 130
Venetian merchants traveling to the fair at Bozen (modern Bolzano) and confiscated their goods. Tyrol stormed the Pass
of Calliano and later besieged the castle at Rovereto using a massive bombard, one of the earliest times such a large piece
had been used in warfare. The war continued through summer but ended with no decisive victory for either side. One notable
casualty of the conflict was the condottiero Roberto Sanseverino, Prince of Salerno. By 1490 the opposition of the population
of Tirol compelled Sigismund to hand over the rulership to Archduke Maximilian I, who later became Holy Roman Emperor.
Whether Sigismund voluntarily handed over power to Maximilian or was strongly coerced by the latter is not clear.
Maximilian I (March

22, 1459 January 12, 1519) was King of the Romans (also known as King of the Germans) from
February 16, 1486 and Holy Roman Emperor and Archduke of the Archduchy of Austria from August 19, 1493 until his death
on January 12, 1519, though he was never in fact crowned by the Pope, the journey to Rome always being too risky. He was
also Duke of Burgundy from January 5, 1477 until March 27, 1482. He had ruled jointly with his father for the last ten years of
his father's reign, from c. 1483. He was the son of Frederick III, Holy Roman Emperor and Eleanor of Portugal. He expanded
the influence of the House of Habsburg through war and his marriage in 1477 to Mary of Burgundy, the heiress to the Duchy
of Burgundy, but he also lost the Austrian territories in today's Switzerland to the Swiss Confederacy. By marrying his
son Philip the Handsome to the future Queen Joanna of Castile in 1498, Maximilian established the Habsburg dynasty in
Spain and allowed his grandson Charles to hold the throne of both Len-Castile and Aragon, thus making him the first de
jure King of Spain. Having outlived his father Philip, Charles succeeded Maximilian as Holy Roman Emperor in 1519, and thus
ruled both the Holy Roman Empire and the Spanish Empire simultaneously. Maximilian was born at Wiener Neustadt on 22
March 1459. At the time, the Dukes of Burgundy, a cadet branch of the French royal family, with their sophisticated nobility
and court culture, were the rulers of vast territories on the eastern and northern boundaries of modern-day France. The
reigning duke of Burgundy, Charles the Bold, was the chief political opponent of Maximilian's father Frederick III. Frederick
was concerned about Burgundy's expansive tendencies on the western border of his Holy Roman Empire, and to forestall
military conflict, he attempted to secure the marriage of Charles's only daughter, Mary of Burgundy, to his son Maximilian.
After theSiege of Neuss (147475), he was successful. The wedding between Maximilian and Mary took place on the evening
of August 16, 1477. Maximilian's wife had inherited the vast Burgundian domains in France and the Low Countriesupon her
father's death in the Battle of Nancy on January 5, 1477. Already before his coronation as the King of the Romans in 1486,
Maximilian decided to secure this distant and extensive Burgundian inheritance to his family, the House of Habsburg, at all
costs. The Duchy of Burgundy was also claimed by the French crown under Salic Law, with Louis XI, King of France vigorously
contesting the Habsburg claim to the Burgundian inheritance by means of military force. Maximilian undertook the defence of
his wife's dominions from an attack by Louis XI and defeated the French forces at Guinegate, the modern Enguinegatte, on
August 7, 1479. The wedding contract between Maximilian and Mary stipulated that only the children of bride and groom had
a right to inherit from each, not the surviving parent. Mary tried to bypass this rule with a promise to transfer territories as a
gift in case of her death, but her plans were confounded. After Mary's tragic death in a riding accident on March 27, 1482
near the Wijnendale Castle, Maximilian's aim was now to secure the inheritance to one of his and Mary's children, Philip the
Handsome. Some of the Netherland provinces were hostile to Maximilian, and they signed a treaty with Louis XI in 1482 that
forced Maximilian to give up Franche-Comt and Artois to the French crown. Maximilian continued to govern Mary's remaining
inheritance in the name of Philip the Handsome. After the regency ended, Maximilian and Charles VIII of France exchanged
these two territories for Burgundy and Picardy in the Treaty of Senlis (1493). Thus a large part of the Netherlands (known as
the Seventeen Provinces) stayed in the Habsburg patrimony. Elected King of the Romans on February 16, 1486 in Frankfurtam-Main at his father's initiative and crowned on April 9, 1486 in Aachen, Maximilian also stood at the head of the Holy
Roman Empire upon his father's death in 1493. As the treaty of Senlis had resolved French differences with the Holy Roman
Empire, King Louis XII of France had his borders secured in the north and turned his attention to Italy, where he made claims
for the Duchy of Milan. In 1499/1500 he conquered it and drove the Sforza regentLodovico il Moro into exile. This brought him
into a potential conflict with Maximilian, who on 16 March 1494 had married Bianca Maria Sforza, a daughter of Galeazzo
Maria Sforza, duke of Milan. However, Maximilian was unable to hinder the French from taking over Milan. The
prolonged Italian Wars resulted, in Maximilian joining the Holy League to counter the French. In the late 15th century the two

kingdoms of Tyrol and Bavaria went to war. Bavaria demanded money back from Tyrol that had been loaned on the collateral
of Tyrolean lands. In 1490, the two nations demanded that Maximilian I step in to mediate the dispute. In response, he
assumed the control of Tyrol and its debt. Because Tyrol had no law code at this time, the nobility freely expropriated money
from the populace, which caused the royal palace in Innsbruck to fester with corruption. After taking control, Maximilian
instituted immediate financial reform. In order to symbolize his new wealth and power, he built the Golden Roof, a canopy
overlooking the town center of Innsbruck, from which to watch the festivities celebrating his assumption of rule over Tyrol. It
is made entirely from golden shingles. Gaining theoretical control of Tyrol for the Hapsburgs was of strategic importance
because it linked the Swiss Confederacy to the Hapsburg-controlled Austrian lands, which facilitated some imperial
geographic continuity. The situation in Italy was not the only problem Maximilian had at the time. The Swiss won a decisive
victory against the Empire in theBattle of Dornach on July 22, 1499. Maximilian had no choice but to agree to a peace treaty
signed on September 22, 1499 in Basel that granted the Swiss Confederacy independence from the Holy Roman Empire.
Within the Holy Roman Empire, Maximilian faced pressure from local rulers who believed that the King's continued wars with
the French to increase the power of his own house were not in their best interests. There was also a consensus that in order
to preserve the unity of the Empire, deep reforms were needed. The reforms, which had been delayed for a long time, were
launched in the 1495 Reichstag atWorms. A new organ, the Reichskammergericht was introduced, and it was to be largely
independent from the Emperor. To finance it, a new tax, the Gemeine Pfennig was launched. However, its collection was
never fully successful. The local rulers wanted more independence from the Emperor and a strengthening of their own
territorial rule. This led to Maximilian agreeing to establish an organ called the Reichsregiment, which would meet
in Nuremberg and consist of the deputies of the Emperor, local rulers, commonoers, and the prince-electors of the Holy
Roman Empire. The new organ proved itself politically weak and its power returned to Maximilian again in 1502. Due to the
difficult external and internal situation he faced, Maximilian also felt it necessary to introduce reforms in the historic
territories of the House of Habsburg in order to finance his army. Using Burgundian institutions as a model, he attempted to
create a unified state. This was not very successful, but one of the lasting results was the creation of three different
subdivions of the Austrian lands: Lower Austria, Upper Austria, and Vordersterreich. Maximilian was always troubled by
financial shortcomings; his income never seemed to be enough to sustain his large-scale goals and policies. For this reason
he was forced to take substantial credits from Upper German banker families, especially from the families of
Baumgarten, Fugger and Welser. Jrg Baumgarten even served as Maximilian's financial advisor. The Fuggers, who dominated
the copper and silver mining business in Tyrol, provided a credit of almost 1 million gulden for the purpose of bribing
the prince-electors to choose Maximilian's grandson Charles V as the new Emperor. At the end of Maximilian's rule, the
Habsburgs' mountain of debt totalled 6 million gulden; this corresponded to a decade's worth of tax revenues from the their
inherited lands. It took until the end of the 16th century for this debt to be repaid. In 1508, Maximilian, with the assent
of Pope Julius II, took the title Erwhlter Rmischer Kaiser ("Elected Roman Emperor"), thus ending the centuries-old custom
that the Holy Roman Emperor had to be crowned by the pope. As part of the Treaty of Arras, Maximilian betrothed his threeyear-old daughter Margaret to the Dauphin of France (later Charles VIII), son of his adversary Louis XI. Under the terms of
Margaret's betrothal, she was sent to Louis to be brought up under his guardianship. Despite Louis's death in 1483, shortly
after Margaret arrived in France, she remained at the French court. The Dauphin, now Charles VIII, was still a minor, and his
regent until 1491 was his sister Anne of France. Despite Margaret's betrothal and continued presence at the French court,
Anne arranged a marriage between Charles and Anne of Brittany. The latter Anne, in turn, had been betrothed in 1483, and
was actuallymarried by proxy to Maximilian himself in 1491, but Charles and his sister wanted her inheritance for France. The
final result of all of these machinations was that Charles repudiated his betrothal to Margaret when he came of age in 1491,
invaded Brittany, forced Anne of Brittany to repudiate her unconsummated marriage to Maximilian, and married her.
Margaret remained in France until 1493, when she was finally returned to her father. In 1493, Maximilian contracted another
marriage for himself, this time to the daughter of the Duke of Milan, whence ensued the lengthyItalian Wars with France. Thus
Maximilian through his own marriages (and attempted marriage) sought to extend his sphere of influence against that of
France. The marriages he arranged for both of his children more successfully fulfilled the same goal, and after the turn of the
sixteenth century, his matchmaking focused on his grandchildren, for whom he looked opposite France towards the east. In
order to reduce the growing pressures on the Empire brought about by treaties between the rulers of France, Poland,
Hungary, Bohemia, and Russia, as well as to secure Bohemia and Hungary for the Habsburgs, Maximilian met with
the Jagiellonian kings Ladislaus II of Hungary and Bohemia and Sigismund I of Poland at the First Congress of Vienna in 1515.
There they arranged for Maximilian's granddaughter Mary to marry Louis, the son of Ladislaus, and for Anne (the sister of
Louis) to marry Maximilian's grandson Ferdinand(both grandchildren being the children of Philip the Handsome, Maximilian's
son, and Joanna of Castile). The marriages arranged there brought Habsburg kingship over Hungary and Bohemia in 1526.
Both Anne and Louis were adopted by Maximilian following the death of Ladislaus. These political marriages were summed up
in the following Latin elegiac couplet: Bella gerant ali, t flix Austria nbe/ Nam quae Mars alis, dat tibi regna Venus, "Let
others wage war, but thou, O happy Austria, marry; for those kingdoms which Mars gives to others, Venus gives to thee."
After it became clear that Maximilian's policies in Italy had been unsuccessful, and after 1517 Venice reconquered the last
pieces of their territory from Maximilian, the emperor now started to focus entirely on the question of his succession. His goal
was to secure the throne for a member of his house and prevent Francis I of France from gaining the throne; the resulting
"election campaign" was unprecedenced due to the massive use of bribery. The Fugger family provided Maximilian a credit of
1 million gulden, which was used to bribe the prince-electors. At first, this policy seemed successful, and Maximilian managed
to secure the votes from Mainz, Cologne, Brandenburg and Bohemia for his grandson Charles V. The death of Maximilian in
1519 seemed to put the succession at risk, but in a few months the election of Charles V was secured. In 1501, Maximilian
fell from his horse, an accident that badly injured his leg and caused him pain for the rest of his life. Some historians have
suggested that Maximilian was "morbidly" depressed: From 1514, he travelled everywhere with his coffin. [8]Maximilian died
in Wels, Upper Austria, and was succeeded as Emperor by his grandson Charles V, his son Philip the Handsome having died in
1506. Although he is buried in the Castle Chapel at Wiener Neustadt, a cenotaph tomb for Maximilian is located in
theHofkirche, Innsbruck. Maximilian was a keen supporter of the arts and sciences, and he surrounded himself with scholars
such as Joachim Vadian andAndreas Stoberl (Stiborius), promoting them to important court posts. His reign saw the first
flourishing of the Renaissance in Germany. He commissioned a series of three monumental woodblock prints The Triumphal
Arch (151218, 192 woodcut panels, 295 cm wide and 357 cm high approximately 9'8" by 11'8"), and a Triumphal
Procession (151618, 137 woodcut panels, 54 m long) which is led by a Large Triumphal Carriage (1522, 8 woodcut panels,
1' high and 8' long), created by artists includingAlbrecht Drer, Albrecht Altdorfer and Hans Burgkmair. Maximilian had a
great passion for armour, not only as equipment for battle or tournaments, but as an art form. The style of armour that
became popular during the second half of his reign featured elaborate fluting and metalworking, and became known
asMaximilian armour. It emphasized the details in the shaping of the metal itself, rather than the etched or gilded designs
popular in the Milanese style. Maximilian also gave a bizarre jousting helmet as a gift to King Henry VIII the helmet's visor
featured a human face, with eyes, nose and a grinning mouth, and was modeled after the appearance of Maximilian
himself. It also sported a pair of curled ram's horns, brass spectacles, and even etched beard stubble. Maximilian had
appointed his daughter Margaret as both Regent of the Netherlands and the guardian and educator of his grandsons Charles
and Ferdinand (their father, Philip, having predeceased Maximilian), and she fulfilled this task well. Through wars and
marriages he extended the Habsburg influence in every direction: to the Netherlands, Spain, Bohemia, Hungary, Poland, and

Italy. This influence would last for centuries and shape much of European history. Maximilian was
married three times, of which only the first marriage produced offspring: Mary of Burgundy (1457
1482). They were married in Ghent on 18 August 1477, and the marriage was ended by Mary's
death in a riding accident in 1482. The marriage produced three children: Philip the
Handsome (14781506) who inherited his mother's domains following her death, but predeceased
his father. He married Joanna of Castile, becoming King-consort of Castile upon her accession in
1504, and was the father of the Holy Roman Emperors Charles V and Ferdinand I Margaret of
Austria, (14801533), who was first engaged at the age of 2 to the French Dauphin (who
became Charles VIII of France a year later) to confirm peace between France and Burgundy. She was
sent back to her father in 1492 after Charles repudiated their betrothal to marry Anne of Brittany.
She was then married to the Crown Prince of Castile and Aragon John, Prince of Asturias, and after
his death to Philibert II of Savoy, after which she undertook the guardianship of her deceased
brother Philip's children, and governed Burgundy for the heir, Charles and Francis of Austria, who
died shortly after his birth in 1481. Second wife Anne of Brittany (14771514) they were married
by proxy in Rennes on 18 December 1490, but the contract was dissolved by the Pope in early 1492, by which time Anne had
already been forced by the French King, Charles VIII (the fianc of Maximilian's daughter Margaret of Austria) to repudiate the
contract and marry him instead. Third wife Bianca Maria Sforza (14721510) they were married in 1493, the marriage
bringing Maximilian a rich dowry and allowing him to assert his rights as Imperial overlord of Milan. The marriage was
unhappy, and they had no children. By Margareta Von Edelsheim, Maximilian is alleged to have been the father of: Margareta
(14801537) wife of Count Ludwig Von Helfenstein-Wiesentheid, was killed by peasants on 16 April 1525 in the Massacre of
Weinsberg during the German Peasants' War, George of Austria (15051557), Prince-Bishop of Lige, Leopoldo de Austria (c.
15151557), Bishop of Crdoba, Spain (15411557),with illegitimate succession, Anne Margerite of Austria (15171545) . She
married Franois de Melun ( -1547), 2nd count of Epinoy. Lady in waiting to Queen Maria of Hungary and Anne of Austria
(1519- ). She married Louis d'Hirlemont.

Ferdinand I (March

10, 1503, Alcal de Henares, Spain July 25, 1564, Vienna, Habsburg domain (now in Austria) was
Archduke of the Archduchy of Austria from 1521 until his death on July 25, 1564, Holy Roman Emperor from January 5, 1531
until July 25, 1564, King of Bohemia from October 24, 1526 until July 25, 1564 and King of Hungary and Croatia from
December 16, 1526 his death on July 25, 1564. Before his accession, he ruled the Austrian hereditary lands of the
Habsburgs in the name of his elder brother, Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor. The key events during his reign were the
contest with the Ottoman Empire, whose great advance into Central Europe began in the 1520s, and the Protestant
Reformation, which resulted in several wars of religion. Ferdinand's motto was Fiat iustitia, et pereat mundus: "Let justice be
done, though the world perish". Ferdinand was born in Alcal de Henares, Spain, the son of the Trastamara Infanta Joanna
("Joanna the Mad"), and Habsburg Archduke Philip the Handsome, who was heir toMaximilian I, Holy Roman Emperor.
Ferdinand shared his birthday with his maternal grandfather Ferdinand II of Aragon. On the accession of his brother Charles to
title of Holy Roman Emperor in 1519, he entrusted Ferdinand with the government of the Austrian hereditary lands, roughly
modern-day Austria and Slovenia. Ferdinand was Archduke of Austria from 1521 to 1564. After the death of his brotherin
law Louis II, Ferdinand ruled as King of Bohemia andHungary (15261564). Ferdinand also served as his brother's deputy in
the Holy Roman Empire during his brother's many absences, and in 1531 was elected King of the Romans, making him
Charles's designated heir in the Empire. When Charles retired in 1556, Ferdinand became his de facto successor as Holy
Roman Emperor, and de jure in 1558, while Spain, the Spanish Empire, Naples, Sicily, Milan, the Netherlands, and FrancheComt went to Philip, son of Charles. According to the terms set at the First Congress of Vienna in 1515, Ferdinand
married Anne Jagiellonica, daughter of the King Vladislaus II of Bohemia and Hungary on July 22, 1515. Therefore, after the
tragic death of his brother-in-law Louis II, King of Bohemia and of Hungary at the battle of Mohcs on August 29, 1526,
Ferdinand felt himself to be the inheritor of both Kingdoms. On October 24, 1526 the Bohemian Diet, acting under the
influence of the powerful magnate and the chancellor of the Crown, Adam of Hradce, elected Ferdinand the King of Bohemia
under conditions of confirming traditional privileges of the estates as well as moving Habsburg court to Prague. The success
was only partial, as the Diet refused to recognise Ferdinand as a hereditary lord of The Kingdom. The Croatian nobles at Cetin
unanimously elected Ferdinand I as their king on January 1, 1527, and confirmed the succession to him and his heirs. In
return for the throne Archduke Ferdinand at the Parliament on Cetin (Croatian: Cetinski Sabor) promised to respect the
historic rights, freedoms, laws and customs the Croats had when united with the Hungarian kingdom and to
defend Croatia from Ottoman invasion. In Hungary, Nicolaus Olahus, secretary of Louis, attached himself to the party of
Ferdinand, but retained his position with his sister,Queen Dowager Mary. Ferdinand was elected King of Hungary by a rump
diet in Pozsony in December 1526. The throne of Hungary became the subject of a dynastic dispute between Ferdinand
and John Zpolya, voivode of Transylvania. They were supported by different factions of the nobility in the Hungarian
kingdom; Ferdinand also had the support of his brother the Emperor Charles V. After defeat by Ferdinand at the Battle of
Tarcal in September 1527 and again in the Battle of Szina in March 1528, Zpolya gained the support of Suleiman the
Magnificent, the Ottoman Sultan. Ferdinand was able to win control only of western Hungary because Zpolya clung to the
east and the Ottomans to the conquered south. Zpolya's widow, Isabella Jagieo, ceded Royal Hungary and Transylvania to
Ferdinand in the Treaty of Weissenburg of 1551. In 1554 Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq was sent to Constantinople by Ferdinand
to discuss a border treaty over disputed land with Suleiman. The most dangerous moment of Ferdinand's career came in
1529 when he took refuge in Bohemia from a massive but ultimately unsuccessful assault on his capital by Suleiman and the
Ottoman armies at the Siege of Vienna. A further Ottoman attack on Vienna was repelled in 1533. In that year Ferdinand
signed a peace treaty with the Ottoman Empire, splitting Hungary into a Habsburg sector in the west and John Zpolya's
domain in the east, the latter effectively a vassal state of the Ottoman Empire. In 1538, by the Treaty of Nagyvrad,
Ferdinand became Zpolya's successor. He was unable to enforce this agreement during his lifetime because John II
Sigismund Zpolya, infant son of John Zpolya and Isabella Jagieo, was elected King of Hungary in 1540. Zpolya was
initially supported by King Sigismund of Poland, his mother's father, but in 1543 a treaty was signed between the Habsburgs
and the Polish ruler as a result of which Poland became neutral in the conflict. Prince Sigismund Augustus marriedElisabeth of
Austria, Ferdinand's daughter. After decades of religious and political unrest in the German states, Charles V ordered a
general Diet in Augsburg at which the various states would discuss the religious problem and its solution. Charles himself did
not attend, and delegated authority to his brother, Ferdinand, to "act and settle" disputes of territory, religion and local
power. At the conference, Ferdinand cajoled, persuaded and threatened the various representatives into agreement on three
important principles. The principle of cuius regio, eius religio ("Whose realm, his religion") provided for internal religious unity
within a state: the religion of the prince became the religion of the state and all its inhabitants. Those inhabitants who could
not conform to the prince's religion were allowed to leave, an innovative idea in the sixteenth century. This principle was
discussed at length by the various delegates, who finally reached agreement on the specifics of its wording after examining
the problem and the proposed solution from every possible angle. The second principle, called the reservatum
ecclesiasticum (ecclesiastical reservation), covered the special status of the ecclesiastical state. If the prelate of an
ecclesiastic state changed his religion, the men and women living in that state did not have to do so. Instead, the prelate was

expected to resign from his post, although this was not spelled out in the agreement. The third
principle, known as Declaratio Ferdinandei (Ferdinand's Declaration), exempted knights and some of
the cities from the requirement of religious uniformity, if the reformed religion had been practiced
there since the mid-1520s, allowing for a few mixed cities and towns where Catholics and Lutherans
had lived together. It also protected the authority of the princely families, the knights and some of the
cities to determine what religious uniformity meant in their territories. Ferdinand inserted this at the
last minute, on his own authority. After 1555, the Peace of Augsburg became the legitimating legal
document governing the co-existence of the Lutheran and Catholic faiths in the German lands of the
Holy Roman Empire, and it served to ameliorate many of the tensions between followers of the "Old
Faith" (Catholicism) and the followers of Luther, but it had two fundamental flaws. First, Ferdinand had
rushed the article on reservatum ecclesiasticum through the debate; it had not undergone the scrutiny
and discussion that attended the widespread acceptance and support of cuius regio, eius religio.
Consequently, its wording did not cover all, or even most, potential legal scenarios. The Declaratio
Ferdinandei was not debated in plenary session at all; using his authority to "act and settle," Ferdinand
had added it at the last minute, responding to lobbying by princely families and knights. While these specific failings came
back to haunt the Empire in subsequent decades, perhaps the greatest weakness of the Peace of Augsburg was its failure to
take into account the growing diversity of religious expression emerging in the so-called evangelical and reformed traditions.
Other confessions had acquired popular, if not legal, legitimacy in the intervening decades and by 1555, the reforms
proposed by Luther were no longer the only possibilities of religious expression: Anabaptists, such as the Frisian Menno
Simons(14921559) and his followers; the followers of John Calvin, who were particularly strong in the southwest and the
northwest; and the followers of Huldrych Zwingli were excluded from considerations and protections under the Peace of
Augsburg. According to the Augsburg agreement, their religious beliefs remained heretical. In 1556, amid great pomp, and
leaning on the shoulder of one of his favorites (the 24-year-old William, Count of Nassau and Orange),[10]Charles gave away
his lands and his offices. The Spanish empire, which included Spain, the Netherlands, Naples, Milan and Spain's possessions
in the Americas, went to his son, Philip. His brother, Ferdinand, who had negotiated the treaty in the previous year, was
already in possession of the Austrian lands and was also to succeed Charles as Holy Roman Emperor. This course of events
had been guaranteed already on January 5, 1531 when Ferdinand had been elected the King of Romans and so the legitimate
successor of the reigning Emperor. Charles' choices were appropriate. Philip was culturally Spanish: he was born
in Valladolid and raised in the Spanish court, his native tongue was Spanish, and he preferred to live in Spain. Ferdinand was
familiar with, and to, the other princes of the Holy Roman Empire. Although he too had been born in Spain, he had
administered his brother's affairs in the Empire since 1531. Some historians maintain Ferdinand had also been touched by the
reformed philosophies, and was probably the closest the Holy Roman Empire ever came to a Protestant emperor; he
remained nominally a Catholic throughout his life, although reportedly he refused last rites on his deathbed. Other historians
maintain he was as Catholic as his brother, but tended to see religion as outside the political sphere. Charles' abdication had
far-reaching consequences in imperial diplomatic relations with France and the Netherlands, particularly in his allotment of
the Spanish kingdom to Philip. In France, the kings and their ministers grew increasingly uneasy about Habsburg encirclement
and sought allies against Habsburg hegemony from among the border German territories, and even from some of the
Protestant kings. In the Netherlands, Philip's ascension in Spain raised particular problems; for the sake of harmony, order,
and prosperity Charles had not blocked the Reformation, and had tolerated a high level of local autonomy. An ardent Catholic
and rigidly autocratic prince, Philip pursued an aggressive political, economic and religious policy toward the Dutch, resulting
in a Dutch rebellionshortly after he became king. Philip's militant response meant the occupation of much of the upper
provinces by troops of, or hired by,Habsburg Spain and the constant ebb and flow of Spanish men and provisions on the socalled Spanish road from northern Italy, through the Burgundian lands, to and from Flanders. The abdication did not
automatically make Ferdinand the Holy Roman Emperor. Charles abdicated as Emperor in January, 1556 in favor of his brother
Ferdinand; however, due to lengthy debate and bureaucratic procedure, the Imperial Diet did not accept the abdication (and
thus make it legally valid) until May 3, 1558. Up to that date, Charles continued to use the title of Emperor. The western rump
of Hungary over which Ferdinand retained dominion became known asRoyal Hungary. As the ruler of Austria, Bohemia and
Royal Hungary, Ferdinand adopted a policy of centralization and, in common with other monarchs of the time, the
construction of anabsolute monarchy. In 1527, soon after ascending the throne, he published a constitution for his hereditary
domains (Hofstaatsordnung) and established Austrian-style institutions inPressburg for Hungary, in Prague for Bohemia, and
in Breslau for Silesia. Opposition from the nobles in those realms forced him to concede the independence of these
institutions from supervision by the Austrian government in Vienna in 1559.After the Ottoman invasion of Hungary the
traditional Hungarian coronation city,Szkesfehrvr came under Turkish occupation. Thus, in 1536 the Hungarian Diet
decided that a new place for coronation of the king as well as a meeting place for the Diet itself would be set in Pressburg.
Ferdinand proposed that the Hungarian and Bohemian diets should convene and hold debates together with the Austrian
estates, but all parties refused such an innovation. In 1547 the Bohemian Estates rebelled against Ferdinand after he had
ordered the Bohemian army to move against the German Protestants. After suppressing Prague with the help of his brother
Charles V's Spanish forces, he retaliated by limiting the privileges of Bohemian cities and inserting a new bureaucracy of royal
officials to control urban authorities. Ferdinand was a supporter of the Counter-Reformation and helped lead
the Catholic response against what he saw as the heretical tide of Protestantism. For example, in 1551 he invited
the Jesuits to Vienna and in 1556 to Prague. Finally, in 1561 Ferdinand revived theArchdiocese of Prague, which had been
previously liquidated due to the success of the Protestants. Ferdinand died in Vienna and is buried in St. Vitus
Cathedral in Prague. On May 25, 1521 in Linz, Austria, Ferdinand married Anna of Bohemia and Hungary (15031547),
daughter of Vladislaus II of Bohemia and Hungaryand his wife Anne de Foix. They had fifteen children, all but two of whom
reached adulthood: Elizabeth of Habsburg (July 9, 1526 - June 15, 1545). Archduchess of Austria, wife of Sigismund II Jagiello,
King of Poland, Maximilian II of Habsburg (Vienna, July 31, 1527 - Regensburg, October 12, 1576), married his cousin Maria of
Austria, daughter of Charles I, Anne of Habsburg (July 7, 1528 - 16/17 October 1590) married Albert V of Bavaria, Ferdinand of
Habsburg (June 14, 1529 - January 24, 1595). Count of Tyrol, Philippine Welser and married Anne Catherine Gonzaga of
Mantua, Mary of Hapsburg (May 15, 1531 - December 11, 1581) married to William V of Cleves the Rich, Magdalena von
Habsburg (August 14, 1532 - September 10, 1590) was nun, Catherine of Habsburg (September 15, 1533 - February 28,
1572). Archduchess of Austria, wife of Sigismund II Jagiello, King of Poland, Eleanor of Habsburg (November 2, 1534 - August
5, 1594) married to William Gonzaga of Mantua, Margaret of Habsburg (February 16, 1536 - March 12, 1567) was nun, John of
Hapsburg (April 10, 1538 - March 20, 1539), Barbara von Habsburg (April 30, 1539 - September 19, 1572) married to Alfonso
II of Ferrara, Charles of Hapsburg (Vienna, June 3, 1540 - Graz, July 10, 1590). Archduke of Austria, Duke of Styria, Carinthia
and Carniola, and Count of Goritz and Tyrol. Married to Maria Anna of Bavaria. They were parents of Emperor Ferdinand II,
Ursula von Habsburg (July 24, 1541 - April 30, 1543), Ellen Habsburg (January 7, 1543 - March 5, 1574) was nun and Joan of
Habsburg (January 24, 1547 - April 10, 1578). Archduchess of Austria, wife of Francesco I de 'Medici, Grand Duke of Tuscany.
One of his daughters was Mary, wife of King Henry IV of France.

Maximilian II (July

31, 1527 October 12, 1576) was Archduke of the Archduchy of Austria from July 25, 1564, King
of Bohemia and King of the Romans (king of Germany) from November 28, 1562, King of Hungary and Croatia from
September 8, 1563 and Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation from July 25, 1564 until his death on
October 12, 1576. He was a member of the House of Habsburg. Born in Vienna, he was a son of his predecessor Ferdinand I,
Holy Roman Emperor and Anna of Bohemia and Hungary (15031547). Anne was a daughter of King Ladislaus II of Bohemia
and Hungary and his wife Anne de Foix. Educated principally in Italy, he gained some experience of warfare during the
campaign of his paternal uncle Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor against France in 1544, and also during theWar of the league
of Schmalkalden, and soon began to take part in imperial business. Having in September 1548 married his cousin Maria,
daughter of Charles V, he acted as the emperor's representative in Spain from 1548 to 1550, returning to Germany in
December 1550 in order to take part in the discussion over the imperial succession. Charles V wished his son Philip
(afterwards king of Spain) to succeed him as emperor, but his brother Ferdinand, who had already been designated as the
next occupant of the imperial throne, and Maximilian objected to this proposal. At length a compromise was reached. Philip
was to succeed Ferdinand, but during the former's reign Maximilian, as king of the Romans, was to govern Germany. This
arrangement was not carried out, and is only important because the insistence of the emperor seriously disturbed the
harmonious relations which had hitherto existed between the two branches of the Habsburg family; an illness which befell
Maximilian in 1552 was attributed to poison given to him in the interests of his cousin and brother-in-law, Philip of Spain.
About this time he took up his residence in Vienna, being engaged mainly in the government of the Austrian dominions and in
defending them against the Turks. The religious views of the king of Bohemia, as Maximilian had been called since his
recognition as the future ruler of that country in 1549, had always been somewhat uncertain, and he had probably learned
something of Lutheranism in his youth; but his amicable relations with several Protestant princes, which began about the
time of the discussion over the succession, were probably due more to political than to religious considerations. However, in
Vienna he became very intimate with Sebastian Pfauser, a court preacher with strong leanings towards Lutheranism, and his
religious attitude caused some uneasiness to his father. Fears were freely expressed that he would definitely leave
the Catholic Church, and when Ferdinand became emperor in 1558 he was prepared to assure Pope Paul IV that his son
should not succeed him if he took this step. Eventually Maximilian remained nominally an adherent of the older faith,
although his views were tinged with Lutheranism until the end of his life. After several refusals he consented in 1560 to the
banishment of Pfauser, and began again to attend the Masses of the Catholic Church. In November 1562 Maximilian was
chosen king of the Romans, or German king, at Frankfurt, where he was crowned a few days later, after assuring the Catholic
electors of his fidelity to their faith, and promising the Protestant electors that he would publicly accept the confession of
Augsburg when he became emperor. He also took the usual oath to protect the Church, and his election was afterwards
confirmed by the papacy. He was the first King of the Romans not to be coronated in Aachen. In September 1563 he was
crowned king of Hungary by the Archbishop of Esztergom, Nicolaus Olahus, and on his father's death, in July 1564, he
succeeded to the empire and to the kingdoms of Hungary, Croatia and Bohemia. The new emperor had already shown that he
believed in the necessity for a thorough reform of the Church. He was unable, however, to obtain the consent of Pope Pius IV
to the marriage of the clergy, and in 1568 the concession of communion in both kinds to the laity was withdrawn. On his part
Maximilian granted religious liberty to the Lutheran nobles and knights in Austria, and refused to allow the publication of the
decrees of the council of Trent. Amidst general expectations on the part of the Protestants he met his first Diet of Augsburg in
March 1566. He refused to accede to the demands of the Lutheran princes; on the other hand, although the increase of
sectarianism was discussed, no decisive steps were taken to suppress it, and the only result of the meeting was a grant of
assistance for the Turkish War, which had just been renewed. Collecting a large army Maximilian marched to defend his
territories; but no decisive engagement had taken place when a truce was made in 1568, and the emperor continued to pay
tribute to the sultan as the price of peace in the western and northern areas of the Hungarian kingdom still under Habsburg
control. Meanwhile the relations between Maximilian and Philip of Spain had improved; and the emperor's increasingly
cautious and moderate attitude in religious matters was doubtless because the death of Philip's son, Don Carlos, had opened
the way for the succession of Maximilian, or of one of his sons, to the Spanish throne. Evidence of this friendly feeling was
given in 1570, when the emperor's daughter, Anna, became the fourth wife of Philip; but Maximilian was unable to moderate
the harsh proceedings of the Spanish king against the revolting inhabitants of the Netherlands. In 1570 the emperor met
the diet of Speyer and asked for aid to place his eastern borders in a state of defence, and also for power to repress the
disorder caused by troops in the service of foreign powers passing through Germany. He proposed that his consent should be
necessary before any soldiers for foreign service were recruited in the empire; but the estates were unwilling to strengthen
the imperial authority, the Protestant princes regarded the suggestion as an attempt to prevent them from assisting their coreligionists in France and the Netherlands, and nothing was done in this direction, although some assistance was voted for
the defense of Austria. The religious demands of the Protestants were still unsatisfied, while the policy of toleration had failed
to give peace to Austria. Maximilian's power was very limited; it was inability rather than unwillingness that prevented him
from yielding to the entreaties of Pope Pius V to join in an attack on the Turks both before and after the victory of Lepanto in
1571; and he remained inert while the authority of the empire in north-eastern Europe was threatened. In 1575, Maximilian
was elected by the part of Polish and Lithuanian magnates to be the King of Poland in opposition to Stephan IV Bathory, but
he did not manage to become widely accepted there and was forced to leave Poland. Maximilian died on 12 October 1576
in Regensburg while preparing to invade Poland. On his deathbed he refused to receive the last sacraments of the Church. He
is buried in St. Vitus Cathedral in Prague. By his wife Maria he had a family of nine sons and six daughters. He was succeeded
by his eldest surviving son, Rudolf, who had been chosen king of the Romans in October 1575. Another of his sons, Matthias,
also became emperor; three others, Ernest, Albert and Maximilian, took some part in the government of the Habsburg
territories or of the Netherlands, and a daughter, Elizabeth, married Charles IX of France. Maximilian's policies of religious
neutrality and peace in the Empire afforded its Roman Catholics and Protestants a breathing-space after the first struggles of
the Reformation. He disappointed the German Protestant princes by his refusal to invest Lutheran administrators of princebishoprics with their imperial fiefs. Yet on a personal basis he granted freedom of worship to the Protestant nobility and
worked for reform in the Roman Catholic Church, including the right of priests to marry. This failed because
of Spanish opposition. Maximilian II was a member of the Order of the Golden Fleece. On September 13, 1548, Maximilian
married his first cousin Maria of Spain, daughter of Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor and Isabella of Portugal. They had sixteen
children: Archduchess Anna of Austria (November 1, 1549 October 26, 1580). Married Philip II of Spain, her uncle. She was
the mother of Philip III of Spain, Archduke Ferdinand of Austria (March 28, 1551 June 25, 1552), Rudolf II, Holy Roman
Emperor (July 18, 1552 January 20, 1612), Archduke Ernest of Austria, (July 15, 1553 February 12, 1595). He served
as Governor of the Low Countries, Archduchess Elisabeth of Austria (June 5, 1554 January 22, 1592). Married Charles IX of
France, Archduchess Marie of Austria (July 27, 1555 June 25, 1556), Matthias, Holy Roman Emperor (February 24, 1557
March 20, 1619), a stillborn son (born and deceased on October 20, 1557), Archduke Maximilian of Austria (October 12, 1558
November 2, 1618). Elected king of Poland, but never crowned. He served as grandmaster of the Teutonic Order and
Administrator of Prussia, Archduke Albert of Austria (15 November 1559 13 July 1621). He served as Governor of the Low
Countries, Archduke Wenceslaus of Austria (March 9, 1561 September 22, 1578), Archduke Frederick of Austria (June 21,
1562 January 16, 1563), Archduchess Marie of Austria (February 19, 1564 March 26, 1564). Named after her deceased
older sister, Archduke Charles of Austria (September 26, 1565 May 23, 1566), Archduchess Margaret of Austria (January

25, 1567 July 5, 1633) a nun and Archduchess Eleanor of Austria (November 4, 1568 March 12,
1580). Emperor's full titulature went as follows: Maximilian II, by the grace of God elected Holy Roman
Emperor, forever August, King in Germany, of Hungary, Bohemia, Dalmatia, Croatia, Slavonia, etc.
Archduke of Austria, Duke of Burgundy, Brabant, Styria, Carinthia, Carniola, Luxemburg,
Wrttemberg, the Upper and Lower Silesia, Prince of Swabia, Margrave of the Holy Roman Empire,
Burgau, Moravia, the Upper and Lower Lusatia, Princely Count of Habsburg, Tyrol, Ferrette, Kyburg,
Gorizia, Landgrave of Alsace, Lord of the Wendish March, Pordenone and Salins, etc. etc.

Ferdinand II, Archduke

of Further Austria (Linz, June 14, 1529 January

24, 1595, Innsbruck) was Archduke of the Archduchy of Further
Austria including Tirol from 1564 until his death on January 24, 1595.
Archduke Ferdinand of Austria was the second son of Ferdinand I, Holy
Roman
Emperor andAnna of Bohemia and Hungary. He was a younger brother of
Emperor Maximilian
II. At the behest of his father, he was put in charge of the administration
of Bohemia in 1547.
He also led the campaign against the Turks in Hungary in 1556. In 1557 he
was secretly married
to Philippine Welser, daughter of a patrician from Augsburg, with whom he
had several children.
The marriage was only accepted by Emperor Ferdinand I in 1559 under the
condition of secrecy.
The children were to receive the name "of Austria" but would only be entitled
to inherit if the House
of Habsburg became totally extinct in the male line. The sons born of this
marriage received the
titleMargrave of Burgau, after the Margraviate of Burgau an ancient
Habsburg possession
in Further Austria. The younger of the sons, who survived their father, later
received the princely title of Frst zu Burgau. After his father's death in 1564, Ferdinand became the ruler of Tirol and
other Further Austrian possessions under his father's will. However, he remained governor of Bohemia inPrague until 1567
according to the wishes of his brother Maximilian II. In his own lands, Ferdinand made sure that the
Catholic counterreformation would prevail. He was an avid collector of art and the collection of the famous Castle
Ambras near Innsbruck was started in his time. He had begun to work on it even during his time in Bohemia and
subsequently moved it to Tyrol. In particular, the gallery of portraits and the collection of armor were highly expensive, which
is why the archduke incurred a high level of debt. Today these collections are in the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna and
at Castle Ambras. After the death of Philippine in 1580, he married Anne Catherine, a daughter of William I, Duke of Mantua,
in 1582. Archduke Ferdinand died on January 24, 1595. Since his sons from the first marriage were not entitled to the
inheritance, and the second produced only surviving daughters, Tirol was reunified with the other Habsburg lines. His
daughter from the Mantuan marriage became the Empress Anna, consort of Emperor Mathias, who received his Further
Austrian inheritance. He and his first wife Philippine Welser were parents of four children: Margrave Andrew of Burgau (June
15, 1558 - November 12, 1600). Became a Cardinal in 1576, Margrave of Burgau in 1578, Bishop of Constance in 1589
and Bishop of Brixen in 1591. He had two illegitimate children.Charles, Margrave of Burgau (November 22, 1560 - November
12, 1627), Margrave of Burgau. He married his first cousin, Sibylle (15571627), the youngest daughter of daughter
of William, Duke of Jlich-Cleves-Berg (July 28, 1516 - January 5, 1592), and Maria, Archduchess of Austria, daughter
of Ferdinand I, Holy Roman Emperor. They had no legitimate children. He and his mistress Chiara Elisa di Ferrero had three
illegitimate children: Philip of Austria (August 7, 1562 - January 9, 1563), Maria of Austria (August 7, 1562 - January 25,
1563), twin of Philip. On May 14, 1582, Ferdinand married his niece Anne Catherine. She was a daughter of William I, Duke of
Mantua, and Eleonora of Austria, younger sister of Ferdinand. They were parents to four daughters: Archduchess Martha of
Austria, died young, Archduchess Anna Eleonore of Austria (June 26, 1583 - January 15, 1584), Archduchess Maria of
Austria (June 16, 1584 - March 2, 1649), a nun, Holy Roman Empress Anna of Austria (October 4, 1585 December 14/
December 1618). Married her first cousin Matthias, Holy Roman Emperor. He had at least two illegitimate children: With Anna
von Obrizon: Veronika von Villanders (15511589). Married Giovan Francesco di Gonzaga-Novellara, Lord of Campitello. With
Johanna Lydl von Mayenburg: Hans Christoph von Hertenberg (c. 1592 - September 1613). Married Ursula Gienger.

Charles II Francis of Austria

(June 3, 1540 July 10, 1590) was an Archdukeof the Archduchy of Inner
Austria (Styria, Carniola and Carinthia) from 1564 until July 10, 1590. He was a member of the House of Habsburg. A native
of Vienna, he was the third son of Ferdinand I, Holy Roman Emperor, and Anne of Bohemia and Hungary, daughter of
KingVladislaus II of Bohemia and Hungary and his wife Anne of Foix-Candale. In 1559 and again from 15641568 there were
negotiations for a marriage between Charles and Elizabeth I of England. Emperor Ferdinand I expected Elizabeth to promise in
the proposed marriage treaty that Charles, as her widower, would succeed her if she died childless. The negotiations dragged
on until Queen Elizabeth decided that she would not marry the Archduke; religion was the main obstacle to the match, [1] apart
from the Queen's character. In 1563, Charles was also a suitor of Mary I, Queen of Scots, with Charles, Cardinal of Lorraine,
advising his niece to do so in order to obtain assistance in governing Scotland. Mary, however, disagreed, as did Charles's
older brother Maximilian. Unlike his brother, Emperor Maximilian II, Charles was a religious Catholic and promoted
the Counter-Reformation, e.g. by inviting the Jesuits to his territory. However, in 1572, he had to make significant concessions
to the Inner Austrian Estates in the Religious Pacifications of Graz, and 1578 and the Libellum of Bruck. In practice, this
resulted in tolerance towards Protestantism. As the Inner Austrian line had to bear the major burden of the wars against
the Turks, the fortress of Karlstadt/Karlovac in Croatia was founded in 1579 and named after him. Charles is also remembered
as a benefactor of the arts and sciences. In particular, the composerOrlando di Lasso was one of his protgs, as was the
music theorist Lodovico Zacconi. In 1580, Charles founded a stud for horses of Andalusian origin in Lipica, Slovenia, thereby
playing a leading role in the creation of theLipizzan breed. In 1585, Charles founded the University of Graz, which is named
Karl-Franzens-Universitt after him. He died at Graz in 1590. Charles' mausoleum in Seckau, in which other members of the
Habsburg family are also buried, is one of the most important edifices of the early Baroque in the South-Eastern Alps. It was
built from 1587 onwards by Alessandro de Verda and completed by Sebastiano Carlone by 1612. In Vienna on August 26,
1571 Charles married his niece Maria Anna of Bavaria. They had fifteen children: Ferdinand (b. Judenburg, July 15, 1572 d.
Judenburg, August 3, 1572), Anne (b. Graz, August 16, 1573 d. Warsaw, February 10, 1598), married on May 31, 1592
to Sigismund III Vasa, King of Poland, Grand Duke of Lithuania and King of Sweden, Maria Christina (b. Graz, November 10,
1574 d. Hall in Tirol, April 6, 1621), married on August 6, 1595 to Sigismund Bathory, Prince of Transylvania; they divorced
in 1599, Catherine Renata (b. Graz, January 4, 1576 d. Graz, June 29, 1599), Elisabeth (b. Graz, March 13, 1577 d. Graz,
January 29, 1586), Ferdinand (b. Graz, July 9, 1578 d. Vienna, February 15, 1637), Holy Roman Emperor as Ferdinand II in
1619, Charles (b. Graz, July 17, 1579 d. Graz, May 17, 1580), Gregoria Maximiliana (b. Graz, March 22, 1581 d. Graz,
September 20, 1597), Eleanor (b. Graz, September 25, 1582 d. Hall in Tirol, January 28, 1620), a nun, Maximilian Ernest (b.
Graz, November 17, 1583 d. Graz, February 18, 1616), Teutonic Knight, Margaret (b. Graz, December 25, 1584 d. El
Escorial October 3, 1611), married on April 18, 1599 to Philip III, King of Spain, Leopold (b. Graz, October 9, 1586 d.
Schwaz, September 13, 1632), Archduke of Further Austria and Count of Tirol, Constance (b. Graz, December 24, 1588 d.
Warsaw, July 10, 1631), married on December 11, 1605 to Sigismund III Vasa, King of Poland, Grand Duke of Lithuania and
King of Sweden (widower of her older sister), Maria Magdalena (b. Graz, October 7, 1589 d. Padua, November 1, 1631),

married on October
19, 1608 Cosimo II de' Medici, Grand Duke of Tuscany, Charles (b.
posthumously Graz, August 7, 1590 d. Madrid, December 28, 1624), Bishop of Wroclaw and
Brixen (160824), Grand Master of the Teutonic Order (161824).

Maximilian III of Austria,

also known as Maximilian the Grand

Master of the Teutonic Knights (October 12, 1558 November 2, 1618) was
the Archduke of the Archduchy of Further Austria from 1595 until his death
on November 2, 1618. Born in Wiener Neustadt, Maximilian was the fourth
son of the emperor Maximilian II and Maria of Spain. He was a grandson
of Anna of Bohemia and Hungary, daughter and heiress of Vladislaus II of
Bohemia and Hungary, who himself was the eldest son of Casimir IV of
Poland from the Lithuanian-Polish Jagellonian dynasty. From 1585
Maximilian became the Grandmaster of the Teutonic Order; thanks to this
he was known by the
epithet der Deutschmeister("the German Master")for much of his later life.
In 1587 Maximilian stood
as a candidate for the throne of Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, following
the death of the previous king,Stefan Batory. A portion of the Polish nobility elected Maximilian king, but, as a result of the
rather chaotic nature of the election process, another candidate, Sigismund III Vasa, prince of Sweden, grandson of Sigismund
I the Old, was also elected. Maximilian attempted to resolve the dispute by bringing a military force to Poland thereby
starting the war of the Polish Succession. His cause had considerable support in Poland, but fewer Poles flocked to his army
than to that of his rival. After a failed attempt to storm Krakw in late 1587, he was defeated in January 1588, at the Battle of
Byczyna by the supporters of Sigismund III (who had since been formally crowned), under the command of Polish hetman
Jan Zamojski. Maximilian was taken captive at the battle and was only released after the intervention of Pope Sixtus V. In
1589, he formally renounced his claim to the Polish crown. The inactivity of his brother, the emperor Rudolf II, Holy Roman
Emperor in this matter contributed to Rudolf's poor reputation. From 1593 to 1595 Maximilian as served regent for his young
cousin, Ferdinand, Archduke of Inner Austria. In 1595 he succeeded their uncle Ferdinand II, Archduke of Further Austria in his
territories, including Tyrol, where he proved to be a solid proponent of the Counter-Reformation. He also worked to
depose Melchior Khlesl, and to ensure that Archduke Ferdinand of Inner Austria, his former charge, be succeeded as Holy
Roman Emperor. Today, Maximilian is perhaps best remembered for his baroque archducal hat, exhibited in the treasury of
the monastery of Klosterneuburg and was used for ceremonial purposes as late as 1835. He died at Vienna in 1618, and is
buried in St. Jakobskirche, Innsbruck.

Rudolf II (July

18, 1552 January 20, 1612) was Archduke of the Archduchy of Austria from October 12, 1576 until
November 19, 1608, Holy Roman Emperor from October 12, 1576 until January 12, 1612, King of Hungary and Croatia from
September 25, 1572 until November 19, 1608 and King of Bohemia from September 22, 1575 until 1611. He was a member
of the House of Habsburg. Rudolf's legacy has traditionally been viewed in three ways: an ineffectual ruler whose mistakes
led directly to the Thirty Years' War; a great and influential patron of Northern Mannerist art; and a devotee of occult arts and
learning which helped seed the scientific revolution. He was the eldest son and successor of Maximilian II, Holy Roman
Emperor, King of Bohemia, and King of Hungary and Croatia; his mother wasMaria of Spain, a daughter of Charles
V and Isabella of Portugal. Rudolf spent eight formative years, from age 11 to 19 (15631571), in Spain, at the court of his
maternal uncle Phillip II. After his return to Vienna, his father was concerned about Rudolf's aloof and stiff manner, typical of
the more conservative Spanish court, rather than the more relaxed and open Austrian court; but his Spanish mother saw in
him courtliness and refinement. Rudolf would remain for the rest of his life reserved, secretive, and largely a homebody who
did not like to travel or even partake in the daily affairs of state. He was more intrigued by occult learning such as astrology
and alchemy, which was mainstream in the Renaissance period, and had a wide variety of personal hobbies such as horses,
clocks, collecting rarities, and being a patron of the arts. He suffered from periodic bouts of " melancholy" (depression), which
was common in the Habsburg line. These became worse with age, and were manifested by a withdrawal from the world and
its affairs into his private interests. Like his contemporary, Elizabeth I of England, Rudolf dangled himself as a prize in a string
of diplomatic negotiations for marriages, but never in fact married. It has been proposed by A. L. Rowse that he
was homosexual. During his periods of self-imposed isolation, Rudolf reportedly had affairs with his court chamberlain,
Wolfgang von Rumpf, and a series of valets. One of these, Philip Lang, ruled him for years and was hated by those seeking
favour with the emperor. Rudolf was known, in addition, to have had a succession of affairs with women, some of whom
claimed to have been impregnated by him. He had several illegitimate children with his mistress Catherina Strada. Many
artworks commissioned by Rudolf are unusually erotic. The emperor was the subject of a whispering campaign by his
enemies in his family and the Church in the years before he was deposed. Sexual allegations may well have formed a part of
the campaign against him. Historians have traditionally blamed Rudolf's preoccupation with the arts, occult sciences, and
other personal interests as the reason for the political disasters of his reign. More recently historians have re-evaluated this
view and see his patronage of the arts and occult sciences as a triumph and key part of the Renaissance, while his political
failures are seen as a legitimate attempt to create a unified Christian empire, which was undermined by the realities of
religious, political and intellectual disintegrations of the time. Although raised in his uncle's Catholic court in Spain, Rudolf
was tolerant of Protestantism and other religions including Judaism. He largely withdrew from Catholic observances, even in
death denying last sacramental rites. He had little attachment to Protestants either, except as counter-weight to repressive
Papal policies. He put his primary support behind conciliarists, irenicists and humanists. When the papacy instigated
the Counter-Reformation, using agents sent to his court, Rudolf backed those who he thought were the most neutral in the
debate, not taking a side or trying to effect restraint, thus leading to political chaos and threatening to provoke civil war. His
conflict with the Ottoman Turks was the final cause of his undoing. Unwilling to compromise with the Turks, and stubbornly
determined that he could unify all of Christendom with a new Crusade, he started a long and indecisive war with the Turks in
1593. This war lasted till 1606, and was known as "The Long War". By 1604 his Hungarian subjects were exhausted by the
war and revolted, led by Stephen Bocskay. In 1605 Rudolf was forced by his other family members to cede control of
Hungarian affairs to his younger brotherArchduke Matthias. Matthias by 1606 forged a difficult peace with the Hungarian
rebels (Peace of Vienna) and the Turks (Peace of Zsitvatorok). Rudolf was angry with his brother's concessions, which he saw
as giving away too much in order to further Matthias' hold on power. So Rudolf prepared to start a new war with the Turks. But
Matthias rallied support from the disaffected Hungarians and forced Rudolf to give up the crowns of Hungary, Austria, and
Moravia to him. Matthias imprisoned Georg Keglevi who was the Commander-in-chief, General, Vice-Ban of Croatia, Slavonia
and Dalmatia and since 1602 Baron in Transylvania, but soon left him free again. At that time the Principality of
Transylvania was a fully autonomous, but only semi-independent state under the nominal suzerainty of theOttoman Empire,
where it was the time of the Sultanate of Women. At the same time, seeing a moment of royal weakness, Bohemian
Protestants demanded greater religious liberty, which Rudolf granted in the Letter of Majesty in 1609. However the
Bohemians continued to press for further freedoms and Rudolf used his army to repress them. The Bohemian Protestants
appealed to Matthias for help, whose army then held Rudolf prisoner in his castle in Prague, until 1611, when Rudolf was
forced to cede the crown of Bohemia to his brother. Rudolf died in 1612, nine months after he had been stripped of all

effective power by his younger brother, except the empty title of Holy Roman Emperor, to which
Matthias was elected five months later. He died unmarried. In May 1618 with the event known as
theDefenestration of Prague, the Protestant Bohemians, in defence of the rights granted them in
the Letter of Majesty, began the Thirty Years' War (16181648). Rudolf moved the Habsburg capital
from Vienna to Prague in 1583. Rudolf loved collecting paintings, and was often reported to sit and
stare in rapture at a new work for hours on end. He spared no expense in acquiring great past
masterworks, such as those of Drer andBrueghel. He was also patron to some of the best
contemporary artists, who mainly produced new works in the Northern Mannerist style, such
as Bartholomeus Spranger, Hans von Aachen, Giambologna,
Giuseppe Arcimboldo, Aegidius
Sadeler, Roelant Savery, and Adrian de Vries, as well as commissioning works from Italians
like Veronese. Rudolf's collections were the most impressive in the Europe of his day, and the greatest
collection of Northern Mannerist art ever assembled. Rudolf's love of collecting went far beyond
paintings and sculptures. He commissioned decorative objects of all kinds and in particular mechanical
moving devices. Ceremonial swords and musical instruments, clocks, water works, astrolabes, compasses, telescopes and
other scientific instruments, were all produced for him by some of the best craftsmen in Europe. He patronized natural
philosophers such as the botanist Charles de l'Ecluse, and the astronomers Tycho Brahe and Johannes Kepler both attended
his court. Tycho Brahe developed the Rudolfine tables (finished by Kepler, after Brahe's death), the first comprehensive table
of data of the movements of the planets. As mentioned before, Rudolf also attracted some of the best scientific instrument
makers of the time, such as Jost Buergi, Erasmus Habermel and Hans Christoph Schissler. They had direct contact with the
court astronomers and, through the financial support of the court, they were economically independent to develop scientific
instruments and manufacturing techniques. The poetess Elizabeth Jane Weston, a writer of neo-Latin poetry, was also part of
his court and wrote numerous odes to him. Rudolf kept a menagerie of exotic animals, botanical gardens, and Europe's most
extensive "cabinet of curiosities" (Kunstkammer) incorporating "the three kingdoms of nature and the works of man". It was
housed at Prague Castle, where between 1587 and 1605 he built the northern wing to house his growing collections. By 1597,
the collection occupied three rooms of the incomplete northern wing. When building was completed in 1605, the collection
was moved to the dedicated Kunstkammer. Naturalia (minerals and gemstones) were arranged in a 37 cabinet display that
had three vaulted chambers in front, each about 5.5 metres wide by 3 metres high and 60 metres long, connected to a main
chamber 33 metres long. Large uncut gemstones were held in strong boxes. Rudolph's Kunstkammer was not a typical
"cabinet of curiosities" - a haphazard collection of unrelated specimens. Rather, the Rudolfine Kunstkammer was
systematically arranged in an encyclopaedic fashion. In addition, Rudolf II employed his polyglot court physician,Anselmus
Boetius de Boodt (c. 15501632), to curate the collection. De Boodt was an avid mineral collector. He travelled widely on
collecting
trips
to
the mining regions
of
Germany, Bohemia and Silesia,
often
accompanied
by
his
Bohemian naturalist friend, Thaddaeus Hagecius. Between 1607 and 1611, de Boodt catalogued the Kunstkammer, and in
1609 he published Gemmarum et Lapidum, one of the finest mineralogical treatises of the 17th century. As was customary at
the time, the collection was private, but friends of the Emperor, artists, and professional scholars were allowed to study it.
The collection became an invaluable research tool during the flowering of 17th-century European philosophy, the "Age of
Reason". Rudolf's successors did not appreciate the collection and the Kunstkammer gradually fell into disarray. Some 50
years after its establishment, most of the collection was packed into wooden crates and moved to Vienna. The collection
remaining at Prague was looted during the last year of the Thirty Years War, by Swedish troops who sacked Prague Castle on
26 July 1648, also taking the best of the paintings, many of which later passed to the Orlans Collection after the death
ofChristina of Sweden. In 1782, the remainder of the collection was sold piecemeal to private parties by Joseph II, who was a
lover of the Arts rather than the Sciences. One of the surviving items from the Kunstkammer is a "fine chair" looted by the
Swedes in 1648 and now owned by the Earl of Radnor at Longford Castle, United Kingdom; others survive in museums.
Astrology and alchemy were mainstream science in Renaissance Prague, and Rudolf was a firm devotee of both. His lifelong
quest was to find the Philosopher's Stone and Rudolf spared no expense in bringing Europe's best alchemists to court, such
as Edward Kelley and John Dee. Rudolf even performed his own experiments in a private alchemy laboratory. When Rudolf
was a prince, Nostradamus prepared a horoscope which was dedicated to him as 'Prince and King'. Rudolf gave Prague a
mystical reputation that persists in part to this day, with Alchemists' Alley on the grounds of Prague Castle a popular visiting
place. Rudolf is also the ruler in many of the legends of the Golem of Prague, either because of or simply adding to his occult
reputation.

Matthias of Austria (February 24, 1557 March

20, 1619) was Archduke of the Archduchy of Austria from November

19, 1608 until March 20, 1619, Holy Roman Emperor from October 20, 1612 until March 20, 1619, King of Hungary
and Croatia from November 19, 1608 until March 20, 1619 (as Matthias II) and King of Bohemia from May 23, 1611 until
March 20, 1619. He was a member of the House of Habsburg. Matthias was born in the Austrian capital
of Vienna to Maximilian II, Holy Roman Emperor andMaria of Spain. Matthias married Archduchess Anna of Austria, daughter
of his uncle Archduke Ferdinand II of Austria, whose successor in Further Austria Matthias became in 1595. Their marriage did
not produce surviving children. In 1578, Matthias was invited to the Netherlands by the States-General of the rebellious
provinces, who offered him the position of Governor-General. Matthias accepted the appointment, although the position was
not recognized by his uncle, Philip II of Spain, the hereditary ruler of the provinces. Matthias nonetheless remained as titular
governor for the rebels until they deposed Philip II and declared full independence in 1581, at which point Matthias returned
home to Austria. In 1593 he was appointed governor of Austria by his brother, Emperor Rudolf II. He formed a close
association there with the Bishop of Vienna, Melchior Klesl, who later became his chief adviser. In 1605 Matthias forced the
ailing emperor to allow him to deal with the Hungarian Protestant rebels. The result was the Peace of Vienna of 1606, which
guaranteed religious freedom in Hungary and guaranteed the right of Transylvaniansto elect their own independent princes in
the future. In the same year Matthias was recognized as head of the House of Habsburg and as the future Holy Roman
Emperor, as a result of Rudolf's illness. Allying himself with the estates of Hungary, Austria, and Moravia, Matthias forced his
brother to yield rule of these lands to him in 1608; Rudolf later ceded Bohemia in 1611. Matthias's army then held Rudolf
prisoner in his castle in Prague, until 1611, when Rudolf was forced to cede the crown of Bohemia to his brother. After
Matthias's accession as Holy Roman Emperor, his policy was dominated by Klesl, who hoped to bring about a compromise
between Catholic and Protestant states within the Holy Roman Empire in order to strengthen it. Matthias had already been
forced to grant religious concessions to Protestants in Austria and Moravia, as well as in Hungary, when he had allied with
them against Rudolf. Matthias imprisoned Georg Keglevi who was the Commander-in-chief, General, Vice-Ban of Croatia,
Slavonia and Dalmatia and since 1602 Baron in Transylvania, but soon left him free again. At that time was the Principality of
Transylvania a fully autonomous, but only semi-independent state under the nominal suzerainty of the Ottoman Empire,
where it was the time of the Sultanate of Women. Matthias's conciliatory policies were opposed by the more intransigent
Catholic Habsburgs, particularly Matthias's brother Archduke Maximilian, who hoped to secure the succession for the
inflexible Catholic Archduke Ferdinand (later Emperor Ferdinand II). The start of the Bohemian Protestant revolt in 1618
provoked Maximilian to imprison Klesl and revise his policies. Matthias, old and ailing, was unable to prevent a takeover by

Maximilian's faction. Ferdinand, who had already been crowned King of Bohemia (1617) and of
Hungary (1618), succeeded Matthias as Holy Roman Emperor. Matthias died in Vienna in 1619.

Albert VII of Austria (November 13, 1559 July 13, 1621) was a Archduke of the Archduchy of
Austria for a few months in 1619, and, jointly with his wife, Isabella Clara Eugenia, sovereign of
the Habsburg Netherlands, Duke of Lothier, Brabant, Limburg, Luxemburg and Guelders; Count of
Flanders, Artois, Count Palatine of Burgundy; Hainaut and Namur from May 6, 1598 until his death on
July 13, 1621. Prior to this, he had been a cardinal, archbishop of Toledo, viceroy of Portugal
and Governor General of the Habsburg Netherlands. He would eventually succeed his brother Emperor
Matthias as reigning archduke of Lower and Upper Austria, but abdicated in favor of
Emperor Ferdinand II after only a few months, making it the shortest (and often ignored) reign in
Austrian history. Archduke Albert was the fifth son of Emperor Maximilian II, and the Infanta Maria,
daughter of Emperor Charles V, and Isabella of Portugal. He was sent to the Spanish Court at the age of eleven, where his
uncle Philip II looked after his education. Initially he was meant to pursue an ecclesiastical career. In 1577 he was appointed
cardinal at the age of eighteen and was given the Santa Croce in Gerusalemme as his titular church. Philip II planned to make
him archbishop of Toledo as soon as possible, but the current incumbent,Gaspar de Quiroga y Sandoval, lived much longer
than expected. In the mean time Albert only took lower orders. He would never be ordained priest, nor bishop. His clerical
upbringing did however have a lasting influence on his lifestyle. After the dynastic union with Portugal, Albert became the
first viceroy of the kingdom and its overseas empire in 1583. He was likewise appointed Papal Legate and Grand
Inquisitor for Portugal. As viceroy of Portugal, he took part in the organization of the Great Armadaof 1588 and beat off
an English counter-attack on Lisbon in 1589. In 1593 Philip II recalled him to Madrid, where he would take a leading role in the
government of the Spanish Monarchy. Two years later, the rebellious Hugh O'Neill, Earl of Tyrone and Hugh Roe
O'Donnell offered Albert the Irish crown in the hope of obtaining Spanish support for their cause. After the death of Archduke
Ernst in 1595, Albert was sent to Brussels to succeed his elder brother as Governor General of the Habsburg Netherlands. He
made his entry in Brussels on February 11, 1596. His first priority was restoring Spain's military position in the Low Countries.
She was facing the combined forces of the Dutch Republic, England and France and had known nothing but defeats since
1590. During his first campaign season, Albert surprised his enemies bycapturing Calais and nearby Ardres from the French
and Hulst from the Dutch. These successes were however offset by the third bankruptcy of the Spanish crown later that year.
As a consequence, 1597 was marked by a series of military disasters. Stadholder Maurice of Orange captured the last Spanish
strongholds that remained north of the great rivers, as well as the strategic town of Rheinberg in the Electorate of Cologne.
Still, the Spanish Army of Flanders managed to surprise Amiens, thereby stalling the counter offensive thatHenry IV of
France was about to launch. With no more money to pay the troops, Albert was also facing a series of mutinies. While
pursuing the war as well as he could, Albert made overtures for peace with Spain's enemies, but only the French King was
disposed to enter official negotiations. Under the mediation of the papal legate Cardinal Alessandro de'Medici the future
Pope Leo XI Spain and France concluded the Peace of Vervins on 2 May 1598. Spain gave up its conquests, thereby
restoring the situation of Cateau Cambrsis. France tacitly accepted the Spanish occupation of the prince-archbishopric of
Cambray. She pulled out of the war, but maintained her financial support for the Dutch Republic. Only a few days after the
treaty, on 6 May 1598, Philip II announced his decision to marry his eldest daughter, the Infanta Isabella to Albert and to cede
them the sovereignty over the Habsburg Netherlands. The Act of Cession did however stipulate that if the couple would not
have children, the Netherlands would return to Spain. It also contained a number of secret clauses that assured a permanent
presence of the Spanish Army of Flanders. After obtaining the pope's permission, Albert formally resigned from the College of
Cardinals on July 13, 1598 and left for Spain on 14 September, unaware that Philip II had died the night before. Pope Clement
VIIIcelebrated the union by procuration in Ferrara on 15 November, while the actual marriage took place in Valencia on April
18, 1599. The first half of the reign of Albert and Isabella was dominated by war. After overtures to the United Provincesand
to Queen Elizabeth I proved unsuccessful, the Habsburg policy in the Low Countries aimed at regaining the military initiative
and isolating the Dutch Republic. The strategy was to force its opponents to the conference table and negotiate from a
position of strength. Even if Madrid and Brussels tended to agree on these options, Albert took a far more flexible stance than
his brother in law, the new Spanish king Philip III. Albert had first hand knowledge of the devastation wrought by the Dutch
Revolt and had come to the conclusion that it would be impossible to reconquer the northern provinces. Quite logically, Philip
III and his councillors felt more concern for Spain's reputation and for the impact that a compromise with the Dutch Republic
might have on Habsburg positions as a whole. Spain provided the means to continue the war. Albert took the decisions on the
ground and tended to ignore Madrid's instructions. Under the circumstances, the division of responsibilities repeatedly led to
tensions. Albert's reputation as a military commander suffered badly when he was defeated by the Dutch stadtholder Maurice
of Orange in the battle of Nieuwpoort on July 2, 1600. His inability to conclude the lengthy siege of Ostend (16011604),
resulted in his withdrawal from the tactical command of the Spanish Army of Flanders. From then on military operations were
led by the Genuese Ambrogio Spnola. Even though he could not prevent the almost simultaneous capture of Sluis, Spnola
forced Ostend to surrender on September 22, 1604. He seized the initiative during the next campaigns, bringing the war
north of the great rivers for the first time since 1594. Meanwhile the accession of James VI of Scotland as James I in England
had paved the way for a separate peace with England. On July 24, 1604 England, Spain and the Archducal Netherlands signed
the Treaty of London. The return to peace was severely hampered by differences over religion. Events such as the Gunpowder
Plot caused a lot of diplomatic tension between London and Brussels. Yet on the whole relations between the two courts
tended to be cordial. Spnola's campaigns and the threat of diplomatic isolation induced the Dutch Republic to accept a
ceasefire in April 1607. The subsequent negotiations between the warring parties failed to produce a peace treaty. They did
lead however to conclusion of the Twelve Years' Truce in Antwerp on April 9, 1609. Under the terms of the Truce, the United
Provinces were to be regarded as a sovereign power for the duration of the truce. Albert had conceded this point against the
will of Madrid and it took him a lot of effort to persuade Philip III to ratify the agreement. When Philip's ratification finally
arrived, Albert's quest for the restoration of peace in the Low Countries had finally paid off. The years of the Truce gave the
Habsburg Netherlands a much needed breathing-space. The fields could again be worked in safety. The archducal regime
encouraged the reclaiming of land that had been inundated in the course of the hostilities and sponsored the impoldering of
the Moeren, a marshy area that is presently astride the BelgianFrench border. The recovery of agriculture led in turn to a
modest increase of the population after decades of demographic losses. Industry and in particular the luxury trades likewise
underwent a recovery. International trade was however hampered by the closure of the river Scheldt. The archducal regime
had plans to bypass the blockade with a system of canals linking Ostend via Bruges to the Scheldt in Ghent and joining the
Meuse to the Rhine between Venloand Rheinberg. In order to combat urban poverty, the government supported the creation
of a network of Monti di Piet based on the Italian model. Meanwhile the archducal regime ensured the triumph of
the Catholic Reformation in the Habsburg Netherlands. Most Protestants had by that stage left the Southern Netherlands.
After one last execution in 1597, those that remained were no longer actively persecuted. Under the terms of legislation
passed in 1609, their presence was tolerated, provided they did not worship in public. Engaging in religious debates was also
forbidden by law. The resolutions of the Third Provincial Council of Mechlin of 1607 were likewise given official sanction.
Through such measures and by the appointment of a generation of able and committed bishops, Albert and Isabella laid the

foundation of the catholic confessionalisation of the population. It should be noted however, that the
same period saw important waves of witch-hunts. In the process of recatholisation, new and reformed
religious orders enjoyed the particular support of the Archdukes. Even though Albert had certain
reservations about the order, the Jesuits received the largest cash grants, allowing them to complete
their ambitious building programmes in Brussels and Antwerp. Other champions of the Catholic
Reformation, such as the Capuchins, were also given considerable sums. The foundation of the first
convents of Discalced Carmelites in the Southern Netherlands depended wholly on the personal
initiative of the Archdukes and bore witness to the Spanish orientation of their spirituality. Albert's
reign saw a strengthening of princely power in the Habsburg Netherlands. The States-General of the
loyal provinces were only summoned once in 1600. Thereafter the government preferred to deal
directly with the provinces. The years of the Truce allowed the archducal regime to promulgate
legislation on a whole range of matters. The so called Eternal Edict of 1611, for instance, reformed the
judicial system and ushered in the transition from customary to written law. Other measures dealt
with monetary matters, the nobility, duels, gambling, etc. Driven by strategic as well as religious motives, Albert intervened
in 1614 in the squabbles over the inheritance of the United Duchies of Jlich-Cleves-Berg. The subsequent confrontation with
the armies of the Dutch Republic led to the Treaty of Xanten. The episode was in many ways a rehearsal of what was to come
in the Thirty Years' War. After the defenestration of Prague, Albert responded by sending troops to his cousin Ferdinand II and
by pressing Philip III for financial support to the cause of the Austrian Habsburgs. As such he contributed considerably to the
victory of the Habsburg and Bavarian forces in the Battle of the White Mountain on 8 November 1620. As the years passed, it
became clear that Albert and Isabella would never have children. When Albert's health suffered a serious breakdown in the
winter of 1613-1614, steps were taken to ensure the succession of Philip III in accordance to the Act of Cession. As a result,
the States of the loyal provinces swore to accept the Spanish King as heir of the Archdukes in a number of ceremonies
between May 1616 and January 1617. Philip III however predeceased his uncle on March 31, 1621. The right to succeed the
Archdukes thereupon passed to his eldest son Philip IV. Albert had a precarious health and it deteriorated markedly in the
closing months of 1620. As the Twelve Years' Truce would expire the next April, he devoted his last energies to securing its
renewal. In order to reach this goal he was prepared to make far reaching concessions. Much to his frustration neither the
Spanish Monarchy, nor the Dutch Republic took his pleas for peace seriously. His death on July 13, 1621 therefore more or
less coincided with the resumption of hostilities between the two. Virtually nothing remains of the Archdukes' palace on
the Koudenberg in Brussels, their summer retreat in Mariemont or their hunting lodge in Tervuren. Their once magnificent
collections were scattered after 1633 and considerable parts of them have been lost. Still, the Archdukes Albert and Isabella
enjoy a well merited reputation as patrons of the arts. They are probably best remembered for the appointment of Peter Paul
Rubens as their court painter in 1609. They likewise gave commissions to outstanding painters such as Frans Pourbus the
Younger, Otto van Veen and Jan Brueghel the Elder. Less well known painters such as Hendrik de Clerck, Theodoor van
Loon and Denis van Alsloot were also called upon. Mention should furthermore be made of architects such as Wenzel
Cobergher and Jacob Franquart, as well as of the sculptors de Nole. By far the best preserved ensemble of art from the
archducal period is to be found at Scherpenheuvel where Albert and Isabella directed Cobergher, the painter Theodoor van
Loon and the de Noles to create a pilgrimage church in a planned city. As co-sovereign of the Habsburg Netherlands: Albert
and Isabella Clara Eugenia, Infanta of Spain, by the grace of God Archdukes of Austria, Dukes of Burgundy, Lothier, Brabant,
Limburg, Luxembourg and Guelders, Counts of Habsburg, Flanders, Artois, Burgundy, Tyrol, Palatines in Hainaut, Holland,
Zeeland, Namur and Zutphen, Margraves of the Holy Roman Empire, Lord and Lady of Frisia, Salins, Mechlin, the City, Towns
and Lands of Utrecht, Overijssel and Groningen. For use in correspondence with German princes: The Most Serene, Highborn
Prince and Lord, Lord Albert, Archduke of Austria, Duke of Burgundy, Lothier, Brabant, Styria, Carinthia, Carniola, Limburg,
Luxembourg, Guelders and Wrttemberg, Count of Habsburg, Flanders, Tyrol, Artois, Burgundy, Palatine in Hainaut, Holland,
Zeeland, Namur and Zutphen, Margrave of the Holy Roman Empire, Lord of Frisia, Salins, Mechlin, the City, Towns and Lands
of Utrecht, Overijssel and Groningen.

Leopold V,

Archduke of Further Austria (Graz, October 9, 1586 September 13, 1632 in Schwaz, Tirol)
was Archduke of Further Austria from 1607 until 1626. He was the son of Archduke Archduke Charles II of
Inner Austria, and the younger brother of Emperor Ferdinand II, father of Ferdinand Charles, Archduke of
Further Austria. He was Bishop of Passau and Strasbourg (until 1625) and Archduke of Further
Austria including Tirol. He was invested as bishop in 1598, as a child, even though he had not been ordained
as a priest and became Bishop of Strasbourgin 1607, a post which he held until 1626. From 1609 onwards he
fought with his mercenaries in the Julian Dispute of Inheritanceagainst Maximilian III, Archduke of Further
Austria in Tirol, and 1611 for Rudolf II in Bohemia. In 1614, he financed the construction of the Church of the
Jesuit College of Molsheim, inside of which his coat of arms is since prominently displayed. In 1619 upon the death of his
kinsman and former rival, he became governor of Maximilian's inheritance: Further Austria and Tirol, where he attained the
position of a sovereign, i.e. Archduke of Further Austria from 1623 to 1630. He had the Custom House and the Jesuit Church
be built in Innsbruck. He fought for the Veltlin and defended Tirol against the Swedes in 1632.

Ferdinand II (July

9, 1578 February 15, 1637) was Archduke of the Archduchy of Austria from March 20, 1619 until
February 15, 1637, Holy Roman Emperor from August 28, 1619 until February 15, 1637, King of Bohemia from June 5, 1617
until February 15, 1637 and King of Hungary from July 1, 1618 until his death on February 15, 1637. His rule coincided with
the Thirty Years' War. He was born at Graz, the son of Charles II, Archduke of Austria, and Maria Anna of Bavaria. He was
educated by the Jesuits and later attended the University of Ingolstadt. After completing his studies in 1595, he acceded to
his hereditary lands (where his older cousin, Archduke Maximilian III of Austria, had acted as regent between 1593 and 1595)
and made a pilgrimage to Loreto and Rome. Shortly afterwards, he began to suppress non-Catholic faith in his territories. With
the Oate treaty, Ferdinand obtained the support of the Spanish Habsburgs in the succession of his childless cousin Matthias,
in exchange for concessions in Alsace and Italy. In 1617, he was elected King of Bohemia by the Bohemian diet, in 1618, King
of Hungary by the Hungarian estates, and in 1619, Holy Roman Emperor. His devout Catholicism caused immediate turmoil in
his non-Catholic subjects, especially in Bohemia. He did not wish to uphold the religious liberties granted by the Letter of
Majesty conceded, signed by the previous emperor, Rudolph II, which had guaranteed the freedom of religion to the nobles
and the inhabitants of the cities. Additionally, Ferdinand was an absolutist monarch and infringed several historical privileges
of the nobles. Given the relatively great number of Protestants in the kingdom, including some of the nobles, the king's
unpopularity soon caused the Bohemian Revolt. The Second Defenestration of Prague of May 22, 1618 is considered the first
step of the Thirty Years' War. In the following events he remained one of the staunchest backers of the AntiProtestant Counter Reformation efforts as one of the heads of the German Catholic League. Ferdinand succeeded Matthias as
Holy Roman Emperor in 1619. Supported by the Catholic League and the Kings of Spain and the Polish-Lithuanian
Commonwealth, Ferdinand decided to reclaim his possession in Bohemia and to quench the rebels. On November 8, 1620 his
troops, led by the Belgian general Johann Tserclaes, count of Tilly, smashed the rebels of Frederick V, who had been elected
as rival King in 1618. After Frederick's flight to the Netherlands, Ferdinand ordered a massive effort to bring about conversion

to Catholicism in Bohemia and Austria, causing Protestantism there to nearly disappear in the following
decades, and reduced the Diet's power. In 1625, despite the subsidies received from Spain and the Pope,
Ferdinand was in a bad financial situation. In order to muster an imperial army to continue the war, he
applied to Albrecht von Wallenstein, one of the richest men in Bohemia: the latter accepted on condition
that he could keep total control over the direction of the war, as well as over the booties taken during
the operations. Wallenstein was able to recruit some 30,000 men (later expanded up to 100,000), with
whom he was able to defeat the Protestants inSilesia, Anhalt and Denmark. In the wake of the
overwhelming Catholic military successes, in 1629 Ferdinand issued the Edict of Restitution, by which all
the land stripped to the Catholics after the Peace of Passau of 1552 would be returned. His new
revitalized Catholic demands caused the tottering Protestants to call in Gustavus II Adolphus, King of
Sweden. Further, some of Ferdinand's Catholic allies started to complain about the excessive power
gained by Wallenstein, as well as of the ruthless method he used to finance his huge army. Ferdinand replied by firing the
Bohemian general in 1630. The lead of the war thenceforth was assigned to Tilly, who was however unable to stop the
Swedish march from northern Germany towards Austria. Some historians directly blame Ferdinand for the large civilian loss of
life in the Sack of Magdeburg in 1631: he had instructed Tilly to enforce the edict of Restitution upon the Electorate of
Saxony, his orders causing the Belgian general to move the Catholic armies east, ultimately toLeipzig, where they suffered
their first substantial defeat at the First Battle of Breitenfeld (1631). Tilly died in 1632. Wallenstein was recalled, being able to
muster an army in only a week, and to expel the Swedes from Bohemia. In November 1632 the Catholics were defeated in
the Battle of Ltzen (1632), but Gustavus Adolphus died. A period of minor operations followed, perhaps because of
Wallenstein's ambiguous conduct, which ended with his assassination in 1634, perhaps ordered by Ferdinand himself. Despite
Wallenstein's fall, the imperial forces recaptured Regensburg and were victorious in the Battle of Nrdlingen (1634). The
Swedish army was substantially weakened, and the fear that the Habsburgs' power could at that point become overwhelming
in the empire triggered France, led by Louis XIII of France and Cardinal Richelieu, to enter the war on the Protestant side.
(Louis's father Henry IV of France had once been a Huguenot leader.) In 1635 Ferdinand signed his last important act,
the Peace of Prague (1635), which however did not end the war. He died in 1637, leaving to his son Ferdinand III, Holy Roman
Emperor an empire still entangled in a war and whose fortunes seemed to be increasingly fading away. In 1600, Ferdinand
married Maria Anna of Bavaria (1574-1616), daughter of Duke William V of Bavaria. They had seven children: Archduchess
Christine (May 25, 1601 June 12/21, 1601), Archduke Charles (died May 25, 1603), Archduke John-Charles (November 1,
1605 December 26, 1619), Ferdinand III (July 13, 1608 April 2, 1657), Archduchess Maria Anna of Austria (January 13,
1610 September 25, 1665), Archduchess Cecilia Renata of Austria (July 16, 1611 March 24, 1644), who married her
cousin Wadysaw IV Vasa, King of Poland, Archduke Leopold Wilhelm of Austria (16141662). In 1622, he married Eleonore of
Mantua (Gonzaga) (15981655), the daughter of Duke Vincenzo I of Mantua and Eleonora de' Medici, at Innsbruck.

Ferdinand III (July

13, 1608 April 2, 1657) was Archduke of the Archduchy of Austria, Holy
Roman Emperor, King of Hungary and Croatia, King of Bohemia from February 15, 1637 until April 2,
1657. Ferdinand was born in Graz, the eldest son of Emperor Ferdinand II of Habsburg and his first
wife, Maria Anna of Bavaria. Educated by the Jesuits, he became King of Hungary in 1625, King of
Bohemia in 1627 and Archduke of Austria in 1621. In 1627 Ferdinand enhanced his authority and set
an important legal and military precedent by issuing a Revised Land Ordinance that deprived the
Bohemian estates of their right to raise soldiers, reserving this power solely for the monarch. Following
the death of Wallenstein (who had previously denied him the overall military command of the Catholic
side) in 1634, he was made titular head of the Imperial Army in the Thirty Years' War, and later that
year joined with his cousin, the Cardinal-Infante Ferdinand, being nominally responsible of the capture
of Donauwrth and Regensburg, and of defeat of the Swedes at the Battle of Nrdlingen. Leader of the
peace party at court, he helped negotiate the Peace of Prague with the Protestant states, especially Saxonyin 1635. Having
been elected King of the Romans in 1636, he succeeded his father as Holy Roman Emperor in 1637. He hoped to be able to
make peace soon with France and Sweden, but the war dragged on for another 11 years, finally coming to an end with
the Peace of Westphalia (Treaty of Mnster with France, Treaty of Osnabrck with Sweden) in 1648, both negotiated by his
envoy Maximilian von und zu Trauttmansdorff, a diplomat who had been made a count in 1623 by his father Ferdinand II.
During the last period of the war, in 1644 Ferdinand III gave to all rulers of German states the right to conduct their own
foreign policy (ius belli ac pacis). This way the emperor was trying to gain more allies in the negotiations with France and
Sweden. This very edict contributed to the gradual erosion of the imperial authority in the Holy Roman Empire. After 1648 the
emperor was engaged in carrying out the terms of the treaty and ridding Germany of the foreign soldiery. In 1656 he sent an
army into Italy to assist Spain in her struggle with France, and he had just concluded an alliance with Poland to check the
aggressions of Charles X of Sweden when he died on 2 April 1657. On 20 February 1631 Ferdinand III married his first
wife Archduchess Maria Anna of Austria. She was the youngest daughter of Philip III of Spain and Margaret of Austria. They
were first cousins as Maria Anna's mother was a sister of Ferdinand's father. They were parents to six children: Ferdinand IV,
King of the Romans (8 September 1633 9 July 1654), Maria Anna "Mariana", Archduchess of Austria (December 22, 1634
May 16, 1696). Married her maternal uncle Philip IV of Spain, Philip August, Archduke of Austria (July 15, 1637 June 22,
1639), Maximilian Thomas, Archduke of Austria (December 21, 1638 June 29, 1639), Leopold I, Holy Roman Emperor (June 9,
1640 May 5, 1705) and Maria, Archduchess of Austria (May 13, 1646). In 1648, Ferdinand III married his second
wife Archduchess Maria Leopoldine of Austria. She was a daughter of Leopold V, Archduke of Austria and Claudia de' Medici.
They were first cousins as male-line grandchildren of Charles II, Archduke of Austria and Maria Anna of Bavaria. They had a
single son: Karl Josef, Archduke of Austria (August 7, 1649 January 27, 1664). He was Grand Master of the Teutonic
Knights from 1662 to his death. In 1651, Ferdinand III married Eleonora Gonzaga. She was a daughter of Charles IV Gonzaga,
Duke of Rethel. They were parents to four children: Theresia Maria Josefa, Archduchess of Austria (March 27, 1652 July 26,
1653), Eleonora Maria of Austria (May 21, 1653 December 17, 1697), who married first Michael Korybut Winiowiecki, King
of Poland, and then Charles Lopold, Duke of Lorraine, Maria Anna Josepha of Austria (December 30, 1654 April 4, 1689),
who married Johann Wilhelm, Elector Palatine and Ferdinand Josef Alois, Archduke of Austria (February 11, 1657 June 16,
1658). Ferdinand III was a well-known patron of music and a composer. He studied music under Giovanni Valentini, who
bequeathed his musical works to him, and had close ties withJohann Jakob Froberger, one of the most important keyboard
composers of the 17th century. Froberger lamented the emperor's death and dedicated to him one of his most celebrated
works, Lamentation faite sur la mort trs douloureuse de Sa Majest Impriale, Ferdinand le troisime ; a tombeau for
Ferdinand III's death was composed by the renowned violinist Johann Heinrich Schmelzer. Some of Ferdinand's own
compositions survive in manuscripts: masses, motets, hymns and other sacred music, as well as a few secular pieces.
His Drama musicum was praised by Athanasius Kircher, and the extant works, although clearly influenced by Valentini, show
a composer with an individual style and a solid technique. Recordings of Ferdinand's compositions include: Jesu Redemptor
Omnium. Deus Tuorum. Humanae Salutis. With Schmelzer: Lamento Sopra La Morte de Ferdinand III. Joseph I: Regina
Coeli. Leopold I: Sonata Piena; Laudate Pueri. Wiener Akademie, dir. Martin Haselbck, CPO 1997. Ferdinand III: Hymnus "Jesu
Corona Virginum". On Musik fr Gamben-Consort. Klaus Mertens, Hamburger Ratsmusik, dir. Simone Eckert CPO 2010.

Ferdinand Charles (May

17, 1628 December 30, 1662) was the Archduke of the Archduchy of
Further Austria, including the Tyrol, from 1646 until his death on December 30, 1662. As the son of
Archduke Leopold V and Claudia de' Medici, he took over his mother's governatorial duties when he came
of age in 1646. To finance his extravagant living style, he sold goods and entitlements. For example, he
wasted the exorbitant sum which France had to pay to the TyroleanHabsburgs for the cession of their fiefs
west of the Rhine (Alsace, Sundgau and Breisach). He also fixed the border to Graubnden in 1652.
Ferdinand Charles was an absolutist ruler, did not call any diet after 1648 and had his chancellorWilhelm
Biener executed illegally in 1651 after a secret trial. On the other hand, he was a lover of music: Italian
opera was performed in his court. Ferdinand Charles married Anna de' Medici. She was a daughter
of Cosimo II de' Medici, Grand Duke of Tuscany and Maria Magdalena of Austria (+1631). They had two
children: Claudia Felicitas of Austria (30 May 1653 - 8 April 1676). Married Leopold I, Holy Roman Emperor
and Maria Magdalena of Austria (17 August 1656 - 21 January 1669). He died in Kaltern.

Sigismund Francis (November 27, 1630 June 25,

1665) was the Archduke of the Archduchy of

Further Austria including Tyrol from 1662 until his death on June 25, 1665. He was born at Innsbruck,
the second son of Leopold V, Archduke of Austria and Claudia de' Medici. He was ordained as bishop of
Augsburg in 1646 without being a priest. In 1653, he became bishop of Gurk and in 1659 bishop of
Trent. After the death of his brother Archduke Ferdinand Charles, he became Archduke of Further
Austria. He was more able than his brother and could have made him a good ruler, but with his early
death in 1665 the younger Tyrolean line of the Habsburg house ended. Leopold I, Holy Roman Emperor,
who as the heir male succeeded Sigismund Francis, took direct control over the government of Further
Austriaand Tyrol. He married Hedwig of the Palatinate-Sulzbach on 3 June 1665 and died in Innsbruck
twelve days later.

Leopold I (name

in full: Leopold Ignaz Joseph Balthasar Felician; Hungarian: I. Lipt; June 9, 1640 May 5, 1705) was
Archduke of the Archduchy of Austria and King of Croatia from April 2, 1657 until May 5, 1705, Holy Roman Emperor (King of
Germany) from July 18, 1657 until May 5, 1705, King of Hungary from June 27, 1655 until May 5, 1705 and King of Bohemia
from September 14, 1656 until May 5, 1705. A member of the Habsburg family, he was the second son of Emperor Ferdinand
III and his first wife, Maria Anna of Spain. His maternal grandparents were Philip III of Spain and Margaret of Austria. He was
also a first cousin of his rival, Louis XIV of France. He became heir apparent on 9 July 1654 by the death of his elder brother
Ferdinand IV, and reigned as Holy Roman Emperor from 1658 to 1705. Leopold's reign was marked by military successes
against the Ottoman Empire in the Great Turkish War through his greatest general Prince Eugene of Savoy, including at Saint
Gotthard, Vienna, Second Mohcs and Zenta. By the end of the war, theHabsburg Monarchy had annexed Transylvania and
much of Hungary.,Leopold is also known for his conflicts against France through the Nine Years' War and the War of Spanish
Succession. In the latter, he had hoped to enforce the Second Partition Treaty, which assigned the throne of the Kingdom of
Spain to his son the Archduke Charles. Leopold managed the war extremely well, and the Habsburg Monarchy scored decisive
victories at Schellenberg and Blenheim. His death in 1705 left the throne to his eldest son Joseph. Intended for the Church,
he received a good education but his prospects were changed by the death of his elder brother Ferdinand IV, on July 9, 1654
of smallpox, when he became his father's heir apparent. Leopold was physically unprepossessing. Short and sickly, he had
inherited the Habsburg lip to a degree unusual even in his family. Historian William Coxe described Leopold in the following
manner: "His gait was stately, slow and deliberate; his air pensive, his address awkward, his manner uncouth, his disposition
cold and phlegmatic." In 1655 he was chosen king of Hungary, in 1656 king of Bohemia, in 1657 he gained the crown
ofCroatia. In July 1658, more than a year after his father's death, he was elected emperor at Frankfurt in spite of the intrigues
of Cardinal Mazarin, who wished to place on the imperial throneFerdinand Maria, Elector of Bavaria or some other prince
whose elevation would break theHabsburg succession. Mazarin, however, obtained a promise from the new emperor that he
would not send assistance to Spain, then at war with France, and, by joining a confederation of German princes, called
theLeague of the Rhine, France secured a certain influence in the internal affairs of Germany. Leopold's long reign covers one
of the most important periods of European history; for nearly the whole of its forty-seven years he was pitted against Louis
XIV of France, whose dominant personality completely overshadowed Leopold. The emperor was not himself a man of war,
and never led his troops in person; yet the greater part of his public life was spent in arranging and directing wars. The first
was with Sweden, whose king Charles X found a useful ally in the prince ofTransylvania, Gyrgy II Rkczi, a
rebellious vassal of the Hungarian crown. This war, a legacy of the last reign, was waged by Leopold as the ally of Poland until
peace was made at Oliva in 1660. A more dangerous foe next entered the lists. The Ottoman Empire interfered in the affairs
of Transylvania, always an unruly district, and this interference brought on a war with the Holy Roman Empire, which after
some desultory operations really began in 1663. By a personal appeal to the diet at Regensburg Leopold induced the princes
to send assistance for the campaign; troops were also sent by France, and in August 1664, the great imperialist
general, Raimondo Montecuccoli, gained a notable victory at Saint Gotthard. By the Peace of Vasvr the emperor made a
twenty years' truce with the sultan, granting more generous terms than his recent victory seemed to render necessary. After
a few years of peace began the first of three wars between France and the Empire. The aggressive policy pursued byLouis
XIV towards the United Provinces had aroused the serious attention of Europe, and steps had been taken to check it. Although
the French king had sought the alliance of several German princes and encouraged the Turks in their attacks on Austria the
emperor at first took no part in this movement. He was on friendly terms with Louis, to whom he was closely related and with
whom he had already discussed the partition of the lands of the Spanish monarchy; moreover, in 1671, he arranged with him
a treaty of neutrality. In 1672, however, he was forced to take action. He entered into an alliance for the defence of the
United Provinces during theFranco-Dutch War; then, after this league had collapsed owing to the defection of the elector
of Brandenburg, the more durable Quadruple Alliance was formed for the same purpose, including, besides the emperor, the
king of Spain and several German princes, and the war was renewed. At this time, twenty-five years after the peace
of Westphalia, the Empire was virtually a confederation of independent princes, and it was very difficult for its head to
conduct any war with vigour and success, some of its members being in alliance with the enemy and others being only
lukewarm in their support of the imperial interests. Thus this struggle, which lasted until the end of 1678, was on the whole
unfavourable to Germany, and the advantages of the Treaty of Nijmegen were with France. Almost immediately after the
conclusion of peace Louis renewed his aggressions on the German frontier through theRunions policy. Engaged in a serious
struggle with the Ottoman Empire, the emperor was again slow to move, and although he joined the Association

League against France in 1682 he was glad to make a truce at Regensburg two years later. In 1686 the League of
Augsburg was formed by the emperor and the imperial princes, to preserve the terms of the treaties of Westphalia and
of Nijmegen. The whole European position was now bound up with events in England, and the tension lasted until 1688,
when William III of Orange won the English crown through the Glorious Revolution and Louis invaded Germany. In May 1689,
the Grand Alliance was formed, including the emperor, the kings of England, Spain and Denmark, the elector
of Brandenburg and others, and a fierce struggle against France was waged throughout almost the whole of western Europe.
In general the several campaigns were favourable to the allies, and in September 1697, England, Spain and the United
Provinces made peace with France at the Treaty of Rijswijk. To this treaty, Leopold refused to assent, as he considered that his
allies had somewhat neglected his interests, but in the following month he came to terms and a number of places were
transferred from France to Germany. The peace with France lasted for about four years and then Europe was involved in
the War of the Spanish Succession. The king of Spain, Charles II, was a Habsburg by descent and was related by marriage to
the Austrian branch, while a similar tie bound him to the royal house of France. He was feeble and childless, and attempts
had been made by the European powers to arrange for a peaceable division of his extensive kingdom. Leopold refused to
consent to any partition, and when in November 1700 Charles died, leaving his crown to Philippe de France, Duke of Anjou, a
grandson of Louis XIV, all hopes of a peaceable settlement vanished. Under the guidance of William III a powerful league, a
renewed Grand Alliance, was formed against France; of this the emperor was a prominent member, and in 1703 he
transferred his claim on the Spanish monarchy to his second son, Charles. The early course of the war was not favorable to
the imperialists, but the tide of defeat had been rolled back by the great victory of Blenheim before Leopold died on May 5,
1705. The emperor himself defined the guidelines of the politics. Johann Weikhard Auersperg was overthrown in 1669 as the
leading minister. He was followed by Wenzel Eusebius Lobkowicz. Both had arranged some connections to France without the
knowledge of the emperor. In 1674 also Lobkowicz lost his appointment. In governing his own lands Leopold found his chief
difficulties in Hungary, where unrest was caused partly by his desire to crushProtestantism and partly by the so
called Magnate conspiracy. A rising was suppressed in 1671 and for some years Hungary was treated with great severity. In
1681, after another rising, some grievances were removed and a less repressive policy was adopted, but this did not deter
the Hungarians from revolting again. Espousing the cause of the rebels the sultan sent an enormous army into Austria early
in 1683; this advanced almost unchecked to Vienna, which was besieged from July to September, while Leopold took refuge
at Passau. Realizing the gravity of the situation somewhat tardily, some of the German princes, among them the electors
of Saxony and Bavaria, led their contingents to the Imperial Army, which was commanded by the emperor's brother-inlaw, Charles, duke of Lorraine, but the most redoubtable of Leopold's allies was the king of Poland, John Sobieski, who was
already dreaded by the Turks. Austrian forces occupied the castle of Trebiov in 1675, but in 1682 Imre Thkly captured it
and then fled from continuous Austrian attacks, so they blew the castle up, since then it is in ruins. They fled as supposedly
Hungarian rebel troops under the command of Imre Thkly, cooperating with the Turks, and sacked the city of BielskoBiaa in 1682. In 1692, Leopold gave up his rights to the property and he gave his rights to the property by a donation to
Theresia Keglevi. He also expelled Jewish communities from his realm, for example the Viennese Jewish community, which
used to live in an area called "Im Werd" across the Danube river. After the expulsion of the Jewish population, with popular
support, the area was renamed Leopoldstadt as a thanksgiving. But Frederick William I, Elector of Brandenburg, issued an
edict in 1677, in which he announced his special protection for 50 families of these expelled Jews, he made clear that the
next election of the next emperor would become exciting. When Leopold came to Bohemia in 1679 he received a flood of
petitions presented, but many peasant petitioners were arrested after his departure and no action was taken to rectify the
shortcomings. There was a peasant uprising and over a hundred leaders of the uprising were executed. Then Leopold adopted
in 1680 the so-called Pragmatica, which re-regulated the relationship between landlord and peasant. The escape from
Trebiov through Bielsko-Biaa in 1682 no one believed. In 1690, Transylvania put a veto against a constitutional amendment,
attempted by Leopold, about some religious questions. In 1692, Peter the Great became a little bit sorry that he only
met Jesuits at the court in Vienna, when he visited Leopold. In 1692, Prince Michael of Transylvania was called to Vienna,
because of a dispute over his recent marriage. On 12 September 1683, the allied army fell upon the enemy, who was
completely routed, and Vienna was saved. The imperial forces, among whom Prince Eugene of Savoy was rapidly becoming
prominent, followed up the victory with others, notably one near Mohcs in 1687 and another at Zenta in 1697, and in
January 1699, the sultan signed the treaty of Karlowitz by which he admitted the sovereign rights of the house of Habsburg
over nearly the whole of Hungary (including Serbian Vojvodina). As the Habsburg forces retreated, they withdrew
37,000 Serb families under Pe Patriarch Arsenije III arnojevi. In 1690 and 1691 Emperor Leopold I had conceived through a
number of edicts the autonomy of Serbs in his Empire, which would last and develop for more than two centuries until its
abolition in 1912. Before the conclusion of the war, however, Leopold had taken measures to strengthen his hold upon this
country. In 1687, the Hungarian diet in Bratislava (called Pressburg at that time) changed the constitution, the right of the
Habsburgs to succeed to the throne without election was admitted and the emperor's elder son Joseph I was crowned
hereditary king of Hungary. During this reign some important changes were made in the constitution of the Empire. In 1663,
the imperial diet entered upon the last stage of its existence, and became a Perpetual Diet, permanently in session
at Regensburg. In 1692, the duke of Hanover was raised to the rank of an elector, becoming the ninth member of the
electoral college. In 1700, Leopold, greatly in need of help for the impending war with France, granted the title of king
in Prussia to the elector of Brandenburg. The net result of these and similar changes was to weaken the authority of the
emperor over the members of the Empire and to compel him to rely more and more upon his position as ruler of the Austrian
archduchies and of Hungary and Bohemia. Leopold was the first to have realized this altered state of affairs and to have
acted in accordance with it. Leopold was a man of industry and education, and during his later years, he showed some
political ability. Regarding himself as an absolute sovereign, he was extremely tenacious of his rights. Greatly influenced by
the Jesuits, he was a staunch proponent of the Counter-reformation. In person, he was short, but strong and healthy. Although
he had no inclination for a military life, he loved exercise in the open air, such as hunting and riding; he also had a taste for
music and composed several Oratorios and Suites of Dances. Due to an extreme interbreeding among his progenitors, the
hereditary Habsburg jaw was most prominent in Leopold. Because his jaw was depicted unusually large on a 1670 silver coin,
Leopold was nicknamed "the Hogmouth". However, most collectors do not believe the coin was an accurate depiction.
Leopold was married three times. In 1666, he married Margarita Teresa of Austria (16511673), daughter of King Philip IV of
Spain, who was both his niece and his first cousin. She was the blonde princess depicted in Diego Velzquez' masterpiece Las
Meninas. The wonderful series of Velazquez portraits of this lovely Spanish princess at various stages of her childhood were
sent from the court of Madrid to Leopold as he waited in Vienna for his fiancee to grow up. This beautiful girl, the
representation of merry childhood, was married at fifteen. She gave birth to four children and finally died at the age of
twenty-one, leaving Leopold heartbroken, as he had truly loved her. Leopold and Margarita Teresa of Austria's children:
Archduke Ferdinand Wenzel (16671668), Archduchess Maria Antonia (16691692) married Maximilian II Emanuel, Elector of
Bavaria, Archduke Johann Leopold (1670), Archduke of Austria and Archduchess Maria Anna Antonia (1672), Archduchess of
Austria. His second wife was Archduchess Claudia Felicitas of Austria, the heiress of Tyrol. She died at the age of twenty-two
on 2 September 1676; their two daughters also died. She was buried in the crypt of the St. Dominic side chapel of the
Dominican church in Vienna: Archduchess Anna Maria Sophia (1674) and Archduchess Maria Josepha (1675-1676). His third
wife was Eleonore Magdalene of Neuburg, a princess of the Palatinate. They had the following children: Joseph I, Holy Roman
Emperor (16781711) married Wilhelmine Amalia of Brunswick-Lneburg, Archduchess Christina (1679), Archduchess Maria

Elisabeth (16801741) Governor of the Austrian Netherlands, Archduke Leopold Joseph (1682
1684), Archduchess Maria Anna (16831754) married John V of Portugal, Archduchess Maria
Theresa (16841696), Charles VI, Holy Roman Emperor (16851740) married Elisabeth Christine
of Brunswick-Wolfenbttel, Archduchess Maria Josepha (16871703), Archduchess Maria
Magdalena (16891743) and Archduchess Maria Margaret (16901691). Like his father, Leopold
was a patron of music and a composer. He continued to enrich the court's musical life by
employing and providing support for distinguished composers such as Antonio Bertali, Giovanni
Bononcini, Johann Kaspar Kerll, Ferdinand Tobias Richter, Alessandro Poglietti, Johann Fux.
Leopold's surviving works show influence of Bertali and Viennese composers in general (in
oratorios and other dramatic works), and of Johann Heinrich Schmelzer (in ballets and German
comedies). His sacred music is perhaps his most successful, particularly Missa angeli custodis,
a Requiem Mass for his first wife, and Three Lections, composed for the burial of his second wife.
Much of Leopold's music was published with works by his father, and described as "works of
exceeding high merit." The full titulature of Leopold after he had become emperor went as
follows: Leopold I, by the grace of God elected Holy Roman Emperor, forever August, King of
Germany, King of Hungary,King of Bohemia, Dalmatia, Croatia, Slavonia, Rama, Serbia, Galicia,
Lodomeria, Cumania, Bulgaria, Archduke of Austria, Duke of Burgundy, Brabant, Styria, Carinthia, Carniola, Margrave of
Moravia, Duke of Luxemburg, of the Higher and Lower Silesia, of Wrttemberg and Teck, Prince of Swabia, Count of
Habsburg, Tyrol, Kyburg and Goritia, Landgrave of Alsace, Marquess of the Holy Roman Empire, Burgovia, the Enns, the
Higher and Lower Lusace, Lord of the Marquisate of Slavonia, of Port Naon and Salines, etc. etc.

Joseph I (July

26, 1678 April 17, 1711) was Archduke of the Archduchy of Austria, Holy Roman
Emperor, King of Croatia and King of Bohemia from May 5, 1705 until April 17, 1711, King of Hungary
from December 9, 1687 until April 17, 1711, King of the Romans (King of Germany) from January 23,
1690 until April 17, 1711. He was the elder son of Emperor Leopold I and his third wife, Eleonor
Magdalene of Neuburg. His motto was Amore et Timore (Latin for "Through Love and Fear"). Born
in Vienna, he was educated strictly by Prince Dietrich Otto von Salm and became a good linguist.
Although the first son and child born of his parents' marriage, he was his father's third son and
seventh child. Previously, he had been married to Infanta Margaret Theresa of Spain, who had given
him four children, one of whom survived infancy. Then, he married Claudia Felicitas of Austria,
heiress of Tyrol, who gave him two short-lived daughters. Thus, Joseph had six half-siblings. In 1684,
the six-year-old Archduke had his first portrait painted by Benjamin von Block. At the age of nine, on
December 9, 1687, he was crowned King of Hungary; and at the age of ten, on January 23,
1690, King of the Romans. Unlike many of his relatives, although a Roman Catholic, Joseph was not
one for religion. The cause of this may be that he was spared a strict religious upbringing. He had
two great enthusiasms: music and hunting. In 1702, at the outbreak of the War of the Spanish
Succession, he saw his only military service. He joined the Imperial General, Louis William, Margrave
of Baden-Baden, in the siege of Landau. Prior to his ascension, Joseph had surrounded himself with
reform-hungry advisors and the young court of Vienna was ambitious in the elaboration of innovative plans. He was
described as a forward-looking ruler. The large number of privy councillors was reduced and attempts were made to make the
bureaucracy more efficient. Measures were taken to modernize the central bodies and a certain success was achieved in
stabilizing the chronic Habsburg finances. Joseph also endeavoured to strengthen his position in the Holy Roman Empire as
a means of strengthening Austrias standing as a great power. When he sought to lay claim to imperial rights in Italy and gain
territories for the Habsburgs, he even risked a military conflict with the Pope over the duchy of Mantua. In Hungary, Joseph
had inherited the kuruc rebellion from his father Leopold I: once again, nobles in Transylvania (Siebenbrgen) had risen
against Habsburg rule, even advancing for a time as far as Vienna. Although Joseph was compelled to take military action, he
refrained unlike his predecessors from seeking to teach his subjects a lesson by executing the leaders. Instead, he agreed
to a compromise peace, which in the long term facilitated the integration of Hungary into the Habsburg domains. It was his
good fortune to govern the Austrian dominions and to be head of the Empire, during the years in which his trusted
general, Prince Eugene of Savoy, either acting alone in Italy or with the Duke of Marlborough in Germany and Flanders, was
beating the armies of Louis XIV of France. During the whole of his reign, Hungary was disturbed by the conflict with Francis
Rkczi II, who eventually took refuge in the Ottoman Empire. The emperor reversed many of the authoritative measures of
his father, thus helping to placate opponents. He began the attempts to settle the question of the Austrian inheritance by a
pragmatic sanction, which was continued by his brother Charles VI.Although he would have brought great things to Austria, it
was not meant to be. During the smallpox epidemic of 1711, which killedLouis, le Grand Dauphin and three siblings of the
future Holy Roman Emperor Francis I, Joseph became infected. He died on April 17, 1711 in the Hofburg Palace. He had
previously promised his wife to stop having affairs, should he survive. The Emperor was buried with great fast in the Imperial
Crypt, resting place of the majority of Habsburgs. His funeral took place of April 20 that same year. He is buried in tomb no.
35 in Karl's Vault. His tomb is designed by Johann Lukas von Hildebrandt and it is decorated with pictures of various battles
from the War of Spanish Succession. Josefstadt (the eighth district of Vienna) is named for him. On February 24, 1699, he
married Wilhelmine Amalia of Brunswick-Lneburg in Vienna. She was a descendant of two Holy Roman Emperors Frederick
II and Louis IV; and also ofWilliam I, Prince of Orange and James VI of Scotland and I of England. They had three children and
their only son died of hydrocephalus before his first birthday. Joseph had a passion for love affairs (none of which resulted in
illegitimate children) and he caught a sexually-transmittable disease, probably syphilis, which he passed on to his wife while
they were trying to produce a new heir. This incident rendered her sterile and an heir was not unlikely, it was impossible [4].
Their father, who was still alive during these events, made Joseph and his brother Charles sign the Mutual Pact of Succession,
ensuring that Joseph's daughters would have absolute precedence over Charles's daughters, neither of whom were born at
the time and that Maria Josepha would ascend both the throne of the Holy Roman Empire and the throne of the Kingdom of
Spain.

Charles VI (October

1, 1685 October 20, 1740) was the penultimate Habsburg sovereign of the Habsburg Empire,
Archduke of the Archduchy of Austria, King of Hungary, King of Bohemia, King of Croatia from April 17, 1711 until October 20,
1740 and Holy Roman Emperor, King of the Romans (King of Germany) from October 12, 1711 until October 20, 1740. He
succeeded his elder brother, Joseph I, as Holy Roman Emperor, King of Bohemia (Charles II), Hungary and Croatia (Charles
III), Archduke of Austria, etc., in 1711. He unsuccessfully claimed the throne of Spain as Charles III following the death of its
ruler, and Charles's relative, Charles II of Spain, in 1700. He married Elisabeth Christine of Brunswick-Wolfenbttel, by whom
he had his two children: Maria Theresa, born 1717, the last Habsburg sovereign, and Maria Anna, born 1718, Governess of
the Austrian Netherlands. Four years before the birth of Maria Theresa, due to his lack of male heirs, Charles provided for a
male-line succession failure with thePragmatic Sanction of 1713. The Emperor favoured his own daughters over those of his
elder brother and predecessor, Joseph I, in the succession, ignoring the decree he had signed during the reign of his

father, Leopold I. Charles sought the other European powers' approval. They exacted harsh terms:
Britain demanded that Austria abolish its overseas trading company. In total, Great
Britain,France, Saxony-Poland,
the Dutch
Republic,
Spain, Venice, States
of
the
Church, Prussia, Russia, Denmark, Savoy-Sardinia, Bavaria, and the Diet of the Holy Roman Empire
recognised the sanction. France, Spain, Saxony-Poland, Bavaria and Prussia later reneged. Charles
died in 1740, sparking the War of the Austrian Succession, which plagued his successor, Maria
Theresa, for eight years. Archduke Charles (baptised: Carolus Franciscus Josephus Wenceslaus
Balthasar Johannes Antonius Ignatius), the second son of the Emperor Leopold I and of his third
wife, Princess Eleonor Magdalene of Neuburg, was born on October 1, 1685. His tutor wasAnton
Florian, Prince of Liechtenstein. Following the death of Charles II of Spain, in 1700, without any
ostensible heir, Charles declared himself King of Spainboth were members of the House of
Habsburg. The ensuing War of the Spanish Succession, which pitted France's candidate, Philippe,
Duke of Anjou, Louis XIV of France's grandson, against Austria's Charles, lasted for almost 14
years. The Kingdom of Portugal, Kingdom of England, Scotland, Ireland and the majority of the Holy
Roman Empire endorsed Charles's candidature. Charles III, as he was known, disembarked in his kingdom in 1706, and stayed
there for five years, only being able to exercise his rule in Catalonia, until the death of his brother, Joseph I, Holy Roman
Emperor; he returned to Vienna to assume the imperial crown. Not wanting to see Austria and Spain in personal union again,
the new Kingdom of Great Britain withdrew its support from the Austrian coalition, and the war culminated with the Treaties
of Utrecht and Rastatt three years later. The former, ratified in 1713, recognised Philippe as King of Spain, however,
theKingdom of Naples, the Duchy of Milan, the Austrian Netherlands and the Kingdom of Sardinia all previously possessions
of the Spanishwere delegated to Austria. To prevent a union of Spain and France, Philip was forced to renounce his right to
succeed his grandfather's throne. Charles was extremely discontented at the loss of Spain, and as a result, he mimicked the
staid Spanish Habsburg court ceremonial, adopting the dress of a Spanish monarch, which, according to British
historian Edward Crankshaw, consisted of "a black doublet and hose, black shoes and scarlet stockings". Charles's father and
his advisors went about arranging a marriage for him. Their eyes fell upon Elisabeth Christine of Brunswick-Wolfenbttel, the
eldest child of Louis Rudolph, Duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbttel. She was held to be strikingly beautiful by her contemporaries.
On August 1, 1708, in Barcelona, Charles married her by proxy. She gave him two daughters that survived to adulthood,
Maria Theresa and Maria Anna. Elisabeth Christine's inability to produce male heirs irked Charles and eventually led to the
promulgation of the Pragmatic Sanction of 1713, a document which abolished male-only succession (hitherto effective in all
the Habsburg realms, and not only in Hungary where female succession was allowed) and declared his lands indivisible. The
Emperor favoured his own daughters over those of his elder brother and predecessor, Joseph I, in the succession, ignoring
the Mutual Pact of Succession he had signed during the reign of his father, Leopold I. Charles sought the other European
powers' approval. They exacted harsh terms: England demanded that Austria abolish its overseas trading company. In
total, Great
Britain, France, Saxony-Poland,
the Dutch
Republic,
Spain, Venice,
States
of
the
Church,
Prussia, Russia, Denmark, Savoy-Sardinia, Bavaria, and the Diet of the Holy Roman Empire recognised the sanction. France,
Spain, Saxony-Poland, Bavaria and Prussia later reneged. For a short time, however, it seemed that the Pragmatic Sanction
was gratuitous, when Elisabeth Christine gave birth to a baby boy in 1716. Unfortunately, he died soon after. A year
later, Maria Theresa, his elder surviving child, was born. At her baptismal ceremony, contemporaries wrote that Charles,
despite his best efforts, appeared upset at the child's sex. The next year saw the arrival of another girl, Maria Anna. Charles
waged a productive conflict against the Ottoman Empire from 1716 to 1718. Austria came out of it with sizeable gains
in Serbia andRoyal Hungary, extending its empire to the Danube. Another war, that of Quadruple Alliance, soon followed. It
too ended in an Austrian victory; by the Treaty of The Hague, Charles swapped Sardinia, which went to the Duke of
Savoy, Victor Amadeus, for Sicily, the largest island in the Mediterranean, which was more difficult to defend from foreign
aggression than Sardinia. The treaty also recognised Philip V of Spain's son,Don Carlos, as the heir to the Duchy of
Parma and Grand Duchy of Tuscany; Charles had prior endorsed the succession of the incumbent Grand
Duke's daughter, Anna Maria Luisa, Electress Palatine. In 1722, Charles founded the Ostend Company to augment Austria's
trade with the East Indies, West Indies and Africa. The charter was for a period of thirty years. The Austrian exchequer was to
receive between 3 to 6 percent of its annual surplus. The company was unpopular with the British and the Dutch; and he was
forced to dissolve the company in 1731, by means of the Treaty of Vienna, in exchange for Britain's recognition of the
Pragmatic Sanction. Peace in Europe was shattered by the War of the Polish Succession (17331738), which started as a
dispute over the throne of the Poland between Augustus of Saxony, the previous King's elder son, andStanisaw Leszczyski.
Austria supported the former, France the latter; thus, a war broke out. The Treaty of Vienna concluded it in 1738; the Austrian
candidate ascended the throne, however, Charles was obliged to surrender the Kingdom of Naples to Don Carlos of Spain, in
exchange for the minuscule Duchy of Parma. The issue of his elder daughter's marriage was raised early in her childhood. She
was first engaged to be married to Lopold Clment of Lorraine, who was supposed to come to Vienna and meet Maria
Theresa in 1723. Instead, news reached Vienna that he had died ofsmallpox, which upset Maria Theresa. Lopold
Clment's younger brother, Francis Stephen, was invited to Vienna, but Maria Theresa's father considered other possibilities
(such as marrying her to the future Charles III of Spain) before announcing the engagement of the couple. France demanded
that Maria Theresa's fianc surrender his ancestral Duchy of Lorraine to accommodate Stanisaw Leszczyski, the deposed
King of Poland. Maria Theresa's father compelled Francis to renounce his rights to Lorraine and told him: "No renunciation, no
archduchess". They married in February 1736, and Lorraine devolved to France in July 1737. In 1737, the Emperor embarked
on another Turkish War with Russia. Unlike the previous confrontation, it ended in a decisive Austrian defeat. The territorial
advances made in the last Turkish War, under Prince Eugene of Savoy, in Bosnia, Serbia and Oltenia (LesserWallachia), were
obliterated. Popular discontent at the costly war reigned in Vienna. As a result, Francis of Lorraine, Maria Theresa's consort,
was dubbed a French spy by the Viennese. At the time of his death, the Habsburg lands were saturated in debt; the
exchequer contained a mere 100,000 florins; and desertion was rife in Austria's sporadic army, spread across the Empire in
small, ineffective barracks. Contemporaries expected that Austrian-Hungary would wrench itself from the Habsburg yoke upon
his death. The Emperor died on 20 October 1740 at the Favorita Palace, Vienna. There is some evidence that Charles' death
was caused by consuming a meal of death cap mushrooms. Charles' life opus, the Pragmatic Sanction, was ultimately in vain.
Maria Theresa was forced to resort to arms to defend her inheritance from the coalition of Prussia, Bavaria, France, Spain,
Saxony and Polandall party to the sanctionwho assaulted the Austrian frontier weeks after he died. The result: Maria
Theresa lost the mineral-rich Duchy of Silesia to Prussia, and the Duchy of Parma to Spain. Emperor Charles VI has been the
main motif of many collectors' coins and medals. One of the most recent samples is high value collectors' coin the
Austrian Gttweig Abbey commemorative coin, minted in 11 October 2006. His portrait can be seen in the foreground of the
reverse of the coin. On August 1, 1708 he was married in the church of Santa Maria del Mar in Barcelona, Spain, the German
princess Elizabeth Christine of Brunswick, eldest daughter of Duke Louis Rudolph of Brunswick. From this union were born:
Isabel Cristina, Empress consort of Holy Roman Empire, Leopold (1716-1716), Archduke of Austria, Maria Theresa (17171780), empress consort of Holy Roman Empire, Queen of Hungary and Bohemia, Archduchess of Austria, Mary Anne (17181744), Archduchess of Austria, wife of Prince Charles Alexander of Lorraine (1712-1780) and Maria Amalia (1724-1730),
Archduchess of Austria.

Maria Theresa Walburga Amalia Christina (German: Maria

Theresia; May 13, 1717 November 29, 1780)

was Archduchess of the Archduchy of Austria, Queen of Hungary and Croatia from October 20, 1740 until November 29, 1790,
Empress consort of the Holy Roman Empire and Queen consort of Germany from September 13, 1745 until August 18, 1765.
She was also Queen of Bohemia from October 20, 1740 until 1741 and from May 12, 1743 until November 29, 1780. She was
the only female ruler of the Habsburg dominions and the last of the House of Habsburg. She was the sovereign
of Austria, Hungary, Croatia, Bohemia,Mantua, Milan, Lodomeria and Galicia, the Austrian Netherlands and Parma. By
marriage, she was Duchess of Lorraine, Grand Duchess of Tuscany and Holy Roman Empress. She started her 40-year reign
when her father, Emperor Charles VI, died in October 1740. Charles VI paved the way for her accession with the Pragmatic
Sanction of 1713 and spent his entire reign securing it. Upon the death of her father, Saxony, Prussia, Bavaria
and France repudiated the sanction they had recognised during his lifetime. Prussia proceeded to invade the affluent
Habsburg province of Silesia, sparking a nine-year conflict known as the War of the Austrian Succession. Maria Theresa would
later unsuccessfully try to reconquer Silesia during the Seven Years' War. Maria Theresa and her husband, Francis I, Holy
Roman Emperor, had sixteen children, including Queen Marie Antoinette of France, Queen Maria Carolina of Naples,
Duchess Maria Amalia of Parma and two Holy Roman Emperors, Joseph II and Leopold II. Though she was expected to cede
power to Francis and Joseph, both of whom were officially her co-rulers in Austria and Bohemia, Maria Theresa was the
absolute sovereign who ruled by the counsel of her advisers. She criticised and disapproved of many of Joseph's actions.
Although she is considered to have been intellectually inferior to both Joseph and Leopold, Maria Theresa understood the
importance of her public persona and was able to simultaneously evoke both esteem and affection from her subjects. Maria
Theresa promulgated financial and educational reforms, with the assistance of Count Friedrich Wilhelm von
Haugwitz andGottfried van Swieten, promoted commerce and the development of agriculture, and reorganised Austria's
ramshackle military, all of which strengthened Austria's international standing. However, she refused to allow religious
toleration and contemporary travellers thought her regime was bigoted and superstitious. As a young monarch who fought
two dynastic wars, she believed that her cause should be the cause of her subjects, but in her later years she would believe
that their cause must be hers. The second but eldest surviving child of Holy Roman Emperor Charles VI and Elisabeth
Christine of Brunswick-Wolfenbttel, Archduchess Maria Theresa was born early in the morning of May 13, 1717, at
the Hofburg Palace, Vienna, shortly after the death of her elder brother, Archduke Leopold, and was baptised on that same
evening. The dowager empresses, her aunt Wilhelmine Amalia of Brunswick-Lneburg and grandmother Eleonor Magdalene
of the Palatinate-Neuburg, were her godmothers. Most descriptions of her baptism stress that the infant was carried ahead of
her cousins, Archduchesses Maria Josepha and Maria Amalia, the daughters of Charles VI's elder brother and
predecessor, Joseph I, before the eyes of Joseph's widow, Empress Wilhelmine Amalia. It was clear that Maria Theresa would
outrank them, even though their grandfather, Holy Roman Emperor Leopold I, had his sons sign the Mutual Pact of
Succession, which gave precedence to the daughters of the elder brother. Her father was the only surviving male member of
the House of Habsburg and hoped for a son who would prevent the extinction of his dynasty and succeed him. Thus, the birth
of Maria Theresa was a great disappointment to him and the people of Vienna; Charles never managed to overcome this
feeling. Maria Theresa replaced Maria Josepha as heiress presumptive to the Habsburg realms the moment she was born;
Charles VI had issued the Pragmatic Sanction of 1713 which had placed his nieces behind his own daughters in the line of
succession.[16] Charles sought the other European powers' approval for disinheriting his nieces. They exacted harsh terms: in
the Treaty of Vienna (1731), Great Britain demanded that Austria abolish the Ostend Company in return for its recognition of
the Pragmatic Sanction. In total, Great Britain,France, Saxony-Poland, United Provinces, Spain, Venice, States of the
Church, Prussia, Russia, Denmark, Savoy-Sardinia, Bavaria and the Diet of the Holy Roman Empire recognised the sanction.
France, Spain, Saxony-Poland, Bavaria and Prussia later reneged. Little more than a year after her birth, Maria Theresa was
joined by a sister, Archduchess Maria Anna, and another one, named Maria Amalia, was born in 1724. The portraits of the
imperial family show that Maria Theresa resembled Empress Elisabeth Christine and Archduchess Maria Anna. The Prussian
ambassador noted that she had large blue eyes, fair hair with a slight tinge of red, a wide mouth and a notably strong body.
Neither her parents nor her grandparents were closely related to each other, making Maria Theresa one of few members of
the House of Habsburg who were not inbred. Maria Theresa was a serious and reserved child who enjoyed singing and
archery. She was barred from horse riding by her father, but she would later learn the basics for the sake of her Hungarian
coronation ceremony. The imperial family staged opera productions, often conducted by Charles VI, in which she relished
participating. Her education was overseen by Jesuits. Contemporaries thought herLatin to be quite good, but in all else, the
Jesuits did not educate her well. Her spelling and punctuation were unconventional and she lacked the formal manner and
speech which had characterised her Habsburg predecessors. Maria Theresa developed a close relationship with
Countess Marie Karoline von Fuchs-Mollard, who taught her etiquette. She was educated in drawing, painting, music and
dancing the disciplines which would have prepared her for the role of queen consort. Her father allowed her to attend
meetings of the council from the age of 14 but never discussed the affairs of state with her. Even though he had spent the
last decades of his life securing Maria Theresa's inheritance, Charles always expected a son and never prepared his daughter
for her future role as sovereign. The question of Maria Theresa's marriage was raised early in her childhood. She was first
engaged to be married to Leopold Clement of Lorraine, who was supposed to visit Vienna and meet the Archduchess in 1723.
However, news reached Vienna that he had died ofsmallpox. Leopold Clement's younger brother, Francis Stephen, was
invited to Vienna. Even though Francis Stephen was his favourite candidate for Maria Theresa's hand, the Emperor considered
other possibilities. Religious differences prevented him from arranging his daughter's marriage to the Calvinist
prince Frederick of Prussia. In 1725, he betrothed her to Charles of Spain and her sister, Maria Anna, to Philip of Spain.
However, other European powers compelled him to renounce the pact he had made with the Dowager Queen of
Spain, Elisabeth Farnese, as the marriage of heirs to the thrones of Spain and Austria would have destroyed the European
balance of power. Maria Theresa, who had become close to Francis Stephen, was relieved. Francis Stephen remained at the
imperial court until 1729, when he ascended the throne of Lorraine, but was not formally promised Maria Theresa's hand until
January 31, 1736, during the War of the Polish Succession. Louis XV of France demanded that Maria Theresa's fianc
surrender his ancestral Duchy of Lorraine to accommodate his father-in-law, Stanisaw Leszczyski, who had been deposed as
King of Poland. Francis Stephen was to receive the Grand Duchy of Tuscany upon the death of childless Grand DukeGian
Gastone de' Medici. The couple were married on 12 February 1736. The Duchess of Lorraine's love for her husband was
strong and possessive. The letters she sent to him shortly before their marriage expressed her eagerness to see him; his
letters, on the other hand, were stereotyped and formal. She was very jealous of her husband and his infidelity was the
greatest problem of their marriage, with Maria Wilhelmina, Princess of Auersperg, as his best known mistress. Upon Gian
Gastone's death on 9 July 1737, Francis Stephen ceded Lorraine and became Grand Duke of Tuscany. In 1738, Charles VI sent
the young couple to make their formal entry into Tuscany. A triumphal arch was erected at the Porta Galla in celebration,
where it remains today. Their stay in Florence was brief. Charles VI soon recalled them, as he feared he might die while his
heiress was miles away in Tuscany. In the summer of 1738, Austria suffered defeats during the ongoing Russo-Turkish War.
The Turks reversed Austrian gains in Serbia, Wallachia and Bosnia. The Viennese rioted at the cost of the war. Francis Stephen
was popularly despised, as he was thought to be a cowardly French spy. The war was concluded the next year with the Treaty
of Belgrade. Charles VI died on October 20, 1740, probably of mushroom poisoning. He had ignored the advice of Prince
Eugene of Savoy who had urged him to concentrate on filling the treasury and equipping the army rather than on acquiring

signatures of fellow monarchs. The Emperor, who spent his entire reign securing the Pragmatic Sanction, left Austria in an
impoverished state, bankrupted by the recent Turkish war and the War of the Polish Succession; the treasury contained only
100,000 florins, which were claimed by his widow. The army numbered only 80,000 men, most of whom had not been paid in
months; they were nevertheless remarkably loyal and devoted to their new sovereign. Maria Theresa found herself in a
difficult situation. She did not know enough about matters of state and she was unaware of the weakness of her father's
ministers. She decided to rely on her father's advice to retain his councillors and defer to her husband, whom she considered
to be more experienced, on other matters. Both decisions, though natural, would prove to be unfortunate. Ten years later,
Maria Theresa bitterly recalled in her Political Testament the circumstances under which she had ascended: "I found myself
without money, without credit, without army, without experience and knowledge of my own and finally, also without any
counsel because each one of them at first wanted to wait and see how things would develop." She dismissed the possibility
that other countries might try to seize her territories and immediately started ensuring the imperial dignity for herself; since
a woman could not be elected Holy Roman Empress, Maria Theresa wanted to secure the imperial office for her husband.
However, Francis Stephen did not possess enough land or rank within the Holy Roman Empire. In order to make him eligible
for the imperial throne and to enable to him to vote in the imperial elections as elector of Bohemia (which she couldn't due to
her gender), Maria Theresa made Francis Stephen co-ruler of the Austrian and Bohemian lands on November 21, 1740.
However, it took more than a year for the Diet of Hungary to accept Francis Stephen as co-ruler. Despite her love for him and
his position as co-ruler, Maria Theresa never allowed her husband to decide about matters of state and often dismissed him
from council meetings when they disagreed. The first display of the new queen's authority was the formal act of homage of
the Lower Austrian Estates to her on November 22, 1740. It was an elaborate public event which served as a formal
recognition and legitimation of her accession. The oath of fealty to Maria Theresa was taken on the same day in Hofburg.
Immediately after her accession, a number of European sovereigns who had recognised Maria Theresa as heiress broke their
promises; Queen Elisabeth of Spain and Elector Charles Albert of Bavaria, married to Maria Theresa's deprived cousin Maria
Amalia and supported by Empress Wilhelmine Amalia, wanted portions of her inheritance. Maria Theresa secured the
recognition of King Charles Emmanuel III of Sardinia, who hadn't accepted the Pragmatic Sanction during her father's lifetime,
in November 1740. In December, King Frederick II of Prussia invaded the Duchy of Silesia and requested that Maria Theresa
cede it, threatening to join her enemies if she refused. Maria Theresa decided to fight for the mineral-rich province. Frederick
even offered a compromise: he would defend Maria Theresa's rights if she agreed to cede him at least a part of Silesia.
Francis Stephen was inclined to consider such an arrangement, but the Queen and her advisers were not, fearing that any
violation of the Pragmatic Sanction would invalidate the entire document. Maria Theresa's firmness soon assured Francis
Stephen that they should fight for Silesiaan d she was confident that she would retain "the jewel of the House of Austria". The
invasion of Silesia by Frederick was the start of a lifelong enmity; she referred to him as "that evil man". As Austria was short
of experienced military commanders, Maria Theresa released Marshall Neipperg, who had been imprisoned by her father for
his poor performance in the Turkish War. Neipperg took command of the Austrian troops in March. The Austrians suffered a
crushing defeat at the Battle of Mollwitz in April 1741. France drew up a plan to partition Austria between Prussia, Bavaria,
Saxony and Spain. Marshall Belle-Isle joined Frederick at Olmtz. Vienna was in a panic, as none of Maria Theresa's advisors
expected France to betray them. Francis Stephen urged Maria Theresa to reach a rapprochement with Prussia, as did Great
Britain. Maria Theresa reluctantly agreed to negotiations. Contrary to all expectations, a significant amount of support for the
young
Queen
came
from
Hungary. Her
coronation
as
King
of
Hungary
took
place
in St.
Martin's
Cathedral, Pressburg (Bratislava) on June 25, 1741 after she had spent months honing the equestrian skills necessary for the
ceremony and negotiating with the Diet. By July, attempts at conciliation had completely collapsed. Maria Theresa's ally, the
Elector of Saxony, now became her enemy and George II declared the Electorate of Brunswick-Lneburg to be neutral. The
Queen was once again in need of help from Hungary. In order to obtain it, she granted favours to the Hungarian noblemen
and flattered them without conceding to all of their demands. She had already won their support when she appeared in
Pressburg in September 1741, hoping to persuade the Diet to call a mass conscription and recognise Francis Stephen as coruler. Upon achieving both goals, she showed her gift for theatrical displays by triumphantly holding her son and heir, Joseph,
before the Diet, thereby gaining sympathy of the noblemen. In 1741, the Austrian authorities informed Maria Theresa that
Bohemian populace would prefer Charles Albert to her as sovereign. Maria Theresa, desperate and burdened by pregnancy,
wrote plaintively to her sister: "I don't know if a town will remain to me for my delivery." She bitterly vowed to spare nothing
and no one to defend her kingdom when she wrote to the Bohemian chancellor, Count Philip Kinsky: "My mind is made up.
We must put everything at stake to save Bohemia." On October 26, 1741, the Elector of Bavaria captured Prague and
declared himself King of Bohemia. Maria Theresa, then in Hungary, wept on learning of the loss of Bohemia. Charles Albert
was unanimously elected Holy Roman Emperor on January 24, 1742. The Archduchess, who regarded the election as a
catastrophe, caught her enemies unprepared by insisting on a winter campaign; the same day he was elected emperor,
Austrian troops under Ludwig Andreas von Khevenhller captured Munich, Charles Albert's capital. The Treaty of Breslau of
June 1742 ended hostilities between Austria and Prussia. The Archduchess soon made the recovery of Bohemia her priority.
French troops fled Bohemia in the winter of the same year. On May 12, 1743, Maria Theresa had herself crowned Queen of
Bohemia in St. Vitus Cathedral. Prussia became anxious at Austrian advances on the Rhine frontier, and Frederick sacked
Prague in August 1744. The French plans fell apart when Charles Albert died in January 1745. The French over-ran
the Austrian Netherlands in May. Francis Stephen was elected Holy Roman Emperor on September 13, 1745. Prussia
recognised Francis as emperor, and Maria Theresa once again recognised the loss of Silesia by the Treaty of Breslau in
December 1745. The war dragged on for another three years, with fighting in northern Italy and the Austrian Netherlands.
The Treaty of Aix-La-Chapelle, which concluded the eight-year conflict, recognised Prussia's possession of Silesia and Maria
Theresa ceded the Duchy of Parma to Philip of Spain. Frederick of Prussia's invasion of Saxony in August 1756 began
the Seven Years' War. Empress Maria Theresa and Kaunitz wished to exit the war with possession of Silesia. Austria was
aligned with France and Russia; Great Britain with Prussia and Portugal. Giving Austria huge subsidies came back to haunt
France. It could not bolster defences inNew France; the British easily captured Louisbourg in 1758, and went on to conquer all
of New France. Maximilian von Browne commanded the Austrian troops. Following the indecisive Battle of Lobositz in 1756,
he was replaced by Prince Charles Alexander of Lorraine, Maria Theresa's brother-in-law. Frederick was startled by Lobositz;
he eventually re-grouped for another attack in June 1757. The Battle of Kolin that followed was a decisive victory for Austria.
Frederick lost one third of his troops, and before the battle was over, he had fled the scene. Maria Theresa openly bemoaned
French losses in 1758. France, having secured the Anglo-Hanoverian neutrality for the rest of the conflict, in September 1757,
lost it in January of the next year. France suffered a crushing defeat at Krefeld that June. French forces withdrew to the Rhine.
In 1759, peace negotiations at The Hague came to nothing. The series of Franco-Austrian losses were reversed until, in 1762,
the Empress Elizabeth of Russia died. Her successor Peter III greatly admired Frederick, and at once withdrew Russia's support
from the French coalition. Prussia proceeded to kick the Austrians out of Saxony, and the French out of Hesse-Kassel.
Naturally, it was feared that Frederick would now invade Austria and France, and they capitulated. The peace
treaties, Hubertusburg and Paris, exacted harsh terms on France, as it was forced to relinquish most of her American colonies.
For Austria, though, it was status quo ante bellum. Over the course of twenty years, Maria Theresa gave birth to sixteen
children, thirteen of whom survived infancy. The first child, Maria Elisabeth (17371740), was born a little less than a year
after the wedding. Again, the child's gender caused great disappointment and so would the births of Maria Anna, the eldest
surviving child, and Maria Carolina (17401741). While fighting to preserve her inheritance, Maria Theresa gave birth to a son

named after Saint Joseph, to whom she had repeatedly prayed for a male child during the pregnancy. Maria Theresa's
favourite child, Maria Christina, was born on her 25th birthday, four days before the defeat of the Austrian army inChotusitz.
Five more children were born during the war: Maria Elisabeth, Charles, Maria Amalia, Leopold and Maria Carolina (1748
1748). During this period, there was no rest for Maria Theresa during pregnancies or around the births; the war and childbearing were carried on simultaneously. Five children were born during the peace between the War of the Austrian
Succession and the Seven Years' War: Maria Johanna, Maria Josepha, Maria Carolina, Ferdinand and Maria Antonia. She
delivered her last child, Maximilian Francis, during the Seven Years' War, aged 39. Maria Theresa asserted that, had she not
been almost always pregnant, she would have gone into battle herself. Maria Theresa's mother, Empress Elisabeth Christine,
died in 1750. Four years later, Maria Theresa's governess, Marie Karoline von Fuchs-Mollard, died. The Empress showed her
gratitude to Countess Fuchs by having her buried in the Imperial Crypt along with the members of the imperial family. Shortly
after giving birth to the younger children, Maria Theresa was confronted with the task of marrying off the elder ones. She led
the marriage negotiations along with the campaigns of her wars and the duties of state. She treated her children with
affection but used them as pawns in dynastic games and sacrificed their happiness for the benefit of the state. A devoted but
self-conscious mother, she wrote to all of her children at least once a week and believed herself entitled to exercise authority
over her children regardless of their age and rank. Maria Theresa came down with a severe attack of smallpox shortly after
her fiftieth birthday in May 1767, caught from her daughter-in-law and empress, Maria Josepha of Bavaria. Maria Theresa
survived, but the new empress did not. Maria Theresa forced her daughter, Archduchess Maria Josepha, to pray with her in
the Imperial Crypt next to the unsealed tomb of Empress Maria Josepha. The Archduchess started showing smallpox rash two
days after visiting the crypt and soon died. Maria Carolina was to replace her as the pre-determined bride of King Ferdinand IV
of Naples. Maria Theresa blamed herself for her daughter's death for the rest of her life because, at the time, the concept of
an extended incubation period was largely unknown and it was believed that Maria Josepha had caught smallpox from the
body of the late empress. In April 1770, Maria Theresa's youngest daughter, Maria Antonia, married Louis, Dauphin of France,
by proxy in Vienna. Maria Antonia's education was neglected, and when the French showed an interest in her, her mother
went about educating her as best she could about the court of Versailles and the French. Maria Theresa kept up a fortnightly
correspondence with Maria Antonia, now called Marie Antoinette, in which she often reproached her for laziness and frivolity
and scolded her for failing to conceive a child. She disliked Leopold's reserve and often blamed him for being cold. She
criticised Maria Carolina for her political activities, Ferdinand for his lack of organisation and Maria Amalia for her
poor French and haughtiness. The only child she did not constantly scold was Maria Christina, who enjoyed her mother's
complete confidence, though she failed to please her mother in one aspect: she did not produce any surviving children. One
of Maria Theresa's greatest wishes was to have as many grandchildren as possible, but she had only about two dozen at the
time of her death, of which all the eldest surviving daughters were named after her, with the exception of Caroline of Parma,
her eldest granddaughter by Maria Amalia. Like all members of the House of Habsburg, Maria Theresa was a Roman Catholic,
and a devout one as well. She believed that religious unity was necessary for a peaceful public life and explicitly rejected the
idea of religious toleration. However, she never allowed the Church to interfere with what she considered to be prerogatives
of a monarch and kept Rome at arm's length. She controlled the selection of archbishops, bishops and abbots. Her approach
to religious piety differed from the approach of her predecessors, as she was influenced by Jansenist ideas. The empress
actively supported conversion to Roman Catholicism by securing pensions to the converts. She tolerated Greek Catholics and
emphasised their equal status with Roman Catholics. Besides her devotion to Christianity, she was widely known for her
ascetic lifestyle, especially during her 15-year-long widowhood. Her relationship with the Jesuits was complex. Members of
this order educated her, served as her confessors, and supervised the religious education of her eldest son. The Jesuits were
powerful and influential in the early years of Maria Theresa's reign. However, the queen's ministers convinced her that the
order posed a danger to her monarchical authority. Not without much hesitation and regret, she issued a decree which
removed them from all the institutions of the monarchy, and carried it out thoroughly. She forbade the publication of Pope
Clement XIII's bull which was in favour of the Jesuits and promptly confiscated their property when Pope Clement
XIV suppressed the order. Though she eventually gave up trying to convert her non-Catholic subjects to Roman Catholicism,
Maria Theresa regarded both the Jews and Protestants as dangerous to the state and actively tried to suppress them. The
empress was probably the most anti-Semitic monarch of her time, having inherited the traditional prejudices of her ancestors
and acquired new ones. This was a product of deep religious devotion and was not kept secret in her time. In 1777, she wrote
of the Jews: "I know of no greater plague than this race, which on account of its deceit, usury and avarice is driving my
subjects into beggary. Therefore as far as possible, the Jews are to be kept away and avoided." She imposed extremely harsh
taxes on her Jewish subjects and, in December 1744, proposed expelling the Jews from her hereditary dominions to her
ministers. Her first intention was to expel all Jews by January 1, 1745 but having accepted the advice of her ministers who
were concerned by the number of future expellees, had them expelled by June. She also transferred Protestants from Austria
to Transylvania and cut down the number of religious holidays and monastic orders. In 1777, she abandoned the idea of
expelling Moravian Protestants after Joseph, who was opposed to her intentions, threatened to abdicate as emperor and coruler. Finally, she was forced to grant them some toleration by allowing them to worship privately. Joseph regarded his
mother's religious policies as "unjust, impious, impossible, harmful and ridiculous". In the third decade of her reign,
influenced by her Jewish courtier Abraham Mendel Theben, Maria Theresa issued edicts which offered some state protection
to her Jewish subjects. She forbade the forcible conversion of Jewish children to Christianity in 1762. In 1763, she forbade
Catholic clergy from extracting surplice fees from her Jewish subjects. In 1764, she ordered the release of those Jews who had
been jailed for a blood libel in the village of Orkuta. Notwithstanding her strong Judeophobia, Maria Theresa supported Jewish
commercial and industrial activity. Maria Theresa was as conservative in manners of state as in those of religion, but
implemented significant reforms to strengthen Austria's military and bureaucratic efficiency. She employed Count Friedrich
Wilhelm von Haugwitz, who modernised the empire by creating a standing army of 108,000 men, paid for with
14 million gulden extracted from each crown-land. The central government was responsible for the army, although Haugwitz
instituted taxation of the nobility, who never before had to pay taxes. Maria Theresa oversaw the unification of the Austrian
and Bohemian chancellories in May 1749. Maria Theresa doubled the state revenue between 1754 and 1764, though her
attempt to tax clergy and nobility was only partially successful. These financial reforms greatly improved the economy. In
1760, Maria Theresa created the council of state, composed of the state chancellor, three members of the high nobility and
three knights, which served as a committee of experienced people who advised her. The council of state lacked executive or
legislative authority, but nevertheless showed the difference between the form of government employed by Frederick II of
Prussia. Unlike the latter, Maria Theresa was not an autocrat who acted as her own minister. Prussia would adopt this form of
government only after 1807. Gerard van Swieten, whom Maria Theresa had recruited following the death of her sister,
Archduchess Maria Anna, founded the Vienna General Hospital, revamped Austria's educational system and served as the
Empress's personal physician. After calling in van Swieten, Maria Theresa asked him to study the problem of infant mortality
in Austria. Following his recommendation, she made a decree that autopsies would be mandatory for all hospital deaths in the
city of Graz, Austria's second largest city. This law still in effect today combined with the relatively stable population of
Graz, resulted in one of the most important and complete autopsy records in the world. Her decision to have her
children inoculated after the smallpox epidemic of 1767 was responsible for changing Austrian physicians' negative view of
inoculation. The empress herself inaugurated inoculation in Austria by hosting a dinner for the first sixty-five inoculated
children in Schnbrunn Palace, waiting on the children herself. Among other reforms was the Codex Theresianus, begun in

1752 and finished in 1766, that defined civil rights. In 1776, Austria outlawed witch
burnings and torture, and, for the first time in Austrian history, took capital punishment off the
penal code, as it was replaced with forced labor. It was later reintroduced, but the progressive
nature of these reforms remains noted. Much unlike Joseph, but with the support of religious
authorities, Maria Theresa was opposed to the abolition of torture. Born and raised
between Baroque and Rococo eras, she found it hard to fit into the intellectual sphere of
the Enlightenment, which is why she only slowly followed humanitarian reforms on the
continent. Main reforms concerning the Roman Catholic Church were initiated and carried out
under Maria Theresa, while the reforms under her son concerned their non-Catholic subjects.
The ecclesiastic policies of Maria Theresa, like those of her devout predecessors, were based
on primacy of government control in the relations between the Church and the State, but not
of organization of the Church. Maria Theresa banned the creation of new burial grounds
without the prior permission of the government, thus deploring the wasteful and unhygienic
burial customs. Aware of the inadequacy of bureaucracy in Austria and, in order to improve it,
Maria Theresa reformed education in 1775. In a new school system based on the Prussian one,
all children of both genders from the ages of six to twelve had to attend school. Education
reform was met with hostility from many villages; Maria Theresa crushed the dissent by
ordering the arrest of all those opposed. Although the idea had merit, the reforms were not as
successful as they were expected to be; in some parts of Austria, half of the population was illiterate well into the
19th century. The empress permitted non-Catholics to attend university and allowed the introduction of secular subjects
(such as law), which influenced the decline of theology as the main foundation of university education. Emperor Francis I died
on August 18, 1765, while he and the court were in Innsbruck celebrating the wedding of his second son, Leopold. Maria
Theresa was devastated. Their eldest son, Joseph, became Holy Roman Emperor. Maria Theresa abandoned all
ornamentation, had her hair cut short, painted her rooms black and dressed in mourning for the rest of her life. She
completely withdrew from court life, public events, and theater. Throughout her widowhood, she spent the whole August and
the eighteenth of each month alone in her chamber, which negatively affected her mental health. She described her state of
mind shortly after Francis's death: "I hardly know myself now, for I have become like an animal with no true life or reasoning
power." Upon his accession to the imperial throne, Joseph ruled less land than his father had in 1740. Believing that the
emperor must possess enough land to maintain the Empire's integrity, Maria Theresa, who was used to being assisted in the
administration of her vast realms, declared Joseph to be her new co-ruler on September 17, 1765. From then on, mother and
son had frequent ideological disagreements. The 22 million gulden that Joseph inherited from his father was injected into the
treasury. Maria Theresa had another loss in February 1766 when Haugwitz died. She gave her son absolute control over the
military following the death of Count Leopold Joseph von Daun. According to Robert A. Kann, Maria Theresa was a monarch of
above-average qualifications but intellectually inferior to Joseph and Leopold. He asserts that she nevertheless possessed
qualities appreciated in a monarch: warm heart, practical mind, firm determination and sound perception. Most importantly,
she was ready to recognise the mental superiority of some of her advisers and to give way to a superior mind while enjoying
support of her ministers even if their ideas differed from her own. Joseph, however, was never able to establish rapport with
the same advisers, even though their philosophy of government was closer to Joseph's than to Maria Theresa's. The
relationship between Maria Theresa and Joseph was not without warmth but was complicated and their personalities clashed.
Despite his intellect, Maria Theresa's force of personality often made Joseph cower. Sometimes, she openly admired his
talents and achievements, but criticised him behind his back. She wrote: "We never see each other except at dinner ... His
temper gets worse every day ... Please burn this letter ... I just try to avoid public scandal." In another letter, also addressed
to Joseph's companion, she complained: "He avoids me ... I am the only person in his way and so I am an obstruction and a
burden ... Abdication alone can remedy matters." After much contemplation, she chose not to abdicate. Joseph himself often
threatened to resign as co-regent and emperor, but he, too, was induced not to do so. Her threats of abdication were rarely
taken seriously; Maria Theresa believed that her recovery from smallpox in 1767 was a sign that God wished her to reign until
death. It was in Joseph's interest that she remained sovereign, for he often blamed her for his failures and thus avoided taking
on responsibilities of a monarch. Joseph and Prince Kaunitz arranged the First Partition of Poland despite Maria Theresa's
protestations. Her sense of justice pushed her to reject the idea of partition, which would hurt the Polish people. The duo
argued that it was too late to abort now. Besides, Maria Theresa herself agreed with the partition when she realised
that Frederick II of Prussia and Catherine II of Russia would do it with or without Austrian participation. Maria Theresa claimed
and eventually took Galicia and Lodomeria, a province claimed by Hungarian monarchs since the 13th century; in the words
of Frederick, "the more she cried, the more she took". It is unlikely that Maria Theresa ever completely recovered from
the smallpox attack in 1767, as 18th-century writers asserted. She suffered from shortness of breath, fatigue, cough,
distress,necrophobia and insomnia. She later developed edema. The empress fell ill on November 24, 1780, ostensibly of a
chill. Her physician Dr. Strk thought her condition serious. By 28 November, she asked for the last rites, and the next day, at
about nine o'clock in the evening, she died surrounded by her remaining children. With her, the House of Habsburg died out
and was replaced by the House of Habsburg-Lorraine. Joseph, already co-sovereign of the Habsburg dominions, succeeded
her. Maria Theresa left a revitalised empire that influenced the rest of Europe throughout the 19th century. Her descendants
followed her example and continued reforming the empire. The acquisition of the Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria gave the
empire an even more multinational character that would ultimately lead to its destruction. Her introduction of compulsory
schooling, as a means of Germanisation, eventually triggered the revival of Czech culture. The empress is buried in
the Imperial Crypt in Vienna next to her husband in a coffin she had had inscribed during her lifetime. Her title after the death
of her husband was: Maria Theresa, by the Grace of God, Dowager Empress of the Romans, Queen of Hungary, of Bohemia, of
Dalmatia, of Croatia, of Slavonia, of Galicia, of Lodomeria, etc.; Archduchess of Austria; Duchess of Burgundy, of Styria, of
Carinthia and of Carniola; Grand Princess of Transylvania; Margravine of Moravia; Duchess of Brabant, of Limburg, of
Luxemburg, of Guelders, of Wrttemberg, of Upper and Lower Silesia, of Milan, of Mantua, of Parma, of Piacenza, of
Guastalla, of Auschwitz and of Zator; Princess of Swabia; Princely Countess of Habsburg, of Flanders, of Tyrol, of Hennegau,
of Kyburg, of Gorizia and of Gradisca; Margravine of Burgau, of Upper and Lower Lusatia; Countess of Namur; Lady of the
Wendish Mark and of Mechlin; Dowager Duchess of Lorraine and Bar, Dowager Grand Duchess of Tuscany. Maria Theresa and
Francis I had sixteen children: Mary Elizabeth (born February 5, 1737 - June 7, 1740), Anna Maria (born October 6, 1738 - 19
November 1789), Marie Caroline (born January 12, 1740 - January 25, 1741), Joseph II (March 13, 1741 - February 20, 1790),
Marie Christine (born May 13, 1742 - June 24, 1798) was maried 1765 Duke Albert of Sachsen-Teschen (1738-1822), Mary
Elizabeth (born August 13, 1743 - September 25, 1808), abbess in Innsbruck, Charles Joseph (February 1, 1745 - January 18,
1761), Maria Amalia (February 26, 1746 - June 18, 1804) was maried 1769 Duke Ferdinand of Parma (1751-1802), Leopold II
(born May 5, 1747 - March 1, 1792), Karolina (died September 17, 1748), Johanna Gabriela (born February 4, 1750 December 23, 1762) - engaged to Ferdinand I, King of Sicily (1751-1825), Maria Josepha (born March 19, 1751 - October 15,
1767) - engaged to Ferdinand I, King of Sicily (1751-1825), Maria Karolina (born August 13, 1752 - September 7, 1814) was
maried 1768 Ferdinand I, King of Sicily (1751-1825), Karl Ferdinand (born June 1, 1754 - December 24, 1806) was maried
Maria Beatrice d'Este, heir to the Duchy of Modena (1750-1829), Marie Antoinette (Maria Antonia) (born November 2, 1755 -

October 16, 1793) was maried 1770 Louis XVI, King of France (1754-1793), Maximilian Franz (born December 8, 1756; - July
26, 1801), Archbishop and Elector of Cologne.

Francis I (Francis

Stephen; December 8, 1708 August 18, 1765) was Holy Roman Emperor,
King of Romans (King of Germany) from September 13, 1745 until August 18, 1765, Archduke of the
Archduchy of Austria and ruler of Austrian Netherlands with wife Maria Theresa from November 21,
1740 until August 18, 1765, Duke of Lorraine from 1729 until 1737, Grand Duke of Tuscany from
1737 until August 18, 1765 and Duke of Teschen from 1729 until August 18, 1765 though his wife
effectively executed the real powers of those positions. With his wife, Maria Theresa, he was the
founder of the Habsburg-Lorrainedynasty. From 1728 until 1737 he was Duke of Lorraine, but lost
this title when Lorraine was seized by France in the War of the Polish Succession; he was
compensated with Tuscany in the peace treaty that ended that war. He was the father of the
deposed
and
later
executed
French
Queen Marie
Antoinette.
Francis
was
born
in Nancy, Lorraine (now in France), the oldest surviving son of Leopold Joseph, duke of Lorraine, and
his wife lisabeth Charlotte d'Orlans, daughter of Philippe, duc d'Orlans. He was connected with
the Habsburgs through his grandmother Eleonor, daughter of Emperor Ferdinand III, and wife
of Charles Leopold of Lorraine, his grandfather. He was very close to his brother and sister Anne Charlotte. Emperor Charles
VI favored the family, who, besides being his cousins, had served the house ofAustria with distinction. He had designed to
marry his daughter Maria Theresa to Francis' older brother Leopold Clement. On Leopold Clement's death, Charles adopted
the younger brother as his future son-in-law. Francis was brought up in Vienna with Maria Theresa with the understanding that
they were to be married, and a real affection arose between them. At the age of 15, when he was brought to Vienna, he was
established in the Silesian Duchy of Teschen, which had been mediatized and granted to his father by the emperor in 1722.
Francis Stefan of Lorraine succeeded his father as Duke of Lorraine in 1729. In 1731 he was initiated into freemasonry (Grand
Lodge of England) at a specially convened lodge in The Hague at the house of the British Ambassdor, Philip Stanhope, 4th
Earl of Chesterfield. During a subsequent visit to England, Lorraine was made a Master Mason at another specially convened
lodge at Houghton Hall, the Norfolk estate of British Prime Minister Robert Walpole. Maria Theresa arranged for Francis to
become "Lord Lieutenant" (locumtenens) of Hungary in 1732. He was not excited about this position, but Maria wanted him
closer to her. In June 1732 he agreed to go to Pressburg. When the War of the Polish Succession broke out in
1733, France used it as an opportunity to seize Lorraine, since France's prime minister, Cardinal Fleury, was concerned that,
as a Habsburg possession, it would bring Austrian power too close to France. A preliminary peace was concluded in October
1735 and ratified in the Treaty of Vienna in November 1738. Under its terms, Stanisaw Leszczyski, the father-in-law of King
Louis XV and the losing claimant to the Polish throne, received Lorraine, while Francis, in compensation for his loss, was made
heir to the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, which he would inherit in 1737. Although fighting stopped after the preliminary peace,
the final peace settlement had to wait until the death of the last Medici Grand Duke of Tuscany, Gian Gastone in 1737, to
allow the territorial exchanges provided for by the peace settlement to go into effect. In March 1736 the Emperor persuaded
Francis, his future son-in-law secretly to exchange Lorraine for the Grand Duchy of Tuscany. France had demanded that Maria
Theresa's fianc surrender his ancestral Duchy of Lorraine to accommodate the deposed King of Poland. The Emperor
considered other possibilities (such as marrying her to the future Charles III of Spain) before announcing the engagement of
the couple. If something were to go wrong, Francis would become governor of the Austrian Netherlands. Elisabeth of
Parma had also wanted the Grand Duchy of Tuscany for her son Charles III of Spain; Gian Gastone de' Medici was childless
and was related to Elisabeth via her great grandmother Margherita de' Medici. As a result Elisabeth son's could claim by right
of being a descendant of Margherita. On January 31, 1736 Francis had agreed to marry Maria Theresa. He hesitated three
times (and laid down the feather before signing). Especially his mother lisabeth Charlotte d'Orlans and his brother Prince
Charles Alexander of Lorraine were against the loss of Lorraine. On February 1, Maria Theresa sent Francis a letter: she would
withdraw from her future reign, when a male successor for her father appeared. They married on February 12 in
the Augustinian Church, Vienna. The wedding was held on February 14, 1736. The (secret) treaty between the Emperor and
Francis was signed on May 4, 1736. In January 1737, the Spanish troops withdrew from Tuscany, and were replaced by 6,000
Austrians. On January 24, 1737 Francis received Tuscany from his father-in-law. [5] Until then, Maria Theresa was Duchess of
Lorraine. Gian Gastone de' Medici, who died on 9 July 1737, was the second cousin of Francis. In June 1737 Francis went to
Hungary again to fight against the Turks. In October 1738 he was back in Vienna. On December 17, 1738 the couple travelled
south, accompanied by his brother Charles to visit Florence for three months. They arrived on January 20, 1739. In 1744
Francis' brother Charles married a younger sister of Maria Theresa, Archduchess Maria Anna of Austria (17181744). In 1744
Charles became governor of the Austrian Netherlands, a post he held until his death in 1780. Maria Theresa secured in
the Treaty of Fssen his election to the Empire on 13 September 1745, in succession to Charles VII, and she made him coregent of her hereditary dominions. Francis was well content to leave the wielding of power to his able wife. He had a natural
fund of good sense and some business capacity and was a useful assistant to Maria Theresa in the laborious task of
governing the complicated Austrian dominions, but his functions appear to have been primarily secretarial. He also took a
great interest in the natural sciences. He was a member of the Freemasons. Francis was quite the philanderer and was known
for his many indiscreet affairs, notably one with Maria Wilhelmina, Princess of Auersperg, who was thirty years his junior. This
particular affair was remarked upon in the letters and journals of visitors to the court and in those of his children. He died
suddenly in his carriage while returning from the opera at Innsbruck on August 18, 1765. He is buried in tomb number 55 in
theImperial Crypt in Vienna. Maria Theresa and Francis I had sixteen children: Mary Elizabeth (born February 5, 1737 - June 7,
1740), Anna Maria (born October 6, 1738 - November 19, 1789), Marie Caroline (born January 12, 1740 - January 25, 1741),
Joseph II (March 13, 1741 - February 20, 1790), Marie Christine (born May 13, 1742 - June 24, 1798) was maried 1765 Duke
Albert of Sachsen-Teschen (1738-1822), Mary Elizabeth (born August 13, 1743 - September 25, 1808), abbess in Innsbruck,
Charles Joseph (February 1, 1745 - 18 January 1761), Maria Amalia (February 26, 1746 - June 18, 1804) was maried 1769
Duke Ferdinand of Parma (1751-1802), Leopold II (born May 5, 1747 - March 1, 1792), Karolina (died 17 September 1748),
Johanna Gabriela (born 4 February 1750 - 23 December 1762) - engaged to Ferdinand I, King of Sicily (1751-1825), Maria
Josepha (born March 19, 1751 - October 15, 1767) - engaged to Ferdinand I, King of Sicily (1751-1825), Maria Karolina (born
August 13, 1752 - September 7, 1814) was maried 1768 Ferdinand I, King of Sicily (1751-1825), Karl Ferdinand (born June 1,
1754 - December 24, 1806) was maried Maria Beatrice d'Este, heir to the Duchy of Modena (1750-1829), Marie Antoinette
(Maria Antonia) (born 2 November 1755 - October 16, 1793) was maried 1770 Louis XVI, King of France (1754-1793),
Maximilian Franz (born December 8, 1756; - July 26, 1801), Archbishop and Elector of Cologne.

Joseph II (Joseph

Benedikt Anton Michael Adam; March 13, 1741 February 20, 1790) was Holy Roman Emperor from
August 18, 1765 until February 20, 1790, King of the Romans (King of Germany) from March 27, 1764 until February 20, 1790,
Archduke of the Archduchy of Austria, King of Hungary, King of Bohemia and King of Croatia from November 29, 1780 until
February 20, 1790. He was the eldest son of Empress Maria Theresa and her husband, Francis I, and was the brother of Marie
Antoinette. He was thus the first ruler in the Austrian dominions of the House of Lorraine, styled Habsburg-Lorraine (von
Habsburg-Lothringen in German). Joseph was a proponent of enlightened absolutism; however, his commitment to

modernizing reforms subsequently engendered significant opposition, which eventually culminated in an ultimate failure to
fully implement his programmes. He has been ranked, with Catherine II of Russia and Frederick II of Prussia, as one of the
three great Enlightenment monarchs. His policies are now known as Josephinism. He died with no sons and was succeeded by
his younger brother, Leopold. Joseph was born in the midst of the early upheavals of the War of the Austrian Succession. His
real education was given to him through the writings of Voltaire and the Encyclopdistes, and by the example of
King Frederick II of Prussia. His useful training was conferred by government officials, who were directed to instruct him in the
mechanical details of the administration of the numerous states composing the Austrian dominions and the Empire. He
married Princess Isabella of Parma in October 1760a union fashioned to bolster the 1756 defensive pact between France
and Austria (the bride's mother was the eldest daughter of the incumbent King of France)with whom he had his only
child, Maria Theresa. Isabella died in 1763, and Maria Theresa in 1767. He was reluctant to re-marry; however, for political
reasons, he marriedMaria Josepha of Bavaria in 1765. She died two years later from smallpox, and Joseph never re-married.
He was made a member of the constituted council of state (Staatsrat) and began to draw up minutes for his mother to read.
These papers contain the germs of his later policy, and of all the disasters which finally overtook him. He was a friend to
religious toleration, anxious to reduce the power of the church, to relieve the peasantry of feudal burdens, and to remove
restrictions on trade and knowledge. In these, he did not differ from Frederick, Catherine II of Russia, or his own brother and
successor Leopold II, all enlightened rulers of the 18th century. He tried to liberate serfs, but that did not last after his death.
Where Joseph differed from great contemporary rulers, and where he was akin to the Jacobins, was in the intensity of his
belief in thepower of the state when directed by reason. As an absolutist ruler, however, he was also convinced of his right to
speak for the state uncontrolled by laws, and of the sensibility of his own rule. He had also inherited from his mother the
belief of the house of Austria in its "august" quality and its claim to acquire whatever it found desirable for its power or profit.
He was unable to understand that his philosophical plans for the molding of humanity could meet with pardonable opposition.
Joseph was documented by contemporaries as being impressive, but not necessarily likeable. In 1760, his arranged consort,
the well educated Isabella of Parma, was handed over to him. Joseph appears to have been completely in love with her, but
Isabella preferred the companionship of Joseph's sister, Marie Christine of Austria. The overweening character of the Emperor
was obvious to Frederick II of Prussia, who, after their first interview in 1769, described him as ambitious, and as capable of
setting the world on fire. The French minister Vergennes, who met Joseph when he was travelling incognito in 1777, judged
him to be "ambitious and despotic." After the death of his father in 1765, he became emperor and was made co-regent by
his mother in the Austrian dominions. As emperor, he had no real power, and his mother had resolved that neither her
husband nor her son should ever deprive her of sovereign control in her hereditary dominions. Joseph, by threatening to
resign his place as co-regent, could induce his mother to abate her dislike for religious toleration. He could and did place a
great strain on her patience and temper, as in the case of the first partition of Poland and theBavarian War of 17781779, but
in the last resort, the empress spoke the final word. Therefore until the death of his mother in 1780, Joseph was never quite
free to follow his own instincts. During these years, Joseph traveled much. He met Frederick the Great privately at Neisse in
1769, and again at Mhrisch-Neustadt in 1770. On the second occasion, he was accompanied by Count Kaunitz, whose
conversation with Frederick may be said to mark the starting point of the first partition of Poland. To this and to every other
measure which promised to extend the dominions of his house, Joseph gave hearty approval. Thus, he was eager to enforce
Austria's claim on Bavaria upon the death of the elector Maximilian Joseph in 1777. In April of that year, he paid a visit to his
sister the queen of France, Marie Antoinette of Austria, traveling under the name of "Count Falkenstein." He was well received
and much flattered by the Encyclopedists, but his observations led him to predict the approaching downfall of the French
monarchy, and he was not impressed favorably by the French army or navy. In 1778, he commanded the troops collected to
oppose Frederick, who supported the rival claimant to Bavaria. Real fighting was averted by the unwillingness of Frederick to
embark on a new war and by Maria Theresa's determination to maintain peace. In April 1780, Joseph paid a visit to Catherine
II of Russia, against the wish of his mother. As the son of Francis I, Joseph succeeded him as titular Duke of Lorraine and Bar,
which had been surrendered to France on his father's marriage, and titular King of Jerusalem and Duke of Calabria (as a proxy
for the Kingdom of Naples). The death of Maria Theresa on November 29, 1780 left Joseph free. He immediately directed his
government on a new course. He proceeded to attempt to realize his ideal of enlightened despotism acting on a definite
system for the good of all. The measures of emancipation of the peasantry which his mother had begun were carried on by
him with feverish activity. The spread of education, the secularization of church lands, the reduction of the religious orders
and the clergy in general to complete submission to the lay state, the issue of the Patent of Tolerance (1781) providing
limited guarantee of freedom of worship, the promotion of unity by the compulsory use of the German language (replacing
Latin or in some instances local languages)everything which from the point of view of 18th century philosophy, the Age of
Enlightenment, appeared "reasonable"were undertaken at once. He strove for administrative unity with characteristic haste
to reach results without preparation. The outbreak of the French Revolution of 1789 saw Joseph II willing to help his estranged
sister's family Queen Marie Antoinette of Franceand her husband King Louis XVI of France. Joseph, who kept an eye on the
development of the revolution, became actively involved in the planning of a rescue attempt. However many drawn up plans
failed with either Marie Antoinette's refusal to leave her children behind in favor of a faster carriage or Louis XVI's reluctance
to become a fugitive King. After Joseph died in 1790, making negotiations with Austria about possible rescue attempts and
Austria's funding of them became more difficult and were often shunned. It was not until June 21, 1791 that a rescue attempt
was made, with the help of Count Fersen, a Swedish general who had been favored at both Marie Antoinette's court and
Joseph's. The attempt failed after the King was recognized from the back of a coin, Marie Antoinette became increasingly
desperate for help from her homeland, even giving Austria France's military secrets. Austria however, even though at war
with France at this time, refused to directly help the by now completely estranged French Queen. In addition, Joseph
abolished serfdom in 1781. Later, in 1789, he decreed that peasants must be paid in cash payments rather than labor
obligations. These policies were violently rejected by both the nobility and the peasants, since their barter economy lacked
money. He also abolished the death penalty in 1787, and this reform remained until 1795. When Maria Theresa died, Joseph
started issuing edictsover 6,000 in all, plus 11,000 new laws designed to regulate and reorder every aspect of the empire.
The spirit ofJosephinism was benevolent and paternal. He intended to make his people happy, but strictly in accordance with
his own criteria. Joseph set about building a rationalized, centralized, and uniform government for his diverse lands, a
hierarchy under himself as supreme autocrat. The personnel of government was expected to be imbued with the same
dedicated spirit of service to the state that he himself had. It was recruited without favor for class or ethnic origins, and
promotion was solely by merit. To further uniformity, the emperor made German the compulsory language of official business
throughout the Empire, which affected especially the Kingdom of Hungary. The Hungarian assembly was stripped of its
prerogatives, and not even called together. As privy finance minister, Count Karl von Zinzendorf (17391813) introduced a
uniform system of accounting for state revenues, expenditures, and debts of the territories of the Austrian crown. Austria was
more successful than France in meeting regular expenditures and in gaining credit. However, the events of Joseph II's last
years also suggest that the government was financially vulnerable to the European wars that ensued after 1792. The busy
Joseph inspired a complete reform of the legal system, abolished brutal punishments and the death penalty in most
instances, and imposed the principle of complete equality of treatment for all offenders. He ended censorship of the press
and theatre. In 178182 he extended full legal freedom to serfs. Rentals paid by peasants were to be regulated by officials of
the crown and taxes were levied upon all income derived from land. The landlords, however, found their economic position
threatened, and eventually reversed the policy. Indeed, in Hungary and Transylvania, the resistance of the magnates was

such that Joseph had to content himself for a while with halfway measures. Of the five million Hungarians, 40,000 were
nobles, of whom 4,000 were magnates who owned and ruled the land; most of the remainder were serfs legally tied to
particular estates. After the collapse of the peasant revolt of Horea, 178485, in which over a hundred nobles were killed, the
emperor acted. His Imperial Patent of 1785 abolished serfdom but did not give the peasants ownership of the land or freedom
from dues owed to the landowning nobles. It did give them personal freedom. Emancipation of the peasants from the
kingdom of Hungary promoted the growth of a new class of taxable landholders, but it did not abolish the deep-seated ills
of feudalism and the exploitation of the landless squatters. Feudalism finally ended in 1848. To equalize the incidence of
taxation, Joseph caused an appraisal of all the lands of the empire to be made so that he might impose a single and
egalitarian tax on land. The goal was to modernize the relationship of dependence between the landowners and peasantry,
relieve some of the tax burden on the peasantry, and increase state revenues. Joseph looked on the tax and land reforms as
being interconnected and strove to implement them at the same time. The various commissions he established to formulate
and carry out the reforms met resistance among the nobility, the peasantry, and some officials. Most of the reforms were
abrogated shortly before or after Joseph's death in 1790; they were doomed to failure from the start because they tried to
change too much in too short a time, and tried to radically alter the traditional customs and relationships that the villagers
had long depended upon. In the cities the new economic principles of the Enlightenment called for the destruction of the
autonomous guilds, already weakened during the age of mercantilism. Joseph II's tax reforms and the institution of
Katastralgemeinde (tax districts for the large estates) served this purpose, and new factory privileges ended guild rights
while customs laws aimed at economic unity. Physiocratic influence also led to the inclusion of agriculture in these reforms.
To produce a literate citizenry, elementary education was made compulsory for all boys and girls, and higher education on
practical lines was offered for a select few. He created scholarships for talented poor students, and allowed the establishment
of schools for Jews and other religious minorities. In 1784 he ordered that the country change its language of instruction from
Latin to German, a highly controversial step in a multilingual empire. By the 18th century, centralization was the trend in
medicine because more and better educated doctors were requesting improved facilities. Cities lacked the budgets to fund
local hospitals, and the monarchy wanted to end costly epidemics and quarantines. Joseph attempted to centralize medical
care in Vienna through the construction of a single, large hospital, the famous Allgemeines Krankenhaus, which opened in
1784. Centralization, however, worsened sanitation problems causing epidemics and a 20% death rate in the new hospital,
but the city became preeminent in the medical field in the next century. Joseph's policy of religious toleration was the most
aggressive of any state in Europe. Probably the most unpopular of all his reforms was his attempted modernization of the
highly traditional Catholic Church which in ancient times had helped establish the Holy Roman Empire beginning
with Charlemagne. Calling himself the guardian of Catholicism, Joseph II struck vigorously at papal power. He tried to make
the Catholic Church in his empire the tool of the state, independent of Rome. Clergymen were deprived of the tithe and
ordered to study in seminaries under government supervision, while bishops had to take a formal oath of loyalty to the crown.
He financed the large increase in bishoprics, parishes, and secular clergy by extensive sales of monastic lands. As a man
of the Enlightenment he ridiculed the contemplative monastic orders, which he considered unproductive. Accordingly, he
suppressed a third of the monasteries (over 700 were closed) and reduced the number of monks and nuns from 65,000 to
27,000. The Church's ecclesiastical tribunals were abolished and marriage was defined as a civil contract outside the
jurisdiction of the Church. Joseph sharply cut the number of holy days to be observed in the Empire and ordered
ornamentation in churches to be reduced. He forcibly simplified the manner in which the Mass (the central Catholic act of
worship) was celebrated. Opponents of the reforms blamed them for revealing Protestant tendencies, with the rise of
Enlightenment rationalism and the emergence of a liberal class of bourgeois officials. Anti-clericalism emerged and persisted,
while the traditional Catholics were energized in opposition to the emperor. His anticlerical and liberal innovations
induced Pope Pius VI to pay him a visit in July 1782. Joseph received the Pope politely and showed himself a good Catholic,
but refused to be influenced. On the other hand, Joseph was very friendly toFreemasonry, as he found it highly compatible
with his own Enlightenment philosophy, although he apparently never joined the Lodge himself. Freemasonry attracted many
anticlericals and was condemned by the Church. Joseph's feelings towards religion are reflected in a witticism he once spoke
in Paris. While being given a tour of the Sorbonne's library, the archivist took Joseph to a dark room containing religious
documents, and lamented the lack of light which prevented Joseph from being able to read them. Joseph put the man at rest
by saying "Ah, when it comes to theology, there is never much light". Thus, Joseph was undoubtedly a much laxer Catholic
than his mother, perhaps even to the point of being Catholic in name only simply because it was a requirement for the
throne. In 1789 he issued a charter of religious toleration for the Jews of Galicia, a region with a large Yiddish-speaking
traditional Jewish population. The charter abolished communal autonomy whereby the Jews controlled their internal affairs; it
promoted Germanization and the wearing of non-Jewish clothing. The Habsburg Empire also had a policy of war, expansion,
colonization and trade as well as exporting intellectual influences. While opposing Prussia and Turkey, Austria was friendly to
Russia though trying to remove the Danubian Principalities from Russian influence. Mayer argues that Joseph was an
excessively belligerent, expansionist leader, who sought to make the Habsburg monarchy the greatest of the European
powers. His main goal was to acquire Bavaria, if necessary in exchange for Belgium (the Austrian Netherlands), but in 1778
and again in 1785 he was thwarted by King Frederick II of Prussia, who had a much stronger army. This failure caused Joseph
to seek territorial expansion in the Balkans, where he became involved in an expensive and futile war with the Turks (1787
1791). Joseph's participation in the Ottoman war was reluctant, attributable not to his usual acquisitiveness, but rather to his
close ties to Russia, which he saw as the necessary price to be paid for the security of his people. The Balkan policy of both
Maria Theresa and Joseph II reflected the Cameralism promoted by Prince Kaunitz, stressing consolidation of the border lands
by reorganization and expansion of the military frontier. Transylvania was incorporated into the frontier in 1761 and the
frontier regiments became the backbone of the military order, with the regimental commander exercising military and civilian
power. "Populationistik" was the prevailing theory of colonization, which measured prosperity in terms of labor. Joseph II also
stressed economic development. Habsburg influence was an essential factor in Balkan development in the last half of the
18th century, especially for the Serbs and Croats. Multiple interferences with old customs began to produce unrest in all parts
of his dominions. Meanwhile, Joseph threw himself into a succession of foreign policies, all aimed at aggrandisement, and all
equally calculated to offend his neighboursall taken up with zeal, and dropped in discouragement. He endeavoured to get
rid of the Barrier Treaty, which debarred his Flemish subjects from the navigation of the Scheldt. When he was opposed
by France, he turned to other schemes of alliance with the Russian Empire for the partition of the Ottoman Empire and
the Republic of Venice. These plans also had to be given up in the face of the opposition of neighbours, and in particular of
France. Then Joseph resumed his attempts to obtain Bavariathis time by exchanging it for Belgiumand only provoked the
formation of the Frstenbund, organized by Frederick II of Prussia. Nobility throughout his empire were largely opposed to his
policies on taxes, and his egalitarian and despotic attitudes. In Belgium and Hungary everyone resented the way he tried to
do away with all regional government, and to subordinate everything to his own personal rule in Vienna. The ordinary people
were not happy. They loathed the Emperor's interference in every detail of their daily lives. As it seems, Joseph was reforming
the policies of the Habsburg empire based on his own criteria and personal inclinations rather than for the good of the people.
From many of Joseph's regulations, enforced by a secret police, it looked to the Austrians as though Joseph were trying to
reform their characters as well as their institutions. Only a few weeks before Joseph's death, the director of the Imperial Police
reported to him: "All classes, and even those who have the greatest respect for the sovereign, are discontented and
indignant." In Lombardy (in northern Italy) the cautious reforms of Maria Theresa enjoyed support from local reformers.

Joseph II, however, by creating a powerful imperial officialdom directed from Vienna, undercut the
dominant position of the Milanese principate and the traditions of jurisdiction and administration. In
the place of provincial autonomy he established an unlimited centralism, which reduced Lombardy
politically and economically to a fringe area of the Empire. As a reaction to these radical changes the
middle class reformers shifted away from cooperation to strong resistance. From this basis appeared
the beginnings of the later Lombard liberalism. In 1784 Joseph II attempted to make German an
official language in Hungary after he had renamed the Burgtheater in Vienna in German National
Theatre in 1776. Ferenc Szchnyiresponded by convening of a meeting and said there: "We'll see
whether his patriotism also passes to the Crown." Julius Keglevi responded with a letter on German
to Joseph II: "I write German, not because of the instruction, Your Grace, but because I have to do
with a German citizen." The "German citizen" Joseph II let then bring the Holy Crown of Hungary to
Vienna, where he gave the keys of the chest in which the Crown was locked to the Crown guards
Joseph Keglevi and Miklos Ndasdy. Joseph II refrained from crowning and Ferenc Szchnyi pulled out of politics.
The Allgemeines brgerliches Gesetzbuch also called Josephinisches Gesetzbuch the predecessor of the Allgemeines
brgerliches Gesetzbuch the Civil Code of Austria, which applies to all citizens equally, was published on 1 November 1786
after 10 years work on it since 1776. 1: "Every subject expects from the territorial prince security and protection, so it is the
duty of the territorial prince, the rights of subjects to determine clearly and to guide the way of the actions how it is needed
by universal and special prosperity." It is a clear distinction between the rights of subjects and the duties of the territorial
prince, and not vice versa. Territorial prince(Landesfrst) does not mean nationalist prince (Volksfrst). In Hungary was no
codified civil code until 1959. The Crown was brought back to Hungary in 1790, on this occasion the people celebrated a
great meeting. One reason for his resignation to be crowned with the Holy Crown of Hungary might have been,
that Alcuin had written in a letter toCharlemagne in 798: "And those people should not be listened to who keep saying the
voice of the people is the voice of God, since the riotousness of the crowd is always very close to madness. " By 1790
rebellions had broken out in protest against Joseph's reforms in Belgium (the Brabantian Revolution) and Hungary, and his
other dominions were restive under the burdens of his war with the Ottomans. His empire was threatened with dissolution,
and he was forced to sacrifice some of his reform projects. His health shattered by disease, alone, and unpopular in all his
lands, the bitter emperor died on February 20, 1790. He was not yet forty-nine. Joseph II rode roughshod over age-old
aristocratic privileges, liberties, and prejudices, thereby creating for himself many enemies, and they triumphed in the end.
Joseph's attempt to reform the Hungarian lands illustrates the weakness of absolutism in the face of well-defended feudal
liberties. Behind his numerous reforms lay a comprehensive program influenced by the doctrines of enlightened absolutism,
natural law, mercantilism, and physiocracy. With a goal of establishing a uniform legal framework to replace heterogeneous
traditional structures, the reforms were guided at least implicitly by the principles of freedom and equality and were based on
a conception of the state's central legislative authority. Joseph's accession marks a major break since the preceding reforms
under Maria Theresa had not challenged these structures, but there was no similar break at the end of the Josephinian era.
The reforms initiated by Joseph II were continued to varying degrees under his successor Leopold and later successors, and
given an absolute and comprehensive "Austrian" form in the Allgemeine Brgerliche Gesetzbuch of 1811. They have been
seen as providing a foundation for subsequent reforms extending into the 20th century, handled by much better politicians
than Joseph II. Fte Organized to Celebrate the Marriage of the Emperor Joseph II to Princess Marie-Josphe of Bavaria January
23/24, 1765. Painting by Johann Georg Weikert. The three players depicted in the middle are the three youngest siblings of
Joseph, from left to right Archduke Ferdinand as the groom, Archduke Maximilian Franz as Cupid, and Archduchess MarieAntoinette as the bride. Joseph II married, as his first wife, Isabella of Parma, a daughter of Philip, Duke of Parma. They had a
daughter, named Maria Theresa, who died just before turning eight in 1770. After Archduchess Isabella's death on November
27, 1763, a political marriage was arranged with Maria Josepha of Bavaria (d. 1767), a daughter of Charles Albert, Elector of
Bavaria (the former emperor Charles VII) and Archduchess Maria Amalia of Austria. The second marriage proved extremely
unhappy. In November 1788, he returned to Vienna with ruined health, and during 1789, was a dying man. The concentration
of his troops in the east gave the discontented Belgians an opportunity to revolt. In Hungary, the nobles were in all but open
rebellion, and in his other states, there were peasant risings and a revival of particularistic sentiments. Joseph was left
entirely alone. His minister Kaunitz refused to visit his sick-room and did not see him for two years. His brother Leopold
remained at Florence. At last, Joseph, worn out and broken-hearted, recognized that his servants could not, or would not,
carry out his plans. On January 30, 1790, he formally withdrew almost all his reforms in Hungary, and he died on 20 February
1790 He is buried in tomb number 42 in the Imperial Crypt in Vienna. He asked that his epitaph read: "Here lies Joseph II, who
failed in all he undertook." Joseph was succeeded by his brother, Leopold II. Like many of the "enlightened monarchs" of his
time, Joseph was a lover and patron of the arts. He was known as the "Musical King" and steered Austrian high culture
towards a more Germanic orientation. He commissioned the German-language opera Die Entfhrung aus dem
Serail from Mozart. The young Ludwig van Beethoven was commissioned to write a funeral cantata for him, but it was not
performed because of its technical difficulty. Joseph is prominently featured in Peter Shaffer's play Amadeus, and the movie
based upon it. In the movie, he is played by actor Jeffrey Jones as a well-meaning but somewhat clueless monarch of limited
but enthusiastic musical skill, easily manipulated by Salieri; however, Shaffer has made it clear his play is fiction in many
respects and not intended to portray historical reality. Joseph was portrayed by Danny Huston in the 2006 film Marie
Antoinette.

Leopold II (May

5, 1747 March 1, 1792), born Peter Leopold Joseph Anton Joachim Pius Gotthard, was Archduke of the
Archduchy of Austria, Holy Roman Emperor (King of Romans and King of Germany), King of Hungary, Bohemia and Croatia,
Duke of Brabant, Limburg, Lothier, Luxembourg and Milan, Count of Flanders, Hainaut and Namur from February 20, 1790
until his death on March 1, 1792. He was also Grand Duke of Tuscany from August 18, 1765 until July 22, 1790. He was a son
of Emperor Francis I and his wife, Empress Maria Theresa. Leopold was a moderate proponent of enlightened absolutism.
Leopold was born in Vienna, the third son, and was at first educated for the priesthood, but the theological studies to which
he was forced to apply himself are believed to have influenced him against the Church. In 1753, he was engaged to Maria
Beatrice d'Este, heiress to the Duchy of Modena. The marriage never materialised; Maria Beatrice instead married Leopold's
brother, Archduke Ferdinand. On the death of his elder brother, Charles, in 1761, it was decided that he should succeed to his
father's grand duchy of Tuscany, which was erected into a "secundogeniture" or apanagefor a second son. This settlement
was the condition of his marriage on 5 August 1764 withInfanta Maria Luisa of Spain, daughter of Charles III of
Spain and Maria Amalia of Saxony. On the death of his father, Francis I (August 18, 1765), he succeeded to the grand duchy.
Leopold was famous in Florence for his numerous extra-marital affairs. Among his lovers was Countess Cowper, wife of
the 3rd Earl Cowper, who in compensation for being cuckolded was given honours by Leopold's brother, Joseph II. For five
years, he exercised little more than nominal authority, under the supervision of counsellors appointed by his mother. In 1770,
he made a journey to Vienna to secure the removal of this vexatious guardianship and returned to Florence with a free hand.
During the twenty years which elapsed between his return to Florence and the death of his eldest brother Joseph II in 1790,
he was employed in reforming the administration of his small state. The reformation was carried out by the removal of the
ruinous restrictions on industry and personal freedom imposed by his predecessors of the house of Medici and left untouched

during his father's life, by the introduction of a rational system of taxation (reducing the rates of taxation), and by the
execution of profitable public works, such as the drainage of the Val di Chiana. As he had no army to maintain, and as he
suppressed the small naval force kept up by the Medici, the whole of his revenue was left free for the improvement of his
state. Leopold was never popular with his Italian subjects. His disposition was cold and retiring. His habits were simple to the
verge of sordidness, though he could display splendour on occasion, and he could not help offending those of his subjects
who had profited by the abuses of the Medicean rgime. But his steady, consistent, and intelligent administration, which
advanced step by step, brought the grand duchy to a high level of material prosperity. His ecclesiastical policy, which
disturbed the deeply rooted convictions of his people and brought him into collision with the pope, was not successful. He
was unable to secularize the property of the religious houses or to put the clergy entirely under the control of the lay power.
However, his abolition of capital punishment was the first permanent abolition in modern times. On November 30, 1786, after
having de facto blocked capital executions (the last was in 1769), Leopold promulgated the reform of the penal code that
abolished the death penalty and ordered the destruction of all the instruments for capital execution in his land. Torture was
also banned. In 2000 Tuscany's regional authorities instituted an annual holiday on 30 November to commemorate the event.
The event is also commemorated on this day by 300 cities around the world celebrating the Cities for Life Day. Leopold also
approved and collaborated on the development of a political constitution, said to have anticipated by many years the
promulgation of the French constitution and which presented some similarities with the Virginia Bill of Rights of 1778.
Leopold's concept of this was based on respect for the political rights of citizens and on a harmony of power between the
executive and the legislative. However, it could not be put into effect because Leopold moved to Vienna to become emperor
in 1790, and because it was so radically new that it garnered opposition even from those who might have benefited from it.
However, Leopold developed and supported many social and economic reforms. Smallpox vaccination was made
systematically available, and an early institution for the rehabilitation of juvenile delinquents was founded. Leopold also
introduced radical reforms to the system of neglect and inhumane treatment of those deemed mentally ill. On January 23,
1774, the "legge sui pazzi" (law on the insane) was established, the first of its kind to be introduced in all Europe, allowing
steps to be taken to hospitalize individuals deemed insane. A few years later Leopold undertook the project of building a new
hospital, the Bonifacio. He used his skill at choosing collaborators to put a young physician, Vincenzo Chiarugi, at its head.
Chiarugi and his collaborators introduced new humanitarian regulations in the running of the hospital and caring for the
mentally ill patients, including banning the use of chains and physical punishment, and in so doing have been recognized as
early pioneers of what later came to be known as the moral treatmentmovement. During the last few years of his rule in
Tuscany, Leopold had begun to be frightened by the increasing disorders in the German and Hungarian dominions of his
family, which were the direct result of his brother's headlong methods. He and Joseph II were tenderly attached to one
another and met frequently both before and after the death of their mother. The portrait by Pompeo Batoni in which they
appear together shows that they bore a strong personal resemblance to one another. But it may be said of Leopold, as
of Fontenelle, that his heart was made of brains. He knew that he must succeed his childless eldest brother in Austria, and he
was unwilling to inherit his unpopularity. When, therefore, in 1789 Joseph, who knew himself to be dying, asked him to come
to Vienna and become co-regent, Leopold coldly evaded the request. He was still in Florence when Joseph II died at Vienna on
February 20, 1790, and he did not leave his Italian capital until 3 March 1790. Leopold, during his government in Tuscany, had
shown a speculative tendency to grant his subjects a constitution. When he succeeded to the Austrian lands, he began by
making large concessions to the interests offended by his brother's innovations. He recognized the Estates of his different
dominions as "the pillars of the monarchy", pacified the Hungarians and Bohemians, and divided the insurgents in
the Austrian Netherlands (now Belgium) by means of concessions. When these failed to restore order, he marched troops into
the country and re-established his own authority, and at the same time the historic franchises of the Flemings. Yet he did not
surrender any part that could be retained of what Maria Theresa and Joseph had done to strengthen the hands of the state.
He continued, for instance, to insist that no papal bull could be published in his dominions without his consent (placetum
regium). One of the harshest actions Leopold took to placate the noble communities of the various Habsburg domains was to
issue a decree on May 9, 1790, that forced thousands of Bohemian serfs freed by his brother Joseph back into servitude.
Leopold lived for barely two years after his accession as Holy Roman Emperor, and during that period he was hard pressed by
peril from west and east alike. The growing revolutionary disorders in France endangered the life of his sister Marie Antoinette
of Austria, the queen of Louis XVI, and also threatened his own dominions with the spread of a subversive agitation. His sister
sent him passionate appeals for help, and he was pestered by the royalist emigrants, who were intriguing to bring about
armed intervention in France. From the east he was threatened by the aggressive ambition of Catherine II of Russia and by
the unscrupulous policy of Prussia. Catherine would have been delighted to see Austria and Prussia embark on a crusade in
the cause of kings against the French Revolution. While they were busy beyond the Rhine, she would have annexed what
remained of Poland and made conquests against theOttoman Empire. Leopold II had no difficulty in seeing through the rather
transparent cunning of the Russian empress, and he refused to be misled. To his sister, he gave good advice and promises of
help if she and her husband could escape from Paris. The emigrants who followed him pertinaciously were refused audience,
or when they forced themselves on him, were peremptorily denied all help. Leopold was too purely a politician not to be
secretly pleased at the destruction of the power of France and of her influence in Europe by her internal disorders. Within six
weeks of his accession, he displayed his contempt for her weakness by practically tearing up the treaty of alliance made by
Maria Theresa in 1756 and opening negotiations with England to impose a check on Russia and Prussia. He was able to put
pressure on England by threatening to cede his part of the Low Countries to France. Then, when sure of English support, he
was in a position to baffle the intrigues of Prussia. A personal appeal to Frederick William II led to a conference between them
at Reichenbach in July 1790, and to an arrangement which was in fact a defeat for Prussia: Leopold's coronation as king of
Hungary on 11 November 1790, preceded by a settlement with the diet in which he recognized the dominant position of
the Magyars. He had already made an eight months' truce with the Turks in September, which prepared the way for the
termination of the war begun by Joseph II, the peace of Sistova being signed in August 1791. The pacification of his eastern
dominions left Leopold free to re-establish order in Belgium and to confirm friendly relations with England and Holland. During
1791, the emperor continued to be increasingly preoccupied with the affairs of France. In January, he had to dismiss the
Count of Artois, afterwards Charles X, king of France, in a very peremptory way. His good sense was revolted by the folly of
the French emigrants, and he did his utmost to avoid being entangled in the affairs of that country. The insults inflicted on
Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette, however, at the time of their attempted flight to Varennes in June, stirred his indignation, and
he made a general appeal to the sovereigns of Europe to take common measures in view of events which "immediately
compromised the honour of all sovereigns, and the security of all governments." Yet he was most directly interested in the
conference at Sistova, which in June led to a final peace with Turkey. On 25 August 1791, he met the king of Prussia at Pillnitz
Castle, near Dresden, and they drew up a declaration of their readiness to intervene in France if and when their assistance
was called for by the other powers. The declaration was a mere formality, for, as Leopold knew, neither Russia nor England
was prepared to act, and he endeavoured to guard against the use which he foresaw the emigrants would endeavour to make
of it. In face of the agitation caused by the Pillnitz declaration in France, the intrigues of the emigrants, and the attacks made
by the French revolutionists on the rights of the German princes in Alsace, Leopold continued to hope that intervention might
not be required. When Louis XVI swore to observe the constitution of September 1791, the emperor professed to think that a
settlement had been reached in France. The attacks on the rights of the German princes on the left bank of the Rhine, and
the increasing violence of the parties in Paris which were agitating to bring about war, soon showed, however, that this hope

was vain. Leopold meant to meet the challenge of the revolutionists in France with dignity and
temper, however the effect of the Declaration of Pillnitz was to contribute to the radicalization of
their political movement. He died suddenly in Vienna, in March 1792, although some claimed he
was poisoned or secretly murdered. Like his parents before him, Leopold had sixteen children, the
eldest of his eight sons being his successor, the Emperor Francis II. Some of his other sons were
prominent personages in their day. Among them were: Ferdinand III, Grand Duke of Tuscany;
the Archduke Charles of Austria, a celebrated soldier; the Archduke Johann of Austria, also a
soldier; the Archduke Joseph, Palatine of Hungary; and the Archduke Rainer, Viceroy of LombardyVenetia. Mozart's opera La clemenza di Tito was commissioned by the Estates of Bohemia to be
included among the festivities that accompanied Leopold's coronation as king of Bohemia
in Prague on 6 September 1791. Leopold II, By the Grace of God, Holy Roman Emperor; King of
Germany, Hungary, Bohemia, Dalmatia, Croatia, Slavonia, Galicia and Lodomeria, Rama, Serbia,
Cumania and Bulgaria; Archduke of Austria; Duke of Burgundy, Lorraine, Styria, Carinthia, Carniola,
Grand Duke of Etruria; Grand Prince of Transylvania; Margrave of Moravia, Prince of Brabant,
Limburg, Luxembourg, Geldern, Wrttemberg, Upper and Lower Silesia, Milan, Mantua, Parma,
Piacenza, Guastalla, Auschwitz and Zatoria, Calabria, Bar, Ferrete and Teschen; Lord of Svevia and
Charleville; Count of Habsburg, Flanders, Hannonia, Kyburg, Gorizia, Gradisca; Margrave of Burgau,
Upper and Lower Lusatia, Pont-a-Mousson and Nomenum, Count of Provinces of Namur, Valdemons, Albimons, Count of
Ztphen, Sarverda, Salma and Falkenstein, Lord of the Wend Margravate and Mechelen, etc. Leopold II married on August 5,
1765 in Innsbruck, Infanta Maria Ludovica (1745-1792), daughter of King Charles III. of Spain from the House of Bourbon and
his wife Princess Maria Amalia of Saxony and had with her following children: Marie Therese (1767-1827) was maried 1787
Anton, King of Saxony, Karl Franz Joseph II (1768-1835) and Austrian Roman Emperor, Ferdinand III. (1769-1824) Grand Duke
of Tuscany, Maria Anna (1770-1809), Charles of Austria-Teschen (1771-1847) Duke of Teschen,, Leopold Alexander (17721795) Palatine of Hungary, Albrecht (1773-1774), Maximilian (1774-1778), Joseph Anton Johann of Austria (1776-1847)
Palatine of Hungary, Maria Clementina of Austria (1777-1801)was maried Francis I (1777-1830) King of Sicily, Anton Viktor of
Austria (1779-1835) Elector of Cologne, Maria Amalia (1780-1798), John of Austria (1782-1859) was maried 1829 Plochl Anna
(1804-1885), Rainer Joseph of Austria (1783-1853) was maried 1820 Maria Elisabeth of Savoy-Carignan (1800-1856), Ludwig
von Habsburg-Lothringen (1784-1864) and Rudolf of Austria (1788-1831) Cardinal Archbishop of Olomouc.

Austrian Empire
The Austrian Empire (Austrian German: Kaiserthum Oesterreich, modern spelling Kaisertum sterreich) was created out of
the realms of the Habsburgs by proclamation in 1804. It was a multinational empire and one of the world's great powers.
Geographically it was the second largest country in Europe after the Russian Empire (621,538 square kilometres [239,977 sq
mi]). It was also the third most populous after Russia and France, as well as the largest and strongest country in the German
Confederation. Proclaimed in response to the First French Empire, it overlapped with the Holy Roman Empire until the latter's
dissolution in 1806. The Ausgleich of 1867 elevated Hungary's status. It became a separate entity from the Empire entirely,
joining with it in the dual monarchy ofAustria-Hungary.

List of Emperors of Austrian Empire

Francis II (German: Franz

II, Erwhlter Rmischer Kaiser) (February 12, 1768 March 2, 1835) was the last RomanGerman Emperor, ruling from July 5, 1792 until August 6, 1806, when he dissolved the Holy Roman Empire of the German
Nation after the disastrous defeat of the Third Coalition by Napoleon at the Battle of Austerlitz. In 1804, he had founded
the Austrian Empire and became Francis I (Franz I.), the first Emperor of the Austrian Empire (Kaiser von sterreich), ruling
from August 11, 1804 until March 2, 1835, so later he was named the one and only Doppelkaiser( double emperor) in history.
For the two years between 1804 and 1806, Francis used the title and style by the grace of God elected Roman Emperor,
always August, hereditary Emperor of Austria and he was called the Emperor of both Germany and Austria. He was
also Apostolic King of Hungary, Croatia and Bohemia as Francis I from July 5, 1792 until March 2, 1835. He also served as the
first president of the German Confederationfollowing its establishment in 1815. Francis I continued his leading role as an
opponent of Napoleonic France in the Napoleonic Wars, and suffered several more defeats after Austerlitz. The proxy
marriage of state of his daughter Marie Louise of Austria to Napoleon on March 10, 1810 was assuredly his most severe
defeat. After the abdication of Napoleon following the War of the Sixth Coalition, Austria participated as a leading member of
the Holy Alliance at the Congress of Vienna, which was largely dominated by Francis's chancellor Klemens Wenzel, Prince von
Metternich culminating in a new European map and the restoration of Francis' ancient dominions (except the Holy Roman
Empire which was dissolved). Due to the establishment of the Concert of Europe, which largely resisted
popular nationalist and liberal tendencies, Francis became viewed as a reactionary later in his reign. Francis was a son of the
future Emperor Leopold II (17471792) and his wife Maria Luisa of Spain (17451792), daughter of Charles III of Spain. Francis
was born in Florence, the capital ofTuscany, where his father reigned as Grand Duke from 176590. Though he had a happy
childhood surrounded by his many siblings, his family knew Francis was likely to be a future Emperor (his uncle Joseph had no
surviving issue from either of his two marriages), and so in 1784 the young Archduke was sent to the Imperial Court
in Vienna to educate and prepare him for his future role. Emperor Joseph himself took charge of Francis's development. His
disciplinarian regime was a stark contrast to the indulgent Florentine Court of Leopold. The Emperor wrote that Francis was
"stunted in growth", "backward in bodily dexterity and deportment", and "neither more nor less than a spoiled mother's
child". Joseph concluded that "the manner in which he was treated for upwards of sixteen years could not but have
confirmed him in the delusion that the preservation of his own person was the only thing of importance."
Joseph's martinet method of improving the young Francis were "fear and unpleasantness". The young Archduke was isolated,
the reasoning being that this would make him more self-sufficient as it was felt by Joseph that Francis "fail[ed] to lead himself,
to do his own thinking". Nonetheless, Francis greatly admired his uncle, if rather feared him. To complete his training, Francis
was sent to join an army regiment in Hungary and he settled easily into the routine of military life. After the death of Joseph II
in 1790, Francis's father became Emperor. He had an early taste of power while acting as Leopold's deputy in Vienna while
the incoming Emperor traversed the Empire attempting to win back those alienated by his brother's policies. The strain told
on Leopold and by the winter of 1791, he became ill. He gradually worsened throughout early 1792; on the afternoon of 1
March Leopold died, at the relatively young age of 44. Francis, just past his 24th birthday, was now Emperor...much sooner
than he had expected. As the leader of the large multi-ethnic Habsburg Empire, Francis felt threatened
by Napoleon'sdestruction of Europe under the guise of "liberty and equality". Francis had a fraught relationship with France.
His aunt Marie Antoinette had been brutally murdered by the revolutionaries at the beginning of his reign. Francis, on the
whole, was indifferent to her fate (she was not close to his father Leopold, and Francis had met her, but when he was of an
age that was too young for him to remember). Georges Danton attempted to negotiate with the Emperor for Marie

Antoinette's release from captivity, but Francis was unwilling to make any concessions in return.
Later, he led Austria into the French Revolutionary Wars. He briefly commanded the Allied forces
during the Flanders Campaign of 1794 before handing over command to his brother Archduke
Charles. He was later defeated by Napoleon. By the Treaty of Campo Formio, he ceded the left
bank of the Rhine to France in exchange for Venice and Dalmatia. He again fought against
France during the Second and Third Coalition, when after meeting crushing defeat at Austerlitz,
he had to agree to the Treaty of Pressburg, weakening the Austrian Empire and reorganizing
Germany under a Napoleonic imprint that would be called the Confederation of the Rhine. At
this point, he felt his position as Holy Roman Emperor to be untenable, so on August 6, 1806, he
abdicated the throne and declared himself to be Francis I, Emperor of Austria. In 1809, Francis
attacked France again, hoping to take advantage of the Peninsular War embroiling Napoleon
in Spain. He was again defeated, and this time forced to ally himself with Napoleon, ceding
territory to the Empire, joining the Continental System, and wedding his daughter MarieLouise to the Emperor. Francis essentially became a vassal of the Emperor of the French.
The Napoleonic wars drastically weakened Austria and threatened its preeminence among the
states of Germany, a position that it would eventually cede to the Kingdom of Prussia. In 1813,
for the fourth and final time, Austria turned against France and joined Great Britain, Russia, Prussia and Sweden in their war
against Napoleon. Austria played a major role in the final defeat of Francein recognition of this, Francis, represented
by Clemens von Metternich, presided over the Congress of Vienna, helping to form the Concert of Europeand the Holy
Alliance, ushering in an era of conservatism in Europe. The German Confederation, a loose association of Central
European states was created by the Congress of Vienna in 1815 to organize the surviving states of the Holy Roman Empire.
The Congress was a personal triumph for Francis, where he hosted the assorted dignitaries in comfort, though Francis
undermined his allies Tsar Alexander and Frederick William III of Prussia by negotiating a secret treaty with the restored
French king Louis XVIII. The federal Diet met at Frankfurt under Austrian presidency (in fact the Habsburg Emperor was
represented by an Austrian 'presidential envoy'). The violent events of the French Revolution impressed themselves deeply
into the mind of Francis (as well as all other European monarchs), and he came to distrust radicalism in any form. In 1794, a
"Jacobin" conspiracy was discovered in the Austrian and Hungarian armies. The leaders were put on trial, but the verdicts
only skirted the perimeter of the conspiracy. Francis's brother Alexander Leopold (at that timePalatine of Hungary) wrote to
the Emperor admitting "Although we have caught a lot of the culprits, we have not really got to the bottom of this business
yet." Nonetheless, two officers heavily implicated in the conspiracy were hanged and gibbeted, while numerous others were
sentenced to imprisonment (many of whom died from the conditions). Francis was from his experiences suspicious and set
up an extensive network of police spies and censors to monitor dissent (in this he was following his father's lead, as the
Grand Duchy of Tuscany had the most effective secret police in Europe). Even his family did not escape attention. His
brothers, the Archdukes Charles and Johann had their meetings and activities spied upon. Censorship was also prevalent.
The author Franz Grillparzer, a Habsburg patriot, had one play suppressed solely as a "precautionary" measure. When
Grillparzer met the censor responsible, he asked him what was objectionable about the work. The censor replied, " Oh,
nothing at all. But I thought to myself, 'One can never tell'." In military affairs Francis had allowed his brother, the Archduke
Charles, extensive control over the army during the Napoleonic wars. Yet, distrustful of allowing any individual too much
power, he otherwise maintained the separation of command functions between the Hofkriegsratand his field commanders. In
the later years of his reign he limited military spending, requiring it not exceed forty millions florins per year; because
of inflation this resulted in inadequate funding, with the army's share of the budget shrinking from half in 1817 to only
twenty-three percent in 1830. Francis presented himself as an open and approachable monarch (he regularly set aside two
mornings each week to meet his imperial subjects, regardless of status, by appointment in his office, even speaking to them
in their own language), but his will was sovereign. In 1804, he had no compunction about announcing that through his
authority as Holy Roman Emperor, he declared he was now Emperor of Austria (at the time a geographical term that had little
resonance). Two years later, Francis personally wound up the moribund Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation. Both
actions were of dubious constitutional legality. Francis was a devoted family man, and a main point in the political testament
he left for his son and heir Ferdinand was, "Preserve unity in the family and regard it as one of the highest goods." In many
portraits (particularly those painted by Peter Fendi) he was portrayed as the patriarch of a loving family, surrounded by his
children and grandchildren. On March 2, 1835, 43 years and a day after his father's death, Francis died in Vienna of a sudden
fever aged 67, in the presence of many of his family and with all the religious comforts. His funeral was magnificent, with his
Viennese subjects respectfully filing past his coffin in the chapel of Hofburg Palace for three days. Francis was interred in the
traditional resting place of Habsburg monarchs, theKapuziner Imperial Crypt in Vienna's Neue Markt Square. He is buried in
tomb number 57, surrounded by his four wives. After 1806 he used the titles:
"We,
Francis
the
First, by
the
grace
of
God Emperor
of
Austria; King
of
Jerusalem, Hungary, Bohemia,Dalmatia, Croatia, Slavonia, Galicia
and
Lodomeria;
Archduke
of Austria;
Duke
of Lorraine, Salzburg, Wrzburg, Franconia, Styria,Carinthia and Carniola; Grand
Duke
of
Cracow;
Grand
Prince
of Transylvania;
Margrave
of Moravia;
Duke
of Sandomir, Masovia, Lublin,Upper
and
Lower
Silesia, Auschwitz and Zator, Teschen and Friule;
Prince
of Berchtesgaden and
Mergentheim;
Princely
Count
of
Habsburg, Gorizia and Gradisca and of the Tirol; and Margrave of Upper and Lower Lusatia and in Istria", President of
the German Confederation.
Francis II married four times: On January 6, 1788, to Elisabeth of Wrttemberg (April 21, 1767 February 18, 1790), who died
bearing a short-lived daughter, Ludovika Elisabeth of Austria (17901791). On September 15, 1790, to his double first
cousin Maria Teresa of the Two Sicilies (June 6, 1772 April 13, 1807), daughter of King Ferdinand I of the Two Sicilies (both
were grandchildren of Empress Maria Theresa and shared all of their other grandparents in common), with whom he had
twelve children, of whom only seven reached adulthood. On 6 January 1808, he married again to another first cousin, Maria
Ludovika of Austria-Este (December 14, 1787 April 7, 1816) with no issue. She was the daughter of Archduke Ferdinand of
Austria-Este and Maria Beatrice d'Este, Princess of Modena. On October 29, 1816, to Karoline Charlotte Auguste of
Bavaria (February 8, 1792 February 9, 1873) with no issue. She was daughter of Maximilian I Joseph of Bavaria and had
been previously married to William I of Wrttemberg. From his first wife Elisabeth of Wrttemberg, one daughter: Louise
Elisabeth (1790-1791), Archduchess and his second wife Maria Teresa of the Two Sicilies, eight daughters and four sons:
Marie-Louise von Habsburg (1791-1847), Empress of France, Duchess of Parma, Ferdinand I (1793-1875), Karoline Leopoldine
(1794-1795) Archduchess, Karoline Luise (1795-1799) Archduchess, Maria Leopoldine (1797-1826), Empress of Brazil, Mary
Clementine (1798-1881), Franz Josef (1799-1807) Archduke, Mary Caroline (1801-1832), Franz Karl (1802-1878), Maria Anna
(1804-1858) Archduchess, Johann Nepomuk (1805-1809) Archduke and Amelia Theresa (died 1807) Archduchess.

Ferdinand I (April

19, 1793 June 29, 1875) was Emperor of Austria, President of the German Confederation, King of
Hungary and Bohemia (as Ferdinand V), as well as associated dominions from the death of his father, Francis II, Holy Roman

Emperor, from March 2, 1835 until his abdication after the Revolutions of 1848 on December 2,
1848. He married Maria Anna of Savoy, the sixth child of Victor Emmanuel I of Sardinia. They had no
issue. Ferdinand was incapable of ruling his empire, so his father, before he died, drafted a will
promulgating that he consult Archduke Louis on every aspect of internal policy, and urged him to be
influenced by Prince Metternich, Austria's foreign minister. He abdicated on December 2, 1848. He
was succeeded by his nephew, Francis Joseph. Following his abdication, he lived in Hradany
Palace, Prague, until his death in 1875. Ferdinand was the eldest son of Francis II, Holy Roman
Emperor and Maria Theresa of Naples and Sicily. As a result of his parents' genetic closeness (they
were double first cousins), Ferdinand suffered from epilepsy, hydrocephalus, neurological problems,
and aspeech impediment. Upon his marriage to Maria Anna of Savoy, the court physician considered
it unlikely that he would be able to consummate the marriage. He was educated by Joseph Kalasanz,
baron Erberg, and his wife Josephine, nee Grfin von Attems. Ferdinand has been depicted as feebleminded and incapable of ruling, but although he was epileptic and certainly not intelligent, he kept a
coherent and legible diary and has even been said to have had a sharp wit. Having as many as twenty seizures per day,
however, severely restricted his ability to rule with any effectiveness.Though he was not declared incapacitated, a regent's
council (Archduke Louis, Count Kolowrat and Prince Metternich) steered the government. His marriage to Princess Maria Anna
of Sardinia (18031884) was probably never consummated, nor is he believed to have had any other liaisons. When he tried
consummating the marriage, he had 5 seizures. He is famous for his one coherent command: when his cook told him he could
not have apricot dumplings (Marillenkndel) because they were out of season, he said:
"I'm the Emperor, and I want dumplings!" (German: Ich bin der Kaiser und ich will Kndel!).
As the revolutionaries of 1848 were marching on the palace, he is supposed to have asked Metternich for an explanation.
When Metternich answered that they were making a revolution, Ferdinand is supposed to have said But are they allowed to
do that? (Viennese German: Ja, drfen's denn des?) He was convinced by Felix zu Schwarzenberg to abdicate in favour of his
nephew, Franz Joseph (the next in line was Ferdinand's younger brother Franz Karl, but he was persuaded to waive his
succession rights in favour of his son) who would occupy the Austrian throne for the next sixty-eight years. Ferdinand
recorded the events in his diary :
"The affair ended with the new Emperor kneeling before his old Emperor and Lord, that is to say, me, and asking for a
blessing, which I gave him, laying both hands on his head and making the sign of the Holy Cross ... then I embraced him and
kissed our new master, and then we went to our room. Afterward I and my dear wife heard Holy Mass ... After that I and my
dear wife packed our bags."
Ferdinand was the last King of Bohemia to be crowned as such. Due to his sympathy with Bohemia (where he spent the rest
of his life in Prague Castle) he was given the Czech nickname Ferdinand V, the Good (Ferdinand Dobrotiv). In Austria,
Ferdinand was similarly nicknamed Ferdinand der Gtige (Ferdinand the Benign), but also ridiculed as "Gtinand der
Fertige" (Goodinand the Finished). He is interred in tomb number 62 in the Imperial Crypt in Vienna.

Austria-Hungary
Austria-Hungary (German: sterreich-Ungarn; Hungarian: OsztrkMagyar Monarchia), also known by other names and
often referred to as the Austro-Hungarian Empire in English-language sources, was a constitutionalunion of the Empire of
Austria and the Kingdom of Hungary that existed from 1867 to 1918, when it collapsed as a result of defeat in World War I.
The union was a result of the Compromise of 1867 and came into existence on 30 March 1867, when the compromise was
ratified by the Hungarian parliament. Austria-Hungary consisted of two monarchies (Austria and Hungary), and one
autonomous region: CroatiaSlavonia under the Hungarian crown, which negotiated its own compromise (Nagodba) with
Hungary, in 1868. It was ruled by the House of Habsburg, and constituted the last phase in the constitutional evolution of
the Habsburg Monarchy. Following the 1867 reforms, the Austrian and the Hungarian states were co-equal. The Compromise
required regular renewal, as did the customs union between the two components of the union. Foreign affairs and the military
came under joint oversight, but all other governmental faculties were divided between respective states. Austria-Hungary
was a multinational realm and one of the world's great powers at the time. Austria-Hungary was geographically the secondlargest country in Europe after the Russian Empire, at 621,538 km2 (239,977 sq mi),and the third-most populous (after Russia
and the German Empire). The Empire built up the fourth-largest machine building industry of the world, after the United
States, Germany, and Britain. After 1878, Bosnia and Herzegovina was under Austro-Hungarian military and civilian
rule[7] until it was fully annexed in 1908, provoking a diplomatic crisis among the other powers. Part of the Sanjak of Novi
Pazar, a province of the Ottoman Empire, was also under joint occupation during that period but the Austro-Hungarian army
withdrew as part of their annexation of Bosnia. Austria-Hungary was one of the Central Powers in World War I. It was already
effectively dissolved by the time the military authorities signed an armistice at Villa Giusti on November 3, 1918.
The Hungarian Kingdom and theAustrian Republic were treated as its successors de jure, while the independence of the West
Slavs and South Slavs of the Empire as the Czechoslovak Republic, the Republic of Poland and Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and
Slovenes, respectively, was also recognized by the victorious powers.

List of the Emperors of the Austro-Hungarian Empire

Franz Joseph I or Francis

Joseph I (German: Franz Joseph I., Hungarian: I. Ferenc Jzsef, August 18, 1830 November
21, 1916) was Emperor of the Austrian Empire, King of Bohemia, King of Croatia, Apostolic King of Hungary, King of Galicia
and Lodomeria and Grand Duke of Cracow from December 2, 1848 until his death on November 21, 1916. From May 1, 1850
until August 24, 1866 he was President of the German Confederation. In December 1848, Emperor Ferdinand I of
Austria abdicated the throne as part of Ministerprsident Felix zu Schwarzenberg's plan to end the Revolutions of 1848 in
Austria, which allowed Ferdinand's nephew Franz Joseph to ascend to the throne. Largely considered to be a reactionary,
Franz Joseph spent his early reign resisting constitutionalism in his domains. The Austrian Empire was forced to cede most of
its claim to LombardyVenetia to the Kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia following the conclusion of the Second Italian War of
Independence in 1859, and the Third Italian War of Independence in 1866. Although Franz Joseph ceded no territory to
the Kingdom of Prussia after the Austrian defeat in the Austro-Prussian War, the Peace of Prague (August 23, 1866) settled
the German question in favor of Prussia, which prevented the unification of Germany under the House of
Habsburg (Grodeutsche Lsung). Franz Joseph was troubled by nationalism during his entire reign. He concluded

the Ausgleich of 1867, which granted greater autonomy to Hungary, hence transforming the Austrian Empire into the AustroHungarian Empire under his Dual Monarchy. His domains were then ruled peacefully for the next 45 years, although Franz
Joseph personally suffered the tragedies of the suicide of his son, the Crown Prince Rudolf in 1889, and the assassination of
his wife, the Empress Elisabeth in 1898. After the Austro-Prussian War, Austria-Hungary turned its attention to the Balkans,
which was a hotspot of international tension due to conflicting interests with the Russian Empire. The Bosnian crisis was a
result of Franz Joseph's annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovinain 1908, which had been occupied by his troops since
the Congress of Berlin (1878). On June 28, 1914, the assassination of the heir-presumptive to the Austro-Hungarian
throne, the Archduke Franz Ferdinand, at the hands of Gavrilo Princip, a Serbian nationalist, resulted in Austria-Hungary's
declaration of war against the Kingdom of Serbia, which was Russia's ally. This activated a system of alliances which resulted
in World War I. Franz Joseph died on November 21, 1916, after ruling his domains for almost 68 years. He was succeeded by
his grand-nephew Karl. Franz Joseph was born in the Schnbrunn Palace in Vienna, the oldest son of Archduke Franz Karl (the
younger son of Holy Roman Emperor Francis II), and his wife Princess Sophie of Bavaria. Because his uncle, from 1835 the
Emperor Ferdinand, was weak-minded, and his father unambitious and retiring, the young Archduke "Franzl" was brought up
by his mother as a future Emperor with emphasis on devotion, responsibility and diligence. Franzl came to idolise his
grandfather, der Gute Kaiser Franz, who had died shortly before the former's fifth birthday, as the ideal monarch. At the age
of 13, young Archduke Franz started a career as a colonel in the Austrian army. From that point onward, his fashion was
dictated by army style and for the rest of his life he normally wore the uniform of a junior officer. Franz Joseph was soon
joined by three younger brothers: Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian (born 1832, the future Emperor Maximilian of
Mexico); Archduke Karl Ludwig (born 1833, and the father of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria), and Archduke Ludwig
Viktor (born 1842), and a sister, Maria Anna (born 1835), who died at the age of four. Following the resignation of the
Chancellor Prince Metternich during the Revolutions of 1848, the young Archduke, who it was widely expected would soon
succeed his uncle on the throne, was appointed Governor of Bohemia on 6 April, but never took up the post. Instead, Franz
was sent to the front in Italy, joining Field Marshal Radetzky on campaign on April 29, 1848 receiving his baptism of fire on
May 5, 1848 at Santa Lucia. By all accounts he handled his first military experience calmly and with dignity. Around the same
time, the Imperial Family was fleeing revolutionary Vienna for the calmer setting of Innsbruck, in Tyrol. Soon, the Archduke
was called back from Italy, joining the rest of his family at Innsbruck by mid-June. It was at Innsbruck at this time that Franz
Joseph first met his cousin Elisabeth, his future bride, then a girl of ten, but apparently the meeting made little impact.
Following victory over the Italians at Custoza in late July, the court felt safe to return to Vienna, and Franz Joseph travelled
with them. But within a few months Vienna again appeared unsafe, and in September the court left again, this time
for Olmtz in Moravia. By now, Alfred I, Prince of Windisch-Grtz, the influential military commander in Bohemia, was
determined to see the young Archduke soon put onto the throne. It was thought that a new ruler would not be bound by the
oaths to respect constitutional government to which Ferdinand had been forced to agree, and that it was necessary to find a
young, energetic emperor to replace the kindly, but mentally unfit Emperor. It was thus at Olmtz on December 2, 1848 that,
by the abdication of his uncle Ferdinand and the renunciation of his father, the mild-mannered Franz Karl, Franz Joseph
succeeded as Emperor of Austria. It was at this time that he first became known by his second as well as his first Christian
name. The name "Franz Joseph" was chosen deliberately to bring back memories of the new Emperor's great-granduncle,
Emperor Joseph II, remembered as a modernising reformer. Under the guidance of the new prime minister Prince
Schwarzenberg, the new emperor at first pursued a cautious course, granting a constitution in early 1849. At the same time,
military campaigns were necessary against the Hungarians, who had rebelled against Habsburg central authority under the
name of their ancient liberties. Franz Joseph was also almost immediately faced with a renewal of the fighting in Italy, with
King Charles Albert of Sardinia taking advantage of setbacks in Hungary to resume the war in March 1849. Soon, though, the
military tide began to turn in favor of Franz Joseph and the Austrian whitecoats. Almost immediately, Charles Albert was
decisively beaten by Radetzky at Novara, and forced both to sue for peace and to abdicate his throne. In Hungary, the
situation was more grave and Austrian defeat was quite possible. Franz Joseph, sensing a need to secure his right to rule
sought help from Russia, requesting the intervention of Tsar Nicholas I, in order "to prevent the Hungarian insurrection
developing into a European calamity." Russian troops entered Hungary in support of the Austrians and the revolution was
crushed by late summer of 1849. With order now restored throughout the Empire, Franz Joseph felt free to go back on the
constitutional concessions he had made, especially as the Austrian parliament, meeting at Kremsier, had behaved, in the
young Emperor's view, abominably. The 1849 constitution was suspended, and a policy of absolutist centralism was
established, guided by the Minister of the Interior, Alexander Bach. The next few years saw the seeming recovery of Austria's
position on the international scene following the near disasters of 18481849. Under Schwarzenberg's guidance, Austria was
able to stymie Prussianscheming to create a new German Federation under Prussian leadership, excluding Austria. After
Schwarzenberg's premature death in 1852, he could not be replaced by statesmen of equal stature, and the Emperor
effectively took over himself as prime minister. On February 18, 1853, the Emperor survived an assassination attempt by
Hungarian nationalist Jnos Libnyi. The emperor was taking a stroll with one of his officers, Maximilian Karl Lamoral
O'Donnell, on a city-bastion, when Libnyi approached him. He immediately struck the emperor from behind with a knife
straight at the neck. Franz Joseph almost always wore a uniform, which had a high collar that almost completely enclosed the
neck. The collar of the uniforms at that time was made out of very sturdy material exactly to counter this kind of attack. Even
though the Emperor was wounded and bleeding, the collar saved his life. Count O'Donnell (descendant of the Irish noble
dynasty O'Donnell of Tyrconnell) struck Libnyi down with his sabre. O'Donnell, hitherto only a Count by virtue of his Irish
nobility, was thereafter made a Count of the Habsburg Empire, conferred with the Commander's Cross of the Royal Order of
Leopold, and his customary O'Donnell arms were augmented by the initials and shield of the ducal House of Austria, with
additionally the double-headed eagle of the Empire. These arms are emblazoned on the portico of no. 2 Mirabel Platz
in Salzburg, where O'Donnell built his residence thereafter. Another witness who happened to be nearby, the butcher Joseph
Ettenreich, quickly overwhelmed Libnyi. For his deed he was later elevated to nobility by the Emperor and became Joseph
von Ettenreich. Libnyi was subsequently put on trial and condemned to death for attempted regicide. He was executed on
the Simmeringer Heide. After this unsuccessful attack, the Emperor's brother Ferdinand Maximilian Joseph, later Emperor
ofMexico, called upon Europe's royal families for donations to a new church on the site of the attack. The church was to be
a votive offering for the survival of the Emperor. It is located on Ringstrae in the district of Alsergrund close to the University
of Vienna, and is known as the Votivkirche. It was generally felt in the court that the Emperor should marry and produce heirs
as soon as possible. Various potential brides were considered: Princess Elisabeth of Modena, Princess Anna of
Prussia andPrincess Sidonia of Saxony. Although in public life the Emperor was the unquestioned director of affairs, in his
private life his formidable mother still had a crucial influence. She wanted to strengthen the relationship between the Houses
of Habsburg and Wittelsbach, and hoped to match Franz Joseph with her sister Ludovika's eldest daughter, Helene ("Nen"),
four years the Emperor's junior. However, the Emperor became besotted with Nen's younger sister, Elisabeth ("Sisi"), a girl
of sixteen, and insisted on marrying her instead. Sophie acquiesced, despite some misgivings about Sisi's appropriateness as
an imperial consort, and the young couple were married on April 24, 1854 in St. Augustine's Church, Vienna. Their married life
was not happy. Sisi never really adapted herself to the court and always had disagreements with the Imperial Family; their
first daughter Sophie died as an infant; and their only son, Crown Prince Rudolf, died by suicide in 1889, in the
infamous Mayerling Incident. In 1885 Franz Joseph met Katharina Schratt, a leading actress of the Vienna stage, and she
became his mistress. This relationship lasted the rest of his life, and was, to a certain degree, tolerated by Sisi. Franz Joseph

built Villa Schratt in Bad Ischl for her, and also provided her with a small palace in Vienna. The
Empress was an inveterate traveller, horsewoman, and fashion maven who was rarely seen in
Vienna. She was stabbed to death by an Italian anarchist in 1898; Franz Joseph never fully
recovered from the loss. According to the future Empress-Consort Zita of Bourbon-Parma he
usually told his relatives: "You'll never know how important she was to me" or, according to
some sources, "You will never know how much I loved this woman." (although there is no
definite proof he actually said this). The 1850s witnessed several failures of Austrian external
policy: the Crimean War and break-up with Russia, and defeat in the Second Italian War of
Independence. The setbacks continued in the 1860s with defeat in the Austro-Prussian War of
1866, which resulted in theAustro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867. Political difficulties in Austria
mounted continuously through the late 1800s and into the 20th century. But Franz Joseph
remained immensely respected. His patriarchal authority held the Empire together while the
politicians squabbled. After the death of Rudolf, the heir to the throne was his nephew Archduke
Franz Ferdinand. When Franz Ferdinand decided to marry a mere countess, Franz Joseph
opposed the marriage strenuously, and insisted that it must be morganatic; he did not even
attend the wedding. After that, the two men disliked and distrusted each other. In 1903, Franz Joseph's veto of Cardinal
Rampolla's election to the papacy was transmitted to the conclave by Cardinal Jan Puzyna. It was the last use of such a veto,
because new Pope Pius Xprovided penalties for such. In 1914, Franz Ferdinand was assassinated in Sarajevo, leading to World
War I. When he heard the news of the assassination, Franz Joseph said that "in this manner a superior power has restored
that order which I unfortunately was unable to maintain." [ Franz Joseph died in the Schnbrunn Palace in 1916, aged 86, in
the middle of the war. He was succeeded by his grand-nephew Karl. But two years later, after defeat in World War I,
the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy was dissolved. His 68-year reign is the third-longest in the recorded history of Europe (after
those of Louis XIV of France and Johannes II, Prince of Liechtenstein). His marriage to Elisabeth Sisi Amalie Eugenie, Duchess
in Bavaria obtained from: Archduchess Sophie Friederike (1855-1857), Archduchess Gisela (1856-1932) was married 1873
with Prince Leopold of Bavaria, son of Prince Regent Luitpold of Bavaria and his wife, Archduchess of Austria Auguste
Ferdinands, Crown Prince Rudolf (1858-1889) was married 1881, Princess Stephanie, daughter of King Leopold II and his wife,
Archduchess Marie Henriette of Austria and Archduchess Marie Valerie of Austria (1868-1924) was married 1890 with
Archduke Franz Salvator of Austria-Tuscany from Tuscany, son of Archduke Karl Salvator of Austria-Tuscany, and his wife
Princess Maria Immaculata of the Two Sicilies. The archipelago Franz Josef Land in the Russian high Arctic was named in his
honor in 1873. Franz Josef Glacier in New Zealand's South Island bears his name. Franz Joseph founded in 1872 the Franz
Joseph University (Hungarian: Ferenc Jzsef Tudomnyegyetem, Romanian: Universitatea Francisc Iosif) in the city of ClujNapoca (at that time a part of Austria-Hungary under the name of Kolozsvr). The university was moved to Szeged after Cluj
became a part of Romania, becoming the University of Szeged. In certain areas, celebrations are still being held in
remembrance of Franz Joseph's birthday. The Mitteleuropean People's Festival takes place every year around August 18th,
and is a "spontaneous, traditional and brotherly meeting among peoples of the Central-European Countries" . The event
includes ceremonies, meetings, music, songs, dances, wine and food tasting, and traditional costumes and folklore
from Mitteleuropa.

Charles I of Austria or Charles

IV of Hungary (German: Karl Franz Joseph Ludwig Hubert Georg Otto Marie von
Habsburg-Lothringen, English: Charles Francis Joseph Louis Hubert George Otto Mary of Habsburg-Lorraine, Hungarian: IV.
Kroly orHabsburg-Lotaringiai Kroly Ferenc Jzsef Lajos Hubert Gyrgy Mria, Italian: Carlo Francesco Giuseppe Ludovico
Giorgio Ottone Maria d'Asburgo Lorena, Polish: Karol Franciszek Jzef Ludwik Hubert Jerzy Otto Maria HabsburskoLotaryski, Ukrainian: ) (August 17, 1887 April 1, 1922) was (among other titles) the last ruler of
the Austro-Hungarian Empire and last Emperor of Austria, the last King of Hungary, the last King of Bohemia and Croatia and
the last King of Galicia and Lodomeria and the last monarch of the House of Habsburg-Lorraine who reigned from November
21, 1916 until November 12, 1918. He reigned as Charles I as Emperor of Austria and Charles IV as King of Hungary from
1916 until 1918, when he "renounced participation" in state affairs, but did not abdicate. He spent the remaining years of his
life attempting to restore the monarchy until his death in 1922. Following his beatification by the Catholic Church, he has
become commonly known as Blessed Charles of Austria. Charles was born on 17 August 1887, in the Castle
of Persenbeug in Lower Austria. He was the son ofArchduke Otto Franz of Austria (18651906) and Princess Maria Josepha of
Saxony (18671944); he was also a nephew of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria-Este. As a child, Charles was reared a
devout Roman Catholic. In 1911, Charles married Princess Zita of Bourbon-Parma. They had met as children but did not see
one another for almost ten years, as each pursued their education. In 1909, his Dragoon regiment was stationed at Brandeis
an der Elbe (Brands nad Labem), from where he visited his aunt at Franzensbad. It was during one of these visits that
Charles and Zita became reacquainted. Due to the morganatic marriage of his uncle, Archduke Franz Ferdinand, the latter's
children were excluded from the succession. As a result, Charles was under severe pressure to marry from his great-uncle,
Emperor Franz Josef of Austria. Zita not only shared Charles' devout Catholicism, but also an impeccably royal lineage. Zita
later recalled, "We were of course glad to meet again and became close friends. On my side feelings developed gradually
over the next two years. He seemed to have made his mind up much more quickly, however, and became even more keen
when, in the autumn of 1910, rumours spread about that I had got engaged to a distant Spanish relative, Don Jaime, the
Duke of Madrid. On hearing this, the Archduke came down post haste from his regiment at Brandeis and sought out his
grandmother, Archduchess Maria Theresa, who was also my aunt and the natural confidante in such matters. He asked if the
rumor was true and when told it was not, he replied, 'Well, I had better hurry in any case or she will get engaged to someone
else.'" Charles became heir-apparent after the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand, his uncle, in Sarajevo in 1914, the
event which precipitated World War I. Charles succeeded to the thrones in November 1916, after the death of Emperor Franz
Josef. Charles also became a Generalfeldmarschall in the Austro-Hungarian Army. On December 2, 1916, he took over the
title of Supreme Commander of the whole army from Archduke Frederick. His coronation occurred on December 30, 1916. In
1917, Charles secretly entered into peace negotiations with France. He employed his brother-in-law,Prince Sixtus of BourbonParma, an officer in the Belgian Army, as intermediary. Although his foreign minister, Ottokar Czernin, was only interested in
negotiating a general peace which would include Germany, Charles himself went much further in suggesting his willingness
to make a separate peace. When news of the overture leaked in April 1918, Charles denied involvement until French Prime
Minister Georges Clemenceau published letters signed by him. This led to Czernin's resignation, forcing Austria-Hungary into
an even more dependent position with respect to its seemingly wronged German ally. The Austro-Hungarian Empire was
wracked by inner turmoil in the final years of the war, with much tension between ethnic groups. As part of his Fourteen
Points, U.S. President Woodrow Wilson demanded that the Empire allow for autonomy and self-determination of its peoples. In
response, Charles agreed to reconvene the Imperial Parliament and allow for the creation of a confederation with each
national group exercising self-governance. However, the ethnic groups fought for full autonomy as separate nations, as they
were now determined to become independent from Vienna at the earliest possible moment. Foreign minister Baron Istvan
Burin asked for an armistice based on the Fourteen Points on October 14, 1917, and two days later Charles issued a
proclamation that radically changed the nature of the Austrian state. The Poles were granted full independence with the

purpose of joining their ethnic brethren in Russia and Germany in a Polish state. The rest of the
Austrian lands were transformed into a federal union composed of four parts: German, Czech, South
Slav, and Ukrainian. Each of the four parts was to be governed by a federal council, and Trieste was to
have a special status. However, Secretary of State Robert Lansing replied four days later that the
Allies were now committed to the causes of the Czechs, Slovaks and South Slavs. Therefore, autonomy
for the nationalities was no longer enough. In fact, a Czechoslovak provisional government had joined
the Allies on 14 October, and the South Slav national council declared an independent South Slav
state on October 29, 1918. The Lansing note effectively ended any efforts to keep the Empire
together. One by one, the nationalities proclaimed their independence; even before the note the
national councils had been acting more like provisional governments. Charles' political future became
uncertain. On 31 October, Hungary officially ended the personal union between Austria and Hungary.
Nothing remained of Charles' realm except the Danubian and Alpine provinces, and he was challenged
even there by the German Austrian State Council. His last prime minister, Heinrich Lammasch, advised him that it was
fruitless to stay on.On November 11, 1918the same day as the armistice ending the war between allies and Germany
Charles issued a carefully worded proclamation in which he recognized the Austrian people's right to determine the form of
the state and "relinquish(ed) every participation in the administration of the State." He also released his officials from their
oath of loyalty to him. On the same day the Imperial Family left Schnbrunn and moved to Castle Eckartsau, east of Vienna.
On November 13, 1918 following a visit of Hungarian magnates, Charles issued a similar proclamation for Hungary. Although
it has widely been cited as an "abdication", that word was never mentioned in either proclamation. Indeed, he deliberately
avoided using the word abdication in the hope that the people of either Austria or Hungary would vote to recall him. Privately,
Charles left no doubt that he believed himself to be the rightful emperor. Addressing Cardinal Friedrich Gustav Piffl, he wrote:
I did not abdicate, and never will. (...) I see my manifesto of 11 November as the equivalent to a cheque which a street thug
has forced me to issue at gunpoint. (...) I do not feel bound by it in any way whatsoever. Instead, on November 12, 1918 the
day after he issued his proclamation, the independentRepublic of German Austria was proclaimed, followed by the
proclamation of the Hungarian Democratic Republic on November 16, 1918. An uneasy truce-like situation ensued and
persisted until March 23, 1919, when Charles left for Switzerland, escorted by the commander of the small British guard
detachment at Eckartsau, Lt. Col. Edward Lisle Strutt. As the Imperial Train left Austria on 24 March, Charles issued another
proclamation in which he confirmed his claim of sovereignty, declaring that "whatever the national assembly of German
Austria has resolved with respect to these matters since November 11, is null and void for me and my House." Although the
newly-established republican government of Austria was not aware of this "Manifesto of Feldkirchen" at this time (it had been
dispatched only to the Spanish King and to the Pope through diplomatic channels), the politicians now in power were
extremely irritated by the Emperor's departure without an explicit abdication. On 3 April 1919, the Austrian Parliament passed
the Habsburg Law, which permanently barred Charles and Zita from ever returning to Austria again. Other Habsburgs were
banished from Austrian territory unless they renounced all intentions of reclaiming the throne and accepted the status of
ordinary citizens. Another law, passed on the same day, abolished all nobility in Austria. In Switzerland, Charles and his family
briefly took residence at Castle Wartegg near Rorschach at Lake Constance, and moved to Chteau de Prangins at Lake
Geneva on 20 May 1919. Encouraged by Hungarian royalists ("legitimists"), Charles sought twice in 1921 to reclaim the
throne of Hungary, but failed largely because Hungary's regent, Mikls Horthy (the last admiral of the Austro-Hungarian
Navy), refused to support him. Horthy's failure to support Charles' restoration attempts is often described as "treasonous" by
royalists. Critics suggest that Horthy's actions were more firmly grounded in political reality than those of Charles and his
supporters. Indeed, the neighbouring countries had threatened to invade Hungary if Charles tried to regain the throne. Later
in 1921, the Hungarian parliament formally nullified the Pragmatic Sanction--an act that effectively dethroned the Habsburgs.
After the second failed attempt at restoration in Hungary, Charles and pregnant Zita were briefly quarantined
at Tihany Abbey. On November 1, 1921 they were taken to the Danube harbor city of Baja, made to board the British
monitor HMS Glowworm, and were removed to the Black Sea where they were transferred to the light
cruiser HMS Cardiff. They arrived in their final exile, the Portuguese island of Madeira, on 19 November 1921. Determined to
prevent a third restoration attempt, the Council of Allied Powers had agreed on Madeira because it was isolated in the Atlantic
and easily guarded. Originally the couple and their children (who joined them only on February 2, 1922) lived at Funchal at
the Villa Vittoria, next to Reid's Hotel, and later moved to Quinta do Monte. Compared to the imperial glory in Vienna and
even at Eckartsau, conditions there were certainly impoverished. Charles would not leave Madeira again. On March 9, 1922
he caught a cold walking into town and developed bronchitis which subsequently progressed to severe pneumonia. Having
suffered two heart attacks he died of respiratory failure on April 1, 1922 in the presence of his wife (who was pregnant with
their eighth child) and 9-year old Crown Prince Otto, retaining consciousness almost to the last moment. His remains except
for his heart are still kept on the island, in the Church of Our Lady of Monte, in spite of several attempts to move them to
the Habsburg Crypt in Vienna. His heart, and that of Empress Zita, repose in the Loreto Chapel of Muri Abbey. Historians have
been mixed in their evaluations of Charles and his reign. One of the most critical has been Helmut Rumpler, head of the
Habsburg commission of the Austrian Academy of Sciences, who has described Charles as "a dilettante, far too weak for the
challenges facing him, out of his depth, and not really a politician." However, others have seen Charles as a brave and
honourable figure who tried as Emperor-King to halt World War I. The English writer, Herbert Vivian, wrote: "Karl was a great
leader, a Prince of peace, who wanted to save the world from a year of war; a statesman with ideas to save his people from
the complicated problems of his Empire; a King who loved his people, a fearless man, a noble soul, distinguished, a saint
from whose grave blessings come." Furthermore, Anatole France, the French novelist, stated: "Emperor Karl is the only
decent man to come out of the war in a leadership position, yet he was a saint and no one listened to him. He sincerely
wanted peace, and therefore was despised by the whole world. It was a wonderful chance that was lost." Field Marshall Paul
von Hindenburg, who at the time of Charles' reign was the commander in chief of the Imperial German Army, commented in
his memoirs:
"He tried to compensate for the evaporation of the ethical power which emperor Franz Joseph had represented by offering
ethnical reconciliation. Even as he dealt with elements who were sworn to the goal of destroying his empire he believed that
his acts of political grace would have an impact on their conscience. These attempts were totally futile; those people had
long ago lined up with our common enemies, and were far from being deterred."
Catholic Church leaders have praised Charles for putting his Christian faith first in making political decisions, and for his role
as a peacemaker during the war, especially after 1917. They have considered that his brief rule expressed Roman Catholic
social teaching, and that he created a social legal framework that in part still survives. Pope John Paul II declared Charles
"Blessed" in a beatification ceremony held on October 3, 2004, and stated:
The decisive task of Christians consists in seeking, recognizing and following God's will in all things. The Christian statesman,
Charles of Austria, confronted this challenge every day. To his eyes, war appeared as "something appalling". Amid the tumult
of the First World War, he strove to promote the peace initiative of my Predecessor, Benedict XV.

From the beginning, the Emperor Charles conceived of his office as a holy service to his people. His chief concern was to
follow the Christian vocation to holiness also in his political actions. For this reason, his thoughts turned to social assistance.
The cause or campaign for his canonization began in 1949, when testimony of his holiness was collected in the Archdiocese
of Vienna. In 1954, the cause was opened and he was declared servant of God, the first step in the process. The League of
Prayers established for the promotion of his cause has set up a website, and Cardinal Christoph Schnborn of Vienna has
sponsored the cause. On 14 April 2003, the Vatican's Congregation for the Causes of Saints in the presence of Pope John Paul
II, promulgated Charles of Austria's heroic virtues, and he thereby acquired the title of venerable. On December 21, 2003, the
Congregation certified, on the basis of three expert medical opinions, that a miracle in 1960 occurred through
the intercession of Charles. The miracle attributed to Charles was the scientifically-inexplicable healing of a Brazilian nunwith
debilitating varicose veins; she was able to get out of bed after she prayed for his beatification. On October 3, 2004, he was
beatified by Pope John Paul II. The Pope also declared 21 October, the date of Charles' marriage in 1911 to Princess Zita, as
Charles' feast day. The beatification has caused controversy because of the mistaken belief that Charles authorized
the Austro-Hungarian Army's use of poison gas during World War I, when in fact he was the first, and only, world leader
during the war who banned its use. On January 31, 2008, a Church tribunal, after a 16-month investigation, formally
recognized a second miracle attributed to Charles I (required for his Canonization as a Saint in the Catholic Church); in an
uncommon twist, the Florida woman claiming the miracle cure was not Catholic, but Baptist. However, due to her
experiences, she converted to Catholicism soon thereafter. On June 13, 1911 Charles became engaged in at the Villa delle
Pianore in Lucca (Italy) with Zita of Bourbon-Parma, which he 21 October of that year at the castle Schwarzau Steinfeld
(Lower Austria) married. His decision for the "Italian", was as his wife by opponents of this compound specifically referred to
Italy's declaration of war against Austria-Hungary in 1915 was, in the opinion of critics does not contribute to desirable
international anchoring of the House of Habsburg-Lorraine, as Zita from a non-came (more) reigning aristocratic house of
Austria with a non-friendly country. From the couple had eight children: Franz Josef Otto (1912-2011) was married 1951
Regina Princess of Saxe-Meiningen (1925-2010), Adelaide (1914-1971), Robert Karl Ludwig (1915-1996) was married 1953
Margherita of Savoy (b. 1930), Felix Friedrich (1916-2011) was married 1952 Duchess Anna Eugenie d'Arenberg (1925-1997),
Carl Ludwig (1918-2007) was married 1950 by Yolande Lign (born 1923), Syringus Rudolph (1919-2010) was married 1953
Xenia Besobrasov Chernyshev (1929-1968) and 1971 Princess Anna Gabriele of Wrede (b. 1940), Charlotte (1921-1989) was
married 1956 George, Duke of Mecklenburg (1899-1963) and Charlotte Elizabeth (1922-1993) was married 1949 Henry,
Prince of Liechtenstein (1916-1991).

List of Regents of the Austrian Empire

Louis Joseph Anton

Johann, Prince Imperial of Austria, Prince Royal of Hungary and Bohemia

and Prince of Tuscany (December 13, 1784 - December 21, 1864) was the Regent (Chairman of the State
Conference; de facto regent for intermittently insane Ferdinand I) of the Austrian Empire from March 4,
1835 until April 4, 1848. He was the 14th child of Holy Roman Emperor Leopold II, King of Hungary and
Bohemia, Grand Duke of Tuscany and Infanta Maria Luisa of Spain.. Archduke Louis was born at Florence,
Italy. He entered the Austrian Imperial Army at an early age and soon gained the rank of FeldmarschalLeutnant. In 1809, he was appointed commander of V Armeekorps. In this capacity, he fought at the
battles of Abensberg, Landshut, and Ebersberg in April and May, after which he relinquished his
command. He also demonstrated his political abilities by representing his brother, Emperor Francis II, on
several occasions and was appointed in his brothers will to be head of the State Conference (from 1836 to 1848) which
controlled all government offices on behalf of Emperor Ferdinand I. The Archduke was in favour of Metternichs politics and
supported Absolutism. He retired after the revolution of 1848 and lived quietly until his death in Vienna.

John of Austria

(German: Erzherzog Johann von sterreich; January 20, 1782 May 11, 1859) was a member of the
Habsburg dynasty, an Austrian field marshal and German Imperial regent (Reichsverweser) in 1848, also Regent of the
Austrian Empire from June 25 until December 2, 1848. Johann was born in Florence as the thirteenth child of Leopold, who
ruled as Grand Duke of Tuscany, and Mother Maria Louisa of Spain. In 1790, Leopold became Holy Roman Emperor and
moved his family to Vienna. He was baptized with the name of John Baptist Joseph Fabian Sebastian. John was given
command of the army in Germany in September 1800, despite his personal reluctance to assume the position. He showed
personal bravery, but his army was crushed at the Battle of Hohenlinden on December 3, 1800. Demoralized by defeat, the
army nearly disintegrated in the subsequent retreat, which was only stopped by an armistice arranged on December 22,
1800. After the peace in 1801, Archduke John was made General Director of the Engineering and Fortification Service, and
later commander of two military academies. In 1805, he directed an able defence of several Tyrolean passes against the
French and was awarded the Commander Cross of the Military Order of Maria Theresa. In 1808, he pressed for the creation of
the Landwehr based on the success of the Prussian Landwehr. At the commencement of the War of the Fifth Coalition in 1809
he became commander of the Army of Inner Austria, fighting against Eugne de Beauharnais in Italy. Under his command
were the VIII Armeekorps led by Albert Gyulai and the IX Armeekorps headed by Albert's brother Ignaz Gyulai. After winning a
significant victory at the Battle of Sacile on April 16, 1809, his army advanced almost to Verona. Having detached forces to
besiege Venice and other fortresses, John's army was soon outnumbered by Eugne's heavily reinforced host. Worse, news of
the Austrian defeat at the Battle of Eckmhl reached him and compelled him to order a retreat. Before withdrawing, he fought
off Franco-Italian attacks at the Battle of Caldiero between April 27 and 30 April, 1809. Attempting to blunt the Franco-Italian
pursuit, he stood to fight on May 8, 1809 and was beaten at the Battle of Piave River. Trying to defend the entire border, he
sent Ignaz Gyulai to defend Ljubljana (Laibach) in Carniola, while holding Villach in Carinthia with his own forces. Eugne's
pursuit overran the frontier defenses at the Battle of Tarvis and wrecked a column of hoped-for reinforcements at the Battle of
Sankt Michael. Forced to flee northeast into Hungary, John offered battle again but was defeated at Raab on June 14, 1809.
Ordered to join his brother Archduke Charles, Duke of Teschen at the Battle of Wagram on July 5 and 6, 1814 John's small
army arrived too late to avert an Austrian defeat. His brother criticized him for tardiness. After the conclusion of the campaign
he turned away from the military and developed a great interest for nature, technology and agriculture. He collected minerals
and was active as an alpinist and hunter in Styria. In his early days Archduke Johann and his brother Louis had the habit of
travelling to France, where the latter married Madame de Gueroust. In 1815, on his visit to the UK, he received a Doctor
honoris causa degree from the University of Edinburgh In the history of Styria, he is remembered as a great modernizer and
became an important figure of identification for Styrians. His proximity to the people is given evidence to by his many
contacts with the common man, by wearing the local Tracht, the Steireranzug, and by collecting and promoting the material

and spiritual culture of the country. In 1829, he married Anna Maria Josephine Plochl, the daughter of
Jakob Plochl (Gorlinzendorf-bei-Pettau, May 27, 1774 - Bad Aussee, April 25, 1822), the postmaster of
Aussee, and wife Maria Anna Pilz (Bad Aussee, May 15, 1782 - Bad Aussee, January 21, 1821), whose
descendants were styled the "Counts of Meran" and "Barons of Brandhofen", Proprietors of Stainz and
Brandhofen. His son from this morganatic marriage was Franz, Count of Meran. He was a passionate
mountaineer and attempted to be the first to climb the Grovenediger. For that reason, the ErzherzogJohann-Htte (Adlersruhe) at the Groglockner, and the Archduke John's Vanilla Orchid (Nigritella rubra
subsp. archiducis-joannis), an orchid growing on mountain meadows, are named after him. In 1811, he
founded the Joanneum Museum in Graz and the predecessor of Graz University of Technology. Some
other foundations were initiated by him, such as the Styrian State Archive 1817, the Berg- und Httenmnnische Lehranstalt,
which was founded in 1840 in Vordernberg and became the University of Leoben in 1849, the Styrian Society for Agriculture
1819, the Mutual Fire Insurance, the Styrian Building Society, the Landesoberrealschule in 1845 and the Society for Styrian
History in 1850. By acquiring a tin factory in Krems bei Voitsberg and coal mines near Kflach he also became an industrialist.
In 1840, he bought the Stainz dominion, where he was also freely elected as mayor in 1850. He was already the lord of the
Brandhofen dominion. His routing of the Austrian Southern Railway from Vienna to Triest over the Semmering and through the
Mura and Mrz valleys to Graz is particularly notable. Even though Johann did not consider himself a liberal, he promoted
some liberal ideas. He was often in conflict with the Habsburg court, especially because of his morganatic marriage. In 1848,
the Frankfurt National Assembly appointed him regent of the realm. After the failure of the March Revolution of 1848, he
resigned from this office in 1849. Archduke Johann died in 1859 in Graz, where the fountain erected in his honour (illustration)
dominates the central square. He is buried in Schenna near Meran. He was the great-grandfather of noted conductor Nikolaus
Harnoncourt.

Duchy of Carinthia
The Duchy
of
Carinthia (German: Herzogtum
Krnten; Slovene: Vojvodina
Koroka)
was
a duchy located
in
southern Austriaand parts of northern Slovenia. It was separated from the Duchy of Bavaria in 976, then the first newly
created Imperial Statebeside the original German stem duchies. Carinthia remained a part of the Holy Roman Empire until its
dissolution in 1806, and a crownland of Austria-Hungary until 1918. By the Carinthian Plebiscite in October 1920, the main
area of the duchy formed the Austrian state of Carinthia, a small southeastern part (the present-day region of Slovenian
Carinthia) was included into the newly created Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. The southwestern Canal Valley (Val
Canale) was ceded to the Kingdom of Italy by the 1919 Treaty of Saint-Germain.

List of Dukes of the Duchy of Carinthia

Luitpoldings dinasty
Henry III (940 October 5,

989), called the Younger, only surviving son of Duke Berthold of Bavaria, was the first Duke of
the Duchy of Carinthia from 976 until 978, Duke of the Duchy of Bavaria from 983 until 985 and again Duke of the Duchy of
Carinthia from 985 until his death on October 5, 989. Henry the Younger was a scion of the Bavarian Luitpolding ducal family,
who were loyal supporters of the royal Ottonian dynasty descending from Saxony. However, as he was still a minor upon his
father's death in 947, the German king Otto I gave the Bavarian duchy to his younger brother Henry I. As Henry I about 937
had married Judith, a daughter of the former Bavarian duke Arnulf the Bad, the uncle of Henry the Younger, he could raise
claims to the ducal title. After he became of age, Henry III waited patiently, though it seemd that Bavaria was ultimately lost
for the Luitpoldings, when upon the death of Duke Henry I in 955 he was succeeded by his four-year-old son Henry II the
Wrangler. Not before Emperor Otto's death in 973, the tables began to turn: the Ottonian duke Henry II, not satisfied with
Bavaria, raised claims to the Duchy of Swabia upon the death of his brother-in-law Duke Burchard III, trading on the
difficulties of the new emperor, his cousin Otto II, to establish his rule. His demands were denied, when Emperor Otto II
enfeoffed his nephew Otto I with Swabia. In the following revolt within the Ottonian dynasty, Otto II marched
against Regensburg, where Duke Henry the Wrangler was deposed in 976. The Luitpolding Henry the Younger finally gained
some compensation, when the emperor severed Carinthia from Bavaria and Henry III was enfeoffed with the newly
established duchy, the lands which had formed the Bavarian March of Carinthia, together with the March of Verona. His father
Berthold had already received the title of a Carinthian duke by King Henry I of Germany in 927. The scaled-down Bavarian
duchy passed to the Ottonian duke Otto I of Swabia, while Leopold of Babenberg was vested with the March of Austria. In 978
however, Henry the Younger himself was banned, probably because he now had joined the rebellion against the emperor in
the War of the Three Henries, instigated by his predecessor Henry the Wrangler and Bishop Henry I of Augsburg. Together
with the forces of Duke Boleslaus II of Bohemia they occupied the Bavarian town of Passau, but were defeated by the
emperor's troops. At the Easter Reichstag of Magdeburg, Otto II deposed Henry the Younger and enfeoffed
his Salian nephew Otto of Worms with the Carinthian duchy. All Southern German duchies Swabia, Bavaria and Carinthia
then were held by the emperor's relatives. Enfeebled by his defeat against the Sicilian Kalbids at the 982 Battle of Stilo,
Emperor Otto II upon the death of Duke Otto I of Swabia and Bavaria recalled Henry the Younger from banishment in 983 and
instated him as Bavarian duke at the Reichstag of Verona. Nevertheless his rule remained contested by Henry the Wrangler
and after the emperor died in the same year, Dowager Empress Theophanu on behalf of the succession of her minor son Otto
III finally reconciled with him in 985. Henry III had to renounce Bavaria in favour of the Wrangler and again was given
Carinthia instead, which Otto of Worms was forced to cede to him. When Henry III died without issue in 989, he was the last
male Luitpolding. He was succeeded in Carinthia and Verona by Henry the Wrangler, who thereby once again united the
Bavarian and Carinthian estates under his rule. Henry III was buried at Niederaltaich Abbey.

Salian dynasty
Conrad I (c.

975 December 12 or 15, 1011), of the Salian Dynasty, was the Duke of the Duchy of Carinthia from 1004
until his death on December 12/15, 1011. He was the third son Duke Otto Iand thus brother of both Henry of Speyer, father of
the Emperor Conrad II, and Bruno, who was pope as Gregory V. He outlived both those elder brothers and his father. Along
with his father, he was a candidate in the royal German election of 1002. In that year or thereabouts, Conrad married Matilda

(c. 988 29 July 1031 or 1032), daughter of Herman II, Duke of Swabia. They had two sons: Conrad, later
duke also, and Bruno, Bishop of Wrzburg. Conrad died young and was buried in the cathedral at Worms.

House of Eppenstein
Adalbero of Eppenstein (980

November 29, 1039) was Duke of the Duchy of Carinthia from 1011
or 1012 until 1035. He succeeded Duke Conrad I from the Salian dynasty. Adalbero was the son of Count Markward
of Eppenstein, margrave of Styria, where he succeeded his father about 1000. He was married to Beatrix (died February 23,
1125), probably a daughter of Duke Hermann II of Swabia from the Conradine dynasty and sister-in-law of the Salian
Emperor Conrad II. In 1011/12 the German king Henry II enfeoffed Adalbero with the Carinthian duchy, including the rule over
the March of Verona. The Salian Conrad II the Younger, son of his predecessor Conrad I, was a minor when his father died and
therefore was not taken into account, becoming a bitter rival. After political altercations with the Salians and an unsuccessful
rebellion against Emperor Conrad II, Adalbero in 1035 was forced to renounce all his offices and fiefdoms, but Bishop Egilbert
of Freising, a councillor to Emperor Conrad's son King Henry III, advised the princes of Germany and Henry himself, who had
been elected king, to not recognise the deposition. Conrad was required to perform much begging before Henry consented to
the act and Adalbero was removed and finally succeeded by Conrad the Younger. He died in exile at Bavarian Ebersberg in
1039.

Salian dynasty
Conrad II (probably

1003 July 20, 1039), called the Younger, was the Salian Duke of the Duchy of Carinthia from 1035
until his death on July 20, 1039. His father, Conrad I died in 1011 when he was a minor. Adalbero of Eppenstein was given the
duchy of Carinthia. Instead Conrad became count in Nahegau, Speyergau, and Wormsgau. In 1024, as his father and
grandfather in 1002, Conrad was a candidate for the German kingship after the death of the Emperor Henry II. It was his
cousin, another Conrad II, the son of his paternal uncle, Henry of Speyer, who was elected king. In 1035, Adalbero rebelled
against Salian rule and influence and was deprived of his duchy. Conrad was chosen to replace him. He did not live long
thereafter, dying in 1039. He was buried alongside his father and mother, Matilda, daughter of Herman II, Duke of Swabia, in
the cathedral atWorms. On his death, his natural heir was King Henry III. No marriage is recorded of Conrad, though a son,
named Cuno, appears in 1056, selling Bruchsal to the King Henry IV.

Elder House of Welf

Welf III (died November 13, 1055), as he is numbered in the genealogy of the Swabian line of the

Elder House of Welf, was

the Duke of the Duchy of Carinthia and Margrave of the March of Verona from 1047 until his death on November 13, 1055. He
was the only son of Welf II, Count of Altdorf, and Imiza. Carinthia was the last German duchy to be held personally by
the Emperor Henry III before he gave it to Welf. Welf III never married and had no children when he died at his castle on Lake
Constance in 1055. He bequeathed his property to the monastery of Altdorf, where his mother was abbess. She in turn gave
the property to Welf IV, the son of Welf III's sister Chuniza and Albert Azzo II, Margrave of Milan. Welf was the last of the Elder
Welfs, his lands went to the senior branch of the House of Este, which is called the Younger House of Welf. His duchy went
to Conrad III.

Ezzonids dinasty
Conrad III, count of the Zulpichgau (died 1061)

was Duke of the Duchy of Carinthia from 1056 until his death in 1061. He
was son of Hezzelin I, brother of count palatine of Lotharingia, Ezzo. He did not succeed in imposing his authority on the
powerful native aristocracy in Carinthia.

House of Zhringen
Berthold II

(born c.1000, died November 6, 1078 in Weilheim an der Teck) was an ancestor of the House of Baden, in
addition to being Duke the Duchy of of Carinthia and Margrave of the March of Verona from 1061 until 1077. On his mother's
side of the family, Berthold probably descended from the Staufen, who were counts of Ortenau, Thurgau, Breisgau, and Baar.
Henry III promised his party-follower Berthold the Duchy of Swabia. However, Henry's widow Agnes of Poitou gave the Duchy
in fief to Rudolf of Rheinfelden in 1057. Berthold received, as compensation for the abandonment of his claim to the Duchy,
the titles to Carinthia and Verona, whereby the Zhringen ascended to the status of a mediatized house. In Carinthia and
Verona, though, Berthold was never really accepted as ruler. Through his enmity with Henry IV, and his favor with Friedrich I,
Duke of Swabia, Berthold's claims were in danger. In the end, the Zhringen were able to maintain their position. Berthold's
sons were: Hermann I, founder of the Margraviate of Baden, Berchtold, Duke of Zhringen and Gebhard III, Bishop of
Constance Berthold was succeeded by Hermann I in 1073.

House of Eppenstein
Liutold of Eppenstein (around 1050 - May 12, 1090) was Duke of the Duchy of

Carinthia and Margrave of the March

of Verona from 1077 until his death on May 12, 1090, succeeding Duke Berthold II of Zhringen. He was the second son of
Markwart, Count of Eppenstein and his wife Liutbirg of Plain. He thereby was a grandson of the former Carinthian
duke Adalbero of Eppenstein, who had been deposed by Emperor Conrad II in 1035. Liutold regained the ducal title for
the Styrian House of Eppenstein, as his predecessor Berthold of Zhringen had supported the German anti-king Rudolf of
Rheinfelden during theInvestiture Controversy and therefore was deposed by King Henry IV in 1077. The king, having
returned from Canossa, appointed Liutold instead, who had given him safe conduct through his Carinthian possessions on his
way back to Germany. The Eppensteiner domains however were significantly narrowed, as Henry gave the
Veronese Friuli region to thePatriarchate of Aquileia, while the Carinthian March of Styria remained under the rule of
the Otakars. Although he had married twice, he died without issue. He was succeeded by his younger brother Henry V.
Liutold is buried at St. Lambrecht's Abbey in Styria.

Henry of Eppenstein

(usually numbered Henry III; c.1050 - December 4, 1122) was Duke of the Duchy of
Carinthia and Margrave of the March of Verona from 1090 until his death on December 4, 1122. He was the last duke from the

House of Eppenstein. He was the son of Count Markwart of Eppenstein (d. 1076) and his wife Liutbirg of Plain, the younger
brother ofLiutold of Eppenstein, who was enfeoffed with the Carinthian duchy after the deposition of
the Zhringen dukeBerthold by King Henry IV of Germany in 1077. Both brothers had been loyal allies of the king during the
fierceInvestiture Controversy and the Walk to Canossa. When the princes elected Rudolf of Rheinfelden anti-king, the
Eppensteins ensured King Henry's safe passage back to Germany. When Duke Liutold died childless in 1190, King Henry
IV, Holy Roman Emperor since 1084, vested him with Carinthia and the Veronese march. Duke Henry also served
as Vogt (bailiff) of the Patriarchate of Aquileia under his brother Patriarch Ulrich I. With Ulrich he backed King Henry V of
Germany when he enforced the abdication of his father Emperor Henry IV in 1105. In the course of the ongoing Investiture
Controversy he entered into an armed conflict with Prince-Archbishop Conrad I of Salzburg in 1121. With Henry's death in
1122, the Eppenstein line became extinct. The Carinthian duchy was taken over by his godson Henry from the rising House of
Sponheim.

House of Sponheim
Henry IV

(c.1065/70 - December 14, 1123) was Duke of the Duchy of Carinthia and Margrave of the March of Verona from
1122 until his death on December 14, 1123. He was the first ruler of those territories from the Rhenish House of Sponheim.
Henry was the eldest son of Count Engelbert I of Sponheim (died 1096), himself the eldest son of Count Siegfried I and his
wife, Hedwig, possibly a daughter of Duke Bernard II of Saxony of the Billung family. Engelbert had been a supporter of Pope
Gregory VII in the fierce Investiture Controversy and therefore had been divested of his county in the Bavarian Puster
Valley by Emperor Henry IV in 1091. After the death of his godfather, Duke Henry III of Carinthia, the last ruler from the House
of Eppenstein, he was enfeoffed with the Carinthian duchy and the Veronese march by Emperor Henry V. He did, however,
not inherit Henry's allodial lands, which passed to the Margrave Leopold of Styria, a member of the Traungau dynasty
(Otakars). This resulted in the so-called provincia Graslupp, that is, the estates of Neumarkt and Sankt Lambrecht as well as
the Murau region, which had previously belonged to the Carinthian county of Friesach, passing to the March of Styria. Henry,
like his predecessor, remained an opponent of Archbishop Conrad I of Salzburg. He died within a year of taking the rule over
Carinthia and was succeeded by his younger brother, Engelbert.

Engelbert II (died

April 12 or 13, 1141) from the House of Sponheim was Margrave of the March of
Istria and Carniola from sometime between 1101 and 1107 until 1124 and Duke of the Duchy of Carinthia and Margrave of
the March of Verona from 1124 until 1135. In 1124, he was raised to a Duke of Carinthia and Margrave of Verona which he
held until his retirement in 1135. Engelbert II was the son of Count Engelbert I of Sponheim and his wife Hedwig of uncertain
descent, maybe a daughter of the Billungduke Bernard II of Saxony. He married Uta, daughter of Burgrave Ulric of Passau
(died about 1099). Together they were the parents of the following children: Ulric I, succeeded his father in Carinthia in 1135,
Engelbert III, succeeded his father in Istria, Carniola and Kraiburg in 1124, Henry, Bishop of Troyes in 1145, Matilda, married
Count Theobald the Great of Blois-Champagne, Rapoto I, Count of Ortenburg in 1130 and Kraiburg in 1173, Adelheid, Abbess
of Gss in 1146, Hartwig II, Bishop of Regensburg in 1155 and Ida, married Count William III of Nevers About 1100 he
established the County of Kraiburg on the inherited estates of his wife in Bavaria. Unlike his father, Engelbert II was a loyal
supporter of the Salian dynasty. He stood as guarantor of German king Henry V at his coronation as Holy Roman Emperor in
February 1111 and witnessed the Concordat of Worms with Pope Callixtus II in September 1122. In the same year his elder
brother Henry III was created Duke of Carinthia and upon his death in 1123 Engelbert II succeeded him, having already
replaced Count Ulric II of Weimaras margrave in Istria and Carniola about 1107. Engelbert II died and was buried at Seeon
Abbey.

Ulrich I (died April 7, 1144), of the House of Sponheim, was the Duke of the Duchy of Carinthia and Margrave of the March
of Verona from 1135 until his death on April 7, 1144. He was the eldest son of DukeEngelbert and Uta, daughter of
Burggrave Ulrich of Passau, his namesake. His father abdicated in 1135 and Ulrich was appointed his successor by
the Emperor Lothair II at an imperial diet being held in Bamberg. In 113637 Ulrich took part in the emperor's expedition
into Italy. From 1138 on Ulrich was involved in disputes with the Carinthian nobility and with the archbishopric of Salzburg and
the bishopric of Bamberg, both large landowners in Carinthia. He died in 1144 and was buried in the monastery of Rosazzo.
Ulrich married Judith, daughter of Margrave Hermann II of Baden and had with er the following children: Henry V, Duke of
Carinthia, succeeded his father while still a youth, died childless in 1161, Herman, Duke of Carinthia, succeeded his brother
Henry, Ulrich, Count of Laibach (Ljubljana), but predeceased his eldest brother, Godfrey (Gottfried) became a monk, but
predeceased his father and Pilgrim became the Patriarch of Aquileia.

Henry V (died

October 12, 1161), of the House of Spanheim, was the Margrave of the March of Verona from 1144 until
1151 and the Duke of the Duchy of Carinthia from 1144 to his death on October 12, 1161. According to the contemporary
chronicler Otto of Freising, Henry was "a valiant man, experienced in the councils of war" (fortem et exercitatum in bellicis
consiliis virum). Henry was the eldest son of Duke Ulrich I and Judith, daughter of Margrave Hermann II of Baden. He married
Elizabeth, widow of Count Rudolf II of Stade and daughter of Margrave Leopold of Styria, but their marriage was childless. He
succeeded his father while still a youth. In 1147 his rich uncle, Count Bernard of Trixen, bequeathed his allods and
hisministeriales (high-status serfs) in Carinthia and in the Styrian Mark an der Drau to Margrave Ottokar III of Styria. In 1151
another uncle, Hermann III of Baden, was invested with the march of Verona, which had been held by the dukes of Carinthia
since 976. Henry is not known to have objected to the loss of this large territory in northern Italy. In 1158 BishopRoman I of
Gurk granted the bailiwick (secular protection) of his diocese to Henry, but this was a small gain for a prince whose territory
was dominated by estates with non-resident lords both ecclesiastical and secular. Henry took part in the wars of the Emperor
Frederick I in northern Italy in 11541155 and 115860. Otto of Freising lists him among the most distinguished who returned
home with the emperor's permission in mid-1155. Otto's continuator, Rahewin, reports that during the 1158 campaign, Henry
and Duke Henry II of Austria were given command of the Hungarian contingent of 600 archers, with their "counts and
barons", which marched through the Val Canaleinto the march of Verona, the route known as the via Canalis. Henry was a
member of the embassy Frederick sent to the Byzantine emperor Manuel I in 116061. Henry was probably sent because his
brother, MargraveEngelbert III of Istria was married to Matilda of Sulzbach, a sister of Manuel's wife, the Empress Irene. While
returning, Henry drowned in the mouth of theTagliamento river. His body was buried in the abbey of Rosazzo. He was
succeeded by his brother, Hermann II.

Herman II of Sponheim

(died October 4, 1181) was the Duke of Duchy of Carinthia from 1161 to his death on
October 4, 1181. A scion of the House of Sponheim, he was a son of Margrave Engelbert III of Istria and Matilda of Sulzbach.
His father was formerly identified as Margrave Engelbert's brother Duke Ulrich I of Carinthia. Herman's paternal grandparents
were Duke Engelbert of Carinthia (died 1141) and Uta of Passau. Duke Engelbert had also controlled the March of Istria. His
maternal grandparents were Berengar II, Count of Sulzbach (died December 3, 1125) and Adelheid of Wolfratshausen. His

maternal aunts included Gertrude of Sulzbach and Bertha of Sulzbach, respectively the wives of King Conrad III of
Germany and the Byzantine Emperor Manuel I Komnenos. When in April 1144, his paternal uncle Duke Ulrich I of
Carinthia died childless. Herman's elder brother Henry VIII succeeded him. Henry married Elizabeth of Styria, a daughter
ofLeopold of Styria, and died childless on October 12, 1161. Herman succeeded his older brother as Duke. He consolidated
his position by achieving the office of a Vogt protector over the Carinthian possessions of the Bishopric of Bambergand
the Patriarchate of Aquileia. In about 1173, Herman married Agnes of Babenberg, daughter of Duke Henry II of Austria and
the widow of King Stephen III of Hungary. They had two known sons: Ulrich II, Duke of Carinthia (died August 10, 1202) and
Bernhard, Duke of Carinthia (died January 4, 1256).

Ulrich II

(died August 12, 1202), a member of the House of Sponheim, was Duke of the Duchy of Carinthia from 1181 until
his death on August 12, 1202. He was one of the noble Germans who took part in the Crusade of 1197. Ulrich II was the
eldest son of Duke Herman of Carinthia, who had married Agnes of Babenberg, daughter of DukeHenry Jasomirgott of
Austria[1] and former queen consort of Hungary. Still a minor when his father died in 1181, he initially was under guardianship
of his maternal uncle Duke Leopold V of Austria. Therefore, he had to stand back when the Otakar rulers of Styria became
extinct and Leopold concluded the 1186 Georgenberg Pact with Ottokar IV in order to reserve the right of succession for the
Austrian House of Babenberg. His paternal uncle was Pellegrino of Ortenburg-Spanheim, who ruled as Patriarch of
Aquileia from 1195 to 1204. In 1192 he made a donation to St. Paul's Abbey. Ulrich II came of age to rule independently from
1194 and, like his father, remained a loyal supporter of the ImperialHohenstaufen dynasty. When Emperor Henry VI called for
the German Crusade in 1195, the Carinthian duke was among the many nobles who undertook to go, [4] even though he had
scarcely reached adulthood. Starting in March 1197 these nobles with their troops left from the south of Italy and Sicily. The
main fleet reached Acre in September 1197. The crusade ended after the fall of Sidon and Beirut. Henry VI died of a fever in
Messina in October 1197. When they heard the news many of the higher-ranking nobles returning to Germany to protect their
interests in the forthcoming Imperial election. Having returned to Germany, Ulrich participated in the election of Philip of
Swabia in 1198. However, he fell ill shortly afterwards and became incapable of ruling, whereafter his younger
brother Bernhard acted as regent. There is a record of the duke making another donation to Saint George's Abbey on 31
March 1199. According to the necrology of Seckau Abbey, Ulrich died on August 12, 1202.

Bernhard von Spanheim (or Sponheim)

(1176 or 1181 January 4, 1256) was Duke of the

Duchy of Carinthia from 1202 until his death on January 4, 1256. Bernhard was a scion of the
noble House of Sponheim descending from Rhenish Franconia, which in 1122 had inherited
the Imperial State of Carinthia. His father was Duke Herman II of Carinthia, who had reigned from
1161 until 1181. He was at first succeeded by Bernhard's elder brother Duke Ulrich II, who reigned for
two decades but died childless on August 10, 1202, whereafter Bernhard succeeded him. His mother
was Agnes of Babenberg, the daughter of Duke Henry II of Austria, who previously had been married
to late King Stephen III of Hungary. Bernhard's paternal grandparents were Margrave Engelbert III of
Istria and Matilda of Sulzbach. Matilda was a daughter of the BavarianNordgau Count Berengar II
of Sulzbach (d.3
December
1125)
and Adelheid
of
Wolfratshausen.
Her
sisters
included Gertrude and Bertha of Sulzbach, respectively the wives of King Conrad III of Germany and
Byzantine Emperor Manuel I Komnenos. Bernhard had actually been regent over the Carinthian duchy
since his brother Duke Ulrich II had fallen seriously ill in 1199. In the conflict between the
rivaling House of Hohenstaufen and the Welfs around the German throne, he originally continued his brother's support for
their relative Philip of Swabia, grandnephew of King Conrad III, who had been elected King of the Romans in 1198. He
nevertheless turned to the Welf Otto IV after Philipp's assassination in 1208. In 1213, Bernhard again switched sides to
Philip's nephew King Frederick II, who finally prevailed. Bernhard gained control over the strategically important Loibl
Pass leading to the adjacent March of Carniola in the south, where his son Ulrich III in 1248 became margrave upon his
marriage with Agnes of Andechs, daughter of Duke Otto I of Merania. He is also credited as founding
the Kostanjevica (Landstra) Cistercian Abbey in Lower Carniola about 1234 as well as the later Carinthian capital Klagenfurt,
that he had transferred to its present location in 1246. Bernhard is buried at St. Paul's Abbey in the Lavanttal. In 1213,
Bernhard married Judith, a daughter of the Pemyslid King Ottokar I of Bohemia and his second Queen consort, Constance,
daughter of the rpd King Bla III of Hungary. They had four known children: Ulrich III (c.1220-1269), Duke of Carinthia
1256-1269, Margrave of Carniola since 1248, Bernhard of Carinthia, Margaret of Carinthia and Philip of Carinthia (d. July
21/22, 1279), Prince-Archbishop of Salzburg from 1247 to 1256 and Patriarch of Aquileia from 1269 to 1273. When Duke
Ulrich III had died without heirs, his brother Philip was claimant to the estates of Carinthia and Carniola and even reached his
enfeoffment by King Rudolph I of Germanyin 1275. He nevertheless could not prevail against his first cousin King Ottokar II of
Bohemia, who in 1268 had signed an inheritance treaty with late Duke Ulrich.

Ulrich III,

also known as Ulrich III of Spanheim (c.1220 - October 27, 1269) was ruling Lord in the March of
Carniola from around1249 and Duke of the Duchy of Carinthia from 1256 until his death on October 27, 1269. He was the last
ruler from the House of Sponheim. Ulrich III was the eldest son of Duke Bernhard of Carinthia and his wife Judith, a daughter
of the Pemyslid kingOttokar I of Bohemia. Already his father had endeavoured to assume the rule over the Carniolan march,
which Ulrich could secure for himself by marrying Agnes of Andechs, the widow of the last Babenberg duke Frederick II of
Austria. From 1251, he was co-ruler of Carinthia with his father; in 1256 he succeeded his father as duke. Ulrich continued the
development of his home territories as his father has begun. In 1260, he completed the foundation of
the charterhouse in Bistra(Freudenthal) in Inner Carniola. He also founded the Canons Regularmonastery in Vlkermarkt. He
had differences of opinion about his father's inheritance with his younger brother Philip, who had to prepare for an
ecclesiastical career and was electedArchbishop of Salzburg in 1247. Philip refused to take holy orders in order to reserve the
right of succession in Carinthia for himself. Ulrich and Philip finally reached an agreement of mutual protection and
inheritance and, after Philip was deposed as bishop in 1257 by the cathedral chapter, fought together against Philip's
successor, Archbishop Ulrich of Seckau. After the election of Archbishop Ladislaus of Salzburg, it became clear that Philip
would have to abandon all hopes to return to Salzburg. In 1267 he asked Ulrich III to divide their inheritance and also
proposed that he could be Ulrich's heir, as Ulrich's son from his first marriage had died young, and his second marriage was
still childless. However, on December 4, 1268, Ulrich secretly proceeded to Podbrady Castle, where he concluded an
inheritance treaty with his cousin, King Ottokar II of Bohemia, in which the king was made his sole heir. When Duke Ulrich III
died in Cividale del Friuli on October 27, 1269, both Philip and Ottokar II claimed his inheritance. In the same year, Philip was
elected Patriarch of Aquileia, however, his election was never confirmed by the Pope and in 1270/71 he was expelled
to Austria by Ottokar's forces. This was the end of the rule of the Sponheim dynasty in Carinthia. Ulrich III was married twice:
the first to Agnes of Merania (12151263), the widow of Duke Frederick II of Austria. This marriage produced a son, who died
young and the second to Agnes of Baden (12501295), a daughter of Margrave Herman VI of Baden and Gertrude of
Babenberg, niece of Duke Frederick II of Austria. This marriage remained childless.

Otto III of Carinthia (ca.1265

May 25, 1310) was a member of the Meinhardiner family and Duke of the Duchy of
Carinthia from 1295 until his death on May 25, 1310. He was also Count of Gorizia and Vienna. He was a son of Meinhard,
Duke of Carinthia and his wife Elisabeth of Bavaria. Otto inherited a well-organized country, as his father had laid the
foundation for an efficient administration by fostering ministeriales and creating the Tyrolean Raitbuch (internal record book).
Otto signed a border treaty with the neighbouring Bishopric of Brixen, establishing the confluence of the Adige and
the Avisio as the border between Tyrol and Brixen. Otto's brothers Albert, Louis and Henry became vogts of the bishops
of Trento. King Albert I granted Otto several tolls. However, Otto's lavish court was a burden on his finances. Most notable of
his economic policies was the expansion and securing of the market in Gries (now part of Bolzano) in 1305 competing with
the market in the central town of Bolzano, which was dominated by the bishop. Otto died in 1310 without a male heir. As his
brothers Albert and Louis had already died in 1292 and 1305, respectively, he was succeeded by his youngest brother, Henry.
In 1297 Otto married Duchess Euphemia (12811347), a daughter of Duke Henry V of Legnica. They had four daughters:
Anna, married Count Palatine Rudolf II; Elisabeth, married King Peter II of Sicily; Ursula and Euphemia.

Prince-Archbishopric of Salzburg
The Archbishopric of Salzburg was a Prince-Bishopric and state of the Holy Roman Empire for many centuries.
The diocese arose from St Peter's Abbey, founded in the German stem duchy of Bavaria about 696 by Saint Rupertat the
former Roman city of Iuvavum (Salzburg). In the 13th century it reached Imperial immediacy and independency from Bavaria,
and remained an ecclesiastical state until its secularisation to the short-lived Electorate of Salzburg in 1803. The PrinceArchbishops had never obtained electoral dignity; actually of the five Prince-archbishoprics of the Holy Roman Empirewith
Mainz, Trier andCologneMagdeburg and Salzburg got nothing from the Golden Bull of 1356. The last Prince-Archbishop
exercising secular authority was Count Hieronymus von Colloredo, an early patron of Salzburg native Wolfgang Amadeus
Mozart.

List of Prince-Archbishops of the Prince-Archbishopric of Salzburg

Eberhard II of Regensburg

(1170 December 1, 1246) was the Prince-Archnishop of the Prince-Archbishopric of

Salzburg from 1200 until his death on December 1, 1246 and Prince-Bishop of the Prince-Bishopric of Brixen from 1196 until
1200.

Bernhard I of Ziegenhain

(died August 1, 1247) was Prince-Archbishop of the Prince-Archbishopric of Salzburg in

1247.

Philip of Spanheim (also: Philip of Sponheim; died July 22, 1279) was Prince-Archbishop of the PrinceArchbishop of Salzburg from 1247 until 1256 and Patriarch of Aquileia (Patria del Friuli) from 1269 until 1271.
He held the title of a Count of Lebenau from 1254 until his death on July 22, 1279 and was nominal Duke of
Carinthia. With his death the senior line of the House of Sponheim came to an end. Philipp was the younger
son of Duke Bernhard of Carinthia (died1256) and his wife Judith, daughter of the Pemyslid king Ottokar I of
Bohemia. Raised at the court of his maternal uncle King Wenceslaus I, he prepared for an ecclesiastical
career as provost of the Vyehrad collegiate church and Bohemian chancellor. However, when in 1247 the
Salzburg chapter elected him archbishop, he renounced his consecration in order to reserve the succession of
his elder brother Ulrich III for himself. Instead je joined his father on military campaigns to Styria and into
the Lungau region; in 1252 they defeated the united troops of Count Meinhard III of Gorizia and his father-inlaw Count Albert IV of Tyrol near Greifenburg and conquered large estates in Upper Carinthia. In 1254 Philip tried to regain
former Spanheim comital rights around Lebenau Castle (near Laufen), which had been purchased by the Salzburg
archbishops. In turn, he was finally overthrown and banned by the Salzburg chapter in 1257, he could however prevail
against his successor Ulrich of Seckau with the military support by his brother Ulrich III. Philip continued his belligerence and
in 1260 fought with his Pemyslid cousin King Ottokar II of Bohemia in the Battle of Kressenbrunn against the forces of
King Bla IV of Hungary. After in 1265 his maternal cousin Ladislaus of Silesia was elected Salzburg archbishop with papal
consent, Philip finally was forced to resign. In 1269 he was elected Archbishop of Aquileia, though his election was never
acknowledged by the Pope and in 1273 Pope Gregory X appointed Raimondo della Torre instead. Moreover, in October 1269
his brother Duke Ulrich III died, and he had secretly bequested the Carinthian duchy to King Ottokar II, who immediately
expelled Philip from his acquisitions. He again attempted to install himself as a Count of Lebenau and even reached the
enfeoffment with Carinthia by the new KingRudolf I of Germany, though to no avail. Ottokar had no intentions to relinquish his
claims until he was finally defeated by King Rudolf in the 1278 Battle on the Marchfeld. Philip however had to stay in
Rudolf's Duchy of Austria without ever returning to Carinthia. One year later he died in Krems an der Donau, where
his epitaph is preserved in the Dominican Church.

Ulrich of Sekau

(died July 6 or July 7, 1268) was Prince-Archbishop of the Prince-Archbishopric of Salzburg from 1256
until 1365 and Bishop of the Bishopric of Seckau from from 1243 until his death on July 6 or July 7, 1268.

Ladislaus of Salzburg (died April 27, 1270) was Prince-Archbishop of the Prince-Archbishopric of Salzburg from 1265
until 1270, Prince-Bishop of the Prince-Bishopric of Bamberg in 1257, Prince-Bishop of the Prince-Bishopric of Passau in 1265
and Admistrator of the Prince-Bishopric of Wroclaw (Breslau) from 1268 until his death on April 27, 1270.

Frederick II of Walchen (died April 7, 1268) was Prince-Archbishop of the Prince-Archbishopric of Salzburg from 1270
until his death on April 7, 1284.

Rudolf of Hoheneck

(died August 3, 1290) was Prince-Archbishop of the Prince-Archbishopric of Salzburg from 1284
until his death on August 3, 1290.

Conrad IV of Breitenfurt

(died March 28, 1312) was Prince-Archbishop of the Prince-Archbishopric of Salzburg from
1291 until his death on March 28, 1312 and Bishop of the Bishopric of Lavant from from 1285 until 1291.

Weichard of Pollheim

(died October 6, 1315) was Prince-Archbishop of the Prince-Archbishopric of Salzburg from

1312 until his death on October 6, 1315.

Frederick III of Liebnitz

(died March 30, 1338) was Prince-Archbishop of the Prince-Archbishopric of Salzburg from
1315 until his death on March 30, 1338.

Henry of Pirnbrunn (died July 29, 1343) was Prince-Archbishop of the Prince-Archbishopric of Salzburg from 1338 until
his death on July 29, 1343.

Ordulf of Wiesseneck

(died August 12, 1365) was Prince-Archbishop of the Prince-Archbishopric of Salzburg from
1343 until his death on August 12, 1365.

Pilgrim von Puchheim

(1330 - April 5, 1396) was Prince-Archbishop of the Prince-Archbishopric of Salzburg from

1365 until his death on April 9, 1396 and PrinceProvost of the Berchtesgaden Provostry from 1393 until his death on April 5,
1396. He was a patron of literature and music with a "magnificent court". The Monk of Salzburg lived there for a time, if
indeed they are not one and the same person. Pilgrim first appears as a canon of Salzburg Cathedral in 1353. He was
ordained in Venice in 1354 before moving to Avignon, where he received his education.In 1363 he was appointed to a papal
chaplaincy, the papacy being at the time seated at Avignon. He was appointed archbishop of Salsburg in 1365. He was so
powerful that by 1393 he had endowed his cathedral more than one hundred times. The Monk of Salzburg claims in two of his
songs that he wrote them at Pilgrim's command. In another piece, the lines form an acrostic that reads "Pylgreim Erczpischof
Legat". In a secular song of 1387 Pilgrim's visit to the court of King Wenceslaus IV of Bohemia is mentioned, and his travels
are also recounted in a secular song from 1392.The Monk also celebrated Pilgrim's chaplain, Richerus von Radstadt, in a song.

Gregorius Schenk von Osterwitz

(died May 9, 1403) was Prince-Archbishop of the Prince-Archbishopric of

Salzburg and PrinceProvost of the Berchtesgaden Provostry from 1396 until his death on May 9, 1403.

Berthold von Wehingen

was Anti-Archbishop of the Prince-Archbishopric of Salzburg from 1404 until 1406 and
PrinceProvost of the Berchtesgaden Provostry in 1404.

Eberhard III of Neuhaus (died January 18, 1427) was Prince-Archbishop of

the Prince-Archbishopric of Salzburg from

1403 until his death on January 18, 1427 and PrinceProvost of the Berchtesgaden Provostry from 1403 until 1404.

Eberhard IV of Starhemberg

(1370 - February 8, 1429) was Prince-Archbishop of the Prince-Archbishopric of

Salzburg from 1427 until his death on February 8, 1429.

John II of Reichensperg

(did September 30, 1441) was Prince-Archbishop of the Prince-Archbishopric of Salzburg

from 1429 until his death on September 30, 1441.

Frederick IV Truchse of Emmerberg

(died March 3, 1452) was Prince-Archbishop of the Prince-Archbishopric

of Salzburg from 1441 until his death on March 3, 1452.

Sigismund I of Volkersdorf

(1395 November 3, 1461) was Prince-Archbishop of the Prince-Archbishopric of

Salzburg from 1452 until his death on November 3, 1461.

Burchard of Weissbruch

(1420 or 1423 February 16, 1466) was Prince-Archbishop of the Prince-Archbishopric of

Salzburg from 1461 until his death on February 16, 1466. He was probably born at Weipriach Castle in the
Salzburg Lungau region about 1420 or 1423, the son of Burkhard von Weisbriach the Elder and Anna of LiechtensteinKastelkorn.The Lords of Weibriach had served as ministeriales and local administrators of the Salzburg archbishops for
centuries. Burkhard enrolled in the University of Vienna in 1437, studying theology and law. After he completed his education,
he traveled to Rome, where he became a protonotary apostolic. He became a canon of Salzburg Cathedral in 1448 and
its provost in 1452. Throughout the 1450s, he served as an envoy from the Habsburg emperor Frederick IIIand his brother
Archduke Albert VI of Austria to the court of Pope Nicholas V in Rome. He repeatedly tried to alleviate the ongoing fratricidal
conflict between the Habsburg rulers, though to no avail. In March 1459, the emperor sent him to Siena to congratulate Pope
Pius II on his recent election to the papacy. In November, he intervened in the Council of Mantua. In the conflict of
Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa, Prince-Bishop of Brixen with Archduke Siegmund of Austria-Tyrol, he likewise sided with the
Habsburg dynasty. In the secret consistory celebrated in Siena on March 5, 1460, Pope Pius II made him a cardinal. His
appointment as a cardinal was announced in the consistory held in Viterbo on May 31, 1462, and he received the titular
church of Santi Nereo e Achilleo at that time.He did not participate in the papal conclave of 1464 that elected Pope Paul II. On
November 16, 1461, the cathedral chapter of Salzburg Cathedral unanimously selected him as the new Prince-Archbishop of
Salzburg. Pope Pius II confirmed his election on January 15, 1462 and sent the pallium on January 18, 1462. Weisbriach took
possession of the archbishopric on January 23, 1462. He wasconsecrated as a bishop by Ulrich Plankenfels, Bishop of
Chiemsee, on May 9, 1462. Burkhard turned out to be a strong proponent of nepotism granting several governmental offices
to his relatives. In summer 1462, he sparked a tax revolt in the Archbishopric after he had quadrupled rents in some
areas.The violence was most pronounced in the Pongau, Pinzgau, and Brixental. The dispute was eventually settled through
the mediation of Duke Louis IX of Bavaria.The cardinal had Hohensalzburg Castle and the Salzburg town fortifications
significantly enlarged. In 1465, he founded an Augustinian collegiate church in Mlln.He died in Salzburg on February 16,
1466. He is buried in Salzburg Cathedral.

Bernhard II of Rohr (1421 March 21, 1487) was Prince-Archbishop of the Prince-Archbishopric of Salzburg from 1466
until 1482 and Administrator of the Bishopric of Wiena from 1482 until his death on March 21, 1487.

John III Peckenschlager

(1435 - December 15, 1489) was Prince-Archbishop of the Prince-Archbishopric of Salzburg

from 1482 until his death on December 15, 1489, Bishop of the Bishopric of Groswardein from 1465 until 1468, Bishop of the
Bishopric of Eger from 1468 until his death on December 15, 1489, Archbishop of the Archbishopric of Gran from 1473 until
1487 and Administrator of the Bishopric of Wiena from 1480 until 1482.

Friedrich V of Schallenburg

(died October 4, 1494) was Prince-Archbishop of the Prince-Archbishopric of Salzburg

from 1489 until his death on October 4, 1494.

Sigismund II of Hollenegg

(died July 3, 1495) was Prince-Archbishop of the Prince-Archbishopric of Salzburg from

1494 until his death on July 3, 1495.

Leonhard von Keutschach

(1442 June 9, 1519) was Prince-Archbishop of the Prince-Archbishopric of Salzburg

from 1495 until his death on June 8, 1519. He was probably born at Viktring in Carinthia, the son of Otto von Keutschach, a
judge at the manorial court (Hofrichter), and Gertrud von Mderndorf. The Keutschach family came from the northern shore
of Lake Keutschach. Their arms are a whiteturnip on a black field. Leonhard started out as canon of the Augustinian order
and provost of Eberndorf Abbey. In 1490 he was promoted as provost of the Salzburg chapter and in 1495 was elected princearchbishop. In 1498 he again expelled the Salzburg Jews, who had returned to the area since their banishment in 1404, and
had their synagogues at Salzburg and Hallein destroyed. The City of Salzburg was politically unstable, after in 1481
Emperor Frederick III of Habsburg had granted its citizens the privilege to elect its own council and mayor, which was the

cause of a protracted struggle with the ruling archbishops. In 1511, Leonhard ended the unrest: He invited
the mayor and councillors for a gala dinner, had them imprisoned and forced them to renounce their rights.
He proceeded to cement his position with nepotism, nominating relatives in key positions; he however had
to accept Matthus Lang von Wellenburg, a former secretary of Emperor Maximilian I of Habsburg as
coadjutorbishop. Leonhard died at Salzburg, spending his last years unsuccessfully battling his coadjutor,
who would succeed him in 1519. Leonhard was an effective ruler, he reformed the archbishopric's finances,
paying off old debts and developing the economy by farming out, increasing the salt production, the silver
and gold mines and promoting trade. His efforts made Salzburg one of the richest states of the Holy Roman
Empire, starting a long tradition of a local culture rich in music and art. Leonhard also used his wealth to buy
back lands sold by his predecessors to cover their debt and to support Emperor Maximilian I financially,
which brought further economic and political advantages. He expanded the defenses of the city, notably by
strengthening Hohensalzburg Castle and a large number of castles in Salzburg and Carinthia. He ordered the construction of
river dams around Hallein to protect the city from spring floods, but he also had the Radstdter Tauern Pass road and a
number of new long distance routes constructed to promote trade. He crowned his economic achievements by a coinage
reform (Rbentaler) that was the basis for the modern Salzburger monetary system. A decree promulgated by Archbishop
Leonhard in 1504 was one of the earliest actions in Europe to officially protect threatened animal species, including
the Northern Bald Ibis, which nevertheless became extinct in Central Europe.

Matthus Lang von Wellenburg

(1469 March 30, 1540) was Prince-Archbishop of the PrinceArchbishopric of Salzburg from 1519 until his death on March 30, 1540, Bishop of the Bishopric of Gurk from
1505 until 1522, Bishop of the Bishopric of Cartagena from 1510 until his death on March 30, 1540 and
Cardinal-Bishop of the Bishopric of the Suburbicarian diocese of Albano from 1335 until his death on March
30, 1540. Matthus Lang was the son of a burgher of Augsburg and later received the noble title
of Wellenburg after a castle near his hometown that came into his possession in 1507. After studying
at Ingolstadt, Vienna and Tbingen he entered the service of Emperor Frederick III of Habsburg and quickly
made his way to the front. He was also one of the most trusted advisers of Frederick's son and
successor Maximilian I, and his services were rewarded in 1500 with the provostship of the cathedral at Augsburg and five
years later with the position of the Bishop of Gurk. He also received the Bishopric of Cartagena in Murcia. in 1510 and was
appointed cardinal by Pope Julius II one year later. In 1514 he became coadjutor to Leonhard von Keutschach, the
Salzburg Prince-Archbishop, whom he succeeded in 1519. He received the title of a Cardinal Bishop of theSuburbicarian
diocese of Albano in 1535. In the course of the Protestant Reformation Lang's adherence to the older faith, together with his
pride and arrogance, made him very unpopular in his Salzburg diocese. As early as in 1523 he was involved in a serious
struggle with his subjects in the City of Salzburg, and in 1525, during the German Peasants' War, he had again to fight hard to
hold his own. Insurgents occupied the town of Hallein, devastated the archbishop's Burg Hohenwerfen and even laid siege to
his residence at Hohensalzburg, until they were finally defeated with the aid of troops provided by the Swabian League.
Cardinal Lang was one of the chief ministers of Charles V; he played an important part in the tangled international
negotiations of his time; and he was always loyal to his imperial masters. Not without reason has he been compared
withCardinal Wolsey. The writer and courtier Maximilianus Transylvanus, a secretary to Charles V, is often said to be a son of
Lang's (seeMaximilianus Transylvanus for this discussion). In any case, Transylvanus addressed his De Moluccis Insulis, the
first published description of Magellan's voyage around the world, to Lang.

Michael of Khuenburg (October 10, 1514 November 17, 1560) was Prince-Archbishop of

the Prince-Archbishopric of

Salzburg from 1554 until his death on November 17, 1560.

John Jacob of Khun-Bellasy

(1515 May 15, 1586) was Prince-Archbishop of the Prince-Archbishopric of Salzburg

from 1560 until his death on May 15, 1586.

George of Kuenburg

(1530 January 25, 1587) was Prince-Archbishop of the Prince-Archbishopric of Salzburg from
1586 until his death on January 25, 1587.

Wolf Dietrich von Raitenau

(March 26, 1559 January 16, 1617) was Prince-Archbishop of the

Prince-Archbishopric of Salzburg from 1587 until 1612. Raitenau was born at Hofen Castle
in Lochau near Bregenz in Further Austria, the son of the Habsburg colonel Hans Werner von Raitenau and
Helene von Hohenems, a niece of Pope Pius IV, sister of Markus Sitticus von Hohenems Altemps as well as
sister-in-law of Cardinal Charles Borromeo. Wolf Dietrich received an ecclesiastical education at the Collegium
Germanicum in Rome and became a member of the Salzburg chapter in 1578. After his election in 1587 he
continued the harsh measures of the Counter-Reformation initiated by his predecessors and in 1588 had
all Protestants expelled from the city of Salzburg. In his later years however, Raitenau developed a milder attitude and won
fame as an art collector and a builder who significantly promoted the spread of theBaroque architecture north of the Alps.
Raitenau's rule was brought down after he had entered into a fierce conflict with his mighty neighbour Duke Maximilian I of
Bavaria: In 1609 the Prince-Bishop refused to join Maximilian's Catholic League and in 1611 he invaded the Berchtesgaden
Provostry, which was also claimed by the Bavarian House of Wittelsbach. In the subsequent clashes of arms, Raitenau on his
flight to Carinthia was captured, deposed and imprisoned for life at Burg Hohenwerfen by his nephew and successor Markus
Sittikus von Hohenems. After the Salzburg Cathedral was devastated by a fire on the night of December 11, 1598, Raitenau
had plans set up for a lavish reconstruction by the Venetian architect Vincenzo Scamozzi, who also drew up a master plan for
the adjacent Residenzplatz square and designed the Alte Residenz. In 1606 the Prince-Bishop had the Palace of Mirabell built
in Salzburg for his mistress Salome Alt.

Marcus Sittich of Hohenems (June 21, 1574 October 9, 1519) was Prince-Archbishop of

the PrinceArchbishopric of Salzburg from 1612 until his death on October 9, 1619. Mark Sittich von Hohenems was born
in Hohenems on June 24, 1574. Following the death of his uncle Wolf Dietrich Raitenau in 1612, the cathedral
chapter of Salzburg Cathedral elected him to be the new Prince-Archbishop of Salzburg on March 18, 1612. He
was consecrated as a bishop by Ehrenfried von Kuenburg, Bishop of Chiemsee, on October 7, 1612. As
Archbishop, he was no puppet of Maximilian I, Elector of Bavaria, refusing to enter the Catholic League. He was,
however, unable to keep the Archbishopric of Salzburg out of the Thirty Years' War. He employed Vincenzo
Scamozzi as architect for the new Salzburg Cathedral, with the foundation stone of the new building being laid
in 1614. He also commissioned Santino Solari to build the Hellbrunn Palace, including its famous fountains. He was thus a
major figure in promoting Baroque architecture north of the Alps. He died on October 9, 1619.

Paris von Lodron

(February 13, 1586 December 15, 1655) was Prince-Archbishop of the Prince-Archbishopric of
Salzburg from 1619 until his death on December 15, 1655. Paris von Lodron was born on February 13, 1586 in the Tyrolean
village of Lagarina. Paris Lodron was elected Prince Archbishop of Salzburg on November 13, 1619. The papal bull confirming

his appointment as archbishop was issued on March 3, 1621 and his right to wear and use the pallium was
conceded on April 19, 1621 (an archbishop may not exercise any of his official functions nor perform any
episcopal act until they've been granted the right to wear and use the pallium). He is primarily known for two
of his initiatives: He founded a university in Salzburg in 1622. Although closed in 1810 when Salzburg was
affiliated with Bavaria, the Paris-Lodron University of Salzburg re-opened in 1962 and is again a thriving
institution. He arranged for the city to be fortified by the architect Santino Solari and, through a combination
of political skill and defensive preparation, managed to keep Salzburg relatively untouched by the Thirty
Years' War which raged through most of central Europe from 1618 through to 1648. He is also responsible for:
He was consecrating the newly rebuilt Salzburg Cathedral on September 25, 1628. He was founding a
number of seminaries for the training of priests including the Schneeherrn Canonical Chapter in Salzburg
Cathedral (1631) and the Collegiate Chapter in Tittmoning (1633). Granting asylum to a group of Swedish nuns from Landshut
in 1635 and having the Maria Loreto Convent built for them. He was establishing the Marianum School (1645) and the
Rupertinum College (1653) which provided accommodation for non-resident students. Prince Archbishop Paris Lodron passed
away on December 15, 1653. He is buried in Salzburg Cathedral.

Guidobald of Thun

(December 16, 1616 June 1, 1668) was Prince-Archbishop of the PrinceArchbishopric of Salzburg from 1654 until his death on June 1, 1668 and Prince-Bishop of the Prince-Bishopric
of Regensburg from 1666 until his death on June 1, 1668.

Maximilian Gandalf of Kuenburg

Archbishop of
Bishopric
of

(October 30, 1622 May 3, 1687) was Princethe Prince-Archbishopric of Salzburg from 1668 until his death on May 3, 1687, Bishop of the
Lavant from 1654 until 1665 and Bishop of the Bishopric of Seckau from 1665 until 1670.

Johann Ernst von Thun (July 3, 1743 April 20, 1709) was Prince-Archbishop of the
Prince-Archbishopric of Salzburg from 1787 until his death on April 20, 1709 and Bishop of the Bishopric of
Seckau from 1679 until 1687. He was originally from Tyrol and he displayed a marked antipathy to the Italian
designers and tastemakers that were emulated by many Austrians at the time. Upon his accession, he halted
work on a church being built for an Italian order of monks and denied payment to Italian craftsmen. The
archbishop is best remembered as patron of the architect Johann Bernhard Fischer von Erlach, a leader of
AustrianBaroque church architecture. In 1697, the archbishop obliged all graduates of Salzburg's university to
swear belief in theImmaculate Conception. Upon his death, Archbishop von Thun had his brain deposited in
the university chapel, his entrails (symbolizing compassion) deposited in his Hospital Church, and his heart
interred at his favorite Church of the Trinity.
Francis Anton von Harrach zu Rorau (October 2, 1665 July 18, 1727) was Prince-Archbishop
of the Prince-Archbishopric of Salzburg from 1709 until his death on July 18, 1727 and Bishop of the
Bishopric of Wiena from 1702 until 1705.

Leopold Anton von Firmian (May 27, 1679 October 22, 1747) was PrinceArchbishop
of
the Prince-Archbishopric of Salzburg from 1727 until his death on October 22, 1747,
Bishop of the
Bishopric of Lavant from 1718 until 1724, Bishop of the Bishopric of Seckau from 1724
until 1727 and
Bishop of the Bishopric of Laibach in 1727. He was born in Munich, on his father's side to
the Freiherren
(Barons) dynasty von Firmian descending from Sigmundskron (Formigar) Castle in Tyrol,
by
virtue
of
being the son of Countess Maria Viktoria von Thun and the Imperial envoy Franz Wilhelm
Freiherr
von
Firmian. His maternal uncle Count Johann Ernst von Thun was Bishop of Seckau from
1679 until 1687
and Prince-Archbishop of Salzburg from 1687 to 1709. Leopold Anton von Firmian was
the uncle of
cardinal Leopold Ernst von Firmian, also prince-bishop of Passau. His nephew, Karl Joseph
von Firmian, the
Austrian plenipotentiary minister in Milan, was renowned as a patron of the arts,
including poets such asGiuseppe Parini, musicians such as Johann Ernst Eberlin and painters such as Giambettino Cignaroli.
While Leopold Anton was an early patron of Leopold Mozart; the nephew, count Karl Firmian appears to have been one of the
patrons for Amadeus Mozart's opera in Milan: Mitridate, Re di Ponto circa 1770. Firmian had prepared for an ecclesiastical
career, received his ordination in Rome in 1707 and became provost of the Salzburg chapter in 1713. Pope Clement
XIappointed him Bishop of Lavant in 1718. Pope Benedict XIII also made him Bishop of Seckau in 1724. On October 4, 1727
he was elected Archbishop of Salzburg. He had Schloss Klessheim finished and Schloss Leopoldskron erected as his private
residence. Firmian was a fierce advocate of the Counter-Reformation pursued in his Salzburg lands by the Jesuit order, who
however could not prevail against widespreadCrypto-protestantism. On October 31, 1731, the 214th anniversary of Martin
Luther's nailing of his 95 Theses to the Wittenberg School door, Archbishop Count Leopold Anton von Firmian signed an Edict
of Expulsion of Protestants contradicting the 1648 Peace of Westphalia, declaring that all Protestants in the bishopric of
Salzburg were rebels, who had to recant their non-Catholic beliefs or be banished within days. To the archbishop's surprise,
over 20 thousand citizens professed Protestant beliefs and were exiled. Many of those who survived the flight were received
by King Frederick William I of Prussia and settled aroundGumbinnen in the East Prussian province. Others, including the miller
Petrus Wimbisfelder, settled in the estuary of the river Schelde, near the coast of Zeeuws Vlaanderen - a part of the province
of Zeeland in the Netherlands. The expulsion caused vehement protest by the Protestant Imperial Estates and did severe
damage to Salzburg's economy. Archbishop Firmian is buried at the crypt of Salzburg Cathedral.
Andreas Jacob of Dietrichstein

(May 27, 1689 January 5, 1753) was Prince-Archbishop of the PrinceArchbishopric of Salzburg from 1747 until his death on January 5, 1753.

Sigismund III of Schrattenbach

(February 28, 1698 December 16, 1771)

was Prince-Archbishop of the Prince-Archbishopric of Salzburg from 1753 until his
death on December 16, 1771. He was born in Graz, the son of Otto Heinrich, Graf von
Schrattenbach, and Maria Theresa, Countess of Wildenstein and formerly Baroness Gall
After studying theology, Schrattenbach was ordained a priest in 1723. He became
Salzburg after the death ofAndreas Jakob Graf von Dietrichstein, and was himself
his death by Hieronymus von Colloredo. Michael Haydnwrote a Requiem in his honor,
Salzburg under the reign of Colloredo. Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, on the other hand,
Schrattenbach died in Salzburg, aged 73. His funeral service on January 2, 1772 was
the first performance of Michael Haydn's Missa pro defunctis Archespiscopo.

von Gallenstein.
Archbishop
of
succeeded after
and stayed in
left soon after.
the occasion for

Hieronymus von Colloredo

(May 31, 1732 May 20, 1812)) was Prince-Archbishop of the

Prince-Archbishopric of Salzburg from 1772 until 1803, when the Archbishopric of Salzburg was
secularized and Bishop of the Bishopric of Gurk from 1761 until 1772. He was born in Vienna, Austria,
the second son of Count Rudolf Wenzel Joseph Colloredo von Wallsee und Melz (1706-1788), a highranking Imperial official. Hieronymus was brought up in a strict religious household, and since his health
did not allow him to pursue a military career, he was educated at the Theresianum Academy in Vienna,
and studied philosophy at the University of Vienna and theology at the Collegium Germanicum et
Hungaricum in Rome. The Prince-Archbishopric of Salzburg fell vacant in December 1771, and (with
considerable pressure from the Imperial court in Vienna), Colloredo was elected Prince-Archbishop on
March 14, 1772 on the 13th ballot. According to Clive, "it was an unpopular choice in Salzburg whose
citizens remained cool to him until the end." Clive continues, "he was extremely autocratic and his dictatorial attitude at
times provoked the hostility of the cathedral chapter and of civic officials." During his thirty years as ruler of Salzburg,
Colloredo implemented reforms similar to those carried out in the Austrian Empire under Joseph II; see Josephinism. According
to Halliwell, he "was ultimately successful in his main aims, but the struggle was a perpetual one ... Colloredo had to
establish like-minded people in each institution -- ecclesiastical, educational, legal, medical, fiscal, administrative and
publicistic -- and persuade the reluctant populace to change its entire mentality." Halliwell adds that Colloredo "attracted
European-wide admiration for his efforts." Colloredo also resembled Joseph II in moving the Roman Catholic religion within his
domains in a direction similar to Protestantism. Halliwell writes: "Pilgrimages and superstitious practices were banned,
processions were restricted, church decoration was limited, musical settings of the Mass were shortened and sacred German
hymns introduced ... These changes led to deep resentment, and Colloredo and the architect of the pastoral letter [that
implemented the policy], Johann Michael Bnike, were called 'secret Lutherans'. Colloredo was still the head of state when
the Napoleonic Wars began, destabilizing political arrangements throughout Europe. On December 12, 1801, as French
troops under Napoleon drew near to occupying the city, Colloredo fled Salzburg, never to return. In 1803, Salzburg was
secularized, ending the rule of the Prince-Archbishop, and Colloredo resigned as head of state. [4] Salzburg was awarded
instead to the Grand Duke of Tuscany, who had lost his own state in the Napoleonic upheavals. Later, Salzburg was
incorporated into Austria (1805), then Bavaria (1809), then finally into Austria again (1816). Colloredo remained the
ecclesiastical head of the diocese (but not in residence) until his death, aged 79, at Vienna in 1812. Colloredo is well known to
history as a patron and employer of Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart. He became exceptionally annoyed with Mozart's frequent
absences. After a number of arguments, he ultimately dismissed him with the words, "Soll er doch gehen, ich brauche ihn
nicht!" ("May he leave, I don't need him!") Leopold Mozart stayed in Salzburg but "continued to bemoan the failure to replace
musicians who had left or died, and the consequent shambles in the court music."Colloredo "sometimes played the violin in
the court orchestra."

Principality of Sternstein
The Sternstein was the Princely County situated in the north of Upper Austria, Austria in the districts of Bad Leonfelden and
Vorderweienbach.

List of Princely Counts (title Frst Lobkowitz, Gefrstete Graf von Sternstein) of the
Sternstein Princely County
Ferdinand August (1655 October 13, 1715) was Princely Count of the Sternstein Princely County from 1689 until his
death on October 13, 1715.

Philip Hyazinth (1680 December 21, 1735) was Princely Count of the Sternstein County from 1715 until his death on
December 21, 1735.

Ferdinand

(1724 January 14, 1784) was Princely Count of the Sternstein County from 1735 until his death on January

14, 1784.

Joseph Franz Maximilian (1772 - 1816) was Princely Count of the Sternstein County from 1784 until July 12, 1806.

Vorarlberg
Vorarlberg was once part of the Roman Empire in the Roman province of Raetia; it then fell under the rule of the Bavarians.
Subsequently, the region was settled by the Bavarians and the Lombards and later fell under the rule of the Counts of
Montfort until 1525, when the Habsburgs took control.[2] The historically Germanic province, which was a gathering together
of former bishoprics, was still ruled in part by a few semi-autonomous countsand surviving bishoprics until the start of World
War I. Vorarlberg was a part of Further Austria, and parts of the area were ruled by the Counts Montfort of Vorarlberg.
Following World War I there was a desire by many in Vorarlberg to join Switzerland. In a referendum held in Vorarlberg on May

11, 1919, over 80% of those voting supported a proposal for the state to join the Swiss Confederation. However this was
prevented by the opposition of theAustrian government, the Allies, Swiss liberals, the Swiss-Italians and the Swiss-French.

List of Counts of Vorarlberg

Sebastian Froschauer (1801 - 1884) was a Count of Vorarlberg from 1861 until 1873.
Anton Jussel (1816 - 1878) was a Count of Vorarlberg from 1873 until his death in 1878.
Carl Graf Belrupt-Tissac (1826 - 1903) was a Count of Vorarlberg from 1878 until 1890.
Adolf Rhomberg (1851 - 1921) was a Count of Vorarlberg from 1890 until 1918.

Lajtabnsg
Lajtabnsg (German: Leitha-Banat) was a short-lived western Hungarian state in the region where the Austrian federal
stateof Burgenland now exists. It existed between October 4 and November 5, 1921, following the Treaty of Trianon and the
departure of the rump Kingdom of Hungary's army and before the region was annexed by Austria. The principal leaders of the
state were Pl Prnay, Count Gyula Ostenburg-Moravek and former Hungarian prime minister Istvn Friedrich. Its military was
the Rongyos Grda ("Ragged Guards" or "Scrubby Guards"), recruited from peasants and students devoted to retaining the
region rather than surrender it to Austria.

List of Principal leaders of Lajtabnsg

Pl Prnay de Ttprna et Blatnicza (November

2, 1874 December 1944/February 1945?) was a Hungarian

reactionary and paramilitary commander in the years following the First World War. He is considered to have been the most
brutal of the Hungarian National Army officers who led the White Terror that followed Hungarys brief 1919 Communist coup
d'tat. He was principal leader of Lajtabnsg (German: Leitha-Banat) was a short-lived western Hungarian state in the region
where the Austrian federal stateof Burgenland from October 4 and November 5, 1921 The Hungarian people considered
themselves humiliated and dismembered by the victors of the First World War. The Entente Powersstripped away two-thirds of
the nations territory and awarded them to Hungarys neighbors. With the lands went one-third of the country's Hungarianspeaking nationals. Humiliation was inflamed by political instability. The first post-war attempt at a democratic government,
under Prime Minister Mihly Krolyi, floundered and was overthrown in March 1919 by a Communist coup. Its leader, Bla
Kun, had Jewish roots and Soviet training. Popular at first, Kuns so-called Hungarian Soviet Republic quickly lost the approval
of the people, principally because of its failed economic policies, its inept military efforts to reclaim lost Hungarian lands from
Czechoslovakia and Romania, and the Red Terror, in which Bolshevik-style gangs of young leather-clad thugs beat and
murdered hundreds of the regimes bourgeois or counter-revolutionary opponents. An alternative government struggled to
form in the south of Hungary and secure the approval of the Entente powers; military affairs were placed in the hands of the
former commander of the Austro-Hungarian fleet, Admiral Miklos Horthy, who forged a counter-revolutionary force and called
it the National Army. Horthy called for Hungarian officers to join; Pl Prnay was one of the first. Prnay was born in 1875 to a
minor gentry family in the town of Romhany, in northern Hungary. He attended the Lahne Military Institute, but advanced
slowly in his officers career, in part because he was abusive and violent toward his own men. After Kuns coup d'tat, Prnay
considered emigrating, but instead he traveled to Szeged in the south, where he joined Horthy, taking command of the
admirals bodyguards. He also began a close association with Gyula Gmbs, the right-wing politician and future prime
minister. In the summer of 1919, Prnay formed the first partisan militia of what would later be called the White Guard. As
the National Army moved through the countryside and gathered momentum, Prnay and other officers began a two-year
campaign of anti-Communist reprisals which are now known as the White Terror. Their goals were to exact revenge for the
Communists transgressions and to frighten a restless and volatile population into submitting to the counter-revolutionary
government's control. Prnay also sought to restore the traditional good relations between the landlords and estate
servants, which in essence meant enforcing obedience by the Hungarian servant class. Prnay's name is essentially
synonymous with the cruelty of the worst White Terror reprisals. He selected his targets from among Communists, Social
Democrats (Hungary's second Marxist political party), peasants, and Jews, whom many in the National Army blamed
wholesale for the failed and bloody Communist coup d'tat because 5575% of its leaders were Jewish. Unlike some agents of
terror, Prnay never saw any need to disguise or mitigate his acts of torture and humiliation, and in his later writings, he
described them with undimmed relish. His unit kidnapped and blackmailed Jewish merchants and hacked off the breasts of
peasant and Jewish women. They slashed off the ears of their victims to keep as trophies, and fed the boiler of the battalions
armored train with the bodies of their prisoners, some of them alive. Prnay and his men liked to bring a demonic creativity to
their humiliations. They sprinkled powdered sugar onto the battered and swollen faces of the men they bludgeoned, so as to
attract hundreds of flies; they fastened leashes of string to their prisoners genitals and then whipped them to run in circles;
and they tied their victims into stables and forced them eat hay. Although technically soldiers in the National Army, Prnays
men did not follow the standard chain of command. Prnay demanded, and received, suicidal loyalty to himself; soldiers were
expected to follow the most brutal orders without hesitation, and those who had no stomach for these activities were
expunged from the unit. The Soviet Republic collapsed in August 1919, as the invading Romanian army (supported by French
occupational troops) reached the Hungarian capital, Budapest. Kun and his allies fled, and the White Terror intensified. The
savagery of the White Terror cannot be blamed on Prnay alone. Other commanders, notably Ivan Hejjas, Gyula Ostenberg
and Anton Lehr, led similar squadrons and committed similar brutalities. But Prnay seems to have outdone these
colleagues in both fanaticism and cruelty. In November 1919, Romanian troops withdrew. When Horthy and the National Army

consolidated their control over the capital and the nation, Pronay installed his unit in Hotel Britannia, where
the group grew to battalion level. The program of vicious attacks continued; their plan included a citywide pogrom until Horthy put a stop to it. In his diary, Prnay reported that Horthy ...reproached me for the
many Jewish corpses found in the various parts of the country, especially in the Transdanubia. This, he
emphasized, gave the foreign press extra ammunitions against us. He told me that we should stop harassing
small Jews; instead, we should kill some big Jews such as Somogyi or Vazsonyi these people deserve
punishment much more in vain, I tried to convince him that the liberal papers would be against us anyway,
and it did not matter that we killed only one Jew or we killed them all. After the establishment of the
Kingdom of Hungary, the terror continued. But tolerance for the reactionary violence was waning in the corridors of power.
The White Guard units, particularly Prnays, were increasingly difficult to control, behaving less like army units and more like
self-serving renegade gangs. Their savagery was outraging Hungarys upper class, and drawing negative international press;
it may also have hardened the feelings of the Entente powers toward Hungary at a crucial moment, just before the
ratification of the Trianon Treaty. Nevertheless, it was at least another year before the terror died down. In the summer of
1920, Horthys government took measures to rein in and eventually disperse the reactionary battalions. Prnay managed to
undermine these anti-White Guard measures, but only for a short time. After Prnays men were implicated in the murder of
a Budapest policeman in November 1920, his bosses permissiveness declined sharply. The following summer, Pronay was put
on trial for extorting a wealthy Jewish politician, and for insulting the President of the Parliament by trying to cover up the
extortion. Found guilty on both charges, Prnay was now a liability and an embarrassment. His command was revoked, and
he was denounced as a common criminal on the floor of the Hungarian parliament. After serving short sentences, Prnay
tried to convince Horthy to restore his battalion command. The regent turned him down. Furious with his former patron,
whom he now condemned as a useless windbag, Prnay moved to the Austrian border, where he continued his atrocities, and
proclaimed himself Supreme Leader of a buffer state (the Banat of Leitha). Finally, in the fall of 1921, Prnay joined in the
second failed attempt to oust Horthy and restore the Habsburg Charles IV, to the throne. Horthy at last permanently severed
his ties with Prnay. The Prnay Battalion lingered for a few months more under the command of a junior officer, but the
government officially dissolved the unit in January 1922 and expelled its members from the army. Prnay entered politics as a
member of the government's right-wing opposition. In the 1930s, he sought and failed to emulate the Nazis by generating a
Hungarian fascist mass movement. In 1932, he was charged with incitement, sentenced to six months in prison and stripped
of his rank of lieutenant colonel. In October 1944, as Budapest descended into chaos at the end of the Second World War, 69year-old Prnay assembled a death squad and resumed his hunt for the old objects of his hatred, Hungarian Jews. He
vanished in the wars final weeks, and is believed to have fallen during the siege of Budapest.

Ostenburg - Morawek Gyula

(Targu Mures, December 2, 1884 - Budapest, January 12, 1944) was a

principal leader of Lajtabnsg (German: Leitha-Banat) was a short-lived western Hungarian state in the region
where the Austrian federal state of Burgenland from October 4 and November 5, 1921.

List of Directing Ministers of State for Interior Affairs of the

Habsburg Monarchy
Friedrich Wilhelm von Haugwitz

(German: Friedrich Wilhelm Graf von Haugwitz), Czech: Fridrich Vilm Haugwitz;
December 11, 1702, Saxony September 11, 1765, Deutsch Knnitz (Czech: Miroslavsk Knnice), or Knnitz (Czech:
Knnice), both Habsburg Moravia) was Supreme Chancellor of the United Court Chancery and the head of Directorium in
publicis et cameralibus (Directing Minister of State for Interior Affairs) of the Habsburg Monarchy from May 10, 1749 until his
death on September 11, 1765 under Maria Theresa of Austria. He also served as one of the key advisors in instituting Maria
Theresa's reforms. Haugwitz attempted to bring both centralization and economic reform to the Habsburg lands. In this
position, Haugwitz presided over the hereditary lands of the Habsburg Monarchy. After 1760, the chancery also dealt in the
affairs of Bohemia. The Directorium in publicis et cameralibus became a centralized agency established with the advisement
of Haugwitz to deal with matters such as international administration and taxation, public safety, social welfare, education,
church matters, mining and commerce. It is clear from Maria Theresas testament that Haugwitz was one of her most valued
advisors. He was truly sent to me by Providence, for to break the deadlock I needed such a man, honorable, disinterested,
without predispositions, and with neither ambition nor hangers-on, who supported what was good because he saw it to be
good Haugwitz, as a student of the Austrian cameralist, Wilhelm von Schrder, learned hostility towards the wealthy
estates. Haugwitz was also an admirer of the reforms and new administration in the Prussian province of Silesia. He intended
to change economic and administrative institutions through compartmentalization of government functions, education,
centralization of the economy and provision of economic information to the monarchy. In terms of compartmentalization,
Haugwitz instituted a separation of judicial matters from political and fiscal matters by instituting a new High Court (Oberste
Justizstelle). Regional courts functioned directly beneath the Empress with each departmental chief supervising his own
affairs. Haugwitz also focused on another important initiative to bring modern economic thought to students. Maria Theresa
had established the Theresianum to train noble children for civil service. Through this institution, Haugwitz planned to bring
about economic modernization. To catalyze this modernization and establish Vienna as a place of economic discourse,
Haugwitz brought Johann Heinrich Gottlob Justi to Vienna, first to teach German as the language of administration and later to
train students according to both German Kameralism and modern economic theories and practices. As both a former soldier
in Prussia and a Protestant, Justi was not well liked in Vienna. Because of this mistrust, Justi lacked the access to pertinent
economic data required to execute his theories. Society was also not prepared for modern economic thought because of the
traditionally Jesuit nature of scholarship and the division of the Habsburg economy into various regional and local economies.
In 1746, under the direction of Haugwitz, in an attempt to bring about economic centralization, the Directorium was

established as a central agency to supervise the lands in the monarchy and make recommendations
about economic improvements. In 1749, the government established Representationen und Cammern
as local offices of the Directorium chiefly as mechanisms for supervising tax policy. Because of this
economic centralization, Haugwitz provided Emperor Joseph II with an unprecedented amount of
information about the economies of the states over which he would reign. As part of Joseph IIs
education, he received an extensive overview of the economic makeup of each state. Such a report was
unprecedented because it would traditionally have been viewed as an intrusion in the affairs normally
reserved to the estates. All of these reforms helped to bring about the eventual peak of mercantilism in
the 1760s. Military reforms complimented Haugwitzs economic initiatives. Due to his belief in the need
for immediate supremacy of the sovereign over the army, and the maintenance of an adequate body of
troops even in time of peace, Haugwitz contributed to military reform in both funding and the development of a standing
army. To protect the monarchy, Haugwitz recommended a standing army of 108,000 supported by contributions by the
estates of 14 million gulden. To avoid the previous issues in estates' withholding of contributions, or the tedious process of
frequent appeals to the estates, Haugwitz instituted the Ten Years Recess. Under this program, despite the resistance of the
estates, the estates would guarantee payment for ten years. This period abolished the previous fluctuations in finances.
Previously, when taxes were levied from the estates, the estates disagreed amongst themselves over the amount levied,
divided the sum among the various estates, collected taxes from the peasantry, deducted from these taxes and then
distributed the remainder to the monarchy. In this reform, Representationen und Cammern collected the taxes in order that
the greatest portion of the levy would be distributed to the monarchy. In addition to these military finance reforms, Haugwitz
instituted reforms within the military. A policy quite close to conscription was established. Uniform dress was required of
soldiers in order to foster national spirit. Haugwitz advocated the usage of Prussian fighting tactics. A training school was
founded to train officers in these tactics. Despite the large-scale nature and depth of Haugwitzs reforms, their efficacy was
not as great as he had intended. Haugwitzs attempt to transform the monarchy from a feudal aristocracy to a wellorganised-despotism was incomplete. (Franck p. 190) The superior court system that established local judges, while initially
an attempt at both centralization and organization brought about the opposite due to the tremendous autonomy of each
departmental chief. Furthermore, the reforms had limited scope, because they were not aimed at nor did they have any effect
on Hungary, Transylvania, Austria, the Netherlands, or Lombardy. The beginning of the Seven Years War in 1757 thwarted the
development of many of the reforms. In false defense of his failing policies, Haugwitz argued that the reforms were only for
peacetime. Eventually, Haugwitzs Directorium was stripped of its military and financial functions and renamed the
Bohemian and Austrian Court Chancellery. Most power now became centered in the Council of State headed by Wenzel Anton
Graf Kaunitz. Kaunitz, a historic foe of Haugwitz, replaced him in instituting policies. However, Haugwitzs policies would have
an effect throughout the reign of Maria Theresa and later in the reign of Joseph II. Early in his career the composer Joseph
Haydn was briefly in Count Haugwitz's employ, playing the organ in the Bohemian Chancellery chapel at the Judenplatz.

Johann Georg Adam von Starhemberg,

since 1765 Frst von Starhemberg (prince of Starhemberg) (August

10, 1724, London - April 19, 1807, Vienna) was an Austrian diplomat, minister, chief chamberlain and close confidant of
Empress Maria Theresa. He was the Directing Minister of State for Interior Affairs of the Habsburg Monarchy from September
2, 1766 until December 15, 1771 under Maria Theresa of Austria. Georg Adam was born in London as the fifth son to the
Imperial envoy Konrad Sigmund Graf von Starhemberg (16891727) and his wife Leopoldine, ne Frstin von Lwenstein.
King George I became his godfather. He had two notable greatuncles. Gundaker Thomas von Starhemberg (16631745), a
financial expert at the court in Vienna who played a key role in the education of Georg Adam and Count Ernst Rdiger von
Starhemberg (16381701), the military governor of Vienna and leading figure in the Battle of Vienna and the subsequent
Great Turkish War from 1683 to 1699. In 1727, when Georg Adam was three years of age, he experienced the loss of his
father who died at the age of just 38 years. Georg Adam received his education in Vienna conducted under the auspices of his
mother and his greatuncle, Austrian minister of finance Gundaker Thomas von Starhemberg. Subsequently he did his Grand
Tour; in the company of a mentor he visited a number of capitals and courts in Europe. In 1742, at the age of 18, Count Georg
Adam von Starhemberg joined Austrian civil service. In 1748, he was appointed 'Aulic Councillor of the Empire' (Reichshofrat)
and became chamberlain (Kammerherr) of Archduke Joseph, the eldest son of Empress Maria Theresa. The following years he
travelled as an envoy to Lisbon, Trieste, Madrid and Paris where he met Wenzel Anton, Prince of Kaunitz. Kaunitz was married
to Maria Ernestine von Starhemberg (17171749), a granddaughter of Georg Adam's greatuncle and educator Gundaker
Thomas Graf von Starhemberg. In 1754 Count Georg Adam was sent to Paris as Imperial envoy and stayed there for the next
twelve years. Along with Kaunitz he paved the way for a rapprochement between the Habsburgian rulers and France after a
long-standing history of conflict. He tried to influence the French king primarily by Louis' chief mistress, the Marquise de
Pompadour. The first meeting between the Austrian envoy and the marquise for this purpose took place on August 30, 1755.
In 1756 the Treaty of Versailles was concluded with his participation. In Paris, Starhemberg also successfully negotiated the
marriage between the Habsburg Archduchess Maria Antonia and the Duke of Berry, the future king Louis XVI of France. In
1770 he accompanied the archduchess to the first encounter with her future husband. The same year he was sent to Brussels
as authorized minister (minister plenipotentiary) in the Austrian Netherlands, since his predecessor Count Karl von Cobenzl
had died in January of that year. One of the reasons that influenced the decision to send Starhemberg to Brussels was that
Joseph II who had become co-ruler in 1765 had been disappointed by Starhemberg and now wanted to remove him from the
vicinity of his mother, Empress Maria Theresa, in Vienna. Starhemberg remained the next 13 years in Brussels where he
successfully stimulated the development of the provinces in the Austrian Netherlands in spite of the fact that Joseph had
limited his powers. During the American War of Independence Starhemberg tried to establish trade contacts with the
emerging young nation. Georg Adam, Prince of Starhemberg also managed to found the first academy of the Austrian
Netherlands in Brussels in 1772 by converting Count Karl von Cobenzl's 'Literary Society' into the 'Imperial and Royal
Academy of Science and Letters' of Brussels with the approval of the Empress Maria Theresa. Starhemberg returned to Vienna
in 1783. Count Belgiojoso became his successor in Brussels as authorized minister in the Austrian Netherlands. From 1783
until 1807 Starhemberg occupied the position as Grand Master of the Household (Obersthofmeister) at the Imperial court in
Vienna. However, his duties in this function had a more representative character without significant political influence except
the period after the death of Joseph II from 1790 until 1797. In 1807 Starhemberg died at the age of 83 years. On November
13, 1747 he married his cousin Countess Theresia Starhemberg. She died however in October 1749 leaving behind a

daughter who died in childhood in Paris in 1756. In 1761 he married his second wife Maria Franziska Josefa
von Salm-Salm who in the following year gave birth to his son and heir Ludwig von Starhemberg (1762
1833). Louis XV of France became godfather of this child. He was decorated with the title 'Ambassador to
the Emperor' for his diplomatic achievements in the relationship with France. In 1759 he became Knight in
the Order of the Golden Fleece. In 1765 Count Starhemberg was elevated from 'Graf' to 'Reichsfrst'
(Prince of the Empire). From then on he held the title 'Frst von Starhemberg' (Prince of Starhemberg). In
1767 Prince of Starhemberg was awarded the Grand Cross of the Order of St. Stephen.

Carl Friedrich Anton Hatzfeldt zu Gleichen

(September 14, 1718 - September 5, 1793)

was a diplomat of the Habsburg Monarchy and the Directing Minister of State for Interior Affairs of the
Habsburg Monarchy from December 15, 1771 until November 17, 1792.

List of Directing Ministers of State for Interior Affairs of the Austrian Empire
Leopold Krakowsky von Kolowrat

(1727 - 1809) was the Directing Minister of State for Interior

Affairs of the Habsburg Monarchy from November 17, 1792 until August 11, 1804 and the Directing Minister
of State for Interior Affairs of the Austrian Empire from August 11, 1804 until June 7, 1808.

Karl von Zinzendorf und Pottendorf

(January 5, 1739 - January 5, 1813) was a Saxon-Austrian

civil servant and and the Directing Minister of State for Interior Affairs of the Austrian Empire from June 7,
1808 until December 7, 1809. He served the government of Austria in a variety of capacities, including as
governor of Trieste, and rose to high rank at the Habsburg court. His massive diary, written daily over a
period of about 66 years, is an important historical documentary source for his era, both in politics and in the
arts. Zinzendorf was born in Dresden in 1739. His family originally were from Austria; they had emigrated in
1660 to Protestant Saxony in order to practice their faith. His uncle was Nicolaus Zinzendorf, a famous
religious and social reformer and bishop of the Moravian Church. Karl Zinzendorf studied law at the
University of Jena from 1757 to 1760. In 1761 he moved to Vienna for purposes of taking up a government position in
commerce. In 1764 he converted to the Catholic faith, the state religion of the Austrian Empire, for purposes of pursuing his
career there. During the years 1764 to 1770 he took a series of government posts in a variety of foreign locations:
Switzerland, Italy, Malta, Germany, the Netherlands, France, Spain, Portugal, the British Isles, and Belgium. He spent the
years 1770-1776 in Vienna, whereupon he took up a new position (1776-1781) as governor of Trieste. He was responsible for
building the road between Trieste and Vienna (named in his honor by the town Zinzendorf). As privy finance minister
(President of the Court Audit Office) to Emperor Joseph II between 1781-1792 von Zinzendorf introduced a uniform system of
accounting for state revenues, expenditures, and debts of the territories of the Austrian crown. Austria was more successful
than France in meeting regular expenditures and in gaining credit. However, the events of Joseph II's last years also suggest
that the government was financially vulnerable to the European wars that ensued after 1792. Zinzendorf continued to receive
various promotions until his retirement in 1809. He died in 1813. Unlike many of the aristocrats which whom he was
acquainted, Zinzendorf was not wealthy. According to Link, "it was poverty that prevented him from marrying." In 1769 he
joined the Teutonic Order; this involved vows of poverty, chastity, and piety; it "neatly masked the social embarrassment of
his situation, provided him with lodgings, and would eventually give him security in his old age" (Link). Zinzendorf did receive
a "sizeable" inheritance in 1806, but by then most of his life had passed by. Zinzendorf is remembered for the massive diary
he kept, starting at age eight and continuing to his death. Still unpublished, it covers 76 volumes. The diary is written in
French, a language widely used by German aristocrats in Zinzendorf's day. Historical musicology is indebted to the diaries
because Zinzendorf was an inveterate theater-goer and records a great deal of information about performances and
performers that would otherwise have been lost. The mature operas of Mozart were among the best-known works that
Zinzendorf witnessed at their first performances.

Joseph von Colloredo

(September 11, 1735 - November 26, 1818) was a diplomat of the Habsburg Monarchy and the
Directing Minister of State for Interior Affairs of the Austrian Empire from December 7, 1809 until his death on November 26,
1818.

Carl von Zichy zu Vsonyke

(1753 - September 28, 1826) was a diplomat of the Habsburg

Monarchy and the Directing Minister of State for Interior Affairs of the Austrian Empire from November 26, 1818
until his death on September 28, 1826.

List
of
Foreign
Ministers (Auenminister)
of
the Habsburg
Monarchy, of the Austrian Empire, and of Austria-Hungary from
1620 until 1918
List of Court Chancellors (Obersthofkanzlers) of the Habsburg Monarchy
Johann Baptist Verda von Verdenberg

(around 1582 - November 15, 1648 in Wien) was an

Austrian diplomat and Court Chancellor (Obersthofkanzler) of the Habsburg Monarchy from 1620 until 1637.

Johann Friedrich von Seilern

(1646 - January 8, 1715) was an Austrian diplomat and Court Chancellor

(Obersthofkanzler) of the Habsburg Monarchy from January 3, 1705 until his death on January 8, 1715.

Philipp Ludwig Wenzel Sinzendorf

(December 26, 1671 in Vienna February 8,

Vienna) was an Austrian diplomat and Court Chancellor (Obersthofkanzler) of the Habsburg
from 1705 until his death on February 8, 1742. His father, Georg Ludwig von Sinzendorf,
descended from the Sinzendorf Fridau-Neuburg line. His mother, Dorothea Elisabeth, was
Duchess
of Holstein-Wisenburg. His father was Hofkammerprsident under Emperor Leopold I. After the
emperor
led a thorough examination of his financial irregularities, Georg Ludwig was sentenced to life
imprisonment, but his wife managed the commutation of the sentence into house arrest in one
of
the
palaces of the family. Philip Louis was a younger son of this marriage, and was designated
early for
an ecclesiastical career. After his brother's death in the Battle of Mohcs (1687), he returned to
secular
life. Philipp Ludwig von Sinzendorf initially entered military service. The emperor noticed him
and appointed him in 1694 as treasurer. As a result, he was entrusted with various diplomatic missions. In 1696 he married
the Countess Rosina Katharina von Waldstein. With here he had four children. Among them was the later Cardinal Philipp
Ludwig von Sinzendorf. In 1699, hardly 28-year-old, he was appointed ambassador to the court of Versailles. After the
beginning of the War of Spanish Succession, he had to leave France. In 1701 he was appointed Privy Council. Along with the
future Emperor Joseph I, he participated in the siege of Landau, one of the longest in the War of the Spanish Succession. After
that, he was commissioner in Liege. Here, he dismissed the Prince-bishop of Lige Joseph Clemens of Bavaria, whose brother
fought with France against Austria, and introduced a new government. In 1704, he concluded the Imperial Evacuation Treaty
with the Elector of Bavaria after the great victory in the Battle of Blenheim. After the death of Emperor Leopold, Sinzendorf
also gained the favor of Emperor Joseph I, who made him in 1705 Court Chancellor (Obersthofkanzler). He was also the
protector of the Imperial Academy of Arts. He was a central figure for four decades, especially in the foreign policy of the
Habsburg Empire. In 1706 he negotiated in The Hague with John Churchill, 1st Duke of Marlborough and the Netherlands
representatives. He was next to Eugene of Savoy in 1709 and negotiator in the negotiations to a preliminary peace that
failed, because of the excessive demands from the side of Sinzendorf. In this way he succeeded in preventing a premature
Austria demand for peace. The Emperor rewarded Sinzendorf for his services by awarding him the fiefs of Hals and Sch rding
in Bavaria. Surprised by the death of the Emperor in The Hague, he went immediately to Frankfurt am Main to lobby for the
election of Charles VI as Holy Roman Emperor. After the election, Charles VI confirmed Sinzendorf in his offices and while he
accompanied Charles to his coronation in Frankfurt, Charles VI appointed him Knight of the Golden Fleece. In negotiating the
Treaty of Utrecht, Sinzendorf has teamed up with Prince Eugene and tried in vain to persuade the former allies to continue the
war. Back in Vienna, he was appointed as Privy Conference Minister. He was since then not only responsible for the exterior,
but also for domestic politics. Since 1721 he was also the director of the Imperial Privileged Oriental Company (Kaiserliche
privilegierte orientalische Kompagnie). At the Congress of Soissons to end the Anglo-Spanish War (172729), he opened the
negotiations. He came in contact with the French cardinal and statesman Andr-Hercule de Fleury. His efforts were in vain and
he returned to Vienna. In the negotiations with the Protestants in Hungary, he was present in 1734 as the only layman. He
was an ardent supporter of the marriage of Maria Theresa and Francis Stephen of Lorraine. This he did also because he hoped
it would bring him personal material benefits. After the War of the Polish Succession, Sinzendorf led the peace negotiations
for Austria, which led to the Treaty of Vienna (1738). The defeats of the Imperial forces in the Austro-RussianTurkish War
(173539) prompted him to urge the Emperor to an early peace. After the emperor's death, he supported Maria Theresa in
claiming here inheritance rights. Even in the early years of the Austrian Succession War, he remained in the service of the
Empress.
1742
in
Monarchy

Corfitz Anton von Ulfeld

(June 15, 1699 - December 31, 1769) was a State Chancellor of the Habsburg
Monarchy from February 15, 1742 until his death on May 13, 1753.

List of State Chancellors of the Habsburg Monarchy

Wenzel Anton, Prince of Kaunitz-Rietberg (Czech: Vclav Antonn z Kounic a Rietbergu, German: Wenzel Anton Frst von
Kaunitz-Rietberg) (February 2, 1711 June 27, 1794) was a diplomat, statesman of the Holy Roman Empire, Foreign Minister
and State Chancellor of the Habsburg Monarchy from May 13, 1753 until August 19, 1793. He was also Supreme Chancellor
of the United Court Chancery and the head of Directorium in publicis et cameralibus of the Habsburg Monarchy from
September 11, 1765 until September 2, 1766. In 1764 he was made a prince of the Holy Roman Empire as Reichfrst von
Kaunitz-Rietberg and in 1776 prince of the Kingdom of Bohemia. Kaunitz was born in Vienna, one of 19 children of Maxmilian
Ulrich, third count of Kaunitz, and Marie Ernestine ne vonOstfriesland-Rietberg, an heiress. The Kaunitz family was an
old Bohemian noble family descending from the Duchy of Troppau, settled in Slavkov (Austerlitz) Castle, Moravia. As the
second son, it was at first intended that he should become a clergyman, and at thirteen he held a canonry at Mnster. With

the death of his elder brother, he decided on a secular career, and studied law and diplomacy in
Vienna, Leipzig and Leyden. He became a chamberlain of the emperor Charles VI, and continued his
education by traveling for some years in Germany, Italy, France, and England. In 1735, he was appointed
aulic councillor of the empire (German: Reichshofrath). At the German Diet of Ratisbon in 1739 he was
one of the imperial commissaries. In March 1741, he was sent on a diplomatic mission to Florence, Rome,
and Turin, and in August 1742 was appointed Austrian ambassador at Turin. In October 1744, he became
minister in the Austrian Netherlands. Its ruler, PrinceCharles of Lorraine, was commanding the Austrian
army in Bohemia against the King of Prussia, and after the December 1744 death of the
governor, Archduchess Maria-Anna, who was Charles of Lorraine's wife and sister of Maria Theresa,
Kaunitz was virtually the head of government. In 1746 he was forced to leave Brussels after it
was besieged by French forces and move with the government of the Austrian Netherlands, first to Antwerp, then to Aachen.
His request to be recalled from his difficult situation was heeded in June 1746. In 1748, he represented Holy Roman Empire at
the Congress of Aachen at the close of the War of the Austrian Succession. Extremely displeased with the provisions that
deprived Austria of the provinces of Silesia and Glatz and guaranteed them to Frederick II of Prussia, he reluctantly signed the
resulting Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle on October 23, 1748. In 1749 Maria Theresa appealed to all her counsellors for advice as to
the policy Austria ought to pursue in view of the changed conditions produced by the rise of Prussia. The great majority of
them, including her husband Francis I, were of opinion that the old alliance with the sea powers, England and Holland, should
be maintained. Kaunitz had long been a strong opponent of the Anglo-Austrian Alliance, which had existed since 1731, and
gave it as his opinion that Frederick was now the most wicked and dangerous enemy of Austria, that it was hopeless to
expect the support of Protestant nations against him, and that the only way of recovering Silesia was by an alliance
with Russia and France. The empress eagerly accepted views which were already her own, and entrusted the adviser with the
execution of his own plans. Thus Kaunitz was ambassador at Versailles 1750-53, where he cooperated in laying the
groundwork for the future Bourbon-Habsburg alliance. Kaunitz's most important and extremely influential office was that of
the chancellor of state and minister of foreign affairs, which he held 1753-93 and where he had Empress Maria Theresa's full
trust. Thanks in large part to him, Habsburg Austria entered the Treaty of Versailles (1756) with her old enemy France
(in 1757 expanded to include Russia and Sweden) against the Kingdom of Prussia to win back Silesia. This alliance was
considered a great feat of diplomacy, and established Kaunitz as the recognized master of the art. Thus began the Seven
Years' War, which ultimately failed to bring the lost provinces back to Austria. Kaunitz founded the Austrian Council of State
(German: Staatsrat), 1761, overseeing the reorganization of the army under Daun and worked towards the goal of subjecting
the church to the state. He followed the thoughts of the Age of Enlightenment and among his aims was also the better
education of the commoners. Following the end of the Seven Years' War, Kaunitz gained the title of Reichsfrst[5] (prince of the
Holy Roman Empire). The lack of a navy during the war had demonstrated Austria's vulnerability at sea, and he was
instrumental in the creation of a small Austrian navy to boost the state's presence in the Mediterranean Sea, laying the
foundations for the future Austro-Hungarian Navy. Although Joseph II generally shared such ideas, his reforms moved too fast
and too thoroughly for Kaunitz whose influence grew less during Joseph's reign (176590), and even less when Joseph's
brother Leopold II reigned; he resigned his office upon the accession ofFrancis II. Kaunitz died in Vienna and was buried in his
family vault beneath the Church of St. John the Baptist in Slavkov u Brnacemetery. Kaunitz was a liberal patron of education
and art. He married Maria Ernestine von Starhemberg on May 6, 1736. She died on the September 6, 1754. Four sons were
born of the marriage. His granddaughter Eleonora (daughter of Kaunitz's son Ernest) married his successor in the office of the
State Chancellor, Prince Klemens von Metternich.

Johann Philipp von Cobenzl

(May 28, 1741 - August 30, 1810) was a State Chancellor of the
Habsburg Monarchy from August 19, 1792 until March 27, 1793. Cobenzl was born in Laibach, Carniola, the
son of treasurer Count Guidobald von Cobenzl (17161797) and his wife Countess Maria Benigna von
Montrichier (17201793).The Cobenzl family, of Carinthian origin, was elevated toFreiherren noble rank in
1588 and raised to Imperial Counts in 1722. His cousin Count Ludwig von Cobenzl (17531809) served as
Foreign Minister of the Habsburg Monarchy from 1801 to 1805. Philipp von Cobenzl grew up at Predjama
Castle (Burg Lueg) near Postojna (Adelsberg). He joined the Habsburg diplomatic service; in 1777 he
accompanied Emperor Joseph II (in the disguise of a "Count Falkenstein") on his visit to his sister
Queen Marie Antoinette in France. Immediately afterwards, Cobenzl travelled to Berlin as a Habsburg envoy, but was not able
to prevent the Prussian king Frederic the Great from entering the War of the Bavarian Succession. In 1779 he concluded
the Peace of Teschen and assumed the office of an Austrian vice-chancellor, eventually succeeding State Chancellor
Prince Wenzel Anton of Kaunitz-Rietberg in 1792. However, already in March 1973 upon discords regarding the Second
Partition of Poland, he had to resign from office in favour of Baron Johann Amadeus Francis de Paula of Thugut. From 1801
Cobenzl worked as Habsburg ambassador in Paris. He retired in 1805, and then lived in his Dblingresidence north of Vienna.
He was a patron of the arts, acquainted with Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, and greatly contributed to the education and career
of the Neoclassicist painter Franz Caucig. In 1809, he informed Napoleon Bonaparte about the demographics of the newly
established Illyrian Provinces. Upon his death, the Cobenzl noble dynasty became extinct. He was buried in the Vienna St.
Marx Cemetery. A street in the Dbling district was named after him in 1894. Regarding personal names: Graf is a title,
translated as Count, not a first or middle name. The female form is Grfin.

Johann Amadeus Franz de Paula Thugut

(May 24, 1736 - May 29, 1818) was an Austrian diplomat and State
Chancellor of the Habsburg Monarchy from March 7, 1893 until September 29, 1800. He was born in Linz. His origin and name
have been the subject of legends more or less malicious and probably the inventions of enemies. It has been said that the
correct form of his name was Thunichtgut, or Thenitguet ("do no good"), and was altered to Thugut ("do good") by Maria
Theresa. Tunicotta has been given as a variation. But Thugut was the name of his great-grandfather, who belonged
to Budweis in southern Bohemia. He was the legitimate son of Johann Thugut, an army paymaster, who married Eva Maria
Msbauer, daughter of a miller near Vienna. The paymaster, who died about 1760, left his widow and children in distress, and
Maria Theresa took charge of them. Johann Amadeus was sent to the school of Oriental languages. He entered the Austrian
foreign office as an interpreter and was appointed dragoman to the embassy at Constantinople. In 1769 he was
appointed charg d'affaires, and in that capacity secured a grant of money and a promise of the territory of Little
Wallachia from the Turks during the negotiations connected with the first partition of Poland. In 1771 he was
appointed internuncio at Constantinople and was actively engaged, under the direction of Prince Kaunitz, in all the diplomacy
of Austria in Turkey and Poland until he secured the cession of the Bukovina on May 7, 1775. During these years Thugut was
engaged in a mean intrigue. His salary as dragoman was small, and his needs great. He therefore agreed to receive a pension
of 13,000 livres, a brevet of lieutenant-colonel, and a promise of a safe refuge in case of necessity from the king
of France, Louis XV. The condition on which the pension was granted was that he took advantage of his position as an
Austrian official to render secret services to France. The only excuses to be made for him are that such hidden arrangements
were not uncommon before and in his time, and that as a matter of fact he never did render France any real service, or
betray his masters at Vienna. Yet the terror of discovery disturbed him at several periods of his life, and when Louis XV died in

1774 he showed a strong disposition to take refuge in France, and would have done so if Louis XVI would
have given him a promise of employment. His pension was continued. It seems to be tolerably certain that
at a later period he made a clean breast to the emperor Francis II. His services at Constantinople were
approved by Prince Kaunitz, who may possibly have been informed of the arrangement with the French
secret diplomatic fund. It is never safe to decide whether these treasons were single or double. When
Thugut was appointed internuncio he was also ennobled, being raised to the Ritterstand. After 1775 he
travelled in France and Italy, partly on diplomatic service. In 1778 he was the agent through whom Maria
Theresa entered into direct negotiations with Frederick the Great, in order to stop the Bavarian War. In
1780 he was Austrian envoy in Warsaw, but in 1783 he applied for leave and satisfied his hankering after
France by living for four years in Paris. It was in this time that his savings, made during his years of service
at Constantinople, by means which would probably not bear investigation, were invested in France. Thugut became
acquainted with many of the leaders in the French Revolution. From 1787 to 1789 he was minister at Naples, and showed
great tact in managing the queen, Maria Carolina, a daughter of Maria Theresa. In 1790 he was sent by the emperor Joseph
II to Bucharest, nominally as commissioner with thehospodar of Wallachia, but in reality in order that he might open
negotiations for peace with the Turks. Until 1792 he was much in France and Belgium, partly as a diplomatic agent, but
largely because he was anxious to rescue his investments, which were ultimately lost. His personal grievances may have had
some share in creating the hatred of the Revolution and the Jacobins, for which he was afterwards famous. In 1792 he was
associated with Mercy-Argenteau, formerly Austrian ambassador in France, as diplomatic agent at the headquarters of the
allied army. The mismanagement of the invasion of France excited his anger. He came back to Vienna to report the facts to
Francis II, to whom he presented a statement on December 27. On January 19, 1793 he was appointed arme-diplomat at
headquarters, largely, it is said, by the intrigues of Philip Cobenzl and Spielmann, who wished to have him out of the way. But
he never went, for at this time Russia and Prussia annexed large parts of Poland. Austria, entangled in the war with France,
was left empty-handed. The emperor, dissatisfied with the ministers who had not prevented this misfortune, dismissed them,
and after some delay Thugut was named "director of the foreign affairs of Austria" on March 25, 1793. When Prince Kaunitz
died in the following year Thugut was appointed to "discharge the duties of the office of house, court, and state chancellor."
His promotion to the foremost place in the Austrian administration met with much opposition, and is known to have been
largely due to the empress Maria Theresa of Naples. The Austrian government was by tradition very aristocratic. The empress
Maria Theresa, mother of Francis II, though she valued the services of Thugut, had consented with reluctance to make him
Commander of the Order of St Stephen, and had only yielded to the urgent requests of Kaunitz and of her son Joseph II. She
thought the promotion excessive for a man of his plebeian origin. The nobles, who thought that the great offices of state
should go to themselves, were of the same opinion. Thugut, who had a large fund of vanity, resented their insolence, and did
nothing to disarm their hostility. He was unmarried, and he avoided all society. In the discharge of his duties he took counsel
with nobody. All the confidential work of his department was done by himself with the help of two clerks he could trust, and
he took all important papers directly to the emperor, keeping no copies in his own office. He had his own experience to teach
him how easy it was to bribe the officials of Austria. The nobles, who regarded themselves with good cause as the supporters
of the Crown, and who expected to be consulted, resented his indifference and secrecy as the arrogance of an upstart. They
were his constant enemies and critics. A few of them who admired his abilities supported him on personal grounds, but with
these exceptions Thugut had no friends in Austria. Out of it, he was commonly regarded as the representative of all that was
most unscrupulous and self-seeking in the methods of the Austrian government. He had inherited from his master Prince
Kaunitz the firm conviction that Prussia was the worst enemy of Austria. From him, too, he had learnt that the first duty of an
Austrian minister was to be an increaser of the empire, even at the expense of allies, and that excuses for annexation were to
be made when they could not be found. His hatred of France, and of the Revolution, was no doubt sincere. But while prepared
to defend Europe from French aggression, it was with the implied intention that Austria should be rewarded for her exertions
by increases of territory, and should be made the absolute mistress of Germany. The history of his policy from 1793 to 1800
touches much of the history of Europe. The conflicting objects which he kept before him, resistance to French aggression on
the west, and to Russian and Prussian aggressions on the east, and the pursuit of more territory for Austria, compelled him to
divide his exertions and his forces. Thus in 179394 he recalled troops from the west to participate in a partition of Poland,
thereby taking pressure off France, and doing much to smooth the way for her subsequent victories. Some of his actions
cannot be described as other than criminal. He was certainly responsible for the murderous attack on the French envoys
at Rastadt in April 1799. He may have intended that they should only be robbed, but he must be held responsible for the acts
of his agents. So again he has to answer for the perverse policy of Austria in 1799 when Suvarov and the Russians were
recalled from northern Italy for no visible reason except that Austria should be left in sole possession of the dominions of
the king of Sardinia, with a good excuse for keeping them. The correspondence of Joseph de Maistre shows how bitterly the
continental allies of Austria resented her selfishness, and how firmly they were persuaded that she was fighting for her own
hand. That Thugut believed that he was doing his duty, and that he was carrying on the traditional policy of Austria, may be
true. Yet his methods were so extreme, and his attitude so provocative as to justify the judgment passed on him by Kaunitz
namely, that he required the control of a strong hand if good results were to be obtained from his ability. After the defeats of
Austria in Italy in 179697 and the peace of Campo Formio, it became a fixed object with the French, and with a growing party
in Austria who held him responsible for the disasters of the war, to secure the removal of Thugut. He found no support,
except from the British government, which considered him, as a sure ally and had great influence at Vienna as paymaster of
subsidies. The death of the empress Catherine of Russia deprived him of a friend at court. During the campaigns of 1799 and
1800 Thugut was the advocate of war "to the knife". At the end he was kept in office only by the vigorous support of England.
The battle of Hohenlinden on December 3, 1800 made his position untenable. He retired from public life, and left Vienna
for Pressburg on March 27, 1801. At a later period he returned to Vienna and lived quietly on a pension of 7000 forms until his
death on May 28,1818.

Ferdinand von Trauttsmandorff

(January 12, 1749 August 27, 1827) was an Austrian diplomat and statesman.
He was Minister plenipotentiary of the Austrian Netherlands from October 1787 until December 14, 1789, ruling on behalf
of Emperor Joseph II and Acting State Chancellor of the Habsburg Monarchy from September 29, 1800 until September 18,
1801. Ferdinand was born in Vienna on January 12, 1749, a member of the noble family of Trauttsmandorff. He studied at
theUniversity of Vienna and served in the Reichska mmergericht in Wetzlar. In 1772 he married Marie Caroline von Colloredo
(17521832). At his brother's death in 1774 he became the head of the family, and count and prince of Trauttmansdorff. In
1780 he was appointed Austrian minister in Regensburg, and in 1785 imperial ambassador to the Archbishop-Elector of
Mainz. In 1787 he was appointed the emperor's minister plenipotentiary in the Austrian Netherlands, effectively head of the
government. He arrived in Brussels in October 1787. His brief was to push through the innovations that Joseph II had
determined on and that the previous minister plenipotentiary, Ludovico, Count di Belgiojoso, had been forced to dial back. In
his zeal to execute imperial policy, Trauttmansdorff on June 18,1789 carried out a government coup, rescinding the ancient
privileges of the county of Hainaut, decreeing the abolition of the Council of Brabant, and arbitrarily imprisoning many of the
opponents of government policy. His dictatorial behaviour precipitated the Brabant Revolution. In November he began to offer
concessions and recognise ancient liberties, but too late to stem revolutionary rejection of Austrian authority. On December

14, 1789, Trauttmansdorff fled Brussels for Luxembourg. His secret correspondence with Joseph II while
minister plenipotentiary was published in 1902.He re-entered imperial service in 1793, being appointed to the
Chancery for the Netherlands in Vienna. He accompanied the Emperor Francis II to Brussels for his reception
as ruler during the short-lived Austrian restoration of 17931794.

List of Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the Austrian Empire

Johann Ludwig Joseph von Cobenzl (November 21, 1753 - February 22, 1809) was a diplomat
and politician of the Habsburg Monarchy. He was the State Chancellor of the Habsburg Monarchy jointly with
Franz von Colloredo-Wallsee from September 18, 1801 until August 11, 1804 and Minister of Foreign Affairs of
the Austrian Empire from August 11, 1804 until December 25, 1805. Von Cobenzl was born in Brussels in 1753
as one out of ten children to Count Johann Karl Philipp von Cobenzl (17121770), the plenipotentiary minister
of the Empress Maria Theresia in the Austrian Netherlands. He also was a cousin of the diplomat Philipp Graf
von Cobenzl, and a protg of Wenzel Anton von Kaunitz. In 1779, he became minister at St. Petersburg. In
1795, during the Third Partition of Poland, he negotiated a large portion of land for the Habsburgy Monarchy
that had gone empty in the Second Partition. In 1801, he became foreign minister of the Habsburg Monarchy. As such, he
signed the Treaty of Lunville in 1801, and recognized the imperial title of Napoleon. In 1805, the Austrian Empire took part in
the War of the Third Coalition, and was defeated at the Battle of Austerlitz, which led to Cobenzl's dismissal. Cobenzl was a
member of the Illuminati under the name of Arrian. He died, aged 55, in Vienna.
Franz von Colloredo-Wallsee

(17361806) was the State Chancellor of the Habsburg Monarchy jointly

with Johann Ludwig Joseph von Cobenzl from September 18, 1801 until August 11, 1804 and Minister of Foreign
Affairs of the Austrian Empire from August 11, 1804 until December 25, 1805.

Johann Philipp Carl Joseph von Stadion-Warthausen

(June 18, 1763 - May 15, 1824) was

a Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Austrian Empire from December 24, 1805 until October 4, 1809. Born in
Mainz, he was a statesman, foreign minister, and diplomat who served the Habsburg empire during the
Napoleonic Wars. He was also founder of the Austrian National Bank. Johann Philip was Count of StadionWarthausen 17871806. In 17871790, he was ambassador in Stockholm, then in London from 17901793.
After some years of retirement he was entrusted with a mission to the Prussian court (18001803), where he
endeavoured in vain to effect an alliance with Austria. He had greater success as envoy at St Petersburg
(18031805), where he played a large part in the formation of the third coalition against Napoleon (1805).
Notwithstanding the failure of this alliance, he was made foreign minister, and in conjunction with Archduke
Charles of Austria pursued a policy of quiet preparation for a fresh trial of strength with France. In 1808 he abandoned the
policy of procrastination, and with the help of Metternich hastened the outbreak of a new war. The unfortunate results of the
campaign of 1809 compelled his resignation; but in 1813 he was commissioned to negotiate the convention which finally
overthrew Napoleon. The historian Robert A. Kann called him "a man of outstanding gifts, perhaps the foremost diplomat in
imperial Austrian history" (A History of the Habsburg Empire, 1526-1918, p. 211). The last ten years of his life were spent in a
strenuous and partly successful attempt to reorganize the disordered finances of his country. As minister of finance (1815
1824), he founded the Austrian National Bank in 1816. He died in Baden, Austria; his son, Franz Stadion, Count von
Warthausen, was a prominent liberal statesman of the 1840s. In 1874 an alley in Vienna's 1st district was renamed
"Stadiongasse" in honour of Phillip von Stadion. Since 1897 the Hotel Graf Stadion on Buchfeldgasse Nr. 5 in Vienna's 8th
district Josefstadt bears the statesman's name. He was also a member of the Illuminati.

Klemens Wenzel von Metternich (full

name German: Klemens Wenzel Nepomuk Lothar, Frst von MetternichWinneburg zu Beilstein, anglicised as Wenceslas Lothar von Metternich-Winneburg-Beilstein; May 15, 1773 June 11, 1859)
was a German-born Austrian politician and statesman and one of the most important diplomats of his era, serving as the
Foreign Minister of the Holy Roman Empire and its successor state, the Austrian Empire from October 9, 1809 until March 9,
1849 and State Chancellor of the Austrian Empire from May 25, 1821 until March 13, 1848. One of his first tasks was to
engineer a dtente with France that included the marriage of Napoleon to the Austrian Arch-Duchess Marie Louise. Soon
after, however, he engineered Austria's entry into the War of the Sixth Coalition on the Allied side, signed the Treaty of
Fontainebleau that sent Napoleon into exile and led the Austrian delegation at the Congress of Vienna which divided postNapoleonic Europe between the major powers. In recognition of his service to the Austrian Empire he was raised to the title of
Prince in October 1813. Under his guidance, the "Metternich system" of international congresses continued for another
decade as Austria aligned herself with Russia and, to a lesser extent, Prussia. This marked the high point of Austria's
diplomatic importance, and thereafter Metternich slowly slipped back into the periphery of international diplomacy. At home,
Metternich also held the post of Chancellor of State from 1821 until 1848, under both Francis II of Austria and his
son Ferdinand I of Austria. After a brief period of exile in London, Brighton and Brussels that lasted until 1851, he returned
once more to the Viennese court, this time to offer only advice to Ferdinand's successor, Franz Josef. Having outlived his
generation of politicians, Metternich died at the age of 86 in 1859. Born into the House of Metternich in 1773 as the son of a
diplomat, Metternich received a good education at the universities of Strasbourg and Mainz. He also helped during the
coronation of Francis II in 1792 and that of his predecessor, Leopold II, in 1790. After a brief trip to England, Metternich was
named as the Austrian ambassador to the Netherlands; a short-lived post, since the country was brought under French
control the next year. He married his first wife, Eleonore von Kaunitz, in 1795 and it did much to catapult him into Viennese
society. Despite having numerous affairs, he was devastated by her death in 1825. He would later remarry, wedding Baroness
Antoinette Leykam in 1827 and, after her death in 1829, Countess Melanie Zichy-Ferraris in 1831. She would also predecease
him by five years. Before taking office as Foreign Minister, Metternich held numerous smaller posts, including ambassadorial
roles in the Kingdom of Saxony, the Kingdom of Prussia and Napoleonic France. One of Metternich's sons, Richard von
Metternich, was also a successful diplomat; many of Metternich's twelve other acknowledged children predeceased him.
A traditional conservative, Metternich was keen to maintain the balance of power, in particular by resisting Russian territorial
ambitions in Central Europe and over the lands of the Ottoman Empire. He disliked liberalism and worked to prevent the
breakup of the Austrian empire; for example, by forcibly crushing nationalist revolts in Austrian north Italy and the German
states. At home, he pursued a similar policy, using censorship and a wide ranging spy network to dampen down unrest.
Metternich has both been praised and heavily criticised for the policies he pursued. His supporters point out that he presided

over the "Age of Metternich", when international diplomacy helped prevent major wars in Europe. His qualities as a diplomat
have also been commended; some add that his achievements were all the better given the weakness of his negotiating
position. His decision to oppose Russian imperialism is also seen as a good one. His detractors describe him as a bore who
stuck to ill-thought out conservative principles only out of vanity and a sense of infallibility. They argue that he could have
done much more in terms of securing Austria's future; instead, his 1817 proposals for administrative reform were largely
rejected and, by opposing German nationalism, they find him responsible for ensuring it would be Prussia and not Austria that
united it. Other historians have argued that in fact he had far less power than this view suggests, and that his policies were
only accepted when they agreed with the existing view of the Habsburg monarchy that ruled Austria. Klemens Metternich was
born into the House of Metternich on May 15, 1773 to Franz George Karl Count Metternich-Winneburg zu Beilstein, a diplomat
who had passed from the service of the Archbishopric of Trier to that of the Imperial court, and his wife Countess Maria
Beatrice Aloisia von Kagenegg (alternatively von Kageneck). He was named in honour of Prince Clemens Wenceslaus of
Saxony, the archbishop-elector of Trier and the past employer of his father. He was the eldest son of the couple and had one
elder sister. At the time of Metternich's birth the family possessed a ruined keep at Beilstein, a castle at Winneberg, an estate
just to the west of Koblenz, and an estate 300 miles away in Knigswart, Bohemia, won during the 17th century. At this time
Metternich's father, described as "a boring babbler and chronic liar" by a contemporary, was the Austrian ambassador to the
courts of the three Rhenish electors (Trier, Cologne and Mainz) . Metternich's education was handled by his mother, heavily
influenced by their proximity to the border with France; indeed, for many years Metternich would consider himself able to
communicate better in French than German. As a child he would also go on official visits with his father and, under the
direction of Protestant tutor John Frederick Simon, he was tutored not just in academic affairs but also in swimming and
horseriding. In the summer of 1788 Metternich began studying law at the University of Strasbourg and was matriculated on
12 November. During his time at the University he was for some time accommodated by Prince Maximilian of Zweibrcken,
the future King of Bavaria. At this time he was described by Simon as "happy, handsome and lovable", though
contemporaries would later recount how he had been a liar and a braggart. Metternich left Strasbourg in September 1790 to
attend Leopold II's October coronation in Frankfurt, an event for which he had been awarded the largely honorific position of
Ceremonial Marshall to the Catholic Bench of the College of the Counts of Westphalia. There, under the wing of his father, he
met with the future Francis II and looked at ease among the nobility present. Between the end of 1790 and the summer of
1792 Metternich studied law at the University of Mainz, where he received a more conservative education than he had at
Strasbourg, a city now too unsafe to which to return. In the summers he worked with his father who had been
appointed plenipotentiary to the Austrian Netherlands. In March 1792 Francis succeeded his father Leopold as Holy Roman
Emperor and was crowned in July, prompting Metternich to reprise his earlier role of Ceremonial Marshall. To this he added the
honour of officially opening the accompanying ball alongside Louise of Mecklenburg. In the meantime France had declared
war on Austria, beginning the War of the First Coalition (17927) and making Metternich's further study in Mainz impossible.
Now falling back on his employment with his father, he was sent on a special mission to the front. Here he ended up leading
the interrogation of the French Minister of War the Marquis de Beurnonville and several National Convention commissioners
who were accompanying him. Metternich also observed the siege and fall of Valenciennes, an experience he would later look
back on as teaching him a great deal about warfare. In early 1794 he was sent to England on, at least ostensibly, official
business helping Viscount Desandrouin, the Treasurer-General of the Austrian Netherlands, to negotiate a loan. During his
stay in England he met the king on several occasions and dined with a number of influential British politicians,
including William Pitt, Charles James Fox and Edmund Burke. Metternich was nominated as the new Minister
Plenipotentiary to the Dutch Republic and left England in September 1794. Unfortunately, he found an exiled and powerless
government in headlong retreat from the latest French advance. Even worse news came in October as a revitalised French
army swept into Germany and annexed all of the Metternich estates except Knigswart. Disappointed, and affected by heavy
criticism of his father's key policies, he joined his parents in Vienna in November. On September 27, 1795 he married
Countess Eleonore von Kaunitz, a granddaughter of former Austrian chancellor Wenzel Kaunitz. The marriage, accompanied
by a significant dowry, was arranged by Metternich's mother and introduced him to Viennese society. This was undoubtedly
part of the motivation for Metternich, who demonstrated less affection for her than she for him. Two conditions were imposed
on the marriage by the father of the bride, Prince Kaunitz: firstly, the still youthful Eleonore was to continue to live at home;
and secondly, Metternich was forbidden from serving as a diplomat as long as the Prince was still alive. Their daughter Maria
was born in January 1797. After studying in Vienna, the Prince's death in September 1797 allowed Metternich to participate in
the Congress of Rastatt. Initially Metternich's father offered to take him as a secretary while ensuring that, when proceedings
officially started in December 1797, he was named as the representative of the Catholic Bench of the College of the Counts of
Westphalia. A bored Metternich remained at Rastatt in this role until 1799 when, much to his relief, the congress was finally
wound down. During this period Eleonore had chosen to live with Metternich at Rastatt and gave birth to sons Francis
(February 1798) and, shortly after the end of the Congress, Klemens (June 1799). Much to Metternich's anguish Klemens died
after only a few days, and Francis soon contracted a lung infection from which he would never recover. The Holy Roman
Empire's defeat in the War of the Second Coalition shook up its diplomatic circles and the promising Metternich was now
offered the choice between three ministerial positions: to the Imperial Diet at Regensburg; to the Kingdom of
Norway at Copenhagen; or to the Elector of Saxony at Dresden. He chose the third of these in late January 1801 and his
appointment was officially announced in February. Metternich summered in Vienna, where he wrote his "Instructions", a
memorandum which showed much greater understanding of statesmanship than any of Metternich's earlier writing and
visited the Knigswart estate in the autumn, before finally taken up his new position on 4 November. The subtleties of the
document were, however, entirely lost on the Saxon court, which was headed by the retiring Frederick Augustus, a man who
lacked any desire for political initiative. Despite the boredom of the court itself, Metternich enjoyed the light-hearted frivolity
of the city and took up a mistress, Katharina Bagration, who bore him a daughter, Klementine. In January 1803 Metternich
and his wife had another child themselves whom they named Viktor. In Dresden Metternich also made a number of important
contacts including Friedrich Gentz, a publicist who would guide Metternich in alternating roles as his confidant and critic for
the next thirty years. He also established links with important Polish and French political figures. The Imperial Recess of 1803
brought Metternich's family new estates in Ochsenhausen, the title of Prince and a seat in the Imperial Diet. In the ensuing
diplomatic reshuffle Metternich was appointed ambassador to the Kingdom of Prussia, an appointment he was notified of in
February 1803 and began in November of that year. He arrived at a critical juncture in European diplomacy, and Metternich
soon grew worried about the territorial ambitions ofNapoleon Bonaparte, the new leader of France. This fear was shared by
the Russian court, under Alexander I, and the Tsar kept Metternich informed of Russian policy. By the autumn of 1804 Vienna
agreed and, in August 1805, the Austrian Empire (as the Holy Roman Empire was in the process of becoming) took up the
fight, beginning their involvement in the War of the Third Coalition. Metternich's now almost impossible task was to convince
Prussia to join the coalition against Bonaparte. Their eventual agreement was not motivated by Metternich's pleas, and after
the coalition's heavy defeat at the Battle of Austerlitz however, Prussia disregarded the agreement and signed a treaty with
the French instead. In the ensuing reshuffle in Vienna Johann Philipp Stadion became the Austrian foreign minister, freeing up
for Metternich the post of Ambassador to the Russian Empire. In the event, he never made it to Russia as a need had arisen
for a new Austrian at the French court. Metternich was duly approved for the role in June 1806. Metternich enjoyed being in
demand and was happy to be sent to France on a generous salary of 90,000 gulden a year. After an arduous trip he took up
residence as ambassador there in August 1806, being briefed by Baron von Vincent, and Engelbert von Floret whom he would

retain as a close adviser for two decades. He met French foreign minister Charles Talleyrand on 5 August and Napoleon
himself five days later at Saint-Cloud; soon, the War of the Fourth Coalition drew both Talleyrand and Napoleon eastwards. His
wife and children joined him in October and he took the opportunity to ingratiate himself into society where, using his charm,
he rapidly achieved a large degree of social eminence. The presence of Eleonore did not prevent Metternich from embarking
on a series of affairs that certainly included Napoleon's sister Caroline Murat and Laure Junot and perhaps many more
besides. After the Treaties of Tilsit of July 1807 Metternich saw that Austria's position in Europe was now much more
vulnerable but believed that the accord between Russia and France would not last long. In the meantime he found the new
French Foreign Minister, Jean-Baptiste Champagny unaccommodating and struggled to negotiate a satisfactory settlement
over the future of several French forts on the River Inn. Over the following months the reach of Austrian policy, and
Metternich's own reputation, increased. Metternich himself pushed for a Russo-Austrian alliance, though Russian Tsar
Alexander was too preoccupied with the three other wars he was engaged in to commit. Over time, Metternich came to see
war an eventual war with France inevitable. In a memorable event to all sides, Metternich argued with Napoleon at the French
leader's 35th birthday celebrations in August 1808 as a result of the increasingly obvious preparations for war from both
sides. Soon after, Napoleon refused Metternich's attendance at theCongress of Erfurt; Metternich was later glad to hear from
Talleyrand that Napoleon's attempts to get Russia to invade Austria at the Congress had proved unsuccessful. In late 1808
Metternich was recalled to Vienna for five weeks of meetings about the possibility of Austria invading France whilst Napoleon
was on campaign in Spain. His memoranda reported that France was not united behind Napoleon, that Russia was unlikely to
want to fight Austria, and that France had precious few reliable troops he could commit to fighting in central Europe. Once
back in Paris, Metternich himself was overtly apprehensive about his own safety. When Austria declared war on France,
Metternich was indeed arrested in retaliation for the arrest of two French diplomats in Vienna, but the practical implications of
this were minimal and he was allowed to leave France under escort for Austria in late May 1809. After Napoleon's capture of
Vienna Metternich was conducted to the Austrian capital and handed over in exchange for the French diplomats. Now back in
Austria, Metternich witnessed her defeat at the Battle of Wagram first hand. His reputation tarnished, Stadion tendered his
resignation as Foreign Minister and the emperor immediately offered the post to Metternich. Metternich worried that
Napoleon would seize on this to demand harsher peace terms, instead agreed to become a minister of state (which he did on
July 8, 1809) and lead negotiations with the French on the understanding that he would formally replace Stadion as Foreign
Minister at a later date. During peace talks at Altenburg, Metternich put forward pro-French proposals to save the Austrian
monarchy. Napoleon, however, disliked his memorandum on the future of Poland and Metternich was gradually displaced from
proceedings by Prince Liechtenstein. He soon regained the influence he had lost, however, as a result of his previously
arranged appointment to the post of Foreign Minister (and additionally that of Minister of the Imperial Household) on October
8, 1808. In early 1810 Metternich's earlier affair with Junot became public but, because of Eleonore's understanding, the new
Austrian Foreign Minister was never greatly scandalised by it. One of Metternich's first tasks was to push for the marriage of
Napoleon to Archduchess Marie Louise at a time when Napoleon was also interested in a marriage to the Tsar's youngest
sister Anna Pavlovna. Metternich would later seek to distance himself from the marriage by claiming it was Napoleon's own
idea, but this is improbable, and, in any case, he was happy to claim responsibility for the marriage at the time. By February
7, 1810 Napoleon had agreed and the pair, still estranged, were married by proxy on March 11, 1810. Marie Louise left for
France soon after and Metternich followed, albeit by a deliberately different route and unofficially. The visit was designed,
Metternich explained, to transport his family (stranded in France by the outbreak of war) home and to report back to the
Austrian Emperor about Marie Louise's activities. Instead, Metternich stayed six months, entrusting his office in Vienna to his
father. He soon set about using the marriage, combined with flattery, to renegotiate the terms set out at Schnbrunn. The
concessions he won were ultimately trivial, however: a few trading rights, a delay in paying the war indemnity, restitution of
some estates belonging to Germans in the Austrian service including the Metternich family's, and the lifting of a 150,000 man
limit imposed by the treaty on the Austrian army. When Metternich returned to Vienna in October 1810 he found he was no
longer as popular as he had been before, with his influence limited to foreign affairs and his attempts to get a full Council of
State reintroduced failed. With a strong belief that the now much weakened Austria should avoid another invasion by France
in any Franco-Russian war, he turned away the diplomatic advances of Tsar Alexander and instead concluded an alliance with
Napoleon on March 14, 1812. He also supported a period of moderate censorship, aimed at preventing provocation of the
French. Requiring that only 30,000 Austrian troops fight alongside the French, the alliance treaty was more generous than the
one Prussia had signed a month earlier; this allowed Metternich to give both Britain and Russia assurances that Austria
remained committed to curbing Napoleonic ambitions. The Austrian foreign minister accompanied his sovereign for a final
meeting with Napoleon at Dresden in May 1812 before the French Emperor moved east. The Dresden meeting revealed that
Austria's influence in Europe had reached its lowest point and Metternich was now keen to take advantage of what he saw as
his continuing strong ties with all sides in the war to regain it, proposing general peace talks headed by Austria. Over the next
three months Metternich would slowly distance Austria from the French cause, whilst avoiding alliance with either Prussia or
Russia, and remaining open to any peace proposal that would secure a place in Europe for the combined Bonaparte-Habsburg
dynasty. This grew out of a deep concern that, if Napoleon were conclusively defeated in battle, Russia and Prussia stood to
gain too much. Napoleon was unavailing, however, and the fighting (now officially the War of the Sixth Coalition) continued.
Austria's alliance with France ended in February 1813 and, much to Napoleon's anger, Austria took the opportunity to move
to a position of armed neutrality. Metternich was much less keen on turning against France than many of his contemporaries
(though not the Emperor). He favoured his own plans for a general settlement; nonetheless, these were not faring well and
although a statement of general war aims from the Russians that included many nods to Austria was secured, Britain
remained distrustful and generally unwilling to give up the military initiative she had been fighting for twenty years to
establish. Despite this, Francis created the Austrian foreign ministerGrand-Chancellor of the Order of Maria Theresa, a post
which had been vacant since the time of Kaunitz. Metternich grew increasingly worried that Napoleon's retreat would be
accompanied by the kind of disorder that would do the Habsburgs no good at all. A peace had to be concluded soon in his
eyes and, since Britain could not be coerced, he sent proposals to France and Russia only. These were rejected, though after
the battles of Ltzen (May 2, 1813) and Bautzen (May 2021, 1813), a French-initiated truce was duly called. Starting in April
Metternich began to "slowly and reluctantly" prepare Austria for war with France; the armistice provided Austria time for a
more complete mobilisation. In June Metternich was forced to leave Vienna and personally handle negotiations at Gitschin in
Bohemia. When he arrived he found the hospitality of Princess Wilhelmine, Duchess of Sagan useful and the pair began an
affair that would last several months. None of his mistresses would achieve such influence over Metternich as Wilhelmine and
he would continue to write letters to her after their separation. Meanwhile French Foreign Minister Hugues-Bernard
Maret remained elusive, though Metternich did manage to discuss the state of affairs with the Tsar on June 1819, 1813
at Opotschna. In talks which would later be ratified as the Reichenbach Convention they agreed on general peace demands
and set out a process by which Austria could enter into the war on the coalition side. Shortly afterwards Metternich was
invited to join Napoleon at Dresden, where he could put the terms directly. Though no reliable record of their meeting on June
26, 1813 exists it seems it was a stormy meeting, though not one that disappointed either side. Agreement was finally
reached as Metternich was about to leave: peace talks would start in Prague in July and run until August 20, 1813. In agreeing
to this Metternich had ignored the Reichenbach Convention and this fact angered Austria's coalition allies. The Conference of
Prague would never properly meet, since Napoleon gave his representatives Armand Caulaincourt and the Count of
Narbonne insufficient powers to negotiate terms for a peace. At the informal discussions held in lieu of the conference,

Caulaincourt implied that Napoleon would not start negotiating until an allied army threatened France
itself. This proved sufficient to convert Metternich, and, after an ultimatum that Metternich had issued
to France went unheeded, Austria duly declared war on August 12, 1813. Though Austria's coalition
allies saw the declaration of war as an acceptance of the failure of Austria's diplomatic ambitions,
Metternich considered it one manoeuvre in a much longer campaign. For the rest of the war he strived
to hold the coalition together and, as such, to prevent the Russians from gaining momentum in Europe.
To this end he won an early victory as, an Austrian general, the Prince of Schwarzenberg, was confirmed
as supreme commander of the coalition forces in preference to Tsar Alexander I. He also succeeded in
getting the three allied monarchs (Alexander, Francis and Prussia's Frederick William III) to follow him
and their armies on campaign. With the Treaties of Teplitz, Metternich allowed Austria to remain
uncommitted over the future of France, Italy and Poland. He was still confined, however, by the British
who considerably subsidised Prussia and Russia (in September Metternich asked for Austria to be added
to the list of recipient countries). Meanwhile, the coalition forces took the offensive. On October 18, 1813 Metternich
witnessed the successful Battle of Leipzig and, two days later, he was rewarded for his "wise direction" of foreign affairs when
he was given the rank of prince (German:Frst). Metternich was delighted when Frankfurt was retaken in early November
and, in particular, the deference the tsar showed to Francis at a ceremony organised there by Metternich. Diplomatically, with
the war drawing to a close, he remained determined to prevent the creation of a strong unified German state, even offering
Napoleon generous terms in order to retain it as a counterweight. On December 2, 1813 Napoleon agreed to talks, though
these were delayed by the need for a more senior British diplomat ( Viscount Castlereagh) to be present. Before talks could
commence, coalition armies crossed the Rhine on December 22, 1813. Metternich retired from Frankfurt to Breisgau to
celebrate Christmas with his wife's family before travelling to the new coalition headquarters at Basel in January 1814.
Quarrels with the Tsar Alexander, particularly over the fate of Franc e intensified in January prompting Alexander to storm out.
He therefore missed the arrival of Castlereagh in mid-January. The pair, who formed a good working relationship, then
travelled into France to discuss matters with Alexander at Langres. The tsar remained unaccommodating however,
demanding a push into the centre of France; fortunately, he was too preoccupied to object to Metternich's other ideas, such
as a final peace conference in Vienna. Metternich did not attend talks with the French at Chatillon as he wanted to stay with
Alexander. The talks stalled, and, after a brief advance, defeat at Montmirail and Montereau forced coalition forces to retreat.
This relieved Metternich's fears that an overconfident Tsar Alexander might act unilaterally.
Metternich continued
negotiations with the French envoy Caulaincourt throughout early to mid March 1814, when victory at Laon put the coalition
back on the offensive.
You have no idea what sufferings the people at headquarters impose upon us! I cannot stand it much longer and the
Emperor Francis is already ill. The other leaders are all mad and belong in the lunatic asylum. Metternich to Stadion
By this time Metternich was tiring of trying to hold the coalition together and even the British-engineered Treaty of
Chaumont did not seem to help. In the absence of the Prussians and Russians the coalition agreed upon the restoration of
the Bourbon dynasty to the French throne. Francis rejected a final plea from Napoleon to abdicate in favour of his wife, and
Paris fell on March 30, 1814. Military manoeuvres had forced Metternich to retreat westward to Dijon on March 24, 1814 and
now, after a deliberate delay, Metternich left for the French capital on April 7, 1814. He arrived on April 10, 1814 to a city at
peace and, much to his annoyance, largely in the control of Tsar Alexander. The Austrians disliked the terms of the Treaty of
Fontainebleauthat the Russians had imposed on Napoleon in their absence, but Metternich was reluctant to take a stand on
the issue and on April 11, 1814 signed the treaty. Thereafter his job was focused on safeguarding Austrian interests in the
forthcoming peace; to assert Austria's influence in Germany over that of Prussia; and to prevent the ascendency of Tsar
Alexander from becoming permanent. Within this he ensured that the Italian provinces of Lombardy and Venetia, lost to
French client states in 1805, were duly re-annexed. On the questions of dividing formerly French occupied Poland and
Germany Metternich was far more confined by the interests of his coalition allies. After two failed proposals, advanced by the
Prussians, the various delegations agreed to postpone the issue until after a peace treaty had been signed. Elsewhere,
Metternich, like many of his counterparts, was anxious to provide the renewed French monarchy with the resources to
suppress any new revolutionary spirit. The generous Treaty of Paris was signed on May 30, 1814. With it went Metternich's
need to stay in Paris and he accompanied Tsar Alexander to England; Wilhelmine, who had followed Metternich to Paris, also
made the crossing. A triumphant Metternich filled his four weeks with revelry, regaining any reputation he and Austria had
lost; he was also awarded an honorary law degree from theUniversity of Oxford. By contrast and to Metternich's great
pleasure, Alexander displayed bad manners and a penchant for gratuitous insults. Despite the opportunities presented, little
actual diplomacy took place; instead, all that was firmly agreed was that proper discussions would take place at Vienna, for
which a date was tentatively set of August 15, 1814. When the tsar tried to postpone it to October Metternich agreed but,
worried that the tsar was trying to capitalise on his de facto control of Poland, made sure suitable conditions were imposed.
Metternich was eventually reunited with his family in Austria in the middle of July 1814, having stopped for a week in France
to settle fears surrounding Napoleon's wife Marie Louise, now the Duchess of Parma. His return to Vienna was accompanied
by a special cantata that included the line: "History holds thee up to posterity as a model among great men". In the autumn
of 1814 the heads of the five reigning dynasties and representatives from 216 noble families began to descend on Vienna.
Before ministers from the "Big Four" (the coalition allies of Britain, Austria, Prussia and Russia) arrived, Metternich stayed
quietly in Baden bei Wien, two hours to the south of the Austrian capital. When he heard they had reached Vienna he made
the journey to meet them and to encourage them to come with him back to Baden. This proved unsuccessful; so instead the
ministers resolved key differences in a series of four meetings held in the city itself. It was at these meetings that the
representatives agreed on how the Congress would operate and, to Metternich's delight, named his own aide, Friedrich Gentz,
as secretary to the negotiations of the "Big Six" (the Big Four plus France and Spain). When Talleyrand and Spanish
representativeDon Pedro Labrador learned of these decisions, they were incensed that some agreements would be negotiated
by the Big Four only. Sweden and Portugal were similarly angered by their non-inclusion in anything but the full Congress,
especially since Metternich was determined to give the latter as little power as possible. As a result the Big Six became
thePreliminary Committee of the Eight, whose first agreement was that the congress itself should be postponed to 1
November. In fact, it would soon be postponed again, with only a minor commission beginning work in November. In the
meantime, Metternich organised a controversially vast array of entertainments for all the delegates including himself.
Leaving Castlereagh to work out what Tsar Alexander sought to gain from the proceedings on his behalf, Metternich briefly
turned his attention to quelling anti-Habsburg feeling in Italy, and not without success. Around the same time, however, he
learnt that the Duchess of Sagan was now courting the tsar. Disappointed and exhausted by the full social diary, Metternich
let his guard drop, incensing Tsar Alexander during negotiations over Poland (then ruled by Napoleon as the Grand Duchy of
Warsaw) by suggesting Austria could match Russia militarily. The pair would never meet in person again. Despite the blunder,
Francis refused to dismiss his foreign minister and political crisis rocked Vienna throughout November, culminating in a
declaration by Tsar Alexander that Russia would not compromise on her demand that Poland become a satellite kingdom of
the Russian Empire. With this demand completely unpalatable to his coalition allies, agreement seemed further away than

ever. During the tense stand-off, it seems that Alexander even went as far as to challenge Metternich to a duel. Fortunately
for the Austrian foreign minister, Tsar Alexander soon decided upon a rapid volte face and agreed to divide up Poland among
the belligerents. He also opened up on the difficult issue of dealing with the Germanic Kingdom of Saxony, and for the first
time allowed Talleyrand to participate in all Big Four (now Big Five) discussions. As a result of the new consensus, the major
issues concerning Poland and Germany were settled in the second week of February 1815. Austria gained land in the partition
of Poland and prevented the Prussian annexation of Saxony, but was forced to accept both Russian dominance in Poland and
increasing Prussian influence in Germany. Metternich's work was now focused on getting the various German states to agree
to surrender some of their historic rights to a new Federal Diet that could stand up to the Prussians. He also assisted the work
of the Swiss Committee and worked on a myriad of smaller issues, such as navigation rights on the Rhine. The beginning
of Lent on 8 February meant that he had much more time to devote to these congressional issues, as well as private
discussions about the fate of southern Italy where Joachim Murat was said to be raising a Neapolitan army. On March 7, 1815
Metternich was awakened with the news that Napoleon had absconded from his island prison of Elba and within an hour had
met with both the tsar and the King of Prussia. Metternich was in no mood for rash changes of course and, at first, the
development had little impact on the congress. Finally, on March 13, 1815 the Big Five declared Napoleon an outlaw and the
coalition allies began preparations for a renewed fight. On March 25, 1815 they signed a new treaty, committing each to
sending 150,000 men; there was little sign of the divisions that had characterised the alliance only two years before. With
military commanders now drifting away, the Vienna congress gained a new air of seriousness and quickly fixed the
boundaries of an independent Netherlands, formalised proposals for a loose confederation of Swiss cantons, and ratified the
earlier agreements over Poland. By late April only two major issues remained, the organisation of a new German federation
and the problem of Italy. The latter soon began to come to a head. Austria had solidified its control over Lombardy-Venice and
extended its protection to those provinces nominally under the control of Francis' daughter Marie Louise. On April 18, 1815
Metternich announced that Austria was formally at war with Murat's Naples. Austria was victorious at the Battle of
Tolentino on May 3, 1815 and captured Naples less than three weeks later. Metternich then felt able to delay a decision on the
future of the country until after Vienna; there was no longer any rush. Discussions about Germany would drag on until early
June, when a joint Austrian-Prussian proposition was formally ratified. It left most constitutional issues to the new diet; its
President would be the Emperor Francis himself. Despite criticism from within Austria, Metternich was pleased with the
outcome and the amount of control it granted the Habsburgs, and, through them, himself. Certainly, Metternich would be able
to use the diet to suit his own ends on numerous occasions. The arrangement was similarly popular with most German
representatives. A summation treaty was signed on June 19, 1815 (the Russians signed a week later), bringing the Vienna
Congress officially to an end. Metternich himself had already left on June 13, 1815 for the front line, prepared for a lengthy
war against Napoleon. In fact there was no need as Napoleon was comprehensively beaten at the Battle of Waterloo on June
18, 1815. On June 25, 1815 Metternich was with his coalition allies in Paris once more to discuss peace terms when he read
that his son and two daughters had narrowly escaped death after a bridge collapsed. He disliked the enforced separation.
After 133 days of negotiations, longer than the turmoil itself, the second Treaty of Paris was agreed to and signed on
November 20, 1815. Metternich, who had come to the conclusion that France should not be dismembered, was happy with
the result: France lost only a little of its land along its eastern borders, seven hundred million French francs, and the artworks
it had captured. It also accepted an army of occupation numbering 150,000 men. In the meantime a separate treaty,
proposed by Alexander and redrafted by the Austrian foreign minister, had been signed on September 26, 1815. This created
a new Holy Alliance centred on Russia, Prussia and Austria; nonetheless, with its vague liberal sentiments it was a document
that Metternich neither pushed for nor wanted. Representatives from most of the European states would come to sign the
document, with the exception of the pope, the United Kingdom and the Ottoman Empire. Shortly afterwards, a separate
treaty reaffirmed the Quadruple Allianceand established, through its sixth article, the Congress System of regular diplomatic
meetings. With Europe at peace, the Austrian flag now flew over 50% more land than when Metternich had become foreign
minister. Metternich now turned once more to the question of Italy, arriving on his first visit to the country in early December
1815. After visiting Venice, his family joined him in Milan on 18 December. For once it was Metternich who played the liberal,
asking, unsuccessfully, Francis to give the region some autonomy. Metternich spent four months in Italy, endlessly busy and
suffering from chronic inflammation of his eyelids. He tried to control Austrian foreign policy from Milan and, when there was
a serious disagreement between the empire and the Kingdom of Bavaria, he was heavily criticised for his absence from
Vienna. His enemies could not capitalise however: Stadion was busy working in his role as finance minister and the
Empress Maria Ludovika, a fierce critic of Metternich's policies, died in April. The uncharacteristic gap between the views of
Metternich and his emperor was only eased when the emperor accepted some of Metternich's proposals and Metternich
withdrew others. Metternich finally returned to Vienna on May 28, 1816, after almost a year absent from the capital.
Professionally, the rest of 1816 passed quietly for the tired Metternich, who was wrapped up in discussions over Austria's
fiscal position and in monitoring the spread of liberalism in Germany and nationalism in Italy. Personally however, Metternich
was rocked in November by the death of a focus of his attentions, Julie Zichy-Festetics. Two years later Metternich was to
write that his "life ended there" and his old frivolity would take some time to return. The only consolation was July's
announcement that Metternich was to receive new estates along the Rhine at Johannisberg, only 25 miles (40 km) from his
birthplace at Koblenz. In June 1817 Metternich was required to escort the emperor's newly wed daughter Maria Leopoldina to
a boat at Livorno. When they arrived they found that the ship was delayed and Metternich spent the time travelling around
Italy once more; he visited Venice, Padua, Ferrara, Pisa, Florence and Lucca. Though alarmed by the way Italy was developing
(he noted that many of Francis' concessions were yet to be put into practice), he still believed the situation was salvageable
and made another plea for decentralisation on 29 August. After this failed, Metternich decided to broaden his efforts into
general administrative reform, to avoid the appearance of favouring the Italians over the other peoples of the empire. Whilst
working on these, Metternich returned to Vienna on September 12, 1817 to be immediately wrapped up in the organisation of
his daughter Maria's marriage to Count Joseph Esterhzy just three days later. It proved all too much and Metternich was
taken ill. After a delay whilst he recovered, Metternich condensed his proposals into three documents he submitted to Francis,
all dated October 27, 1817. The administration would remain undemocratic, but there would be a new ministry of justice and
four new chancellorseach with local remits, including one for "Italy". Importantly, the divisions would be regional and not
national. In the end, Francis accepted the revised proposals, albeit with several alterations. Metternich's primary focus
remained on keeping a sense of unity among the Great Powers of Europe and hence preserving his own power as mediator.
He was also concerned by liberal-minded Ioannis Kapodistrias' increasing influence over Tsar Alexander and the continual
threat of Russia annexing large areas of the declining Ottoman Empire (the so-calledEastern Question). As he had earlier
envisaged, by April 1818 Britain had drawn up, and Metternich pushed through, proposals to have a Congress at Aachen,
then a Prussian frontier town, six months later. In the meantime, Metternich was advised to travel to the spa town
of Karlsbad to treat the rheumatic tension in his back. It was a pleasant month-long trip, though it was whilst at Karlsbad that
he heard of the death of his father at the age of 72. He visited the family estate at Knigswart and then progressed to
Frankfurt in late August to encourage the member states of the German Confederation to agree on procedural issues. He
could also now revisit Koblenz for the first time in 25 years and travel on to his new estate at Johannisberg. Travelling with
Emperor Francis, he was warmly greeted by the Catholic towns along the Rhine as he progressed towards Aachen. He had
arranged in advance for newspapers to cover the first peacetime congress of its kind. As discussions began, Metternich
pushed for the withdrawal of allied troops from France and means for preserving the unity of the European powers. The

former was agreed almost immediately; but on the latter issue only agreement on a further extension to the Quadruple
Alliance. Metternich rejected the Tsar's idealistic plans for (among other things) a single European army, but his own
recommendations to the Prussians for greater controls onfreedom of speech proved equally hard for other powers such as
Britain to support openly. Drawn to the natural beauty of Dorothea Lieven, Metternich travelled with her to Brussels soon
after the congress broke up. Though he could not stay more than a few days, the pair would exchange letters for the next
eight years. Metternich arrived back in Vienna on December 11, 1818 and, unlike in preceding years, could spend
considerable time with his children. He entertained the Tsar during the Christmas period and spent twelve weeks monitoring
both Italy and Germany before setting off with the Emperor on a third trip to Italy. In the event, the trip had to be cut short
following the assassination of the conservative German dramatist August von Kotzebue. After a short delay, Metternich
decided that if the German governments would not take the lead against this perceived malaise, Austria would have to
compel them, and called an informal conference in Karlsbad. Wanting to sound out Prussian support before the assembly,
Metternich met with Frederick William III of Prussia in Teplice in July. Metternich carried the day, using a then recent attempt
on the life of the Chief Minister of Nassau, Carl Ibell, to get agreement for the conservative programme now known as
the Convention of Teplitz. The Karlsbad conference opened on 6 August and ran for the rest of the month. Metternich quickly
overcame any opposition within the conference to his proposed "group of anti-revolutionary measures, correct and
preemptory", though they were condemned by outsiders. Despite this censure Metternich was nonetheless very pleased with
the result, known as the "Karlsbad Decrees". At the conference in Vienna later in the year, Metternich found himself
constrained by the Princes of Wrttemberg and Bavaria, forcing him to abandon his plans to reform the German
federation. He now regretted having so quickly forced through its original constitution five years before. Nevertheless, he held
ground on other issues and the conference's Final Act was highly reactionary in nature, much as Metternich envisaged it. He
remained in Vienna until the close of the conference in May 1820 finding the whole affair a bore. On May 6, 1820 Metternich
heard of the death of his daughter Klementine tuberculosis. Journeying on to Prague, he heard that his eldest daughter Maria
had also contracted the disease. He was at her bedside in Baden bei Wien when she died on July 20, 1820. The two deaths in
quick succession prompted Eleonore and the remaining children to leave for the cleaner air of France. The rest of 1820 was
filled with news of liberal revolts to which Metternich was expected to respond. Ultimately, the Austrian Foreign Minister was
torn between following through on his conservative pledge (favoured by the Russians) and keeping out of a country in which
Austria had no interest (favoured by the British). He chose "sympathetic inactivity" on Spai n but, much to his dismay and
surprise, Guglielmo Pepe led a similar revolt in Naples in early July and forced King Ferdinand I to accept a new constitution.
Metternich reluctantly agreed to attend the Russian-initiated Congress of Troppau in October to discuss these very matters.
He need not have worried: the Tsar gave way and accepted a compromise proposal of moderate interventionism. Still worried
at Kapodistrias' influence over the Tsar he lay down his conservative principles in a long memorandum, using the opportunity
to attack the free press and the initiative of the middle classes. The congress disbanded in the third week of December and
the next step would be a congress at Laibach to discuss their proposed intervention with Ferdinand. Metternich found himself
able to dominate Laibach more than any other congress, overseeing Ferdinand's rejection of the liberal constitution he had
agreed to only months before. Austrian armies duly left for Naples in February and entered the city in March. The congress
was adjourned but, either forewarned or by luck, Metternich chose to keep representatives of the European powers close at
hand until the revolt had been put down. As a result, when similar revolts broke out in Piedmont in the middle of March,
Metternich had the Tsar at hand and he agreed to send ninetythousand men to the frontier in a show of solidarity. Concerns
grew in Vienna that Metternich's policy was too expensive, prompting Metternich to respond that Naples and Piedmont would
pay for stability; nonetheless, it was clear that even he was worried for the future of Italy. There was a consolation when he
was createdCourt Chancellor and Chancellor of State on May 25, 1821 a post left vacant since the death of Kaunitz in 1794.
He was also pleased at the renewed (if fragile) closeness between Austria, Prussia and Russia; however, it had come at the
expense of the Anglo-Austrian entente. In 1821, whilst Metternich was still at Laibach with Tsar Alexander, the revolt
of Alexander Ypsilantis threatened to bring the Ottoman Empire to the brink of collapse, a huge cause for concern. Wanting a
strong Ottoman Empire to counterbalance the Russians, Metternich opposed all forms Greek nationalism. Before Alexander
returned to Russia, Metternich secured his agreement not take unilateral action, and would write to the Tsar again and again
asking him not to intervene. For extra support he met with Viscount Castlereagh (now also Marquis of Londonderry) and
King George IV of the United Kingdom during a visit to Hanover in October. The king welcomed him warmly and Castlereagh
was similarly helpful. The earlier Anglo-Austrian entente was thus restored and the pair agreed that they would support the
Austrian position over the Balkans. Metternich went away happy, not least because he had bumped into Dorothea Lieven
once more. Over the Christmas period the Tsar wavered more than Metternich had bargained on. In February 1822, he
decided to send Dmitri Tatischev to Vienna for talks with Metternich. Metternich soon convinced the "conceited and
ambitious" Russian to let him dictate events. In return Austria promised to support Russia in enforcing her treaties with the
Ottomans, if the other alliance members would do likewise; in reality Metternich knew this was politically impossible for the
British. Further good news came on June 25, 1821 when Metternich's adversary in the Russian court, Kapodistrias, retired
from public life; however, by the end of April there was a new threat: the Russians were now determined to intervene in
Spain, a proposal Metternich described as "utter nonsense". The Austrian chancellor played for time, convincing his ally
Castlereagh to come to Vienna for talks before a scheduled congress in Verona, though Castlereagh's suicide on August 12,
1822 prevented this. With Castlereagh dead and relations with the British on a downwards trend, Metternich had lost a useful
ally. The Congress of Verona was a fine social event but diplomatically it was less successful. Supposed to be concerned with
Italy, the congress now had to focus on Spain instead. Austria took a stance of non-intervention, but it was the French who
carried the day with their proposal to prepare a joint invasion force. The Tsar pledged 150,000 men to help, while Prussia also
committed men to the cause. Metternich worried how they were supposed to get to Spain, and about French ambitions, but
nonetheless pledged (if only moral) support for the joint force. Metternich lingered in Verona until 18 December, before
spending some days in Venice with the Tsar and then by himself in Munich. He returned to Vienna in early January 1823 and
would remain there until September; indeed, after Verona he travelled much less than before, partly as a result of his new
post as Chancellor and partly as a result of his declining health. He was nonetheless buoyed by the arrival of his family from
Paris in May. He shone once more in Viennese society. Politically though, the year was one of disappointments. In March the
French crossed the Pyrenees unilaterally, undoing the "moral solidarity" established at Verona. Likewise, Metternich thought
the new Pope Leo XIItoo pro-French, and there was trouble between several German states and Austria over why they had not
been included at Verona. Furthermore Metternich, in his haste to discredit the Russian diplomat Pozzo di Borgo, instead
succeeded in renewing the Tsar's former suspicion of him. Worse was to come in late September: whilst accompanying his
emperor to a meeting with Alexander at Czernowitz, an Austrian settlement now in the Ukraine, Metternich fell ill with a fever.
He could not continue and had to make do with brief talks with the Russian foreign minister, Karl Nesselrode. At the
Czernowitz talks, to which the ill Metternich was not party, an impatient Tsar also asked for a congress in the then Russian
capital Saint Petersburg to discuss the Eastern Question. Metternich, wary of letting the Russians dominate affairs, was forced
into playing for time. Fortunately for Metternich the Tsar's dual proposal for the St Petersburg agenda (a settlement to the
Eastern Question favourable to Russia and limited autonomy for three Greek principalities) were a pairing that was
unpalatable to the other European powers, and potential attendees, such as British Foreign Secretary George Canning, slowly
dropped out, much to the annoyance of Alexander. Metternich would believe for several months that he now occupied a
unique level of influence over the Tsar. In the meantime he renewed the conservative programme he had outlined at Karlsbad

five years before, and sought to further increase Austrian influence over the German Federal Diet. He also informed the press
that they would no longer be able to publicise the minutes of Diet meetings, only its rulings. In January 1825 he began to
worry about his wife Eleonore's health and he arrived at her sickbed in Paris shortly before her death on March 19, 1825.
Having grieved sincerely for her, he also took the opportunity to dine with the Paris elite. Unfortunately, an aside about the
Tsar was reported back and it did nothing to help his reputation. He left Paris for the final time on 21 April and was joined by
the Emperor in Milan after Metternich's arrival on 7 May. He declined the Pope's invitation that he should become a cardinal of
the church. There was also a short trip to Genoa. Early in July the court dispersed and Metternich travelled to be with his
daughters Leontine (fourteen) and Hermine (nine) in the quiet town of Bad Ischl. Despite the seclusion he continued to
receive reports, including of ominous developments in the Ottoman Empire, where the Greek revolt was rapidly being crushed
by Ibrahim Ali of Egypt. He also had to deal with the fallout from St Petersburg where the Tsar, though he had not succeeded
in holding a full congress, had talked with all the major ambassadors. By mid-May it was clear that the allies could not decide
on a common course of action and, as such, the Holy Alliance was no longer active. In the early 1820s, Metternich had
advised Francis that reconvening the Hungarian Diet would be a good way to get approval for financial reform. In fact, the
diet of 1825 to 1827 would see three hundred sessions filled with criticism of how the Empire had eroded the historic rights of
the Kingdom of Hungary's nobility. Metternich complained that it "interfered with [his] time, [his] customs and [his] daily life",
as he was forced to travel to Pressburg (modern day Bratislava) to perform his ceremonial duties and to observe. He found
the growth in Hungarian national sentiment alarming and was wary of the growing influence of nationalist Istvn Szchenyi,
whom he had met twice in 1825. Back in Vienna, in mid-December, he heard of the death of Tsar Alexander with mixed
feelings. He had known the Tsar well and his death reminded him of his own fallibility, though it did potentially wipe the
soured diplomatic slate clean. Moreover, he could claim credit for prophesying the Decembrist liberal revolt that the new Tsar
Nicholas I had to crush. Now 53, Metternich chose to send Archduke Ferdinand to establish first contact with Nicholas.
Metternich was also friendly with the British envoy (the Duke of Wellington) and enlisted his help to win Nicholas over.
Despite this, the first eighteen months of Nicholas' reign did not go well for Metternich: firstly, it was established that the
British would oversee Russian-Ottoman talks and not the Austrians; and, as a result, Metternich failed to exercise any
influence over the resulting Akkerman Convention. France too began to drift away from Metternich's non-interventionist
position on the issue. In August 1826 Russian Foreign Minister Nesselrode rejected a congress proposed by Metternich to
discuss the events that would lead to the outbreak of civil war in Portugal. The Austrian foreign minister accepted his eclipse
with "surprising resilience". On November 5, 1827 Antoinette von Leykam became Metternich's second wife. She was only
twenty; consequently, their marriage, a small affair at Hetzendorf (a village just outside Vienna), drew considerable criticism,
though Antoinette's grace and charm soon won over Viennese society. The same day British, Russian and French forces sank
the Ottoman fleet at the Battle of Navarino. Metternich worried that further intervention would topple the Ottoman Empire
and hence upset the balance so carefully created in 1815. To Metternich's relief the new British Prime Minister Wellington and
his cabinet were equally apprehensive of giving Russia the upper hand in the Balkans. After another round of his congress
proposals were rejected, Metternich now stood back from the Eastern Question, watching as the Treaty of Adrianople was
signed in September 1829. Though he publicly criticised it for being too harsh on Turkey, privately he was satisfied with its
leniency and its promise that the new Greek state would be entirely autonomous, a buffer against Russian expansion rather
than a Russian satellite state. Metternich's private life was filled with grief, however: in November 1828 his mother died; and
in January 1829 Antoinette died, five days after giving birth to their son, Richard von Metternich. After fighting tuberculosis for
many months, Metternich's son Viktor (already a junior diplomat) died on November 30, 1829. Consequently he spent
Christmas alone and depressed, worried about the draconian methods of some of his fellow conservatives and the renewed
march of liberalism. In May Metternich embarked on a much needed holiday to his estate at Johannisberg. He returned to
Vienna a month later, still worried about the "chaos in London and Paris" and his declining ability to prevent it. Hearing
Nesselrode was due to take the waters at Karlsbad, he set off to meet the Russian in late July. He berated the quiet
Nesselrode, but fortunately no offence was taken and the two arranged a second meeting in August. In the interim Metternich
heard of France's July Revolution which deeply shocked him, and theoretically gave automatic need of a congress of
the Quadruple Alliance. Instead, Metternich met with Nesselrode as planned and, whilst the Russian rejected the Austrian's
plan to restore the old Alliance, the pair agreed thechiffon of Karlsbad: that panic could be postponed until the new
government showed territorial ambitions in Europe. Although pleased with this, Metternich's mood was soured by news of
unrest in Brussels (then part of the Netherlands), the resignation of Wellington in London, and calls for constitutionality in
Germany. He wrote with sombre and "almost morbid relish" that it was the "beginning of the end" of Old Europe. Nonetheless,
he took heart from the fact that the July Revolution had made a Franco-Russian alliance impossible, and that the Netherlands
had called an old-style congress of the sort Metternich enjoyed so much. The 1830 convocation of the Hungarian Diet also
proved more successful, crowning Archduke Ferdinand as King of Hungary with little dissent. Moreover, by November his
betrothal was completed to 25-year-old Melanie Zichy-Ferraris, who came from a Magyar family the Metternichs had long
known. The announcement caused far less consternation in Vienna than Metternich's previous choice of bride had, and they
were married on 30 January 1831. In February 1831 rebels took the cities of Parma, Modena and Bologna, and appealed to
France for help. Their former masters appealed for help from Austria, but Metternich was anxious not to march Austrian men
into the Papal States without authorisation from the new Pope Gregory XVI. He occupied Parma and Modena, however, and
would eventually cross into the Papal lands. As a result, Italy had been pacified by the end of March. He authorised Austrian
troops to withdraw from the Papal States in July, but by January 1832 they were back to put down a second rebellion. By this
time Metternich was noticeably ageing: his hair was grey, his face drawn and sunken, although his wife nonetheless enjoyed
his company. In February 1832 a daughter, also Melanie, was born; in 1833 a son, Klemens, though he died aged two months;
in October 1834 a second son, Paul; and in 1837 his third with Melanie, Lothar. Politically, Metternich had a new
adversary, Lord Palmerston, who had taken over at the British Foreign Office in 1830. By the end of 1832 they had clashed on
virtually every issue. "In short," Metternich wrote, "Palmerston is wrong about everything". Mostly, Metternich was annoyed
by his insistence that under the 1815 agreements Britain had the right to oppose Austria's tightening of university controls in
Germany, as Metternich had done again in 1832. Mtternich also worried that if future congresses were held in Britain, as
Palmerston wanted, his own power would be significantly reduced. In 1831 Egypt invaded the Ottoman Empire. There were
fears of its total collapse and Austria stood to gain little. Metternich therefore proposed multilateral support for the Ottomans
and a Viennese congress to sort out the details, but the French were evasive and the British refused to support any congress
held in Vienna. Indeed, by the summer of 1833 Anglo-Austrian relations had hit a new low. Over the Russians he was more
confident of exerting influence. His faith was misplaced, however, and he was left able only to observe the Russian
intervention in the region (culminating in the Treaty of Hnkr skelesi) from afar. Nonetheless, he prepared to meet with the
King of Prussia at Teplitz and accompany Francis to meet Tsar Nicholas at Mnchengrtz in September 1833. The former
meeting went well: Metternich still felt able to dominate the Prussians, despite their rising economic prominence in
Europe. The latter was more strained but, as Nicholas warmed, three Mnchengrtz agreements were reached shaping a new
conservative league that would uphold the existing order in Turkey, Poland and elsewhere. Metternich left happy; his sole
disappointment was having to commit to being tougher on Polish nationalists. Almost immediately, however, he heard of the
creation of the Quadruple Alliance of 1834 between Britain, France, Spain and Portugal. The alliance of liberals was such an
affront to Austrian values that Palmerston wrote that he "should like to see Metternich's face when he reads our treaty". It did
indeed draw bitter condemnation, mostly out of fear of an impending war. Metternich tried two tacks: both to intrigue the

British foreign secretary out of office and simultaneously trying (and failing) to build up cross-power bloc agreements. When
Palmerston was indeed removed in November, however, it was nothing to do with Metternich. Indeed, by the spring of 1835
Palmerston had been reinstated, though Metternich could take heart from the fact that large scale war had been avoided and
the Quadruple Alliance was already beginning to disintegrate. On March 2, 1835 Emperor Francis died, succeeded by his
epileptic son Ferdinand I. Despite calls that Ferdinand was a "ghost of a monarch", Metternich placed a great deal of
importance upon legitimacy and did all he could to keep the government running. He was soon required to accompany
Ferdinand on his first meeting with Tsar Nicholas and the King of Prussia, again at Teplitz. Ferdinand was overwhelmed by it
all, especially as the delegations paraded into Prague. Overall, however, it was an untroubled meeting. The next few years
would pass relatively peacefully for Metternich: diplomatic incident was limited to the occasional angry exchange with
Palmerston and Metternich's failure become a mediator between the British and Russian over their Black Sea dispute. He also
invested significant effort into bringing new technology such as the railways into Austria. Metternich's most pressing issue
was Hungary, where he remained reluctant to support the centrist (but still nationalist) Szchenyi. His hesitancy on the issue
is "a sad commentary on his declining powers of political presence". At court Metternich was defeated by the rising star
of Franz Anton von Kolowrat-Liebsteinsky increasingly regularly, particularly over his proposals to increase military budgets.
After his 1836 attempt to force through constitutional reform (which would have seen him given greater influence) was
defeatedlargely through the efforts of the more liberally mindedArchduke JohnMetternich was forced to share more power
with Kolowrat and Archduke Ludwig as part of Austria's Secret State Conference. Decision making ground to a halt.
Entertaining and maintaining his estates at Johannisberg, Knigswart and Plasy (together with Marinsk Tnice) were taking
up a lot of his income at a time when he had four young children to support, causing him more stress. Metternich had long
predicted a new crisis in the east, and when the Second Turko-Egyptian War broke out in 1839 he was anxious to use it to reestablish Austria's diplomatic credentials. He quickly brought representatives together in Vienna, from where they issued a
communiqu to Constantinople pledging support on July 27, 1839. However, Tsar Nicholas sent Metternich a message from St
Petersburg rejecting the idea that Vienna should become the centre of diplomacy. Metternich worked so furiously trying to
keep his plans alive that he fell ill, spending the next five weeks taking time out at Johannisberg. The Austrians lost the
initiative and Metternich had to accept that London would be the new centre of negotiations over the Eastern Question. It was
not the only climbdown: just three weeks after its creation Metternich's European League of Great Powers (the result of his
diplomatic initiative following aggressive moves by French Prime Minister Adolphe Thiers) it had become a mere curiosity;
likewise, little was heard of his proposals to hold a congress in Germany. A separate proposal to strengthen the influence of
the ambassadors stationed in Vienna was also rejected. These rejections would set the tone for the rest of Metternich's
chancellorship. Metternich's illness had, it seemed to others, broken his love of being in office. Over the next decade his wife
Melanie prepared quietly for the moment when he would either retire or die in office. Metternich's work during the early
1840s would be dominated once more by Hungary and, more generally, by questions of national identity within the diverse
Austrian Empire. Here, Metternich "showed [moments of] acute perception". His Hungarian proposals came far too late,
however, as the hard-liner Lajos Kossuth had already established a strong brand of Hungarian nationalism. His support for
other nationalities was patchy, since he only had a problem with those that suggested the breakup of the Empire. At the
Conference of State Metternich lost his principal ally, Karel Clam-Martinic, in 1840, which did nothing to help the growing
state of paralysis at the heart of Austrian government. Metternich now struggled to enforce even the level of censorship he
desired, a matter clearly within his remit. Fortunately there were no major challenges to the regime from outside its
borders. Italy was quiet and neither Metternich's attempt to lecture the new Prussian king, Frederick William IV nor the
boredom of the new British Queen Victoria at their first meeting posed immediate problems. Far more worrying was the
behaviour of Tsar Nicholas, whose estimation of the Habsburg dynasty and of Austria was low. After an impromptu tour of Italy
in 1845 the Tsar unexpectedly stopped in Vienna on his way back to Russia. Already in a bad mood he was an awkward guest,
though in-between criticism of Austria he did reassure Metternich that Russia was not about to invade the Ottoman Empire
once again. Two months later their countries were required to work together over the Galician slaughter and a declaration of
independence from Krakow. Metternich authorised the occupation of the city and the use of troops to restore order in
surrounding areas, keen to rescind the pseudo-independence that had been granted to Krakow in 1815. After months of
negotiations with the Prussians and Russians, Austria annexed the city in November 1846. Metternich regarded it as a
personal victory but, in hindsight, it was a move of dubious utility: not only were the Polish dissidents now officially part of
Austria, the Europe-wide Polish dissident movement were now hell-bent on destroying the "Metternich system" that had
overridden the rights enshrined in 1815. Britain and France appeared similarly outraged, though Metternich did not heed their
calls for his resignation. For the next two years Ferdinand would not be able to abdicate in favour of his son without a
regency; in the interim Metternich believed Austria would need him to hold government together. Though Metternich was
tiring in his old age, the memoranda kept pouring forth from his chancellery. Despite this he largely missed the building crisis.
The new Pope Pius IX was attracting a reputation as a liberal nationalist to oppose Metternich and Austria; at the same time,
the Empire was experiencing unemployment and rising prices as a result of poor harvests. Metternich was suitably bemused
at the outcry from Italians, the Pope and Palmerston when he ordered the occupation of Papal-controlled Ferrara in the
summer of 1847. It would prove to be just the beginning. Despite securing French agreement for the first time in many years
from Franois Guizot over the Swiss Civil War, they were forced into backing breakaway cantons. The pair proposed a
conference, but soon there was no need: the government had crushed the revolt. It was a major blow to Metternich's
prestige, and his opponents in Vienna would seize upon the whole affair as evidence of his incompetence. In January 1848
Metternich predicted trouble in Italy during the year ahead. He responded to this growing threat by dispatching an
envoy, Karl Ludwig von Ficquelmont to Italy; by resurrecting his 1817 plans for an Italian chancellery and by pre-arranging
various contingency plans with the French. In late February Austrian Field Marshal Joseph Radetsky placed the Austrian
holding in Italy (Lombardy-Venetia) in a state of martial lawas disturbances spread. Despite this and hearing of
renewed revolution in France, Metternich was not about to be drawn into overhasty action; he still considered domestic
revolution unlikely. Nonetheless, he was described by a Saxon diplomat as, in the words of biographer Musulin, "having
shrunk to a shadow of his former self". On March 3, 1848 Kossuth, speaking in the Hungarian Diet, gave a fiery speech calling
for a constitution. Nonetheless, it was not until March 10, 1848 that Metternich appeared concerned about events in Vienna
itself, where there were now threats and counter-threats flying. Two petitions were organised calling for greater freedom,
transparency, and representation. Students were involved in several demonstrations, culminating on March 13, 1848 when
they cheered the royal family but voiced anger towards Metternich. Having continued as usual through the morning, soon
after midday Metternich was called to meet with Archduke Ludwig. The chancellor had troops sent onto the streets, whilst
also announcing a prearranged but minimal concession. In the afternoon the crowd turned hostile, however, and a division of
troops opened fire on it, killing five. The mob was now truly incited as the liberals were joined by under privileged Viennese
set on wreaking havoc. The students offered to form a pro-government Academic Legion if their demands were met. Ludwig
was eager to accept and told Metternich he must resign, to which he reluctantly agreed. After sleeping in the chancellery he
was advised to either take back his resignation or leave the city. After Ludwig sent him a message to the effect that the
government could not guarantee his safety, Metternich left first for the house of Count Taaffe and then, with aid from
friends Charles von Hgel andJohann Rechberg, travelled on to the family seat of Prince Liechtensteinforty miles from
Vienna at Feldsberg. Metternich's daughter Leontine joined them on March 21, 1848 and suggested England as a place of
haven; agreeing, Metternich, Melanie and 19-year-old Richard set out across Europe, leaving the younger children with

Leontine. Metternich's resignation had been met with cheering in Vienna, and even the Viennese commoners welcomed the
end of Metternich's era of social conservatism. After an anxious journey lasting nine days, during which they were variously
honoured and refused entry to various towns, Metternich, his wife and son Richard arrived in the Dutch city of Arnhem. There
they stayed whilst Metternich regained his strength, before travelling on to Amsterdam and the Hague, where they waited to
hear of the results of a demonstration by English chartists, planned for April 10, 1848. On April 20, 1848 they landed
at Blackwall in London, where they would stay in the comfort of the Brunswick Hotel in Hanover Square for a fortnight until
they found a permanent residence. Metternich largely enjoyed his time in London: the Duke of Wellington, now nearly eighty,
tried to keep him entertained and there were also visits from Palmerston, Guizot (now also in exile) and Benjamin Disraeli,
who enjoyed his talks on European politics. The sole disappointment was that Victoria herself had not acknowledged his
presence in the capital. The trio leased a house, 44 Eaton Square, for four months. The younger children joined them in the
summer. He followed events in Austria from afar, famously denying ever having erred; in fact, he declared the turmoil in
Europe to be vindication of his policies. In Vienna, however, a hostile post-censorship press continued to attack him; in
particular, they accused him of embezzlement and accepting bribes, prompting the authorities there to investigate. Gradually
investigators cleared Metternich of the more extreme charges and would evidently abandon the search for evidence for the
more minor ones empty handed, though nothing was ever proven. (In all likelihood Metternich's large expense claims were
merely a product of the necessities of early 19th century diplomacy.) In the meantime, as he was denied his pension,
Metternich was ironically reliant on loans. In mid-September the family moved to 42 Brunswick Terrace, Brighton, on the
south coast of England where they found a tranquillity that contrasted greatly with the revolutionary Europe they had left
behind. Parliamentary figures, particularly Disraeli, travelled down to visit them, as did Metternich's former friend Dorothea
Lieven (Melanie led a reconciliation between the two). Expecting a visit from Metternich's daughter Leontine, and her own
daughter Pauline, the family moved to a suite of rooms at Richmond Palace on April 23, 1849. Visitors included: Wellington,
who still watched out for Metternich; Johann Strauss, the Austrian composer; Dorothea de Dino, the sister of former lover
Wilhemine of Sagan; and former lover Katharina Bagration. Metternich was however showing his age and his frequent fainting
attracted a great deal of worry. The ex-chancellor was also depressed by the lack of communication from new Emperor Franz
Joseph I or his government. Leontine wrote to Vienna to try to secure this contact and in August Metternich received a warm
letter from Franz Joseph; whether sincere or not, it buoyed Metternich considerably. From mid-August Melanie began to push
for a move toBrussels, a city cheaper to live in and closer to continental affairs. They arrived in October, overnighting in the
Hotel Bellevue. With revolution subsiding, Metternich was hopeful they would soon be back in Vienna once more. Their stay
would in fact last over 18 months, whilst Metternich waited for the perfect opportunity to launch himself back into Austrian
politics. It was a pleasant enough (and cheap) stay, first in the Boulevard de l'Observatoire and later in the Sablons/Zavel
areafilled with visits from politicians, writers, musicians and scientists. For Metternich, however, the tedium and
homesickness only increased. In March 1851 Melanie induced him to write to the new political force in Vienna, Prince
Schwarzenberg, to ask if he might return if he promised not to interfere in public affairs. In April he received an affirmative
reply, authorised by Franz Joseph. In May 1851 Metternich duly left for his Johannisberg estate, which he had last visited in
1845. Whilst staying there for the summer Metternich enjoyed the company of Prussian representative Otto von Bismarck. He
also enjoyed a visit from Frederick William, though the king irritated Metternich by appearing to nurture him as a tool against
Schwarzenberg. In September he returned to Vienna and on the journey the various German princes were keen to entertain
the focus of Prussian intrigue. Metternich was reinvigorated, dropping his nostalgia and living in the present for the first time
in a decade. Franz Josef asked for his advice on numerous issues (though he was too headstrong to be much influenced by it)
and both of the two factions now emerging in Vienna were keen to get Metternich on side; even Tsar Nicholas called on him
during a state visit. Metternich was not keen on the new Foreign Minister, Karl Ferdinand von Buol, but at least Buol was
sufficiently incompetent that he would be impressionable. Metternich's advice was of varying quality; nonetheless, some of it
did give useful insights, even over modern matters. Now deaf, Metternich wrote endlessly; particularly for an appreciative
Franz Josef. He wanted Austrian neutrality in theCrimean War, though Buol did not. In the meantime Metternich's health was
slowly failing and he became a more peripheral figure after the death of his wife Melanie in January 1854. After a brief
resurgence in energy in early 1856, he busied himself in the arrangements for a marriage between his son Richard and his
granddaughter Pauline (Richard's step-sister's daughter) and undertook more travel. The King of the Belgians came to visit
him, as did Bismarck, and on August 16, 1857 he entertained the future Edward VII of the United Kingdom. Buol, however,
was becoming more resentful Metternich's advice, particularly over Italy. In April 1859 Franz Josef came to ask him about
what should be done in Italy. According to Pauline, Metternich begged him not to send an ultimatum to Italy and Franz Josef
explained that such an ultimatum had already been sent. In this way, much to Metternich's disappointment and to Franz
Josef's embarrassment, Austria began the Second Italian War of Independence against the combined forces of PiedmontSardinia and her ally France. Though Metternich could secure the replacement of Buol with his friend Rechberg, who had
helped him so much in 1848, the war itself was now beyond his capacity. Even a special task given by Franz Josef in June
1859to draw up secret papers handling the event of Franz Josef's deathwas now too taxing for Metternich. Shortly
afterwards he died in Vienna on June 11, 1859, aged 86, and the last of his generation. Almost everyone of note in Vienna
came to pay their tributes to him; however, in the foreign press his death went virtually unnoticed. Over a century-and-a-half
later a sparkling wine was named after Metternich, Frst von Metternich Riesling Sekt, and his image was selected as the
main motif on the Austrian 20-euro Biedermeier Period commemorative coin minted on June 11, 2003. The reverse of the coin
shows his portrait with the map of Europe that was redrawn at the Congress of Vienna after the defeat of Napoleon
Bonaparte. Particularly in the 19th century, Metternich was heavily criticised, decried as the man who prevented Austria and
the rest of central Europe from "developing along 'normal' liberal and constitutional lines". If Metternich had not stood in the
way of (in their view) progress, Austria might have reformed, dealt with the problems of nationality better, and the First World
War may never have happened. Instead, Metternich chose to fight an overwhelmingly fruitless (and potentially counterproductive) war against the forces of liberalism and nationalism. Heavy censorship was just one of a range
of repressive instruments of state available to him that also included a large spy network. He also opposed electoral reform,
heavily criticising the British Reform Bill introduced in 1830. In short, he locked himself in an embittered battle against "the
prevailing mood of his age". On the other hand, Metternich's credentials as a diplomat and statesman were the focus of
praise in the twentieth century from more favourable historians, particularly biographerHeinrich von Srbik. For example,
particularly after the Second World War, historians were more likely to defend Metternich's policies as reasonable attempts to
achieve his own goals i.e. the defence of the balance of power in Europe. More sympathetic historians highlight that
Metternich correctly foresaw and worked to prevent Russian dominance in Europe, succeeding where his forebears would fail
130 years later. As argued by Srbik, Metternich himself pursued legality, cooperation and dialogue, and therefore helped
ensure 30 years of peace, the "Age of Metternich". In the works of authors such as Peter Viereck and Ernst B. Haas Metternich
also gains credit for many of his more liberal ideals, even if they did not come to much. These view presupposes that
Metternich had the ability to favourably shape Europe, but chose not to. More modern critiques, such as that included in the
work of A. J. P. Taylor, have questioned just how much influence Metternich really had. Robin Okey, a critic of Metternich,
noted that even in the realm of foreign affairs Metternich "had only his own persuasiveness to rely on", and this degraded
over time. On this reading, his job was to create a "smokescreen" that hid Austria's true weakness. When it came to choosing
a set of sound principles, wrote Taylor, "most men could do better while shaving". The result was that Metternich was no
captivating diplomatic force: Taylor described him as "the most boring man in European history". Not only were his failures

limited to foreign affairs, critics argue: at home he was equally powerless, failing to push through even his own proposals for
administrative reform. By comparison, those who have attempted to rehabilitate Metternich describe him as "unquestionably
[a] master of diplomacy", someone who "perfected" and indeed shaped the nature of diplomacy in his era. In a similar
vein, Alan Sked argues that Metternich's "smokescreen" may well have served a purpose in furthering a relatively coherent
set of principles.Metternich had the following children (names are untranslated): With Eleonore: Maria Leopoldina (1797
1820), Franz Karl Johann Georg (17981799), Klemens Eduard (17991799), Franz Karl Viktor Ernst Lothar Clemens Joseph
Anton Adam (18031829), Klementine Marie Octavie (18041820), Leontine Adelheid Maria Pauline (18111861) and Hermine
Gabriele (Henrietta) Marie Eleonore Leopoldine (18151890). With Antoinette: Richard Klemens Josef Lothar Hermann (1829
1895). With Melanie: Melanie Marie Pauline Alexandrine (18321919), Klemens (18331833), Paul Klemens Lothar (1834
1906), Maria Emilia Stephania (18361836) and Lothar Stephan August Klemens Maria (18371904).With Katharina Bagration
(illegitimate, acknowledged): Marie-Klementine Bagration (18021884).

Carl Borromus von Inzaghy

(Inzaghi) (1777 - 1856) was the Acting Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Austrian
Empire from March 13 until March 20, 1848.

List of Ministers-President of the Austrian Empire

Franz

Anton von Kolowrat-Liebsteinsky (Czech: Frantiek Antonn Kolovrat-Libtejnsk)

(January 31,
1778 April 4, 1861) was a Bohemian nobleman and the first MinisterPresident of the Austrian Empire from
March 20 until April 4, 1848. He was also Directing Minister of State for Interior Affairs of the the Austrian Empire
from September 29, 1826 until March 20, 1848. Born in Prague the son of a Bohemian noble family, whose
ancestors had already served under Emperor Charles IV of Luxembourg, Franz Anton finished his studies in 1799.
During the Napoleonic Wars he achieved the office of a stadtholder of Austrian emperorFrancis I of Habsburg at
Prague and in 1810 became Oberstburggraf of the whole Bohemian kingdom. Contrary to Minister of
StateKlemens Wenzel von Metternich he encouraged Czech cultural and civic-national movements,
exemplified by the founding of thePrague National Museum in 1818. Kolowrat's rivalry with Metternich
intensified when in 1826 the emperor called him to Vienna, where he was elevated to a member of the
Austrian State Council responsible for the Interior and Finances; while Metternich favored a strong army, Kolowrat reduced the
miitary budget. After the accession of Francis' incapable son Ferdinand I to the throne in 1836, Kolowrat together with
Metternich led theSecret State Conference, the de facto government of the Empire. However the continuous disagreement
between the two leaders palsied the Austrian politics and ultimately contributed to the outbreak of the Revolutions of 1848.
When Metternich had to resign, Kolowrat assumed the newly created office of an Austrian Minister-President, which he
nevertheless laid down after only one month between April 3 5, 1848, officially for health reasons. Kolowrat died in Vienna.

Karl Ludwig Reichsgraf von Ficquelmont

(March 23, 1777, Castle of Dieuze, France

April 7, 1857, Venice, Austrian Empire) was the second MinisterPresident of the Austrian Empire from
April 4 until May 4, 1848. He was an Austrian aristocrat, statesman and Field marshal of the Austrian
Imperial army of French noble origin. He was born Gabriel-Charles-Louis-Bonnaventure,Count de
Ficquelmont et du Saint-Empire at the Castle of Dieuze, in his family's Estates in the present-day French
dpartement of Moselle. The son of a prominent high nobility Lorrainer family (House of Ficquelmont),
he was introduced to the King at the Royal Court of Versailles in 1789. Only a few months later, the
French Revolution started. His family, as high nobility aristocrats were targeted by the Revolution,
several of his relatives were beheaded and many of their Estates were confiscated during the Terreur
era. Ficquelmont chose to join the "Army of the Princes" fighting against the Revolutionary France. He
eventually entered the military service of the Habsburg Monarchy in 1793. Ficquelmont participated in
all Austrian campaigns in the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars, rising to the rank of an Oberst and chief of staff in the army
of Archduke Ferdinand Karl Joseph of Austria-Este. He received the capitulation of Lyon and was elevated to the rank of a
Major General in 1814. Following the Fall of Napoleon, he was appointed diplomat of the Austrian Empire. In 1815 he was
Ambassador Extraordinary to Sweden, in 1820 Ambassador to Tuscany and Lucca, in 1821 he was Special Envoy at the Royal
court of Naples. Finally, in 1829, he was appointed Ambassador Extraordinary to Russia, where he became an extremely
influential agent of Chancellor Metternich on the politics of Emperor Nicholas I. Ficquelmont continued his rise into the
imperial Austrian military, being successively: 1830: Feldmarschallleutnant, 1831: General of the Dragoons, 1840-1848:
Minister of the State and conferences, in charge of the Imperial Army and 1843: Feldmarschall In 1839 Ficquelmont was
recalled to Vienna to assume the duties of the Foreign Office during the absence of Prince Metternich, in 1840 he was
appointed Minister of the State and Conferences and led the Imperial Army. During the Revolutions of 1848, he was again in
charge of the Department of Foreign Affairs from March 20 in the cabinet of Minster-President Franz Anton von KolowratLiebsteinsky, whom he succeeded between April 3 5, 1848 as Minister-President. Due to his close ties with the "Metternich
System" and the Russian tsar, popular feeling against him compelled him to resign on May 4, 1848. It was a violent period,
his wife Countess Dolly, who was at their Venice's palace at the time, was arrested twice by the Venetian guarda civil and
finally had to flee the city on board an English ship with her daughter, son-in-law and grand-children. Moreover, Ficquelmont's
kinsman in the War Ministry, Count Theodor Franz Baillet von Latour, was lynched during the Vienna Uprising of October
1848. Afterwards, Ficquelmont retired at first to his palace of Vienna, later to his Venitian palace, where he died in 1857, at
the age of 81. As a consequence of the French Revolution, the Ficquelmont family spread across Europe. Beyond Austria and
France, members of the family settled in Italy, Hungary, England and the Netherlands, where one of Charles-Louis's uncle,
Count Antoine-Charles de Ficquelmont (1753-1833), recreated the title Count de Ficquelmont in the Dutch nobility (July 16,
1822). Charles-Louis had five siblings of which only one had issue, one girl and one boy. His niece was countess Clotilde de
Vaux (18151846), who gave philosopher Auguste Comte the inspiration for the Religion of Humanity organized around the
public veneration of Humanity through a Goddess made after her.[4] His nephew was count Maximilien-Marie de Ficquelmont
(18191891), the French mathematician who resolved one of the most difficult problem of equational mathematics by
inventing the imaginary number i;. In 1821, Ficquelmont, 44, married Countess Dorothea von Tiesenhausen (1804-1863), 17,
grand-daughter of Prince Kutuzov. The couple had one daughter, Elisabeth-Alexandrine-Marie-Thrse de Ficquelmont, born in
1825 in Naples, Countess de Ficquelmont by birth and Princess Clary und Aldringen by marriage. Prince Siegfried von ClaryAldringen and Count Manfred von Clary-Aldringen are Ficquelmont's grand-children. Countess Dorothea de Ficquelmont is
famous for her letter-writing and diary (the former was published in Italian and Russian in 1950) telling her life as a high
society's aristocrat in 19th century's Europe. He was honoured with Knight of the Order of the Golden Fleece and Grand Cross
of the Order of Saint Januarius. He has writtes two works Aufklrungen ber die Zeit vom 20 Mrz bis zum 4 Mai, 1848
(second edition, 1850) and Die religise Seite der orientalischen Frage (second edition, 1854).

Franz von Pillersdorf

(March 1, 1786 February 22, 1862) was an Austrian statesman and the third Minister
President of the Austrian Empire from May 4 until July 8, 1848. Born in Brno the son of a judge, Pillersdorf after a legal

education in Vienna in 1805 started his public service career in Galicia. In 1807, he returned to Vienna
as assistant to the court councilor Baron von Baldacci. This put him in the centre of the action when
the war with Napoleon broke out. In the disadvantageous peace according to the 1809 Treaty of
Schnbrunn that followed, the Austrian foreign minister Johann Philipp Stadion had to resign and a
new ministry was formed, with Prince Metternich at its head. Baldacci moved to the periphery of
power, but Pillersdorff advanced to court secretary and then became a court councilor. Here
Pillersdorff had ample opportunity to acquaint himself with the great disarray in the operation of the
Austrian state, and how necessary reform was, but uncommonly difficult to implement. The events of
1812-1815 increased the oppressive political climate still more. Baldacci became minister of the army
and headed the administration of the occupied zones in France, and Pillerdorf was put at his side.
Pillersdorf's stay in France and travels to the United Kingdom gave him the opportunity to make
comparative studies and think about how the people could start participating in lawmaking and
government in Austria as well. But the time had not come for such changes in Austria since the
emperor Francis of Habsburg kept the reins of power tightly to himself. After the Napoleonic Wars,
Austrian finances urgently required attention. The paper money issued amounted to 700 million fl., but at least a portion of
this disappeared from circulation and was replaced by specie. By 1830 there was even the prospect of a surplus in the
treasury. This situation brought to the fore the question of whether or not government should be representative, for to
maintain the partially achieved financial order, the participation of the public in financial management was needed, as well as
confidence that the ministries would not overstep their budgets. The future of Austria lay in the solution of this question, for
the financial element comprised much more important affairs. But those near the throne did not want to see the solution of
the financial question turn into a question of a constitution yet that was its essence. The French July Revolution of 1830
heightened the tension in the various classes of the population. In 1832, Pillersdorff, who thought that concerns about conflict
with the new government in France should not frustrate attempts to bring more order to Austria's finances, was taken away
from finances and moved to the chancellery where he became a privy councilor (Geheimrat) on the inner track of the
government. A new field opened itself to him where no skilled hand had been on the plow since the reign of Emperor Joseph
II. All kinds of weeds needed to be pulled, and obstacles removed, in order to create a foundation for public welfare which
until now had not been allowed to develop. As stubbornly as the current order was maintained, so public discontent with it
became greater. Even patriotic men faced with a sort of longing the storm that rose up from the French July Monarchy and
unleashed itself on Austria. In the Revolutions of 1848, the brittle government collapsed. On March 13, Prince Metternich
resigned. Pillersdorf became Minister of the Interior under Count Kolowrat on March 20, 1848 and Pillersdorff submitted the
Pillersdorf Constitution on April 25, 1848. Pillersdorf was appointed Minister-President on May 4, 1848. If he had hoped for a
moment to be able to calmly and gradually reorganize the government, everything conspired against his honest intention
the turmoil in Lombardy and Hungary, the unrest in Vienna, relations with the states of the German Confederation. The
unexpected flight of Emperor Ferdinand I made it an affair of honour for the prime minister not to resign, and Pillersdorff
remained true to his post. He held fast to the concessions made by the crown, but the resistance he offered to constantly
emerging new demands was too weak. He avoided the summoning of the government's sources of influence. In the
meantime, public affairs came into such confusion and disarray, and Pillersdorff showed himself so little suited to manage
them and create order, that finally on July 8 he resigned. Pillersdorf then was elected as a deputy of the Vienna Reichstag
assembly constituted on July 22. Here he took his place centre-right with the men who earnestly wanted to support the new
government. Never was there a vote in which he did not take the government's side. When the Krom Reichstag was
dissolved in 1849, Pillersdorff's ministerial activity as well as his behavior during the days of September leading to the Vienna
Uprising became the subject of a disciplinary investigation. These proceedings must have been uncommonly painful for
Pillersdorf whose efforts during his career were directed, as he himself said, toward reinforcing the power and prestige of the
government and instilling confidence in it by avoiding motives for dissatisfaction through suggestions for peaceful reforms."
Pillersdorf went into deep seclusion. His lot was to stand, not amongst those who had been judged, but among those who
had been shamed. But his fellow citizens sought to heal these wounds: When constitutional government returned to Austria
in 1861, they confidently called him to the newly established Reichsrat house of representatives. The old man, who had
reached the end of his days, took up the mandate with joyful readiness and uprightly performed the duties of his office as
head of the finance committee until his death in the following year. He was received Order of Saint Stephen of Hungary.

Anton von Doblhoff-Dier

(November 10, 1800 April 16, 1872) was an Austrian statesman and
the fourth MinisterPresident of the Austrian Empire from July 8 until July 18, 1848. Born in Gorizia, he
studied law at the University of Vienna and at first entered into civil service. In 1836 he retired to cultivate
the manor estate of his uncle at Weikersdorf Castle in Baden, where he excelled in agronomic studies. In
the course of the Revolutions of March 1848 he became a liberal member of the Reichstag assembly and
trade minister in the cabinet of Franz von Pillersdorf, and, after Pillersdorf's demission in July, acting
minister-president and minister of the interior. Doblhoff-Dier himself resigned from all offices in the violent
Vienna Uprising of October 1848. In the next year he was appointed ambassador at The Hague, a post he
held until 1858. In 1861 he became a member of the newly established Reichsrat, from 1867 onwards of
the Herrenhaus.

Johann von Wessenberg-Ampringen (German: Johann

Philipp Freiherr von Wessenberg-Ampringen; November

28, 1773 August 1, 1858, Freiburg im Breisgau) was an Austrian diplomat statesman and the fifth MinisterPresident of the
Austrian Empire from July 18 until November 21, 1848. Wessenberg was born in Dresden, where his father worked as a tutor
to the princes of the electoral House of Wettin. Johann's younger brother Ignaz Heinrich von Wessenberg later chose an
ecclesiastical career and in 1801 was appointed Vicar general of the Bishopric of Constance. In 1776 the family returned to
Freiburg in Further Austria. Johann joined the Austrian civil service in 1794. He served as a diplomatic envoy during the War of
the Second Coalition supporting the forces of Archduke Charles. From 1801 he worked as a secretary at the Austrian embassy
in Berlin led by Count Johann Philipp von Stadion and in 1805 was appointed ambassador at Kassel, where he witnessed the
occupation by the French troops under GeneralMortier in 1806. In 1808 Wessenberg returned to Berlin as ambassador at
the Prussian court. King Frederick William III had fled from Napoleon's forces to East Prussia and Wessenberg had no
opportunity to convince him to join the Fifth Coalition against France. From 1811 to 1813 on he led the legation at Munich and
afterwards travelled as special envoy to London, France and Milan before in 1814 he was appointed second Austrian delegate
(after Prince Metternich) at the Congress of Vienna. Wessenberg efforts made a major contribution to the establishment of
the German Confederation. From 1830 he again served as ambassador at Den Haag, he also took part in the proceedings
after the Belgian Revolution that finally led to the 1839 Treaty of London. After the Revolutions of 1848, retired Wessenberg
was appointed Minister President on July 18, 1848 he nevertheless was forced to flee with the court from the Vienna

Uprising to Olomouc, whereafter he resigned on November 21, 1848 in favour of Prince Felix of
Schwarzenberg. Wessenberg spent his last years at his family's estates in Freiburg, where he also died.

Felix zu Schwarzenberg (October

2, 1800 April 5, 1852) was

an Austrian statesman and the sixth MinisterPresident of the Austrian Empire from
November 21, 1848 until his death on April 2, 1852 who restored
the Habsburg Empire as a European power following the disorders of 1848. Felix
was born at esk Krumlov Castle (German: Bhmisch Krumau) in Bohemia, the
son of Joseph, Prince of Schwarzenberg, and brother of Johann Adolf II, Prince of
Schwarzenberg. The nephew of Prince Karl Philipp zu Schwarzenberg, the
commander of the
Austrian armies in the last phases of the Napoleonic wars, Schwarzenberg entered
the
diplomatic
service, where he became a protg of Prince Klemens von Metternich and served
in
several
Austrian embassies. During his time in London and Paris he had an affair with Jane
Digby, whom he
deserted after causing her husband to divorce her, and making her pregnant. This
episode led to the
nickname of "Prince of Cadland" being applied to him in London. In the Revolutions
of
1848,
he
helped Josef Radetzky defeat rebel forces in Italy. For his role as a close advisor to
Radetzky, as well as his status as brother-in-law to Marshal Windischgrtz, who had suppressed the revolution
in Prague and Vienna, Schwarzenberg was appointed minister-president foreign minister of Austria in November 1848. In this
role, which he held until his premature death in 1852, his first step was to secure the replacement of Emperor
Ferdinand by Francis Joseph. Together with the new Emperor, Schwarzenberg called in a Russian army to help suppress
the Hungarian revolt, and thus free Austria to attempt to thwart Prussia's drive to dominate Germany. He undid democratic
reforms and re-established monarchist control in Austria, with the March Constitution that transformed the Habsburg empire
into a unitary, centralized state, and imposed the Punctation of Olmtz on Prussia, forcing Prussia to abandon, for the
moment, its plan of unifying Germany under its own auspices, and to acquiesce in the reformation of the old German
Confederation. He died in office at Vienna, suffering a stroke in the early evening of 5 April 1852. Schwarzenberg was widely
respected in Europe as an able statesman, although not much trusted (his own statement following the Russian intervention
in Hungary that Austria would "shock the world by the depth of its ingratitude" may have played a part in this), and his early
death has generally been seen by historians as a grave setback to Austria, as none of his successors possessed his stature or
skill.

List of Chairmens of the Ministers' Conference of the Austrian Empire

Karl Ferdinand von Buol (May 17, 1797 October 28, 1865) was an Austrian diplomatist
and statesman, who served as Chairman of the Ministers Conference of the Austrian Empire from
April 11, 1852 until May 4, 1857 and Foreign Minister of Austrian Empire from April 11, 1852 until
May 17, 1859. Buol was born in Vienna, a scion of a Grisons noble family descending
from Frstenau. His father Johann Rudolf von Buol (d. 1834) from 1816 until 1823 chaired the
Austrian delegation to the Bundesversammlung of the German Confederation. He joined the
Austrian foreign service and served successively as envoy to Baden at Karlsruhe (18281838),
to Wrttemberg atStuttgart (18381844),
to Sardinia-Piedmont at
Turin (18441848),
to Russia at Saint Petersburg (18481850), to the German ministerial conference at Dresden
1850/51, and to the United Kingdom at London 18511852). He became an increasingly close
associate of the Austrian Minister-President, Prince Felix of Schwarzenberg, and when
Schwarzenberg suddenly died in April 1852, Buol succeeded him as foreign minister, although not
as Premier, as the young Emperor Franz Joseph himself now took a more direct role in directing
cabinet affairs than he had previously. As foreign minister, Buol soon had to deal with the Near
Eastern crisis which had erupted by early 1854 into the Crimean War, asFrance and Britain had
declared war on Russia in an effort to support the Ottoman Empire. In this crisis, Austria's position was a tenuous one.
Russia's intervention to suppress the Hungarian Revolution of 1848, and its subsequent intervention on behalf of Austria
against Prussia leading to the Punctation of Olmtz in 1850, put the Austrians substantially in the debt of the Tsar Nicholas I.
Furthermore, the geographical positions involved meant that in any war with Russia, Austria, even if allied with France and
Britain, would bear the brunt of the fighting. On the other hand, permanent Russian control of the Danubian Principalities (the
later Romania) would greatly endanger Austria's strategic position, and the Austrians were more generally opposed to any
expansion of Russian influence in the Balkans. Thus, Buol attempted to pursue a middle course, trying to mediate between
the belligerent parties. Soon, however, this did not prove enough, and Buol, who was noted in Austria as an Anglophile, soon
cast his lot more clearly with the western powers. An ultimatum was sent to Russia to demand that it evacuate the
Principalities. The Russians agreed, and Austria occupied the Principalities for the remainder of the war. This perceived
betrayal by the Austrians insured the Tsar's undying enmity, but proved not enough to satisfy the western powers. As the
conflict dragged on into 1855, Buol sent another ultimatum to Russia, this time demanding that it accede to the French and
British terms, or face a war with Austria. This time the Russians, now under Tsar Alexander II, acceded, and preliminary peace
accords were signed at Vienna later that year. Buol's policy in the Crimean War had managed to keep Austria out of the war,
but had left it badly isolated. Russia, Austria's only reliable ally, had been completely alienated, while the French and British
had not been impressed by Austria's failure to come into the war on their side, and continued to oppose Austrian influence in
the Italian Kingdom of LombardyVenetia. The French, eager to form an entente with the Russians in the wake of the war, also
took it upon themselves to oppose Austrian projects in the Balkans. The Prussians, as always, demanded a high price in terms
of Austrian acquiescence to Prussian domination of northern Germany, in exchange for any support for their German
neighbors. The consequences of this were to make themselves clear in 1859. Now Camillo di Cavour, the Prime Minister of
Sardinia-Piedmont, anxious to goad the Austrians into a war in which he knew he would have French support, engaged in a
series of provocations against the Austrian position in Italy. Although Buol and the Austrians initially seemed unperturbed, to
the extent that Cavour and his ally, Emperor Napoleon III of France, feared they would not be able to have their war, Buol
soon gave them what they wanted by a clumsy ultimatum demanding Piedmontese demobilization. The Sardinian War which
followed would prove disastrous for the Austrian position in Italy, but Buol himself was already dismissed in May 1859, for the
missteps which had brought about the war. Buol spent the rest of his life in retirement and died in 1865 in Vienna, aged 68.

Johann Bernhard von Rechberg und Rothenlwen

(July 17, 1806 February 26, 1899) was an Austrian

diplomat and statesman, who served as Chairman of the Ministers Conference of the Austrian Empire from August 21, 1859
until February 4, 1861 and Foreign Minister of Austrian Empire from May 17, 1859 until October, 27, 1864. Born
at Regensburg the second son of the Bavarian statesman Count Aloys von Rechberg und Rothenlwen (17661849), Johann
Bernhard was destined for the Bavarian public service, his elder brother being a hereditary member of the Upper House in

the parliament of Wrttemberg. He was educated at the universities of Strassburg and Munich, but
he incurred the displeasure of King Ludwig I of Bavaria by the part he played as second in a duel, and
in 1828 he transferred himself to the Austrian diplomatic service. After being attached to the
embassies in Berlin, London and Brussels, he was appointed envoy at Stockholm (1841) and at Rio
de Janeiro (1843). Returning to Europe in 1847, on the outbreak of the Revolution of
1848 in Vienna he was of great service to State Chancellor Prince Klemens von Metternich, whom he
accompanied and assisted in his flight to England. In July 1848 he was appointed Austrian
plenipotentiary in the German Frankfurt Parliament, in 1851 became Austrian internuncius
at Constantinople, and in 1853Radetzky's civilian colleague in the government of Lombardy-Venetia.
In 1855 he returned to Frankfurt as Austrian representative and president of the federal diet. As a
pupil of Metternich he would have wished to preserve the good understanding with Prussia which
seemed the necessary foundation for a conservative policy; he was, however, made the instrument
for the anti-Prussian policy of Buol, the foreign minister; this brought about constant disputes
with Bismarck, at that time Prussian envoy at the diet, which were sharpened by Rechberg's choleric
temper, and on one occasion nearly led to a duel. Bismarck, however, always expressed a high
appreciation of his character and abilities. In May 1859, on the eve of the war with France and Piedmont, he was appointed
Austrian minister of foreign affairs and minister-president, surrendering the latter post to the Archduke Rainer in the following
year. The five years during which Rechberg held the portfolio of foreign affairs covered the war with Piedmont and France, the
insurrection inPoland, the attempted reform of the German Confederation through the Frankfurt Frstentag, and the AustroPrussian war with Denmark. After the defeat of Magenta Rechberg accompanied the emperor to Italy, and he had to meet the
crisis caused by a war for which he was not responsible. He began the concessions to Hungary and in the Polish question, and
was responsible for the adhesion of Austria to the alliance of the Western Powers. In the German question Rechberg's policy
was one of compromise. To the project of the Frstentag he was altogether opposed. The project had been suggested to the
emperor Franz Joseph by his son-in-law, the hereditary prince of Thurn und Taxis and the preliminary arrangements were
made without Rechberg being informed.When at last he was told he tendered his resignation, which was not accepted and he
accompanied the emperor to the abortive meeting at Frankfurt (August 1863). The attempt made by Rechberg at the
subsequent ministerial conference at Nuremberg to establish a German league without Prussia was equally unsuccessful, and
he now returned to the policy, which in opposition to Schmerling he had throughout advocated, of a peaceful arrangement
between Prussia and Austria as the indispensable preliminary to a reform of the Confederation. At this juncture the death
of King Frederick VII of Denmark (15 November 1863) opened up the whole Schleswig-Holstein question. In the diplomatic
duel that followed Rechberg was no match for Bismarck. It suited Austrian policy to act in concert with Prussia against
Denmark; but Rechberg well knew that Bismarck was aiming at the annexation of the duchies. He attempted to guard against
this by laying down as a condition of the alliance that the duchies should only be separated from Denmark by common
consent of the two German powers. Bismarck, however, insisted that the question of the ultimate destination of the duchies
should be left open; and, when he backed his argument with the threat that unless Austria accepted his proposal Prussia
would act alone, Rechberg gave way. His action was made the object of violent attacks in the Austrian Lower House (2830
January 1864), and when the war was victoriously concluded and Prussia's designs on the duchies had become evident,
public opinion turned more and more against him, demanding that Austria should support the Duke of Augustenburg even at
the risk of war. Rechberg yielded so far as to assure the duke's representative at Vienna that Austria was determined to place
him in possession of the duchies, but only on condition that he did not sign away any of his sovereign rights to Prussia. The
outcome of this was that the duke refused the terms offered by King William and Bismarck. On 22 August there was a
meeting of the emperor Franz Joseph and King William at Schnbrunn, both Rechberg and Bismarck being present. Rechberg
himself was in favor of allowing Prussia to annex the duchies, on condition that Prussia should guarantee Austria's possession
of Venice and the Adriatic coast. On the first point no agreement was reached; but the principles of an Austro-Prussian
alliance in the event of a French invasion of Italy were agreed upon. This latter proposal was, however, received with violent
opposition in the ministry, where Rechberg's influence had long been overshadowed by that of Schmerling; public opinion,
utterly distrustful of Prussian promises, was also greatly excited; and on 27 October Rechberg handed in his resignation,
receiving at the same time the Order of the Golden Fleece from the emperor as a sign of special favor. He had been made an
hereditary member of the Upper House of the Reichsrat in 1861, and as late as 1879 continued occasionally to take part in
debates. He died at his chateau (Schloss Altkettenhof) of Kettenhof (today: Schwechat) near Vienna on 26 February 1899. He
had married, in 1834, Barbara Jones, eldest daughter of the 6th Viscount Ranelagh, by whom he had one son, Count Louis
(born 1835).

Rainer Ferdinand of Austria (Rainer

Ferdinand Maria Johann Evangelist Franz Ignaz; January 11, 1827, Milan
January 27, 1913, Vienna) was an Austrian diplomat and statesman, who served as Chairman of the Ministers Conference of
the Austrian Empire from February 4, 1861 until June 28, 1865. He was a son of Archduke Rainer Joseph. Rainer was also a
general in the Imperial Army, and very interested in art and science, in particular the emerging Papyrology. He donated
his Fayum collection in 1899 to the Austrian National Library. The son of Archduke Rainer Joseph Johann, the Viceroy of
Lombardy and nephew of Emperor Francis I, was in 1857 by Emperor Franz Joseph to the top of the Reichsrat appointed
appointed, was prime minister from 1861 to 1865 as the nominal head of the Liberal cabinet of Anton von Schmerling served
1868-1906 as Commander in Chief of the Imperial Landwehr and 1874 became field-marshal. Rainer encouraged arts and
sciences. Among other things, he was president of the Vienna World Exhibition in 1873, curator of the Academy of Sciences
and protector of the Austrian Museum for Art and Industry. In 1884 he acquired the collection of papyri found in Fayum and
presented it to 1899, the Imperial Imperial Library (now the Austrian National Library). Since 1852, Rainer was with his cousin
Archduchess Marie Caroline (1825-1915), daughter of Charles, the victor of Aspern 1809, Archduke married. The two were
due to their frequent presence in the public and its many charitable activities for decades the most popular members of the
imperial family. The Marriage of Rainer Maria Carolina and was very happy. The celebration of their Diamond Wedding
Anniversary 1912, later than the last major event of the defunct monarchy assessed. As Rainer Maria Carolina and had no
children, but were very friendly, they took care intensely about the issues of children and young people, even in the Habsburg
family. Rainer was from 1852 to holders of k (u) k No infantry regiment. 59th After his death, was given this house Salzburg
Regiment ("IR 59") "to everlasting times" the name "Archduke Rainer". Hans Schmid wrote in honor of the regiment, "Rainer
March" . Its tradition is the Battalion Salzburg - continued Archduke Rainer of the Austrian Federal Army. In 1854, the
Archduke Archduke Rainer's Palace later called Castle bought the 4th District, where he lived with his wife until his death. An
area in the south and into the 1861 delimiting separate fifth District-reaching street was named in 1862 Rainergasse (palace
at No. 18), in the east was the site's address Schnburg Road 1, in the northwest Wiedner Hauptstrae 63 The palace was on
war and occupation damages 1957/1958 by Semperit AG removed. A little further into town wearing No. 27-29 on the
Wiedner Hauptstrasse located four-star operation since 1912 with the approval of the Archduke's name "Hotel Vienna". In
1873 the villa of Gustav Ritter von Epstein went swimming in the property of the Archduke, as Epstein miscalculated. The
architect of the Villa was Otto Wagner. The archduke and his wife spent the summer, especially in swimming. Passed in 1895

Archduke Rainer of Princess Wilhelmina of Montleart possession on the Gallitzinberg and was built
there in 1903, the Rathauspark. In Salzburg, there is a Rainer Street, reminiscent of the regiment of
the Archduke.

Alexander Mensdorff-Pouilly (August

4, 1813, Coburg February

14, 1871), was an Austrian general, diplomat, politician, who served as
Chairman of the Ministers Conference of Austrian Empire from June 26 until
July 27, 1865 and Foreign Minister of the Austrian Empire from October 27,
1864 until October 30, 1866. He was born as a son of Princess Sophie of
Saxe-Coburg-Saalfeld and Count Emmanuel von Mensdorff-Pouilly, a member
of the House of Mensdorff-Pouilly. He entered the Austrian army in 1829 and
was promoted to captain in 1836 and major in 1844. In 1848-49 he fought in
the First Italian War of Independence and against the Hungarian Revolution of
1848. In 1849 he was promoted to colonel and the following year to major
general. In 1851 he was appointed as the Austrian commissioner
to Schleswig-Holstein.
In 1852 he became the Austrian ambassador to Russia. Mensdorff-Pouilly was
promoted
to
Feldmarschallleutnant in 1858. During the Polish Uprising of 1863, MensdorffPouilly served as the
governor of Austrian Galicia. Mensdorff-Pouilly was appointed as the Austrian
Foreign Minister on 23 October 1864. Mensdorff-Pouilly's policies during his tenure as Foreign Minister for Emperor Franz
Joseph were often largely a continuation of the conservative traditionalism of Rechberg, his predecessor. Mensdorff, like
Rechberg, sought to maintain conservative dominance of the German Confederation through an alliance between Austria
and Prussia (in which Prussia was the junior partner), and he steadfastly refused to consider British suggestions that Austria
surrender Venetia to Italy. He was also a first cousin of Queen Victoria through the marriage of her aunt, his mother. After
Austria's defeat in the Austro-Prussian War of 1866, Mensdorff-Pouilly resigned his functions in November of that year. After
his resignation he was appointed commanding general in Zagreb and Prague. He married Alexandrine "Aline" von
Dietrichstein, heiress of Prince Joseph von Dietrichstein, with whom he had two sons: Prince Hugo Dietrichstein zu Nikolsburg
and Count Albert von Mensdorff-Pouilly-Dietrichstein.

Richard

Belcredi

(February
12,
1823, Jimramov, Moravia
December
2,
1902, Gmunden,Obersterreich) was an Austrian statesman and civil servant, who served as
Chairman of the Ministers Conference of the Austrian Empire from July 27, 1865 until February 7,
1867, when he resigned. During 1881-1895, Belcredi was President of the Administrative Court.
Richard Belcredi was born on 12 February 1823, in Jimramov, Moravia. He studied in Prague and
Vienna law schools, and in 1854, he became district captain in Znojmo. In 1862, he became the leader
of the Austro-Silesian regional government. In 1864, he finally became Secret Council and Governor
of Bohemia. In February 1865, Count Richard Belcredi, as the Austrian minister of state, convened a
meeting of Viennese bankers to find ways to finance projects. In early 1865, Emperor Franz Josef
I chose Belcredi, a declared conservative, to become Minister of State and Prime Minister, replacing
Prime Minister Anton von Schmerling, who had resigned after failure in his liberal centralizing policies.
Belcredi abolished the February Patent of 1861. As Imperial Prime Minister, Belcredi's cabinet was
called the "Three Count Ministry" although, actually, 4 counts were in charge: Belcredi himself, Alexander von MensdorffPouilly as foreign minister, Johann Larisch von Moennichas finance minister, and Esterhazy as a minister of Hungary.

List of Foreign Ministers as Chairmen of the Ministers' Council for Common Affairs of
Austria-Hungary
Friedrich Ferdinand von Beust (German: Friedrich

Ferdinand Graf von Beust) (January 13, 1809 October 24,

1886) was a German and Austrian statesman who served as last Chairman of the Ministers Conference of Austrian Empire
from February 7 until December 30, 1867 and the first Chairman of the Ministers' Council for Common Affairs of AustriaHungary from December 30, 1867 until November 8, 1871. He was born in Dresden, where his father held office in the Saxon
court. He was descended from a noble family which had originally sprung from the Mark of Brandenburg, and of which one
branch had been for over 300 years settled in Saxony. After studying at Leipzigand Gttingen he entered the Saxon public
service. In 1836 he was made secretary of legation at Berlin, and afterwards held appointments at Paris, Munich,
and London. In March 1848 he was summoned to Dresden to take the office of foreign minister, but in consequence of the
outbreak of the revolution was not appointed. In May he was appointed Saxon envoy at Berlin, and in February 1849 was
again summoned to Dresden, and this time appointed minister of foreign affairs. He held that office till 1866. In addition to
this he held the ministry of education and public worship from 1849 to 1853, and that of internal affairs in 1853, and in the
same year was appointed minister-president. From the time that he entered the ministry he was, however, the leading
member of it, and he was chiefly responsible for the events of 1849. By his advice the king rejected the German constitution
proclaimed by the Frankfurt Parliament. This led to revolutionary outbreaks in Dresden. The riots were suppressed after four
days of fighting by Prussiantroops, whose assistance Beust had requested. On Beust fell also the chief responsibility for
governing the country after order was restored, and he was the author of the so-called coup d'tat of June 1850 by which the
new constitution was overthrown. The vigor he showed in repressing all resistance to the government, especially that of the
university, and in reorganizing the police, made him one of the most unpopular men among the Liberals, and his name
became synonymous with the worst form of reaction, but it is not clear that the attacks on him were justified. After this he
was chiefly occupied with foreign affairs, and he soon became one of the most conspicuous figures in German politics. He was
the leader of that party which hoped to maintain the independence of the smaller states, and was the opponent of all
attempts on the part of Prussia to attract them into a separate union. In 1849-1850 he was compelled to bring Saxony into
the "three kings' union" of Prussia, Hanover and Saxony, but he was careful to keep open a loophole for withdrawal, of which
he speedily availed himself. In the crisis of 1851, Saxony was on the side of Austria, and he supported the restoration of
the diet of the Confederation. In 1854 he took part in the Bamberg conferences, in which the smaller German states claimed
the right to direct their own policy independently of Austria or of Prussia, and he was the leading supporter of the idea of the
Trias, i.e., that the smaller states should form a closer union among themselves against the preponderance of the great
monarchies. In 1863 he came forward as a warm supporter of the claims of the prince of Augustenburg to Schleswig-Holstein.
He was the leader of the party in the German diet which refused to recognize the settlement of the Danish question effected
in 1852 by the Treaty of London, and in 1864 he was appointed representative of the diet at the congress of London. He was
thus thrown into opposition to the policy of Bismarck, and he was exposed to violent attacks in the Prussian press as a
particularist, i.e., a supporter of the independence of the smaller states. The expulsion of the Saxon troops
from Rendsburg nearly led to a conflict with Prussia. Beust was accused of having brought about the war of 1866, but the

responsibility for this must rest with Bismarck. On the outbreak of war Beust accompanied the king
to Prague, and thence to Vienna, where they were received by Emperor Franz Joseph with the news
of Kniggratz. Beust undertook a mission to Paris to procure the help of Napoleon III. When the
terms of peace were discussed he resigned, for Bismarck refused to negotiate with him. After the
victory of Prussia there was no office for Beust in Germany, and his public career seemed to be
closed, but he quite unexpectedly received an invitation from Franz Joseph to become his foreign
minister. It was a bold decision, for Beust was not only a stranger to Austria, but also a Protestant.
But the choice of the emperor justified itself. Beust threw himself into his new position with great
energy. Despite the opposition of the Slavs who foresaw that "dualism would lead Austria to
downfall, negotiations with Hungary were resumed and rapidly concluded by the Chancellor
Beust." Impatient to take his revenge on Bismarck for Sadowa, he persuaded Francis Joseph to
accept the Magyar demands which he had till then rejected. [...] Beust deluded himself that he
could rebuild both the [Germanic Federation] and the Holy Roman Empire and negotiated
the Ausgleich as a necessary preliminary for the revanche on Prussia. [...] As a compromise with
Hungary for the purposes of revanche on Prussia, the Ausgleich could not be otherwise than
surrender to the Magyar oligarchy. When difficulties came he went himself to Budapest, and acted directly with the Hungarian
leaders. Beusts's desired revanche against Prussia did not materialize because, in 1870, the Hungarian Prime Minister Gyula
Andrssy was "vigorously opposed." In 1867 he also held the position of Austrian minister-president, and he carried through
the measures by which parliamentary government was restored. He also carried on the negotiations with the Pope concerning
the repeal of the concordat, and in this matter also did much by a liberal policy to relieve Austria from the pressure of
institutions which had checked the development of the country. In 1868, after giving up his post as minister-president, he was
appointed Chancellor of the empire, and received the title of count. His conduct of foreign affairs, especially in the matter of
the Balkan States and Crete, successfully maintained the position of the Empire. In 1869, he accompanied the Emperor on his
expedition to the East. He was still to some extent influenced by the anti-Prussian feeling he had brought from Saxony. He
maintained a close understanding with France, and there can be little doubt that he would have welcomed an opportunity in
his new position of another struggle with his old rival Bismarck. In 1867, however, he helped to bring the affair
of Luxembourg to a peaceful termination. In 1870 he did not disguise his sympathy for France. The failure of all attempts to
bring about an intervention of the powers, joined to the action of Russia in denouncing the Treaty of Frankfurt, was the
occasion of his celebrated saying that he was nowhere able to find Europe. After the war was over he completely accepted
the new organization of Germany. As early as December 1870 he had opened a correspondence with Bismarck with a view to
establishing a good understanding with Germany. Bismarck accepted his advances with alacrity, and the new entente, which
Beust announced to the Austro-Hungarian delegations in July 1871, was sealed in August by a friendly meeting of the two old
rivals and enemies at Gastein. In 1871 Beust interfered at the last moment, together with Andrassy, to prevent the emperor
accepting the federalist plans of Hohenwart. He was successful, but at the same time he was dismissed from office. The
precise cause for this is not known, and no reason was given him. At his own request he was appointed Austrian ambassador
at London; in 1878 he was transferred to Paris; in 1882 he retired from public life. He died at his villa at Altenberg, near
Vienna, on 24 October 1886, leaving two sons, both of whom entered the Austrian diplomatic service. His wife survived him
only a few weeks. His elder brother, Friedrich Konstantin Beust (1806-1891), who was at the head of the Saxon department
for mines, was the author of several works on mining and geology, a subject in which other members of the family had
distinguished themselves. Beust had great social gifts and personal graces; he was proud of his proficiency in the lighter arts
of composing waltzes and vers de socit. It was more vanity than rancor which made him glad to appear even in later years
as the great opponent of Bismarck. If he cared too much for popularity, and was very sensitive to neglect, the saying
attributed to Bismarck, that if his vanity were taken away there would be nothing left, is very unjust. He was apt to look more
to the form than the substance, and attached too much importance to the verbal victory of a well-written dispatch; but when
the opportunity was given him he showed higher qualities. In the crisis of 1849 he displayed considerable courage, and never
lost his judgment even in personal danger. If he was defeated in his German policy, it must be remembered that Bismarck
held all the good cards, and in 1866 Saxony was the only one of the smaller states which entered on the war with an army
properly equipped and ready at the moment. That he was no mere reactionary, the whole course of his government in
Saxony, and still more in Austria, shows. His Austrian policy has been much criticized, on the ground that in establishing the
system of dualism he gave too much to Hungary, and did not really understand Austrian affairs; and the Austro-Hungarian
crisis during the early years of the 20th century has given point to this view. Yet it remains the fact that in a crisis of
extraordinary difficulty he carried to a successful conclusion a policy which, even if it were not the best imaginable, was
possibly the best attainable in the circumstances. Beust was the author of reminiscences: Aus drei Viertel-Jahrhunderten (2
vols, Stuttgart, 1887; English trans. edited by Baron H de Worms). He also wrote a shorter work, Erinnerungen zu
Erinnerungen (Leipzig, 1881), in answer to attacks made on him by his former colleague, Herr v. Frieseri, in his reminiscences.
His most famous descendant is Ole von Beust (born April 13, 1955, in Hamburg, Germany), who has been the First Mayor of
the city-state of Hamburg since October 31, 2001, also serving as President of the Bundesrat since November 1, 2007 for
one year.

Heinrich Karl von Haymerle (18281881)

was the Chairman of the Ministers' Council for Common

Affairs of Austria-Hungary from October 8, 1879 until October 10, 1881. He was an Austrian statesman born
and educated in Vienna. He took part in the students' uprising in the revolution of 1848 and narrowly
escaped execution. He served in the diplomatic corps at Athens, Dresden, and Frankfurt as Secretary of
Legation; and served as ambassador in Copenhagen (1864), took part in negotiating the Treaty of
Prague (1866), and from Berlinwent to Constantinople (1868), Athens (1869), The Hague (1872), and in 1877
to the Italian court. He represented Austria-Hungary at theCongress of Berlin in 1878 and served as foreign
minister from 1879 to 1881. In this post he was especially active in effecting friendly relations with Italy and
cementing the alliance with Germany.

Gustav Siegmund Klnoky (Hungarian: grf

Klnoky Gusztv Zsigmond, December 29, 1832 February 13, 1898)

was Austro-Hungarian statesman and Chairman of the Ministers' Council for Common Affairs of Austria-Hungary from
November 20, 1881 until May 2, 1895. He was born on December 29, 1832 in Letovice (Lettowitz), Moravia to an
old Transylvanian family which had held countly rank in Hungary from the 17th century. After spending some years in
a hussar regiment, in 1854 he entered the diplomatic service without giving up his connection with the army, in which he
reached the rank of general in 1879. He was for the ten years (18601870) secretary of embassy at London, and then, after

serving at Rome and Copenhagen, was in 1880 appointed ambassador at St. Petersburg. His success
in Russia procured for him, on the death of Baron Heinrich Karl von Haymerle in 1881, the appointment
of minister of foreign affairs for Austria-Hungary, a post which he held for fourteen years. Essentially
a diplomatist, he took little or no part in the vexed internal affairs of the Dual Monarchy, and he came
little before the public except at the annual statement on foreign affairs before the Delegations. His
management of the affairs of his department was, however, very successful; he confirmed and
maintained the alliance with Germany, which had been formed by his predecessors, and co-operated
with Bismarck in the arrangements by which Italy joined the alliance. Klnoky's special influence was
seen in the improvement ofAustrian relations with Russia, following on the meeting of the three
emperors in September 1884 at Skierniewice, at which he was present. His Russophile policy caused
some adverse criticism in Hungary. His friendliness for Russia did not, however, prevent him from
strengthening the position of Austria as against Russia in the Balkan Peninsula by the establishment
later of a closer political and commercial understanding with Serbia and Romania. In 1885 he interfered after the battle of
Slivnitsa to arrest the advance of the Bulgarians on Belgrade, but he lost influence in Serbia after the abdication of King
Milan. Though he kept aloof from the Clerical party, Klnoky was a strong Catholic; and his sympathy for the difficulties of
the Church caused adverse comment in Italy, when, in 1891, he stated in a speech before the Delegations that the question
of the position of the Pope was still unsettled. He subsequently explained that by this he did not refer to the Roman question,
which was permanently settled, but to the possibility of the Pope leaving Rome. The jealousy felt in Hungary against
the Ultramontanes led to his fall. In 1895 a case of clerical interference in the internal affairs of Hungary by the
nuncio Antonio Agliardi aroused a strong protest in the Hungarian parliament, and consequent differences between Dezs
Bnffy, the Hungarian minister, and the minister for foreign affairs led to Klnoky's resignation. He died in 1898 at Brodek u
Prostjova (Prdlitz).

Agenor Maria Adam Gouchowski

(March 25, 1849 in Lviv (Lemberg at the time), AustriaHungary; d. March 28, 1921) was a Polish Austrian statesman and Chairman of the Ministers' Council for
Common Affairs of Austria-Hungary from May 16, 1895 until October 24, 1906. Born to Count Agenor
Gouchowski, Agenor Maria inherited much of his father's wealth. He was responsible for a period
of dtente in Austrian relations with Imperial Russia, harmed due to the Austrian and Russian struggle
for control of the Bosporus. From 1907 he headed the Polish Group in the House of Lords, the higher
chamber of the Austro-Hungarian parliament. His father, descended from an old and
noble Polish family, was governor of Galicia. Entering the diplomatic service, the son was in 1872
appointed attach to the Austrian embassy at Berlin, where he became secretary of legation, and
thence he was transferred to Paris. After rising to the rank of counsellor of legation, he was in 1887
made minister at Bucharest, where he remained until 1893. In these positions he acquired a great
reputation as a firm and skilful diplomatist, and on the retirement of Count Klnoky in May 1895 was
chosen to succeed him as Austro-Hungarian minister for foreign affairs. The appointment of a Pole caused some surprise in
view of the importance of Austrian relations with Russia (then rather strained) and Germany, but the choice was justified by
events. In his speech of that year to the delegations he declared the maintenance of the Triple Alliance, and in particular the
closest intimacy with Germany, to be the keystone of Austrian policy; at the same time he dwelt on the traditional friendship
between Austria and Great Britain and expressed his desire for a good understanding with all the powers. In pursuance of this
policy he effected an understanding with Russia, by which neither power was to exert any separate influence in
the Balkan peninsula, and thus removed a long-standing cause of friction. This understanding was formally ratified during a
visit to Saint Petersburg, on which he accompanied the emperor in April 1897. He took the lead in establishing the European
concert during the Armenian massacres of 1896, and again resisted isolated action on the part of any of the great powers
during the Cretan troubles and the Greco-Turkish War. In November 1897, when the Austro-Hungarian flag was insulted
at Mersina, he threatened to bombard the town if instant reparation were not made, and by his firm attitude greatly
enhanced Austrian prestige in the East. In his speech to the delegations in 1898 he dwelt on the necessity of expanding
Austria's mercantile marine, and of raising the fleet to a strength which, while not vying with the fleets of the great naval
powers, would ensure respect for the Austrian flag wherever her interests needed protection. He also hinted at the necessity
for European combination to resist American competition. The understanding with Russia in the matter of the Balkan states
temporarily endangered friendly relations with Italy, who thought her interests threatened, until Go uchowski guaranteed in
1898 the existing order. He further encouraged a good understanding with Italy by personal conferences with the Italian
foreign minister, Tommaso Tittoni, in 1904 and 1905. Count Lamsdorff visited Vienna in December 1902, when arrangements
were made for concerted action in imposing on the sultan reforms in the government of Macedonia. Further steps were taken
after Gouchowski's interview with the tsar at Mrzsteg in 1903, and two civil agents representing the countries were
appointed for two years to ensure the execution of the promised reforms. This period was extended in 1905, when
Gouchowski was the chief mover in forcing the Porte, by an international naval demonstration atMitylene, to accept financial
control by the powers in Macedonia. At the Algeciras Conference assembled to settle the First Moroccan Crisis, Austria
supported the German position, and after the close of the conferences the emperor Wilhelm II of Germany telegraphed to
Gouchowski: "You have proved yourself a brilliant second on the duelling ground and you may feel certain of like services
from me in similar circumstances". This pledge was redeemed in 1908, when Germany's support of Austria in the Balkan
crisis proved conclusive. By the Hungarians, however, Gouchowski was hated; he was suspected of having inspired the
emperor's opposition to the use of Magyar in the Hungarian army, and was made responsible for the slight offered to the
Magyar deputation by Franz Joseph I of Austria in September 1905. So long as he remained in office there was no hope of
arriving at a settlement of a matter which threatened the disruption of the Dual Monarchy, and on October 11, 1906 he was
forced to resign. From 1895, he was also a conservative member of the Herrenhaus (House of Lords) of the Imperial
Parliament in Vienna, and from 1907 was chairman of the influential Poland Block, the group of Polish members.
Once Congress Poland had been conquered in the First World War, he supported the Austrian solution', that is
joining Congress Poland to Austria, thus marinating the dual (Austria and Hungary) monarchy, as opposed to the tripartite
solution of uniting Congress Poland with Austrian Galicia as a third constituent part of a Triple Monarchy (Austria, Hungary,
and Poland). He died in 1921. His brother, Adam Gouchowski, was also an MP and Marshal of Galicia.

Alois Lexa von hrenthal (September 27, 1854 February 17, 1912) was the Chairman of the Ministers' Council for
Common Affairs of Austria-Hungary from October 24, 1906 until February 17, 1912. He was an Austrian diplomat who
engineered the Bosnian crisis of 1908. Born in Gross-Skal, Bohemia (now Hrub Skla, Czech Republic), he entered the
diplomatic service of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, beginning as attach in Paris (1877). In 1906 he replaced
Count Goluchowski as minister of foreign affairs. His major accomplishment was the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in
1908 on the basis of a secret agreement with Russian foreign minister Alexander Izvolsky, which appeared to be a triumph for
Austria (and won him the title of Count). It stirred deep resentment in Serbia and Russia, caused the rest of Europe to distrust
Austrian diplomacy, and was one of the factors that helped bring about World War I. In his lifetime Aehrenthal was often

claimed to be of partly Jewish descent. Examples abound. Thus according to Blow, Aehrenthal was the
grandson of a certain Lexa, a Jewish grain merchant of Prague ennobled in the nineteenth century under
the name of Aehrenthal (literally 'valley of grain') in allusion to his calling; this ostensible Jewish strain
led Kaiser Wilhelm to refer to him less respectfully simply as Lexa in his marginal notes. Aehrenthal's
erstwhile collaborator Ltzow wrote after falling out with him that Aehrenthal displayed 'semitic cunning'.
Aehrenthal however had no Jewish ancestors. The insinuations of Jewish ancestry may have inflamed his
profound antisemitism. 'His diplomacy' wrote Olof Hoijer, was 'composed more of hard arrogance and
dissolvent intrigue than of prudent reserve and ingratiating souplesse was a mixture of pretention and
subtlety, of force and ruse, of realism and cynicism: his readiness to cheat, to circumvent, to outwit hid a
harsh and ruthless will.' Asquith regarded him as the cleverest and perhaps the least scrupulous of Austrian
statesmen. He undoubtedly showed himself to be an able and ambitious diplomat, a cool negotiator, a wide-awake observer,
a patient listener, a discreet talker endowed with great outward calm but with a lively and dominating imagination more
passionate than clear sighted. The principal players in the Bosnian Crisis of 1908-09 were the foreign ministers of Austria and
Russia, Alois Lexa von Aehrenthal and Alexander Izvolsky, respectively. Both were motivated by political ambition, the first
would emerge successful and the latter would be broken by the crisis. Along the way, they would drag Europe to the brink of
war in 1909. They would also divide Europe into the armed camp that it would remain until 1914. Under the Treaty of Berlin,
the Dardanelles, controlled by Turkey, would not allow the passage of warships of any country to or from the Black Sea. This
agreement bottled up a portion of the Russian Fleet that could have been well used at Port Arthur during the Russo-Japanese
war four years earlier. Izvolsky wanted this changed to allow the passage of only Russian ships through the straits. This would
give Russia a Mediterranean presence and, it was perceived, help her recover some face after the bitter defeat by Japan.
Aehrenthal wanted full control of Bosnia-Herzogovina though annexation even though Austria-Hungary had administered the
provinces since 1878. His reasons for this lay in the possible recovery of the "sick man of Europe", Turkey. The "Young Turk"
revolution of 1908, led in part byEnver Pasha, convinced some that the Ottoman Empire might be on the rise again. Thus,
Aehrenthal reasoned, it was now or maybe never. He would discuss this matter with Izvolsky to ensure the Russians would not
interfere with the annexation plans. The two ministers held a meeting on 19-Sep-1908 at the Buchlau castle of Count Leopold
von Berchtold where they agreed on the following plan: Izvolsky would ignore the annexation and, in turn, Aehrenthal would
back the opening of the Dardanelles to Russian warships. At the same time, Bulgaria would declare its independence from
Turkey, and both would allow this. The Austrians would also give up some territory in the Balkans to keep Serbia quiet. Not
exactly an ethical deal, but it would get them both what they wanted. The key to the plan was timing - their plans would have
to be announced simultaneously if the ploy was to be successful. For Aehrenthal, a German-Hungarian nobleman and staunch
monarchist, there was a direct threat in the Pan-Slav emergent nationalism of the kind that a consolidated Yugo (south) Slav
Confederation led by Serbia represented. The gradual consolidation of the Yugo-Slavs (in the name of the new centuries idea
of national self-determination for all ethnic/racial/religious groups) led by Serbia, while harmless to the Ottoman Empire
(which the Young Turks would later complete by the their withdrawal to Anatolian peninsula, save for control of the Straits)
retreating from Europe; was a deadly threat to Aehrenthals Austria-Hungary. For Aehrenthal, Moravia, Bohemia, and Silesia,
were the Crown lands of his Ost-Mark German nobility, which ruled over a host of emergent Slav and Pan-Slav ethnicities;
Pole, Czech, Ruthenian, Slovakian, and Ukrainian. In Serbias consolidation of Bosnia-Hertsagovina into herself, there was the
clear roadmap to the dissolution of most of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Or more importantly, this Pan-Slav self-determinant
nationalism pointed the way to the loss of the defendable military, political and economic boundaries of the Empire. In
Aehrenthals Hungarian noble half, Hungary an equally strong threat to the loss of its historic Slavic provinces should Pan-Slav
take root; equally threaten its military security and economic future. Aehrenthal moved quickly, faster than his partner in
crime, Izvolsky. He acted on October 3, 1908 under the premise that Austria-Hungary was taking control of BosniaHerzogovina so that the people there could enjoy the benefits of the Empire as a reward for economic advancement since
first being administered back in 1878. A seething Serbia could hardly believe this action and demanded Russian intervention.
This left Izvolsky holding the bag. He announced his plans for the free passage of Russian warships though the Turkish straits
but was shot down by every other signatory to the treaty - especially England. The British said they would consider opening
up the straits to all warships but would not limit it to Russian ships alone. This is hardly what Izvolsky had in mind since this
had the potential of letting belligerent ships into the Black Sea. Germany, at first, viewed the whole tangle with disdain taking
the Turkish side. The Kaiser had been working on strengthening relations with Turkey and, now with the chance of Ottoman
recovery, he wished to stay this course. As the Crisis continued, the Kaiser was forced from the diplomatic scene by the Daily
Telegraph Affair. Events reached a fever pitch when, in early November, the Serbian army mobilized. Germany now took the
Austrian side stating it would stick by its ally. Russia, wishing to support Serbia, but not really ready for war with Germany and
Austria was forced to back away when the Austrians threatened to publish the details of the agreement between Aehrenthal
and Izvolsky. The fact that she had betrayed her Slav ally beforehand was not a fact that Russia wished widely publicized.
Izvolsky remained at his post for three more years but his reputation was ruined beyond repair. The Russians backed down
and urged Serbia to do likewise, which she did and declared publicly that the annexation was none of her business. War was
averted for the time being but the results were a bitter Russia and an enraged Serbia. Russia vowed, if ever confronted in this
manner again, she would not back down - a vow that would be kept in a few, short years.

Leopold Berchtold von und zu Ungarschitz, Frttling und Plltz

(Anton Johann Sigismund Josef

Korsinus Ferdinand) (April 18, 1863 November 21, 1942), was an Austro-Hungarian politician, diplomat and statesman who
served as Chairman of the Ministers' Council for Common Affairs of Austria-Hungary at the outbreak of World War I from
February 17, 1912 until January 13, 1915. Born in Vienna on 18 April 1863 into a wealthy noble family that owned lands
in Moravia and Hungary, he was reputed to be one ofAustria-Hungary's richest men. Tutored at home, he later studied law
and joined the Austro-Hungarian Foreign service in 1893. In the same year, he married Ferdinandine (Nandine) Grfin Krolyi
von Nagykroly (18681955), the daughter of one of the richest aristocrats in Hungary, in Budapest. He subsequently served
at the embassies in Paris (1894), London (1899) and St. Petersburg (1903). In December 1906, Count Berchtold was
appointed as the successor of Count Lexa von Aehrenthal as Ambassador to Russia upon the latter's appointment as Imperial
Foreign Minister. He served with distinction for five years in St. Petersburg and experienced Russia's distrust and fear of
Vienna. In September 1908, he hosted a secret meeting between Count Lexa von Aehrenthal and the Russian Foreign
Minister Izvolsky at his estate at Buchlovice in Moravia. This meeting produced the so-called Buchlau bargain and led to
theAustro-Hungarian annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. At the death of Count Lexa von Aehrenthal in February 1912,
Count Berchtold was appointed as his successor and thus became at the age of forty-nine the youngest foreign minister in
Europe. His appointment came against his own will and despite lack of experience in domestic affairs as well as in military
matters. As Imperial Foreign Minister, Count Berchtold focused almost exclusively on the Balkans where his foreign policy
aims were to maintain peace, stick to the principle of non-intervention and preserve the territorial status quo. The Balkan
Wars in 1912/1913, however, quickly made such a policy illusory. At the outset of the Balkan Wars, Count Berchtold pursued a
hard-line policy and flirted with the idea of war against Serbia, but vacillated and pulled back from intervention at the last
moment. Although he managed to prevent Serbia from securing an outlet to the Adriatic Sea with the creation of Albania, the
Balkan Wars resulted in a failure to contain the rising Russian influence in the Balkans and thwart Serbian ambitions for a

South Slav state. It meant diplomatic defeat for Austria-Hungary and also a reputation of being weak and
indecisive for Count Berchtold. Count Berchtold's focus on Serbia was grown out of a fear of Serbian
territorial expansion in the Balkans and also a complication of matters within the multinational Dual
Monarchy and eventually result in the dissolution of the empire itself. Following the Balkan Wars, the
assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand at Sarajevo on June 28, 1914 was therefore a culmination of the
heightened tension between Austria-Hungary and Serbia. If Count Berchtold had been accused of
indecisiveness and diffidence during the Balkan Wars, he gave proof of more resolve during the July Crisis.
Pushed by the so-called Young Rebels at the Ballhausplatz led by Count Hoyos, his chef de cabinet, Count
Berchtold seized the opportunity to launch punitive action against Serbia and deal the country a mortal
blow. After having dispatched Count Hoyos on a mission to Berlin on July 5, 1914 to secure German support
for Austria-Hungary's future actions, which resulted in the famous blank check, he became the leading spokesman, together
with the Chief of the General Staff General Conrad von Htzendorf, for war against Serbia during the meeting of the imperial
Crown Council on July 7, 1914. Through the moderating influence of the Hungarian Minister-President Count Tisza, who had
reservations on the use of force against Serbia, it was decided to present Serbia with an ultimatum. The ultimatum that
amounted to a humiliation for Serbia was presented to Emperor Franz Joseph on July 21, 1914 and transmitted to Belgrade on
July 23, 1914. Nonetheless, Serbia conditionally accepted all points of the ultimatum but the one that permitted AustroHungarian authorities to participate in the investigation of the assassination on Serbian territory. That refusal, however,
proved sufficient for the Austro-Hungarian government to declare war against Serbia on July 28, 1914. Count Berchtold
persuaded the Emperor to sign the declaration of war by telling him Serbian troops had attacked first, which was a lie. Once
the war had started, Count Berchtold focused his efforts on the question of Italys participation in the war that would lead to
his downfall. The main problem was Italys demands for territorial compensation from Austria-Hungary in return for remaining
in the Triple Alliance. When Rome presented the Ballhausplatz with demands for control over territories in southern AustriaHungary, Berchtold demurred and refused to offer any Habsburg concessions, especially not in the Trentino. However, Italian
Foreign Minister Baron Sonnino succeeded in obtaining vague promises of compensations in South Tyrol from Germany and by
the end of 1914, Count Berchtold informed the Crown Council that the choice was either acceptance of the Italian demands or
a declaration of war. Both Count Tisza and General Conrad von Htzendorf expressed a preference for the latter. Under
mounting German pressure, Count Berchtold, however, indicated that he was ready to cede the Trentino and parts of the
Albanian coastline. When he informed Count Tisza and General Conrad von Htzendorf of the concessions he was ready to
give, they forced him to resign on January 13, 1915. At Count Tiszas insistence he was replaced by the more
pugnacious Count Burin. Count Berchtold played no further public role during the war although he was appointed Lord High
Steward to Archduke Karl, the heir apparent, in March 1916 and became Lord Chamberlain following the latter's accession to
the throne in November. Count Berchtold had been invested as a Knight of the Order of the Golden Fleece in 1912 and
bestowed with the Grand Cross of the Order of Saint Stephen in 1914. After the war, he retired as a grand seigneur on his
estate at Peresznye near Csepreg in Hungary, where he died on November 21, 1942. He was buried in the family tomb
at Buchlau. Count Berchtold was described at the time as "intelligent and hard-working" and possessive of a "great personal
charm" that made him well-liked at court. Indeed, he possessed all the social graces required at the Hofburg and impressed
with his aristocratic background which helps explaining his rapid promotion. However, for the post of Imperial Foreign Minister
he lacked both strength of character and broad experience. This contributed to quick reversals of policy which resulted in a
foreign policy that was often perceived as inconsistent and vacillating. Many historians have regarded him as indecisive and
diffident. However, during the July Crisis this appears not to have been the case as he "commanded and managed the
process" on this occasion. His responsibility for the outbreak of the First World War has been much debated by historians.
Without a doubt, he played a leading role in the intransigent formulation in the ultimatum of July 23, 1914 the declaration of
war on July 28, 1914 and the rebuttal of Grey's mediation proposal on July 29, 1914. Although he believed that only the
defeat of Serbia could preserve the Dual Monarchy, he was, however, not personally a warmonger, as can be said of General
Conrad von Htzendorf. At the same time, his lack of self-confidence at the helm of Austro-Hungarian diplomacy made him
susceptible for persuasion by his pro-war personal staff at the Ballhausplatz on whose advice and opinions he was heavily
dependent. Although Count Berchtold may have pushed for war, the main question though is whether he understood that a
war against Serbia carried the risk of a major European war. It seems, for example, that a Russian intervention was not taken
into much consideration by the Austro-Hungarian leaders during the decision-making process. If he did not apprehend the
consequences of his policies sufficiently, he was, however, not alone; as a matter of fact there were few diplomats at the time
who actually did. Count Berchtold was portrayed by actor John Gielgud in the 1969 film Oh! What A Lovely War.

Stephan Burin von Rajecz

(Istvn Burin grf Rajecz, Hungarian: rajeczi grf Burin Istvn) (January 16, 1851
October 20, 1922), commonly called: "Baron von Burian" or "Count Burian" in English language press reports (titles from
1900, Freiherr; from 1918, Graf) was an Austro-Hungarian politician, diplomat and statesman of Hungarian origin and served
as Chairman of the Ministers' Council for Common Affairs of Austria-Hungary during World War I from January 13, 1915 until
December 22, 1916 and from April 16 until October 24, 1918. Stephan Burin von Rajecz was born in Stampfen
(now Stupava) on January 16, 1851 into an ancient Hungarian noble family in what was then Upper Hungary (now Slovakia).
In 1891, he married Olga ne Freiin Fejrvry von Komls-Keresztes (18611931), a daughter of General Gza Freiherr
Fejrvry von Komls-Keresztes, who briefly served as Hungarian Minister-President. Burin entered the consular branch of
the Austro-Hungarian foreign service following graduation from the Consular Academy. He subsequently served
in Alexandria, Bucharest, Belgrade and Sofia. From 1882 to 1886 he headed the Consulate General in Moscowbefore being
appointed as consul general in Sofia from 1887 to 1895, then served as minister in Stuttgart from 1896 to 1897 and
inAthens from 1897 to 1903, which won him a reputation of a Balkan expert. In 1900, he was raised to the rank of Baron. In
July 1903, Baron Burin was appointed by Emperor Franz Joseph I to serve as Joint Finance Minister of Austria-Hungary,
replacing the deceased Benjamin Kllay von Nagy-Kll who had held the post since 1882. While the Imperial Finance Ministry
only was responsible for the financing of common aspects of the Dual Monarchy, i.e. the Foreign Policy, the Army and the
Navy), the administration of the Condominium of Bosnia and Herzegovina fell under his responsibility following the
annexation in 1908. Burin administered the two territories with a relatively mild hand and attempted to provide the
population with a greater voice in the imperial administration. His conciliatory approach, however, failed to calm the country
and only earned him the wrath of fellow bureaucrats. Burin left the post in February 1912 as he was finding it increasingly
difficult to reconcile the various factions. In June 1913, Baron Burin was appointed minister besides the King of Hungary, i.e.
the Hungarian minister to the Court of Vienna, the closest connection between the Court of Vienna and Budapest. In his
position of Hungarian emissary to Vienna, he successfully mediated between Foreign Minister Count Berchtold and the
Hungarian Minister-President Count Tisza during the July Crisis. In January 1915, Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister Count
Berchtold was pressured by Germany to make territorial concessions to Italy as the price of securing that country's neutrality.
When he acquiesced to the German proposal, he was forced from office on 13 January by hardliners. Baron Burin's name
was put forward by Count Tisza, who was a close friend and ally, as Berchtold's successor which was accepted, albeit
reluctantly, by Emperor Franz Joseph. A relative moderate, Baron Burin initially resisted German pressure for territorial
concessions as the price of maintaining Italy's neutrality, although he somewhat vacillated towards the end as Austro-

Hungarian forces suffered a crushing defeat with the surrender of Przemysl in March. This did nothing,
however, to prevent Italy from joining the Entente in May 1915. Considered a protg of Count Tisza, he
proved to be much steadfast in resisting German pressure as regards territorial concessions to Romania at
the cost of Hungary. This led to Romania entering the side of the Entente in August 1916. Baron Burin,
however, did win Bulgaria to the side of the Central Powers in October 1915 and provided for stronger ties
with Turkey. Baron Burin insisted that Germany treat Austria-Hungary as an equal in all military, economic
and political activism, which only antagonised German opinion. He opposed Germanys policy
of unrestricted submarine warfare, insisted on retention of Austro-Hungarian control on the Balkan front
and demanded recognition of Austro-Hungarian interests in Poland. However, he increasingly lacked the
material resources to back up his claims for equality with Germany. He further angered Germany and its
military leaders by proposing a peace plan that called for the re-establishment of a free Belgium and the
return of all captured French territory in exchange for recognition of German and Austro-Hungarian rights in Eastern Europe.
As a result of this peace proposal, he was forced to resign in December 1916, which reflected the extent of German control
over imperial policy. He was replaced by Count Czerninand returned to serve as Imperial Finance Minister. Following the Sixtus
affair, the position of Count Czernin had become untenable and on April 15, 1918, Baron Burin was recalled to serve as
Imperial Foreign Minister with instructions to end the war. In his second stint, he sought a compromise peace settlement, a
course he had consistently advocated, but the Habsburg Empires deteriorating military situation provided him little margin
for manoeuvre facing increasing disputes with the German ally. On September 14, 1918, Baron Burin issued a public appeal
for all nations to end the war by diplomatic negotiations. However, his proposal went unheeded as the Entente was
committed to unconditional surrender. On October 5, 1918 he and the German Chancellor requested President Wilson's
participation in peace negotiations on the basis of the Fourteen Points. On October 24, 1918 he resigned from office realising
that nothing could prevent the dissolution of the Habsburg Empire. He was succeeded by Count Julius Andrssy the
Younger and thus became the penultimate Foreign Minister of the Dual Monarchy. In 1918, he had been elevated to the rank
of Count. Count Burin took no active part in diplomacy or politics after the war and spent his remaining years writing his war
memoirs, which were published posthumously in both German and English versions. Count Burin had been bestowed with
the Grand Cross of the Order of Saint Stephen in 1910 and invested as a Knight of the Order of the Golden Fleece in 1918.
During the war, Count Burin had sought to balance several sometimes conflicting demands; winning the war, preserving the
Austria-Hungary's status and defending Hungary's position within the Dual Monarchy. Certainly a task that was nothing short
of overwhelming. Considered to be serious, legalistic and unimaginative, personal traits that made him a good fit for the
bureaucracy and the Imperial Cabinet. However, his rigidity and pedantry likely made him a less suitable choice at the helm
of Austro-Hungarian diplomacy at such a decisive period as World War I with a greater need for flexibility. Count Burin died
in Vienna on October 20, 1922.

Ottokar (Theobald Otto Maria) Graf Czernin von und zu Chudenitz

(Czech: Otakar Theobald Otto

Maria hrab ernn z Chudenic) (September 26, 1872 April 4, 1932), was an Austro-Hungarian diplomat and politician during
the time of World War I, notably serving as Chairman of the Ministers' Council for Common Affairs of Austria-Hungary from
December 22, 1916 until April 14, 1918. Born in Dymokury (German: Dimokur) on 26 September 1872 into an ancient
Bohemian noble family. In 1897, he married Marie ne Grfin Kinsky von Wchinitz und Tettau (18781945) in Hemanv
Mstec (German: Hermannstdtel). His younger brother Otto was also a diplomat and served inter alia as envoy
to Sofia during World War I. After studying law at the Charles-Ferdinand University in Prague, he joined the Austro-Hungarian
foreign service in 1895 and was dispatched to the embassy in Paris. In 1899, he was sent to The Hague but only three years
later he had to resign as a result of a lung infection and retired to his Bohemian estates. In 1903, Count von Czernin became
a member of the Bohemian Lower House as a representative of the Deutsche Verfassungspartei. He quickly became a
champion of conservatism and a defender of 'monarchical principles' and favoured upholding the monarchy and opposing
universal suffrage and parliamentarism. This brought him to the attention of Archduke Franz Ferdinand, the heir apparent to
the throne of the Dual Monarchy. As a leading member of Franz Ferdinand's so-called Belvedere Circle, Count von Czernin was
appointed a member of the Austrian Upper House (Herrenhaus) in 1912. At the heir apparent's request, Count von Czernin
re-entered the diplomatic corps in October 1913 when he was selected as minister to Bucharest. The appointment initially
caused some controversy as he was considered a notorious Magyarophobe, but he managed to persuade the Hungarian
Minister President Count Tisza to agree. However, an interview in a Hungarian newspaper in January 1914 nearly cost him his
job with Hungarian calls for his resignation. As minister to Bucharest, Count von Czernin's mission was to investigate the
value of the alliance with Romania and the possibilities to strengthen it. However, he quickly reported back to Vienna that one
could not trust the Romanian government if a war would break out. Following the outbreak of World War I in August 1914, he
strove successfully to keep Romania neutral, thanks in part to the support of the aged King Carol I. Most Romanians did not
share Carol's strongly pro-German sentiments, including Prime Minister Brtianuand his government. Count von Czernin
recommended that Vienna should offer the withdrawal of Siebenbrgen (now Transylvania) and parts of Bukovina in order to
persuade Romania to prolonge their neutrality, but the plan was strongly opposed by the Hungarian government. Romania
entered the war on the side of the Allies in August 1916 and Count von Czernin returned to Vienna. Following the accession
of Karl I as the new emperor, Count von Czernin was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs on December 23, 1916,
replacingBaron Burin von Rajecz. Both men shared the view that a rapid conclusion of peace was necessary to avoid the
dissolution of the Habsburg Empire. Count von Czernin's main aim was therefore to seek a compromise peace while
respecting the agreements made with Germany. However, he quickly discovered that the Dual Monarchy's increasing
dependency on Germany rendered a truly independent foreign policy impossible. [12] While he reluctantly agreed with the
necessity of resuming unrestricted submarine warfare in February 1917, he spent much effort that year to unsuccessfully
persuade German political and military leaders of the need for a peace by compromise. At a conference between Germany
and Austria-Hungary on March 17 18, 1917 on the goals of the war, he suggested inter alia the cession of territory of
the Central Powers to arrange a fast peace with the Entente. In his view, the declaration of war by the United States was a
disaster and a victory for the Central Powers became improbable. More precisely, he suggested that Germany should
abandon Alsace-Lorraine and Belgium in return for large territorial gains in Poland. In Count von Czernin's scenario AustriaHungary would be compensated with primarily Romanian territory. On 12 April, he drafted a memorandum with a gloomy
prognostication of Austria-Hungary's war situation that was transmitted through Emperor Karl I to Matthias Erzberger, a
member of the German Reichstag, outlining the reasons why the Dual Monarchy could not survive another winter of fighting.
This resulted in the well-meaning but ineffective peace resolution of July 19, 1917. In a speech in Budapest on October 2,
1917, he spoke in favour of international justice, disarmament, arbitration and freedom of the seas as a basis for peace and
as a legal basis for a new Europe. On January 24, 1918, he accepted Wilson's Fourteen Points in another speech. After the
Bolsheviks came to power in Russia in November 9, 1917, Count von Czernin negotiated a separate peace treaty with the
newly created Ukrainian People's Republic that was signed on February 1918 and in which he agreed to cede Chelm. The socalled bread peace did not solve the Dual Monarchy's food supply problem, but it did earn Count von Czernin the loathing of
Austrian Poles, who also had claimed Chelm. He reached the highlight of his career by subsequently signing peace treaties
with Russia on March 3, 1918 and Romania on April 14, 1918 and was considered the leading diplomat of the Central Powers.

The notorious Sixtus Affair, however, led to Count von Czernin's downfall. Emperor Karl I, using his
brother-in-law Prince Sixte of Bourbon-Parma as his intermediary, had secretly assured French
President Poincar by a letter dated 24 March 1917 that he would support France's "just demand" for the
return of Alsace-Lorraine. Although his role in the affair remains unclear, he was aware of the secret
negotiations, although not of the exact wording of the letter. When French Premier Clemenceau, the
French premier, published the letter a year later Count von Czernin, feeling himself betrayed by Emperor
Karl I and on the verge of a nervous breakdown, tendered his resignation on April 14, 1918. Count von
Czernin has been relatively harshly judged by historians. While he was arguably more imaginative and
energetic than either of his predecessors, Count von Berchtold orBaron Burin von Rajecz, he was at the
same time more unpredictable and volatile, giving in to sudden impulses. This gave his foreign policy an
element of instability, which possibly did not inspire confidence to the other side with which he was
seeking a compromise peace. Despite being celebrated at the time as a "peace minister", his diplomatic
efforts to disengage his country from World War I failed to prevent the dissolution of Austria-Hungary. During the revolution,
the Czechoslovakian nationalist agrarian reforms deprived him of his lands in Bohemia and he withdrew to Salzkammergut in
Austria. From 1920 to 1923, he served as a deputy of the Demokratische Partei in the National Council of the Republic of
Austria. In 1917, he was bestowed with the Grand Cross of the Order of Saint Stephen and invested as a Knight of the Order
of the Golden Fleece. Apparently he wrote to EmpressZita after the war asking her not to expel him from the latter order
because of his erratic behaviour as Foreign Minister. In 1919, he published his memoirs of his days as an insider in the AustroHungarian political and diplomatic arenas during World War I, called In the World War, an interesting look at the inside
machinations of an ancient empire being pulled apart by war. Count von Czernin died in Vienna on 4 April 1932. Count von
Czernin was portrayed by actor Christopher Lee in an episode of The Young Indiana Jones Chronicles. The episode was
entitled "Austria, March 1917" and premiered on the ABC television network on 21 September 1992.

Gyula
Andrssy
Younger (Hungarian: 'Ifj.

de

Cskszentkirly

et

Krasznahorka

the

Andrssy Gyula') (June 30, 1860,Trebiov - June 11, 1929) was

a Hungarian politician and Chairman of the Ministers' Council for Common Affairs of Austria-Hungary from
October 24 until November 1, 1918. The second son of Count Gyula Andrssy, the younger Andrssy
became under-secretary in the Sndor Wekerle ministry in 1892; in 1893, he became Minister of
Education, and, in June 1894, he was appointed minister in attendance on the king, retiring in 1895 with
Wekerle. In 1898, with his elder brother, he left the Liberal Party but returned to it after the fall of the
Bnffy ministry. In 1905, he was one of the leaders of the Coalition which brought about the fall of the
Liberal Tisza ministry. In 1906 he became Minister of the Interior in the compromise Wekerle cabinet and
held that office until the fall of the ministry in 1909. In 1912, he represented Austria in the diplomatic
endeavor to prevent the outbreak of the Balkan War. In 1915, he urged the making of peace and an extension of the
franchise in Hungary. As Foreign Minister, in 1918, he declared the alliance with Germany dissolved and tried to conclude a
separate peace. He retired from office in the same year was returned in 1920 to the National Assembly as non-partisan
delegate. He subsequently became leader of the Christian National Party. He is the author of Ungarns Ausgleich mit
sterreich vom Jahre 1867 (Ger. ed., Leipzig, 1897) and a work in Hungarian on the origins of the Hungarian state and
constitution (Budapest, 1901). That book was translated into English and published as The Development of Hungarian
Constitutional Liberty (London, 1908) His later works include Wer hat den Krieg verbrochen? , Interessensolidaritt des
Deutschtums and Ungartums and Diplomatie und Weltkrieg.

Ludwig von Flotow,

since 1919 known simply as Ludwig Flotow (November 17, 1867 in Wien - April 6, 1948 in
Gmunden) was an Austro-Hungarian statesman and last Chairman of the Ministers' Council for Common Affairs of AustriaHungary, from November 2, 1918 until November 11, 1918. Ludwig Freiherr von Flotow Flotow comes from the once noble
family, which is documentary evidence for 1241st His parents were of the Bavarian royal chamberlain and Obrist Ludwig von
Flotow (1821-1876) and his wife Mary (1840-1921) from the Bohemian Count Bubna family and Lititz. His grandfather, Georg
Friedrich von Flotow (1786-1876) was royal Bavarian general and treasurer and was on January 4, 1829 in the Bavarian baron
charged. Flotow was married to Maximiliane (1896-1937), ne Countess von Matuschka, Baroness von Greiffenclau to Vollrads
(Castle in Hesse, Rheingau), Baroness von Toppolczan (castle ruins in western Slovakia, previously Kingdom of Hungary) and
Spaetgen. The couple had two sons, Alexander Ludwig (b. 1928) and Gereon-Paul (born 1930). Ludwig Freiherr von Flotow
studied law and was on August 14, 1894 in Graz. In May 1895 he passed the exam and diplomats pursued a diplomatic
career. After a number of different uses, he was appointed in 1906 to Counsellor, Second Class. In 1909, he was appointed
Counsellor, First Class. On November 13, 1913 he was appointed Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary and
transferred to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Vienna. He was then head of the 1st Unit of the political section of the Ministry,
and later first head of section. Of January 4, 1917 to June 21, 1918, he was deputy foreign minister. Of November 2 until
November 11, 1918 he was appointed on a proposal by his predecessor, Gyula Andrssy the Younger to the Emperor Charles I
(liquidating) Foreign Minister of Austria-Hungary. As Hungary is the real union with Austria at 31 October had been canceled in
1918, Flotow's task was only in the liquidation of the embassies, legations and consulates abroad and the Ministry in Vienna.
German Austria had on October 30, 1918 Viktor Adler, the first "foreign minister" (Job Title: Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs) was appointed. The ministry was officially named the Ministry of the Imperial and Royal House and of Foreign Affairs.
For the dynasty of Habsburg-Lorraine Flotow, however, could do nothing: Hungary had made all by itself, in Austria advised
Prime Minister Henry Lammasch the emperor in the last days of his administration. The day after the abdication of Charles I
decided the German-Austrian Provisional National Assembly on November 12, 1918 by law, the dissolution of the Habsburg
and the k.k. Ministries. At that time, the Ministry four messages (Berlin, Constantinople, Madrid, Vatican), eleven legations
and consulates were numerous subordinate abroad. Flotow was now working with the consent of the (German) Austrian
government under the job title Director of liquidity in chief of the Foreign Office until November 1920, to dissolve the existing
organization, but had no political agenda to perceive more. He was also responsible for promotion and retirement of the
remaining staff (initially only 25 officials in Vienna) is responsible, what the government of the May 13, 1919 was noted with
approval. He was under the (German) Austrian State Office of Foreign Affairs and held until the end of 1919 consisting of the
so-called "intergovernmental Liquidierungsorganisation" to work together representatives of the successor states of the dual
monarchy. The (peace) treaty of Saint-Germain, which was in September 1919 by Austria, and the victors of the First World
War was signed, but Austria largely responsible for the task alone. Therefore, Flotow was born on December 18, 1919
instructed the Liquidierungsvorgnge henceforth operate as an "internal Austrian affair". The distribution of costs of
liquidation to the successor states now was reserved for bilateral negotiations. Parallel to the successor states of Flotow's
work had begun in November 1918 with the establishment of our own State Department and structures adopted in this case
about half the staff of the Imperial diplomatic service. Most were taken over by Austria and Hungary, the SHS state no. The
liquidating Ministry of Foreign Affairs represented the interests of each successor state of the monarchy, and in each case so
long, that State had set up their own agencies. However, there were a number of states, which included the successor states
still had no official relations - or vice versa. There, the Austro-Hungarian representatives officiated for a few more times, in

most cases by the end of November 1918. The last former k.u.k. Agencies were the the Holy See to
January 31, 1920 until May 27, 1920 in Brasil. In Switzerland, the agency served last October 31, 1920
only for Hungary, as Switzerland but as early as January 9, 1920, the Republic of Austria, Hungary, but
only on October 9, 1920. On November 8, 1920 was completed the liquidation of the State Department
and Ludwig Flotow directed to Michael Mayr, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Austria, his
letter of resignation. On April 8, 1922, Flotow officially adopted in the Federal Republic of service and
retired in the same month.

List of Ministers-President of Cisleithania

Karl von Auersperg, 8th prince

of Auersperg, (May 1, 1814, Prague January

4,
1890, Prague)
was an Austrian nobleman and statesman. He served as the 1st Minister-President of
Cisleithania (13th
overall) from December 30, 1867 until September 24, 1868. The 8th Prince of
Auersperg,
Karl
Wilhem is heir to one of the most prominent princely family of the Holy Roman
Empire
whosesovereign principality was mediatized in the Austrian Empire
following
German
Mediatisation of the post-revolutionary era. He was married to Countess Ernestine
Festetics de Tolna,
daughter of Count Ern Jnos Vilmos. On the advent of the new constitutional era, in
1861, he became a
member of the Upper Chamber of the Reichsrat. As a representative of the Liberal
landed proprietors
of the Diet of Bohemia, and afterward as president of the Austrian House of Peers, he
took a conspicuous
part in defending the constitutional system against clerical and feudal reaction and
the union of the Empire. He presided over the Austrian ministry as the 1st Minister-President of Cisleithania as a result of the
reorganisation of the Empire following the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867. After the term of his ministry he kept being
a zealous supporter of Liberal cabinets. From November 28, 1871 until February 15, 1879, his brother Prince Adolf Wilhelm
Daniel von Auersperg was also to be Minister-President of Cisleithania (the 8th).

Eduard Franz Joseph Graf von Taaffe,

11th Viscount Taaffe (February 24, 1833, Vienna

November 29, 1895, Ellischau/Nalovy) was an Austrian statesman who held hereditary titles from two
different countries: he was a Count (Graf) in the Holy Roman Empire and a viscount in the Peerage of
Ireland. He had a distinguished political career in the service of the Habsburgs and served for two terms
as Minister-President of Cisleithania, leading cabinets from September 24, 1868 until January 15, 1870
and from August 12, 1879 until November 11, 1893. Taaffe was the second son of Louis Patrick John Graf
von Taaffe, 9th Viscount Taaffe (17911855), a minister of justice in 1848 and president of the
Austrian court of appeal. As a child, Taaffe was one of the chosen companions of the young archduke,
afterwards emperor, Francis Joseph. In 1852, he entered public service. By the death of his elder brother,
Charles (18231873), a colonel in the Austrian army, Eduard Graf von Taaffe succeeded to Irish titles. He
married in 1862 Countess Irma Tsaky, by whom he left four daughters and one son, Henry. In 1867 Taaffe
became governor of Upper Austria, and the emperor offered him the post of minister of the interior in Beust's administration.
In June he became vice-president of the ministry, and at the end of the year he entered the first ministry of the newly
organized Austrian portion of the monarchy. For the next three years he took a notable part in the confused political changes,
and probably more than any other politician represented the wishes of the emperor. Taaffe had entered the ministry as
a German Liberal, but he soon took an intermediate position between the Liberal majority of theBerger ministry and the party
which desired a federal constitution and which was strongly supported at court. From September 1868 to January 1870, after
the retirement of Auersperg, he was president of the cabinet. In 1870, the government fell on the question of the revision of
the constitution: Taaffe with Potocki and Berger wished to make some concessions to the Federalists; the Liberal majority
wished to preserve undiminished the authority of the Imperial Council. The two parties presented memoranda to the
emperor, each defending their view and offering their resignation: after some hesitation the emperor accepted the policy of
the majority, and Taaffe with his friends resigned. The Liberals, however, failed to form a new government, as the
representatives of most of the territories refused to appear in the Imperial Council: they resigned, and in the month of April
Potocki and Taaffe returned to office. The latter failed, however, in an attempt to come to an understanding with the Czechs,
and in their turn they had to make way for the Clerical and Federalist cabinet of Hohenwart. Taaffe now became governor
of Tyrol, but in 1879, on the collapse of the Liberal government, he was recalled to high office. At first, he attempted to carry
on the government without a change of principles, but he soon found it necessary to come to an understanding with the
Feudal and Federal parties and was responsible for the conduct of the negotiations which in the elections of the same year
gave a majority to the different groups of the National and Clerical opposition. In July he became minister president: at first
he still continued to govern with the Liberals, but this was soon made impossible, and he was obliged to turn for support to
the Conservatives. Count Taaffe is mostly remembered for his election reform of 1882, which reduced to 5 guilders the
minimum tax base required for men over the age of 24 to vote. Before this reform, the tax base was set locally, but was
usually at a considerably higher level, so that only 6% of the male population of Cisleithania had been entitled to vote.
However, even after this reform, there were still four classes of voters whose vote counted differently, depending on how
much tax an individual was paying. The next election reform was enacted in 1896 by Kasimir Felix Graf Badeni, who
succeeded in bringing about more radical reforms than Taaffe had achieved. It was Taaffe's great achievement that he
persuaded the Czechs to abandon the policy of abstention and to take part in the parliament. It was on the support of them,
the Poles, and the Clericals that his majority depended. His avowed intention was to unite the nationalities of
Austria: Germans and Slavs were, as he said, equally integral parts of Austria; neither must be oppressed; both must unite to
form an Austrian parliament. Notwithstanding the growing opposition of the German Liberals, who refused to accept the
equality of the nationalities, he kept his position for thirteen years. Not a great creative statesman, Taaffe had singular
capacity for managing men; a very poor orator, he had in private intercourse an urbanity and quickness of humour which
showed his Irish ancestry. Beneath an apparent cynicism and frivolity Taaffe hid a strong feeling of patriotism to his country
and loyalty to the emperor. It was no small service to both that for so long, during very critical years in European history, he
maintained harmony between the two parts of the monarchy and preserved constitutional government in Austria. The
necessities of the parliamentary situation compelled him sometimes to go farther in meeting the demands of the
Conservatives and Czechs than he would probably have wished, but he was essentially an opportunist; in no way a party
man, he recognized that the government must be carried on, and he cared little by the aid of what party the necessary
majority was maintained. In 1893 he was defeated on a proposal for the revision of the franchise, and resigned. He retired
into private life, and died two years later at his country residence, Ellischau, in Bohemia.

Ignaz von Plener (May

21, 1810February 17, 1908) was an Austrian statesman. He served as the 3rd MinisterPresident of Cisleithania from January 15 until February 1, 1870. Baron (Freiherr) Ignaz von Plener was born in Vienna in 1810
in a family of lower nobility. He studied law at the University of Viennabefore entering the governmental service. In 1859 he

was made Privy Councilor, a year afterward received the portfolio of Finance and revived the Bank Acts and
the Ministry of Commerce before his resignation in 1865, and in 1867 entered the Liberal Centralist cabinet of
Giska as Minister of Commerce. This post he held until 1870. He became the 3rd Minister-President of
Cisleithania from January 15, 1870 until February 1, 1870. He was a member of the Lower House until 1873,
when he was appointed to the House of Lords. In 1882 Plener was an ardent opponent of a personal-income
tax. He was the father of Ernst von Plener.

Leopold Hasner von Artha (March

15, 1818, Prague June 5, 1891, Bad Ischl) was

an Austrian civil servant and statesman. He served as the 4th Minister-President of Cisleithania from
February 1 until April 12, 1870. Hasner von Artha studied in his homet own's rights, received his
doctorate in 1842 in Vienna and was employed until 1848. In 1848 he was editor of the official "Prager
Zeitung", since 1849 associate professor of philosophy of law, since 1851 full professor of political science
at the University of Prague. As such, he was together with his friend Gustav Biedermann to the most
outstanding representatives of the Hegelian school in Austria, in whose spirit he wrote Elements of the
Philosophy of Law and its history, and in addition to numerous legal and art criticism journal articles and a
system of political economy, of which up to 1888 only the first part was published. Since 1861, he was
inside in parlamentary life as a member of the Bohemian Diet, and the Chamber of Deputies in the
Reichsrat. In the very first session of the latter he was the head of the house, Franz Hein, Vice President of the page, and after
it became the minister of justice, he took his place as Chairman of the House of Representatives. Since June 1863 he was the
head of the school council, a creation of short duration. In 1865 he was a professor of political science at the University of
Vienna began teaching again and was also appointed to the Privy Councillor. In April 1867 he was appointed life member of
the House of Lords. With the conditions of public education particularly familiar, he took over in the cabinet of Prince Karl
Philipp Wilhelm von Auersperg (the "Civil Department") on December 30, 1867, the leadership of the Ministry of Culture and
Education (to February 1, 1870). In this position, he directed his main efforts on the creation of a national education law,
which was carried out despite the opposition of the Austrian Bishops. Some essential principles of modern education system,
which he created were: Independence in 1868 the teaching of churches and religious communities, In 1868 introduction of
the school as a full-fledged secondary school without Latin, In 1869 creation of the Imperial Primary School Act, with
konfessionsbergreifendem Community Education, In 1869 Opening of the Medical Faculty at the University of Innsbruck. In
the conflict that was between the members of the Ministry Taaffe erupted Hasner was one of the Artha centralist majority,
and after leaving the minority, he served from 1 February to 4 April 1870 (withdrawal) and 12 April 1870 (divestiture) as k.k.
Prime Minister. He was the brother of Joseph Hasner ophthalmologists of Artha. In Austria, some streets are named after the
politician: Linz-Waldegg the Hasnerstrae (formerly Leopold Hasner Road) and Ottakring in Vienna (16th district), the
Hasnerstrae.

Alfred Jzef Potocki (July 29, 1817 or 1822, acut - May 18, 1889, Paris) was a Austrian nobleman
(szlachcic), landowner, politician, monarchist, liberal-conservatist of Polish origin and fifth Minister-President
of Cisleithania from April 12, 1870 until February 6, 1871 . The son of count Alfred Wojciech Potocki and
princess Jzefina Maria Czartoryska, he was born into a prominent noble family of Polish origin but was a
subject of the Empire of Austria. His grandfather was the writer Jan Potocki, best known for his famous
novel "The Manuscript Found in Saragossa". On March 18, 1851 in Sawuta, he married princess Maria
Klementyna Sanguszko, heiress of the prominent Sanguszko princely family. Alfred Jzef Potocki is famous
for building the magnificent Potocki Palace, a grand residence in Lviv. Alfred was the
2nd Ordynat of acut estates. He was member of the National Sejm of Galicia from 1863 to 1889 and Sejm
Marshalfrom 1875 until 1877. In 1862 he became member of the Herrenhaus. He served as Austrian councillor and from
1867 until 1870 as Minister of Agriculture of Austria. In 1870 he became the 5th Minister-President of Cisleithania and
simultaneously Minister of Defence of Austria. In 1873 he was co-founder of the Akademia Umiejetnosci (Polish Academy of
Skills) in Krakw. From 1875 to 1883 he was governorGalicia. He ran a family distillery, which is today known as Polmos
acut.

Karl Sigmund von Hohenwart (February 12, 1824, Vienna April 26, 1899) was an Austrian politician who served
as Minister-President of Austria from February 6 until October 30, 1871. Hohenwarts government attempted to implement a
Federalist agreement between Bohemia and the governing Austro-Hungarian Empire. This attempt to conciliate the
Bohemian Czechs caused massive criticism, and led to the fall of the Hohenwart government only months after it assumed
office. Karl Hohenwart was a German aristocrat and devout Roman Catholic. He held administrative posts in Carniola
and Trentino. In 1868, Hohenwart became the Governor of Upper Austria. Hohenwart was the leader of the Conservative
Federalists political faction inAustria. His political beliefs revolved around the view that Federalism and conciliation
of Slavs was the only way to preserve theAustro-Hungarian Empire. Hohenwart believed that Federalism was only possible
with equality between the nationalities of the Empire. Furthermore, Hohenwart believed in dealing only with leading nobles
and other members at the top of the social order. Hohenwart distrusted social change. The victory of Prussia in the FrancoPrussian War (1870) caused a shift in the politics of Austria. Emperor Francis Joseph turned against the Liberals who held the
Premiership at the time because they were too enthusiastic for Prussia and its victory. Instead, Emperor Joseph turned to
Conservatives willing to conciliate with Slavs. Hohenwart, as leader of the Conservative Federalists, was chosen in order to
placate the Slavs with a new federalist system. Also, Emperor Francis Joseph saw Federalism as a way to undercut the AustroGerman Liberals. Emperor Francis Joseph appointed Hohenwart to the Premiership of Austria on February 7, 1871. The
Hohenwart Ministry described itself in public statements as a non-party. Also, the Hohenwart Ministry stated that its mission
was to reconcile the people of Austria along federal lines. The leading member of Hohenwarts cabinet was Albert Schffle,
the minister of commerce. Schffle is considered to be the true leader of the Hohenwart Ministrys Federalization attempt.
Some historians consider Hohenwart as a mere figurehead. Hohenwart also appointed two Czech ministers and one Pole. The
Pole held the position of special minister of Galicia. This position was a concession to the Poles and one of the first
conciliatory moves towards the Slavs made by Hohenwart. One of the first successes of the Hohenwart ministry was the
passing of the Budget Law of 1871. After this, Hohenwart dissolved the Parliament in Vienna and provincial diets. Hohenwart
then called for the election of new diets. Hohenwart dissolved the diets because he had enough influence on big Estate
owners to secure the election of federalist Conservatives. Also, the Hohenwart ministry enfranchised districts which would
elect federalist Conservatives. With the dissolving of Parliament and the solidifying of political support, the stage was set for
the development of a Federalist agreement. After dissolving the diets the Hohenwart ministry went to work on negotiating an
agreement with Bohemian leaders. Schlffe, the Commerce Minister, took the lead in negotiation. He secretly negotiated an
agreement with leading Czech nobles. The negotiations resulted in the Fundamental Articles and the Nationality Laws.

The Fundamental Articles introduced a new federalist constitutional system for Bohemia. First, the
Fundamental Articles accepted the Compromise of 1867. Second, the Fundamental Articles created
a Bohemian diet that sent representatives to the Austrian Parliament. The Austrian Parliament would be
made up of representatives from several crownland diets. The functions of the Austrian Parliament
would include commercial, military, and foreign relations. Third, the Austrian Herrenhaus (House of
Lords) was to be replaced with an Austrian Senate that handled: treaties, jurisdictional conflicts, and
constitutional revisions. Most important, the Bohemian Diet would have authority over all other local
issues. The Nationality Laws came as corollaries to the Fundamental Articles. They created
administrative areas which would be nationally homogenous. Furthermore, the Czech and German
languages would become the official languages for all functions pertaining to all of Bohemia. In
September 1871 the Bohemian Diet reconvened. Czech deputies now outnumbered German deputies. As a result, the
German deputies all left the Bohemian Diet. On September 12, 1871 Emperor Francis Joseph issues an
Imperial Rescript asking the Bohemian Diet to draft a constitutional charter. The Bohemian Diet than unanimously accepted
the Fundamental Articles and Nationality Laws." Once the Emperor accepted these laws, he was to be crowned King of
Bohemia. The Hohenwart agreements with the Bohemians sparked massive criticisms. Ultimately, German Liberals led
by Count Beust and Magyars led by Andrassy would sink the federalist agreements and the Hohenwart government. When
the Fundamental Articles and Nationality Laws were publicly announced they infuriated the public. Germans in Bohemia
protested vociferously. In addition, Austo-German liberals were strongly against it. Germans in Vienna rioted in protest over
the proposals. There was criticism among the Slavs in Bohemia too. Some Czechs saw the Nationality Laws as a precursor
to a division of Bohemia into German and Czech parts. Czech nationalist wanted to maintain all of Bohemia under a Bohemian
crown. In addition, the Moravian and Silesian Diets opposed the concept of being subsumed into an enlarged Bohemian
General Diet. The strongest criticisms came from Foreign Minister Beust and Magyar leader Julius Andrassy. Both of these
men were political opponents of Hohenwart and critics of Federalism. Beust told Emperor Francis Joseph that Federalism
would incite German opposition in Austria and might even lead to Prussian intervention. Andrassy voiced concerns over the
technicalities of the proposals and told the Emperor that Federalism would affect the finances and organization of the
Empire. In reality, Andrassy feared that Bohemian autonomy would adversely affect Hungarys position within the Empire.
Also, Andrassy feared that the Federalization of Austria would cause minority groups within Hungary to demand similar
arrangements. The public outcry and the political machinations of Beust and Andrassy convinced Emperor Francis Joseph to
side against the Hohenwart proposals. On October 20, 1871 the Emperor issued a new Imperial Rescript which rescinded the
September 12th Rescript that sided with Federalization. Hohenwart attempted to reach a new deal with the Czechs that
called for autonomy for lesser Bohemia. The Czechs rejected the deal and Hohenwart and his government resigned on
October 27, 1871. Hohenwart continued to maintain a presence in Austrian politics following his failed Premiership. He
served under Minister-President Eduard Graf Taaffe from 1879 until 1892. Taaffes government was based on coalition of
conservative German and Slav politicians known as the Iron Ring. Hohenwart was the head of a conservative group of
Catholics from the Alpine regions and allied southern Slavs.

Ludwig Holzgethan,

since 1855 von Holzgethan, since 1865 Baron (Feirherr) von Holzgethan (October 1,
1800, Vienna June 12, 1876, Vienna) was an Austrian statesman. He served as the Minister-President of Cisleithania from
October 30 until November 24, 1871. Holzgethan joined in 1831 as a financial officer in the civil service and went through a
long career. In 1846 he was Kameralrat worked in Vienna, Linz and Trieste, as a district executive for the
Kameralbezirksverwaltung Innkreis Ried. In 1850 he came to Verona as a financial officer. In 1852 he was appointed the
Prefect of Venice Venetian financial and directed the financial management of Lombardy and Veneto. He was born on April 4,
1855 in Vienna as k.u.k. Financial ministers and prefect in Venice awarded the Order of Leopold in Austrian knighthood
collected in 1860 was appointed privy councilor and as imperial Privy Council of State and Commander of the Order of
Leopold on 31 December 1865 in the Austrian baron rose and made a member of the manor. During these years he was
appointed Under Secretary, Deputy Finance Minister Ignaz von Plener and a member of the State Council. In 1870 he took
over the Austrian Ministry of Finance, first under the Prime Minister Alfred Jzef Potocki, then Karl Sigmund of Hohenwart and
after his resignation on October 30, 1871 until November 25, 1871, even short-term prime minister. In January 1872 he
became joint finance minister of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy until his death 1876.

Adolf

Wilhelm Daniel von Auersperg (1821, Vlaim -

January 5, 1885, Schloss

Goldegg, Neidling) was an Austrian statesman and Minister-President of Cisleithania from November 28,
1871 until February 15, 1879. He served in the Army from 1841 to 1860 and attained the rank of major of
dragoons in the regiment of Prince Eugene. In 1867 he entered political life as a member of the Bohemian
Diet, being elected by the Liberal land proprietors, and in 1868 became a member for life of the upper
chamber of the Austrian Reichsrat. He was governor of Salzburg from 1870 to 1871, and proved in that
position, as well as in his subsequent political life, a stanch supporter of the constitution. From 1871 to
1879, he was head of the Austrian ministry as the 8th Minister-President of Cisleithania. Therefore he
succeeded in carrying out the electoral reform of the Empire, securing direct elections to the lower
chamber of the Reichsrat, and in strengthening the political entente with Hungary. He was the son of Prince
Wilhelm of Auersperg (17811827), Duke of Gottschee, and Friederike Luise Henriette (ne von Lenthe; 17911860). His
brother Prince Karl of Auersperg was also head of the Austrian ministry (186768). His other siblings were Aglaja (1812
1899), Wilhelmine (18131886), Alexander (18181866) and Leopoldine (18201821). Adolf was married twice: the first time
(1845) with Baroness Johanna Aloysia Mladota von Solopisk (18201849); the second time (1857) with Countess Johanna
Festetics de Tolna (18301884), daughter of Ern Jnos Vilmos von Festetics. This second marriage produced a son: Karl
(18591927), who became the 9th prince of Auersperg. Karl married in 1885 Countess Eleonore Breunner-Enkevoirth (1864
1920), daughter of Count August Breunner-Enkevoirth. They had five children: Prince Adolf von Auersperg (18861923),
married (1914) to Countess Gabrielle von Clam und Gallas, Princess Agathe von Auersperg (18881973), married (1913) to
Alexander von Schnburg-Hartenstein, Princess Johanna von Auersperg (18901967), married (1917) to Rudolf of Meran, son
of Count Franz of Meran, Princess Eleonore von Auersperg (18921967), married (1919) to Erwin Wallner and Prince Karl von
Auersperg-Breunner (18951980), married (1927) to Henriette von Meran

Karl Ritter

von Stremayr (October 30, 1832, Graz - June 22, 1904, Pottschach) was an Austrian statesman and
9thMinister-President of Cisleithania from February 15 until August 12, 1879. Born in Graz, where he also studied law, he
entered the government service, and subsequently was Attorney-General and docent at theUniversity. In 1848-49 he was a
member of the Frankfurt Parliament. In 1868 he was appointed councilor in the Ministry of the Interior, and in 1870-79 was
Minister of Public Instruction when he brought about the repeal of the Concordat of 1855. He was President of the council as
the 9thMinister-President of Cisleithania after the going out of the Auersperg ministry in 1879. Afterwards, he entered the
cabinet of his successor Eduard Taaffe, 11th Viscount Taaffe, 10th Minister-President of Cisleithania, as Minister of Justice, but
resigned in 1880. He then was appointed vice president of the Austrian Supreme Court before succeeding Anton von

Schmerling as president after Schmerling's resignation in 1891. He retired in 1899. He was called to a seat
in the Austrian House of Lords in 1889.

Alfred III of Windisch-Grtz (German: Alfred

August Karl Maria Wolfgang Erwin

Frst zu Windisch-Grtz) (October 31, 1851, Prague November 23, 1927, Tachov) was
a Bohemian nobleman and Austro-Hungarian statesman. He served as the 11thMinisterPresident of Cisleithania from November 11, 1893 until June 19, 1895 and was President of
the Herrenhaus from 1895 to 1918. He was a Great-Grandfather of HRHPrincess Michael of
Kent.

Erich Graf von Kielmansegg (February

13, 1847 February 5, 1923) was an Austrian statesman.

He served as stadtholder of Lower Austria and short time Cisleithanian Minister-President of Austria-Hungary
from June 18 until September 29, 1895. He was born in Hanover the son of Count Eduard von Kielmansegg
(18041879), Minister-President of the Kingdom of Hanover from 1855 to 1862 and himself a grandson of
Lieutenant-General Johann Ludwig von Wallmoden-Gimborn, an illegitimate son of King George II of Great
Britain. With his father he had to emigrate upon the annexation of Hanover by Prussia after the 1866 AustroPrussian
Warand
moved
to Vienna.
Kielmansegg
studied Jurisprudence at
the
universities
of Heidelberg and Vienna and entered the Austrian civil service in 1870. From 1876 he served
as Hauptmann ("captain") of the Baden District, Austria and from 1882 as an official of the state governments in the
Cisleithanian crown lands of Bukovina and Carinthia as well as in the Austrian Ministry of the Interior. From October 17, 1889
he was stadtholder of Lower Austria, where he carried through the union of Vienna with the suburbs (Greater Vienna),
the Vienna Danube regulation and the expansion of the Donaukanal and the Wien River. After Minister-President Prince Alfred
III of Windisch-Grtz had resigned over the language conflict with the Young Czech Party inBohemia, Kielmansegg, a confident
of Emperor Francis Joseph I of Austria, was appointed Minister of the Interior and Cisleithanian Prime Minister on June 18,
1895, though only as an acting officeholder until the implementation of the Badeni government on September 29. He
remained Lower Austrian governor until June 18, 1911, however, he had to cope with the rising political power of the Social
Democrats and the Christian Social Party under the popular Vienna mayor Karl Lueger. Retired Kielmansegg died in Vienna
from pneumonia, he was buried at the Dbling Cemetery. A born North German he was, with the exception of
Chancellor Count Friedrich Ferdinand von Beust, the only Protestant minister of Austria up to this date.

Kasimir Felix Badeni (German: Kasimir

Felix Graf von Badeni, Polish: Kazimierz Feliks hrabia

Badeni) (October 14, 1846 July 9, 1909) was Minister-President of the Austrian half of the AustroHungarian Empire from November 30, 1895 until September 30, 1897. Many people in Austria, especially
Emperor Franz Joseph, had placed great hope in Badeni's ability to solve some of the Empire's
constitutional problems, but he disappointed them. The ethnic Polish aristocrat Badeni, born in Galicia,
had served as governor of that province, during which time he played a key role in the rapprochement
between the Polish elite and the Ruthenians that came to be known as the "New Era". He was devoted to
the Empire and the Emperor and was a firm conservative which combined with his successes in Galicia
impressed Emperor Franz Joseph. He came to power in Austria after the failure of Minister-President Alfred
III zu Windisch-Grtz's coalition ministry of conservative andliberals. In 1896 he succeeded in
implementing a form of universal male suffrage but made it palatable to the ruling interests of the Empire. To the previous
four classes of voters, which depended on the amount of taxes each individual paid, his reform added a fifth class to include
every adult male below the five-guilder threshold set for the fourth class in the 1882 Taaffe reform. Keenly aware of the
growing tensions within the Empire due to ethnic rivalries and the political agitation of socialists and nationalists, Badeni
expressed doubt as to the ability of Austria-Hungary to wage war effectively. He claimed "a state of nationalities cannot wage
war without danger to itself." Badeni courted controversy when, in an attempt to gain the support of the Young Czech faction
in the Reichsrat, he addressed the language issue in Bohemia. His ordinance of April 5, 1897, declared
"that Czech and German should be the languages of the 'inner service' throughout Bohemia." This meant that civil servants in
the province would have to know both Czech and German, since government business would be conducted in both languages
for internal Bohemian affairs. Germans in Bohemia were outraged, since this effectively excluded the majority of them from
government jobs; Czechs learned German in school, but Germans had usually little to no knowledge of the Czech language.
Late-19th-century Germans in Austria-Hungary, as a general rule, wanted the Empire to maintain its German character
established during the period of forcible Germanization in the 17th and 18th century, so they resisted the demands of the
other ethnic groups for linguistic recognition. Badeni's ordinance was seen by Germans as the "last straw" in a series of
concessions. Badeni was not prepared for the level of animosity the Germans in Bohemia and elsewhere in the Empire
directed at him due to his reform.The fringe German Nationalist Party, headed by Georg Schnerer, hoping to destabilize the
Empire and join the German lands of Austria to the new German Empire, disrupted parliamentary proceedings and instigated
violent protests. Although most Germans of Austria had no sympathy for the Nationalist Party's cause, they participated in
street protests across the Austro-Hungarian Empire, hoping to have the ordinance repealed. Obstructionism by German
nationalists slowed or stopped parliamentary business in the Reichsrat and riots erupted in Vienna, Graz, Salzburg, and the
alpine provinces. Amidst this political turmoil, in November 1897, Emperor Franz Joseph, frightened by the mass agitation of
some of the most important segments of society, dismissed Badeni. His fall, however, did not end the political and ethnic
problems within the Empire and for several years, while the Reichsrat met occasionally, the government ruled largely through
emergency decree. Badeni's language ordinances were repealed in 1899, disappointing Czechs and failing to appease
German nationalists. Some commentators of the time felt, that Badeni was unaccustomed to the political dynamics of the
more-industrialized western part of the Empire; he was used to the provincial social relations of Galicia, where he was a
landowner. That was given as an explanation for Badeni's political blunder. In fact Badeni believed that the Czechs were
growing as a nation and their national ambitions would sooner or later have to be accommodated within the AustroHungarian Empire, as the ambitions of the Hungarians had been decades previously. Badeni was one of the few politicians
who saw that without rapprochement between different nations within the Austro-Hungarian state, the Empire would fall
apart.

Paul Gautsch, fully Paul

Gautsch Feirherr von Frankenthurn (February 26, 1851 Dbling April 20, 1918 Vienna) was
anAustrian political figure who served three times as Minister-President of Cistleithania, the first time from November 30,
1897 until March 5, 1898, the second time from December 31, 1904 until May 2, 1906 and the third time from June 28 until
November 3, 1911. After graduating from the University of Vienna, he entered the Ministry of Education. He was director of

the Theresa Academy (1881-85), and then Austrian Minister of Education under the cabinets of Eduard Graf
Taaffe (1885-93) and Kasimir Felix Graf Badeni (1895-97).

Franz Anton von Thun und Hohenstein ,

(September 2, 1847, Dn,

Bohemia November 1, 1916, Dn, Bohemia) was an Austro-Hungarian noble, statesman
and
Minister-President of Cistleithania March 5, 1898 until October 2, 1899. He served as the
Habsburg's
Governor of his native Bohemia from 1889 to 1896 and again from 1911 to 1915. He was
also briefly the
15th Minister-President of Austria and Minister of the Interior from 1898 to 1899. Like most
of the rest of
the Thun und Hohenstein family, he belonged to the Federalist party and his appointment in
1889
as
governor of Bohemia was the cause of grave dissatisfaction to the German Austrians. He
took a leading
part in the negotiation of 1890 for the Bohemian settlement, but the elections of 1891, in
which
the Young Czechs who were opposed to the feudal party gained a decisive victory, made his
position a very
difficult one. Contrary to expectation, he showed great energy in suppressing disorder; but
after the proclamation of a state of siege his position became untenable, and in 1895 he had to resign. On the resignation of
Badeni in 1898 he was made minister president, an office which he held for little more than a year. For, though he succeeded
in bringing to a conclusion the negotiations with Hungary, the support he gave to the Czechs and Slovenians increased the
opposition of the Germans to such a degree that parliamentary government became impossible, and at the end of 1899 he
was dismissed. His sympathies towards the Czech People was responsible for a minor diplomatic spat between AustriaHungary and the German Empire when the Prussian government deported some of its migrant Czech and Polish workers in
1899. The incident was part of an overall cooling of relations between the two empires at the end of the 19th Century. He was
raised to princely rank by emperor Franz Joseph I of Austria on July 19, 1911.

Manfred von Clary-Aldringen (May

30, 1852 Palais Mollard-Clary, Vienna February 12, 1928 Castle

Herrnau, Salzburg) was an Austro-Hungarian nobleman and statesman. He served as the 16th Minister-President
of
Cistleithania (therefore the 28th Minister-President of Austria overall) from October 2 until December 21, 1899.
Born into a prominent Austro-Hungarian princely family of Bohemian origin (the Clary-Aldringens), the son of
Prince Edmund Moritz and Princess Elisabeth-Alexandrine von Clary-und-Aldringen, (born Countess de
Ficquelmont). He is the younger brother of Prince Siegfried (18481929) who was a prominent AustroHungarian diplomat. In 1884, he married in Vienna Grfin (countess) Franziska Pejcsevich von Vercze, heiress
of
one of the most powerful family of theCroatian descending from the princes Esterhzy von Galntha. The couple
had
two children. Count Clary-und-Aldringen studied Law at the University of Vienna before starting a political career
in Imperi
al Austria. The Austro-Hungarian Empire was dominated by a small circle of high nobility families that had
great power and enormous riches and thus played a major role in politics and diplomacy. Count Manfred is the perfect
example of such an influence. On February 22, 1896 he became Governor of the Lnder of Austrian-Silesia, a key office in a
strategic region for the Empire: not only was the lnder rich in natural resources but it also lain at the border with
both German and Russian Empires. Austrian-Silesia was heir to a long power struggle between these three Empires and at the
heart of the nationalistic issues of central European irredentisms.In 1898, Count Manfred became Governor and representant
at the Imperial Austrian Reischrat (Imperial Austrian Council) for the Lnder of Styria, an office of major importance he kept
until the fall of the Empire in 1918. Styria was one of the powerhouses of the Austro-Hungarian economy, the lnder was a
center of industries and agricultures and its capital Graz was one of the Empire's most populous city. From October 2 until
December 21, 1899, Count Clary-und-Aldringen served as Minister-President of Austria, following in the steps of his
grandfather, Count Charles-Louis de Ficquelmont (17771857) who succeeded Prince Metternich as the second MinisterPresident of the Empire in 1848. After the fall of the Austro-Hungarian Empire following the defeat of the Central
Powers during the automn of 1918, Count Manfred resigned from all his official offices and spend his remaining years
between his estates in Austria and his family's Czech estates(Teplice). On February 12, 1928 count Manfred von Clary-undAldringen died in his Salzburger residence of Scloss Herrnau (Herrnau Castle). Count Clary und Aldringen is widely seen as a
modernizer and has been regarded as both one of the most prominent statesman of the end of the Austro-Hungarian
Empire and a symbol of the influence of the Austro-Hungarian high nobility in politics at the turn of the 19th century. He has
also been well known for successfully fighting Tuberculosis when he was President of the Austrian Red Cross in Kronland.

Heinrich Ritter von Wittek (January

29, 1844, Vienna April 9, 1930, Vienna) was Austrian

statesman. He served as the 17th Minister-President of Cisleithania from December 21, 1899 until
January 18, 1900. He was the eldest son of John Ritter of Marcellin Wittek (1801-1876) of the educator of
the late Emperor Franz Joseph and his brothers. Henry was the playmate of Ludwig Viktor of Austria, the
youngest brother of the emperor. By this courtly relations it enjoyed during the monarchy a certain
protection. In 1895 he was briefly Minister of Commerce from 20 November 1897 to 1st May 1905 while
several governments Railway Minister. He was successful in expanding the rail network and pushed for
social concerns of the railroad. From December 21, 1899 until January 18, 1900 he was served as a
"temporary solution" for Ernest von Koerber, even briefly as prime minister of Cisleithania, the Austrian
half of the Dual Monarchy. He authorized a liberal Viennese municipal election procedure, which was
referred to the Christian Socialists. In 1905 he was made an honorary citizen of Vienna. Wittek was
Christian social member of the House of Representatives (1907-1911) and the House of Lords (1905-1918) of the Vienna
Imperial Parliament. He took over responsibility for the mandate of the Vienna mayor Karl Lueger.

Ernest von Koerber (November 6, 1850 March

5, 1919) was an Austrian politician who served as Minister-President

of Cisleithania from January 19, 1900 until December 31, 1904 and from October 29 until December 20, 1916. Ernest von
Koerber was born in Trento, now part of Italy, then belonging to Austria. His family was ethnically German. He became
extremely involved in Austrian culture and politics. The study of Rechtsstaat, or constitutionality and civil rights was popular
during Koerber's teen years and Koerber and his peers such as Sieghart, Steinbach, Baernreither, and Redlich learned and
immersed themselves in this principle. Koerbers knowledge of government was apparent when he launched his career as a
bureaucrat in 1874. By 1897 Koerber was a member of the Reichsrat (the parliament of Cisleithania, the Austrian portion of
Austria-Hungary) and Commerce Minister of Austria. At this time, under the "Dual Monarchy" of Austria-Hungary, there were
separate internal governments for Austria and the Kingdom of Hungary. Two years later in 1899 Koerber rose to the position
of Minister of the Interior. In 1900, Emperor Franz Joseph asked Koerber to create a cabinet and serve as prime minister. This
was by far the most influential position of Koerbers career. Koerber served in this capacity until the end of 1904 when he left
office. From the beginning of his term in office, Koerber encountered many difficulties. He had full authority only over
Cisleithania. Furthermore, the Reichsrat was politically weak. In order to make major liberal reforms Koerber depended largely

on Article 14, a provision which allowed the Emperor to issue an emergency regulation for any necessary
purposes. The meetings of the Reichsrat quickly transformed into forums for Koerber to bargain with party
leaders. Koerbers tenure in office was also marked by tensions within Austria-Hungary. The dual monarchy
dissipated any sense of allegiance to a single crown. The various ethnic groups resented one another and it
became apparent that most government actions would leave at least one offended group. In military
matters, Koerber opposed providing the Hungarian portion of the army (Honvdsg) with its own artillery
units. While the emperor advocated such a policy, Koerber sided with Archduke Franz Ferdinand against it,
stating that the principle of parity would require the Austrian Landwehr to also have artillery, which Austria
could not afford. Even education was a controversial aspect within the monarchy. The Italians in the
Habsburg lands could no longer get a university education within the borders of Austria after it
lost Veneto in 1866. Koerber sought to fix this problem and presented a draft law establishing an Italian university. However
widespread disapproval from Germans culminated in riots during the aborted inauguration of the first course, to be opened
in Innsbruck in November 1904. This forced the government to abandon this project. Koerber also attempted to institute a
National University with German as the language of teaching but the Italians and Slavs protested this plan. Koerber pursued
reform for the infrastructure of the country, particularly railroads and canals. These expansive reforms were made in efforts
to appease the Reichsrat and create a sense of regionalism with non-controversial government reforms. Despite Koerber's
efforts, these changes did not provide the reaction Koerber expected and attention once again shifted towards the nationality
question. Additionally, Koerber aimed to promote the industrial and communications sectors. He abolished censorship of the
press. Koerber believed this would benefit the changing and expansive monarchy. Koerber also exhibited his liberal ideology
by reducing the harsh persecution of Social Democrats, allowing them to organize openly in Austria. This was a tremendous
stride in individual rights. Coupled with these strategies was Koerber's economic savvy. Koerber got the Reichsrat to enact his
1902 economic development program without resorting to article 14. But once again, it was to no avail. Many historians
believe that Koerbers emphasis on economic matters over national issues made his administration highly unpopular. Ethnic
hostilities ensued despite his attempts at reform. The lack of transition within the state diminished Koerber's dreams and he
eventually resigned from office in December 1904. Koerber was succeeded by Paul von Gautsch, Minister of Education.
Koerber returned to the spotlight during World War I. From 1915 to 1916, Koerber served as Finance Minister of AustriaHungary (a "k.u.k" ministry which served both countries). In October 1916, Count Strgkh, prime minister of Austria, was
assassinated. Franz Joseph quickly recalled Koerber to return as prime minister. [1] Many had hoped that Koerber would modify
the tyrannical system that had developed during wartime. However Koerber came into conflict with the new emperor, Charles
I and did not make such changes. In fact, the constant disputes made it difficult for Koerber to get anything accomplished.
Koerber still held out hope that Austria and Hungary were able to unite, both politically and socially. Charles I, however,
continued to take measures that would hinder this progress. Koerber, an aged man by this point, decided he could no longer
take these differences. A few short months later Koerber officially retired from office. He died shortly after the end of the war,
on March 5, 1919, in Baden, a town near Vienna.

Konrad

zu Hohenlohe-Schillingsfrst (December 16, 1863, Vienna December 21,

1918, Kammern im Liesingtal, Steiermark) was an Austrian statesman. He served as Minister-President of
Cisleithania from May 2 until June 2, 1906. Conrad was the son of Prince Konstantin of Hohenlohe-Schilling
and the Prince of Sayn-Wittgenstein, Marie and nephew of the German Chancellor Clovis of HohenloheSchillingsfrst. He graduated from Scotland High School and studied from 1883 to 1887 law at the
University of Vienna. He then entered the civil service and was in the governor's office in Prague, used in
the interior ministry and the district administration in Teplice. Here he attracted public attention due to
settlement of a miners' strike and the granting of a license for performance of Gerhart Hauptmann's The
Weavers. Because of its worker-friendly spirit he was, like his cousin, Prince Alexander, also known as the
Red Prince. This term goes back to this time as a district captain of Teplitz, as he had joined the labor
movement over and over again shown benevolent. From 1900 he worked again at the Home Office in the Industry and
Labour. In the years 1903/04 was as Hohenlohe k.k. President of the country's head of government in Bukovina Chernivtsi.
1904 to 1906 he was first governor of the Austrian Littoral, based in Trieste. He also belonged to the close advisors and
friends of the Archduke Franz Ferdinand. Of May 2 until June 2, 1906 Hohenlohe served as Prime Minister and Interior Minister
of Cisleit hania, the Austrian half of the Dual Monarchy. He was appointed because of his ability to subdue the Italian majority
Trieste. As prime minister he tried to realize a major electoral reform that would have guaranteed a German-Romanesque
against the Slavic majority block in the Vienna parliament. But the German-Roman alliance was a fiction and therefore was
not a majority for his proposal. Hohenlohe then used a conflict over the Hungarian customs tariff to the resignation and
returned after only a month of unsuccessful governance back to Trieste. There he was again to 1915 governor of the coastal
country. In addition to the governor's office led Hohenlohe also oversees the police and the Finance Office and coordinated
the field of military security of the crown land. Though he sought from Vienna to teach Italians and Slovenes, but he was, for
the ruling National Liberal Party Italian irredentist in the port city, becoming a symbol of the hated Habsburg incarnate state.
Because of the town council he had important expertise in construction, industry, education and military service in favor of
the central authority of the governor's office and removed. His action against the Italian irredentism excited lively protests in
Rome.To reduce the conflict with Italy during the negotiations on the neutrality of the southern neighbors in the First World
War Hohenlohe came back eventually as governor. Following his time in Trieste Hohenlohe went back to Vienna in 1915 and
President of the Supreme Court. In March he went on his own accord with the Vienna Landwehr Division to the Russian front.
[1] From 30 November 1915 to 31st October 1916, he was interrupted due to illness for two months, Minister of the Interior.
As interior minister in May 1916 Hohenlohe developed quatralistisches program of transforming the monarchy into a fourstate, consisting of Austria, Hungary, Poland and Illyria. The latter should include Croatia and Slavonia, Bosnia-Herzegovina
and Dalmatia. Fiume was to remain in Hungary, Istria and Trieste from Austria. Each state had its own part of the government
and its own parliament, army and foreign policy would be shared. Austria and Hungary would maintain certain
preponderance. In December 1916, Hohenlohe was followed a short time as a common imperial Leon Biliski Minister of
Finance. 1916 to 1918 he was also a member of the Upper House of the Austrian Reichsrat. Be the first High Steward of
Emperor Karl I from February 1917 to May 1918 he urged towards the end of World War I in vain for the federalization of
Austria-Hungary. After the failure of the Government Clam-Martinic he came in vain Redlich one to form a government by
Joseph but withdrew in May 1918 finally withdrew from politics. Prince Konrad married in 1888 Countess Franziska von
Schnborn-Buchheim (1866-1937). The marriage produced six children, including Princess Franziska of HohenloheWaldenburg-Schillingsfrst (1897-1989) who was her marriage to Archduke Maximilian in 1917 sister of the last emperor of
Austria. A great-grandson of Conrad is Austrian journalist Karl Hohenlohe society.
Max Wladimir von Beck

(September 6, 1854, Vienna January 20, 1943, Vienna) was an Austrian and statesman.
He served as Minister-President of Cisleithania from June 2, 1906 until November 15, 1908. The father of Anton Beck (18121895) came from humble beginnings, the parents ran a small inn in the south Moravian Butsch was finally director of the
Imperial Court and State Printing. [1] He was a member of the Reichstag and Kremsier always regarded as a Czech. Max

Wladimir had four sisters and attended the Academic Gymnasium in Vienna, where Tom Garrigue
Masaryk, was one of his classmates. He graduated with honors and studied law until 1878 at the
University of Vienna. He joined the civil service, first in the financial prosecutor, he was a long time to kk
Ministry of Agriculture. Max Beckmann was a teacher of law and political science of the heir apparent
Archduke Franz Ferdinand. Later he was the consultant on legal and policy issues, including complex
issues in his marriage. From 1880 to 1906, Beck, since 1898 as a section chief in the Ministry of
Agriculture in Cisleithanian part of Austria-Hungary worked. As chairman of the legislative and
organizational department he prepared important legislation before the agrarian reform. Contemporaries
and biographers, it was always difficult to classify it ideologically and politically. During the political crisis
of 1905/06, after the resignation of Conrad of Hohenlohe-Schillingsfrst Beck was born on June 2, was
appointed prime minister. As a former tutor of the heir to the throne, Emperor Franz Joseph saw him as an
intermediary between himself and his rebellious nephew. In his inaugural speech at the Imperial Council of June 7, 1906 Beck
described his difficult task: "We gave Providence a problem on the road, as no other State in Europe. 8 nationalities, 17
countries, 20 parliamentary bodies, 27 parliamentary parties, two different philosophies of life, a complicated relationship
with Hungary, by passing eight and a half-width, and about the same longitudes given cultural distances - all these unite on
one point, out of all of a resultant of on, it is necessary to rule in Austria." Beck was one of the "most" Prime Minister
Cisleithania. Boosted by the economic boom, he managed a parliamentary majority to form the core of the Liberal party to
the main Cisleithanian nationalities. The governments before the collapse of parliamentarism had ruled by emergency
decree. Beck did not make the attempt as his predecessor on the parties to govern time, or to form a neutral caretaker
government. He was without a formal agreement German, Czech and Polish deputies in his cabinet, which he described as
"compensation conference in perpetuity". Although he held the office only until 1908, he brought major reforms on the way.
Above all, he led the resistance against Franz Ferdinand in Austria on December 1, 1906 with the State Council election
reform, the universal and equal suffrage (for men). This led to a rift between Beck and Franz Ferdinand. Whether there has
been a hidden collaboration with the Social Democrats under Victor Adler, the pool has officially denied, is controversial. In
any case, Beck was able through a comprehensive socio-political program of reform of the labor insurance and the
introduction of old age and disability insurance in addition to the Social Democrats and the Favored to win Christian Socialists.
[9] was the introduction of universal and equal suffrage, was already at the prime minister Eduard Taaffe failed years earlier
by the Russian Revolution of 1905, the Social Democrats and parties strongly influenced by Slavonic. Besides Franz Ferdinand
also had the opposition of the conservative-corporatist thinking in noble mansion, ultimately be overcome with the support of
the emperor.In addition, renewed the equalization basin with Hungary with a new, lower rate of 63.6% in Austria compared to
36.4% for Hungary. In his politics he particularly welcomed the opposition of the aristocratic conservative parties dominated
and the on Austrian Foreign Minister Alois Lexa confrontation translated by Aehrenthal. Beck was a man of domestic politics
and foreign policy is no gambler, so he at during the Bosnian Annexation Crisis, also under pressure from the old opponents
of electoral reform, November 15, 1908 had to resign. He was a from 1907 to 1918 member of the Upper House of the Vienna
Imperial Council, 1915-1934 President of the Supreme Court from 1919 to 1938 and President of the Austrian Society of the
Red Cross. Baron Max Wladimir von Beck was recently selected as the main motif of an Austrian collectors' coin, the 100
Years of Universal Male Suffrage commemorative coin, minted on January 10, 2007. The coin design is based on a historic
photo of the opening session of Parliament in 1907, right after the elections. The two oval portraits in the foreground are of
the Emperor Franz Joseph and the Baron, who were responsible for putting the reform through.

Richard von Bienerth, after 1915 Count von Bienerth-Schmeling (March 2, 1863, Verona June 3,
1918, Vienna), was an Austrian statesman and Minister-President of Cisleithania from November 15, 1908
until June 28, 1911. He was the son of the Austrian Lieutenant-Field Marshal Karl von Bienerth (1825
1882) and a grandson on his mother's side of the Minister of State and later President of the High Court of
Cassation Anton von Schmerling (18051893). Richard Freiherr von Bienerth entered the service of the
state in 1884 in the Styrian governorate, embarked on a civil servant's career after 1886 in the education
ministry in Vienna, was from 1899 to 1905 the Vice-President of the Lower Austrian school inspectorate,
took the reins of the education ministry on 11 September 1905 as section head in the cabinet of Paul
Gautsch von Frankenthurn, which he also maintained in the short-lived government of Prince Konrad of
Hohenlohe-Waldenburg-Schillingsfrst. In the cabinet of Baron Max Wladimir von Beck he was minister for
the interior from June 2, 1906 until November 15, 1908 and worked on the electoral reform (introduction of universal male
suffrage) of 1907. After Von Beck's downfall, Emperor Franz Joseph I appointed him prime minister, an office that he held from
November 15, 1908 until June 28, 1911. After the government's loss of a parliamentary working majority after the Reichsrat
elections of June 1911, which brought heavy losses for the Christian Social Party and the Poland Club, he resigned as prime
minister and served the state as governor of Lower Austria - succeeding Count Erich Kielmansegg and despite suffering from
an incurable disease until November 28, 1915. When he resigned as governor, the Emperor elevated him to the rank of
Count.

Karl von Strgkh (October 30, 1859, Graz October 21, 1916) was an Austrian political figure during the late years of
the Austria-Hungarian monarchy and Minister-President of Cisleithania from November 3, 1911 until October 21, 1916. In
1891 he became a member of the Reichsrat, the Austrian parliament. Strgkh in 1891 yet voted in the era of class voting, the
Reichsrat deputies and was a member of the group, which was described as a constitutional fidelity landowners. (He was
landlord of Halbenrain in southern Styria.) From 1909 to 1911 (now 1907 was universal and equal male suffrage was
introduced and Sturgkh grouping chance in elections), he served in the Cabinets-Bienerth Schmerling and Gautsch as kk
Minister of Education. On November 3, 1911, he was following the resignation of the Cabinet because of inflation Gautsch
revolt in Vienna of Emperor Franz Joseph I, the, then already 81 years old, kk Prime minister appointed. As leaders
Cisleithania he was now a voting member of the Joint Ministerial Council, in which the three imperial Ministers with the Prime
Ministers of Austria and Hungary discussed the foreign and security policy of the united monarchy. The collaboration between
government and the Reichsrat was often difficult, because the Rules of Procedure of the State Council envisaged no measures
against obstruction, which was utilized primarily by Czech deputies intensive. The Reichsrat was therefore in the course of its
existence has been postponed again and again when the obstruction took the upper hand. The Basic Law on the Central
Organization of 1867 provided for in 14 that the kk Governed by the imperial government regulations with temporary force
of law, when can the Imperial is not in session and pending urgent decisions. The application of 14 of the Notrechts in Old
Austria was therefore not unusual. The Strgkh by the emperor procured adjournment of the Imperial Council on March 16,
1914 had four months later, however disastrous, as the elected representatives were not now in a position to take on the
warmongering actions of Austrian and Hungarian leaders and military influence following the assassination in Sarajevo.
Strgkh was one of the most important exponents of the united monarchy, Foreign Minister Leopold Berchtold, chief of staff,
Franz Conrad von Htzendorf, the Joint Finance Minister Leon Biliski and Secretary of War Alexander von Krobatin, the socalled war party, the advocates of a military conflict with Serbia. Strgkh for the war with Serbia, the possibility that the
existing ties between the Slavic parties in Austria and the Pan-Serb and Yugoslav movement was tearing. "He thought, in

other words on the war as an entity inside of a political nature" Strgkh the southern Slav provinces
considered lost if nothing happens, and Berchtold informed opinion that diplomatic success would not
solve the Serbian problem: "If, therefore, the path of a previous diplomatic action against Serbia will
enter from international reasons, this would have happened with the firm intention that this action
could only end in war". In contrast to the German Reichstag, the Austrian Parliament had no influence
on the declaration of war of July 28, 1914 in Serbia, which developed into the First World War, or
associated with the political ambitions of the war in hiding active decision makers, where the 84-yearold emperor was no match as the real final decision obviously. During the war the government was
working on with Strgkh imperial decrees instead of laws, even when it comes to the restriction of
fundamental rights such as freedom of the press did (he conducted a rigorous press censorship).
Opposition calls for the reconvening of Parliament Strgkh ignored. Insight into his behavior Sturgkh
policies are also common issues for the Council of Ministers of July 31, 1914, where he asked himself,
"... If it was not dangerous, just to wait until Italy is an aggressive action against us and decide
whether or not the attempt should be made to deceive by a kind of secret agreement, and so to get over the danger zone of
the next few weeks. Against brigands, as were the Italians now, not a diplomatic maneuver was too bad. He would therefore
have no moral qualms about deceiving the Italians now. " He presented a detailed contract that guaranteed to the Italy of the
Trentino, from Germany, will be awarded for it on the side of the Central Powers should enter the war and accept the
reorganization of the Balkans by the monarchy. The latter would do, according to Italy but never Strgkh what the treaty and
the cession of the Trentino would be invalid. The Hungarian side did not, however, the fact that Italy would be fooled by this.
The proposal to Italy to be fooled by a secret agreement shows a "lack of realism in Vienna." Such, according to Hugo
Hantsch "malicious bogus contracts" also shed light on Sturgkh person and his policies, which was characterized by "illusions
and lack of morals". After the initial phase of the war and the suppression of the Russians turned to Germany and AustriaHungary, the question of how to deal with by then Russian-Polish territories or with a reunified Poland. Sturgkh adherence to
the dominance of the Germans in Austria is also his policy toward Poland. His concern for the Austro-Polish solution, the
Association of Russian Poland and Austria, were: "When the poles are incumbent upon rights of the monarchy and Austria to
the ratio of Polish to the rest of the population should be measured, then Austria was lost, then would this ancient kingdom,
the so-weathered some serious storms victorious, not as an annex a body, reign in the chaotic political conditions at the time
and would reign for a long time. [October 6, 1915] " All of Poland in Austria-Hungary and integrate Strgkh Cisleithania was
given the inevitable then Slavic domination impossible. Degree of autonomy would be on the other hand, feared Strgkh, also
reinforce the wishes of other nations and allow Austria and Hungary, both multi-ethnic states at risk. A Polish special position
was indeed necessary, "... But even more necessary is it that is felt in these areas, the central government and above all do,
that character in Austria, Austria's inventory was maintained. A satisfactory solution under the current circumstances, [...]
there was his opinion at all, he had in his elaborations only sought to mitigate the risks associated with the attempted
solution possible. " During the joint Council of Ministers of January 7, 1916 showed Strgkh ready, the war aims, if this is
necessary for the restoration of peace to reduce. The task of the "Austro-Polish solution" but he opposed the most
determined. He stressed the great burden that Austria would accept the annexation of Poland on, looked at it but as a
desirable goal to lose Galicia and Poland, not Russia zuzutreiben. A division of Poland would be the worst thing that would
exacerbate the problem of Galicia, as well as the Ruthenian question. Only if Congress would completely united with Poland,
West Galicia, the Poles would be, albeit reluctantly come to terms with the separation of the Ruthenian populated eastern
Galicia. "The Austrian government had no intention to let eastern Galicia, the Ruthenians, the administration must be rather
on the contrary Germanized." The "Ruthenian" was the Polish rather than the rule. This German national idea Sturgkh
testifies at the infinitesimally small proportion of ethnic German population of East Galicia, of little disconcerting sense of
reality. Strgkh and the Vienna bureaucracy wanted to strengthen the centralizing tendencies of the monarchy, and the
Ukrainian leaders agreed to even for tactical reasons, because they initially hoped for once liberation from the political and
cultural domination of Poland.From 1909 until 1911 he served as Minister of Education. He served as Minister-President (Prime
Minister) of Austria from 1911 and ruled the country autocratically during World War I, when the Reichsrat was not convened
any more. He was assassinated (shot dead) by the socialist politician Friedrich Adler on October 21, 1916 in a Vienna
restaurant.

Heinrich

Karl Clam-Martinic (January 1, 1863, Vienna March 7, 1932, Klam) was

an Austrian statesman and Minister-President of Cisleithania from December 20, 1916 until June 23, 1917.
One of the last Prime Ministers in the Austrian half of the Austro-Hungarian empire, he was called
during World War I to head a new cabinet by Emperor Charles on December 13, 1916, soon after the
death of Emperor Franz Joseph on November 21, 1916. As Prime Minister, he replaced Ernest von
Koerber and was succeeded by Ernst Seidler von Feuchtenegg (1917-1918), Baron Max Hussarek von
Heinlein (1918), andHeinrich Lammasch (1918). His short-lived cabinet included famous Austrian figures
such as Karl Urban and Joseph Baernreither.

Ernst Ritter Seidler von Feuchtenegg (June

5, 1862, Schwechat, Lower Austria January 23, 1931, Vienna)

was an Austrian politician and statesman. He served as Minister-President of Cisleithania from June 23, 1917 until July 27,
1918. Seidler was the son of Judge Stephen Seidler and his wife Josefa Eleanor (nee Reimann). He studied law at Carl Menger
at Vienna University in 1887 and a doctorate in law. Then came the civil service and was, among other things worked in 1900
in the Ministry of Agriculture, responsible for Handesvertrge and water rights. In 1901 he habilitated at the Vienna University
of Administrative Law and Public Administration. From 1906 he taught at the College of Agriculture and came back in 1908 as
Undersecretary, 1908 Head of Section in the Ministry of Agriculture. In 1916 he was made a knight of Feuchtenegg to the
nobility. In the Cabinet Heinrich Clam-Martinic Seidler served by first June to July 23, 1917 as Minister of Agriculture. After
Clams resignation took Charles I. on the politically inexperienced expert Seidler back as a compromise candidate and
appointed him on June 23, 1917 the Austrian prime minister. To solve the nationality problems Cisleithania Seidler sought a
constitutional reform, which should be created with its own autonomy while retaining the crown lands as national uniform
circles. There was a growing opposition to authoritarian foreign minister Count Ottokar Czernin.Despite concerns about the
Trialism Seidler said that it would even come to a union of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia and Dalmatia. Only group with the
Slovenes were excluded. Indications in this sense, to reassure the South Slavs, but he refused. He tried using an amnesty for
these Czech activists make peace with the Habsburg monarchy, which he did not. His planned administrative reform in
Bohemia and Moravia, which provided nationally defined groups, and the unresolved food crisis eventually led to his downfall.
The "bread peace" with Ukraine and the related transfer of the territory of Chelm, lost Seidler support of Polish Clubs in the
Imperial Parliament, which he 25 He was resign in July 1918. Then he was the last private secretary of Emperor Charles,

responsible for the peoples manifesto. After the war he took over positions in industry and banking, and
devoted himself to his scientific work. Seidler was a typical representative of the Austrian neo-absolutism
influenced her official nobility, the German course advocated by the fanaticism of the German national
partisan. He was in close contact with the ultras in the German national parties. With his wife, Theresa
(1865-1950) he had two daughters, actress Alma Seidler, Elfriede and son Ernst (1888-1958), who was
Director General of the BB. In the spring of 1930, Seidler suffered a mild stroke from which he should
recover soon. In early January 1931 he suffered another stroke and its consequences, on January 23,
1931, died at his home. He found his final resting place in the cemetery Dornbacher\

Max Hussarek von Heinlein

(May 3, 1865 in Bratislava, Slovakia, - March

6, 1935 in Vienna) was the Minister-President of Cisleithania from July 27 until
October 27, 1918.
Max Hussarek of Heinlein came from an old Austrian officer's family and officials. He
was the son of
Field Marshal Lieutenant John Ritter Hussarek by Heinlein (1819-1907). He attended
schools in Lviv
and Sibiu and the Theresianum in Vienna. He studied canon law in 1883 at the
University
of
Vienna and received his doctorate in 1889 for sub auspiciis imperatoris juris
doctorate.
In
1888 he was an intern at the concept k.k. Finance authority for Lower Austria. 1890
to 1892 he held
as a lawyer at the prefect Theresianum canonical colloquia. At the same time he
was
tutor
to
Prince Abbas Hilmi, Khedive of Egypt's future. Since 1892, he worked for the
competent
Cisleithania Ministry of Culture and Education and was a lecturer in 1895 an
associate
professor of canon law at the University of Vienna. There he led a separate legal
history
lectures
and became the founder of the modern Viennese school of Canon Law. In 1897 he
took over the ministry's management of the affairs of the Department of Catholic worship, and in 1907 became director of
the Cultural Office. From 1911 to 1917, the Christian Social Hussarek Minister of Education for three governments. During his
tenure were the recognition of the professors of the Protestant theological faculty as university professors, the reform of law
and political science studies and the recognition of Islam as a religious rite to hanafitischem society. In 1917 he was knighted
by Charles I in the barony. From July 25 to October 27, 1918 served as Hussarek (penultimate) kk Prime Minister of
Cisleithania. The old Austrian nationalities had already announced their plans at that time to independence after the war.
Considerations for the conversion of the state within the Austrian monarchy had therefore fail as unrealistic. The responsible
of Hussarek Imperial manifesto of 16 converting October 1918, which should give impetus to the Austrian half of the empire
into a federal state with substantial autonomy for the individual nations, came years too late. After World War II was
dedicated Hussarek now a professor at the University of Vienna, back to church law. He became the chief representative of
the Austrian state church law. He also was a high official of the Austrian Red Cross. He is buried in a grave of honor in
Vienna's Central Cemetery. At the Ministerial Council on matters of common interest of 27 September 1918 Hussarek said
although his consent to item 9 of the program, Wilson, who wanted to settle the Italian border to clearly identifiable ethnic
boundaries, interpreted by him but in reality: the clearly identifiable boundaries were already determined by the final
demarcation of 1866. A plebiscite in the Trentino he was not afraid. Hussarek planned the division of the Bohemian state
administration, which he promised himself not much, but will demonstrate to the world that we are not faced with the
necessity of a reconstruction closing. The greatest dangers and difficulties lay, according Hussarek, the Czechs, the other
striving for autonomy, however, can lead to a reconstruction, indeed a regeneration of Austria. In the Polish question, the
application of the Wilsonian principles on the other hand lead to the loss of Galicia smooth. Hussarek was unlike his fellow
Hungarian Sndor Wekerle by the divergence of the nationalities extremely difficult political situation in his half of the empire
invoice, even if reluctantly, hesitantly, and by far insufficient. He was to be secured by leaving the Polish and Dalmatian
deputies in the Reichsrat, the majority of the German delegates, or, as he wrote in confidence expressed by concessions to
Poland and irrepressible Southern Slavs, the Czechs - a totally unrealistic intention. As the first Hussarek October 1918 in the
Council of the implementation of the principle of national autonomy in recognition of the Wilsonian principle of selfdetermination proclaimed that he had no intention to concede the nationalities actually state rights. What he conceded, was
not political and territorial autonomy and federal reorganization of the state, but only autonomy in the field of land
administration, that is only in second instance. All this was only present for the Bohemian question, the Czechs refused but
each remain under Austrian rule from. At the Ministerial Council on 2 October 1918 again reached the solving procedures of
the South Slav question for discussion. Hussarek believed a merger with Croatia-Slavonia and Dalmatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina,
in subdualistischem sense, the current needs would be fully taken into account, this too far from reality again. Hussarek had
in common with Henry Lammasch author of the so-called peoples manifesto on 16 October 1918 by Emperor Charles I
vaguely announced federal reforms in the Austrian half. The self-determination of peoples of Austria, each in his residential
area, however, meant the opposition of the Czechs of German nationalists targeted disruption of Bohemia. In a catastrophic
reversal of the original goals was to the peoples manifesto not an act of reform, but to an affirmation of that national policy
stance, which was a major cause of internal crisis. On 15 October 1918 presented at the Joint Ministerial Hussarek the
application for a federal reform of the monarchy by the formation of nation states, but failed so especially in the Hungarian
resistance. The Council of Ministers of 22 October 1918, was with the main theme was the federalization of Austria, the
Empire already in complete resolution. Hussarek wanted to see the South Slav question was still under the monarchy, but at
the same time unite all South Slavs exclusive Serbia and Montenegro dissolved in a unified independent state formation.The
strong opposition of the peoples manifesto led by Hungary a few days later to Hussarek replacement as prime minister.

Heinrich

Lammasch (May 21, 1853, Seitenstetten - January 6, 1920, Salzburg) was

an Austrian jurist and last Minister-President of Cisleithania from October 27 until November 11, 1918.
He was a professor of criminal and international law, a member of the Hague Arbitration Tribunal, and
served as the last Minister-President of Austria (or Cisleithania) for a few weeks in October and
November 1918. He was the first and only non-noble to serve as Minister-President in the Austrian half
of the Habsburg monarchy. The son of a notary, he qualified for the teaching faculty at the University of
Vienna in 1878. His pioneer pamphlet on the objective danger in the conception of attempted crime
won for him in 1882 an extraordinary professorship and in 1885 a full professorship at the University of
Innsbruck. In 1889, he returned to Vienna and there became an advocate of the idea of a league of
nations in the spirit of Christian philosophy. He became an international arbitrator, and arranged
the Newfoundland dispute between Great Britain and the United States, and the Orinoco dispute
between the latter and Venezuela. He was sent to represent Austria at St. Germain. Not long after he was appointed MinisterPresident by Emperor Charles I in 1918, it became apparent that the crumbling Austro-Hungarian Empire had practically no
ability to control events outside of Vienna. The minority state councils of the empire were acting more or less as provisional
governments, and the government's authority was even being challenged by the German-Austrian state council, which
represented the mostly German-speaking Alpine and Danubian provinces of the empire. Lammasch realised the situation was
untenable, and advised Charles to give up his right to exercise sovereign authority. Accordingly, on 11 November, Charles
issued a statement in which he acknowledged Austria's right to determine the form of the state and relinquished his right to
take part in the country's politics. This statement effectively ended the Habsburgs' seven-century rule over Austria. Shortly
afterward, Austria was proclaimed a republic.
List of Chancellors and Presidents of the First Republic of Austria (1918-1934)
Karl Renner

(December 14, 1870 December 31, 1950) was the first Chancellor of the Republic of German Austria
from November 12, 1918 until October 21, 1919 and the first Chancellor of the First Republic of Austria from October 21,
1919 until July 7, 1920. He was also Chancellor of the Second Republic of Austria from April 27 until December 20, 1945 and
President of the Second Republic of Austria from December 20, 1945 until December 31, 1951. He is called the Father of the
Republic because he headed the first government in German Austria and the First Austrian Republic in 1918/19, and was once
again decisive in establishing the present Second Republic in 1945, becoming its first President of Austria#List of Presidents
of Austria (1919-Present). The 19771978 academic year at the College of Europe was named in his honour. Renner was born
the 18th child of a German family of poor wine-growers in Unter-Tannowitz (present-day Doln Dunajovice in the Czech
Republic), then part of the Margraviate of Moravia, a crown land of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Because of his intelligence,
he was allowed to attend a selective gymnasium in nearby Nikolsburg (Mikulov), where one of his teachers was Wilhelm
Jerusalem. From 1890 to 1896 he studied law at the University of Vienna. In 1895 he was one of the founding members of the
Naturfreunde (Friends of Nature) organisation and created their logo. A chapter of the organization (Naturfreunde) is located
in the town of Mill Valley (founded in 1912), Oakland and Los Angeles, California. Being interested in politics he became a
librarian in parliament. During these early years he opened new perspectives of law - all the while disowning his innovative
ideas under a variety of pseudonyms lest he lose his coveted post as parliamentary librarian. Renner was always interested in
politics and in 1896 he joined the Social Democratic Workers' Party of Austria (SDAP), representing the party in the National
Council (Reichsrat) from the 1907 elections till its dissolution in November 1918. In 1918, after the collapse of the AustroHungarian Empire, he was in the forefront of the Provisional and the Constitutional National Assemblies of
those Cisleithanian "Lands Represented in the Reichsrat" (the formal description of the Austrian half of the Dual Monarchy)
that predominantly spoke German and had decided to form a nation-state like the other nationalities had done. Renner
became the first head of government ("State Chancellor") of that newly-established small German-speaking republic which
refused to be considered the heir of the Habsburg monarchy and wished to be known as Republik Deutsch-sterreich, i.e.
"Republic of German-Austria". This name, however, was prohibited by The Entente, they also crushed the resolution of the
Constituent National Assembly in Vienna that "German-Austria" was to be part of the German Weimar Republic. Even before
the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy Renner had proposed a future union of the German parts of Austria with, even
using the word "Anschluss". He was the leader of the delegation that represented this new German-Austria in the negotiations
of St. Germain where the "Republic of Austria" was acknowledged but was declared to be the responsible successor to
Imperial Austria. There Renner had to accept that this new Austria was prohibited any political association with Germany and
he had to accept the loss of German speaking South Tyrol and the German-speaking parts ofBohemia and Moravia where he
himself was born; this forced him to give up his share in the parental farm if he, "the peasant proprietor who turned
Marxist", wanted to remain an Austrian government officer. Renner was Chancellor of Austria of the first three coalition
cabinets from 1918 until 1920 and at the same time Minister of Foreign Affairs, backed by a grand coalition of Social
Democrats and Christian Social Party. From 1931 to 1933, he was President of Parliament, the National Council of Austria.
After the authoritarian Austrofascism period from 1934, when his party was prohibited, he even welcomed the Anschluss in
1938. Having originally been a proponent of new German-Austria becoming a part of the democratic German Republic, he
expected Nazism to
be
but
a
passing
phenomenon
not
worse
than
the
dictatorship
of Dollfuss' and Schuschniggs's authoritarian one-party system. During World War II, however, he distanced himself from
politics completely. In April 1945, just before the collapse of the Third Reich, the defeat of Germany and the end of the war,
Renner set up a Provisional Government in Vienna with other politicians from the three revived parties Social Democratic
Party (SP), Austrian People's Party (VP, a conservative successor to the Christian Social Party) and Communist Party (KP).
On April 27, 1945 by a declaration, this Provisional Government separated Austria from Germany and campaigned for the
country to be acknowledged as an independent republic. As a result of Renner's actions Austria was to benefit greatly in the
eyes of the Allies as she had fulfilled the stipulation of the Moscow Declaration of 1943, where the Foreign Secretaries of US,
UK and USSR declared that the annexation (Anschluss) of Austria by Germany was null and void calling for the establishment
of a free Austria after the victory over Nazi Germany provided that Austria could demonstrate that she had undertaken
suitable actions of her own in that direction. Thus Austria, having been invaded by Germany, was treated as an unwilling
party and "the first victim" of Nazi Germany. Being suspicious of the fact that the Russians in Vienna were the first to accept
Renner's Cabinet, the Western Allieshesitated half a year with their recognition, but his Provisional Government was in the
end recognised by all Four Powers on Oct. 20 and Renner was thus the first post-warChancellor. In late 1945, he was elected
the first President of the Second Republic. Karl Renner died 1950 in Vienna and was buried in the Presidential Tomb at
the Zentralfriedhof. Relatives of Karl Renner still live in the United States of America in the states of New York, California and
Utah. One of Renner's grandsons, Karl Deutsch-Renner, a well known journalist at the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation,
died in Ottawa in 2005 at the age of 95. His brother John (Hans) Deutsch-Renner died in Washington D.C. in the mid 2000. A
grand daughter of Dr. Karl Renner and sister of Karl and Hans still lives in northern California. For most of his life, Renner
alternated between the political commitment of a Social Democrat and the analytical distance of an academic scholar.
Central to Renner's academic work is the problem of the relationship between law and social transformations. With
hisRechtsinstitute des Privatrechts und ihre soziale Funktion. Ein Beitrag zur Kritik des brgerlichen Rechts (1904), he

became one of the founders of the discipline of the sociology of law. His and Otto Bauer's ideas
about the legal protection of cultural minorities were taken up by the Jewish Bund, but fiercely
denounced by Vladimir Lenin. Joseph Stalin devoted a whole chapter to criticising Cultural National
Autonomy in Marxism and the National Question.

Karl

Seitz (September

4,
1869
February
3,
1950)
was
an Austrian politician and the first President of the First Republic of Austria from
March 5, 1919 until December 9, 1920. Karl Seitz was born in Vienna, then capital
of the Austro-Hungarian empire, as the son of a struggling small-time coal trader.
Following the premature death of his father in 1875, the family was thrown into
abject poverty, and Seitz had to be sent off to an orphanage. Seitz nonetheless
received
adequate
education and earned a scholarship enabling him to enroll in a teacher training
college in the Lower
Austrian city of St. Plten. In 1888, he took employment as a public elementary
school
teacher
in
Vienna. Already an outspoken Social Democrat at that time, he was disciplined
several times for his political activism. His founding of a Social Democratic teachers' union in 1896 lead to his delegation into
the Lower Austrian provincial Board of Education in 1897, which in turn lead to his termination as a teacher later that same
year. Seitz now turned to full-time politics and established himself as one of Austrian Social Democracy's most eminent
experts on educational policy. In 1901 Seitz was elected to the Imperial Council and in 1902 to the provincial parliament
ofLower Austria. Following the outbreak of World War I in 1914, Seitz developed pronounced pacifist leanings and
participated in the 1917 Stockholm Socialists' Congress. Seitz entered history in 1918, when Austria-Hungary was breaking
down and its disintegration into smaller independent nation stateswas becoming manifest. On October 21, 1918 the Imperial
Council parliamentarians representing the empire's ethnically German provinces moved to form a Provisional National
Assembly for their paralyzed rump state. In its constituent session, the Provisional National Assembly appointed Seitz as one
of its three chairmen. Barely more than a week later, by October 30, 1918 Seitz had informally emerged as an acting head of
state. By November 12, 1918 Emperor Karl had abdicated, the Republic of German Austria had been proclaimed, and Seitz
had thus turned from acting head of state to provisional president. Almost simultaneously, Seitz was also appointed
provisional chairman of the Social Democratic Workers' Party of Austria following the death of party nestor Victor Adler. In
1919, his positions both as President of Austria and as party chairman were formalized. Following the implementation of the
definitive Constitution of Austria on October 1, 1920, Seitz declined to seek re-election, leaving office on December 9 1920.
He did, however, not retire from politics: retaining both his party chairmanship and his seat in the newly established National
Council, Seitz now devoted his attention to Vienna local affairs. On November 13, 1923, he was elected Mayor of Vienna. The
extensive and competently administered public welfare and education programs implemented during his tenure, in particular
his program of residential building promotion, earned Seitz enormous popularity even among his party's opponents and were
positively remembered for decades. When Austria turned into an Austrofascist dictatorship in 1934 and Social Democracy's
insurrection against the federal government turned was unsuccessful, the Social Democratic Worker's Party was outlawed.
Having thus lost his party chairmanship, Seitz was also removed from his post as a mayor and taken into custody, to be
released without charges a few weeks later. Even though a majority of Viennese considered his removal from office
illegitimate, Seitz's political career had essentially been brought to an end. Continuing to live in Vienna, Seitz
witnessed Austria's union with Nazi Germany in 1938 and the outbreak of World War II in 1939. In 1944, he was placed under
arrest a second time, for a time even being imprisoned in the Ravensbrck concentration camp, only to again return to
Vienna when Nazi Germany eventually collapsed in May 1945. Though by now of ill health, Seitz served the newly
established Social Democratic Party of Austria as its honorary chairman and a nominal National Council member his until
death at the age of 80.

Michael Mayr (April

10, 1864 May 21, 1922) was Chancellor of Austria in the First Austrian
Republic, from November 10, 1920 until June 1, 1921. He was a member of the Christian Social Party, and
by profession a historian. Mayr was born in Adlwang in Upper Austria. He studied history and geography
at the University of Vienna and earned a doctorate in 1890. From 1897 through 1920 he was the director
of the Tyrol State Archives (Tiroler Landesarchives). In 1900 he became a Professor of Modern History at
the University of Innsbruck. Mayr's political career began under the Austro-Hungarian Empire. From 1907
to 1911 he was a member of the Reichsrat, and from 1908 to 1914 of the Landtag of Tyrol. With the
breakup of the Empire at the end of World War I, Mayr was in 1919 and 1920 a delegate for the Christian
Social Party to the national assembly drafting the new Constitution. In 1920, Mayr succeeded Karl
Renner as director of the state chancellery (Staatskanzler), as part of a coalition between the Christian Social Party and the
Social Democratic Labor Party (SDAP). In November 1920, he became Chancellor (Bundeskanzler) and Foreign Minister of
the country, leading a minority government of the Christian Social Party. He resigned on 1 June 1921, in response to a
referendum that was called inStyria proposing that the state leave Austria and join Germany. He died about a year later
in Waldneukirchen.

Michael Hainisch (August 15, 1858 - February 26, 1940) was an Austrian politician, and the second
President of the First Republic of Austria from December 9, 1920 until December 10, 1928, after the fall of
the monarchy at the end of World War I. He did not belong to any party and was an independent
candidate. He was elected and assumed office in 1920, and stayed for two periods until 1928. He was
married to Emilia Figdor, the descendant of a prominent Viennese assimilated Jewish family. Emilia's
father, Gustav, was a town councillor of the city of Vienna. As a president, he worked hard to improve the
dire situation Austria found itself after the war. He did a lot to develop the agricultural sector, encouraged
the electrification of the railway, tried to develop more tourism especially in the Alps. Trade with
neighbouring countries such as Germany was encouraged. He also became a protector of local traditions
and culture and initiated the creation of the law of protected monuments. He became also an honorary
member of the Akademie der Wissenschaften (Academy of Sciences). In 1928, main parties proposed to
amend the constitution in order to reelect Hainisch for a third term. Federal Chancellor Ignaz
Seipelproposed a one-year term for Hainisch, but Hainisch declined a third term. Controversially, he
supported Pan-German ideas and later supported the Anschluss of Austria to Nazi-Germany in 1938, as did many of his fellow
compatriots. He died in 1940, just a year after World War II started.

Johann Schober (November

1874, Perg August 19, 1932, Baden bei Wien) was an Austrian police officer who served
three times as Chancellor of the First republic of Austria (his initial first term being interrupted by two days in office for Walter
Breisky), the first time from June 21, 1921 until January 26, 1922, the second time from January 27 until May 31, 1922 and the
third time from September 26, 1929 until September 30, 1930. Schober served with the Austrian police becoming President in

1918 immediately prior to the fall of the Habsburg Monarchy. Schober maintained loyalty to Austria after
the breakup of Austria-Hungary but also ensured a safe passage for the royal family out of the country,
winning praise for his moderation and his role in a smooth transfer of power into the bargain. Largely
considered a safe pair of hands by the Allies, he was chosen to head a coalition government in 1921 with
the support of theChristian Social Party and the Greater German People's Party. Combining his head of
government role with that of Foreign Minister of Austria, he concluded the Treaty of Lny
with Czechoslovakia, although this brought about the downfall of his government as the Pan-Germans saw
agreements with Czechoslovakia as a bar to a future union with Germany. Schrober gained international
recognition for his work in police administration, becoming known as the "Father of Interpol". In his role as
President of the Police in Vienna, Schrober convened, in 1923, the second International Criminal Police Congress in his home
city, attracting representative from nineteen different countries to the event. At the meeting it was agreed that the
participants should set up a body to be known as the International Criminal Police Commission (ICPC), draw up a ten article
constitution for the body and continue working towards the aims set down at the first congress that had been held
in Monaco in 1914. Austria had offered to both host and finance the event and so Vienna was chosen as the congress site,
whilst Austria's police enjoyed a strong reputation for their work on keeping records on international criminals at that time.
Schorber was chosen as President of the Executive Committee whilst his countryman Dr Oskar Dressler, a noted lawyer and
at the time the Austrian Federal Police chief, became Secretary to the International Police Congress. With his governing
coalition ended Schober returned to his role as President of police, although his reputation for moderation was hit hard in July
1927 when his orders resulted in the deaths of almost 100 labour protestors in Vienna. The noted satirist Karl Kraus was so
incensed by the police actions that he started a poster campaign calling for Schober's resignation. Schober returned as
Chancellor-Foreign Minister from September 1929 to September 1930 and then Vice-Chancellor-Foreign Minister from
December 1930 to January 1932, successively serving Carl Vaugoin, Otto Ender and Karl Buresch. In March 1931 he agreed
a Customs union with Germany, although pressure from France and Czechoslovakia saw the plan vetoed.

Walter Breisky (July 8, 1871, Berne - September 25, 1944, Klosterneuburg) was the Chancellor of the First
Republic of Austria from January 26 until January 27, 1922. He was an Austrian Beamter and politician. A
member of the Christian Social Party, he served as Vice-Chancellor of Austria and Minister of the Interior from
1920 to 1922. He had one day as Chancellor in 1922 before going on to serve as President of the Bundesamt
fr Statistik from 1923 to 1931.

Ignaz Seipel (July

19, 1876 August 2, 1932) was an Austrian prelate and politician who served
as Chancellor of the First Republic of Austria from May 31, 1922 until November 20, 1924 and from
October 20, 1926 until May 4, 1929. Seipel studied theology at the University of Vienna and was
ordained a Catholic priest in 1899. He gained his doctorate in theology in 1903, followed by
his habilitation at the Vienna university, being one of the first scholars writing on business ethics in the
context ofCatholic social teaching. From 1909 until 1917 he taught moral theology at the University of
Salzburg. Seipel was a member of the clerical conservative Christian Social Party (CS) established by
the Vienna mayor Karl Lueger in 1893, and served as cabinet secretary in the AustroHungarian government during World War I. At that time he also wrote and published a number of
famous works, including Nation und Staat (Nation and State) (1916), which helped cement his later
prominent role in the party. In these writings, unlike most contemporaries swept up
by Wilsonian rhetoric, he saw the state as the primary vindication of sovereignty, rather than the nation. In October 1918 he
was appointed Minister for Labour and Social Affairs in the last Cisleithanian cabinet under Minister president Heinrich
Lammasch. After World War I, Seipel, a member of the constituent assembly of German Austria, re-established the
formerly monarchist Christian Social Party, now operating the empire having been lost in the First Austrian Republic. Party
chairman from 1921 until 1930, he served as chancellor between 1922 and 1924, and again from 1926 until 1929, then also
as Foreign Minister. To restore the Austrian economy, Chancellor Seipel and his delegate Mensdorff-Pouilly-Dietrichstein on
October 4, 1922 signed the Protocol for the reconstruction of Austria at the League of Nations: by officially renouncing
accession to Germany, he obtained an international bond. In order to fight the hyperinflation of the Krone currency the
government at the same time re-implemented the independent National Bank of Austria with the task of securing monetary
stability. However, these policies let to growing discontent by socialist workers' organizations, and in June 1924 an attempt
was made on Seipel's life by a frustrated worker. Leading a right-wing coalition government supported by the Greater German
People's Partyand the Landbund, his main policy was the encouragement of cooperation between wealthyindustrialists and
the paramilitary units of the nationalist Heimwehren. This alignment led to an increase in street violence and armed conflicts
with the left-wing Republikanischer Schutzbund, culminating in the Vienna July Revolt of 1927 claiming numerous casualties.
The Social Democratic opposition thereafter referred to Seipel as the "Bloody Prelate". He finally resigned in 1929 and was
succeeded by his party fellow Ernst Streeruwitz. In the following year he once again served in a short-time term as Foreign
Minister in the cabinet of Chancellor Carl Vaugoin. Seipel died during a stay at a sanatorium in the Vienna Woods. He is buried
in an Ehrengrab at the Vienna Zentralfriedhof. Seipel's antisemitic manners were the pattern for the character of Chancellor
Dr. Schwerdtfeger in Hugo Bettauer's 1922 novel Die Stadt ohne Juden (The City Without Jews), picturized by Hans Karl
Breslauer in 1924.

Rudolf Ramek (April

12, 1881 Teschen, Austrian Silesia - July 24, 1941 Vienna) was an Austrian politician and
Chancellor of the First Republic of Austria from November 20, 1924 until October 20, 1926. Ramek was born
in Teschen in Austrian Silesia (present-day Cieszyn, Poland). A member of the Christian Social Party, he served as Chancellor
of Austria from November 20, 1924 until October 20, 1926. He died in Vienna, and buried at Salzburg Municipal Cemetery.
Rudolf Ramek was supported by the National Constituent Assembly on 17 Elected in October 1919 until his resignation on
24th Secretary of State in June 1920 (= minister) of Justice of the State Government Renner III, a coalition government of
Social Democrats and Christian Socialists. Of 10 November 1920 to 30th April 1934 he was Member of Parliament, with
interruptions, as Federal Minister for Home Affairs and Education in 1921 and as chancellor from 1924 to 1926 (Cabinet
Ramek I and II since January 15, 1926 Ramek). His predecessor and successor as Chancellor Ignaz Seipel. During his tenure as
chancellor in 1925 the currency conversion fell from the crown to the shilling, 1926 to the end of the base of the Geneva
Protocols of 1922, exercising financial control of the League of Nations, he could also pass through the revenue sharing with
the provinces. The economy was, however, due to difficulties in adapting to the changed greatly since 1918, economic
relations with the former crown lands, not picking up and unemployment continued to rise. In Rameks tenure as Chancellor

skidded several private banks, which had the strong inflation until 1922 and then taken over by
speculative transactions in the bankruptcy or compulsory merger. Even the state's Post Office Savings
Bank took enormous damage by questionable business (Post Office Savings Bank scandal). Finance
Minister Jacob Ahrer (Cabinet Ramek I) was to deal with these affairs after his retirement from the
government fiercely criticized, even though he had taken in consultation with Ramek. In 1930 Ramek
Second President of the National Council. As such, he was on the 4th March 1933 because of rules
disputes, as President Karl Renner and the third president Sepp Straffner back, the operation of Chancellor
Engelbert Dollfuss as "self-dissolution of Parliament" because the National Assembly Rules of Procedure
then no rule as provided for, who was required to conduct the session, when all three President to resign.
After the February 1934, where the Social Democrats and their ausschaltete Dollfuss parliamentary seats
declared extinct, the federal government decided that lack of control rules. Ramek headed now on 30
April 1934, the last session of the National Council in the first Republic (formally ending the meeting on
March 4, 1933, just as the Rump Parliament, Social Democrats and Communists were excluded, the large
majority of German parliamentarians boycotted the session because of unconstitutionality, see corporate state). The meeting
was solely to give the already announced dictatorial corporate state constitution a democratic veneer, would actually be
under the Federal Constitution Act of 1929 to the total change in the constitution, such as the Pan-Germans found to hold a
referendum have been. Ramek was a member of K.A.V. Norica Vienna, then in the CV, today CV, and K..St.V. Almgau
Salzburg in the middle school-trust organization. He was buried in the Salzburg municipal cemetery.

Wilhelm Miklas (born

15 October 1872 20 March 1956) was an Austrian politician who served as

the third President of the First Republic of Austria, from December 10, 1928 until its annexation by Nazi
Germany in the Anschluss on March 13, 1938. Born as the son of a post office official in Krems an der
Donau, Lower Austria, Wilhelm Miklas graduated from high school at Seitenstetten and went on to study
history and geography at the University of Vienna, while serving in his role for the Christian Social Party.
Miklas was the headmaster of the Federal Secondary School in Horn, Lower Austria from 1905 to 1922. In
1907 he was elected to parliament as a member of the Christian Social Party. Miklas held a parliamentary
seat during the First Republic from 1918 to 1928. From 1923 to 1928 he was President of the National
Council of Austria. On December 10, 1928 he was elected the President of Austria, a role he served in
until the position ceased to exist ten years later when Austria was annexed by Germany in the Anschluss.
In 1930 Miklas appeared on a set of Austrian postage stamps. In 1936 he entertained Mikls
Horthy at Lake Wrth. Miklas originally offered amnesty to jailed Nazi members, but refused to turn over the national police
force to Arthur Seyss-Inquart, although after Adolf Hitler ordered military operations along the border, Miklas was forced to
concede to their demands and installed Seyss-Inquart as the Austrian Minister of the Interior. Miklas was highly unpopular
among Austrian Nazis because he refused to commute the death sentences imposed on assassins of Chancellor Engelbert
Dollfuss after the failed putsch in 1934. On March 11, 1938 Hermann Gring demanded that Seyss-Inquart replace Kurt
Schuschnigg as the Federal Chancellor of Austria; otherwise, German forces would overrun Austria the following day. Miklas
refused, and after Hitler received confirmation from Benito Mussolini that he would not interfere, it was announced that
German troops would invade at dawn the following day. Miklas capitulated at midnight, announcing that he had instated
Seyss-Inquart as the new Chancellor, but it was too late. When German troops rolled over the border at dawn the next day,
they were largely greeted as heroes. Miklas was disliked by many members of the Austrian Nazi Party at this point for his
initial refusal to appoint them custodians of Austria, and it ended up being future Waffen-SS colonel Otto Skorzeny who
protected Miklas during the Anschluss. He was placed under house arrest and abandoned the political sphere. Miklas died on
March 20, 1956 in Vienna.

Ernst Streeruwitz, originally Ernst Ritter Streer

von Streeruwitz (September 23, 1874, Mies, Austria-Hungary (presentday Stbro, Czech Republic) - October 19, 1952, Vienna) was an Austrian political figure. He served as the Chancellor of
Austria from May 4 until September 26, 1929. Between 1923 to 1934 he was Member of Parliament, 1929, he held a few
months for the Office of the Chancellor. He was a supporter of the authoritarian corporate state and later of the "Anschluss"
of the German Reich.Was seriously Streer Knights of Streeruwitz on 23 September 1874 in Mies (Bohemia), the son of the
Imperial Parliament and Member of Parliament George Streer Adolf Ritter born Streeruwitz. He was descended from a Frisian
family, which had been migrated to Bohemia and ennobled during the Thirty Years' War. Streeruwitz graduated from high
school, and then the Military Academy in Wiener Neustadt in 1895, and lieutenant. He served as a career officer in the
Imperial and Royal Dragoon Regiment No. 7 and the General Staff. In 1899, he served in the military school, became ill in
1900 but had to acknowledge difficult and the active military service. Then he pursued legal studies at the Vienna University
and studied for four years of engineering at the Technical University in Vienna. In the years 1901-1903 was reorganized by
the Streeruwitz estate and factory owned by the company Franz Leitenberger, Josefstal (Bohemia). From 1904 to 1913 he was
also director of the located in Bohemia Cosmanos AG. With the start of World War II he entered voluntarily and was promoted
to captain (captain). Because he's unfit due pre-existing conditions for combat duty, he was using the imperial Ministry of
War. Here he gained great achievements in the protection of prisoners of war. For this he was awarded the Franz-Joseph, the
Signum Laudis with war decoration and the Iron Cross. After the end of the monarchy in Austria-Hungary in 1919, the
abolition of the nobility, it was decided, from Knights of Streer Streeruwitz was Streeruwitz. In January 1919 he returned to
the industry, where in 1914 briefly occupied the post of Director Neunkirchner Printing Factory Ltd. In 1925 he became
Director General of Neunkirchner Printing Factory Ltd. From 1923 to 1934 he worked as a representative of the Christian
Socialist Member of the Austrian National List. He also represented the interests of Austrian industry. Streeruwitz was one of
the leading members of various parliamentary committees and performed particularly committed to the trade agreement in
Austria. He strove particularly to the emergence of a new Austrian customs tariff, and could the conflicting interests of
industry and agriculture combine. A bill authored by him was raised as a "Bank Liability Act" into law. He also served as a
government representative at end of the collapse of the German Savings Bank in the Republic of Austria and was thus able to
"run" on the central bank, which he could save the resources of a large number of savings and cooperative funds. After he
had previously performed the reorganization of the national mortgage bank of Lower Austria as their top curator, was built by
his request, a national mortgage institution for Burgenland. After the resignation of the government Seipel Streeruwitz Ernst
was born on May 4, 1929 the Chancellor of the Republic of Austria called. In September 1929 Streeruwitz stayed in Geneva,
where he led the negotiations for the liberation of the Republic of Austria reparations from World War II. Meanwhile, the
domestic political situation in the Republic had worsened considerably strengthened by the Home Guard movement.
Streeruwitz who wanted to bring about a comprehensive constitutional reform to alleviate the situation, found himself
suddenly confronted with a problem that he and his cabinet are no longer able to solve. He came therefore, triggered by the
resignation of his Finance Minister, Dr. intention Mittelberger, on September 25, 1929 as the Federal return, but not before the
former Chancellor Schober propose as his successor. Streeruwitz, who campaigned more for the interests of the industry was,
from 1927 to 1930 Vice President of the Vienna Chamber of Commerce and from 1930 to 1935 also its president. In addition
to other activities within the Association of Austrian Industry, he was among other things, a board member of the Federation

of Industry and member of the Friends of the Technical University in Vienna. In 1938 he retired to private
life and took his degree in political science, he was interrupted in 1900, at the University of Vienna and
graduated again in 1939.

Carl Vaugoin

(born July 8, 1873 in Vienna - June 10, 1949 in Krems, Lower

Austria) was an Austrian Christian Socialist politicians and state officials and
Chancellor of the First Republic of Austria from September 30 until December 4,
1930. He was born as the son of a jeweler and Vienna City Council member,
Vaugoin sought after his year as a one-year volunteer in 1894, the career of a
professional officer, but was found unfit for military service in 1899 and
decommissioned. Active since 1898 in the service account of the Lower Austrian
government,
he
was almost at the same time the Christian Social Party (CS) in which he
represented
from
1912 to 1920 in the Vienna City Council. During World War II, he spent a short front
Vaugoin use two
stages, workshops and train-captain was last seen. His war service in the quiet
foothills town far
from the front Scheibbs later earned him the nickname "General Scheibbs".
Between 1918 to 1920 he was the Vienna City Council, 1920-1933 Member of Parliament, 1921-1933 (excluding the period
from October 7, 1921 until May 30, 1922) in a total of 15 cabinets of Defense, 1920/30 at the same time Vice-Chancellor and
from September to December 1930 Federal Chancellor of Austria. As defense minister, it was Vaugion be set to convert the
first after 1918 rather leftist forces of the People's Army into a conservative-oriented army. Vaugoin appeared as a supporter
of Head of Department Robert Hecht, who designed the legal structure for the coup of 1933 (war, economic empowerment
Act). In 1930, Ignaz Seipel Vaugoin successor as national party chairman of the Christian Social Party. The authoritarian path
of the "corporate state" Vaugoin was a start, as Defense Minister, but he was due to increasing differences with the Home
Guard in 1933 deported to the Austrian Federal Railways, and thus politically disempowered. The principal authors were not
informed. Nazism survived Vaugoin stays in force and Thuringia in central Germany and from 1943 in Litschauer "escape the
hospital." Paralyzed due to illness, he spent his last months in the pen Drnstein. He was a member of K..St.V. Rudolfina
Vienna, then in the CV, and a member of the now CV K..St.V. Liechtenstein in Vienna MKV.

Otto Ender (December 24, 1875 Altach, Vorarlberg - June 25, 1960 Bregenz) was an Austrian political
figure and Chancellor of the First Republic of Austria from December 4, 1930 until June 20, 1931. Otto
Ender, the first son of Herman and Victoria Ender, was born in Altach. The families of both parents were
among the political elite of the village. The maternal great-grandfather, John Walser, was the first
superintendent of the municipality created in 1801. The paternal grandfather, Johann Jakob final, had
held the same position for 18351844 and 1850-1857. From 1861 to 1866 Johann Jacob was a member of
the Conservative party in the Parliament of Vorarlberg. Otto studied at the Jesuit College in Feldkirch
Stella Matutina from 1888 to 1896. After matriculation in 1896 he studied in Innsbruck, Vienna, Prague
and Fribourg. In 1901 he received his doctorate from the University of Innsbruck. In 1901-02, he
completed a legal internship year at the district court Feldkirch. From 1902 to 1908 he was articled clerk
in Feldkirch and Vienna. In 1908 he opened his own law firm in Bregenz. The same year he married Maria
Rusch. Thery had four sons and three daughters. In the following years Ender became more engaged in
the public. He gave lectures on the introduction of the land register. In 1914 he was appointed executive director of the State
Mortgage Bank. After the war began in the summer of 1914, he became head of the state purchasing agency and the
Bregenzer branch of the War Grain transportation agency and member of the National Committee of Social Welfare. From
1915 to 1918, he was a member of the Nutrition Council in Vienna. In 1917/18, he was president of the building committee
for the establishment of the sanatorium Gaisbhel. His professional qualifications were recognized in the War years by Media
and lawyers. This professional experience was the foundation on which he could build up in the inter-wars period, his
successful political career. In November 1918, he founded an independent self-management of Tyrol Vorarlberg, together with
Jodok Fink and Franz Loser. In the four state elections of the First Republic (1919, 1923, 1928 and 1932) he won for his
Christian Social Party with 53-63% of the vote. He served as the governor of Vorerlberg from 1920 to 1934. From 1934 to
1938, he was The President of the Court in Vienna.In March 1938, his political career ended with the occupation of Austria by
Nazi Germany. He was imprisoned by Gestapo in March 1938, and remained as such till September 1938. He was forced to
retire by Nazi government in 1939 and was expelled from the country. Otto Ender died on June 25, 1960 and was buried in the
municipal cemetery in Bregenz. To this day, the State of Vorarlberg awards scholarships to the students through Dr. Otto
Ender Foundation His achievements are as founder and designer of the province of Vorarlberg, in terms of economic policy
such as the establishment of the agricultural district authority, by the beginning of the expansion of road network in the
1920s, by establishing an agricultural school, through the expansion of the Vorarlberg water power with the purchase of
Vorarlberg's power plants and the establishment of the Vorarlberg Illwerke, in legal history in ways such as to cooperate with
the democratic Constitution of 1920 and the democratic constitution of 1923.

Karl Buresch (October

12, 1878, Gro-Enzersdorf, Lower Austria - September 16, 1936, Vienna) was
a lawyer, Christian-Social politician and Chancellor of the First Republic of Austria from June 20, 1931 until
May 20, 1932. Buresch finished primary school in Gro-Enzersdorf and secondary school in Dbling. After
receiving a degree in law from the University of Vienna in 1901 Buresch worked for a firm of solicitors in
his home town. In 1912 he became a member of the Gro-Enzersdorf council and in 1916 the town's
mayor (a position he held until 1919). In 1919 he was a member of the constitutional national assembly
(in German Mitglied der Konstituierenden Nationalversammlung). During the 1920s and early 1930s he
was a delegate to the Austrian National Council (1920 - 1934), Landeshauptmann (governor) of the Lower
Austria (1922 - 1931 and 1932 - 1933), and a chairman of the Christian-Social group. Following the
collapse of the biggest Austrian bank Creditanstalt in June 1931 and difficulties created by the instability
of the national currency,Austria found itself in political turmoil. Buresch finally managed to form a cabinet after unsuccessful
attempts by ex-Chancellors Otto Ender and Ignaz Seipel. During his mandate, which lasted from June 20, 1931 until May 20,
1932, a number of austerity measures were introduced. His government was succeeded by a cabinet formed by Engelbert
Dollfuss. Until his death in 1936 Buresch was federal finance minister (1935, minister without portfolio (1935 - 1936) and
governor of sterreichische Postsparkasse.

List of Chancellors of the Federal State of Austria (1934 1938)

Engelbert Dollfuss (in German: Engelbert Dollfu; October 4, 1892 July 25, 1934) was the last Chancellor of the First
Republic of Austria from May 20, 1932 until May 1, 1934 and the first Chancellor of the Federal State of Austria from May 1
until July 25, 1934. He was an Austrian Christian Social and Patriotic Front statesman. Serving previously as Minister for Forest
and Agriculture, he ascended to Federal Chancellor in 1932 in the midst of a crisis for the conservative government. In early
1933, he shut down parliament, banned the Austrian Nazi party and assumed dictatorial powers. Suppressing the Socialist
movement in February 1934, he cemented the rule of austrofascism through the authoritarian First of May Constitution.
Dollfuss was assassinated as part of a failed coup attempt by Nazi agents in 1934. His regime was maintained through
the Stresa Front until Adolf Hitler's annexing of Austria in 1938. He was born in Texing in Lower Austria to unmarried mother
Josepha Dollfuss and her lover Joseph Weninger. The couple of peasant origin was unable to get married due to financial
problems. Josepha married landowner Leopold Schmutz a few months after her son's birth, who did not adopt Engelbert
however as his own child. Dollfuss, who was raised as a devout Roman Catholic, was shortly inseminary before deciding to
study law at the University of Vienna and then economics at the University of Berlin. Here he met Alwine Glienke, a German
woman from a Protestant family, whom he married in 1921. The couple had a son and two daughters, one of which died in
early childhood. Dollfuss had difficulty gaining admission into the Austro-Hungarian army in World War I because he was only
153 cm tall. He was eventually accepted and sent to the Alpine Front. He was a highly decorated soldier and was briefly taken
prisoner by the Italians as aprisoner of war in 1918. After the war he worked for the agriculture ministry as secretary of the
Farmers' Association and became director of the Lower Austrian Chamber of Agriculture in 1927. In 1930 as a member of the
conservative Christian Social Party(CS), he was appointed president of the Federal Railway System. (One of the founders of
the CS was a hero of Dollfuss', Karl Freiherr von Vogelsang.) The following year he was named Minister of Agriculture and
Forests. In late May 1932, with the resignation of Karl Buresch's Christian-Social government, Dollfuss, age 39 and with only
one year's experience in the Federal government, was offered the office of Chancellor by President Wilhelm Miklas, also a
member of the Christian-Social Party. Accordingly, Dollfuss refused to reply, instead spending the night in his favorite church
praying, returning in the morning for a bath and a spartan meal before replying to the President he would accept the offer.
[3]
Dollfuss was sworn in on May 20, 1932, as head of a coalition government between the Christian-Social Party,
the Landbunda right-wing agrarian partyandHeimatblock, the parliamentary wing of the Heimwehr, a paramilitary ultranationalist group. The coalition assumed the pressing task of tackling the problems of the Great Depression. Much of
the Austro-Hungarian
Empire's
industry
had
been
situated
in
the
areas
that
became
part
of Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia after World War I as a result of theTreaty of Saint-Germain. Postwar Austria was therefore
economically disadvantaged. Dollfuss' majority in Parliament was marginal; his government had only a one-vote majority. In
March 1933, an argument arose over irregularities in the voting procedure. The president of the National Council (the lower
house of parliament) resigned to be able to cast a vote as a parliament member. As a consequence, the two vice presidents,
belonging to other parties, resigned as well to be able to vote. Without a president, the parliament could not conclude the
session. Dollfuss took the three resignations as a pretext to declare that the National Council had become unworkable, and
advised President Wilhelm Miklas to issue a decree adjourning it indefinitely. When the National Council wanted to reconvene
days after the resignation of the three presidents, Dollfuss had police bar entrance to parliament, effectively eliminating
democracy in Austria. From that point onwards, he governed as dictator by emergency decree with absolute power. Dollfuss
was concerned that with German National Socialist leader Adolf Hitler becoming Chancellor of Germany in 1933, the Austrian
National Socialists (DNSAP) could gain a significant minority in future elections (according to fascism scholar Stanley G.
Payne, should elections have been held in 1933, the DNSAP could have mustered about 25% of the votes - contemporary
TIME analysts suggests a higher support of 50%, with a 75% approval rate in the Tyrol region bordering Nazi Germany). As
well, the Soviet Union's influence in Europe had increased throughout the 1920s and early 1930s. Dollfuss banned the DNSAP
in June 1933 and the communists later on. Under the banner of Christian Social Party, he later on established a one-party
dictatorship rule largely modeled after fascism in Italy, banning all other Austrian parties including the Social Democratic
Labour Party (SDAP). Social Democrats however continued to exist as an independent organization, including its
paramilitary Republikaner Schutzbund, which could muster tens of thousands against Dollfuss' government. Dollfuss
modeled Austrofascism after Italian fascism juxtaposed to Catholic corporatism and anti-secularism, dropping Austrian
pretences of reunification with Germany as long as the Nazi Party remained in power. In August 1933, Mussolini's government
issued a guarantee of Austrian independence. Dollfuss also exchanged 'Secret Letters' with Benito Mussolini about ways to
guarantee Austrian independence. Mussolini was interested in Austria forming a buffer zone against Nazi Germany. Dollfuss
always stressed the similarity of the regimes of Hitler in Germany and Joseph Stalin in the Soviet Union, and was convinced
that Austrofascism and Italian fascism could countertotalitarian national socialism and communism in Europe. In September
1933 Dollfuss merged his Christian Social Party with elements of other nationalist and conservative groups, including the
Heimwehr, which encompassed many workers who were unhappy with the radical leadership of the socialist party, to form
the Vaterlndische Front, though the Heimwehr continued to exist as an independent organization until 1936, when Dollfuss'
successor Kurt von Schuschnigg forcibly merged it into the Front, instead creating the unabidingly loyal Frontmiliz as
paramilitary task force. Dollfuss escaped an assassination attempt in October 1933 by Rudolf Dertill, a 22-year old who had
been ejected from the military for his national socialist views. In February 1934, Nazi agents in the security forces provoked
arrests of Social Democrats and unjustified searches for weapons of the Social Democrats' already outlawed Republikanischer
Schutzbund. After the Dollfuss dictatorship took steps against known Social Democrats, the Social Democrats called for
nationwide resistance against the government. A civil war began, which lasted from February 12 until February 27. Fierce
fighting took place primarily in the East of Austria, especially in the streets of some outerVienna districts, where large
fortress-like municipal workers' buildings were situated, and in the northern, industrial areas of the province of Styria, where
Nazi agents had great interest in a bloodbath between security forces and workers' militias. The resistance was suppressed by
police and military power. The Social Democrats were outlawed, and their leaders were imprisoned or fled abroad. Dollfuss
staged a parliamentary session with just his party members present in April 1934 to have his new constitution approved,
effectively the second constitution in the world espousing corporatist ideas (after that of the Portuguese Estado Novo). The
session retrospectively made all the decrees already passed since March 1933 legal. The new constitution became effective
on May 1, 1934, and swept away the last remnants of democracy and the system of the first Austrian Republic. Dollfuss was
assassinated on July 25, 1934, by ten Austrian Nazis (Paul Hudl, Franz Holzweber, Otto Planetta and others) of Regiment 89
who entered the Chancellery building and shot him in an attempted coup d'tat, the July Putsch. Mussolini had no hesitation
in attributing the attack to the German dictator: the news reached him at Cesena, where he was examining the plans for a
psychiatric hospital. The Duce personally gave the announcement to the widow, who was a guest at his villa in Riccione with
children. He also put at the disposal of Ernst Rdiger Starhemberg, who spent a holiday in Venice, a plane that allowed the
prince to rush back to Vienna and to face the assailants with his militia, with the permission of President Wilhelm Miklas.
Mussolini also mobilized a part of the Italian army on the Austrian border and threatened Hitler with war in the event of a
German invasion of Austria to thwart the putsch. Then he announced to the world: "The independence of Austria, for which
he has fallen, is a principle that has been defended and will be defended by Italy even more strenuously" , and then replaced
in the main square of Bolzano the statue of Walther von der Vogelweide, a Germanic troubadour, with that of Drusus, a
Roman general who conquered part of Germany. This was the greatest moment of friction between Fascism and National
Socialism and Mussolini himself came down several times to reaffirm the differences in the field. The assassination of Dollfuss

was accompanied by uprisings in many regions in Austria, resulting in further deaths.

In Carinthia, a large contingent of northern German Nazis tried to seize power but were subdued
by the Italian units nearby. At first Hitler was jubilant, but the Italian reaction surprised and
convinced him that he can not even face a conflict with the powers of Western Europe, officially
denied liability stating its regret for the murder of Austrian Prime Minister. He replaced the
ambassador to Vienna with Franz von Papen and prevented the conspirators entering Germany,
also expelling them from the Austrian Nazi Party. The Nazi assassins in Vienna, after declaring the
formation of a new government under Austrian Nazi Anton Rintelen, previously exiled by Dollfuss
as Austrian Ambassador to Rome, surrendered after threats from Austrian military of blowing up
the Chancellery using dynamite, and were subsequently tried and executed through
hanging. Kurt Schuschnigg, previously Minister of Education was appointed new chancellor of
Austria after a few days, assuming the office from Dollfuss' deputy Starhemberg. Out of a
population of 6.5 million, approximately 500,000 Austrians were present at Dollfuss' burial
in Vienna. He is interred in the Hietzing cemetery in Vienna beside his wifeAlwine Dollfuss (d.
1973) and two of his children, Hannerl and Eva, all of whom were in Italy as guests of Rachele
Mussolini at the time of his death, an event which saw Mussolini himself shed some tears over his
slain ally. Dollfuss' son Rudolph (Rudi) Dollfuss is alive as of today. Dollfuss was a very short man and his diminutive stature
(155 cm = 5'2" or 150 cm = 4'11" according to the New York Times) was the object of satire; among his nicknames were
'Millimetternich' (making a portmanteau out of millimeter and Metternich), and the "Jockey". The New York Times also
reported a series of jokes, including how in the coffee houses of Vienna, one could order a "Dollfuss" cup of coffee instead of a
"Short Black" cup of coffee (black being the colour of the Christian Democratic political faction). In contrast to his own
diminutive stature, his personal assistant and secretary Eduard Hedvicek, who later played a significant role in the
unsuccessful attempt to save his life was a very large and tall man (200 cm = 6'7").

Kurt Alois Josef Johann Schuschnigg (until

1919 Kurt Alois Josef Johann Edler von Schuschnigg, December 14,
1897 November 18, 1977) was Chancellor of the Federal State of Austria from July 29, 1834 until March 11, 1938, following
the assassination of his predecessor, Dr. Engelbert Dollfuss, in July 25, 1934, until Nazi Germanys invasion of Austria,
(Anschluss), in March 1938. He was opposed to Hitlers ambitions to absorb Austria into the Third Reich. After his efforts to
keep Austria independent had failed he resigned his office. After the invasion he was arrested by the Germans, kept in solitary
confinement and eventually interned in various concentration camps. He was liberated in 1945 by the advancing American
Army and spent most of the rest of his life in academia in the United States. Schuschnigg came into a Tyrolean family
of Carinthian Slovenian descent. The spelling of the family name in Slovenian is unik. Schuschnigg was born in Riva del
Garda, now in Trentino, Italy, but then part of Austria-Hungary. He was the son of the Austrian General Artur von Schuschnigg.
The young Schuschnigg received his education at the Stella Matutina Jesuit College in Feldkirch. During the First World War he
was taken prisoner by the Italians who held him captive until September 1919. Subsequently, after graduating from Innsbruck
University, where he is member of the Catholic fraternity A.V. Austria Innsbruck, he practiced as a lawyer inInnsbruck.
Schuschnigg joined the right-wing Christian Social Party and was elected to the Nationalrat in 1927. In
1932 Dollfuss appointed him his Minister of Justice and later Minister of Education. After Dollfuss was assassinated,
Schuschnigg was appointed Chancellor. Like Dolfuss, Schuschnigg ruled mostly by decree. Although his rule was slightly
milder than that of Dolfuss, his policies were not much different from the policies of his predecessor. He had to manage the
economy of a near-bankrupt state, had to maintain law and order in a country which was forbidden by the terms of the 1919
Peace Agreement to maintain an army in excess of 30,000 men and at the same time had to cope with armed paramilitary
forces in Austria, which owed their allegiance not to the state but to various rival political parties, and he also had to be
mindful of the growing strength of the national-socialists (Nazis) within the country, who supported Hitlers ambitions to
absorb Austria into the Third Reich. His overriding political concern was how to preserve Austrias independence within the
borders imposed on it by the terms of the 1919 Peace Treaty. His policy of counterbalancing the German threat by aligning
himself with Austrias southern and eastern neighbours, Italy and Hungary, was doomed to failure after Hitlers ascendance
and the increasing military might of the Third Reich. He adopted a policy of appeasement toward Hitler. In July 1936 he signed
the Austro-German Agreement, which, among other concessions, allowed the release of Nazis imprisoned in Austria and the
inclusion of National Socialists in his Cabinet. However, the National Socialists gained ground in Austria and relations between
the two countries deteriorated further. On 12 February 1938, Schuschnigg met Hitler at Berchtesgaden in an attempt to
smooth the worsening relations between their two countries. To Schuschniggs surprise, Hitler presented him with a set of
demands which, in manner and in terms, amounted to an ultimatum, effectively demanding the handing over of power to the
Austrian National Socialists. The terms of the agreement, presented to Schuschnigg for immediate endorsement, stipulated
the appointment of Nazi sympathiser Arthur Seyss-Inquart as minister of security, which controlled the police. Another proNazi, Dr Hans Fischbck, was to be named as minister of finance to prepare for economic union between Germany and
Austria. A hundred officers were to be exchanged between the Austrian and the German armies. All imprisoned Nazis were to
be amnestied and reinstated. In return Hitler would publicly reaffirm the treaty of July 11, 1936 and Austrias national
sovereignty. The Fuhrer was abusive and threatening, and Schuschnigg was presented with far-reaching
demands According to Schuschniggs memoirs, he was coerced into signing the Agreement before leaving
Berchtesgaden. The President, Dr. Wilhelm Miklas, was reluctant to endorse the Agreement but eventually he did so. Then he,
Schuschnigg and a few key Cabinet members considered a number of options: the Chancellor resign and the President call
on a new Chancellor to form a Cabinet, which would be under no obligation to the commitments of Berchtesgaden, the
Berchtesgaden agreement be carried out under a newly appointed Chancellor, the agreement be carried out and the
Chancellor remain at his post. In the event, they decided to go with the third option. On the following day, February 14, 1938
Schuschnigg reorganised his Cabinet on a broader basis and included representatives of all former and present political
parties. Hitler immediately appointed a new Gauleiter for Austria, a Nazi Austrian army officer who had just been released
from prison in accordance with the terms of the general amnesty stipulated by the Berchtesgaden agreement. On February
20, 1938 Hitler made a speech before the Reichstag which was broadcast live and which for the first time was relayed also by
the Austrian broadcasting network. A key phrase in the speech was: The German Reich is no longer willing to tolerate the
suppression of ten million Germans across its borders. In Austria the speech was met with concern and by demonstrations
by both pro and anti-Nazi elements. On the evening of February 24, 1938 the Austrian Federal Diet was called into session. In
his speech to the Diet Schuschnigg referred to the July 1936 agreement with Germany and stated that Austria will go thus
far and no further. The speech was received by disapproval from the Austrian Nazis and they began mobilising their
supporters. The headline in The Times of London was "Schuschniggs Speech Nazis Disturbed." The German press found the
phrase Thus far and no further disturbing. To resolve the political uncertainty in the country and to convince Hitler and the
rest of the world that the people of Austria wished to remain Austrian and independent of the Third Reich, Schuschnigg, with
the full agreement of the President and other political leaders, decided to proclaim a plebiscite to be held on March 13, 1938.
But the wording of the referendum which had to be responded to with a Yes or a No turned out to be controversial. It read:
"Are you for a free, German, independent and social, Christian and united Austria, for peace and work, for the equality of all

those who affirm themselves for the people and Fatherland?" But there was another issue which
drew the ire of the National Socialists. Although members of Dr Schuschniggs party (the
Fatherland Front) could vote at any age, all other Austrians below the age of 24 were to be
excluded under a clause to that effect in the Austrian Constitution. This would shut out from the
polls most of the Nazi sympathisers in Austria, since the movement was strongest among the
young. Knowing he was in a bind, Schuschnigg held talks with the leaders of the Social
Democrats, and agreed to legalise their party and their trade unions in return for their support of
the referendum. The German reaction to the announcement was swift. First Hitler insisted that
the plebiscite be cancelled. When Schuschnigg reluctantly agreed to scrap it, Hitler demanded his
resignation and insisted that Seyss-Inquart be appointed his successor. This demand President
Miklas was reluctant to endorse but eventually, under the threat of immediate armed
intervention, this too was endorsed, Schuschnigg resigned on 11 March and Seyss-Inquart was
appointed Chancellor, but it made no difference German troops flooded into Austria and were
received everywhere by enthusiastic and jubilant crowds. When, on the morning after the invasion, the London Daily Mails
correspondent asked the new Chancellor, Seyss-Inquart, how these stirring events came about he received the following
reply: The Plebiscite that had been fixed for tomorrow was a breach of the agreement which Dr. Schuschnigg made with Herr
Hitler at Berchtesgaden, by which he promised political liberty for National Socialists in Austria. On 12 March 1938
Schuschnigg was placed under house arrest. For a transcript of telephone conversations on March 11, 1938
between Gring and Seyss-Inquart and other Nazis in Vienna concerning various procedural aspects of the Anschluss, found
by the Allies in the ruins of the Reichkanzlei in Berlin, see the Appendix in Schuschniggs Austrian Requiem. After initial house
arrest followed by solitary confinement at Gestapo Headquarters he spent the remainder of the war in two different
concentration camps, first Sachsenhausen, then Dachau. In late April 1945 Schuschnigg was, together with other prominent
concentration camp inmates, transferred from Dachau to the South Tyrol where the SS guards abandoned the prisoners into
the hands of officers of the Wehrmacht, who then freed the prisoners. They were then all turned over to American troops on
May 4, 1945. From there Schuschnigg and his family were transported, along with many of the ex-prisoners, to the isle of
Capri in Italy before being set free altogether. After World War II, Schuschnigg emigrated to the United States, where he
worked as a professor of political science at Saint Louis University from 1948 to 1967. In 1959 he lost his second wife, Vera
Fugger von Babenhausen ne Countess Czernin, whom he married by proxy in Vienna on the June 1, 1938. His first wife had
perished in a car accident on June 13, 1935. Schuschnigg died at Mutters, near Innsbruck, in 1977.

Arthur Seyss-Inquart (July

22, 1892 October 16, 1946) was an Austrian National Socialist official who served
as Chancellor of the Federal State of Austria for two days from March 11 until March 13, 1938 before the Anschluss that
merged Austria with Nazi Germany and then as Reischkomissar of the occupied Dutch territories from May 29, 1940 until May
7, 1945. He was also briefly Foreign Minister of Germany from April 30 until May 2, 1945. At theNuremberg Trials, he was
found guilty of crimes against humanity and later executed. Seyss-Inquart was born in 1892 in Stonaov (German:
Stannern), Moravia, then part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, to the school principal Eml Seyss-Inquart and his Germanspeaking wife Auguste Hrenbach. The family moved to Vienna in 1907. Seyss-Inquart later went to study law at
the University of Vienna. At the beginning of World War I in August 1914 Seyss-Inquart enlisted with theAustrian Army and
was given a commission with the Tyrolean Kaiserjger, subsequently serving in Russia, Romania and Italy. He was decorated
for bravery on a number of occasions and while recovering from wounds in 1917 he completed his final examinations for his
degree. Seyss-Inquart had five older siblings: Hedwig (born 1881), Richard (born April 3, 1883, became a Catholic priest, but
left the Church and ministry, married in civil ceremony and became Oberregierungsrat and prison superior by 1940 in
the Ostmark), Irene (born 1885), Henriette (born 1887) and Robert (born 1891). In 1911, Seyss-Inquart met Gertrud Maschka.
The couple married in 1916 and had three children: Ingeborg Caroline Auguste Seyss-Inquart (born September 18, 1917),
Richard Seyss-Inquart (born August 22, 1921) and Dorothea Seyss-Inquart (born May 7, 1928). He went into law after the war
and in 1921 set up his own practice. During the early years of the Austrian First Republic, he was close to the Vaterlndische
Front. A successful lawyer, he was invited to join the cabinet of Chancellor Engelbert Dollfuss in 1933. Following
Dollfuss' murder in 1934, he became a State Councillor from 1937 under Kurt von Schuschnigg. He was not initially a member
of the Austrian National Socialist party, though he was sympathetic to many of their views and actions. By 1938, however,
Seyss-Inquart knew which way the political wind was blowing and became a respectable frontman for the Austrian National
Socialists. In February 1938, Seyss-Inquart was appointed Minister of the Interior by Schuschnigg, afterAdolf Hitler had
threatened Schuschnigg with military actions against Austria in the event of non-compliance. On March 11, 1938, faced with
a German invasion aimed at preventing aplebiscite of independence, Schuschnigg resigned as Austrian Chancellor and SeyssInquart was reluctantly appointed to the position by Austrian President Wilhelm Miklas. On the next day German troops
crossed the border of Austria, at the telegraphed invitation of Seyss-Inquart, the latter communique having been arranged
after the troops had begun to march, so as to justify the action in the eyes of the international community. Before his
triumphant entry into Vienna, Hitler had planned to leave Austria as a puppet state, with an independent but loyal
government. He was carried away, however, by the wild reception given to the German army by the majority of the Austrian
population, and shortly decreed that Austria would be incorporated into the Third Reich as the province
of Ostmark (see Anschluss). Only then, on March 13, 1938, did Seyss-Inquart join the National Socialist party. Seyss-Inquart
drafted the legislative act reducing Austria to a province of Germany and signed it into law on March 13, 1938. With Hitler's
approval he remained head (Reichsstatthalter) of the newly named Ostmark, with Ernst Kaltenbrunner his chief minister
and Josef Burckel as Commissioner for the Reunion of Austria (concerned with the "Jewish Question"). Seyss-Inquart also
received an honorary SS rank of Gruppenfhrer and in May 1939 he was made a Minister without portfolio in Hitler's cabinet.
Following the invasion of Poland, Seyss-Inquart became administrative chief for Southern Poland, but did not take up that post
before the General Government was created, in which he became a deputy to the Governor General Hans Frank. It is claimed
that he was involved in the movement of Polish Jews into ghettos, in the seizure of strategic supplies and in the
"extraordinary pacification" of the resistance movement. Following the capitulation of the Low Countries Seyss-Inquart was
appointed Reichskommissar for the Occupied Netherlands in May 1940, charged with directing the civil administration, with
creating close economic collaboration with Germany and with defending the interests of theReich. He supported the
Dutch NSB and allowed them to create a paramilitary Landwacht, which acted as an auxiliary police force. Otherpolitical
parties were banned in late 1941 and many former government officials were imprisoned at Sint-Michielsgestel. The
administration of the country was controlled by Seyss-Inquart himself and he answered directly to Hitler. He oversaw the
politicization of cultural groups "right down to the chessplayers' club" through the Nederlandsche Kultuurkamer and set up a
number of other politicised associations. He introduced measures to combat resistance and when a widespread strike took
place in Amsterdam, Arnhem and Hilversum in May 1943 special summary court-martial procedures were brought in and a
collective fine of 18 million guilders was imposed. Up until the liberation, Seyss-Inquart authorized the execution of around
800 people, although some reports put this total at over 1,500, including the executions of people under the so-called
"Hostage Law", the death of political prisoners who were close to being liberated, the Putten raid, and the reprisal executions
of 117 Dutchmen for the attack on SS and Police Leader Hanns Albin Rauter. Although the majority of Seyss-Inquart's powers

were transferred to the military commander in the Netherlands and the Gestapo in July 1944, he
remained a force to be reckoned with. There were two small concentration camps in the Netherlands
KZ Herzogenbusch near Vught, Kamp Amersfoort near Amersfoort, andWesterbork transit camp (a
"Jewish assembly camp"); there were a number of other camps variously controlled by the military, the
police, the SS or Seyss-lnquart's administration. These included a "voluntary labour recruitment" camp
at Ommen (Camp Erika). In total around 530,000 Dutch civilians forcibly worked for the Germans, of
whom 250,000 were sent to factories in Germany. There was an unsuccessful attempt by Seyss-Inquart
to send only workers aged 21 to 23 to Germany, and he refused demands in 1944 for a further 250,000
Dutch workers and in that year sent only 12,000 people. Seyss-Inquart was an unwavering anti-Semite:
within a few months of his arrival in the Netherlands, he took measures to remove Jews from the
government, the press and leading positions in industry. Anti-Jewish measures intensified after 1941:
approximately 140,000 Jews were registered, a 'ghetto' was created in Amsterdam and a transit camp
was set up at Westerbork. Subsequently, in February 1941, 600 Jews were sent to Buchenwald and
Mauthausen concentration camps. Later, the Dutch Jews were sent to Auschwitz. As Allied forces approached in September
1944, the remaining Jews at Westerbork were removed to Theresienstadt. Of 140,000 registered, only 30,000 Dutch Jews
survived the war. When Hitler committed suicide in April 1945, Seyss-Inquart declared the setting-up of a new German
government under Admiral Karl Dnitz, in which he was to act as the new Foreign Minister, replacing Joachim von Ribbentrop,
who had long since lost Hitler's favor. It was a tribute to the high regard Hitler felt for his Austrian comrade, at a time when he
was rapidly disowning or being abandoned by so many of the other key lieutenants of the Third Reich. Unsurprisingly, at such
a late stage in the war, Seyss-Inquart failed to achieve anything in his new office, and was captured shortly before the end of
hostilities. The Dnitz government lasted no more than 20 days. When the Allies advanced into the Netherlands in late 1944,
the Nazi regime had attempted to enact a scorched earth policy, and some docks and harbours were destroyed. SeyssInquart, however, was in agreement with Armaments Minister Albert Speer over the futility of such actions, and with the open
connivance of many military commanders, they greatly limited the implementation of the scorched earth orders. At the very
end of the "hunger winter" in April 1945, Seyss-Inquart was with difficulty persuaded by the Allies to allow airplanes to drop
food for the hungry people of the occupied northwest of the country. Although he knew the war was lost, Seyss-Inquart did
not want to surrender. This led General Walter Bedell Smith to snap: "Well, in any case, you are going to be shot". "That
leaves me cold", Seyss-Inquart replied, to which Smith then retorted: "It will". He remained Reichskommissar until May 7,
1945, when, after a meeting with Karl Dnitz to confirm his blocking of the scorched earth orders, he was arrested on the Elbe
Bridge at Hamburg by two members of the Royal Welch Fusiliers, one of whom was Norman Miller (birth name: Norbert
Mueller), a German Jew from Nuremberg who had escaped to Britain at the age of 15 on a kindertransport just before the war
and then returned to Germany as part of the British occupation forces. Miller's entire family had been killed at the Jungfernhof
Camp in Riga, Latvia in March 1942. At the Nuremberg Trials, Seyss-Inquart was defended by Gustav Steinbauer and faced
charges of conspiracy to commit crimes against peace; planning, initiating and waging wars of aggression; war crimes; and
crimes against humanity. During the trial, Gustave Gilbert, an American army psychologist, was allowed to examine the Nazi
leaders who were tried at Nuremberg for war crimes. Among other tests, a German version of the Wechsler-Bellevue IQ
test was administered. Arthur Seyss-Inquart scored 141, the second highest among the Nazi leaders tested, behind Hjalmar
Schacht. Seyss-Inquart was found guilty of all charges, save conspiracy and sentenced to death by hanging. Upon hearing of
his death sentence, Seyss-Inquart was fatalistic: "Death by hanging...well, in view of the whole situation, I never expected
anything different. It's all right." He was hanged on October 16, 1946, at the age of 54, together with nine other Nuremberg
defendants. He was the last to mount the scaffold, and his last words were "I hope that this execution is the last act of the
tragedy of the Second World War and that the lesson taken from this world war will be that peace and understanding should
exist between peoples. I believe in Germany." Before his execution, Seyss-Inquart had returned to Catholicism, receiving
absolution in the sacrament of confession from prison chaplain Father Bruno Spitzl.

List of Chancellors and Presidents of the Second Republic of Austria (since 1945)

Leopold Figl (October 2, 1902 - May 9, 1965) was an Austrian politician of the Austrian People's
Party (Christian Democrats) and the Federal Chancellor of the Second Republic of Austria after World
War II from December 20, 1945 until April 2, 1953. He was also the youngest Federal Chancellor of
Austria after the war. Born a farmer's son in the Lower Austrian village of Rust im Tullnerfeld, Figl
after graduation as Dipl.-Ing. of Agriculture at the University of Natural Resources and Applied Life
Sciences Vienna became vice chair of the Lower Austrian Bauernbund (Farmer's League) in 1931 and
chairman in 1933. After the authoritarian revolution of Engelbert Dollfuss, who had served as his
mentor within the Farmer's League, Figl became member of the federal council of economic policy
and became leader of the paramilitary organisation of Ostmrkische Sturmscharen for thestate of
Lower Austria. After the "Anschluss", the Nazis deported Figl to Dachau concentration camp in 1938,
from which he was released in May 1943. He then worked as an oil engineer, but in October 1944 Figl
was rearrested and brought to Mauthausen concentration camp. In February 1945, he was sentenced
to death for "high treason" in Vienna, but the death penalty was not carried out before the end of the
war. After the defeat of the Nazis, the Allies occupied Austria at the end of World War II. The Russian
Military Commander asked Figl to manage the provision of food for the population of Vienna. On April 14, 1945, he refounded
the Bauernbund and integrated it into theAustrian People's Party (VP), which was founded three days later. Figl was elected
vice chair. On April 27 he became interim Governor of Lower Austria and vice-minister. At the first free elections since
1934, held in December 1945, the VP won an absolute majority. Leopold Figl was proposed asChancellor;
the Soviets agreed, because of his opposition to the Nazis and his managerial abilities. He was very popular, to which lots of
jokes about home provide evidence, e.g., concerning "wine policy" with the USA and the "Russian bear". From 1945 until 1966
a grand coalition between his own party and the Socialist Party (SP) was able to solve the serious economic and social
problems of the devastated country. The USA's Marshall Plan was also a great help. After internal criticism, Figl resigned as
Chancellor on November 26, 1953. His successor Julius Raab was less flexible towards the SP, but was Chancellor when
the Austrian State Treaty, which granted full independence to the country, was signed on May 15, 1955. However, Figl was
strongly involved in its achievement, as he remained in the government as foreign minister. His appearance on the balcony
of Belvedere Palace waving the signed paper and speaking the words sterreich ist frei! ("Austria is free!"), as rendered by
the Wochenschau newsreel, has become an icon in the Austrian national remembrance. (The words were actually spoken
before, inside the Palace, but the pictures on the balcony were underlayed with the sound track taken inside.) At the national
elections of 1959 the SP gained ground on the VP, and the ratio of seats between the two parties in parliament was now
almost 1:1. This gave the SP the bargaining power to demand that Bruno Kreisky succeed him as foreign minister. Figl then
became president of the National Council 19591962, but soon returned to Lower Austria, to become governor of his
home state. Figl was patron of the Pfadfinder sterreichs between 1960 and 1964 and president of this Scout association
from 1964 until his death. His son Johannes was International Commissioner of the Pfadfinder sterreichs and president of
the Pfadfinder und Pfadfinderinnen sterreichs from 1994 to 2000. He died 1965 in Vienna and is buried in an Ehrengrab at
the Zentralfriedhof.

Theodor Krner Edler von Siegringen (April

23, 1873 - January 4, 1957) served as

the second President of the Second Republic of Austria, from June 21, 1951 until January 4, 1957. As
son of an officer of the Austro-Hungarian Army, he was born in jszny[1], a small suburb of today
Komrno (Slovakia) (but jszny is predecessor of Komrom in today Hungary). Family legend has it
that he was related to the poet of the same name, but these stories are not proven. Krner attended
the military school in Mhrisch Weikirchen (Hranice), the military academy, and became lieutenant in
1894. He served as an officer in Agram (today Zagreb, Croatia) and was promoted to major in 1904, in
which year he became a member of the Austrian chief of staff. During World War I, he was an active
commander on the Italian front. He resigned from his military career in 1924 as a General. Always
interested in politics, he joined the social democrats and become a member of parliament in 1924. He
served as Chairman of the Federal Council of Austria between December 1933 and February 1934. The
civil war in Austria and the installation of the austro-fascist dictatorship under Engelbert Dollfuss ended
Krner's career as a politician. He was arrested like his fellow partymen by the authoritarian government that banned all
opposition parties and put their representatives into prison. During World War II, Krner was again imprisoned, this time by
the Nazis. After the war, in April 1945, Krner became Mayor of Vienna in the newly erected Second Republic. Krner was
responsible for rebuilding and reconstructing Vienna, which was heavily destroyed due to the bombing during the war. After
the death of Karl Renner, his party nominated Krner as candidate for the presidency, and Krner won the elections with
slightly more than 51 percent of the votes. He therefore became the first President of Austria directly elected by the people.
Krner died at Vienna, in office. Krner had a profound knowledge of military sciences and wrote about military theory. In
Vienna, there is a street named after him, as is the Theodor Krner Prize, an Austrian award for science and art.

Julius Raab (November 29, 1891 -

January 8, 1964) was a Conservative Austrian politician and Federal Chancellor of the
Second Republic of Austria from April 2, 1953 until April 11, 1961. Raab steered Allied-occupied Austria to independence. In
1955 he negotiated and signed the Austrian State Treaty. In internal politics Raab stood for a pragmatic social
partnership and the "Grand coalition" of Austrian Conservatives and Social Democrats. Raab was born into a middle-class
Catholic family in St. Plten, Lower Austria. He attended a Catholic high school and enrolled at theVienna University of
Technology in 1911. He was drafted into the Austrian Army before graduation and fought on the Russian and Italianfronts
of World War I. After the defeat of Central Powers Raab returned to the university and engaged in politics. He married
Harmine Haumer in 1923. The death of his father and the beginning of his political career compelled Raab to drop out of the
university in 1925. In 1927 he was elected to the Parliament of Austria (Christian Social Party, Lower Austria) for the first
time. He was active in the Heimwehr, the paramilitary arm of right-wing political forces, and was appointed Heimwehr chief
for Lower Austria in 1928. In 1933 he joined the Fatherland Front, a right-wing coalition led by Engelbert Dollfuss. During
the austrofascist period of 19341938 Raab progressed through the ranks of the corporate state, and was appointed Minister
of Commerce by Kurt von Schuschnigg just four weeks before the Anschluss. Raab also revealed his anti-semitism as a
parliament member in 1931 when he famously branded the Socialist leader Otto Bauer an "insolent Jewish pig." Raab was
ousted after the Anschluss but, unlike many other political leaders, escaped death or imprisonment through the help of the
Lower Austrian Nazi Gauleiter, whom he knew personally. He was never involved in the Austrian resistance but kept in touch
with the old Christian Democrat elite. In April 1945, Raab was made a member of Karl Renner's provisional government,
formed in the Soviet occupation zone. Raab represented the forces of the past that were unacceptable to the Soviets and the
left-wing majority, and for a while was "relegated to the back seat". Raab co-founded the Austrian People's Party (VP), which
denounced the dark legacy of the 1930s, and assumed leadership of VP parliamentary group after the legislative elections
held in November 1945. He expanded his influence through presidency in the national Chamber of Commerce, the institution
tasked with managing social partnership of the government, the political parties, the entrepreneurs and the employees' trade
unions. He clearly favored a free market and minimal government regulation of the economy. Raab succeeded Leopold Figl as

the VP party chairman in 1951 and as the elected Federal Chancellor of Austria in 1953. Despite
clearly Western attitudes, Raab established excellent relations with post-Stalin Soviet Union. In
February 1955 Vyacheslav Molotov proposed resuming the talks on Austrian independence. On April
12, 1955 Raab arrived in Moscow for the negotiations that paved the way to the Austrian State
Treaty concluded in Vienna on May 15, 1955. Austria declared neutrality, as did all
individual Bundeslnder. The success of 1955 marked the peak of VP influence. The party won 46%
of the popular vote in the 1956 elections, Raab retained his seat as the Federal Chancellor. Despite
criticism within the party, Raab strongly favored a tight coalition with Social Democrats. In 1957 he
and trade union chief Johann Bohm co-founded the Joint Commission on Wages and Prices, the social
partnership institution that became a cornerstone of Austrian corporatism. In 1959 Raab suffered
a heart attack. His own career and his party's influence declined. In 1961 he passed VP leadership
to Alfons Gorbach. In 1963 Raab lost presidential elections to Adolf Schrf. His health rapidly
deteriorated, and he died, aged 72, in Vienna on January 8, 1964.

Adolf

Schrf (born

April
20,
1890
in
Nikolsburg, Margraviate
of
Moravia, AustriaHungary (today Mikulov, Czech Republic); died February 28, 1965 in Vienna, Austria) was the sixth
President of the Second Republic of Austria from May 22, 1957 to his death on February 28, 1965. Born
into a poor working-class family, he put himself through law school working part time and with a
scholarship granted for academic excellence. He received a doctorate in law from the University of
Vienna in 1914 and volunteered for service in the Austro-Hungarian Armed Forces in the same year. At
the end of the Great War, he was discharged as a Second Lieutenant. He entered politics and found
employment as the secretary of the social democratic president of the Nationalrat during the years of
the first republic (19181934) and served on theBundesrat 1933-1934. After the fall of the Republic in
1934 and twice during the Nazi occupation, he served time as a political prisoner. Unemployed after the
dissolution of the Socialist Party, he passed the Austrian Bar exam in 1934 and worked as an associate
with a law firm. However, in 1938, he aryanized the office of Arnold Eisler, a Jewish lawyer who had to
leave Austria. He took over the law firm and it was never restituted. Later on, he also helped in the aryanization process of
buildings in Vienna. After World War II, he became the chairman of the refounded Social Democratic Party of Austria and a
member of the new Nationalrat. In 1955, he also took part in the Moscow negotiations for the Austrian Treaty. He became
Vice Chancellor in 1956, before being elected president in 1957 and 1963. The neo-Nazi song "Adolf's Ehrentag" by Frank
Rennicke attempts to bypass German anti-Nazi glorification laws by pretending to be about Adolf Schrf instead of Adolf
Hitler; at the end of the song similarities are listed: both are born on April 20, 1892, both have been imprisoned, and both
were leaders of Austria. The same approach is visible in a poem by Wolf Martin, a columnist from the Kronen
Zeitung, published in 1994 on the occasion of Adolf "Schrf"'s birthday which caused an uproar at the time.

Alfons Gorbach (September

2, 1898, Imst July 31, 1972, Graz) was an Austrian politician who
served as Chancellor of the Second Republic of Austria from April 11, 1961 until April 2, 1964. Alfons
Gorbach took in World War I in October 1917 in the battles in Flitscher pool and lost there at an
offensive one leg. In the first republic, he was politically active. From 1929 until 1932 he was a
councilor in Graz and from 1937 to 1938 he was Styrian provincial government. After connecting
Gorbach came first (the so-called celebrities transport) to Dachau concentration camp and in 1944
Flossenbrg, where he remained until the war ended. Already in 1945 he was first elected national
third National President, for the second time 1956 to 1961. Once in the general election of 1959, the
VP had retracted a meager income and the Social Democrats had only become a mandate difference
second largest party, the party began a strategic discussion. They trusted the aging Julius Raab no longer
lead the VP to success and so was Gorbach elected on the eighth extraordinary congress for federal
party
leader. Raab remained first chancellor of the grand coalition. The Styrian Josef Krainer had prevailed
there,
the Styrian Gorbach purchased as chairman. At the same time complained Krainer the Office of the State
party leaders, the Gorbach had previously occupied, for himself and was able to expand his power in Styria on. Gorbach 1961
finally took over from Julius Raab also the office of Chancellor and the VP led into the campaign for the general election of
1962. These could increase slightly the VP, an absolute majority, however, was missed again. Alfons Gorbach remained in
another grand coalition chancellor. Shortly after they began but in the VP to bite his chair and on September 20, 1963 Josef
Klaus was elected the new party chairman. On 25 Resigned in February 1964, the government Gorbach and Klaus negotiated
a new grand coalition and was Chancellor. Gorbach came back in 1964 as a deputy in the National Assembly and held his
seat until 1970. The VP he was honorary chairman for life. In 1965 he lost to Franz Jonas at the presidential election. After
his three years as Chancellor, he returned to the National Council where he served until 1970.

Josef

Klaus (August

15,
1910, Ktschach-Mauthen, Carinthia July
26,
2001, Vienna)
was
an Austrian Christian/Conservative politician of the Peoples Party (VP) and the Federal Chancellor (Bundeskanzler) of the
Second Republic of Austria from April 2, 1964 until April 21, 1970. Josef Klaus was born the son of a master baker, and his
mother came from a mining family. His father died early, so the mother exercised a particular influence on him. Among other
things it brought the son at a young age in the Italian language and shorthand. In addition, they brought him up to great
piety. Josef Klaus attended the minor seminary in Klagenfurt. As a student he was a member of the Catholic high school
connections K..St.V. Babenberg Klagenfurt and K..St.V. Almgau Salzburg (MKV). He then studied law in Vienna and in 1929 a
member of the K..St.V. Rudolfina Vienna, which belonged to the CV during his playing days, today the CV. He was also a
member of the Catholic student associations AV Austria Innsbruck (CV) and later the AV Rhenania Edo Tokyo, a friendly
connection of the CV. Klaus was one of the "National Catholic" who combined a commitment to Catholicism with that idea for
the Greater German Reich. In 1934 graduated from law school and Married in 1936. He initially worked in the Trade Union
Confederation of the corporate state, and changed in a short time in the Legal Department of Labor, where he had to make
1938 the Nazis. For about a year, he worked in the private sector. 1939 Klaus was called up for military service. He served
among others on the staff of Panzer General Heinz Guderian. After the Second World War, he opened in Hallein in Salzburg a
law firm and in 1948 chairman of the district People's Party Tennengau, from where he could continue his political career
quickly. Josef Klaus was longtime Governor of Salzburg (1949 to 1961) and a leading member of the Austrian People's Party. In
the discussion period after the resignation of Chancellor Julius Raab grew treaty Klaus' influence as a representative of the
young "reformer". On April 11, 1961 he was appointed Finance Minister in the Cabinet Gorbach I and others negotiated 20th
the last detachment Austrian oil deliveries to the Soviet Union at the end February 1964. Widely to the VP was the portly
political style Gorbachs no longer satisfied: On September 20, 1963 it was decided the Klagenfurt manifesto and Josef Klaus
elected federal party leader of the VP. On February 25, 1964 Alfons Gorbach resigned as chancellor and Klaus began
negotiations on a new coalition government, on the April 2, 1964 he was sworn. Vice Chancellor Bruno remained Pittermann
(SPO), which had brought the Habsburg question in the previous government on the carpet and thus risking their stock. In

December 1964, with Italy steps to solve the problem Alto agreed. In February 1965, a two-week
state visit of the Shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi instead. In June and September 1965, floods
in three or five states, a relief fund was established. In the general election on March 6, 1966 the
People's Party won 85 seats (+4) for the first time since 1945 the absolute majority. The SP had
not rejected a choice recommendation of the KPO, which made commentators speculate about the
SP could possibly form a coalition with the Communist Party, which had shaken many voters (SPO
74 seats (-2), FP 6 (-2)). The People's Party promised to depart from unproductive style of
government is increasingly difficult formative VP-SP coalition. For this purpose, the "orientation
66" was established, in which many parties, after tens of thousands of young people VP details of
courses, discussions and workshops on interior and property policy. After six weeks of negotiations
between the VP and SP-VP government alone Klaus II was formed, the first democratic party
government since 1934. Fritz Bock became Vice-Chancellor. With the Klaus government began in
1966 after the 21-year-long grand coalition a period of exclusive governments (1966-1970 VP, SP
1970-1983). In 1968, the Vice Chancellor grokoalitionr embossed goat was replaced by the
dynamic acting Hermann Withalm. The Klaus government began ambitious reforms, particularly in
the implementation of the budget and in the cooperation between science, art and politics. In a force of newspapers
broadcasting referendum against the "proportional radio" was adopted in June 1966, against the will of the SP a new
Broadcasting Act, and thus dismissed the ORF for a few years into independence. (Later commentators noted, this politically
exemplary attitude Klaus' have harmed himself. Independent ORF had namely the 1967 elected opposition leader Bruno
Kreisky offered excellent opportunities to perform and thus Klaus's election defeat in 1970 allows.) In March 1967 the South
package was negotiated with Italy, in June, the first steps towards membership of the EEC was set against the SP occurred
(and which could therefore be realized until 28 years later). In mid-1968, prepared by the Finance Minister Stephan Koren
laws on budget reform with a simple majority were decided (85:77 Votes), unanimously, however, a 10% tax politicians. The
opposition strongly criticized that the government trying to balance a budget deficit by raising certain taxes. (The pursuit of
balanced budgets was by later governments usually formulated as "lip service".) In May and June 1969 of a cabinet reshuffle,
as Foreign Minister Lujo Toni-Sorinj as Secretary General of Europe switched to the euro. Alois Mock was the youngest
minister of education in Austria. In January 1970 the Council of Ministers of the merger with the OMV Linz nitrogen plants.
Ultimately succeeded Klaus does not establish its policy of sustained objectivity. The chancellor proved in the new media age
in which more and more TV appearances included (Julius Raab was still on the "Radio Pictures" spotted) than straight, brittle
and less eloquent. Its positive aspects were not easy to communicate to the media. During the campaign for the elections on
March 1, 1970 Josef Klaus was placarded as real Austrian, - an indirect allusion to the Jewish origins of opposition leader
Kreisky, who advocated the modernization of the country. The Social Democratic Party became the strongest party (SP
mandates 81, OVP 78, FPO 6); Kreisky formed after seven weeks of negotiations with the VP and FP on April 21, 1970
under a minority government tolerated by the FP. In 1971, the Social Democratic Party an absolute majority of seats in the
National Council. Josef Klaus leaned back his VP chairman, his deputy Hermann Withalm took over this function. Klaus has
been accused of campaigning in 1970 instead of tangible policy and the new party program, the personnel decision "Klaus
Kreisky or" brought to the front to have. Many felt his insistence on continuing his reform path in the negotiations with the
SP for an error. Later Klaus's personality was with drought and utter absence of showmanship and has been related to the
humorous nature and his successor Telegenitt compared. However, Klaus was attested to have operated a very serious
policy. Klaus signed as a board member of the German student body at the University of Vienna in June 1932, a pamphlet
against a renowned Jewish pharmacologists. This should keep in mind "that the German students as their leaders recognize
only German teacher". The German Student Body was of the opinion that "professors of Jewish Ethnicity not hold academic
positions shall dignity". In September 1971, appeared Klaus's book Power and Powerlessness in Austria. In the following
years he gave lectures and seminars, and even in old age took part in official state records. Unlike many retired politicians he
spoke as a pensioner almost never on current political issues and was no unsolicited advice. Josef Klaus lived after retiring
from politics with his wife for a long time in Italy. In 1995 the couple moved to a retirement home in Vienna Dbling. In early
2001, died Erna Klaus. A few months later, on July 25, 2001, died Josef Klaus. The funeral was held on August 1, 2001, the
grave is located in Grinzing Cemetery. The Requiem Mass in St. Stephen's Cathedral on September 11, 2001 coincided with
the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center together. During the fair, which was rung Pummerin unscheduled.

Franz Josef Jonas (October

4, 1899, Vienna April 24, 1974, Vienna) was an Austrian political figure and seventh
President of the Second Republic of Austria from June 9, 1965 until April 25, 1974. Franz Jonas, whose family came from
Moravia, Czech descent, learned the profession of compulsory education of typesetter. The end of World War I and the
collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, he experienced as a 19-year-old soldier on the Italian front, then he participated as
a volunteer at the Carinthian defensive struggle. From 1919 to 1932 he worked as a proofreader. In the time of the Great
Depression of the 1930s, he served as secretary of the Social Democratic Labour Party (SDAP) in Floridsdorf, a socialistdominated Viennese working-class district north of the Danube. After the dissolution of parliament in 1933, the defeat of the
workers' uprising February 1934 and the banning of social democracy by authoritarian Chancellor Engelbert Dollfuss Franz
Jonas was unemployed. At times, he found a job as a newspaper typesetter and clerk Floridsdorfer locomotive factory. After
the escape of the party leader and main theorist of Austro-Marxism, Otto Bauer, and the chief of the disbanded Republican
Defense Corps, Julius German, Czechoslovakia belonged Jonas - with Roman Felleis Karl Holoubek, Ludwig Kostroun and
Manfred Ackermann - to the so-called five-committee in underground coordinated resistance to the Austro-fascist
Stndetaatsregime. In the years of illegality Jonas and his wife Grete were activists of the Revolutionary Socialists. They
engaged in the atheist freethinker collar workers as well as in higher education and the temperance movement. Jonas was, as
many like-minded people - among them the later Chancellor Bruno Kreisky - arrested in early 1935 due to his participation at
the Brno National Conference of Socialists (December 1934). After 14 months in jail, he was acquitted in 1936 of the so-called
socialists process charges of high treason. In the era of National Socialism after the "Anschluss" of Austria by Nazi Germany in
1938, he remained largely undisturbed, and worked during the Second World War in the Lokomotivfabrik Floridsdorf as billing
clerk. Because his work "war effort" was, it did not become a soldier. Immediately after the war he was appointed to the
provisional local government in the Soviet zone of his home district belonging Floridsdorf, where he earned a District
Chairman services to the needy population. In April 1945 he took part in the merger of the Social Democrats and
Revolutionary Socialists and the founding of the Social Democratic Party in the City Hall. From 1948 to 1949 he was a
Councillor for nutrition essence, then to 1951, city council for construction. After the election of Mayor Theodor Krner (SPO)
was elected Federal President Franz Jonas 1951 Mayor - and thus Governor - from Vienna. He held the highest positions at the
head of the federal capital and the most populous federal state until 1965. He was also President of the Austrian Federation
of Cities. As state chairman of the SP Vienna, he led the country by far the strongest organization of the party. At the same
time Jonas Deputy SP federal party leader was (under Adolf Scharf and Bruno Pittermann). In the highest party bodies, he
opposed with the exponents of the left wing of the power demands of the popular trade union leader and Interior Minister
Franz Olah, who sought a small SP-FP coalition and was finally expelled after a violent internal crisis of the party. Franz

Jonas was from 1952 to 1953 Member of the Federal Council, and then to 1965 Member of
Parliament. (Theodor Krner was followed in 1957 by the head of state) after the death of Adolf
Scharf Jonas was elected as the first self-taught and skilled workers to the presidency. With 50.7
percent of the vote - the result of a previously tightest presidential election - he was able to
prevail against the candidate of the People's Party, former chancellor Alfons Gorbach. While the
Communists supported Jonas, was the FP from no choice recommendation. Within months of
taking office, Jonas had to experience how the grand coalition between the VP and SP, whose
proponents declared he was broke. In 1966 he appointed after the VP clear victory in the
general election, the first single-party government under Chancellor Josef Klaus, while the Social
Democratic Party went into opposition and 1967 Bruno Kreisky has named its chairman. Their
catastrophic defeat the SP owed particularly to the fact that Olah got with his new "Democratic
Progressive Party" (DFP) nearly 150,000 votes (but missed a fundamental mandate), which could
benefit the VP. In 1970 Jonas allowed despite sharp criticism from civil side (one accused him of not having "exhausted all
options" to) the formation of an SP minority government of Bruno Kreisky, who succeeded in the early elections in 1971, had
an absolute majority of seats, and this to 1983 to defend continuously. In the spring of 1971 came to Jonas the desire of the
SP, to stand for a second six-year term in the Hofburg available. The People's Party has nominated the career diplomat and
former foreign minister Kurt Waldheim as a rival candidate. Waldheim, nearly two decades younger than the incumbent
promised a presidency "new style", but confirmed the majority of Austrians Franz Jonas impressively in office. Among the
highlights of his tenure included the state visit of Pope Paul VI. in the Vatican, and politically important state visits to Marshal
Tito in Yugoslavia, as well as in Italy and France, the Soviet Union, in Thailand, at the World Exhibition in Canada and in Shah
Mohammad Reza Pahlavi of Iran, as well as the state visit of Queen Elizabeth II of the Duke of Edinburgh in Austria. The
University of Bangkok and other foreign universities conferred an honorary doctorate Jonas. While his predecessors before her
swearing in the SP membership ostentatiously laid down, Jonas was the first to let it rest for the duration of his term. Franz
Jonas was Esperantist, avid amateur photographer and a talented graphic designer who designed several stamps (stamp for
the 50th Anniversary of Republic from 1918 to 1968). He and his wife lived in a villa on the service Hohenwarte in ViennaDbling that was purchased after his election by the State and his successors Kirchschlager Kurt Waldheim and Thomas
Klestil as an official residence was available. Shortly before the end of the first half of his second term as long Jonas died
serving by then President of the Second Republic on 24 April 1974. In a Vienna hospital from the effects of cancer diagnosed
in 1973 Even after finding the incapacity in March, the three Presidents of the National Anton Benya, Alfred Maleta and Otto
Probst practiced interim constitution from the functions of the President. At his state funeral eight foreign heads of state came
to Vienna. Jonas was buried alongside his predecessor Karl Renner, Theodor Krner and Adolf Scharf in the presidential crypt
at the Central Cemetery. In 1975 he received Floridsdorf in honor of the main square, the name Franz-Jonas-Platz. To succeed
him as the candidate of the Social Democratic Party's proposed Kreisky nonpartisan Foreign Minister Kirchschlager was
chosen the - after two full terms of office - 1986, the former defeated challenger Jonas, Kurt Waldheim replaced (now UN
Secretary General 1972-1982), in the Hofburg. Franz Jonas was the brother of Rudolf Jonas, who became known as a
physician, mountaineer and co-founder of the Austrian Himalayan society.

Bruno Kreisky (January

22, 1911 July 29, 1990) was an Austrian politician who served as Foreign Minister of the
Second Republic of Austria from July 16, 1959 until April 19, 1966 and Chancellor of the Second Republic of Austria from April
21, 1970 until May 24, 1983. Aged 72 at the end of his chancellorship, he was the oldest acting Chancellor after World War II.
Kreisky was born in Margareten, a district of Vienna, to a liberal Jewish family. His parents were Max Kreisky (1876-1944) and
Irene Felix Kreisky (1884-1969). His father worked as a textile manufacturer. Shocked by the level of poverty and violence in
Austria during the 1920s, he joined the youth wing of the Socialist Party of Austria (SP) in 1925 at age 15. In 1927, he joined
the Young Socialist Workers against the wishes of his parents. In 1929, he began studying law at the University of Vienna at
the advice of Otto Bauer, who urged him to study law rather than medicine, as he had originally planned. He remained
politically active during this period. In 1931, he left the Jewish religious community, becoming agnostic. In 1934, when the
Socialist Party was banned by the Dollfuss dictatorship, he became active in underground political work. He was arrested in
January 1935 and convicted of high treason, but was released in June 1936. In March 1938 the Austrian state was
incorporated in Germany, and in September Kreisky escaped the Nazi persecution of Austrian Jews during Holocaust by
emigrating to Sweden, where he remained until 1945. In 1942 he married Vera Frth. He returned to Austria in May 1946, but
he was soon back in Stockholm, assigned to the Austrian legation. In 1951 he returned to Vienna, where Federal
President Theodor Krner appointed him Assistant Chief of Staff and political adviser. In 1953 he was appointed
Undersecretary in the Foreign Affairs Department of the Austrian Chancellery. In this position he took part in negotiating the
1955Austrian State Treaty, which ended the four-power occupation of Austria and restored Austria's independence and
neutrality. Kreisky was elected to the Austrian parliament, the Nationalrat as a Socialist during the 1956 election. He was
elected to the Party Executive along with Bruno Pittermann, Felix Slavik, and Franz Olah, and thus became a member of the
central leadership body of the party. After the 1959 election, he became Foreign Minister in the coalition cabinet of
Chancellor Julius Raab (VP). He played a leading role in setting up the European Free Trade Association, helped solve
the South Tyrol question with Italy, and proposed a "Marshall Plan" for the countries of the Third World. Kreisky left office in
1966, when the VP under Josef Klaus won an absolute majority in the Nationalrat. In February 1967 he was elected chairman
of the Socialist Party. At the March 1970 elections, the Socialists won a plurality (but not a majority) of seats, and Kreisky
became Chancellor, heading only the second purely left-wing government in Austria. He was the first Jewish Chancellor of
Austria. In October 1971 he called fresh elections and won the first absolute majority achieved by an Austrian party in a free
election. He won comfortable victories at the 1975 and 1979 elections. Kreisky turned 70 in 1981, and by this time the voters
had become increasingly uncomfortable they saw as his complacency and preoccupation with international issues. At the April
1983 election, the Socialists lost their absolute majority in the Nationalrat. Kreisky declined to form a minority government
and resigned, nominating Fred Sinowatz, his Minister of Education, as his successor. His health was declining, and in 1984 he
had an emergency kidney transplant. During his final years he occasionally made bitter remarks at his party, who had made
him their honorary chairman. He died in Vienna in July 1990. In office, Kreisky and his close ally, Justice Minister Christian
Broda, pursued a policy of liberal reform, in a country which had a tradition of conservative Roman Catholicism. He reformed
Austria's family law and its prisons, and he decriminalised abortion and homosexuality. Nevertheless he sought to bridge the
gap between the Catholic Church and the Austrian Socialist movement and found a willing collaborator in the then
Cardinal Archbishop of Vienna, Franz Knig. Kreisky promised to reduce the mandatory military service from nine to six
months. After the election the military service was reduced to eight months (if it is done at once or six months plus eight
weeks later on). During Kreisky's premiership employee benefits were expanded, the workweek was cut to 40 hours, and
legislation providing for equality for women was passed. Kreisky's government established language rights for the country's
Slovene and Croatian minorities. Following the1974 oil shock, Kreisky committed Austria to developing nuclear power to
reduce dependence on oil, although this policy was eventually abandoned after a referendum held in 1978. Kreisky played a
prominent role in international affairs, promoting dialogue between North Korea and South Korea working with like-minded
European leaders like Willy Brandt and Olof Palme to promote peace and development. Although the 1955 State Treaty

prevented Austria joining the European Union, he supported European integration. Austria cast itself
as a bridge between East and West, and Vienna was the site for some early rounds of the Strategic
Arms Limitation Talks between the United States and the Soviet Union. Kreisky opposed Zionism as a
solution to the problems faced by the Jewish people, claiming that Jews were not an ethnic group or
race, but rather a religious group, even equating claims of the existence of the Jewish people as a
distinctive nationality to Nazi claims of a Jewish race, and claiming that such ideas raised questions
about Jewish dual loyalty. However, he did not oppose the existence of Israelor question the
legitimacy of Israeli patriotism, and developed friendly relations with the Israeli Labor Party and
the Peace Now movement, though he harshly criticized the Israeli right wing and the Likud party as
fascists. Kreisky referred to Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin as a terrorist, and had a stormy
relationship with Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir especially during the 1973 hostage taking. He
once said that he was "the only politician in Europe Golda Meir can't blackmail." He cultivated
friendly relations with Arab leaders such as Anwar Sadat and Muammar Gaddafi, and in 1980
Austria established relations with the Palestine Liberation Organisation. He tried to use his position as a European Jewish
Socialist to act as a mediator between Israel and the Arabs. Kreisky was notable for his apologetic approach to
former Nazi party members and contemporary far-right Austrian politicians. For example, Kreisky praised far-right
populist Jrg Haider calling him "a political talent worth watching". Kreisky is alleged to have used coded anti-semitic
language to attract right-wing voters in Austria. In 1967, neo-Nazi Austrian leader Norbert Burger declared that he had no
objections to Kreisky despite his Jewish background, claiming that he was simply a "German" and neither a religious Jew or a
Zionist. Kreisky felt that he had never personally suffered as a Jew, but only as a socialist. While imprisoned for his socialist
activities during the Dollfuss regime, many of his cellmates were active Nazis, and Kreisky accepted them as fellow political
opponents. Following his election in 1970, Kreisky wanted to demonstrate that he was indeed "Chancellor of all Austrians",
and appointed four politicians with Nazi backgrounds to his cabinet. When Nazi hunter Simon Wiesenthal reported that four
members of Kreisky's cabinet were former Nazis, Kreisky didn't remove them from the government, though one did resign.
Kreisky responded that everybody had the right to make political mistakes in their youth. This incident marked the beginning
of a bitter conflict, which did not end until Kreisky died. In 1986, Wiesenthal sued Kreisky for libel. Three years later the court
found Kreisky guilty of defamation and forced him to pay a substantial fine. In 1976, the Bruno Kreisky Foundation for
Outstanding Achievements in the Area of Human Rights was founded to mark Kreisky's 65th birthday. Every two years,
the Bruno Kreisky Human Rights Prize is awarded to an international figure who has advanced the cause of human rights.
Later in his life Kreisky tried to help some Soviet dissidents. In particular, in 1983 he sent a letter to the Soviet premier Yuri
Andropov demanding the release of dissident Yuri Orlov, but Andropov left Kreisky's letter unanswered. Today, Kreisky's
premiership is the subject of controversy. Many of his former supporters see in Kreisky the last socialist of the old school and
look back nostalgically at an era when the standard of living was noticeably rising, when the welfare state was in full swing
and when, by means of a state-funded programme promoting equality of opportunity, working class children were
encouraged to stay on at school and eventually receive higher education, all this resulting in a decade of prosperity and
optimism about the future. Conservatives criticise Kreisky's policy of deficit spending, expressed in his famous comment
during the 1979 election campaign that he preferred that the state run up high debts rather than see people become
unemployed, and hold Kreisky responsible for Austria's subsequent economic difficulties. Despite this criticism, Kriesky did
much to transform Austria during his time in office, with considerable improvements in working conditions, a dramatic rise in
the average standard of living, and a significant expansion of the welfare state, and arguably remains the most successful
socialist Chancellor of Austria to this day.

Rudolf

Kirchschlger (March

20,
1915

March
30,
2000)
was
an Austrian diplomat, politician, judge and President of the Second Republic of Austria from July 8,
1974 until July 8, 1986. Born in Niederkappel, Upper Austria, Kirschlger was orphaned at the age
of 11. He graduated from High School in Horn in 1935 with distinction and started to study law at
the University of Vienna. However, after the Anschluss of Austria in 1938, he had to give up his
studies. Without joining the NSDAP, which he refused to do, his scholarship was revoked and
Kirchschlger could not finance his studies any more. Kirchschlger worked as a bank clerk in 1938
until he was drafted to service in the infantry of the Wehrmacht in the summer of 1939.
Kirchschlger fought as a soldier from the very beginning of the war, first during the invasion
of Poland, later on theWestern Front and after 1941 against Russia on the Eastern Front. In late
1940, in order to get out of the military, he used a two-month front-leave to prepare for the final
exam (Staatsexamen) of his law studies. Legend has it that he was working up to 20 hours a day,
while keeping himself awake with large amounts of honey. Subsequently he passed the exams and graduated to Doctor iuris.
However, he was sent back to the Eastern Front, where he was wounded in 1942. Towards the end of war, he was captain and
training-officer at the military academy at Wiener Neustadt in the Vienna region. In early April 1945, commanding a company
of cadets fighting approaching Soviet troops, he was badly wounded on his leg, an injury from which he would never fully
recover. After the war Kirchschlger worked as a district judge until 1954 in Langenlois and later Vienna. In 1954 he got the
chance to work in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, although he did not speak any foreign languages. In order to take part in the
negotiations on the Austrian State Treaty he taught himself English in only a few months. From 1967 to 1970 he was
ambassador in Prague. Despite orders not to do so he issued exit visas to Czech citizens who tried to flee from the
Communists during the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia. From 1970 to 1974 he was Minister of Foreign Affairs and was
elected President of Austria in 1974. In a programmatic lecture at Innsbruck University in February 1971 he outlined his
understanding of an "ethical foreign policy". His integrity as President and his diligence in exercising his office raised him to
be an admired and beloved figure within Austrian politics. In 1980 he was elected for a second term with an approval rate of
80%, the highest rate ever obtained in any presidential elections. In February 1984, Kirchschlger paid the first state visit of
an Austrian President to the United States. He was married to Herma Sorger (born 15 May 1916, Vienna - died 30 May
2009, Vienna) from 1940 until his death; they had two children: Christa (born 1944) and Walter (born 1947). Rudolf
Kirchschlger died in 2000 near Vienna, aged 85, of undisclosed causes.

Alfred "Fred" Sinowatz (February

5, 1929 August 11, 2008) was the Chancellor of the Second Republic of Austria
from May 24, 1983 until June 16, 1986. He was born in Neufeld an der Leitha, Burgenland, Austria. He was
anAustrian politician of the Social Democratic Party of Austria (Sozialdemokratische Partei sterreichs, SP), and
was Chancellor of Austria from 1983 to 1986. Sinowatz, educated as a historian, was Minister of Education and Art in the
Austrian government from 1971 to 1983. In 1981, whenBruno Kreisky's chosen successor "Crown Prince" Hannes
Androsch was removed from his position, Sinowatz also became Vice Chancellor. After the SP had lost its absolute majority
in 1983 and Kreisky had resigned as chancellor, Sinowatz reluctantly took up the position of head of the Austrian government.
He joined a coalition, initiated by Kreisky, with the Austrian Freedom Party (Freiheitliche Partei sterreichs, FP) which was
then run by liberals. In autumn 1983, he also succeeded Kreisky as chairman of the SP. In late 1984, came the severe

internal crisis of the "Occupation of the Hainburg Floodplain" by thousands of people protesting
against the building of a power station there. Sinowatz managed to calm both sides by announcing a
"Christmas peace" on December 22, 1984, following considerable pressure from the public. In spite of
this, his period of office is not considered to have been successful. It started with the Wine Scandal,
then a scandal concerning the construction of the new General Hospital of Vienna, and in particular,
the crisis of the increasing debts of nationalized industry, above all the Voest-Alpine AG, an industrial
concern based in Linz. Since Sinowatz's manner was not very typical of that of politicians, he often
earned pitiful smiles, for example, when he said, "Ich wei, das klingt alles sehr kompliziert" ("I know,
this all sounds complicated"), usually rendered as "Es ist alles sehr kompliziert" ("Everything is very
complicated"). Close to the end of his period in office, he also came under pressure after defense
minister Friedhelm Frischenschlager of his coalition partner, the Freedom Party, officially went to
meet Walter Reder, a war criminal who had been imprisoned in Italy since World War II, upon Reder's
return to Austria. Before the 1986 Austrian Presidential Elections, during a meeting of the steering
committee of the Burgenland SP, according to a later rendering by Ottilie Matysek, Sinowatz insinuated that one would have
to point out to the Austrians that the Austrian People's Party's candidate, Kurt Waldheim, had a "brown" (i.e. Nazi) past. By an
indiscretion, this remark was passed on to the weekly magazine profil, which started to investigate the matter. This triggered
the Waldheim debate. During the presidential campaign, Sinowatz strongly opposed Waldheim. When Waldheim gave
assurances that he had not been a member of the Sturmabteilung Equestrian Corps, but had only joined its members in
riding occasionally, Sinowatz countered: "I find that Kurt Waldheim never was a member of the SA, but only his horse." After
Waldheim's election, Sinowatz resigned and passed on his post as chancellor to finance minister Franz Vranitzky, who also
succeeded him as chairman of the SP in 1988; at the same time, Sinowatz also resigned as a member of the National
Council of Austria. Sinowatz sued Ottilie Matysek (who had by then left the SP) for libel because of her statement concerning
Waldheim's past. Even though all top representatives of the Burgenland SP (including governor Johann Siptz) gave
testimony in his favor when he denied the accuracy of Matysek's depiction of the events, the court gave more weight to the
authenticity of some hand-written notes and dismissed the suit. This also led to Siptz's resignation. In later life, Sinowatz
lived in Burgenland. Sinowatz died on 11 August 2008. He was 79 years of age. At the time of his death, he was the oldest
living former Austrian chancellor.

Franz Vranitzky (born

October 4, 1937) is the former Chancellor of the Second Republic of

Austria from June 16, 1986 until January 28, 1997. As the son of a foundryman, Vranitzky was born
into humble circumstances in Vienna's 17th disttrict. He attended the Realgymnasium Geblergasse
and studied economics, graduating in 1960. He financed his studies teaching Latin and English and
as a construction worker. As a young man, Vranitzky played basket ball and was a member of
Austria's national team, which in 1960 unsuccessfully tried to qualify for the 1960 Summer
Olympics in Rome. In 1962 he joined the Social Democratic Party of Austria (SP). In 1962, Vranitzky
married Christine Christen, with whom he fathered two children. Vranitzky began his career in 1961
at Siemens-Schuckert, but within the year switched to the National Bank of Austria. In 1969, he
received a doctorate in International business studies. The following year, Hannes Androsch,
minister of finance under Chancellor Bruno Kreisky had appointed him economic and financial
advisor. Vranitzky served as deputy director of the Creditanstalt-Bankverein (19761981), briefly as
its director general and as director general of the sterreichische Lnderbank (19811984). In 1984,
Vranitzky joined the SP-Freedom Party (FP) government coalition under Chancellor Fred Sinowatz as minister of finance.
He was criticized for receiving multiple compensations from his various functions in government-run businesses. In the
presidential elections of 1986, Chancellor Sinowatz vociferously opposed Kurt Waldheim, the candidate of the Austrian
People's Party (VP) opposition. The former UN Secretary General's campaign for office caused international controversy due
to allegations about his role as a German army officer in World War II. When Waldheim was elected on June 8, 1986 Sinowatz
resigned from the government, proposing Vranitzky as his successor. Vranitzky entered his new office on June 16, 1986. At
first he continued the government coalition with the Freedom Party. On September 13, 1986, however, radical FP
politicianJrg Haider was elected chairman of his party, ousting the moderate Vice Chancellor Norbert Steger. Vranitzky
ended cooperation with his coalition partner and had parliament dissolved. In the subsequent elections on November 23,
1986, the SP remained the strongest party. In January 1987, Vranitzky formed a government, based on a grand
coalition with the second-largest party, the Christian democrat VP, with Alois Mock serving as vice-chancellor and foreign
minister. In 1988, Vranitzky also succeeded Fred Sinowatz as chairman of his party. Until 1992, Austria's foreign policy had to
deal with the repercussions of the Waldheim controversy, as the Austrian president was shunned in some diplomatic circles.
The United States regarded Waldheim as a persona non grata, thereby barring him from entering the country in 1987,
while Israel had recalled its ambassador after Waldheim's election. Vranitzky managed to normalise Austria's relations with
both countries and frequently stepped in to perform diplomatic duties commonly assigned to the president. On July 8, 1991,
in a speech in parliament, Vranitzy acknowledged a share in the responsibility for the pain brought, not by Austria as a state,
but by citizens of this country, upon other people and peoples", thereby departing from the hitherto official portrayal of
Austria as "Hitler's first victim." After the end of the Cold War, Vranitzky focused on furthering relations with the nations of
Eastern Europe and membership in the European Union, of which Vranitzky and his foreign minister, Alois Mock, were strong
advocates. After a referendum on June 12, 1994 resulted in 66% in favour of EU membership, Austria joined the European
Union in January 1995. Austria's military neutrality, which had been espoused during the Cold War, was reaffirmed in the
process. In party politics, Vranitzky kept his distance from Jrg Haider's Freedom Party - a stance the latter decried as a
"policy of exclusion." In the election of 1990, Vranitzky's coalition government was confirmed when the Social Democrat vote
remained stable while the VP lost 17 seats, mainly to the FP. The 1994 election saw heavy losses by both coalition parties,
which nonetheless remained the two largest parties, while FP and others made further gains. Vranitzky renewed the
coalition with the VP, which after May 1995 was led by foreign minister Wolfgang Schssel. Later in the year, the grand
coalition broke apart over budget policy, leading to the elections of December 1995, which however only saw slight changes
in favor of SP and VP. Vranitzky and Schssel resumed their coalition in March 1996. In January 1997, Vranitzky resigned as
Chancellor and as party chairman. He was succeeded in both positions by his minister of finance, Viktor Klima. After leaving
office, Vranitzky served as Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe representative for Albania from March to
October 1997, before returning into the banking sector, as political constultant of the WestLB bank. In December, he was
elected to the board of governors of automotive supplier Magna. He later occupied the same position for the tourism
company TUI and Magic Life hotels. In June 2005, he donated one of his kidneys to his wife Christine, who suffered from
chronic kidney failure. He actively supported his party's frontrunner Alfred Gusenbauer in the 2006 elections. During the
campaign, it was revealed that in 1999 Vranitzky had received one million Shilling as a consultant for BAWAG bank, which
was then under public scrutiny. It was alleged the payment was made without any service in return and that it constituted an
"indirect party funding". Vranitzky denounced this allegation. Vranitzky chairs the quarterly Vranitzky colloquia, organised by
the study group WiWiPol, which discusses economic topics and their impact on Austria and Europe.

Kurt Josef Waldheim (December

21, 1918 June 14, 2007) was the fourth Secretary-General of the United Nations
from January 1, 1972 until December 31, 1981 and the President of the Second Republic of Austria, from July 8, 1986 until
July 8, 1992. While running for President in Austria in 1985, his service as an intelligence officer in the Wehrmacht during
World War II raised international controversy. Waldheim was born in Sankt Andr-Wrdern, a village near Vienna, on December
21, 1918. His father was a Roman Catholic school inspector of Czech origin named Watzlawick (original Czech spelling
Vclavk) who changed his name that year as the Habsburg monarchy collapsed. Waldheim served in the Austrian
Army (193637) and attended the Vienna Consular Academy, where he graduated in 1939. Waldheim's father was active in
the Christian Social Party. Waldheim himself was politically unaffiliated during these years at the Academy. Shortly after the
German annexation of Austria in 1938, a 20-year old Waldheim applied for membership in the National Socialist German
Students' League (NSDStB), a division of the Nazi Party. Shortly thereafter he became a registered member of the mounted
corps of the SA. On 19 August 1944, he married Elisabeth Ritschel in Vienna; their first daughter, Lieselotte, was born the
following year. A son, Gerhard, and another daughter, Christa, followed. In early 1941 Waldheim was drafted into
the Wehrmacht and sent to the Eastern Front where he served as a squad leader. In December 1941 he was wounded but
later returned to service. His further service in the Wehrmacht from 1942 to 1945 was subject of the international dispute in
1985 and 1986. In 1985, in his autobiography, he stated that he was discharged from further service at the front and for the
rest of the war years finished his law degree at the University of Vienna in addition to marrying in 1944. Documents and
witnesses which have since come to light reveal that Waldheims military service continued until 1945, and that he rose to
the rank of oberleutnant, and confirmed that he married in 1944 and graduated with a law degree from the University of
Vienna in 1945. His functions within the staff of German Army Group E from 1942 until 1945, as determined by the
International Commission of Historians, were: Interpreter and liaison officer with the 5th Alpine Division (Italy) in April/May
1942, then, O2 officer (communications) with Kampfgruppe West in Bosnia in June/August 1942, Interpreter with the liaison
staff attached to the Italian 9th Army in Tirana in early summer 1942, O1 officer in the German liaison staff with the
Italian 11th Army and in the staff of the Army Group South in Greece in July/October 1943 and O3 officer on the staff of Army
Group E in Arksali, Kosovska Mitrovica and Sarajevo from October 1943 to January/February 1945. By 1943 he was serving in
the capacity of an ordnance officer in Army Group E which was headed by General Alexander Lhr. In 1986, Waldheim said
that he had served only as an interpreter and a clerk and had no knowledge either of reprisals against Serb civilians locally or
of massacres in neighboring provinces of Yugoslavia. He said that he had known about some of the things that had happened,
and had been horrified, but could not see what else he could have done. Much historical interest has centered on Waldheim's
role in Operation Kozara in 1942. According to one post-war investigator, prisoners were routinely shot within only a few
hundred yards of Waldheim's office, and just 35 km away at the Jasenovac concentration camp. Waldheim later stated "that
he did not know about the murder of civilians there." Waldheim's name appears on the Wehrmacht's "honor list" of those
responsible for the militarily successful operation. The Independent State of Croatia awarded Waldheim theMedal of the
Crown of King Zvonimir in silver with an oak branches cluster. Later, during the lobbying for his election as U.N. Secretary
General, Yugoslav leader Josip Broz Tito awarded Waldheim one of the highest Yugoslav orders. Waldheim denied that he
knew war crimes were taking place in Bosnia at the height of the battles between the Nazis and Tito's partisans in
1943. According to Eli Rosenbaum, in 1944, Waldheim reviewed and approved a packet of anti-Semitic propaganda leaflets to
be dropped behind Soviet lines, one of which ended, "enough of the Jewish war, kill the Jews, come over." In 1945, Waldheim
surrendered to British forces in Carinthia, at which point he said he had fled his command post within Army Group E, where
he was serving with General Lhr, who was seeking a special deal with the British. Waldheim joined the Austrian diplomatic
service in 1945, after finishing his studies in law at the University of Vienna. He served as First Secretary of the Legation in
Paris from 1948, and in the Ministry for Foreign Affairs in Vienna from 1951 to 1956. In 1956 he was made Ambassador to
Canada, returning to the Ministry in 1960, after which he became the Permanent Representative of Austria to the United
Nations in 1964. For two years beginning in 1968, he was the Federal Minister for Foreign Affairs in Austria serving for
theAustrian People's Party, before going back as Permanent Representative to the U.N. in 1970. Shortly afterwards, he ran
and was defeated in the 1971 Austrian presidential elections. After being defeated in his home country's presidential election,
he was elected to succeed U Thant as United Nations Secretary-General the same year. As Secretary-General, Waldheim
opened and addressed a number of major international conferences convened under United Nations auspices. These included
the third session of the U.N. Conference on Trade and Development (Santiago, April 1972), the U.N. Conference on the Human
Environment (Stockholm, June 1972), the third UN Conference on the Law of the Sea (Caracas, June 1974), the World
Population Conference (Bucharest, August 1974) and the World Food Conference (Rome, November 1974). However, his
diplomatic efforts particularly in the Middle East were overshadowed by the diplomacy of then US Secretary of State, Henry
Kissinger. On September 11, 1972, Ugandan dictator Idi Amin sent a telegram to Waldheim, copies of which went to Yasser
Arafat and Golda Meir. In the telegram, Amin "applauded the massacre of the Israeli Olympic athletes in Munich and said
Germany was the most appropriate locale for this because it was where Hitler burned more than six million Jews." Amin also
called "to expel Israel from the United Nations and to send all the Israelis to Britain, which bore the guilt for creating the
Jewish state." Among international protest "the UN spokesman said [in his daily press conference] it was not the secretarygeneral's practice to comment on telegrams sent him by heads of government. He added that the secretary-general
condemned any form of racial discrimination and genocide." Waldheim was re-elected in 1976 despite some opposition.
Waldheim and then-U.S. President Jimmy Carter both prepared written statements for inclusion on the Voyager Golden
Records, now in deep space. He was the first Secretary-General to visit North Korea, in 1979. In 1980, Waldheim flew
to Iran in an attempt to negotiate the release of theAmerican hostages held in Tehran, but Ayatollah Khomeini refused to see
him. While in Tehran, it was announced that an attempt on Waldheim's life had been foiled. Near the end of his tenure as
Secretary-General, Waldheim and Paul McCartney also organized a series of concerts for the People of Kampuchea to
help Cambodia recover from the damage done by Pol Pot. The People's Republic of China vetoed Waldheim's candidature for a
third term, and he was succeeded by Javier Prez de Cullar of Peru. Waldheim had unsuccessfully sought election as
President of Austria in 1971, but his second attempt on June 8, 1986 proved successful. During his campaign for the
presidency in 1985, the events started that marked the beginning of what became known internationally as the "Waldheim
Affair". Before the presidential elections, investigative journalist Alfred Worm revealed in the Austrian weekly news
magazine Profil that there had been several omissions about Waldheim's life between 1938 and 1945 in his recentlypublished autobiography. A short time later, the World Jewish Congress alleged that Waldheim had lied about his service as an
officer in the mounted corps of the SA, and his time as an ordinance officer forArmy Group E in Saloniki, Greece, from 1942 to
1943 based in files from the United Nations War Crimes Commission. Waldheim called the allegations "pure lies and malicious
acts". Nevertheless he admitted that he had known about German reprisals against partisans: "Yes, I knew. I was horrified.
But what could I do? I had either to continue to serve or be executed." He said that he had never fired a shot or even seen a
partisan. His former immediate superior at the time stated that Waldheim had "remained confined to a desk". Former
Austrian chancellor Bruno Kreisky, of Jewish origin, denounced the actions of the World Jewish Congress as an "extraordinary
infamy" adding that Austrians would not "allow the Jews abroad to ... tell us who should be our President." Part of the reason
for the controversy was Austria's refusal to address its national role in the Holocaust (many including Adolf Hitler were
Austrians and Austria became part of the Third Reich). Austria refused to pay compensation to Nazi victims and from 1970
onwards refused to investigate Austrian citizens who were senior Nazis. Stolen Jewish art remained public property until well

after the Waldheim affair. Because the revelations leading to the Waldheim affair came shortly
before the presidential election, there has been speculation about the background of the affair.
Declassified CIA documents show that the CIA had been aware of his wartime past since
1945. Information about Waldheim's wartime past was also previously published by a proGerman Austrian newspaper, Salzburger Volksblatt, during the 1971 presidential election
campaign, including the claim of an SS membership, but the matter was supposedly regarded as
unimportant or even advantageous for the candidate at that time. It has been asserted that his
wartime past and the discrepancies in his biography, In the Eye of the Storm, must have been
well-known to both superpowers before he was elected UN Secretary General, and there were
rumours that the KGB had blackmailed him during his UN time. In 1994, self-proclaimed
former Mossad officer Victor Ostrovsky claimed in his book The Other Side of Deception that
Mossad doctored the file of the then UN Secretary General to implicate him in Nazi crimes. These
allegedly false documents were subsequently "discovered" by Benjamin Netanyahu in the UN file
and triggered the "Waldheim Affair". Ostrovsky says it was motivated by Waldheim's criticism of
Israel's war in Lebanon. Controversy surrounds Ostrovsky and his writings and some of his claims
are disputed. Many of them have not been verified from other sources, and critics such as Benny
Morris and author David Wise have charged that the book is essentially a novel. In view of the ongoing international
controversy, the Austrian government decided to appoint an international committee of historians to examine Waldheim's life
between 1938 and 1945. Their report found no evidence of any personal involvement in those crimes. Although Waldheim
had stated that he was unaware of any crimes taking place, the committee cited evidence that Waldheim must have known
about war crimes. In an account of the controversy, Simon Wiesenthal stated that Waldheim was stationed 5 miles (8.0 km)
from Salonika while, over the course of several weeks, the Jewish community which formed one third of the population there,
was sent to Auschwitz. Waldheim denied any knowledge of this: I could only reply what the committee of historians likewise
made clear in its report: "I cannot believe you." Wiesenthal stated the committee found no evidence that Waldheim took part
in any war crimes but was guilty of lying about his military record. The International Committee in February 1988 concluded
with that he could not stop what was going on in Yugoslavia and Greece even if he knew: In favour of Waldheim is, that he
only had very minor possibilities to act against the injustices happening. Actions against these, depending on which level the
resistance occurred, were of very different importance. For a young member of the staff, who did not have any military
authority on the army group level, the practical possibilities for resistance were very limited and with a high probability would
not have led to any actual results. Resistance would have been limited to a formal protest or on the refusal to serve any
longer in the army, which would have seemed to be a courageous act, however would have not led to any practical
achievement. Throughout his term as President (19861992), Kurt Waldheim and his wife Elisabeth were officially
deemed personae non gratae by the United States. In 1987, they were put on a watch list of persons banned from entering
the United States and remained on the list even after the publication of the International Committee of Historians' report on
his military past in the Wehrmacht. After his term ended in 1992, Waldheim did not seek re-election. The same year, he was
made an honorary member of K.H.V. Welfia Klosterneuburg, a Roman Catholic student fraternity a part of
the Austrian Cartellverband. In 1994, Pope John Paul II awarded Waldheim a knighthood in the Order of Pius IX and his wife a
papal honor. He died on June 14, 2007, from heart failure. On June 23, 2007 his funeral was held at St. Stephen's Cathedral,
Vienna, and he was buried at the Presidential Vault in the Zentralfriedhof ("central cemetery"). In his speech at the Cathedral,
Federal President Heinz Fischer called Waldheim "a great Austrian" who had been wrongfully accused of having committed
war crimes. Fischer also praised Waldheim for his efforts to solve international crises and for his contributions to world
peace. At Waldheim's own request, no foreign heads of states or governments were invited to attend his funeral except HansAdam II, the Prince of Liechtenstein. Also present was Luis Durnwalder, governor of the Italian province of South
Tyrol.Syria and Japan were the only two countries that laid a wreath. In a two-page letter, published posthumously by the
Austrian Press Agency the day after he died, Waldheim admitted making "mistakes" ("but these were certainly not those of a
follower let alone an accomplice of a criminal regime") and asked his critics for forgiveness. W. G. Sebald's novel The Rings of
Saturn (1995; English trans., 1998) refers to Waldheim, though not by name. As a much-heralded invited guest on Dame
Edna Everage's talk show The Dame Edna Experience, a dignified "Kurt Waldheim" began a grand entrance, except that
halfway down the staircase, he abruptly fell through a hidden chute and disappeared: the band's fanfare stopped as Dame
Edna explained she had decided at the last minute to "abort" Dr. Waldheim's appearance because it would have been "too
political". The episode aired 12 September 1987. A running segment on The Howard Stern Show is called Guess Who's the
Jew and features Fred Norris portraying a Nazi Kurt Waldheim, Jr. Musician Lou Reed's 1988 New York album contains a song
called "Good Evening Mr. Waldheim." Harry Turtledove's 2003 alternate history novel, In the Presence of Mine Enemies, in
which Germany won the Second World War, a "Kurt Haldweim" is the third Fhrer of Germany, and parts of Haldweim's
biography closely parallel Waldheim's. In a 1988 ice hockey film entitled Hockey, The Lighter Side, former New York Rangers
goaltender John Davidson is explaining his fictional goaltender school and as hockey highlights play, he exclaims, "You'll have
more shots taken at you than Kurt Waldheim". In episode 3, series 2 of The Million Pound Radio Show, Andy
Hamilton announces next week's special guest as Waldheim, "although he'll deny [his appearance on the show] in 40 years
time." In an episode of The New Statesman, aired in 1989, Alan B'Stard (Rik Mayall) attempts to blackmail an aged former
Nazi officer, who complains that, "it's not fair; I'm living here in the tripe capital of Europe, while Kurt Waldheim is President of
Austria - and he was beneath me!" American poet Srikanth Reddy's 2011 book Voyager presents a collection of poems and
fragments created by erasing large sections of Waldheim's memoir In the Eye of the Storm.

Thomas Klestil (November 4, 1932 July 6, 2004) was the President of the Second Republic of Austria from July 8, 1992
until July 6, 2004. His secondand finalterm of office was due to end on July 8, 2004, but his death two days prior to his
retirement from office cut his term short. Born in Vienna to a working class familyhis father worked for the tramwayKlestil
went to school in Landstrae where he made friends with Joe Zawinul. He studied at the Vienna University of Economics and
Business Administration and received his doctorate in 1957. After entering the civil service he worked in Austria as well as
abroad, for example for OECD. In 1969, he established the Austrian consulate-general in Los Angeles, where he
befriended Arnold Schwarzenegger. Fluent in English, Klestil was the AustrianAmbassador to the United Nations (19781982)
and Ambassador to the United States (19821987) prior to his election as president. After being nominated by the
conservative Austrian People's Party to run for Federal President, he succeeded Kurt Waldheim on July 8, 1992. He won the
second round against Rudolf Streicher and on July 8, 1992 sworn as successor to Kurt Waldheim. His slogan "Power needs
control" suggested that Klestil thought more actively intervene in the daily political business than its predecessors. Such
compensation to the former grand coalition with their party membership economy was desirable for many Austrians. These
announcements he tried at the beginning of his term with a public campaign, including the launch of "Open Days" at his
official residence, the Hofburg, and especially in 1994 come true when he signed the accession to the European Union
accession treaty and in the future wanted to participate in the discussions of EU leaders. This supported by the opinion of a
constitutional lawyer claim was rejected by the government under Chancellor Franz Vranitzky who also Klestils veto rights in
the appointment of senior officials - understood to limit - for example, school directors. In 1994 his image was, especially in

the bourgeois-conservative part of his electorate sustained damage than Klestil, who
during the campaign still upheld the traditional values of the intact family, represented
by their own marriage problem in the tabloids and was known, was one that he longer
has time had affair with his campaign manager, Margot Lffler. In 1998 he was reelected in the first ballot, the SP had refrained from preparing its own candidates and
the VP hid her discomfort with Klestil behind a bipartisan committee persons. After the
election the now divorced Klestil married his former girlfriend Margot Lffler. Become
after the parliamentary election in 1999, when Jrg Haider's Freedom Party behind the
SP second largest party was strongly urged Klestil on a continuation of the grand
coalition of SP and VP. Who engaged Klestil Chancellor Klima again to form a
government. This Klestil did mainly because he kept FP chairman Haider because of
his repeated by some observers classified as right-wing spokespersons for government
unworthy. He also feared foreign policy difficulties. Finally agreed Chancellor after coalition talks between SP and VP had
failed in late 1999, early 2000, without authority of the President -. Unprecedented in the history of Austria - a coalition
government with the Freedom Party and informed the President Thus Klestil was faced with the situation that he does not
want government was ready and also had a parliamentary majority. As a result, would have his constitutionally possible
refusal to appoint the government, possibly brought about a political crisis. Klestil accepted stonily the real political power
and vowed the new government with Chancellor as Chancellor on February 4, 2000. But before he reached the new coalition
partners, the signing of a preamble to lock in democratic and European values. Moreover, he rejected two FP candidate for
ministerial posts from (Thomas Prinzhorn and Hilmar Kabas, which then led to disappointment "Hump Dump affair"). This, as
well as demonstrative Klestils icy air of the swearing-in ceremony, attracted much attention and led to the final break with
personal Chancellor and members of the VP. For his behavior during the formation of the government Klestil was the report
of the three wise men on Austria, who had been commissioned to evaluate the sanctions of the other EU Member States
against Austria, an honorable mention: "The president has occurred continuously as the guarantor of the values that are
highlighted in this particular statement. He has rejected two candidates proposed by the FP ministers because they had
made in the past openly xenophobic comments. In a public speech on 13 March 2000 on the occasion of the International
Symposium Theodor Herzl, the President has advocated a "verbal disarmament". He stressed that words not only hurt ', but
eventually, kill' can. " Even after the premature end of the first coalition between the VP and the FP and the next national
election in November 2002, Klestil sat again a very clearly for an VP-SP coalition - again without success. As a
consequence, and because of his health problems Klestil came into the Austrian public and further into the background.
Domestically Klestil soon had to learn that the constitutional scope of the Austrian Federal President are significant indeed, in
the political practice of the Second Republic but can not enforce. Although he tried his repeated political space, however, met
with the respective governments, which did not share their own expertise with resistance. Through the formation of a
government of 2000, a recent major powers de facto head of state has been eliminated. In view of this, there were
discussions about whether one should not abolish in practice obviously ineffective powers of the President also de jure. Much
more successful is Klestils foreign policy activities designed with numerous state visits. Historical standards Klestil continued
in 1994 with an official visit to Israel, where he was in a speech in the Knesset, the first Austrian head of state known to the
Austrian responsibility for the Holocaust in public. As a Catholic, he always sat down for inter-religious and intercultural
dialogue. Klestil was well liked at the end almost exclusively with his former political opponents of the Left. When rights are
held the never proven rumor Klestil had not prevented the reduction of political contacts on the part of other EU countries
after the formation of the VP-FP government, but even causes and actively promoted. Klestil was the seventh President of
Austria, and the fifth, who died before the end of his term. He would be if he had lived for two more days, after Kirchschlager
become the second president of the Second Republic, which had this office for two full terms of office exercised. His
successor is Heinz Fischer. From 1996 Klestil had frequent health problems. During a state visit to Turkey he contracted
atypical pneumonia, which is part of a not at this time incurable autoimmune disease. On September 23, 1996 it was
announced that Klestil was treated for a week at the Vienna General Hospital (AKH). On October 4, 1996, he again took up
office, but stayed until November 1, 1996 at the General Hospital. On November 15, 1996, he had a pulmonary embolism due
back to the hospital where he was treated for 10 days. The former Federal Chancellor Franz Vranitzky temporarily took over
the duties. Klestil returned until January 28, 1997 back to the Hofburg. On July 5, 2004 three days before the departure from
office - Klestil suffered two heart attacks. He was with the emergency helicopter Christophorus converted in the Vienna
General Hospital, where he died at the July 6, 2004. Since Klestil died in office, for him a state funeral was arranged. He was
replaced by Cardinal Christoph Schnborn in Vienna's St. Stephen's a Requiem Mass celebrated, attended by many domestic
and foreign guests of honor, including as heads of state, Russian President Vladimir Putin and the Liechtenstein Prince Hans
Adam II, the United Kingdom was represented by the Princess Royal, the U.S. by California Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger.
The Army presented a guard of honor. After the Requiem Klestil was buried in the crypt President at Vienna's Central
Cemetery. The inauguration (swearing) its already on April 25, 2004 elected successor Heinz Fischer took place as planned on
8 July. Until the inauguration fisherman all official functions Klestils under Article 64 para 1 of the Federal National Council of
the College of the three presidents (Andreas Khol, Speaker of Parliament Barbara and Thomas Prinzhorn) were perceived. In
2006 in Vienna Landstrasse (3rd District) of the Thomas Klestil Square was named after the former President.

Viktor Klima (born

June 4, 1947) is an Austrian Social Democrat politician and businessman. He was Chancellor of the
Second Republic of Austria from January 28, 1997 until February 4, 2000. Born in Schwechat, Lower Austria, Klima started
working for the then state-owned OMV oil company in 1969 and remained with the company up to the beginning of his
political career in 1992, in his later years serving as a member of their management board. Although Klima was then
unknown to the majority of Austrians, in 1992 Chancellor Franz Vranitzky made him Minister of Transportation and
Nationalised Industry, a position Klima held till 1996, when he became Minister of Finance for a year. In 1997, upon
Vranitzky's resignation, Klima was elected chairman of the Social Democratic party and was sworn in as Chancellor of Austria,
having renewed the grand coalition between his own party (Social Democratic Party of Austria, SP) and the Austrian
People's Party (VP), with Wolfgang Schssel serving as his vice chancellor. Influenced by the "Third Way" strategy of other
European leaders such as Tony Blair and Gerhard Schrder, under Klima's chairmanship the Social Democrats played down
their allegiance to Marxism and thus to their own political roots and very clearly continued their move from the political left
towards the centre, frequently using spin doctors and embracing populism as a political strategy. For example,
further privatizations took place, and several public services that had been subsumed under the policies of the welfare
state were tentatively reduced. As a consequence, a high percentage of the party's traditional working-class clientele,
dissatisfied with Klima and his party, diverted their support to Jrg Haider's populist far-right Freedom Party (FP). However,
just as his predecessor Vranitzky, Klima repeatedly and publicly announced that under no circumstances was he prepared to
enter into a coalition with Haider's party. Following the elections of October 1999, in which the Social Democrats sustained
heavy losses, Viktor Klima stepped down as the chairman of his party and was succeeded in this capacity by Alfred
Gusenbauer. As chancellor he was succeeded by Wolfgang Schssel from the Austrian People's Party, who formed a coalition
government with the Freedom Party in February 2000. Klima and his party heavily resented the fact that they were removed

from rulership. While negotiations to form a new government on the basis of the October 1999
elections were ongoing, Klima "urged fellow EU leaders to help influence the coalition bargaining " an
unprecedented call for foreign interference in the political affairs of the sovereign Austrian state
whose acting chancellor he still was at the time of this statement. While this failed to influence the
outcome of the coalition talks, it led directly to the so-called "sanctions" against Austria, which had
no basis whatsoever in the EU charter. A few weeks later, with the help of his friend Gerhard
Schrder, Klima took up a senior management position with Volkswagen in Argentina at a time when
the country was in a deep economic crisis. Klima became General Manager of Volkswagen's entire
South American operations in mid-2006, and is under contract until 2010. Klima's background in
politics as well as in economy predestines him for networking, a capability he has continued to
cultivate on the highest level, such as with Argentina's former president, Nstor Kirchner and his
predecessor, Eduardo Duhalde.

Wolfgang Schssel (born June 7, 1945) is an Austrian People's Party politician. He was
Chancellor of the Second Republic of Austria for two consecutive terms from February 4, 2000 until January 11, 2007. While
being recognized as a rare example of an active reformer in contemporary Austrian politics, his governments were also highly
controversial from the beginning, starting with the fact that he formed a coalition government with Jrg Haider's Freedom
Party of Austria (FP) on both occasions. In 2011, he retired from being an active member of parliament due to charges of
corruption against members of his governments. Born in Vienna, Schssel attended that city's Schottengymnasium, a well
known Roman Catholic gymnasium for boys, where he took his Matura exams in 1963. He went on to study at the University
of Vienna, receiving a Doctorate in Law in 1968. Schssel was secretary of the parliamentary group of the Austrian People's
Party from 1968 to 1975. From 1975 to 1991, he was Secretary General of the Austrian Business Federation, a suborganization of the Austrian People's Party. He became Minister for Economic Affairs on 24 April 1989 in a coalition
government under Chancellor Franz Vranitzky (SP) formed by the Social Democratic Party (SP) and the Austrian People's
Party (VP). On 22 April 1995, at the 30th Party Congress of the VP, Schssel was elected national leader of the Austrian
People's Party. On 4 May 1995, Wolfgang Schssel was sworn in as Vice-Chancellor and Federal Minister for Foreign Affairs in
Franz Vranitzky's fourth government. He held the same posts in Chancellor Vranitzkys fifth Cabinet. In Chancellor Viktor
Klima's (SP) first government, from January 28, 1997 until February 4, 2000, Schssel was again Vice-Chancellor and Federal
Minister for Foreign Affairs. On 4 February 2000 Wolfgang Schssel was sworn in as Chancellor, following a defeat in the 1999
election, after which his party ended up trailing Jrg Haider's Freedom Party (FP) by 415 votes. Until then, his party had
been the junior partner in a coalition with the SP. However, talks to renew that coalition failed, which induced Schssel to
enter a coalition with the Freedom Party. He became Chancellor, even though his party ranked only third, by a narrow margin.
The government headed by Schssel was in its beginnings probably the most controversial since 1945, which to a large
extent is due to the coalition formed with the populist right-wing FP, whose leader at that time was Jrg Haider. Although
Haider was never a member of Schssel's government, his participation raised widespread criticism, both inside and outside
of Austria. Between 2000 and 2002 there were weekly Donnerstags demonstrationen (Thursday Demonstrations) through the
city and the inner districts of Vienna. The coalition with the Austrian Freedom Party and various policies aiming at achieving
the much-malignedNulldefizit (zero budget deficit) were the main points of criticism. In an attempt to pressure Schssel's
democratically elected government into submission, the heads of the governments of the other 14 EU members decided to
cease cooperation with the Austrian government, as it was felt in many countries that the cordon sanitaire against coalitions
with parties considered as right-wing extremists, which had mostly held in Western Europe since 1945, had been breached.
Because nothing in the legal framework of the European Union supported an official measure, informal (and officially nonexistent) "sanctions" were imposed by mutual consent. For several months, other national leaders (most of all France's
president Jacques Chirac, Germany's chancellor Gerhard Schrder, and leading Belgian politicians) ostracized the members of
the Schssel government, refusing basic social interaction and keeping unavoidable contacts to the legally required
minimum. (However, the very same European Union politicians had not even considered such measures against Italy earlier
in 1994, or afterwards in 2001, when the highly controversial Silvio Berlusconi established his governments with rightwing Alleanza Nazionale and the outspokenly anti-European Lega Nord.) Government supporters often blamed the opposition
Social Democrats and President Thomas Klestil for the so-called "sanctions" imposed by the EU14 and their loyalty to the
country was thus put into question. Indeed, the UK's mass circulation paper The Guardian had reported during the decisive
days of Schssel's negotiations that "Austria's caretaker chancellor, Viktor Klima, urged fellow EU leaders to help influence
the coalition bargaining," and that as a result "diplomats said that while an EU meeting was unlikely on constitutional
grounds, the issue could be discussed by leaders of the Socialist International." Schssel's government was the first after 30
years with a Chancellor who was not a representative of the SP. Schssel's VP had been a member of all governments
from 1945 to 1970 and from 1986 onwards, but had never been completely excluded from power (even though its influence
was considerably attenuated during Bruno Kreisky's era) because the tradition of social partnership meant that
representatives of all major interest groups in the country would be consulted before any policy was enacted. When Schssel
came into power, he broke with that tradition, which many Austrians had considered an unwritten part of the constitution, in
order to be able to rapidly implement reforms that he felt to be necessary. Government supporters claimed this to be the true
reason for the demonstrations and for the so-called "sanctions". The organized unfriendliness carried on for months while
both the Austrian government (and behind the scenes also the EU-14) sought a solution for the untenable situation.
Because the "sanctions" were only a means of coordinated diplomatic behavior and not founded in the EU-Charter, EU-law did
not provide a way out. After a couple of months a delegation of three experts (die drei EU-Weisen) was sent to Austria to
examine the political situation and to determine if the EU-14's "sanctions" could be lifted. Their report did not find reasons
that would permit the other EU-members according to then existing EU-law to engage in further measures going beyond
those that are allowed in international law. However, the more important conclusion the report draw was that a framework for
exactly these kind of situations should be implemented and incorporated into EU-law. This subsequently happened with
the Treaty of Nice in 2001. Following the report, the EU leaders tacitly returned to normality during the summer of 2000 even
though the Austrian government remained unchanged, allowing the center-right parties to claim a sort of "victory". Though
the "sanctions" did little material damage, their psychological effect was lasting and profound. In Austria, they essentially
ended the broad popular support which the European Union had initially enjoyed in the country. In the populations of some EU
member states, the frequently highly manipulative media coverage of the affair reinforced simmering anti-Austrian prejudices
that dated back many decades, or even to World War I. By the summer of 2002, a series of lost elections had resulted in
considerable internal strife in the FP, which was instigated by Haider and some of his closest allies. When the leading
proponents of the more pragmatic wing of this party, Vice Chancellor Susanne Riess-Passer and Finance Minister Karl-Heinz
Grasser, announced their resignation, Schssel broke the coalition and announced general elections, which were held
prematurely in November 2002 and led to a landslide victory for Schssel. However, after negotiating for months with both
the SP and the Green Party, Schssel decided to renew his coalition government with the Freedom Party, which had been
reduced to a mere 10 percent of the vote. On February 28, 2003 he was sworn in as Chancellor again, this time with the
confidence of having won the elections. In April 2005, the FP effectively split in to two parties, namely the old FP and the

new Alliance for the Future of Austria (BZ), which at the time consisted of Jrg Haider, the former FP
government members and most FP members of the National Council of Austria, while the party base
in most states remained with the old party. In spite of this change in the nature of his coalition partner,
Schssel continued the coalition until the end of the current legislative period (see Austrian legislative
election, 2006). However, after the election Schssel mentioned that a coalition with Haider's party or
the Freedom Party wouldn't be reasonable. Following the death of Liese Prokop on December 31, 2006,
Schssel was sworn in as interior minister on January 2, 2007, and served in this additional post until a
new government was formed, which occurred on January 11, 2007. Following the 2006 election,
Schssel became Chairman of the VP Parliamentary Group. He announced after the September 2008
election that he would continue to sit in parliament only as a backbencher; Josef Prll was to replace
him as Chairman of the VP Parliamentary Group. In 2011, Schssel retired from parliament due to
massive charges of corruption against members of the governments led by him. The government's
attempts at achieving a balanced budget (called "Nulldefizit") while being more successful than
similar attempts in some other European countries have failed. Some of the effect was reached by raising taxes and fees,
but quite significant cost-cutting measures were undertaken, many of which caused significant criticism. For example, the
Austrian education system has suffered considerably, as is shown by the PISA study released in 2004. Costs are being cut at
universities, even though the government proclaims that it will bring teaching and research to a "world-class" level. Costcutting in the security sector is blamed for an increase in crime. At the same time, Schssel's government increased public
spending in certain areas. For example, the new "Kindergeld" (children money) to help families replaced the old "Karenzgeld",
which was dependent on the recipient standing in employment. This change was a nod to a Freedom Party, which had
campaigned for this measure. The decision to replace the old Draken fighter planes of the Bundesheer with
18 Eurofighters (originally 24 were ordered, this number was reduced after the 2002 floods) was seen as waste of money by
the opposition, most of all because of the attempts to save money in almost every area of the public administration. The
government's arguments for this was that the Austrian State Treaty, according to which Austria needs to be able to defend
herself, is to be read to imply that Austria must be in complete control of her air space. The opposition argued that this goal
could have been reached in a much cheaper way. Starting from around 2030, the unfavorable structure of the population
pyramid will create a ratio of active to retired workers of 1:1. Schssel's pension reform has led to reduction of future
pensions and at the same time a raising of the retirement age. Schssel's reform of the Austrian pension system is more
broad-sweeping and thus more likely to be effective than all previous reforms in this area combined. However, experts insist
that it should have been still more ambitious, but despite of this fact the SP and the Austrian Federation of Trade Unions
(GB) protested heavily and argued that the pension losses, limited by Schssel to 10% and later reduced to 5%, were
excessive. Recent efforts to reform the military and to create a uniform pension system are proceeding. One result of the
military reform is by many hoped to be a reduction of the mandatory military service to six months, or even an abolition of
military service. From 2005 onwards, corporate tax will be reduced to 25%, which is hoped to stimulate investment and
economic growth. The measure is thought to be necessary, as neighboring countries which recently entered the EU, such
as Slovakia, have even lower tax rates. However, critics sometimes argue that such a tax advantage for firms is unfair to
other tax payers (the highest tax bracket for personal income tax is 50%) and may even be unconstitutional. Austria
succeeded the United Kingdom in holding the European Council Presidency on January 11, 2006. In the presence of German
Chancellor Angela Merkel, Schssel promised to lead the European Union "Hand in Hand" with Germany, and Merkel promised
that Germany would do everything to "help" Austria during its presidency and make it a success. Schssel also stated that
Austria needed "some friends of the presidency". This led to Brussels diplomats describing the Austrian presidency as "the
small German presidency", according to French newspaper Le Figaro. He have following honours: 1995: Grand Cross of the
Order of Isabella the Catholic, 1996: Grand Cross of the Pontifical Equestrian Order of St. Gregory the Great, 2001: Grand
Cross of Merit with diamonds of the Liechtenstein, 2004: Grand Cross of the Star of Romania, 2006: Grand Cross of Merit of
the Republic of Poland, 2006: Grand Cross of Merit of the Republic of Hungary, 2007: Medal of Merit of the State of BadenWrttemberg, 2007: Bavarian Order of Merit, Grand Cross of Honour North and Grand Cross of the Order of the Jordanian high
rebirth and progress. Schuessel's father was a journalist, his mother sewing teacher. He attended the Vienna
Schottengymnasium. He was married to psychotherapist Krista Bowl and has two children. His daughter Nina is an actress
and worked in 2003 as a communication trainer in the Chancellery, although her team was not on the invitation erstgereiht
what had critical media reports and a parliamentary inquiry the SP result. He was plays piano, accordion, guitar and cello,
more hobbies are hiking, playing soccer and drawing (eg cartoons). After the study was first Chancellor then as Secretary of
the VP parliamentary club as Secretary General of the Austrian Business Federation of "public interest" exempt from military
service.

Heinz Fischer (born 9 October 1938) is the President of the Second Republic of Austria since July 8, 2004.. He took office
on July 8, 2004 and was re-elected for a second and last term on April 25, 2010. Fischer previously served as Minister of
Science from 1983 to 1987 and as President of the National Council of Austria from 1990 to 2002. A member of the Social
Democratic Party of Austria(SP), he suspended his party membership for the duration of his Presidency. Fischer was born
in Graz, Styria, in what had recently become Nazi Germany following the Anschluss of March 1938. Fischer attended
the Gymnasium, focusing on humanities, and taking his Matura exams in 1956. He studied law at the University of Vienna,
earning adoctorate in 1961. In 1963 at the age of 25, Fischer, spent a year volunteering at Kibbutz Sarid, northern
Israel. Apart from being a politician, Fischer also pursued an academic career, and became a Professor of Political Science at
the University of Innsbruck in 1993. Fischer was a member of the Austrian parliament, the National Council, from 1971, and
served as itspresident from 1990 to 2002. From 1983 to 1987 he was Minister of Science in a coalition government headed
by Fred Sinowatz. In January 2004 Fischer announced that he would run for President to succeed Thomas Klestil. He
was elected on April 25, 2004 as the candidate of the opposition Social Democratic Party. He polled 52.4 per cent of the votes
to defeat Benita Ferrero-Waldner, then Foreign Minister in the ruling conservative coalition led by the People's Party. Fischer
was sworn in on July 8, 2004 and took over the office from the college of presidents of the National Council, who had acted for
the President following Klestil's death on July 6, 2004. Apart from labelling him, in a slightly derogatory fashion,
a Berufspolitiker ("professional politician") who allegedly has never been in touch with the real world, Fischer's critics, first
and foremost his colleague at university, Norbert Leser, point out that Fischer has always avoided controversy and conflict,
even when that would have been called for. The example frequently quoted in this context is Fischer's tacit support of Bruno
Kreisky's attacks on Simon Wiesenthal. On being nominated for President, Fischer said that he hated antagonising people and
that he considered this quality an asset rather than anything else. In April 2010, Fischer was re-elected as President of
Austria, winning a second six-year term in office with almost 79% of the votes with a record-low voter turnout of merely
53.6%. Around a third of those eligible to vote voted for Fischer, leading the conservative daily Die Presse to describe the
election as an "absolute majority for non-voters".The reasons for the low turnout lay in the facts that pollsters had predicted a
safe victory for Fischer (Austrian presidents running for a second term of office have always won) and that the other large
party, VP, had not nominated a candidate of their own, and had not endorsed any of the three candidates. Some prominent
VP members, inoffically, but in public, even suggested to vote 'null and void', which some 7% of the voters did. Fischer is

an agnostic. Fischer has been married since 1968. The couple has two grown children. Fischer
enjoys mountaineering and has been president of the Austrian Friends of Nature for many years.

Alfred Gusenbauer (born

February 8, 1960) is the former

Chancellor of the Second Republic of Austria from January 11, 2007
until December 2, 2008. He is an Austrian career politician who until
2008 spent his entire professional life as an employee of the Social
Democratic Party of Austria (SP) or as a parliamentary
representative. He headed the SP from 2000 to 2008, and served
as Chancellor of Austria from January 2007 to December 2008. Since
then he has pursued a career as a consultant and lecturer, and as a
member of supervisory boards of Austrian companies. Gusenbauer
was born in Sankt Plten in the state of Lower Austria. He was
educated at a high school in Wieselburg and studied political science,
philosophy
and
jurisprudence at the University of Vienna, where he obtained a
doctorate
in
political
science in 1987. Gusenbauer was federal leader of the SP youth
wing, the Socialist Youth (SJ) from 1984 to 1990; vice-president of the International Union of Socialist Youth from 1985 to 1989
and vice-president of the Socialist International in 1989. He was then made a senior research fellow in the economic policy
department of the Lower Austria section of the Chamber of Labour from 1990 to 1999. In 1991, Gusenbauer was elected SP
chairman in Ybbs an der Donau and a member of the Lower Austria party executive. In the same year he was elected to
the Bundesrat (the upper house of the Austrian Parliament) as a Deputy for Lower Austria. He was a member of the Austrian
delegation to the parliamentary meeting of the Council of Europe in 1991 and was chairman of the social committee of the
Council of Europe from 1995 to 1998. In the Bundesrat, Gusenbauer was Chairman of the Committee for Development Cooperation from 1996 to 1999. In 2000, he was elected leader of the SP Group in the Bundesrat and also as SecretaryGeneral of the SP. Under his leadership in the 2002 elections the SP improved its vote and gained four seats, but failed to
defeat the Austrian People's Party (VP) government of Chancellor Wolfgang Schssel. During 2006, the SP was
handicapped by its involvement in the "BAWAG scandal" in which directors of the BAWAG, an Austrian bank owned by
the Austrian Trade Union Federation (sterreichischer Gewerkschaftsbund, GB), were accused of corruption, embezzlement
and illicit speculation. The scandal led in March to the resignation of GB head Fritz Verzetnitsch. The SP as a party was not
involved in the fraud but Gusenbauer found it politically expedient to exclude GB leaders from the lists of SP candidates,
drawing criticism from the GB. After the 2006 elections, the SP was the largest single party but had no absolute majority of
the parliamentary seats. A grand coalition between the VP and the SP was considered the most likely outcome. After
prolonged negotiations, Gusenbauer became Chancellor on January 11, 2007 at the head of an SP-VP coalition.
Gusenbauer immediately drew criticism because he abandoned central promises of the SP election campaign, such as those
to abolish university tuition fees (it was decided by the SP instead that students should do community service for 60 hours,
which resulted in student protests) and to reverse the country's Eurofighter deal. This provoked public criticism even from
SP members. Infighting over Gusenbauer's ability to lead his party never subsided from this point onwards. On June 16,
2008, Gusenbauer was replaced as SP chief by his Minister of Transport Werner Faymann. However, he formally remained
chancellor until after the 2008 snap elections that were called in early July 2008 when theAustrian People's Party (VP) led
by Wilhelm Molterer left the governing coalition. His time in office was the shortest since World War II. Gusenbauer briefly
returned to his old post in the Chamber of Labour but immediately used his network to start another career. Since early 2009,
Gusenbauer is the first Leitner Global Fellow at the Columbia University School of International and Public Affairs in New York.
He was made a member of the supervisory board of Alpine Holding, an Austrian construction conglomerate, in July 2009 [3] but
resigned this position effective May 1, 2010 when it was announced that Gusenbauer was to head the supervisory board
of Strabag(Austria's leading construction company) effective June 18, 2010. At the same time he is to become chairman of
the board of trustees of the private foundation established by Strabag's chairman, Hans Peter Haselsteiner. Gusenbauer is
also a member of the Club de Madrid, an independent organization of more than 80 former presidents and prime ministers,
which works to strengthen democratic governance and leadership. In an article about Western leaders working for
authoritarian regimes, the Associated Press noted that Gusenbauer works as a consultant for Kazakh President Nursultan
Nazarbayev. In September 2013, he became an advisor to the Serbian Deputy Prime Minister and leader of the Serbian
Progressive Party Aleksandar Vucic.

Werner Faymann (born May 1960) is Chancellor of the Second Republic Austria since December 2, 2008 and chairman
of the Social Democratic Party of Austria SP. Born in Vienna, Austria, he studied law at the University of Vienna for two years
but did not graduate. From 1985 to 1988 Faymann was a consultant at the Zentralsparkasse Bank (now Bank Austria), which
he left to become director and provincial chairman of the Viennese Tenants' counselling. He was also provincial chairman of
Socialist Youth Vienna (Sozialistische Jugend Wien) from 1985 until 1994, when he became a member of the Viennese state
parliament and municipal council; where he held various positions concerning housing construction and urban renewal.
Faymann was Federal Minister for Transport, Innovation and Technology in the Cabinet of Chancellor Alfred Gusenbauer. On
June 16, 2008 Faymann succeeded Gusenbauer as chairman of the Social Democratic Party of Austria (SP) and led the party
in the snaplegislative elections, held on September 28, 2008. The election was famously preceded by Faymann and
Gusenbauer together announcing a shift in the party's position towards the signing of new EU treaties, which they did by
writing an open letter to Hans Dichand, the editor of the yellow press medium Kronen Zeitung, the largest newspaper in the
country. This caused a scandal within the party, because the shift was not decided by any party committee, and led the proEU Austrian People's Party (VP) to end the existing coalition, thus causing the elections. Faymann was known for his good
relationship with the now-deceased Dichand, who would also support him in the following election campaign. Although the
SP lost 11 seats, and had a 6% swing against it (in fact, their worst result since World War II), they came ahead of their main
rivals Austrian People's Party with regard to seats (57 to 51) as well as to share of the vote (29.26% to 25.98%). Afterwards,
Faymann renewed the coalition with the Austrian People's Party, as he had announced before the election. Faymann is
married and has two children. As head of the largest party in the National Council of Austria, Faymann was asked by Federal
President Heinz Fischer on October 8, 2008 to form a new Government. A coalition was agreed upon on November 23, 2008,
between the SP and the VP and it was sworn in on December 2, 2008. In domestic affairs, Faymann's administration has
been notable in enacting a wide range of progressive reforms in areas such as education and social security. In the first
months of his tenure as chancellor was followed by big losses in the elections in Carinthia, Salzburg and Upper Austria and
bad poll numbers. Experts saw the Social Democrats under his leadership in a crisis because it had an unclear profile.
Faymann then put on a campaign about distributive justice and called for asset related taxes, which he broke his promise to
not introduce new taxes. Faymann announced in 2010 with the German SPD leader Sigmar Gabriel on an EU-wide referendum
on the introduction of a Tobin tax. Such a request was made possible after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty. [8] After
the nuclear accident at Fukushima, he announced a similar initiative. Because of advertisements circuits in tabloid media
(Kronen Zeitung, Austria, today) during his tenure as Infrastructure Minister Werner Faymann came in 2012 in the sight of the

public prosecutor. Against him and his former cabinet director Josef Ostermayer under investigation
for abuse of authority and violation of the Companies Act that it allows the Infrastructure Ministry
ressortierenden state company BB (Austrian Federal Railways) and ASFINAG (motorways and
expressways financing AG) is forced to Advertise in tabloids. Addressed these allegations were in a
parliamentary committee on corruption, but without charge Faymann. Faymann private
participation in the Bilderberg Conference in 2009 led to a parliamentary inquiry. In 2011,
participation was provided. This was again the subject of a parliamentary inquiry. For a first
sensation as the leading candidate Faymann, who with his five-point program for the cost of living
adjustment, shortly before the election that he prevailed by termination of the coalition agreement
in Parliament for the most part. It included the increase of the care allowance, the abolition of
tuition fees, the increase in family benefits by introducing a 13th Payment and the extension of the
heavy workers. Could not be reached also demanded the halving of VAT on food. Faymann was in
office as pragmatists in the SP. This changed, however, since the financial crisis in 2007. In many
campaigns he campaigned example for the reintroduction of the estate and gift taxes, which he
declined initially. This has been discussed in many media and interpreted as a shift to the left in the
Social Democratic Party. During his chancellorship, also a bank rescue package was passed, which
was taken by all the major banks in Austria to complete. In addition, two major banks (Kommunalkredit, Hypo Alpe Adria) and
a nationalized (VAG) partly nationalized in order to save it from bankruptcy. Other changes during Faymann Chancellor had
an increase in the fuel tax as of 1 January 2012, a re abolition of the 13th Family allowance, the creation of joint custody in
family law, as well as the ratification of the ESM. A surprising turn of the Social Democratic Party took place under Faymann
presidency regarding the draft. Was the SP occurred for decades, an advocate of universal military service, they abruptly
changed this line in October 2010, shortly before the parliamentary and municipal elections in Vienna. Since the coalition
partner VP but just as abruptly, suddenly for the draft pronounced, although we had been propagated for decades
professional army and NATO, no agreement could be reached. It was finally agreed on January 20, 2013 to carry out a
referendum on the retention of conscription. This referendum yielded a clear majority (59.7%) for the retention of
conscription and recruitment for military service (community service). Faymann lives in Vienna Liesing. He is married since
2001 with the Vienna Landtag Martina Ludwig-Faymann and has two daughters, one from his first marriage. With Dichand,
former editor of the daily newspaper Kronen Zeitung, Faymann joined friends for many years. The allegation surfaced in
media reports that he had called Dichand "Uncle Hans", disagreed with Faymann and described it as "nonsense." He claimed
to know Dichand, since he was 25, and to him a good relationship. While Faymann time as Vienna City Councillor for Housing,
he undertook together with Dichand city breaks and for the Kronen Zeitung a column written under the title The direct line to
the city council. In the Kronen Zeitung even those addressed to Dichand letter Faymann and Gusenbauer was published, in
which they announced the change in the party line on European issues and referendums on future EU treaties.

AFGHANISTAN
Kidarite kingdom
The Kidarite kingdom was created either in the second half of the 4th century, or in the twenties of the 5th century. The
only 4th century evidence are gold coins discovered in Balkh dating from c. 380, where 'Kidara' is usually interpreted in a
legend in the Bactrian language. Most numismatic specialists favor this idea. All the other data we currently have on the
Kidarite kingdom are from Chinese and Byzantine sources from the middle of the 5th century. They may have risen to power
during the 420s in Northern Afghanistan before moving into Peshawar and beyond it into part of northwest India, then turning
north to conquer Sogdiana in the 440s, before being cut from their Bactrian nomadic roots by the rise of the Hephthalites in
the 450s. Many small Kidarite kingdoms seems to have survived in northwest India up to the conquest by the Hephthalites
during the last quarter of the 5th century are known through their coinage. The Kidarites are the last dynasty to regard
themselves (on the legend of their coins) as the inheritors of the Kushan empire, which had disappeared as an independent
entity two centuries earlier.

List of Kings of the Kidarite Kingdom

Kidara I was the King of the Kidarite Kingdom around AD 320.
Kungas

was the King of the Kidarite Kingdom during AD 330s.

Varhran I was the King of the Kidarite Kingdom around AD 340.

Grumbat (died AD 380) was the King of the Kidarite Kingdom from c. AD 358 until his death around AD 380.

The Kidarite
king Grumbat mentioned by Ammianus Marcellinus was a cause of much concern to the Persians. Between 353 AD and 358
AD, the Xionites under Grumbat attacked in the eastern frontiers of Shapur II's empire along with other nomad tribes. After a
prolonged struggle they were forced to conclude a peace, and their king Grumbat accompanied Shapur II in the war against
the Romans. Victories of the Xionites during their campaigns in the Eastern Caspian lands are described by Ammianus
Marcellinus: ...Grumbates Chionitarum rex novus aetate quidem media rugosisque membris sed mente quadam grandifica
multisque victoriarum insignibus nobilis, ...Grumbates, the new king of the Xionites, while he was middle aged, and his limbs
were wrinkled, he was endowed with a mind that acted grandly, and was famous for his many, significant victories.
Ammianus Marcellinus, 18.6.22.

Kidara II

was the King of the Kidarite Kingdom around AD 360. The southern or "Red" Kidarite vassals to the Kushans in
the North-Western Indus valley became known as Kermikhiones, Hara Hunaor "Red Huns" from 360 AD after Kidara II led a
Bactrian portion of "Hunni" to overthrow the Kushans in India.

Brahmi Buddhatal was the King of the Kidarite Kingdom around AD 370.
Varhran II was the King of the Kidarite Kingdom around AD 425.
Goboziko

was the King of the Kidarite Kingdom around AD 450.

Salanavira was the King of the Kidarite Kingdom during AD 450s.

Vinayadity

was the King of the Kidarite Kingdom in the late 5th century.

Kandik

was the King of the Kidarite Kingdom in the early 6th century.

Hephthalite Empire
The Hephthalites (or Ephthalites), also known as the White Huns, were a nomadic confederation in Central Asia during
thelate antiquity period. The Hephthalite Empire, at the height of its power (in the first half of the 6th century), was
located
in
the
territories
of
present-day Afghanistan,
Turkmenistan,
Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Pakistan, India andChina. The stronghold of the Hephthalite power
was Tokharistan on the northern slopes of the Hindukush, present-day northeastern Afghanistan. By 479, the Hephthalites
had conquered Sogdiana and driven the Kidarites westwards, and by 493 they had captured areas of present-day
northwestern China (Dzungaria and the Tarim Basin). By the end of the 5th century, the Hephthalites overthrew the
Indian Gupta Empire to their southeast and conquered northern and central India. But later they were defeated and driven
out of India by the Indian kings Yasodharman and Narasimhagupta in the 6th century. In Chinese chronicles, the Hephthalites
are called Yanda or Ye-ti-i-li-do, while older Chinese sources of around AD 125 call themHoa or Hoa-tun and describe them as
a tribe living beyond the Great Wall in Dzungaria.[4] Elsewhere they were called the "White Huns", known to the Greeks
as Ephthalite, Abdel or Avdel, to the Indians as Sveta Huna ("white Huns"), Chionite orTurushka,[5] to the Armenians as Haital,
and to the Persians and Arabs as Haytal or Hayatila, while their Bactrian name is (Ebodalo). According to most
specialist scholars, the spoken language of the Hephthalites was an East Iranian language but different from the Bactrian
language that was utilized as the "official language" and minted on coins. They may be the eponymous ancestors of the
modern Pashtun tribal union of the Abdali, the largest tribal union in Afghanistan.

List of Rulers of the Hephthalite Empire

Khingila I (Firdowsi: Shengil, Alkhano: Khigi, Chinese: Cha-Li, died around AD 490) was a ruler of
the Hephthalite Empire from AD 430/440 until his death around AD 490, apparently of the Haital
tribe (Chinese: or ) from Kushan a contemporary of Akhshunwar (fl. 484) in Khwarezm. "A
great fog arose from the sea scaring people and this was followed by countless number of vultures
descending on the people." In response to the migration of the Wusun (who were hard-pressed by
the Rouran) from Zhetysu to the Pamir region (Chinese: ), Khingila united the Uar (Chinese: )
and theXionites (Chinese: ) in 460AD, establishing the Hepthalite (Chinese: ) dynasty.
According to the Syrian compilation of Church Historian Zacharias Rhetor, bishop of Mytilene, the need for new
grazing land to replace that lost to the Wusun led Khingila's "Uar-Chionites" to displace the Sabirs to the west, who
in turn displaced the Saragur, Ugor and Onogur, who then asked for an alliance and land from Byzantium.

Toramana (died around AD 515) was a ruler of the Hephthalite Empire who ruled its Indian region from around
AD 490 until his dath around AD 515. Toramana consolidated the Hephthalite power in Punjab (presentday Pakistan and northwestern India), and conquered northern and central India including Eran in Madhya Pradesh.
His territory also included Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthanand Kashmir. Toramana is known from Rajatarangini, coins and
inscriptions. In the Gwalior inscription, written in Sanskrit, Toramana is described as: A ruler of [the earth], of great
merit, who was renowned by the name of the glorious Tramna; by whom, through (his) heroism that was
specially characterised by truthfulness, the earth was governed with justice. In the Kura inscription, his name is
mentioned as Rajadhiraja Maharaja Toramana Shahi Jaula. The Eran Boar Image inscription of his first regnal year
indicates that eastern Malwawas included in his dominion. A Jaina work of the 8th century, the Kuvalayamala states
that he lived in Pavvaiya on the bank of the Chandrabhaga and enjoyed the sovereignty of the world. The silver
coins of Toramana closely followed the Gupta silver coins. The only difference in the obverse is that the king's head
is turned to the left. The reverse retains the fantailed peacock and the legend is almost similar, except the change
of name to Toramana Deva. According to the Risthal stone-slab inscription, discovered in 1983, theAulikara king
Prakas hadharma of Malwa defeated him. Toramana was succeeded by his son Mihirakula.

Mihirakula (Chinese: ) was one of the most important Hephthalite emperors, whose
empire was in the present-day territories ofAfghanistan, Pakistan and northern and central India.
Mihirakula was a son of Toramana who was a tegin of the Indian part of the Hephthalite Empire.
Mihirakula ruled his empire from around AD 515 until around AD 528. The name "Mihirakula" is
most likely of Iranian origin and may have the meaning "Mithra's Begotten", as translated
by Janos Harmatta. Cognates are also known from Sanskrit sources, though these are most likely
borrowed
from
the
neighbouring
East
Iranian
languages.
The
6thcentury Alexandrian traveler Cosmas Indicop leustes states that the Hephthalites in India reached
the zenith of its power under Mihirakula. "The Record of the Western Regions" by the 7th-century Chinese
traveler Hsan-tsang describes Mihirakula as: He was of quick tallent and naturally brave. He subdued all the
neighboring provinces without exception. The Gwalior inscription issued in the 15th regnal year of Mihirakula shows
his territory at least included Gwalior in Madhya Pradesh, central India. Mihirakula suffered a defeat by
the Aulikara king Yasodharman of Malwa in 528, and the Gupta emperor Narasimhagupta Baladitya who previously
paid Mihirakula tribute. According to Hsan-tsang, Mihirakula was taken as prisoner, and later released, but
meanwhile the brother of Mihirakula had seized power over the Hephthalites. Mihirakula set off for Kashmir where
the king received him with honor. After a few years Mihirakula incited a revolt against the king of Kashmir and
seized his power. Then he invaded Gandharalocated westward, and killed many of its inhabitants and destroyed its
Buddhist shrines. But Mihirakula died shortly afterwards. Mihirakula is remembered in contemporary Indian and
Chinese histories for his cruelty and his destruction of temples and monasteries, with particular hostility
towardsBuddhism. He claimed to be a worshipper of Shiva.

Napki Malka was a Hephthalite king of the 6th-7th century, and possibly the founder of a dynasty bearing the
same name. On his coins, his name appears in Pahlavi script as "npky MLK". He was ruling in the area of Gandhara
(Peshawar), Pakistan. His coins are rather numerous and characteristic of the Gandharan region, and though they
display Zoroastrian fire alters, have also been found inBuddhist stupas and monasteries in Taxila. His coins have
also been found in association with the Sasanian king Khusrau I in a hoard, suggesting possible contemporaneity. In 557, the
Hephthalites were crushed by a coalition of Turks led by a certain Sinbiju, or Sinzibul, and Sasanians, under their king Khusrau
I. After their defeat, their land was divided between the two victors along the line of the Oxus. Later, during the Arab

invasions of the 7th century, remaining communities of Hephthalites, under a certain Tarkhan Nezak, are
said to have staunchly resisted the invaders. An alternative reading of Napki Malka's name on his coins
has been suggested by Harmatta, which would be Nycky MLK, Nycky being the usual transcription of
"Nezak" in Persian, thereby suggesting a possible identity between Napki Malka and Tarkhan Nezak, or the
preservation of the "Napki Malka" title down to the last Hephthalite rulers. A temple appears on the back
of the coins of Napki Malka, and has been interpreted as a depiction for the worship of Fire, a possible
instance before the arrival of Islam. On his coins, Napki Malka wears a characteristic winged headdress,
surmounted by a bull's head.

Farighunids Dynasty
The Farighunids were an Iranian dynasty of Guzgan (modern-day northern Afghanistan) in the late 9th, 10th and early 11th
centuries.

List of Rulers of Farighunids Dynasty

Afrighun Farighun

was a ruler of Farighunids Dynasty of Guzgan (modern-day northern Afghanistan) in the late 9th

century.

Amad ibn Farighun

was a ruler of Farighunids Dynasty of Guzgan (modern-day northern Afghanistan) around 900.
The first Farighunid amir mentioned is Ahmad b. Farighun. Ahmad, together with the Banijurid Abu Dawud Muhammad b.
Ahmad, was compelled to recognize the Saffarid Amr bin Laith as his suzerain. Only a short time afterwards, Amr was
defeated and captured by the Samanids; Ahmad transferred his allegiance to them around this time. The Farighunids would
remain Samanid vassals until the overthrow of the latter at the end of the 10th century. Ahmad was succeeded by his son
Abu'l Haret Muhammad expanded the influence of the Farighunids, collecting tribute from certain parts of Ghor.

Abu l-areth Moammad

was a ruler of Farighunids Dynasty of Guzgan (modern-day northern Afghanistan) around

990. Abu'l Haret Muhammad expanded the influence of the Farighunids, collecting tribute from certain parts of Ghor.

Abu l-areth Ahmad ibn Muhammad

(died 1000) was a ruler of Farighunids Dynasty of Guzgan (modernday northern Afghanistan) from 990 until his death in 1000. Abu'l Haret died probably sometime after 982, and his son Abu'l
Haret Ahmad was drawn into the conflicts that took place within the Samanid amirate during its decline. He was ordered by
his suzerain Nuh b. Mansur to attack the rebel Fa'iq, but was defeated by him. The Farighunids developed marriage alliances
with the Ghaznavids; Abu'l Haret's daughter had married Sebk Tigin's son Mahmud, while Mahmud's sister had married Abu'l
Haret's son Abu Nasr Muhammad. Abu'l Haret assisted Sebk Tigin's forces at Herat against Fa'iq and the Simjurid Abu 'Ali, a
battle in which the Ghaznavids and Farighunids were victorious. The Ghaznavids soon afterwards supplanted the Samanids
in Khurasan, and the Farighunids become Ghaznavid vassals. Abu'l Haret died in c. 1000 and Abu Nasr Muhammad succeeded
him.

Farighun ibn Muhammad

was a ruler of Farighunids Dynasty of Guzgan (modern-day northern Afghanistan) from

1000 until 1005.

Ab Nar Muhammad

(died 1010-1011) was a ruler of Farighunids Dynasty of Guzgan (modern-day northern

Afghanistan) from 1005 until his death in 1010/1011. Abu Nasr enjoyed the confidence of Mahmud of Ghazna; in 1008 he
fought in the center of the Ghaznavid line against the Karakhanids outside Balkh and in the following year escorted Mahmud
during his campaign in India. He also married off a daughter to Mahmud's son Muhammad of Ghazna.

Hasan was a ruler of Farighunids Dynasty of Guzgan (modern-day northern Afghanistan) in 1011.

Badakhshan
Badakhshan was a state in present Afghanistan. Badakhshan (Pashto/Persian: , Chinese: , meaning "Badakh
Mountains") is a historic region comprising parts of what is now northeastern Afghanistan and southeastern Tajikistan. The
name is retained in Badakhshan Province which is one of the thirty-fourprovinces of Afghanistan, in the far northeast of
Afghanistan, and contains the Wakhan Corridor. Much of historic Badakhshan lies within Tajikistan's Gorno-Badakhshan
Autonomous Province located in the in south-eastern part of the country. The music of Badakhshan is an important part of the
region's cultural heritage.

List of rulers of Badakhshan

Shansabanids Dynasty
Fakhr al- Din Masud was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1145 until 1163.
Shams al -Din Muhammad was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1163 until 1192.
Baha al- Din Sam was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1192 until 1206.
Jalal al -Din Ali was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1206 until 1215.
The first Local dynasty
Ali Shah was a ruler of Badakhshan around 1291.
Dawlat Shah ibn Ali Shah was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1291 until 1292.
Sultan Bakhtin was a ruler of Badakhshan in 1303.
Arghun Shah was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1307 until 1311.
Ali Shah II was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1311 until 1318.
The second Local dynasty

Baha al- Din Shah was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1344 until 1358.
Muhammad Shah was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1358 until 1369.
Shaykh Ali was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1368 until 1369.
Bahramshah was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1358 until 1374 or 1375.
Timurid Dynasty
Sultan Muhammad Shah

was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1450 until 1467. He was the last of a
series of kings who traced their descent to Alexander the Great. He was killed by Abu Sa'id Mirza the ruler
of Timurid Empire and took possession of Badakhshan, which after his death fell to his son, Sultan Mahmud.

Abu Bakr ibn Abi Said Mirza was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1460 until 1480.
Abu Said ibn Sultan Mahmud

was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1480 until 1495. He had three sons, Baysinghar
Mirza, Ali Mirza and Khan Mirza. When Mahmud died, Amir Khusroe Khan, one of his nobles, blinded Baysinghar Mirza, killed
the second prince, and ruled as usurper. He submitted to Mughal Emperor Babur in 1504.

Mahmud ibn Mas'ud was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1495 until 1497.
Baysunkur Mirza ibn Mahmud

was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1497 until 1499. When Mahmud died, Amir
Khusroe Khan, one of his nobles, blinded Baysinghar Mirza, killed the second prince, and ruled as usurper.

Sultan Mahmud ibn Ali was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1499 until 1500.
Mubarek Muzaffar Shah was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1505 until 1507.
Nasir Mirza Miran Shah was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1507 until 1520.
Uways Mirza Sultan ibn Sultan Mahmud was a ruler of Badakhshan 1507 until 1520.
Abu Nasr Muhammad ibn Hindal Babur

was a ruler of Badakhshan in 1529 and from 1546 until 1547 (also

ruler in Kunduz from 1545 until 1550).

Mirzah Shah Sulayman ibn Sultan Uways

(died 1589) was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1529 until 1546 and
from 1547 until 1575. After the death of Khan Mirza, Badakhshan was governed for Babur by Prince Humayun, Sultan Wais
Khan (Mirza Sulaiman's father-in-law), Prince Hindal, and lastly, by Mirza Sulaiman, who held Badakhshan till October 8, 1541,
when he had to surrender himself and his son, Mirza Ibrahim, to Prince Kamran Mirza. They were released by
Emperor Humayun in 1545, and took again possession of Badakhshan. When Humayun had taken Kabul, he made war upon
and defeated Mirza Sulaiman who once in possession of his country, had refused to submit; but when the return of Prince
Kamran Mirza from Sindh obliged Emperor Humayun to go to Kabul, he reinstated Mirza Sulaiman, who held Badakhshan till
1575. Bent on making conquests, he invaded Balkh in 1560, but had to return. His son, Mirza Ibrahim, was killed in battle.
When Akbar became Mughal Emperor, his stepbrother Mirza Muhammad Hakim's mother had been killed by Shah Abul Ma'ali.
Mirza Sulaiman went to Kabul, and had Abul Ma'ali hanged; he then had his own daughter married to Mirza Muhammad
Hakim, and appointed Umed Ali, a Badakhshan noble, as Mirza Muhammad Hakim's agent in 1563. But Mirza Muhammad
Hakim did not go on well with Mirza Sulaiman, who returned next year to Kabul with hostile intentions; but Mirza Muhammad
Hakim fled and asked Akbar for assistance, so that Mirza Sulaiman, though he had taken Jalalabad, had to return to
Badakhshan. He returned to Kabul in 1566, when Akbar's troops had left that country, but retreated on being promised
tribute. Mirza Sulaiman's wife was Khurram Begum, of the Kipchak tribe. She was clever and had her husband so much in her
power, that he did nothing without her advice. Her enemy was Muhtarim Khanum, the widow of Prince Kamran Mirza. Mirza
Sulaiman wanted to marry her; but Khurram Begum got her married, against her will, to Mirza Ibrahim, by whom she had a
son, Mirza Shahrukh. When Mirza Ibrahim fell in the war with Balkh, Khurram Begum wanted to send the Khanum to her
father, Shah Muhammad of Kashgar; but she refused to go. As soon as Shahrukh had grown up, his mother and some
Badakhshi nobles excited him to rebel against his grandfather Mirza Sulaiman. This he did, alternately rebelling and again
making peace. Khurram Begum then died. Shahrukh took away those parts of Badakhshan which his father had held, and
found so many adherents, that Mirza Sulaiman, pretending to go on a pilgrimage to Makkah, left Badakhshan for Kabul, and
crossing the Indus went to India in 1575 CE. Khan Jahan, governor of the Punjab, received orders from Emperor Akbar to
invade Badakhshan, but was suddenly ordered to go to Bengalinstead, as Mun'im Khan had died and Mirza Sulaiman did not
care for the governorship of Bengal, which Akbar had offered him. Mirza Sulaiman then went to Ismail II of Safavid Iran. When
the death of that monarch deprived him of the assistance which he had just received, he went to Muzaffar Husain Mirza at
Kandahar, and then to Mirza Muhammad Hakim at Kabul. Not succeeding in raising disturbances in Kabul, he made for the
frontier of Badakhshan, and luckily finding some adherents, he managed to get from his grandson the territory between
Taiqan and the Hindu Kush. Soon after Muhtarim Khanum died. Being again pressed by Shahrukh, Mirza Sulaiman applied for
help to Abdullah Khan Uzbek, king of Turan, who had long wished to annex Badakhshan. He invaded and took the country in
1584; Shahrukh fled to the Mughal Empire, and Mirza Sulaiman to Kabul. As he could not recover Badakhshan for himself, and
rendered destitute by the death of Mirza Muhammad Hakim, he followed the example of his grandson, and repaired to the
court of Akbar who made him a Commander of six thousand. He lived out his life at Akbar's court in Lahore where he died in
1589.

Shah Rukh ibn Ibrahim was a ruler of Badakhshan from 1575 until 1584.
List of Rulers (Mirs) of Badakhshan
Yarid Dynasty

Mir Yari Beg Sahibzada was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from 1657 until 1708.

Mir Yar Beg Sahibzada was a Central

Asian ruler who, in 1651 became chief of the Tajik tribes in Yaftal, as they had invited him to come to them from Samarkand.
However two years later his dissatisfied subjects rebelled against him, built a fort at Lai Aba, and raised the Tajik Shah
Imad as their chief. Mir Yar Beg then retired to the court of Aurungzeb in India via Chitral. He was later invited to return to
Yaftal, and did so, waging war against Shah Imad and defeating him. Mir Yar Beg was then appointed chief
of Badakhshan bySabhan Kuli Khan of Kunduz. Mir Yar Beg later failed to pay the required tribute to Sabhan Kuli Khan, who
then sent Mahmud Bi Atalik, chief of Balkh and Bokhara, against Mir Beg. Mir Beg, buckling under pressure, agreed to pay
tribute for two years. In 1695, the Sahibzadas (religious group) were conveying Islamic relics to India. They were set upon by
Mir Yar Beg's forces, and the relics carried away to Faizabad, where a shrine was erected. Mir Yar Beg died leaving behind ten
sons and dividing the province of Badakhshan among his nine sons. The eldest son Qazi Arab was settled in Chitral.

Sulaiman Shah was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from 1708 until 1713.
Yusuf Ali was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from 1713 until 1718.
Diya' ad-Din was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from 1718 until 1736.
Sulaiman Beg was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from 1736 until ?
Mirza Kalan I was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from ? until 1748.
Sultan Beg was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from 1748 until 1765.

In 1750, Mir Sultan Shah ruler of Badakhshan rebelled

against Khizri Beg, Governor of Balkh. After consulting Ahmad Shah Durrani, Khizri Beg marched against Sultan Shah and
the Wazir Shah Wali aided the invading column. The pickets of Badakhshan, Chief of Talakan, fled from their postal approach
of enemy and men of Badakhshan disgusted with their Chief because of his partiality to Kalmakand Kashghar foreigners
waited on Wazir Shah Wali and hailed him as deliverer. Sultan Shah finding resistance hopeless fled to Ailu Basit in hills
between Chiab and Pasakoh. The Wazir Shah Wali returned with force to Kabul leaving his country in charge of Afghan
Governor. Sultan Shah returned slew the Governor and regained his country He was attacked by another rival Turrah Baz
Khan who supported by Khizri Beg advanced on Faizabad and besieged it. Sultan Shah was taken prisoner. Kunduz Chief was
unwilling to lose opportunity seized Turrah Baz Khan and sent both captives to Kunduz and annexed Badakhshan. In 1751
Sultan Shah was restored to liberty and his country. He punished marauders of Saki tribe who had desolated Chiab, Takhta
Band, Khalpan in Badakhshan. He slew a large portion and 700 horses were taken Place was marked by 200 heads of raiders
on Kotalof Khoja Jarghatu and Saki gave no more trouble during Sultan Shah's lifetime This Chief built a fortress at Mashad in
which he settled 600 families He made a rest house for travelers at Daryun. In 1756 he made the Chinese recognize Akskal of
Badakhshan at Alti inXinjiang and levied taxes from Badakhshan families in city. In 1759 another enemy appeared led by
Kabad Khan the Kataghans attacked Fayzabad, Badakhshan took and put to death Sultan Shah and Turrah Baz Khan.

Burhan ad-Din was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from 1765 until ?

Mirza Kalan II was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan in the second half 18th century.
Ahmad Shah Khan was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan in the second half 18th century.
Mirza Kalan III was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan in the second half 18th century.
Zaman ad-Din was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from ? until 1792.
Mir Mohammed Shah was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from 1792 until 1822.
Mirza Kalan IV was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from 1822 until 1828.
Mirza Abd al-Ghaful was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from 1828 until 1829.
Murad Beg was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from 1829 until 1832.
Mirza Sulaiman was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from 1832 until 1838
Sultan Shah was

a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from 1838 until 1847 (jointly with Mir Shah Nizam ad-Din from 1844 until

1847).

Mir Shah Nizam ad-Din

(died 1862) was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from 1944 until his death in 1862 (jointly with
Sultan Shah from 1844 until 1847).

Ghahandar Shah was

a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan from 1862 until 1869. Jahandar Shah came to power through his
close relations with Muhammad Afzal Khan, who was Governor of Afghan Turkestan from 1852 until 1864. At one point
Jahandar Shah raised forced in Badakhshan and briefly took control of Kunduz in 1866-67. He was ousted from power in 1869
by Sardar FaizMuhammad Khan, an ally of Sher Ali Khan, the Amir of Afghanistan. Faiz Muhammad Khan appointed Jahandar
Shah's nephew, Mizrab Shah, in power.

Mir Mizrab Shah was a ruler (Mir) of Badakhshan in

1869. He was installed in power by Faiz Muhammad Khan, but his

reign lasted less than a year. He was the nephew of Jahandar Shah.

Andkhui
Andhkui was a Khanate in present north Afghanistan.

List of Khans of Andkhui Khanate

Ali Mardan Khan was a Khan of Andkhui Khanate from 1730/31 until 1736.
Sulaiman Khan (from 1750 Mukhless Khan) was a Khan of Andkhui Khanate from 1736 until 1790.
Rahmatullah Khan was a Khan of Andkhui Khanate from 1790 until 1812.

Yulduz Khan was a Khan of Andkhui Khanate from 1812 until 1830.
Abd'al Aziz Khan was a Khan of Andkhui Khanate from 1830 until 1835.
Shah Wali Khan was a Khan of Andkhui Khanate from 1835 until 1844.
Ghazanfar Khan was a Khan of Andkhui Khanate from 1844 until 1845, from 1845 until 1847 and from 1847 until 1869.
Sufi Khan was a Khan of Andkhui Khanate in 1845 and in 1847.
Daulat Beg Khan was a Khan of Andkhui Khanate from 1869 until 1880.

Ghurian Khanate
Ghurian was a Khanate in present Afghanistan.

List of Khans of Ghurian Khanate

Yusef Ali Khan Qaraei-Torbati was a Khan of Ghurian Khanate from 1803 until 1813.
Sardar Mohammad Khan Qaraei-Torbati (c.1790 - 1850) was a Khan of Ghurian Khanate fro 1813 until 1816.

Konduz (Qonduz)
Konduz (Qonduz) was a state in presenet Afghanistan.

List of Rulers of Konduz (Qonduz)

Beg Murad was a ruler of Konduz (Qonduz) from 1647 until 1657.
Mahmud Biy was a ruler of Konduz (Qonduz) from 1657 until 1714.
Sohrab Biy was a ruler of Konduz (Qonduz) from 1740 until ?
Yusuf Biy was a ruler of Konduz (Qonduz) from ? until 1740.
Hazara Biy was a ruler of Konduz (Qonduz) from 1740 until 1753.
Mizrab Biy was a ruler of Konduz (Qonduz) from 1753 until 1780.
Kokan Biy was a ruler of Konduz (Qonduz) from 1800 until 1815.
Murad Beg was a ruler of Konduz (Qonduz) from 1815 until 1846.
Sultan Murad was a ruler of Konduz (Qonduz) from 1846 until 1860.
Sultan Ali Murad Beg was a ruler of Konduz (Qonduz) from 1869 until 1888.

Shighnan
Shighnan was the region that occasionally was politically independent and at other times was subservient to Badakhshan,
the Khanate of Kokand, and Afghanistan. The seat of power of the Mir of Shighnan was at Qaleh Barpanjeh () . In 1883
the last Mir of Shighnan, Yusuf Ali Khan, was ousted from power by the Afghan government and Shighnan became
the Shighnan District in the Afghan Province of Badakhshan. In the 1890s Afghanistan transferred control of half of Shighnan
to Russia. This area became the Shughnon District and today is a district in Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous
Province in Tajikistan.

List of mirs of Shighnan

Shah Mir was a ruler (Mir) of Shighnan in 18th century.
Shah Wanji

was a ruler (Mir) of Shighnan in late 18th century. He was son of Shah Mir. The name Wanji is derived from
the fact that his mother was from Vanj. Ney Elias reported seeing a marker stone dating from 1786 commemorating a canal
built by Shah Wanji.

Kuliad Khan was a ruler (Mir) of Shighnan in the first half 19th century. He was son of Wanji.
Abdur Rahim was a ruler (Mir) of Shighnan in the first half 19th century, He was grandson of Shah Wanji.
Yusuf Ali Khan

was a ruler (Mir) of Shighnan in the second half 19th century. He was on of Abdur Rahim. He was
dethroned by the Afghan military in 1883 and imprisoned in Kabul.

Khulm (Kholm)
Khulm (Kholm) was a state in present Afghanistan.

List of Rulers of Khulm (Kholm)

Qilij Ali Beg Khan was a ruler of Khulm (Kholm) from 1800 until 1817.

Muhammad Amin Beg was a ruler of Khulm (Kholm) from 1817 until 1849.

Sar-i-Pol (Sar-i-Pul)
Sar- i - Pol, also spelled Sari Pul (Persian: ), was the small state in Afghanistan, located in the north of the country.

List of Rulers (title Beglarbegis) of Sar-i-Pol (Sar-i-Pul)

Zu'l-Faqar Sher Khan was a ruler of Sar-i-Pol (Sar-i-Pul) from 1800 until 1840.
Mahmud Khan was a ruler of Sar-i-Pol (Sar-i-Pul) from 1840 until 1851.
Qilij Khan was a ruler of Sar-i-Pol (Sar-i-Pul) from 1851 until 1862.
Muhammad Khan was a ruler of Sar-i-Pol (Sar-i-Pul) from 1862 until 1864 and from 1866 until 1875.

Maymana Khanate
Maymana was the independent Uzbek khanate in northern Afghanistan. During the 18th and 19th centuries, Maymana was
the centre of an independent Uzbek khanate and an important centre for commerce, as well as being the gateway
to Turkistan from Herat and Persia. In 1876 the city fell to the Afghans and was put in ruins, and only ten percent of the
population was left.

List of Governors of Maymana Khanate

Haji Khan was the Governor of Maymana Khanate from 1747 until ?
Ghan was the Governor of Maymana Khanate from ? until 1790.
Ahmad

was the Governor of Maymana Khanate from 1790 until 1810.

Allah Yar was the Governor of Maymana Khanate from 1810 until 1826.
Mizrab was the Governor of Maymana Khanate from 1826 until 1845.
Hikmat was the Governor of Maymana Khanate from 1845 until 1853.
Husain Kahn was the Governor of Maymana Khanate from 1853 until 1876 and from 1883 until ?
Dilwar Khan was the Governor of Maymana Khanate from 1879 until 1883.
Kemal Khan was the Governor of Maymana Khanate from ? until around 1900.

Herat
Herat was a city state situated in the valley of the Hari River, which flows from the mountains of central Afghanistan to
the Karakum Desert in Turkmenistan. In 1717, the city was captured by the Hotaki dynasty until they were defeated by
the Afsharids in 1736. From 1725 to 1736 Herat was controlled by the Hotaki Pashtuns until King Nader Shah's
of Persia retook the city and destroyed the Hotakis for good. After Nader Shah's death in 1747, Ahmad Shah Durrani took
possession of the city and became part of the Durrani Empire. Ahmad Shah Durrani's father, Zaman Khan, was the governor
of Herat province before the Ghilzai's conquer of the region. Zaman Khan and several of his family members were killed while
his son Ahmad Khan (Durrani) and Zulfiqar Khan were taken as prisoners to Kandahar in the south. In 1816 the Persians
captured the city but abandoned it shortly after. Two years later a second Persian campaign against the city was defeated at
the Battle of Kafir Qala. In 1824, Herat became independent for several years when the Afghan empire was split between
the Durranis and the Barakzais. Qajarsof Persia tried to take city from the Durranis in 1838 and again in 1856; both times the
British helped to repel the Persians, the second time through the Anglo-Persian War. The city fell to Dost Mohammad Khan of
the Barakzai dynasty in 1863. Most of the Musallah complex in Herat was cleared in 1885 by the British army to get a good
line of sight for their artillery against Russian invaders who never came. This was but one small sidetrack in the Great Game,
a century-long conflict between the British Empire and the Russian Empirein 19th century.

List of Rulers of Herat

Kamran Shah was the King of Herat from 1826 until March 1842 and King of Kandahar (Qandahar)from 1804 until 1805.
Yar Mohammad Khan Alikozay

was Chief Minister (Wazir) of Herat from 1828/1829 until 1842 and Minister
Regent of Herat from March 1842 until June 1, 1851.

Sayyed Mohammad Khan Alikozay

was the Minister Regent of Herat from June 1, 1851 until September 15,

1855.

Mohammad Yusuf Khan Mohammadzay was the Regent of Herat from September 15, 1855 until June 1856.
Isa Khan Bardorani was the Minister Regent of Herat from June until October 1856.
Soltan Ahmad Khan (died May 26 1863) Sultan Jan, also known as Sultan Ahmed Khan was the Emir of Herat Emirate
from July 27, 1857 until his death on May 26, 1863. He was installed by the Persians, as they evacuated Herat on March 4,
1857 in accordance with the Treaty of Paris. Sultan Jan captured Farah soon after, but it was recaptured by Dost Mohammad
Khan, who then went on to lay siege to Herat. During the 10-month siege Sultan Jan died, and at the conclusion of the siege
Herat returned to Afghan control.

List of Chief Ministers (Wazirs) of Herat

Fateh Khan Barakzai was Chief Minister (Wazir) of Herat from 1801 until 1808.
Ata Mohammad Khan was Chief Minister (Wazir) of Herat from 1818 until 1828/1829.

Sheberghn (Shaburghn)
Sheberghn or Shaburghn (Pastho, Persian: ), also spelled Shebirghan and Shibarghan was the small state in
northern Afghanistan.

List of Rulers (Hakims) of Sheberghn (Shaburghn)

Izbasar

was a ruler (Hakim) of Sheberghn (Shaburghn) from 1747 until 1757.

Daulat Khan was a ruler (Hakim) of Sheberghn (Shaburghn) from 1757 until 1800.
Erich Khan was a ruler (Hakim) of Sheberghn (Shaburghn) from 1800 until 1820.
Manwar Khan was a ruler (Hakim) of Sheberghn (Shaburghn) from 1820 until 1829.
Rustam Khan (from 1846 Husain Khan) was a ruler (Hakim) of Sheberghn (Shaburghn) from 1829 until 1851 and from
1859 until 1875.

Hakim Khan was a ruler (Hakim) of Sheberghn (Shaburghn) from 1851 until 1855.
Nizam al Daula was a ruler (Hakim) of Sheberghn (Shaburghn) from 1851 until 1855.
Sardar Wali Muhammad Khan Barakzai was the Afghan military governor of Sheberghn (Shaburghn) from
1855 until 1859.

Kandahar (Qandahar)
Kandahar or Qandahar (Pashto: Kandahr, Persian: Qandahr, known in older literature as Candahar was the city
state in Afghanistan. Ahmad Shah Durrani, chief of the Durrani tribe, gained control of Kandahar and made it the capital of
his new Afghan Empire in October 1747. Previously, Ahmad Shah served as a military commander of Nader Shah Afshar. His
empire included present-day Afghanistan, Pakistan, theKhorasan and Kohistan provinces of Iran, along with Punjab in India. In
October 1772, Ahmad Shah retired and died from a natural cause. A new city was laid out by Ahmad Shah and is dominated
by his mausoleum, which is adjacent to the Mosque of the Cloak in the center of the city. By 1776, his eldest son Timur
Shah had transferred Afghanistan's main capital from Kandahar to Kabul, where the Durranilegacy continued. In September
1826, Syed Ahmad Shaheed's followers arrived to Kandahar in search of volunteers to help them wage jihad against
the Sikh invaders to what is now Pakistan. Led by Ranjit Singh, the Sikhs had captured several of Afghanistan's territories in
the east, including what is now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Kashmir. More than 400 local Kandahar warriors assembled
themselves for the jihad. Sayed Din Mohammad Kandharai was appointed as their leader. British-led Indian forces from
neighboring British India invaded the city in 1839, during the First Anglo-Afghan War, but withdrew in 1842. The British and
Indian forces returned in 1878 during the Second Anglo-Afghan War. They emerged from the city in July 1880 to confront the
forces of Ayub Khan, but were defeated at the Battle of Maiwand. They were again forced to withdraw a few years later,
despite winning the Battle of Kandahar.

List of Kings/Regents of Kandahar (Qandahar)

Solayman Shah was the King of Kandahar (Qandahar) in 1772.
Homayun Shah was the King of Kandahar (Qandahar) from May 18 until June 19, 1793.

Shirdil Khan Mohammadzay was regent of Kandahar (Qandahar) from 1819 until 1826.
Purdil Khan Mohammadzay was regent of Kandahar (Qandahar) from 1826 until 1839.
Shoja` al-Molk Shah was the King of Kandahar (Qandahar) from April 1839 until April 5, 1842.
Safdar Jang Khan Saddozay was regent of Kandahar (Qandahar) in 1842.
Kohandil Khan Mohammadzay

(died 1855) was regent of Kandahar (Qandahar) from 1842 until his death in

August 1855.

Mohammad Sadeq Khan Mohammadzay

was regent of Kandahar (Qandahar) from August until November

1855.

Gholam Haydar Khan Mohammaday (died July 1858) was regent of Kandahar (Qandahar) from November 1855
until his death in July 1858.

List of Emirs of Kandahar (Qandahar)

Mohammad Amin Khan (died 1865) was the Emir of Kandahar (Qandahar) from 1863 until his death in 1865.
Mohammad Afzal Khan was the Emir of Kandahar (Qandahar) from January until October 7, 1867.
Mohammad A`zam Khan was the Emir of Kandahar (Qandahar) from October 7, 1867 until April 1868.
Shir `Ali Khan Barakzay was the Minister Regent of Kandahar (Qandahar) from 1880 until April 21, 1881.

Ghazni
Ghazni (Pashto/Persian: - azn; historically known as / aznn and / azna) was Emirate in Afghanistan.

Emir of Ghazni
Musa Jan Khan was the Emir of Ghazni from December 24, 1879 until April 21, 1880.

Hotaki dynasty
The Hotak dynasty or the Hotaki dynasty was an Afghan monarchy of the Ghilji Pashtuns, established in April 1709
by Mirwais Hotak after leading a successful revolution against their declining Persian Safavids overlords inKandahar.[1] It
lasted until 1738 when the founder of the Afsharid dynasty, Nader Shah Afshar, defeated Hussain Hotak during the long siege
of Kandahar, and started the reestablishment of Iranian suzerainty over all regions lost decades before against the Iranian
arch rival, the Ottomans, and the Russians. At its peak, the Hotak dynasty ruled very briefly over an area which is
now Afghanistan, western Pakistan, and large parts of Iran. In 1715, Mirwais died of a natural cause and his brother Abdul
Aziz succeeded the monarchy. He was quickly followed by Mahmud who ruled the empire at its largest extent for a mere three
years. Following the 1729 Battle of Damghan, where Mahmud was roundly defeated by Ashraf Hotak, Mahmud was banished
to what is now southern Afghanistan. Hussain Hotak became the last ruler until he was also defeated in 1738.

List of Rulers of Hotaki Dynasty

Mir Wais Khan Hotak,

also known as Mir Vais Ghilzai (1673 November 1715), was an influential tribal chief of
the Ghilzai Pashtuns from Kandahar, Afghanistan, who founded the Hotaki dynasty that ruled a wide area in Persia and
Afghanistan and ruled from 1709 until his death in November 1715. After revolting and killing Gurgin Khan in April 1709, he
then twice defeated the powerful Safavid Persian armies in southern Afghanistan. He is widely known as Mirwais
Neeka ("Mirwais the grandfather" in the Pashto language). Mirwais Hotak was born in a well-known, rich and political family in
the Kandahar area. His family had long been involved in social and community services. He was the son of Salim Khan
and Nazo Tokhi (also known as "Nazo Anaa"), grandson of Karum Khan, and great-grandson of Ismail Khan, a descendant of
Malikyar, the ancient head of Hottaki or Hotaks. The Hottaki is a strong branch ofGhilzai, one of the main tribes among
the Pashtun people. Hajji Amanullah Hottak reports in his book that the Ghilzai tribe is the original residents of Ghor or Gherj.
This tribe migrated later to obtain lands in southeastern Afghanistan and multiplied in these areas. Mirwais was married to
Khanzada Sadozai, who belonged to the rival Abdali tribe of Pashtuns. In 1707, Kandahar was in a state of chaos, fought over
by the Shi'a Persian Safavids and the Sunni Moghuls of India. Mirwais Khan, a Sunni tribal chief whose influence with his
fellow-countrymen made him an object of suspicion, was held as a political prisoner by Gurgin Khan and sent to the Safavid
court at Isfahan. He was later freed and even allowed to meet with the Shah, Sultan Husayn, on a regular basis. Having
ingratiated himself with the Persian Court, Mirwais sought and obtained permission to perform the pilgrimage
toMecca in Ottoman empire (after which he was known as Hajji). He has studied carefully all the military weaknesses of the
Safavids while he spent time there in their court. While in Mecca, he sought from the leading authorities a fatwa against the
Shia foreign rulers who were persecuting his people in his homeland. The Pashtun tribes rankled under the ruling Safavids
because of their continued attempts to forcefully convert them from Sunni to Shia Islam. The fatwa was granted and he
carried it with him to Ifahan and subsequently to Kandahar, with permission to return and strong recommendations to Gurgin

Khan. In 1709 he began organizing his countrymen for a major uprising, and in April 1709, when a
large part of the Persian garrison was on an expedition outside the city, he and his followers fell on the
remainder and killed the greater number of them, including Gurgin Khan. After Gurgin Khan and his
escort were killed, the Hotaki soldiers took control of the city and then the province. Mirwais entered
Kandahar and made an important speech to its dwellers.
"If there are any amongst you, who have not the courage to enjoy this precious gift of liberty now
dropped down to you fromHeaven, let him declare himself; no harm shall be done to him: he shall be
permitted to go in search of some new tyrant beyond the frontier of this happy state." Mirwais
Hotak, April 1709.
Mirwais and his forces then defeated a large Persian army that was sent to regain control over the
area.
Several half-hearted attempts to subdue the rebellious city having failed, the Persian Government despatched Khusraw Khn,
nephew of the late Gurgn Khn, with an army of 30,000 men to effect its subjugation, but in spite of an initial success, which
led the Afghns to offer to surrender on terms, his uncompromising attitude impelled them to make a fresh desperate effort,
resulting in the complete defeat of the Persian army (of whom only some 700 escaped) and the death of their general. Two
years later, in A.D. 1713, another Persian army commanded by Rustam Khn was also defeated by the rebels, who thus
secured possession of the wholeprovince of Qandahr. Edward G. Browne, 1924
Mirwais Khan became the Governor of the Greater Kandahar region, which covered most of present-day southwestern
Afghanistan and part of Balochistan, Pakistan. To the northwest was the Abdali Pashtuns and to the east began the Moghul
Empire. Refusing the title of a king, Mirwais was referred to as "Prince of Qandahr and General of the national troops" by his
Afghan countrymen. Mirwais remained in power until his death in November 1715 and was succeeded by his brother Abdul
Aziz, who was later killed by Mirwais' son Mahmud, allegedly for planning to give Kandahar's sovereignty back to Persia. In
1717, Mahmud took advantage of the political weakness of the Persian Shah (Sultan Husayn) and conquered Persia. Mirwais
is buried at his mausoleum in the Kokaran section of Kandahar, which is in the western end of the city. He is regarded as one
of Afghanistan's greatest national heroes and admired by many Afghans, especially the Pashtuns. Steven Otfinoski referred to
him as Afghanistan's George Washington in his 2004 book Afghanistan. There is a neighborhood called Mirwais Mina as well
as a hospital called Mirwais Hospital, a high school and a business center named after him in Kandahar. Not only in Kandahar
but there are also schools and other institutions or places across Afghanistan built to honor him. A few direct descendants of
Mirwais are living today among the Hotak tribe.

Abdul Aziz Hotak (died 1717) (Pashto: ) , was the second ruler of the Ghilzai Hotaki dynasty of Kandahar, in
what is now the modern state of Afghanistan. He was crowned in 1715 after the death of his brother, Mirwais Hotak until his
death in 1717. He is the father of Ashraf Hotaki, the fourth ruler of the Hotaki dynasty. Abdul Aziz was killed in 1717 by his
nephew Mahmud Hotaki.Abdul Aziz was born in a well known, rich and political family in the Kandahar area. His family was
involved in social and community services since long ago. He was the son of Salim Khan and Nazo Tokhi (also known as "Nazo
Anaa"), grandson of Karum Khan and great grandson of Ismail Khan, a descendant of Malikyar, the ancient head of Hottaki or
Hotaks. The Hottaki is a strong branch ofGhilzai, one of the main tribes among the Pashtun people. Hajji Amanullah Hottak
reports in his book that the Ghilzai tribe is the original residents of Ghor or Gherj. This tribe migrated later to obtain lands in
southeastern Afghanistan and multiplied in these areas. In 1707, Kandahar was in a state of chaos due to it being fought for
control by the Shi'a Persian Safavids and the Sunni Moghuls of India. Mirwais Khan, a Sunni tribal chief whose influence with
his fellow-countrymen made him an object of suspicion, was held as a political prisoner by Gurgin Khan and sent to the
Safavids court at Isfahan (now Iran). He was later freed there and even allowed to meet with the Shah, Sultan Husayn, on a
regular bases. Having sown this seed of false trust and having completely ingratiated himself with the Persian Court, Mirwais
sought and obtained permission to perform the pilgrimage to Mecca in Ottoman empire. He has studied carefully all the
military weaknesses of the Safavids while he spent time there in their court. It was in 1709 when Mirwais and Abdul Aziz
began organizing his countrymen for a major uprising, and when a large part of the Persian garrison was on an expedition
outside the city, followers of Mirwais and Abdul Aziz fell on the remainder and killed the greater number of them, including
Gurgin Khan. The Pashtun tribes rankled under the ruling Safavids because of their continued attempts to forcefully
convert them from Sunni to Shia Islam. After Gurgin Khan and his escort were killed during a picnic in April 1709, the Hotaki
tribe took control of the city and the province. The Pashtun rebels then defeated a large Qizilbash and Persian army, sent to
regain control over the area.
Several half-hearted attempts to subdue the rebellious city having failed, the Persian Government despatched Khusraw Khn,
nephew of the late Gurgn Khn, with an army of 30,000 men to effect its subjugation, but in spite of an initial success, which
led the Afghns to offer to surrender on terms, his uncompromising attitude impelled them to make a fresh desperate effort,
resulting in the complete defeat of the Persian army (of whom only some 700 escaped) and the death of their general. Two
years later, in. 1713, another Persian army commanded by Rustam Khn was also defeated by the rebels, who thus secured
possession of the whole province of Qandahr. Edward G. Browne, 1924.
Abdul Aziz wanted to make a peace treaty with the Persians but his country men were opposed to this idea so they forced
Mahmud Hotaki to murder him in 1717. In the same year, Mahmud took advantage of the political weakness of the Persian
Shah Husayn and invaded Persia. Abdul Aziz is buried at a mausoleum next to his brother in the Kokaran section of Kandahar
City in Afghanistan.

Mahmud Hotaki, (Pashto, Persian, Urdu, Arabic: ) , also known as Mahmud Ghilzai (1697? April 22,

1725),
was an Afghan ruler of the Hotaki dynasty who defeated and overthrew the Safavid dynasty to become the king of
Persia from 1722 until his death in 1725. He was the eldest son of Mirwais Hotak, the chief of the Ghilzai-Pashtun tribe
of Afghanistan, who had made the Kandahar region independent from Persian rule in 1709. When Mirwais died in 1715, he
was succeeded by his brother, Abdul Aziz, but the Ghilzai Afghans persuaded Mahmud to seize power for himself and in 1717
he overthrew and killed his uncle. In 1720, Mahmud and the Ghilzais defeated the rival ethnic Afghan tribe of the Abdalis.
However, Mahmud had designs on the Persian empire itself. He had already launched an expedition against Kerman in 1719
and in 1721 he besieged the city again. Failing in this attempt and in another siege on Yazd, in early 1722, Mahmud turned
his attention to the shah's capital Isfahan, after first defeating the Persians at the Battle of Gulnabad. Rather than biding his
time within the city and resisting a siege in which the small Afghan army was unlikely to succeed, Sultan Husayn marched out
to meet Mahmud's force at Golnabad. Here, on March 8, the Persian royal army was thoroughly routed and fled back to
Isfahan in disarray. The shah was urged to escape to the provinces to raise more troops but he decided to remain in the
capital which was now encircled by the Afghans. Mahmud's siege of Isfahan lasted from March to October, 1722. Lacking
artillery, he was forced to resort to a long blockade in the hope of starving the Persians into submission. Sultan Husayn's
command during the siege displayed his customary lack of decisiveness and the loyalty of his provincial governors wavered
in the face of such incompetence. Starvation and disease finally forced Isfahan into submission (it is estimated that 80,000 of

its inhabitants died during the siege). On October 23, Sultan Husayn abdicated and acknowledged
Mahmud as the new shah of Persia. In the early days of his rule, Mahmud displayed benevolence, treating
the captured royal family well and bringing in food supplies to the starving capital. But he was confronted
with a rival claimant to the throne when Hosein's son, Tahmasp declared himself shah in November.
Mahmud sent an army against Tahmasp's base, Qazvin. Tahmasp escaped and the Afghans took the city
but, shocked at the treatment they received at the hands of the conquering army, the population rose up
against them in January 1723. The revolt was a success and Mahmud was worried about the reaction
when the surviving Afghans returned to Isfahan to bring news of the defeat. Fearing a revolt by his
subjects, Mahmud invited his Persian ministers and nobles to a meeting under false pretences and had
them slaughtered. He also executed up to 3,000 of the Persian royal guards. At the same time,
theOttomans and the Russians took advantage of the chaos in Persia to seize land for themselves, limiting
the amount of territory under Mahmud's control. His failure to impose his rule across Persia made Mahmud depressed and
suspicious. He was also concerned about the loyalty of his own men, since many Afghans preferred his cousin Ashraf Khan. In
February 1725, believing a rumour that one of Sultan Husayn's sons, Safi Mirza, had escaped, Mahmud ordered the execution
of all the other Safavid princes who were in his hands, with the exception of Sultan Husayn himself. When Sultan Husayn tried
to stop the massacre, he was wounded, but his action led to Mahmud sparing the lives of two of his young children. Mahmud
began to succumb to insanity as well as physical deterioration. On April 22, 1725, a group of Afghan officers freed Ashraf
Khan from the prison where he had been confined by Mahmud and launched a palace revolution which placed Ashraf on the
throne. Mahmud died three days later, either from his illness at it was claimed at the time or murder by suffocation.
...Thereafter his disorder rapidly increased, until he himself was murdered on April 22 by his cousin Ashraf, who was
thereupon proclaimed king. Mr Mamd was at the time of his death only twenty-seven years of age, and is described as
"middle-sized and clumsy; his neck was so short that his head seemed to grow to his shoulders; he had a broad face and flat
nose, and his beard was thin and of a red colour; his looks were wild and his countenance austere and disagreeable; his eyes,
which were blue and a little squinting, were generally downcast, like a man absorbed in deep thought." Edward G.
Browne, 1924.

Ashraf Hotaki,

(Pashto, Persian, Urdu, Arabic: ) , also known as Ashraf Ghilzai (died 1730)
was the fourth ruler of the Hotaki dynasty from 1725 until October 1729. He was son of Abdul Aziz Hotak
An Afghan from the Ghilzai Pashtuns, he served as a commander in the army of Shah Mahmud during their
conquest of the Persia Empire. Ashraf participated in the Battle of Gulnabad against the Persians and
became victorious. In 1725, he succeeded to the throne (Shah of Persia) after the death of his cousin
Mahmud. The nephew of Mirwais Hotak, his reign was noted for the sudden decline in the Hotaki Afghan
Empire under increasing pressure fromTurkish, Russian, and Persian forces. Ashraf Khan halted both the
Russian and Turkish onslaughts. He defeated the Ottoman Empire in a battle near Kermanshah, after the
enemy had come close to Isfahan. This led to peace negotiations with the Sublime Porte, which were briefly
disrupted after Ashraf's ambassador insisted his master should be Caliph of the East and the Ottoman Sultan
Caliph of the West. This caused great umbrage to the Ottomans, but a peace agreement was finally signed at Hamadan in the
autumn of 1727. Ultimately, though it was a little-known Afsharid Turkmen rebel, Nader Shah, who defeated Ashraf's Ghilzai
forces at the Battle of Damghan in October 1729, driving them back to what is now Afghanistan. During the retreat, Ashraf is
believed to have been captured and murdered by Baloch bandits in 1730. This was probably a retaliation for killing Mahmud,
and was ordered by Hussain Hotaki who was ruling from Kandahar at the time.
Ashraf, having taken Yazd and Kirmn, marched into Khursn with an army of thirty thousand men to give battle to
ahmsp, but he was completely defeated by Ndir on October 2 at Dmghn. Another decisive battle was fought in the
following year at Mrchakhr near Ifahn. The Afghns were again defeated and evacuated Ifahn to the number of twelve
thousand men, but, before quitting the city he had ruined, Ashraf murdered the unfortunate ex- Shah Husayn, and carried off
most of the ladies of the royal family and the King's treasure. When ahmsp II entered Ifahn on December 9 he found only
his old mother, who had escaped deportation by disguising herself as a servant, and was moved to tears at the desolation
and desecration which met his eyes at every turn. Ndir, having finally induced ahmsp to empower him to levy taxes on his
own authority, marched southwards in pursuit of the retiring Afghns, whom he overtook and again defeated near Persepolis.
Ashraf fled from Shrztowards his own country, but cold, hunger and the unrelenting hostility of the inhabitants of the
regions which he had to traverse dissipated his forces and compelled him to abandon his captives and his treasure, and he
was finally killed by a party of Balch tribesmen. Edward G. Browne, 1924
Ashraf Khan's death marked the end of Hotaki rule in Persia, but the country of Afghanistan was still under Shah Hussain
Hotaki's control until Nader Shah's 1738 conquest of Kandahar where the young Ahmad Shah Durrani was held prisoner. It
was only a short pause before the establishment of the last Afghan Empire (modern state of Afghanistan) by Ahmad Shah
Durrani in 1747.

Hussain Hotaki,(Pashto, Persian, Urdu, Arabic:

, died 1738) was the fifth and final ruler

of the Hotaki dynasty from 1725 until his death in 1738. He was son son of Mirwais Hotak. An
ethnic Pashtun (Afghan) from the Ghilzai tribe, he succeeded to the throne after the death of his
brother Mahmud Hotaki in 1725. While his cousin Ashraf ruled Greater Persia from Isfahan, Hussain ruled
the Afghanistan region from Kandahar. Ashraf Khan's death marked the end of the Hotaki rule in Persia
(Iran), but the country of Afghanistan was still under Hussain' control until 1738 when Nader
Shah conquered it. It was only a short pause before the establishment of the last Afghan Empire (the
modernstate of Afghanistan) in 1747.

Durrani Empire
The Durrani Empire (Pashto: , also referred to as the Last Afghan Empire) was founded in 1747 by Ahmad Shah
Durrani with its capital at Kandahar, Afghanistan. The Durrani Empire encompassed present-day Afghanistan,
northeastern Iran, eastern Turkmenistan (around the Panjdeh oasis), the Kashmir region, the modern state of Pakistan and
northwestern India. With the support of various tribal leaders, Ahmad Shah Durrani extended Afghan control from Mashhad in
the west to Kashmir and Delhi in the east, and from the Amu Darya in the north to the Arabian Sea in the south. In the second
half of the 18th century, after the Ottoman Empire the Durrani Empire was the second-largest Muslim empire in the world.
The Afghan army began their conquests by capturing Ghazni and Kabul from the local rulers. In 1749 the Mughal ruler ceded

sovereignty over what is now Pakistan and northwestern India to the Afghans. Ahmad Shah then set out westward to take
possession of Herat, which was ruled by Shahrukh Afshar. He next sent an army to subdue the areas north of the Hindu
Kushand in short order all the different tribes began joining his cause. Ahmad Shah and his forces invaded India four times,
taking control of the Kashmir and the Punjab region. Early in 1757, he sacked Delhi, but permitted the Mughal dynasty to
remain in nominal control as long as the ruler acknowledged Ahmad Shah's suzerainty over the Punjab, Sindh, and Kashmir.
After the death of Ahmad Shah in about 1772, his son Timur Shah became the next ruler of the Durrani dynasty who decided
to make Kabul the new capital of the empire, and used Peshawar as the winter capital. The Durrani Empire is considered the
foundation of the modern state of Afghanistan, with Ahmad Shah Durrani being credited as "Father of the Nation".

List of Rulers of Durrani Empire

Ahmad Shah Durrani (c. 17221773) (Pashto/Persian: ) , also known as Ahmad Shh Abdl

(Pashto/Persian:
) and born as Ahmad Khn, was the founder of the Durrani Empire (Afghan Empire) in 1747 and is regarded by
many to be the founder of the modern state of Afghanistan and ruled until his death in 1773. Ahmad Khan enlisted as a young
soldier in the military of the Afsharid kingdom and quickly rose to become a commander of four thousand
Abdali Pashtun soldiers. After the death of Nader Shah Afshar of Persia in June 1747, Abdali became the Emir of Khorasan.
Rallying his Pashtun tribes and allies, he pushed east towards the Mughal and the Maratha Empire of India as well as west
towards the disintegrating Afsharid Empire of Persia and north toward the Khanate of Bukhara. Within a few years he had
conquered all of today's Afghanistan and Pakistan, including much of northeastern Iran and the Punjab region in the Indian
subcontinent. He decisively defeated the Marathas at the 1761 Battle of Panipat which was fought north of Delhi in India.
After his natural death in 1772-73, his son Timur Shah took control of the empire. Ahmad Shah's mausoleum is located
at Kandahar, Afghanistan, adjacent to the famous Mosque of the Cloak of the Prophet Mohammed in the center of the city.
The Afghans often refer to him as Ahmad Shah Bb (Ahmad Shah the "Father"). Durrani was born as Ahmad Khan between
1722 and 1723 in either Multan, Mughal India, or the city of Herat in modern-day Afghanistan. Some claim that he was born in
Multan (now in Pakistan) and taken as an infant with his mother (Zarghuna Alakozai) to the city of Herat where his father had
served as the governor. On the contrary, several historians assert that he was born in Herat. One of the historians relied on
primary sources such as Mahmud-ul-Musanna's Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi of 1753 and Imam-uddin al-Hussaini's Tarikh-i-Hussain
Shahi of 1798. Durrani's father, Mohammed Zaman Khan, was chief of the Abdalis Pashtuns. He was killed in a battle with
the Hotakis between 1722 and 1723, around the time of Ahmad Khan's birth. His family were from the Sadozai section of
the Popalzai clan of the Abdalis. In 1729, after the invasion ofNader Shah, the young Ahmad Khan fled with his family south to
Kandahar and took refuge with the Ghilzais. He and his brother, Zulfikar, were later imprisoned inside a fortress by Hussain
Hotaki, the Ghilzai ruler of southern Afghanistan. Shah Hussain commanded a powerful tribe of Pashtun fighters, having
conquered the eastern part of Persia in 1722 with his brother Mahmud, and trodden the throne of the Persian Safavids. In
around 1731, Nader Shah Afshar, the rising new ruler of Persia, began enlisting the Abdali Pashtuns from Herat in his army.
After conquering Kandahar in 1738, Ahmad Khan and his brother were freed by Nader Shah and provided with leading careers
in his administration. The Ghilzais were pushed eastward while the Abdalis began to re-settle in and around the city of
Kandahar. Nader Shah favored Abdali not only because he came from a well respected noble Afghan family but also due to his
handsome features as well as both being Khorasanians. Ahmad Khan proved himself in Nader Shah's service and was
promoted from a personal attendant (yaswal) to command a cavalry of Abdali tribesmen. He quickly rose to command a
cavalry contingent estimated at four thousand strong, composed chiefly of Abdalis, in the service of the Shah on hisinvasion
of India.Popular history has it that the brilliant but megalomaniac Nader Shah could see the talent in his young commander.
Later on, according to Pashtun legend, it is said that in Delhi Nader Shah summoned Ahmad Shah, and said, "Come forward
Ahmad Abdali. Remember Ahmad Khan Abdali, that after me the Kingship will pass on to you. "Nader Shah used to say in
admiration that he had not met in Iran, Turan, and Hindustan any man of such laudable talents as Ahmad Abdali possessed."
Nader Shah's rule abruptly ended in June 1747 when he was assassinated by his own guards. The guards involved in the
assassination did so secretly so as to prevent the Abdalis from coming to their King's rescue. However, Ahmad Khan was told
that Nader Shah had been killed by one of his wives. Despite the danger of being attacked, the Abdali contingent led by
Ahmad Khan rushed either to save Nader Shah or to confirm what happened. Upon reaching the King's tent, they were only to
see Nader Shah's body and severed head. Having served him so loyally, the Abdalis wept at having failed their leader, and
headed back to Kandahar. On their way back to Kandahar, the Abdalis had decided that Ahmad Khan would be their new
leader, and already began calling him asAhmad Shah. After the capture of Qandahar, Nadir Shah sent him
to Mazandaran where the young Pashtun became governor. At the time of Nadir's death, he commanded a contingent of
Abdali Pashtuns. Realizing that his life was in jeopardy if he stayed among the Persians who had murdered Nadir Shah, he
decided to leave the Persian camp, and with his 4,000 troops he proceeded to Qandahar. Along the way and by sheer luck,
they managed to capture a caravan with booty from India. He and his troops were rich; moreover, they were experienced
fighters. In short, they formed a formidable force of young Pashtun soldiers who were loyal to their high-ranking leader. In
October 1747, the chiefs of the Abdali tribes met near Kandahar for a Loya Jirga to choose a leader. For nine days serious
discussions were held among the candidates in the Argah. Ahmad Shah kept silent by not campaigning for himself. At last
Sabir Shah, a religious figure from the area, came out of his sanctuary and stood before those in the Jirga and said, "He found
no one worthy for leadership except Ahmah Shah. He is the most trustworthy and talented for the job. He had Sabir's blessing
for the nomination because only his shoulders could carry this responsibility". The leaders and everyone agreed unanimously.
Ahmad Shah was chosen to lead the Afghan tribes. Coins where struck after his coronation as King occurred near the tomb of
Shaikh Surkh, adjacent to Nader Abad Fort. Despite being younger than other claimants, Ahmad Shah had several overriding
factors in his favour: He was a direct descendant of Sado, patriarch of the Sadozai clan, the most prominent tribe amongst
the Pashtuns at the time; he was unquestionably a charismatic leader and seasoned warrior who had at his disposal a trained,
mobile force of several thousand cavalrymen and Haji Ajmal Khan, the chief of the Mohammedzais (also known as Barakzais)
which were rivals of the Sadodzais, already withdrew out of the electionOne of Ahmad Shah's first acts as chief was to adopt
the title Padshah durr-i dawran ('King, "pearl of the age"). Following his predecessor, Ahmad Shah Durrani set up a special
force closest to him consisting mostly of his fellow Durranis and other Pashtuns, as well as Tajiks, Qizilbash and others.
Durrani began his military conquest by capturing Ghazni from the Ghilzais and then wresting Kabul from the local ruler, and
thus strengthened his hold over eastern Khorasan which is most of present-day Afghanistan. Leadership of the various Afghan
tribes rested mainly on the ability to provide booty for the clan, and Durrani proved remarkably successful in providing both
booty and occupation for his followers. Apart from invading the Punjab region three times between the years 17471753, he
captured Herat in 1750 and both Nishapur (Neyshbr) and Mashhad in 1751. Durrani first crossed the Indus River in 1748,
the year after his ascension his forces sacked and absorbed Lahore during that expedition. The following year (1749), the
Mughal ruler was induced to cede Sindh and all of the Punjab including the vital trans Indus River to him, in order to save his
capital from being attacked by the Afghan forces of the Durrani Empire. Having thus gained substantial territories to the east
without a fight, Ahmad Shah and his Afghan forces turned westward to take possession of Herat, which was ruled by Nader
Shah's grandson, Shah Rukh of Persia. The city fell to Ahmad Shah in 1750, after almost a year of siege and bloody conflict;
Ahmad Shah and his forces then pushed on into present-day Iran, capturing Nishapur and Mashhad in 1751. He then
pardoned Shah Rukh and reconstituted Khorasan, but a tributary of the Durrani Empire. This marked the westernmost border

of the Durrani Empire as set by the Pul-i-Abrisham, on the Mashhad-Tehran road. Meanwhile, in the
preceding three years, the Sikhs had occupied the city of Lahore, and Ahmad Shah had to return in
1751 to oust them. In 1752, Ahmad Shah with his forces invaded and reduced Kashmir. He next sent an
army to subdue the areas north of the Hindu Kush. In short order, the powerful army brought under its
control the Turkmen, Uzbek, Tajik and Hazara peoples of northern, central, and western Afghanistan. In
1752, Kashmiri nobles invited Ahmad Shah Durrani to invade the province and oust the ineffectual
Mughal rulers. Then in 1756-57, in what was his fourth invasion of India, Ahmad Shah sacked Delhi and
plundered Agra, Mathura, and Vrndavana. However, he did not displace the Mughal dynasty, which
remained in nominal control as long as the ruler acknowledged Ahmad's suzerainty over the Punjab,
Sindh, and Kashmir. He installed a puppet emperor, Alamgir II, on the Mughal throne, and arranged
marriages for himself and his son Timur into the imperial family that same year. He married the
daughter of the Mughal emperor Muhammad Shah. His de facto suzerainity was accepted by the East
India Company. Leaving his second son Timur Shah (who was wed to the daughter of (Alamgir II) to
safeguard his interests, Durrani finally left India to return to Afghanistan. On his way back he attacked the Golden
Temple in Amritsar and filled its sacred pool with the blood of slaughtered cows. Durrani captured Amritsar in 1757, and
sacked theHarmandir Sahib at which point the famous Baba Deep Singh and some of his loyalists were killed by the Afghans.
This final act was to be the start of long lasting bitterness between Sikhs and Afghans. The Mughal power in northern India
had been declining since the reign of Aurangzeb, who died in 1707. In 175152, the Ahamdiyatreaty was signed between the
Marathas and Mughals, when Balaji Bajirao was the Peshwa. Through this treaty, the Marathas controlled virtually the whole
of India from their capital at Pune and Mughal rule was restricted only to Delhi(Mughals remained the nominal heads of
Delhi). Marathas were now straining to expand their area of control towards the Northwest of India. Ahmad Shah sacked the
Mughal capital and withdrew with the booty he coveted. To counter the Afghans, Peshwa Balaji Bajirao sent Raghunathrao. He
succeeded in ousting Timur Shah and his court from India and brought Lahore, Multan, Kashmir and other subahs on the
Indian side of Attock under Maratha rule. Thus, upon his return to Kandahar in 1757, Amidst appeals from Muslim leaders
like Shah Waliullah, Ahmad Shah chose to return to India and confront the Maratha Confederacy. He declared
a jihad (Islamic holy war) against the Marathas, and warriors from various Pashtun tribes, as well as other tribes such as the
Baloch, Tajiks, and Muslims from South Asia answered his call. Early skirmishes ended in victory for the Afghans against the
smaller Maratha garrisons in northwest India. By 1759, Durrani and his army had reached Lahore and were poised to confront
the Marathas. By 1760, the Maratha groups had coalesced into a big enough army under the command of Sadashivrao Bhau.
Once again, Panipat was the scene of a battle for control of northern India. The Third battle of Panipat (January 1761), fought
between largely Muslim armies of Abdali and Nawabs and largely Hindu Maratha army was waged along a twelve-kilometre
front, and resulted in a decisive victory for Ahmad Shah. Ahmad Shah sought to aid the muslim city of Kashgar which was
being conquered by the expanding Qing dynasty, artempting to rally Muslim states to check Qing expansion. Ahmad Shah
halted trade with Qing China and dispatched troops to Kokand. However, with his campaigns in India exhausting the state
treasury, and with his troops stretched thin throughout Central Asia, Ahmad Shah did not have enough resources to check
Qing forces. In an effort to alleviate the situation in Kashgaria, Ahmad Shah sent envoys toBeijing, but the talks did not yield
favorable prospects for the people of Kashgar. During the Third Battle of Panipat between Marathas and Ahmad Shah, The
Sikhs did not support either side and decided to sitback and see what would happen. The exception was Ala Singh of Patiala,
who sided with the Afghans and was actually being granted and crowned the first Sikh Maharajah at the Sikh holy temple.
The victory at Panipat was the high point of Ahmad Shah's and Afghan power, this situation was not to last long; the empire
soon began to unravel. As early as by the end of 1761, the Sikhs had begun to rebel in much of the Punjab. In 1762, Ahmad
Shah crossed the passes from Afghanistan for the sixth time to crush the Sikhs. He assaulted Lahore and Amritsar. Within two
years, the Sikhs rebelled again, and he launched another campaign against them in 1764, resulting in an even battle. During
his 8th invasion of India, the Sikhs vacated Lahore, but faced Abdali's army and general, Jahan Khan. The fear of his Indian
territory falling to the Sikhs continued to obsess the Durrani's mind and he let out another campaign against Sikhs towards
the close of 1766, which was his eighth invasion into India. Ahmad Shah Durrani died in 1772-73 in Kandahar Province. He
was buried at a spot in Kandahar City, where a large mausoleum was built. It has been described in the following way: Under
the shimmering turquoise dome that dominates the sand-blown city of Kandahar lies the body of Ahmad Shah Abdali, the
young Kandahari warrior who in 1747 became the region's first Durrani king. The mausoleum is covered in deep blue and
white tiles behind a small grove of trees, one of which is said to cure toothache, and is a place of pilgrimage. In front of it is a
small mosque with a marble vault containing one of the holiest relics in the Islamic World, a kherqa, the Sacred Cloak of
Prophet Mohammed that was given to Ahmad Shah by Mured Beg, the Emir of Bokhara. The Sacred Cloak is kept locked
away, taken out only at times of great crisis but the mausoleum is open and there is a constant line of men leaving their
sandals at the door and shuffling through to marvel at the surprisingly long marble tomb and touch the glass case containing
Ahmad Shah's brass helmet. Before leaving they bend to kiss a length of pink velvet said to be from his robe. It bears the
unmistakable scent of jasmine. In his tomb his epitaph is written:
The King of high rank, Ahmad Shah Durrani,
Was equal to Kisra in managing the affairs of his government.
In his time, from the awe of his glory and greatness,
The lioness nourished the stag with her milk.
From all sides in the ear of his enemies there arrived
A thousand reproofs from the tongue of his dagger.
The date of his departure for the house of mortality
Was the year of the Hijra 1186 (1772 A.D.)
Ahmad Shah's victory over the Marathas influenced the history of the subcontinent and, in particular, British policy in the
region. His refusal to continue his campaigns deeper into India prevented a clash with the East India Company and allowed
them to continue to acquire power and influence after their acquisition of Bengal in 1757. However, fear of another Afghan
invasion was to haunt British policy for almost half a century after the battle of Panipat. The acknowledgment of Abdali's
military accomplishments is reflected in a British intelligence report on the Battle of Panipat, which referred to Ahmad Shah
as the 'King of Kings'. This fear led in 1798 to a British envoy being sent to the Persian court in part to instigate the Persians
in their claims on Herat to forestall an Afghan invasion of British India. Mountstuart Elphinstone wrote of Ahmad Shah: His
military courage and activity are spoken of with admiration, both by his own subjects and the nations with whom he was
engaged, either in wars or alliances. He seems to have been naturally disposed to mildness and clemency and though it is
impossible to acquire sovereign power and perhaps, in Asia, to maintain it, without crimes; yet the memory of no eastern
prince is stained with fewer acts of cruelty and injustice.
His successors, beginning with his son Timur and ending
with Shuja Shah Durrani, proved largely incapable of governing the last Afghan empire and faced with advancing enemies on
all sides. Much of the territory conquered by Ahmad Shah fell to others by the end of the 19th century. They not only lost the
outlying territories but also alienated some Pashtun tribes and those of other Durrani lineages. Until Dost Mohammad Khan's
ascendancy in 1826, chaos reigned in Afghanistan, which effectively ceased to exist as a single entity, disintegrating into a
fragmented collection of small countries or units. This policy ensured that he did not continue on the path of other conquerors

like Babur or Muhammad of Ghorand make India the base for his empire. In Pakistan, a short-range ballistic missile Abdali-I, is
named in the honour of Ahmed Shah Abdali. Ahmad Shah wrote a collection of odes in his native Pashto language. He was
also the author of several poems in Persian. The most famous Pashto poem he wrote was Love of a Nation:
By blood, we are immersed in love of you.
The youth lose their heads for your sake.
I come to you and my heart finds rest.
Away from you, grief clings to my heart like a snake.
I forget the throne of Delhi
when I remember the mountain tops of my Afghan land.
If I must choose between the world and you,
I shall not hesitate to claim your barren deserts as my own.

Timur Shah Durrani,

(Pashto, Persian, Urdu, Arabic: ; 1748 May 18, 1793) was the
second ruler of the Durrani Empire, from October 16, 1772 until his death in 1793. An ethnic Pashtun, he was
the second and eldest son of Ahmad Shah Durrani. Timur Shah was born in Mashhad in 1748 and had a quick
rise to power by marrying the daughter of the Mughal Emperor Alamgir II. He received the city of Sirhind as a
wedding gift and was later made the Governor of Punjab, Kashmir and the Sirhind district in 1757 (when he
was only 9 years old), by his father Ahmad Shah Durrani. He ruled from Lahore under the regency of his
Wazir, GeneralJahan Khan, who administered these territories for approximately one year, from May 1757
until April 1758. Adina Beg Khan, Governor of the Julundur Doab, along with Raghunath Rao who was leading
the Maratha Empire, forced Timur Shah and Jahan from Punjab and put in place their own government under Adina. When
Timur Shah succeeded his father in 1772, the regional chieftains only reluctantly accepted him, and most of his reign was
spent reasserting his rule over the Durrani Empire. He was noted for his use of the Bala Hisar Fort in Peshawar, as the winter
capital of his Empire. In 1776, Timur Shah compelled his uncle Abdul Qadir Khan Durrani to leave Afghanistan. Abdul left
Afghanistan and sent his family including his: wife Zarnaab Bibi, sisters Azer Khela and Unaar Khela, brother Saifullah Khan
Durrani, nephews Mohammad Umer Durrani, Basheer Ahmad Khan Durrani and Shams ur Rehman Durrani and two sons,
Faizullah Khan Durrani and Abdullah Khan Durrani to Akora Khattak, in present day Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. He himself went
to Damascus (Syria), where he (Abdul Qadir Khan Durrani) died in 1781. During his reign, the Durrani Empire began to shrink.
In an attempt to move away from disaffected Pashtun tribes, he shifted the capital from Kandahar to Kabul and chose
Peshawar as the winter capital in 1776. His court was heavily influenced by Persian culture and he became reliant on
the Qizilbash bodyguard for his personal protection. Timur Shah died in 1793, and was then succeeded by his fifth son Zaman
Shah Durrani.

Zaman Shah Durrani,

(Pashto, Persian, Urdu, Arabic: ) , (c. 1770 1844) was ruler of

the Durrani Empire from 1793 until 1800. He was the grandson of Ahmad Shah Durrani and the fifth son
of Timur Shah Durrani. An ethnic Pashtun like the rest of his family and Durrani rulers, Zaman Shah became
the third King of Afghanistan. Zaman Shah Durrani was the grandson of Alamgir II and a nephew of Shah Alam
II. He seized the throne of the Durrani Empire on the death of his father, Timur Shah. He defeated his rivals,
his brothers, with the help of Sardar Payenda Khan, chief of the Barakzais. He extracted an oath of allegiance
from the final challenger, Mahmud, and in return relinquished the governorship of Herat. In so doing, he
divided the power base between Herat and his own government in Kabul, a division which was to remain in
place for a century. Kabul was the primary base of power, while Herat maintained a state of quasi-independence. Kandahar
was fought over for the spoils. During his reign he tried to combine his dispersed relatives together who were deported by his
father Timur Shah. His uncle Saifullah Khan Durrani, his sons Mohammad Umar, Bashir Ahmad Khan and Shams Ur Rehman,
his cousins Faizullah Khan and Abdullah Khan lived in Akora Khattak in present day Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. They were
contacted to come back to Afghanistan but without success. Saifullah Khan died in 1779 and after that the family was led by
Faizullah Khan but he disliked the bad habits of Abdullah Khan and Bashir Ahmad Khan and left Akora Khattak and went
to Bannu without informing his relatives. Later on, after the death of his wife, Abdullah Khan Durrani migrated to Kohat in
1791 where he married a widow, Pashmina. Zaman Shah tried his best to recombine his family members and relatives so as
to gain power but many of them were living an unknown life. Some of them have even been forgotten their identity. He
attempted to repeat his father's success in India, but his attempts at expansion brought him into conflict with the British. The
British induced the Shah of Persia to invade Durrani, thwarting his plans by forcing him to protect his own lands. In his own
lands things went well for Zaman, at least initially. He was able to force Mahmud from Herat and into a Persian exile.
However, Mahmud established an alliance withFateh Khan, with whose support he was able to strike back in 1800, and
Zaman had to flee toward Peshawar. But he never made it; on the way, he was captured, blinded and imprisoned in Kabul, in
the Bala Hissar. Little information about the rest of his life is available, but he was probably imprisoned for nearly 40 years,
until his death, during which time Afghanistan continued to experience much political turmoil.

Mahmud Shah Durrani (1769

April 18, 1829; Pashto, Persian, Urdu, Arabic: ) was born

Prince and ruler of theDurrani Empire (Afghanistan) between 1801 and 1803, and again between 1809 and
1818. An ethnic Pashtun, he was the son of Timur Shah Durrani and grandson of Ahmad Shah Durrani.
Mahmud Shah Durrani was the half-brother of his predecessor, Zaman Shah.On July 25, 1801, Zaman Shah
was deposed, and Mahmud Shah ascended to ruler-ship. He then had a chequered career; he was deposed in
1803, restored in 1809, and finally deposed again in 1818. His son Shahzada Kamran Durrani was always in
trouble with Amir Fateh Khan Barakzai, the brother of Dost Muhammad Khan. After the assassination of Fateh
Khan Barakzai the fall of the Durrani Empires begun. King Mahmud Shah Durrani died in 1829. The country
was then ruled by Shuja Shah Durrani; another of his half-brothers.

Shuja Shah Durrani (also

known as Shah Shujah, Shoja Shah, Shujah al-Mulk) (c. November 4, 1785 April 5, 1842)
was ruler of theDurrani Empire from 1803 to 1809. He then ruled from 1839 until his death on April 5, 1842. Shuja Shah was
of the Sadozai line of the Abdaligroup of Pashtuns. He became the fifth Emir of Afghanistan. Shuja Shah was the son of Timur
Shah Durrani of the Durrani Empire. He ousted his brother, Mahmud Shah, from power, and ruledAfghanistan from 1803 to
1809. He had seven wives: daughter of Fath Khan Tokhi, Wafa Begum, daughter of Sayyid Amir Haidar Khan; Amir of
Bokhara, daughter of Khan Bahadur Khan Malikdin Khel, daughter of Sardar Haji Rahmatu'llah Khan Sardozai; Wazir, Sarwar
Begum and Bibi Mastan; of Indian origin. Shuja Shah was the governor of Herat and Peshawar from 1798 to 1801. He
proclaimed himself as King of Afghanistan in October 1801 (after the deposition of his brother Zaman Shah), but only properly
ascended to the throne on July 13, 1803. Shuja allied Afghanistan with the United Kingdom in 1809, as a means of defending
against a combined invasion of India by Napoleonand Russia. On May 3, 1809, he was overthrown by his
predecessor Mahmud Shah and went into exile in India, where he was captured by Jahandad Khan Bamizai and imprisoned
at Attock (18112) and then taken to by Atta Muhammad Khan Kashmir (18123). WhenMahmud Shah's vizier Fateh
Khan invaded Kashmir alongside Maharaja Ranjit Singh's army, he chose to leave with the Sikh army. He stayed

in Lahore from 1813 to 1814. In return for his freedom, he handed the Koh-i-Nor diamond to Maharaja Ranjit
Singh and gained his freedom. He stayed first in Punjab and later in Ludhiana with Shah Zaman.The place
where he stayed in Ludhiana is presenly occupied by Main Post Office near Mata Rani Chowk and a white
marble stone inside the building marking his stay there can be seen.(s.s.sidhu,8860025800) In 1833 he
struck a deal with Maharaja Ranjit Singh of the Punjab: He was allowed to march his troops through Punjab,
and in return he would cede Peshawar to the Sikhs if they could manage to take it. In a concerted campaign
the following year, Shuja marched on Kandahar while the Sikhs, commanded by General Hari Singh
Nalwa attacked Peshawar. In July, Shuja Shah was narrowly defeated at Kandahar by the Afghans under Dost
Mohammad Khan and fled. The Sikhs on their part occupied Peshawar. In 1838 he had gained the support of
the British and the Sikh Maharaja Ranjit Singh for wresting power from Dost Mohammad Khan Barakzai. This
triggered the First Anglo-Afghan War (183842). Shuja was restored to the throne by the British on August 7, 1839, almost 30
years after his deposition, but did not remain in power when the British left. He was assassinated by Shuja ud-Daula, on April
5, 1842.

Ali Shah Durrani was

ruler of the Durrani Empire from 1818 to 1819. He was the son of Timur Shah Durrani, and the
penultimate Durrani Emperor. He was deposed by his brother Ayub Shah.

Ayub Shah, a son of Timur Shah, ruled Afghanistan from 1819 to 1823. The loss of Kashmir during his reign opened a new
chapter in Indian history. In 1823, he was deposed and imprisoned by the Barakzai, marking the end of the Durrani dynasty.
He fled to Punjabafter buying his freedom and died there in 1837.

List of Chief Ministers (Wazir-i-azam) of the Durrani Empire

Haji Jamal Khan Barakzai was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Durrani Empire from 1747 until ?
Shah Wali Khan was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Durrani Empire from before 1757 until 1772.
Payinda Khan Mohammadzai was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Durrani Empire from ? until 1793.
Wafadar Khan was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Durrani Empire from 1793 until 1900.
Shir Mohammad Khan was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Durrani Empire from 1803 until 1808.
Nawab Mohammad Usman Khan was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Durrani Empire from 1808 until
1809.

Fateh Khan was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Durrani Empire from 1809 until 1818.
Mohammad Azim Khan was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Durrani Empire from 1818 until 1823.
Habibullah Khan was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Durrani Empire in 1823.
Yar Mohammad Khan Alikozay was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Durrani Empire from 1823 until 1824.
Sultan Muhammad Khan Telai was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Durrani Empire from 1824 until 1826.

Emirate of Afghanistan
The Emirate of Afghanistan (Pashto: , Da Afghanistan Amarat), began with the decline of the Durrani dynasty and
succession of the Barakzai dynasty. This period was characterized by the expansion of European colonial interests in South
Asia. The Emirate of Afghanistan continued the war with the Sikh Empire, which led to invasion of Afghanistan by British-led
Indian forces who were completely defeated in 1842 while retreating to Peshawar (now Pakistan). However, during
the Second Anglo-Afghan War, Afghanistan's foreign affairs were controlled by the British until Emir Amanullah Khan regained
them after theAnglo-Afghan Treaty of 1919 was signed.

List of Rulers (Emirs) of the Emirate of Afghanistan

Dost Mohammad Khan (Pashto:

, December 23, 1793 June 9, 1863) was the founder of the Barakzai
dynasty and one of the prominent rulers of Afghanistan during the First Anglo-Afghan War. With the decline of the Durrani
dynasty, he became Emir of Afghanistan from 1826 to 1839 and then from 1845 until his death on June 9, 1863. An
ethnic Pashtun, he was the 11th son of Sardar Payendah Khan (chief of the Barakzai tribe) who was killed in 1799 by Zaman
Shah Durrani. Dost Mohammad's grandfather was Hajji Jamal Khan. Dost Mohammad Khan was born to an influential family
on December 23, 1793. His father, Payandah Khan, was chief of the Barakzai tribe and a civil servant in the Durrani dynasty.
They trace their family tree to Abdal (the first and founder of the Abdali tribe), through Hajji Jamal Khan, Yousef, Yaru,
Mohammad, Omar Khan, Khisar Khan, Ismail, Nek, Daru, Saifal, and Barak. Abdal had Four sons, Popal, Barak, Achak,
and Alako. Dost Mohmmad Khan's mother is believed to have been a Shia from the Persian Qizilbash group. His elder brother,
the chief of the Barakzai, Fatteh Khan, took an important part in raising Mahmud Shah Durrani to the sovereignty of
Afghanistan in 1800 and in restoring him to the throne in 1809. In 1813 he accompanied his elder brother and then Prime
Minister of Kabul Wazir Fateh Khan to the Battle of Attock, Maharaja Ranjit Singh of Sikh Empire sent his general Diwan
Mohkam Chand to lead the Sikh armies. Mahmud Shah repaid Fatteh Khan's services by having him assassinated in 1818,
thus incurring the enmity of his tribe. After a bloody conflict, Mahmud Shah was deprived of all his possessions but Herat, the
rest of his dominions being divided among Fatteh Khan's brothers. Of these, Dost Mohammad received Ghazni, to which in
1826 he added Kabul, the richest of the Afghan provinces. From the commencement of his reign he found himself involved in
disputes with Ranjit Singh, the Sikh ruler of the Punjab region, who used the dethroned Sadozai prince, Shah Shujah Durrani,
as his instrument. In 1834 Shah Shujah made a last attempt to recover his kingdom. He was defeated by Dost Mohammad

Khan under the walls of Kandahar, but Ranjit Singh seized the opportunity to annexPeshawar. The
recovery of this fortress became the Afghan amir's great concern. Rejecting overtures from Russia, he
endeavoured to form an alliance with Great Britain, and welcomed Alexander Burnes to Kabul in 1837.
Burnes, however, was unable to prevail on the governor-general, Lord Auckland, to respond to the amir's
advances. Dost Mohammad was enjoined to abandon the attempt to recover Peshawar, and to place his
foreign policy under British guidance. He replied by renewing his relations with Russia, and in 1838 Lord
Auckland set the British troops in motion against him. In March 1839 the British force under Willoughby
Cotton advanced through the Bolan Pass, and on April 26 it reached Kandahar. Shah Shujah was
proclaimed amir, and entered Kabul on August 7, 1839, while Dost Mohammad sought refuge in the
wilds of the Hindu Kush. For some time he sought refuge with an influential local resistance leader, Mir
Masjidi Khan. Closely followed by the British, Dost Mohammad was driven to extremities, and on 4
November 1840, surrendered as a prisoner. He remained in captivity during the British occupation, during the disastrous
retreat of the army of occupation in January 1842, and until the recapture of Kabul in the autumn of 1842. He was then set at
liberty, in consequence of the resolve of the British government to abandon the attempt to intervene in the internal politics of
Afghanistan. On his return from Hindustan, Dost Mohammad was received in triumph at Kabul, and set himself to re-establish
his authority on a firm basis. From 1846 he renewed his policy of hostility to the British and allied himself with the Sikhs.
However, after the defeat of his allies at Gujrat on February 21, 1849, he abandoned his designs and led his troops back into
Afghanistan. In 1850 he conquered Balkh, and in 1854 he acquired control over the southern Afghan tribes by the capture of
Kandahar. On March 30, 1855 Dost Mohammad reversed his former policy by concluding an offensive and defensive alliance
with the British government, signed by Sir Henry Lawrence, Chief Commissioner of the Punjab, first proposed byHerbert
Edwardes. In 1857 he declared war on Persia in conjunction with the British, and in July a treaty was concluded by which the
province of Herat was placed under a Barakzai prince. During the Indian Mutiny, Dost Mohammad refrained from assisting the
insurgents. His later years were disturbed by troubles at Herat and in Bukhara. These he composed for a time, but in 1862 a
Persian army, acting in concert with Ahmad Khan, advanced against Herat. The old amir called the British to his aid, and,
putting himself at the head of his warriors, drove the enemy from his frontiers. On May 26, 1863 he re-captured Herat, but on
June 9, 1863 he died suddenly in the midst of victory, after playing a great role in the history of Central Asia for forty years.
He named as his successor his son, Sher Ali Khan. We have men and we have rocks in plenty, we have everything." - Dost
Mohammad Khan to John Lawrence.

Amir Akbar Khan (18161845; Pashto: ) ,

born as Mohammad Akbar Khan (Pashto:

)and famously known asWazir Akbar Khan, was an Afghan prince, general, and Emir of the Emirate of
Afghanistan from 1842 until his death in 1845. He was militarily active in the First Anglo-Afghan War, which
lasted from 1839 to 1842. He is prominent for his leadership of the national party in Kabul from 1841 to
1842, and his pursuit of the retreating British-led Indian army from Kabul to Gandamak near Jalalabad in
1842. Previously, in the 1837 Battle of Jamrud, he killed Sikh General Hari Singh Nalwa while attempting to
re-gain Afghanistan's second capital Peshawar from the invading Sikh army of Punjab. Akbar was born as
Mohammad Akbar Khan in 1816 to Amir Dost Mohammad Khan of
Afghanistan and Mirmon
Khadija Popalzai. Amir Dost Mohammad Khan had 2 wives, 8 sons (including Amir Akbar Khan) and 2
daughters Akbar Khan led a revolt in Kabul against the British Indian mission of William
McNaughten, Alexander Burnes and their garrison of 4,500 men. In November 1841, he besieged Major-General William
Elphinstone's force in Kabul. Elphinstone accepted a safe-conduct for his force and about 12,000 camp followers to flee to
neighboring India; they were ambushed and massacred in January 1842. It was claimed in at least one set of British war
memoirs that, during the retreat, Akbar Khan could be heard alternately commanding his men, in Persian language to desist
from, and in Pashto language to continue, firing. Historians think it unlikely that Akbar Khan wished for the total annihilation
of the British force. An astute man politically, he would have been aware that allowing the British to extricate themselves
from Afghanistan would give him the time to consolidate his control of the diverse hill tribes; whereas a massacre of 16,500
people, of which only about a quarter were a fighting force, would not be tolerated back in London and would result in
another, larger army sent to exact retribution. This was in fact what happened the following year. In May 1842, Akbar Khan
captured Bala Hissar in Kabul.[1] Many believe that Akbar Khan was poisoned by his father, Dost Mohammed Khan, who feared
his ambitions. The historical figure Akbar Khan plays a major role in George MacDonald Fraser's novel Flashman.

Sher Ali Khan (1825 February 21, 1879) was a Emir of the Emirate of Afghanistan from 1863 until
1866 and from 1868 until his death on February 21, 1879. He was the third son of Dost Mohammed Khan,
founder of the Barakzai Dynasty in Afghanistan. Sher Ali Khan initially seized power when his father died,
but was quickly ousted by his older brother, Mohammad Afzal Khan. Internecine warfare followed until
Sher Ali defeated his brother and regained the title of Emir. His rule was hindered by pressure from
both Britain and Russia though Sher Ali attempted to keep Afghanistan neutral in their conflict. In 1878,
the neutrality fell apart and theSecond Anglo-Afghan War erupted. As British forces marched on Kabul,
Sher Ali Khan decided to leave Kabul to seek political asylum in Russia. He died in Mazar-e Sharif, leaving
the throne to his son Mohammad Yaqub Khan. Sher Ali was closely affiliated to the modern day region of
Potohar in Pakistan. He married one of his daughters to a prominent Tribal Chief of Gakhars, Khan
Bahadur Raja Jahandad Khan. After independence, Gakhars are now part of Pakistan.

Mohammad Afzal Khan (1811 October 7, 1867; Pashto: ) was the

Emir of the Emirate of

Afghanistan Afghanistan from 1865 until his death on Ovtober 7, 1867. The oldest son of Dost Mohammed
Khan, Afzal Khan seized power from his brother Sher Ali Khan three years after their father's death. Following
Afzal Khan's death the following year, Mohammad Azam Khan was reinstated as Amir of Afghanistan. He was
an ethnic Pashtun and belong to the Barakzai tribe. Khan's third son Abdur Rahman Khan was to himself
become Emir from 1880 to 1901.[

Mohammad Azam Khan (Pashto: , died February 21, 1868) was the Emir of the Emirate of
Afghanistan Afghanistan from October 7, 1867 until his death on February 21, 1868. He was the second sons
of Dost Mohammed Khan, Azam Khan heir power from his brother Mohammad Afzal Khan after his death on
October 7, 1867. Following Azam Khan's death the following year, Sher Ali Khan was reinstated
as Amir of Afghanistan. He was an ethnicPashtun and belong to the Barakzai tribe.

Mohammad Yaqub Khan (1849 November 15, 1923) was Emir of the Eemirate of Afghanistan from
February 21 until October 12, 1879. He was the son of the previous ruler, Sher Ali Khan. Mohammad Yaqub
Khan was the governor of Herat province in Afghanistan and decided to rebel against his father in 1870 but
was imprisoned in 1874. The Second Anglo-Afghan War erupted in 1878, leading Sher Ali Khan to flee the
capital of Afghanistan, and eventually die in February 1879 in the north of the country. As Sher Ali's
successor, Yaqub signed the Treaty of Gandamak with the British in May 1879, relinquishing control of
Afghanistan foreign affairs to the British Empire. An uprising against this agreement led by Ayub Khan in
October of the same year ended the rule and abdicated of Yaqub Khan. He was succeeded by the new ruler,
Amir Ayub Khan. During the Second Anglo-Afghan War, the British defeated the Amir Sher Ali's forces,
wintered in Jalalabad, waiting for the new Amir Yakub Khan to accept their terms and conditions. One of the key figures in the
negotiations wasPierre Louis Napoleon Cavagnari. A half-Irish, half-Italian aristocrat, descended from the royal family of Parma
on his father's side, he had been brought up in England, with schooling at Addiscombe. He served with the East India Army in
the 1st Bengal Fusiliers and then transferred into political service, becoming Deputy Commisssioner at Peshawar, and was
appointed as envoy by the Viceroy Lord Lytton in the 1878 mission to Kabul which the Afghans refused to let proceed. This
refusal was one of a series of events which led to the Second Afghan War. In May 1879, Yakub Khan travelled to Gandamak, a
village just outside Jalalabad and entered into negotiations with Cavagnari as a result of which the Treaty of Gandamak was
signed whereby the Amir ceded territories to the British and accepted a British envoy in Kabul. Cavagnari took up the post of
British Resident in Kabul in July 1879. He was known to be reckless and arrogant rather than discreet and his role as envoy
was viewed as injudicious even by some of the British. The situation in Kabul was tense and eventually some Afghan troops
who had not been paid by the Amir rebelled and attackled the Residency, killing Cavagnari and his mission in September
1879. The war was far from over despite the treaty and British troops were recalled over the mountains to occupy Kabul,
secure it and launch punitive action against the Afghans. Yakub Khan abdicated, taking refuge in the British camp and was
subsequently sent to India in December. I would rather work as your servant, cut grass and tend your garden than be the
ruler of Afghanistan. Yaqub Khan, to a British viceroy in the 19th century.

Ghazi Mohammad Ayub Khan (Pashto:

( ) 1857 April 7, 1914) was also known

as The Victor of Maiwand or The Afghan Prince Charlie and was, for a while, the governor of Herat
Province in Afghanistan. He was Emir of the Emirate of Afghanistan from October 12, 1879 until May 31,
1880 and was also the leader of Afghans in the Second Anglo-Afghan War. He is today remembered as
National Hero of Afghanistan and is buried in Peshawar (formerly Kingdom of Afghanistan). His father
was Sher Ali Khan and his mother was the daughter of an influential Mohmand chief of Lalpura, Saadat
Khan. On July 27, 1880, with the help of Malalai of Maiwand he defeated the British Army of George
Burrows at the Battle of Maiwand. This was the biggest defeat for the Anglo-Indian army in the second
Anglo-Afghan war. He went on to besiege the British forces at Kandaharbut did not succeed. On September
1, 1880, he was defeated and routed by General Frederick Roberts at the Battle of Kandahar, which saw the
end of the Second Anglo-Afghan War. A year later Ayub again tried to take Kandahar, this time from Amir Abdur Rahman
Khan but again failed.
"Ayub Khan had an opportunity of realizing his strength as an independent ruler in Afghanistan [sic]. Certain tribes in Kushk
district having revolted, he desired to send a force from Herat to punish them; but when he asked his men to march they
refused, because he had not paid them for a long time." From The Twillingate Sun, Thursday, February 3, 1881.
In 1888 Ayub Khan left Persia (now Iran), where he had escaped to, and became a pensioner in British India until his death in
1914. He is today remembered as National Hero of Afghanistan and his body was interred near the shrine of Sheikh Habib at
Durrani graveyard in Peshawar. His mausoleum was unfortunately vandalized and his tomb tablet stolen. Efforts are being
made by one of his family members, Asim Khan Effendi to reconstruct and restore the monument in consultation with cultural
conservationalist of International repute Hameed Haroon and leading Architect Mujeeb Khan. One of his grandsons namely
Brigadier Sardar Hissam Mahmud el-Effendi was later a Brigadier General in the Pakistan Army, commanding a division in the
1965 War. Effendi also raised the Pakistani border police "Rangers" and served as its first Director General, besides being an
avid polo player.

Abdur Rahman Khan (Pashto:

( ) between 1830 to 1844 October 1, 1901) was Emir of the Emirate of

Afghanistan from 1880 until his death on October 1, 1901. He was the third son of Mohammad Afzal Khan, and grandson
of Dost Mohammad Khan. Abdur Rahman Khan was considered a strong ruler who re-established the writ of the Afghan
government after the disarray that followed the second Anglo-Afghan war. He became known as The Iron Amir. Before his
death in Herat, on June 9, 1863, Dost Mohammad Khan had nominated as his successor Sher Ali Khan, his third son, passing
over the two elder brothers, Afzal Khan and Azam Khan. At first, the new Amir was quietly recognized. But after a few months
Afzal Khan raised an insurrection in the north of the country, where he had been governing when his father died. This began a
fierce contest for power between Dost Mohammad's sons, which lasted for nearly five years. In this war, Abdur Rahman
became distinguished for ability and daring energy. Although his father, Afzal Khan, who had none of these qualities, came to
terms with the Amir Sher Ali, the son's behavior in the northern province soon excited the Amir's suspicion, and Abdur
Rahman, when he was summoned to Kabul, fled across the Oxus into Bukhara. Sher Ali threw Afzal Khan into prison, and a
serious revolt followed in southern Afghanistan. The Amir had scarcely suppressed it by winning a desperate battle when
Abdur Rahman's reappearance in the north was a signal for a mutiny of the troops stationed in those parts and a gathering of
armed bands to his standard. After some delay and desultory fighting, he and his uncle, Azam Khan, occupied Kabul (March
1866). The Amir Sher Ali marched up against them from Kandahar; but in the battle that ensued at Sheikhabad on May 10, he
was deserted by a large body of his troops, and after his signal defeat Abdur Rahman released his father, Afzul Khan, from
prison in Ghazni, and installed him upon the throne as Amir of Afghanistan. Notwithstanding the new Amir 's incapacity, and
some jealousy between the real leaders, Abdur Rahman and his uncle, they again routed Sher Ali's forces, and occupied
Kandahar in 1867. When Afzal Khan died at the end of the year, Azam Khan became the new ruler, with Abdur Rahman as his
governor in the northern province. But towards the end of 1868 Sher Ali's return, and a general rising in his favour, resulted in
Abdur Rahman and Azam Khan's defeat at Tinah Khan on January 3, 1869. Both sought refuge in Persia, whence Abdur
Rahman placed himself under Russian protection at Samarkand. Azam died in Persia in October 1869. Abdur Rahman lived in
exile in Tashkent, then part of Russian Turkestan, for eleven years, until the 1879 death of Sher Ali, who had retired from
Kabul when the British armies entered Afghanistan. The Russian governor-general at Tashkent sent for Abdur Rahman, and
pressed him to try his fortunes once more across the Oxus. In March 1880, a report reached India that Abdur Rahman was in
northern Afghanistan; and the governor-general, Lord Lytton, opened communications with him to the effect that the British
government were prepared to withdraw their troops, and to recognize Abdur Rahman as Amir of Afghanistan, with the
exception of Kandahar and some districts adjacent to it. After some negotiations, an interview took place between him
and Lepel Griffin, the diplomatic representative at Kabul of the Indian government. Griffin described Abdur Rahman as a man
of middle height, with an exceedingly intelligent face and frank and courteous manners, shrewd and able in conversation on
the business in hand.At the durbar on July 22, 1880, Abdur Rahman was officially recognized as Amir, granted assistance in

arms and money, and promised, in case of unprovoked foreign aggression, such further aid as might
be necessary to repel it, provided that he align his foreign policy with the British. The British
evacuation of Afghanistan was settled on the terms proposed, and in 1881, the British troops also
handed over Kandahar to the new Amir. However, Ayub Khan, one of Sher Ali Khan's sons, marched
upon that city from Herat, defeated Abdur Rahman's troops, and occupied the place in July 1880. This
serious reverse roused the Amir, who had not at first displayed much activity. He led a force from
Kabul, met Ayub's army close to Kandahar, and the complete victory which he there won forced Ayub
Khan to fly into Persia. From that time Abdur Rahman was fairly seated on the throne at Kabul, and in
the course of the next few years he consolidated his dominion over all Afghanistan,
suppressinginsurrections by
a
sharp
and
relentless
use
of
his despotic authority.
The
powerful Ghilzai tribe revolted against the severity of his measures several times. In that same year,
Ayub Khan made a fruitless inroad from Persia. In 1888, the Amir's cousin, Ishak Khan, rebelled against
him in the north; but these two enterprises came to nothing. In 1885, at the moment when
the Amir was in conference with the British viceroy, Lord Dufferin, in India, the news came of a skirmish between Russian and
Afghan troops at Panjdeh, over a disputed point in the demarcation of the northwestern frontier of Afghanistan. Abdur
Rahman's attitude at this critical juncture is a good example of his political sagacity. To one who had been a man of war from
his youth, who had won and lost many fights, the rout of a detachment and the forcible seizure of some debatable frontier
lands was an untoward incident; but it was not asufficient reason for calling upon the British, although they had guaranteed
his territory's integrity, to vindicate his rights by hostilities which would certainly bring upon him a Russian invasion from the
north, and would compel his British allies to throw an army into Afghanistan from the southeast. His interest lay in keeping
powerful neighbours, whether friends or foes, outside his kingdom. He knew this to be the only policy that would be
supported by the Afghan nation; and although for some time a rupture with Russia seemed imminent, while the Government
of India made ready for that contingency, the Amir's reserved and circumspect tone in the consultations with him helped to
turn the balance between peace and war, and substantially conduced towards a pacific solution. Abdur Rahman left on those
who met him in India the impression of a clear-headed man of action, with great self-reliance and hardihood, not without
indications of the implacable severity that too often marked his administration. His investment with the insignia of the highest
grade of the Order of the Star of India appeared to give him much pleasure. In the 1880s, he perpetrated a population
transfer against the rebellious Ghilzai Pashtuns from their homes in the southern Afghanistan to the North. From the end of
1888, the Amir spent eighteen months in his northern provinces bordering upon the Oxus, where he was engaged in pacifying
the country that had been disturbed by revolts, and in punishing with a heavy hand all who were known or suspected to have
taken any part in rebellion. Shortly afterwards (in 1892) he succeeded in finally beating down the resistance of the Hazara
people, who vainly attempted to defend their independence, within their highlands, of the central authority at Kabul. In the
late 1880s many of the Hazara tribes revolted against Abdur Rahman, the first ruler to bring the country of Afghanistan under
a centralized Afghan government. Consequent on this unsuccessful revolt, numbers of Hazaras fled
to Quetta in Balochistan,to the area around Mashhed in northeastern Iran, Russia, Iraq, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan,
Azerbaijan,China and India. Most active in the revolt were the Uruzgani, the southernmost of the Hazara tribes. Following
their defeat, a considerable number of Uruzgani left the country, as did many Jaghori, their nearest neighbors to the
northeast. In the Shikhali district an estimated 7,000 head of cattle were taken away from Hazaras and 350 men and women
of the Jaghori district had been sold at Kabul markets each at the price of 2021 Afs. Abdur Rahman's brutal suppression
compelled a large number of Hazaras to seek refuge in Iran, India, and Russia. Abdur Rahman could only succeed in
subjugating Hazaras and conquering their land when he effectively utilized internal differences within the Hazara community,
co-opting sold-out Hazara chiefs into his bureaucratic sales of the enslaved Hazara men, women and children in 1897, the
Hazaras remained de facto slaves until King Amanullah Khan declared Afghanistan's independence in 1919. In 1895, the
Amir found himself unable, by reason of ill-health, to accept an invitation from Queen Victoria to visit England; but his second
sonNasrullah Khan went instead. Abdur Rahman died on October 1, 1901, being succeeded by his son Habibullah Khan. He
had defeated all enterprises by rivals against his throne; he had broken down the power of local chiefs, and tamed the
refractory tribes; so that his orders were irresistible throughout the whole dominion. His government was a military despotism
resting upon a well-appointed army; it was administered through officials absolutely subservient to an inflexible will and
controlled by a widespread system ofespionage; while the exercise of his personal authority was too often stained by acts of
unnecessary cruelty. He held open courts for the receipt of petitioners and the dispensation of justice; and in the disposal of
business he was indefatigable. He succeeded in imposing an organized government upon the fiercest and most unruly
population in Asia; he availed himself of European inventions for strengthening his armament, while he sternly set his face
against all innovations which, like Railwaysand Telegraphs, might give Europeans a foothold within his country. His
adventurous life, his forcible character, the position of his state as a barrier between the Indian and the Russian empires, and
the skill with which he held the balance in dealing with them, combined to make him a prominent figure in contemporary
Asian politics and will mark his reign as an epoch in the history of Afghanistan. The Amir received an annual Subsidy from the
British government of 1,850,000 rupees. He was allowed to import munitions of war. In 1896, he adopted the title of Zia-ulMillat-Wa-ud Din ("Light of the nation and religion"); and his zeal for the cause of Islam induced him to
publish treatises on jihad. Today, his descendants can be found in many places outside of Afghanistan, such as in America,
France, Germany,and even in Scandinavian countries such as Denmark and carry the surname of Ziyaee, which is itself a
derivative of the King's title. His two eldest sons, Habibullah Khan and Nasrullah Khan, were born at Samarkand. His youngest
son, Mahomed Omar Jan, was born in 1889 of an Afghan mother, connected by descent with the Barakzai family. Persecution
of Hazara people refers to systematic discrimination, ethnic cleansing and genocide of Hazara people, who are primarily from
the central highland region of Hazarajat in Afghanistan. The persecution of Hazara people dates back to the late 19th century
during the notorious reign of Emir Abdur Rahman (1880-1901), who killed, expelled and enslaved many thousands.[1] It is
believed that at least half of the population of Hazarajat were killed by Abdur Rahman's forces, which also resulted in mass
exodus of these people to neighbouring Balochistan of British India[2] and Khorasan in Eastern Iran. The persecution
continued throughout the 20th century in various forms. Many Hazara were coerced into hiding their identities and
surrendering their lands to Pashtun tribes.[1] Hazara people have also been the victims of massacres by Taliban in
Afghanistan since 1995. In 1893 Mortimer Durand negotiated with Abdur Rahman Khan, the Durand Line Treaty for the
demarcation of the frontier between Afghanistan, the FATA, North-West Frontier Province and Baluchistan Provinces of
Pakistan the successor state of British India. This line, the Durand Line, is named after Mortimer Durand and which still
remains as an unrecognized boundary by the Government of Afghanistan. In 1893, Mortimer Durand was deputed to Kabul by
the government of British India for this purpose of settling an exchange of territory required by the demarcation of the
boundary between northeastern Afghanistan and the Russian possessions, and in order to discuss with Amir Abdur Rahman
Khan other pending questions. Abdur Rahman Khan showed his usual ability in diplomatic argument, his tenacity where his
own views or claims were in debate, with a sure underlying insight into the real situation. In the agreement, the relations
between the British Indian and Afghan governments, as previously arranged, were confirmed; and an understanding was
reached upon the important and difficult subject of the border line of Afghanistan on the east, towards India. In the year
1893, during rule of Amir Abdur Rahman Khan, a Royal Commission for setting up of Boundary between Afghanistan and
British Governed India was set up to negotiate terms with the British, for the agreeing to the Durand line, and the two parties

camped at Parachinar, now part of FATA Pakistan, which is near Khost, Afghanistan. From the British side the camp was
attended by Mortimer Durand and Sahibzada Abdul Qayyum, Political Agent Khyber. Afghanistan was represented
by Sahibzada Abdul Latif and the GovernorSardar Shireendil Khan representing Amir Abdur Rahman Khan.

Habibullah Khan (June

3, 1872 February 20, 1919) was the Emir of the Emirate of

Afghanistan from 1901 until his death on February 20, 1919. He was born inSamarkand, Uzbekistan, the
eldest son of the Emir Abdur Rahman Khan, whom he succeeded by right of primogeniture in October
1901. Habibullah was a relatively secular, reform-minded ruler who attempted to modernize his country.
During his reign he worked to bring Western medicine and other technology to Afghanistan. In 1904,
Habibullah founded the Habibia school as well as a military academy. He also worked to put in place
progressive reforms in his country. He instituted various legal reforms and repealed many of the harshest
criminal penalties. But one of his chief advisors Abdul Lateef was sentenced to death in 1903 for apostasy.
He was stoned to death in Kabul. Other reforms included the dismantling of the repressive internal
intelligence organization that had been put in place by his father. He strictly maintained the country's
neutrality in World War I, despite strenuous efforts by the Sultan of the Ottoman Empire, spiritual ruler of Islam, and a
German military mission to enlist Afghanistan on its side. He also greatly reduced tensions with British India, signing a treaty
of friendship in 1905 and paying an official state visit in 1907. Habibullah was assassinated while on a hunting trip
at Laghman Province on February 20, 1919.[3] His brother Nasrullah Khan briefly succeeded him as Emir and held power for a
week between February 21 and February 28, 1919, before being ousted and imprisoned by Amanullah Khan, Habibullah's
third son.

Nasrullah Khan (18741920),

sometimes spelt as Nasr Ullah Khan, was shahzada (crown prince) of Afghanistan and
second son of Emir Abdur Rahman Khan. He was Eemir of the Emirate of Afghanistan for one week, from February 21 to
February 28, 1919. Nasrullah was born at Samarkand in 1874, the second of three sons of Abdur Rahman Khan. His brothers
were Habibullah Khan and Mohammed Omar Khan. Nasrullah's birth occurred during a period in which his father Abdur
Rahman Khan was living in exile inRussian Turkestan. On July 22, 1880, Nasrullah's father was recognised as Emir following
the end of British occupation of Afghanistan, on the condition that he align Afghanistan's foreign policy with that of Britain. As
a consequence of his father's ascension of the throne, Nasrullah (and his elder brother Habibullah) became Shahzada (crown
princes) of Afghanistan. In 1895 the Emir Abdur Rahman Khan had intended to undertake a state visit to England to pay his
respects to the ageing Queen Victoria. However, his health prevented him from making the trip, and so he instead sent his
son the Shahzada Nasrullah Khan. Nasrullah departed Bombay on April 29, 1895, with an entourage of over 90 dignitaries,
including "five or six" high-ranking Afghan nobles and a group of priests for the observance of religious functions. On May 23
the Shahzada landed at Portsmouth inEngland. On 27 May 1895 the Shahzada was received by the Queen at Windsor. During
his trip he also visited the Liverpool Overhead Railway, and went toAscot, Glasgow, and the Elswick Company Gun Range at
Blitterlees Banks. He made a gift of 2,500 to Abdullah Quilliam to support the work of the Liverpool Muslim Institute. At the
time of his visit, the Shahzada was 20 years of age. He reportedly did not speak English well, and did not make a good
impression on the local press. A reporter from the Cumberland Pacquet described him as "a stolid, impassive, and greatly
bored youth". On September 3, 1895 he left England for Paris, and from Paris went on to Rome and Naples, and arrived in
Karachi on October 16, 1895. He returned to Kabul through Quetta, Chaman and Kandahar. The National Geographic
Magazine believed this to be the longest journey ever undertaken by an Afghan. In 1895, Nasrullah and his brother Habibullah
received the Knight Grand Cross of St Michael and St George from Queen Victoria in recognition of their services to the British
Commonwealth. On October 3, 1901 Nasrullah's father Abdur Rahman died, aged 57, and Nasrullah's brother Habibullah
peacefully ascended the throne of Afghanistan by right of primogeniture. Prior to his death, Abdur Rahman had sought to
totally subdue any sources of opposition to his reign and the stability of Afghanistan with strict laws and restrictions. Among
those affected by Abdur Rahman's restrictions was the religious establishment. Upon Abdur Rahman's death, the religious
establishment sought to regain its power, and saw in Nasrullah a potential ally. Nasrullah was by this stage deeply religious
and had qualified as a Hafiz, or "Repeater of the Qur'an", one who has memorised a substantial portion of the Islamic
regligious texts. Throughout his adult life he advocated an Afghan policy strongly aligned with Islamic principles. Recognising
his brother as a potential contender for the throne, Habibullah went to lengths to placate and gain the support of Nasrullah.
Upon Habibullah's succession to the throne he named Nasrullah commander-in-chief of the Afghan army, and also gave him
the title of President of the State Council. Later in his reign, Habibullah named Nasrullah his heir to the throne in preference
to Habibullah's own sons. By contrast, Nasrullah's younger brother Mohammed Omar Jar, and Mohammed's mother the
Queen Dowager Bibi Hallima, both of whom were powerful political forces potentially of danger to Habibullah, were kept by
Habibullah as "practically state prisoners" confined in private quarters under the guise of protection by a strong detachment
of the Imperial Bodyguard (Mohammed Omar Jar having been stripped of his own personal bodyguard and state positions by
Habibullah in 1904). The level of influence Nasrullah enjoyed led Angus Hamilton in his 1910 book Afghanistan to describe
Habibullah as a "weak-willed" ruler, and the possibility of Nasrullah making an attempt on the throne caused Hamilton to
describe him as a "stormy petrel in the Afghan sea of domestic politics". Despite his earlier trip to England, Nasrullah
demonstrated little sympathy for British foreign policy towards Afghanistan. When Abdul Rahman Khan took the throne of
Afghanistan in 1880, he inherited the terms of the 1878 Treaty of Gandamak, which made Afghanistan a British protectorate.
The treaty, amongst other provisions, surrendered control over Afghan foreign relations to the British and allowed for a British
mission, with European members, to reside in Kabul. Abdul Rahman Khan was able to alter the terms of the treaty to provide
that all members of the British mission be Indian Muslims but was otherwise stuck with the treaty in its entirety. The Treaty of
Gandamak also required that Afghanistan sever its relationships with the independent tribes of the tribal regions of
Afghanistan, those lying on the far side of theDurand Line. These tribes had previously been a substantial source of military
power for the Afghanistan throne. When Habibullah became Emir he was pressured by the British government to ratify the
Treaty of Gandamak and, although he did so by proclamation in 1905, he would not commit to withdraw Afghan influence
from the British side of the Durand Line, or to sever Afghanistan's relationship with the tribes in that area. The significance of
the tribal areas was that they formed a natural military barrier against the British, who periodically threatened to invade the
region to counter Russian advances from the north. Nasrullah Khan actively agitated his brother Habibullah to make use of
Afghanistan's influence with the tribes to strengthen Afghanistan's position against the British, and at Nasrullah's urging
Hasbibullah continue to pay allowances to the Durand Line tribes despite the Treaty of Gandamak. At around the same time,
during 190405, Sir Louis Dane (later governor of the Punjab region of India) attempted to establish a new British mission at
Kabul in line with the terms of the Treaty. This was a plan which Nasrullah unsuccessfully opposed. When the First World
War broke out in 1914, the Young Afghan political movement, headed by journalist Mahmud Tarzi and Habibullah's
son Amanullah, advocated that Afghanistan enter the war on the German-Turkish side, in direct opposition to Britain. In this
they had the support of Nasrullah and the religious factions he represented, who were sympathetic towards the Ottomans
because of what they saw as unwarranted infidel aggression towards Islamic states. Despite this, the Emir Habibullah Khan
judged Afghanistan too poor and weak to realistically take part in the war, and declared Afghanistan's neutrality, to the
frustration of Nasrullah and the Young Afghans. Nevertheless Nasrullah actively used his political power to assist the GermanTurkish efforts. When the Turko-German Niedermayer-Hentig expedition was welcomed to Kabul in 1915 (despite promises to

the Viceroy of India that the expedition would be arrested), Nasrullah provided a friendly ear to the mission
after Habibullah reaffirmed Afghanistan's neutrality. Nasrullah was involved in introducing the expedition to
journalist Mahmud Tarzi, whose papers began taking an increasingly anti-British stance. He also continued
to entreat the mission to remain in Kabul despite Habibullah's unwillingness to offer them a solid alliance.
Finally in 1916 Nasrullah offered to remove Habibullah from power and take charge of the frontier tribes in
a campaign against British India, but by then the mission realised such action would be fruitless and
declined. The Turko-German embassy withdrew in 1916, but not before it had convinced Habibullah that
Afghanistan was an independent nation which should not remain beholden to the British. Following the
closure of the World War, Habibullah petitioned the British for favours resulting from Afghanistan's alleged
assistance to the British during the war. These favours included the recognition of Afghanistan's
independence and a seat at the Versailles Peace Conference. Britain refused both these requests.
Habibullah sought to open further negotiations but before these could progress he was assassinated. In February 1919,
Emir Habibullah Khan went on a hunting trip to Afghanistan's Laghman Province. Among those in his retinue were Nasrullah
Khan, Habibullah's first sonInayatullah, and Habibullah's commander-in-chief Nadir Khan. On the evening of February 20,
1919, Habibullah was assassinated while in his tent by persons unknown, leaving Nasrullah the heir successor to the Afghan
throne. The remainder of Habibullah's party journeyed south-east to Jalalabad, and on February 21, 1919 reached that city,
whereupon Nasrullah immediately declared himself Emir, supported by Habibullah's first son Inayatullah. Upon receiving the
news, Amanullah Khan, third son of Habibullah by Habibullah's first wife, immediately seized control of the treasury
at Kabul and staged a coup. He took control of Kabul and the central government and imprisoned Nasrullah's supporters. On
February 28, 1919, Amanullah proclaimed himself Emir and on March 3, 1919 Nasrullah was arrested by Amanullah's forces.
On April 13, 1919, Amanullah held a Durbar (a royal court) in Kabul which inquired into the death of Habibullah. It found a
colonel in the Afghanistan military guilty of the crime, and had him executed. It also found Nasrullah complicit in the
assassination. Nasrullah was sentenced to life imprisonment, and was assassinated approximately one year later while in the
royal jail.

List of Chief Ministers (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan

Mirza Sami Khan was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan from 1826 until 1839.
Mulla Shakur Ishakzai was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan from 1839 until 1840.
Mohammad Usman Khan Sadozai was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan from 1840
until 1841.

Aminullah Khan Logari was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan in rebellion with
Mohammad Zaman Khan from 1841 until May 1842.

Mohammad Akbar Khan was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan from June 1842 until
September 1842.

Gholam Mohammad Khan Bamizai was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan jointly
with Khan Shirin Khan Jawansher from October until December 1842.

Khan Shirin Khan Jawansher was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan jointly with
Mohammad Akbar Khan from October until December 1842.

Mohammad Akbar Khan (died around 1848) was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan
from 1842 until his death around 1848.

Gholam Haydar Khan (died 1858) was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan from around
1848 until 1855.

Mohammad Rafiq Khan was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan from 1863 until ?
Sayyid Nur Muhammad Khan was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan from around
1869 until March 1878.

Mirza Mohammad Hasan Khan was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan from around
1878 until 1880.

Mir Abdul Kasim

was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan from 1892 until 1901.

Sardar Abdul Kuddus Khan

was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan from 1905 until

1916 and from 1919 until 1927.

Ali Ahmad Ghan Barakzay

was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan from 1906 until

1916.

Sirdar Mohammad Sulayman Khan was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan from
1906 until 1916.

Sardar Nasrullah Khan

was the Chief Minister (Wazir-i-azam) of the Emirate of Afghanistan from 1916 until 1919.

Kingdom of Afghanistan
The Kingdom of Afghanistan (Pashto: D Afnistn wkmann; Persian: Pdeh-ye Afnistn)
was a constitutional monarchy in southern central Asia established in 1926 as a successor state to the Emirate of
Afghanistan. It was proclaimed by its first king, Amanullah Khan, seven years after his accession to the throne. Amanullah
Khan was keen on modernizing the country, resulting in conservative forces causing social upheaval on a number of
occasions. When he was on a trip to Europe in 1927, rebellion broke out again. He abdicated in favour of his
brother Inayatullah Khan who only ruled for three days before the tribal leader Habibullah Kalakani took power and reinstated
the Emirate. After 10 months, Amanullah Khan's Minister of War, Mohammed Nadir, returned from exile in India. His Britishsupported armies sacked Kabul, forcing Habibullah Kalakani to discuss a truce. Instead, Mohammed Nadir's forces
apprehended and subsequently executed Kalakani. Mohammed Nadir reinstated the kingdom, was proclaimed King of
Afghanistan in October 1929, and went on to revert the reformist path of the last king, Amanullah Khan. He was succeeded by
his son, Mohammed Zahir Shah, whose rule started in 1933 and lasted for 39 years. Mohammed Zahir Shah, the last King of
Afghanistan, was eventually overthrown by his own cousin Mohammed Daoud Khan who successfully ended the centuries old
monarchy and established a republican Afghan government. It was under the leadership of Zahir Shah that the Afghan
government sought relationships with the outside world, most notably with the Soviet Union, United Kingdom and the United
States. On September 27, 1934, during the reign of Zahir Shah, the Kingdom of Afghanistan joined the League of Nations.
During World War II, Afghanistan remained neutral and pursued a diplomatic policy of non-alignment. Mohammed Daoud
Khan, Prime Minister of Afghanistan at the time, worked hard for development of modern industries, and education in the
country.

List of Kings of the Kingdom of Afghanistan

Amanullah Khan (Pashto, Persian, Urdu, Arabic: )

(June 1, 1892 April 25, 1960) was

the Sovereign of the Kingdom of Afghanistan from 1919 until 1929, first as Emir and after 1926
as Malik (King). He led Afghanistan to independence over its foreign affairs from the United Kingdom, and
his rule was marked by dramatic political and social change. He was the first Afghan ruler who attempted
to modernize Afghanistan on western designs. However, he did not succeed in this because of a popular
uprising byHabibullah Kalakani and his followers. On January 14, 1929, Amanullah abdicated and fled to
then neighboring British India while Afghanistan fell into a civil war. From British India he went
to Europe where he died in Zrich, Switzerland, in 1960. Amnullh Khn was born on June 1, 1892,
in Paghman near Kabul, Afghanistan. He was the third son of the Amir Habibullah Khan. Amanullah was
already installed as the governor of Kabul and was in control of the army and the treasury, and gained
the allegiance of most of the tribal leaders. Russia had recently undergone its Communist revolution,
leading to strained relations between the country and the United Kingdom. Amanullah Khan recognized the opportunity to
use the situation to gain Afghanistan's independence over its foreign affairs. He led a surprise attack against
the British in India on May 3, 1919, beginning the third Anglo-Afghan war. After initial successes, the war quickly became a
stalemate as the United Kingdom was still dealing with the costs of World War I. An armistice was reached towards end of
1919, and Afgha nistan was completely free of British influence. Amanullah enjoyed quite a bit of early popularity within
Afghan istan and he used his influence to modernize the country. Amanullah created new cosmopolitan schools for both boys
and girls in the region and overturned centuries-old traditions such a strict dress codes for women. He increased trade
with Europe and Asia. He also advanced a modernist consti tution that incorporated equal rightsand individual freedoms with
the guidance of his father-in-law and Foreign Minister Mahmud Tarzi. His wife, Queen Soraya Tarzi played a huge role in regard
to his policy towards women. This rapid modernization created a backlash and a reactionary uprising known as the
Khost rebellion was suppressed in 1924. He also met with many Bah's in India and Europe where he brought back books
that are still to be found in the Kabul Library. This association later served as one of the accusations when he was
overthrown. At the time, Afghanistan's foreign policy was primarily concerned with the rivalry between the Soviet Union and
the United Kingdom. Each attempted to gain the favor of Afghanistan and foil attempts by the other power to gain influence
in the region. This effect was inconsistent, but generally favorable for Afghanistan; Amanullah was even able to establish a
limited Afghan Air Force consisting of donated Soviet planes.After Amnullh travelled to Europe in late 1927, opposition to
his rule increased. An uprising in Jalalabad culminated in a march to the capital, and much of the army deserted rather than
resist. In early 1929, Amanullah abdicated and went into temporary exile in thenBritish India. His brother Inayatullah
Khan became the next king of Afghanistan for a few days until Habibullah Kalakani took over. However, Kalakani's nine
months rule was soon replaced by Nadir Khan on October 13, 1929. Amanullah Khan attempted to return to Afghanistan, but
he had little support from the people. From British India, the ex-king traveled to Europe and settled in Italy, and later
inSwitzerland. Meanwhile, Nadir Khan made sure his return to Afghanistan was impossible by engaging in a propaganda war.
Nadir Khan accused Amanullah Khan of kufr with his pro western policies. Amanullah Khan died in Zurich, Switzerland, in
1960. His body was brought to Afghanistan and buried in the eastern city of Jalalabad. Very few of his many reforms were
continued once he was no longer in power.

Inayatullah Khan Seraj (October

20, 1888 August 12, 1946) was the King of the Kingdom of
Afghanistan from January 14, 1929 until January 17, 1929. He was the son of former Afghan King, Habibullah
Khan. Inayatullah's brief reign ended with his abdication. In the middle of the night, on January 14,
1929, Amanullah Khan handed over his kingship to his brother Inayatullah Khan Seraj and tried to secretly
escape Kabul towards Kandahar. However, Habibullh Kalakni and his followers chased Amanullah's Rolls
Royce on horseback but Amanullah managed to escape. With the King gone, Habibullah Kalakani wrote a
letter to King Inayatullah to either surrender or prepare for war. Inayatullah's response was that he had never
sought nor wished to be king and agreed to abdicate and proclaim Habibullah Kalakani as king on January
18, 1929. Inayatullah was airlifted out of Kabul by the Royal Air Force and spent the remainder of his life in
exile.

Habibullah Kalakani (1890s

November 1, 1929), (Persian: ) , also known as Bache Saqaw, was Emir of

Afghanistan from January to October 1929 after deposing Amanullah Khan with the help of various Afghan tribes who opposed
modernization of Afghanistan. After gaining power in Kabul, he named himself Habbullh Khdem-e Dn-e Raslallh ("The
servant of the religion of the messenger of God"). He was himself defeated and overthrown nine months later by Mohammed
Nadir Khan. Kalakani, a Kohistani Tajik, was born in the 1890s in the village of Kalakan, north of Kabul. His father Aminullah
delivered water to people's houses, and Kalakani became known as "Bache Saqqaw" (Son of a Water Carrier). It is believed
that he ran into an oldSufi man who told him that he would one day become an amir and then handed him an amulet to keep
for good luck. During his adolescence, Kalakani ventured out of his village and traveled to the city of Kabul where he joined
the Afghan National Army. It is reported that he deserted the army with his rifle and fled to Peshawar in neighboring British

India (now Pakistan). He performed odd jobs there, including selling tea on the streets. He also spent
11 months in prison at Parachinar after breaking into a house. By 1924 Kalakani became a highway
robber and a member of a rebel group in his village. To his Kohistani Tajik followers he became some
what of a Robin Hood figure, stealing mostly from wealthy highway travellers. "To his opponents, he
was regarded as a bandit and a common criminal." King Amanullah had returned from Europe in 1928
and brought with him many Western ideas, including social and cultural changes. His aim was to
rapidly modernize the country. These ideas upsetted the ultra-conservative Shinwari tribe of eastern
Afghanistan, who began calling for the banishment of Amanullah from Afghanistan. With support from
fellow Tajik forces Kalakani took advantage of the tribal revolt by the Shinwaris and others. While
the Afghan National Army was engulfed in severe battle in Laghman and Nangarhar, Kalakani and his
Tajik forces began to attack Kabul from the north. The revolt caught steam and right away the country
was in civil war. Tribes from Waziristan had the southern areas of Kabul surrounded, and Kalakani's rebels were moving into
the heart of Kabul from the north. At first he was repelled but after taking refuge in Paghman for several days he and his
forces managed to tak over Kabul. In the middle of the night, on 14 January 1929, Amanullah Khan handed over his Kingdom
to his brother Amir Inayatullah Khan and escaped from Kabul towards Kandahar in the south. Two days later, on 16 January
1929, Kalakani wrote a letter to King Inayatullah Khan to either surrender or prepare to fight. Inayatullah Khan's response was
that he had never sought nor wished to be king and agreed to abdicate and proclaim Kalakani as the King on 17 January.
After he took over of the Arg (Presidential Palace) in Kabul, he discovered 750,000 British pounds and began to use that to
pay the salaries of his soldiers. Kalakani's first order was to remove all the flowers from the presidential grounds and plant
vegetables instead. He closed down schools for women and all western education centres. By September 1929, Amanullah
Khan had stopped in Kandahar to regroup his followers and recalled his top general, Nadir Khan, from Europe. General Nadir
Khan's army breezed through the west and southern Afghanistan. They had better weapons and the support of the people as
many volunteers joined the army. Nadir Khan furnished with troops consisting of thousands of men from various parts
of Pashtunistan, including southern Afghanistan. The troops fast approached Kabul and slowly began defeating the forces
loyal to Kalakakani. By late October 1929, Kabul was surrounded by Nadir Khan's army. It included Shah Wali Khan, brother of
Nadir Khan and brother-inlaw of Amanullah. The two brothers re-captured Arg and arrested Kalakani along with his followers.
Kalakani was hanged to death on 1 November 1929 along with his brother and ten other rebel leaders. His place of burial is
unconfirmed but it is probably his home village, Kalakan.

Mohammed Nadir Shah (Pashto: born Mohammed

Nadir; April 9, 1883

November 8, 1933) was King of the Kingdom of Afghanistan from October 15, 1929 until his
assassination in November 8, 1933. Previously, he served as Minister of War, Afghan Ambassador to
France, and as a general in the military of Afghanistan. He and his son Mohammed Zahir Shah, who
succeeded him, are sometimes referred to as theMusahiban. Nadir Khan was born on April 9, 1883
in Dehra Dun, British Raj, into the Telai branch of the then Royal dynasty of Afghanistan (of the
Mohammadzai section of Barakzai Pashtuns). His father was Mohammad Yusuf Khan and his mother
was Sharaf Sultana. His paternal grandfather was Yahya Khan and his great grandfather was Sultan
Muhammad Khan Telai, the brother of Dost Mohammed Khan.Sultan Mohammad Khan Telai was his
grandfather. Nadir Khan entered Afghanistan at the age of when his grandfather Mohammed Yahya
was authorized to return from exile by the Britishand Abdur Rahman Khan. He became a general
under King Amanullah Khan and led the Afghan National Army in the Third Anglo-Afghan War. After
the war, Nadir Khan was made Minister of War and Afghan Ambassador to France. Shortly after a
rebellion by some Pashtun tribesmen and forces of Habibullah Kalakani began against the monarchy, Nadir Khan was exiled
due to disagreements with King Amanullah. After the overthrow of Amanullah Khan's monarchy by Habibullah Kalakani, Nadir
Khan returned to India and acquired military support from the British. He later returned to Afghanistan with his British
supported armies and took most of Afghanistan from Habibullah Kalakani. By October 13, 1929, Nadir Khan
captured Kabul and subsequently sacked the city. He captured Kalakani and executed him by hanging on November 3, 1929,
along with some of the members of his inner circle. As Shah of Afghanistan Nadir quickly abolished most of Amanullah Khan's
reforms, but despite his efforts to rebuild an army that had just been engaged in suppressing a rebellion, the forces remained
weak while the religious and tribal leaders grew strong. In 1930, there were uprisings by the Pashtun Shinwari tribes of the
south as well as byTajiks of Kabul province and north of Kabul. The same year, a Soviet force crossed the border in pursuit of
an Uzbek leader whose forces had been harassing the Soviets from his sanctuary in Afghanistan. He was driven back to the
Soviet side by the Afghan army in April 1930, and by the end of 1931 most uprisings had been subdued. Nadir Shah named a
ten-member cabinet, consisting mostly of members of his family, and in September 1930 he called into session a loya jirga of
286 which confirmed his accession to the throne. In 1931, the King promulgated a new constitution. Despite its appearance
as a constitutional monarchy, the document effectively instituted a Royal oligarchy, and popular participation was merely an
illusion. Although Nadir Shah placated religious factions with a constitutional emphasis on orthodox denominational
principles, he also took steps to modernize Afghanistan in material ways, although far less obtrusively than Amanullah. He
improved road construction, especially the Great North Road through the Hindu Kush, methods of communication, and helped
establish Afghanistan's first university in 1931; however, this university (Kabul University) didn't admit any students until
1932. He forged commercial links with the same foreign powers that Amanullah had established diplomatic relations with in
the 1920s, and, under the leadership of several prominent entrepreneurs, he initiated a banking system and long-range
economic planning. Although his efforts to improve the army did not bear fruit immediately, by the time of his death in 1933
Nadir Shah had created a 40,000-strong force from almost no national army at all. On November 8, 1933, Nadir Shah was
shot and killed by a teenager named Abdul Khaliq Hazara during a high school graduation ceremony. Khaliq Hazara was
apprehended immediately after the assassination. Khaliq was executed by being cut into pieces, and members of his
immediate family were hanged including his father and uncle. Muhammad Nader Shah was criticised by some Afghan
historians as an agent of Britain in Afghanistan.

Mohammed Zahir Shah (October 15, 1914 July 23, 2007) was the last King (Padishah) of Afghanistan, reigning for
four decades, from 1933 until he was ousted by a coup in 1973. Following his return from exile he was given the title ' Father
of the Nation' in 2002 which he held until his death. Zahir Shah was an ethnic Pashtun who was born on October 15, 1914,
in Kabul, Afghanistan. He was the son of Mohammed Nadir Shah, a senior member of the Barakzai royal family and
commander in chief of the Afghan army under former king Amanullah Khan. Nadir Shah assumed the throne after the
execution of Habibullah Ghazi on October 10, 1929. Mohammed Zahir's father, son of Sardar Mohammad Yusuf Khan, was
born in Dehradun, British India, his family having been exiled following the second Anglo-Afghan war. Nadir Shah was a
descendant of Sardar Sultan Mohammed Khan Telai, half-brother of Amir Dost Mohammad Khan. His grandfather Mohammad
Yahya Khan (father in law of Amir Yaqub Khan) was in charge of the negotiations with the British leading to the Treaty of
Gandamak. After the British invasion following the killing of Sir Louis Cavagnari in 1879, Yaqub Khan, Yahya Khan and his
sons, Princes Mohammad Yusuf Khan and Mohammad Asef Khan, were seized by the British and transferred under custody to
the British Raj, where they forcibly remained until the two princes were invited back to Afghanistan by Emir Abdur Rahman

Khan in the last year of his reign (1901). During the reign of Amir Habibullah they received the title of Companions of
the King (Musahiban). Zahir Shah was educated in a special class for princes at Habibia High School in Kabul.
He continued his education in France where his father had been sent as a diplomatic envoy, studying at
the Pasteur Institute and the University of Montpellier. When he returned to Afghanistan he helped his
father and uncles restore order and reassert government control during a period of lawlessness in the
country. He was later enrolled at an Infantry School and appointed a privy counsellor. Zahir Shah served in
the government positions of deputy war minister and minister of education. Zahir Shah was fluent
in Pashto, Persian, and French. Zahir Khan was proclaimed King (Shah) on 8 November 1933 at the age of
19, after the assassination of his father Mohammed Nadir Shah. Following his ascension to the
throne he was given the regnal title "He who puts his trust in God, follower of the firm religion of
Islam".
For the first thirty years he did not effectively rule, ceding power to his paternal uncles, Sardar
Mohammad Hashim Khan andSardar Shah Mahmud Khan. This period fostered a growth in Afghanistan's
relations with the international community as in 1934, Afghanistan joined the League of Nations while also receiving formal
recognition from the United States. By the end of the 1930s, agreements on foreign assistance and trade had been reached
with many countries, most notably Germany, Italy, and Japan. Zahir Shah provided aid, weapons and Afghan fighters to the
Uighur and Kirghiz Muslim rebels who had established the First East Turkestan Republic. The aid was not capable of saving the
First East Turkestan Republic, as the Afghan, Uighur and Kirghiz forces were defeated in 1934 by the Chinese Muslim 36th
Division (National Revolutionary Army) led by General Ma Zhancang at the Battle of Kashgar and Battle of Yarkand. All the
Afghan volunteers were killed by the Chinese Muslim troops, who then abolished the First East Turkestan Republic, and
reestablished Chinese government control over the area. Following the end of the Second World War, Zahir Shah recognised
the need for the modernisation of Afghanistan and recruited a number of foreign advisers to assist with the process. During
this period Afghanistan's first modern university was founded. During his reign a number of potential advances and reforms
were derailed as a result of factionalism and political infighting. Zahir Shah was able to govern on his own in 1963 and
despite the factionalism and political infighting a new constitution was introduced in 1964 which turned Afghanistan into a
modern democratic state by introducing free elections, a parliament, civil rights, women's rightsand universal suffrage. At
least 5 of Afghani little Pul coins during his reign bore the Arabic title: , "AlMutawakkil 'ala Allah
Muhammad Zhahir Shah" which means "The leaner on Allah, Muhammad Zhahir Shah". The title "AlMutawakkil 'ala Allah",
"The leaner on Allah" is taken from the Quran, Surah 8, verse 61. By the time he returned to Afghanistan in the twenty-first
century, his rule was characterized by a lengthy span of peace, but with no significant progress. In 1973, while Mohammed
Zahir Shah was in Italy undergoing eye surgery as well as therapy for lumbago, his cousin and former Prime
Minister Mohammed Daoud Khan staged acoup d'tat and established a republican government. As a former prime minister,
Daoud Khan had been forced to resign by Zahir Shah a decade earlier. In August 1973, Zahir abdicated rather than risk an allout civil war. Zahir Shah lived in exile in Italy for twenty-nine years in a modest four-bedroom villa in the affluent community
of Olgiata on Via Cassia, north of the city of Rome where he spent his time playing golf and chess, as well as tending to his
garden. He was barred from returning to Afghanistan during Soviet-backed Communist rule in the late 1970s. In 1983 during
the Soviet war in Afghanistan, Zahir Shah was cautiously involved in plans to head a government in exile. Ultimately these
plans failed because he could not reach a consensus with the powerful Islamist factions. In 1991, Zahir Shah survived an
attempt on his life by a knife-wielding assassin who pretended to be a Portuguese journalist. In April 2002, while the country
was no longer under Taliban rule, Zahir Shah returned to Afghanistan to open the Loya Jirga, which met in June 2002. After the
fall of the Taliban, there were open calls for a return to the monarchy. Zahir Shah himself let it be known that he would accept
whatever responsibility was placed on him by the Loya Jirga. However he was obliged to publicly step aside at the behest of
the United States as many of delegates to the Loya Jirga were prepared to vote for Zahir Shah and block the US-backed
Hamid Karzai. While he was prepared to become head of state he made it known that it would not necessarily be as monarch:
"I will accept the responsibility of head of state if that is what the Loya Jirga demands of me, but I have no intention to
restore the monarchy. I do not care about the title of king. The people call me Baba and I prefer this title." He was given the
ceremonial title "Father of the Nation" in the current Constitution of Afghanistan symbolizing his role in Afghanistan's history
as a nonpolitical symbol of national unity. The title of the 'Father of the Nation' dissolved with his death. Hamid Karzai, a
prominent figure from the Popalzai clan, became the president of Afghanistan and Zahir Shah's relatives and supporters were
provided with key posts in the transitional government. Zahir Shah moved back into his old palace. In an October 2002 visit
to France, he slipped in a bathroom, bruising his ribs, and on June 21, 2003, while in France for a medical check-up, he broke
his femur. On February 3, 2004, Zahir was flown from Kabul to New Delhi, India, for medical treatment after complaining of
an intestinal problem. He was hospitalized for two weeks and remained in New Delhi under observation. On May 18, 2004, he
was brought to a hospital in theUnited Arab Emirates because of nose bleeding caused by heat. Zahir Shah attended the
December 7, 2004 swearing in of Hamid Karzai as President of Afghanistan. In his final years, he was frail and required a
microphone pinned to his collar so that his faint voice could be heard. In January 2007, Zahir was reported to be seriously ill
and bedridden. On July 23, 2007, he died in the compound of the presidential palace in Kabul after prolonged illness. His
death was announced on national television by President Karzai. His funeral was held on 24 July. It began on the premises of
the presidential palace, where political figures and dignitaries paid their respects; his coffin was then taken to a mosque
before being moved to the royal mausoleum on Maranjan Hill. He married Humaira Begum (19182002) on November 7, 1931
and had six sons and two daughters: Bilqis Begum (b.1932), Mohammed Akbar Khan (b. August 10, 1933 - d. November 26,
1942), Ahmad Shah Khan (b. 1934), Crown Prince, Maryam Begum (b.1936), Mohammed Nadir Khan (b.1941), Shah Mahmud
Khan (b. November 15, 1946 d. December 2002.), Mohammed Daoud Khan Pashtunyar (b.1949) and Mir Wais Khan (b.
1957). In January 2009 an article by Ahmad Majidyar of the American Enterprise Institute included one of his
grandsons, Mostafa Zaher, on a list of fifteen possible candidates in the 2009 Afghan Presidential election. However Mostafa
Zaher did not become a candidate.

List Presidents and Prime Ministers of Afghanistan

Kingdom of Afghanistan
Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Afganistan

Sardar Shir Ahmad

January 1929.

(c. 1885?) was first Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Afganistan from October 25, 1927 until

Emirat of Afghanistan
Prime Minister of the Emirate of Afganistan

Shir Giyan

(died November 1, 1929) was the Prime Minister of the Emirate of Afganistan from January 1929 until his
death on November 1, 1929.

Kingdom of Afghanistan

List of Prime Ministers of the Kingdom of Afganistan

Mohammad Hashim Khan (1885-1953)

was Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Afghanistan from

November 14, 1929 until May 1946. He was the uncle of Mohammad Zahir Shah and the elder brother
of Sardar Shah Mahmud Khan and Sardar Shah Wali Khan. Hashim put into effect the policies already
orchestrated by his brothers. Internal objectives of the new Afghan government focused on strengthening the
army and shoring up the economy, including transport and communications. Both goals required foreign
assistance. Preferring not to rely on the Soviet Union or Britain, Hashim turned to Germany. By 1935 German
experts and businessmen had set up factories and hydroelectric projects at the invitation of the Afghan
government. Smaller amounts of aid were also offered by Japan andItaly. He governed Afghanistan as
Royal Prime Minister from November 14, 1929 until May 1946.

Shah Mahmud Khan (Pashto:

, 1890 - 1959) was the Prime Minister of the

Kingdom of Afghanistan from May 1946 until September 7, 1953. He was from the Pashtun tribe
of Mohammedzai. He was a brother of Nadir Khan, who ousted Habibullah Kalakani(also known as Bacha-ye
Saqqow), and uncle of Zahir Shah, the King of Afghanistan, from 1933 to 1973, and uncle of President
Mohammed Daoud Khan. His other two brothers are Sardar Mohammad Hashim Khan and Sardar Shah Wali
Khan.

Mohammed Daoud Khan or Daud

Khan (July 18, 1909 April 28, 1978) was Prime Minister of the Kingdom of
Afghanistan from September 7, 1953 until March 10, 1963, and later became the President of Afghanistan from July 17, 1973
until April 28, 1978. He overthrew the monarchy of his first cousin Mohammed Zahir Shah and declared himself as the
first President of Afghanistan from 1973 until his assassination in 1978 as a result of the Saur Revolution led by
the Communist People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA). Daoud Khan was known for his progressive policies,
especially in relation to the rights of women and for initiating two five-year modernization plans which increased the labor
force by about 50 percent. However, he was also criticized for heavy repression of dissent, and for promoting nepotism. HRH
Prince Mohammed Daoud (also spelled Daud) was born in Kabul, the eldest son of the diplomat HRH Prince Mohammed Aziz
Khan (18771933) (an older half-brother of King Mohammed Nadir Shah). He lost his father to an assassination in Berlin in
1933, while his father was serving as the Afghan Ambassador to Germany. He and his brother Naim Khan (191178) then
came under the tutelage of their uncle HRH Prince Hashim Khan (18841953). Daoud proved to be an apt student of politics.
Educated in France, he served as the Governor of the Eastern Province from 193435 and in 193839, and was Governor
of Kandahar from 193538. In 1939, Daoud was promoted to Lieutenant-General and commander of the important Kabul
Army Corps until 1946. From 1946 to 1948, he served as Minister of Defense, then Minister of the Interior from 1949 to 1951.
In 1948, he served as Ambassador to France. In 1951, he was promoted to General and served in that capacity as
Commander of the Central Forces in Kabul from 1951 to 1953. Daoud was appointed Prime Minister in September 1953 in an
intra-family transfer of power that involved no violence. His ten-year tenure was noted for his foreign policy turn to the Soviet
Union, the completion of the Helmand Valley project, which radically improved living conditions in southwestern Afghanistan,
and tentative steps towards the emancipation of women. Daoud supported a nationalistic and one-sided reunification of
the Pashtun people with Afghanistan, but this would have involved taking a considerable amount of territory from the new
nation of Pakistan and was in direct antagonism to an older plan of the 1950s whereby a confederation between the two
countries was proposed. The move further worried the non-Pashtun populations of Afghanistan such as the
minority Tajik and Uzbek who suspected Daoud Khan's intention was to increase the Pashtun's disproportionate hold on
political power. During that time, the Pashtuns (or Afghans) represented over 80 percent of the government and held all
important ministries, such as the Ministries of the Interior, Foreign Affairs, Economic Affairs, Defense and even most of the
banks. With the creation of an independent Pakistan, the Durand line conflict with the British colonialists was inherited by the
two countries. In 1961, as a result of Daoud's antagonistic policies and support to militias in areas along the Durand Line,
Pakistan closed its borders with Afghanistan causing an economic crisis and greater dependence on the USSR. The USSR
became Afghanistan's principal trading partner. Within a few months, the USSR had sent jet airplanes, tanks, heavy and light
artillery for a heavily discounted price tag of $25 million. In 1962, Daoud sent troops across the international border into the
Bajaur region of Pakistan in an attempt to manipulate events in that area and to press the Pashtunistan issue, but the Afghan
military forces were routed by Pakistani military. During this period, the propaganda war from Afghanistan, carried on by
radio, was relentless. The crisis was finally resolved with the forced resignation of Daoud Khan in March 1963 and the reopening of the border in May. Pakistan has continued to remain suspicious of Afghan intentions and Daoud's policy has left a
negative impression in the eyes of many Tajik tribesmen who felt they were being disenfranchised for the sake of Pashtun
Nationalism. In 1964, King Zahir introduced a new constitution, for the first time excluding all members of the royal family
from the council of ministers. Daoud had already stepped down. In addition to having been prime minister, Daoud had also
held the portfolios of Minister of Defense and Minister of Planning until 1963. On July 17, 1973, Daoud seized power from his
cousin (and brother-in-law) King Zahir in a bloodless coup. Departing from tradition, and for the first time in Afghan history,
Daoud did not proclaim himself Shah, establishing instead a republic with himself as President. In 1974, Daoud signed one of
two economic packages that would enable Afghanistan to have a far more capable military because of increasing fears of
lacking an up-to-date modern army when compared to the militaries of Iran and Pakistan. Zahir Shah's democratic
constitution with elected organs and the separation of powers was replaced by a now largely nominated Loya Jirga. A new
constitution backed by a Loya Jirga was promulgated in February 1977, but failed to satisfy all political factions. In 1976,
under pressure from the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) and to increase domestic Pashtun support, he took
a stronger line on the Pashtunistan issue and promoted a proxy war in Pakistan. Trade and transit agreements with Pakistan
were subsequently severely affected. Soon after Daoud's army and police faced a growing Islamic fundamentalist movement,
the Islamic fundamentalist movement's leaders fled to Pakistan. There, they were supported by Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali
Bhutto and encouraged to continue the fight against Daoud. Daoud was successful is suppressing the movement, however.
Later in 1978, when Daoud was promoting his new foreign policy doctrine, he came to a tentative agreement on a solution to
the Pashtunistan problem with Ali Bhutto. In 1977, Daoud Khan presented a new constitution to the National Assembly, which
wrote in several new articles and amended others. He also began to moderate his socialist policies. In 1978, there was a rift
with the PDPA. Internally, Daoud attempted to distance himself from the communist elements within the coup. He was
concerned about the tenor of many communists in his government and Afghanistan's growing dependency on the Soviet
Union. These moves were highly criticized by Moscow, which feared that Afghanistan would soon become closer to the West,
especially the United States; the Soviets had always feared that the United States could find a way to influence the
government in Kabul. A coup against Daoud, which may have been planned before he took power, was repressed shortly
after his seizure of power. In October 1973, Mohammad Hashim Maiwandwal, a former prime minister and a highly respected
former diplomat, was arrested in a coup plot and died in prison. This was at a time when Parchamis controlled the Ministry of
Interior under circumstances corroborating the widespread belief that he had been tortured to death. One of the Army
generals arrested under suspicion of this plot with Maiwandwal wasMohammed Asif Safi, who was later released. Daoud

personally apologized to him for the arrest. Daoud wanted to lessen the country's dependence on the
Soviet Union and attempted to promote a new foreign policy. He went to Egypt, India, Saudi Arabia,
and Iran for aid. Surprisingly, he did not renew the Pashtunistan agitation; relations with Pakistan
improved thanks to interventions from the US and Iran. The following year, he established his own
political party, the National Revolutionary Party, which became the focus of all political activity. In
January 1977, a Loya Jirga approved the constitution establishing a presidential one-party system of
government. President Daoud met Leonid Brezhnev on a state visit to Moscow from April 12 until 15,
1977. Daoud had asked for a private meeting with the Soviet leader to discuss with him the increased
pattern of Soviet actions in Afghanistan. In particular, he discussed the intensified Soviet attempt to
unite the two factions of the Afghan communist parties, Parcham andKhalq. Brezhnev described
Afghanistan's non-alignment as important to the USSR and essential to the promotion of peace in Asia,
but warned him about the presence of experts from NATO countries stationed in the northern parts of
Afghanistan. Daoud bluntly replied that Afghanistan would remain free, and that the Soviet Union would
never be allowed to dictate how the country should be governed. After returning to Afghanistan, Daoud made plans that his
government would diminish its relationships with the Soviet Union, and instead forge closer contacts with the West as well as
the oil-rich Saudi Arabia and Iran. Afghanistan signed a co-operative military treaty with Egypt and by 1977, the Afghan
military and police force were being trained by Egyptian Armed forces. This angered the Soviet Union because Egypt took the
same route in 1974 and distanced itself from the Soviets. The April 19, 1978 funeral of Mir Akbar Khyber, the
prominent Parchami ideologue who had been murdered, served as a rallying point for the Afghan communists. An estimated
1,000 to 3,000 persons gathered to hear the stirring speeches by PDPA leaders such as Nur Muhammad Taraki, Hafizullah
Amin and Babrak Karmal. Shocked by this demonstration of communist unity, Daoud ordered the arrest of the PDPA leaders,
but he reacted too slowly. It took him a week to arrest Taraki, Karmal managed to escape to the USSR, and Amin was merely
placed under house arrest. According to PDPA documents, Amin sent complete orders for the coup from his home while it was
under armed guard using his family as messengers. The army had been put on alert on April 26 because of a presumed "antiIslamic" coup. On April 27, 1978, a coup d'tat beginning with troop movements at the military base atKabul International
Airport, gained ground slowly over the next twenty-four hours as rebels battled units loyal to Daoud Khan in and around the
capital. Daoud and most of his family were assassinated during a coup by the communist People's Democratic Party of
Afghanistan. The coup happened in the presidential palace on April 28, 1978. His death was not publicly announced after the
coup. Instead, the new government declared that President Daoud had "resigned for health reasons." (In 1979, Taraki was
killed by Amin, who, in turn, was killed by the KGB; Karmal died in 1996 of cancer in Moscow). In neighboring Pakistan,
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was hanged to death on April 4, 1979, at the central jail in the city of Rawalpindi. On June 28, 2008, the
body of President Daoud and those of his family were found in two separate mass graves in the Pul-e-Charkhi area, District 12
of Kabul city. Initial reports indicate that sixteen corpses were in one grave and twelve others were in the second. (Source:
Azadi Radio/BBC News). On December 4, 2008, the Afghan Health Ministry announced that the body of Daoud had been
identified on the basis of teeth molds and a small golden Quran found near the body. The Quran was a present he had
received from the king of Saudi Arabia. On March 17, 2009 Daoud was given a state funeral. In 1934, Daoud married HRH
Princess Zamina Begum (1917 26 April 1978), sister of King Zahir Shah. The couple had four sons and four daughters:
Zarlasht Daud Khan, Khalid Daud Khan (19471978), Wais Daud Khan (19471978), Muhammad 'Umar Daud Khan (k. 1978).
Dorkhanai Begum, Zarlasht Khanum (k. 1978), Shinkay Begum (k. 1978) and Torpekay Begum.

Mohammad Yusuf Khan (1917 - January 23, 1998) was the Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of the
Kingdom of Afghanistan from March 10, 1963 to November 2, 1965. He was a technocrat who served under the
reign of Mohammed Zahir Shah. He was the first Afghan prime minister not to be part of the royal family. He
resigned on October 29, 1965. Yusuf's predecessor, Mohammed Daoud Khan, had made him Minister of Mines
and Industries in the 1950s.
Mohammad Hashim Maiwandwal (Pashto: - 1919 - 1973) was Prime Minister of
the Kingdom Afghanistan from November 2, 1965 until October 11, 1967. He was an Afghan politician during
the reign of Zahir Shah. After graduating from high school, Mohammad Hashim became a journalist, editing
several newspapers. During the 1950s, he was appointed as an Afghan ambassador to Britain, the United
States and Pakistan alternately from 1955 to 1963. In October 1965, following the election of the new
legislature, an impasse over its approval of the new cabinet brought rioting and the intervention by the
army, leading to the death of at least three student demonstrators. The proposed cabinet was withdrawn,
and the constitution of a new one under the leadership of Muhammad Hashim Maiwandwal, a senior diplomat,
was approved with little opposition. Nominated by the King, he quickly established friendly relations with the
students, while making it clear that he was in charge and there were going to be limits to student political
activity. He served as Prime Minister of Afghanistan from November 2, 1965 until October 11, 1967. He resigned due to ill
health. Maiwandwal had no children, and he left all his property to the state. In 1966 he founded the Jamiat Demokrate-ye
Mottaraqi (Progressive Democratic Party), a leftist monarchist party. It advocated evolutionary socialism and parliamentary
democracy. Maiwandwal, who was elected in 1965, lost his seat when the government selectively influenced the elections.
The rise of Daud to power after the 1973 coup was galling to other would-be successors, such as Sardar Abdul Wali who was
quickly put behind bars. A coup attempt, which may have been planned before Daoud took power, was subdued shortly after
his coup. Whether Maiwandwal was in on the plot from the start is open to question, but his pro western reputation may
explain why he was chosen for its leadership. This led to the arrest of Hashim Maiwandwal and 20 others, including the newly
promoted chief of air staff, two serving lieutenant generals, five colonels and one member of the now defunct Wolesi Jirga. In
October 1973, he was said to have committed suicide while awaiting trial. He died in prison at a time when Parchamis
controlled the Ministry of Interior under circumstances corroborating the widespread belief that he had been tortured to
death. That is the main reason the international community in Kabul believes that he was killed when third degree methods
were used to obtain a confession. He actually died from internal haemorrhages resulting from being kicked in the abdomen by
the chief Parchami in charge of his interrogation, while lying on the floor as a result of previous blows. His body was secretly
buried by the police department in the graveyard at south-east of the city [shuhada-i-salehin],which was discovered in 2004
by Daoud Malikyar.

Mohammad Nur Ahmad Etemadi (February

22, 1921 - August 10, 1979) was Prime Minister of the Kingdom of
Afghanistan from November 1, 1967 until June 9, 1971. Etemadi was born in Kandahar, Afghanistan. He served as
ambassador to Pakistan for the first time from 1964 to 1965. He was appointed foreign minister in 1965 and became Prime
Minister of Afghanistan on November 1, 1967. Due to a failure to improve the stagnating economy, he lost both positions on
June 9, 1971 and became ambassador to Italy. Unlike many politicians who were prominent under the rule of Zahir Shah,
Etemadi remained in the government after the 1973 coup in which a republic was established under the rule of Mohammed
Daoud Khan. Etemadi left Italy and served as ambassador to the Soviet Union until 1976. He then served as ambassador to

Pakistan until the Communist coup of 1978. Etemadi returned to Afghanistan and was arrested by the Communist
government. In 1979, along with many other officials in the Zahir Shah and Daud Khan governments, including
several other former prime ministers, Etemadi was executed.

Abdul Zahir (1910

- 1983) was Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Afghanistan from

June 9, 1971 until December 12, 1972, during the reign of King Zahir Shah. An ethnic
Pashtun, he was born in the Laghman Province of Afghanistan. He attended secondary
school in Kabul and university in the United States, earning an MD from Columbia
University and a Master's degree in public health from Johns Hopkins University. Zahir
became a medical doctor and returned to Afghanistan to practice medicine, but
eventually
entered politics. His political positions included terms as Minister of Health, President of
the Parliament, and
Ambassador to Italy and Pakistan. Most prominently, he served as Prime Minister of
Afghanistan from June
1971 to December 1972. A few months after he resigned from that post, King Zahir Shah
was overthrown and
Abdul Zahir had to retire from politics. Zahir was married to Quraisha and had four
children. His son, the late Ahmad Zahir, was a popular musician who died in a car accident in 1979. His daughter, Zahira
Zahir, is a hairdresser in Washington, DC. His eldest son, Asif Zahir (1932-2000) was also politically active during his lifetime
as Minister of Rural Rehabilitation and Development in 1980s and he remained ambassador inKuwait (1989-1992) and Italy
(1992-1993). He resigned from his post and lived in Peshawar, Pakistan, where he started a campaign for peace in
Afghanistan by setting up a political group called the Afghan National Movement (ANM).

Mohammad Musa Shafiq (19321979) was Prime Minister of the

Kingdom of Afghanistan from

December 12, 1972 until July 13, 1973. He was an Afghan politician and poet. He became Foreign
Minister in 1971 and Prime Minister in December 1972. He lost both positions when Mohammed Zahir
Shah was overthrown on July 17, 1973. He survived throughout the regime of Mohammed Daoud Khan,
but was arrested after the 1978 communist coup d'tat and executed along with many other noncommunist politicians in 1979. Mohammad Musa Shafiq was born in Kama district, Nagarhar province,
Afghanistan in 1932. Son of prominent Afghan politicians and civil servants. Mohammad Musa Shafiq
was graduated from Kabul Arabic Religious High School. He earned his Master's degree from Al-Azhar
University in Egypt. "He earned an additional Master's degree from Columbia University in New York,
United States of America." As prime minister, Shafiq sought closer ties with the United States and
promised a crack-down on opium growing and smuggling. Shafiq was only seven month prime minister.

Chairman of the Revolutionary Council of the Armed Forces of Afghanistan

Abdul Qadir Dagarwal (born

1944) was a colonel, and the leader of the Afghan Air

Force squadrons that attacked the Radio-TV Station during the 1978 Coup that started the Saur Revolution.
Ironically, he also participated in the 1973 Coup that created the Daoud Republic of Afghanistan under the
Presidency of Mohammad Daoud Khan. He served as the leader of the country for 3 days from April 27
until April 30, 1978 when the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan took power and declared the
foundation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. He was born in 1944 in Herat and trained as a pilot
in the USSR. Former Prime Minister Mohammad Daoud Khan led the coup with General Abdul Karim
Mustaghni, who had been Chief of Staff of the armed forces. Daoud promised radical land reform, the
legalisation of political parties and other reforms. The Parcham was offered four minister posts in Daoud's
government. As a Parcham member, Qadir was nominated vice-commander of the Afghan air force, while
another Parcham supporter, Major Zia Mohammadzi Zia, was appointed head of the Afghan army. However, by 1974 Daoud
removed and downgraded many of the Parcham ministers in the government. Qadir was thus downgraded to head of Kabul's
Military abattoir. Many Parcham supporters, including Major Qadir, shifted allegiance to Khalq. Suddenly in April 1978, Daoud
and his hardline interior minister, General Abdul Qadir Khan Nuristani, launched a sharp government crackdown on
the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA). It proved to be a miscalculation. Major Qadir and Colonel Mohammad
Aslam Watanjar, another leading PDPA member in the military, narrowly escaped arrest and early on April 27 Hafizullah
Amin was able to smuggle out the order to restart the coup. He also ordered the attack against the Arg, and against the Royal
Palace of President Mohammad Daoud Khan. The tank commander on the ground was Colonel Aslam Watanjar, of the first
battalion of the 4th tank brigade. Together, the troops under their command tookKabul. The government fell, and Daoud was
killed. At 7:00 P.M. on April 27, Qadir made an announcement over Radio Afghanistan, in the Dari language, that a
Revolutionary Council of the Armed Forces had been established, with himself at its head. The council's initial statement of
principles, issued late in the evening of April 27, was a noncommittal affirmation of Islamic, democratic, and nonaligned
ideals:
" For the first time in the history of Afghanistan, the radio declared, the last remnants
of monarchy, tyranny, despotism... has ended, and all powers of the state are in the hands of the people of Afghanistan."
The Revolutionary Council was formed by himself, Hafizullah Amin, and Major Mohammad Aslam Watanjar, it assumed the
control of the country until a civilian government was formed. On April 30 the newly created PDPA's Revolutionary Council
(with Nur Mohammad Taraki and Babrak Karmal in its leadership) issued the first of a series of fateful decrees. The decree
formally abolished the militarys revolutionary council. A second decree, issued on May 1, named the members of the first
cabinet that included Qadir as Minister of Defense. He became minister of defense, for three months starting in May, 1978.
On May 6, Qadir asked the Soviet commanders for advice on how to deal with all the people under arrest. On August 17,
Qadir, still defense minister, was arrested for his part in a conspiracy that allegedly had been organized by
the Parchams exiled abroad. Since Qadir remained popular in the military, President Taraki didn't dare to kill him. Instead he
was sentenced to fifteen years in jail. The policy of Taraki and Hafizullah Amin to get rid of people they considered unsuitable
in order to concentrate all power in their own hands became very apparent. Prime MinisterAmin later reported: The party
was unable to make Qadir a true Marxist-Leninist, prepared to withstand any negative influence. That was our mistake." After
the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 which assassinated Hafizullah Amin, Qadir was released from jail under the new
regime of Babrak Karmal, the political posts he held in the PDPA before being sent to jail were restored. He served once again
as Minister of Defense (1982- 1985) during the Babrak Administration. After the Soviet Invasion, Kabul was put in a state of
siege. The bridges were blocked, barriers and hidden ambushes were set up on all the roads leading into the city. Qadir was
made commander of the city. As part of the changes in the leadership of the country, he resigned from the Politburo in
November, 1985, a year later was appointed Ambassador toWarsaw, Poland by President Mohammad Najibullah. He was
recalled to Afghanistan in 1988, were he got elected to Parliament. After the Soviet withdrawal in 1989 it was believed he fled
to Bulgaria and sought political asylum.

Democratic Republic of Afghanistan

List of Chairmans of the Presidium of the Revolutionary Council , Chairmans of the Council of
Ministers and Chairmen of the Revolutionary Council of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan

Nur Muhammad Taraki (July 15, 1917 September 14, 1979) was the

Chairmen of the Revolutionary Council of the

Democratic Republic of Afghanistan from April 30, 1978 until September 14, 1979. Taraki was born near Kabul and educated
at Kabul University, after which he started his political career as a journalist. He later became one of the founding members
of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) and was elected as the party's General Secretary at its first congress.
He ran as a candidate in the 1965 Afghan parliamentary election but failed to secure himself a seat. In 1966 he published the
first issue of Khalq, a party newspaper, but it was closed down shortly afterwards by the Afghan Government. The
assassination of Mir Akbar Khyber led Taraki, along with Hafizullah Amin (the organiser of the revolution) and Babrak Karmal,
to initiate the Saur Revolution and establish the communist Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. The presidency of Taraki,
albeit short-lived, was marked by controversies from beginning to end. Taraki launched a land reform on 1 January 1978
which proved to be highly unpopular and, along with his government's other reforms, led to a popular backlash which
initiated the Afghan civil war. Despite repeated attempts throughout his reign, Taraki proved unable to persuade the Soviet
Union to intervene in support of the restoration of civil order. At the beginning of his rule, the Government was divided
between two PDPA factions: the Khalqists (which Taraki was the leader of), the majority, and the Parchamites, the minority. In
1978, shortly after his rule began, Taraki started a purge of the government and party which led to several high-ranking
Parchamite members being sent into de facto exile by being assigned to serve overseas as ambassadors. His reign was
marked by a cult of personality centered around himself that had been cultivated by Amin. His relationship with Amin turned
sour during his rule, ultimately resulting in Taraki's murder on September 14, 1979, upon Amin's orders. Taraki was born to a
rural Ghilzai Pashtun peasant family in Naawa district, Ghazni Provence on July 15, 1917. He was the oldest of three
children and attended a village school in Nawa before leaving in 1932, at the age of 15, to work in the port city
of Bombay,India. There he met a Kandahari merchant family who employed him as a clerk for the Pashtun Trading Company.
Taraki's first encounter with communism was during his night courses, where he met several Communist Party of
India members who impressed him with their discussions on social justice and communist values. Another important event
was his encounter with Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, a Pashtun nationalist and leader of the Red Shirt Movement in neighboring
India, who was an admirer of the works of Vladimir Lenin. In 1937 he started working for Abdul Majid Zabuli, the Minister of
Economics, who introduced Taraki to several Russians. Later Taraki became Deputy Head of the Bakhtrar News Agency and
became known throughout the country as an author and poet. His best known book, the De Bang Mosaferi, highlights the
socio-economic difficulties facing Afghan workers and peasants. His works were translated into Russian; in the Soviet Union,
where his work was viewed as embodying scientific socialist themes, Taraki was hailed by the government as
"Afghanistan's Maxim Gorky". During a visit to the Soviet Union Taraki was greeted by Boris Ponomarev, the Head of
the International Department of the Central Committee, and other Communist Party of the Soviet Union members. Under
Mohammad Daoud Khan's prime ministership, suppression of radicals was common. However, because of his language skills,
Taraki was sent to the Afghan embassy in the United States in 1952. Within several months Taraki began denouncing the
Afghan regime and accused it of being autocratic and dictatorial. His denunciation of the Afghan Government earned him
much publicity in the United States. It also attracted unfavorable attention from authorities back home, who relieved him of
his post and ordered him repatriated but stopped short of placing him under arrest. After a short period of unemployment
Taraki started working for the United States Overseas Mission in Kabul as a translator. He quit his job in 1958 and established
his own translation company, the Noor Translation Bureau. Four years later. Taraki started working for the American Embassy
in Kabul, but quit in 1963 to focus on the establishment of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA), a communist
political party. At the founding congress of the PDPA, held in Taraki's own home, Taraki won a competitive election
against Babrak Karmal to the post of general secretary on January 1, 1965. Karmal became second secretary. Taraki ran as a
candidate for the PDPA during theSeptember 1965 parliamentary election but did not win a seat. Shortly after the election,
Taraki launched Khalq, the first major left-wing newspaper in Afghanistan. The paper was banned within one month of its first
printing. In 1967, less than two years after its founding, the PDPA split into several factions. The largest of these included
Khalq (English: Masses) led by Taraki, and Parcham (English: Banner) led by Karmal. The main differences between the
factions were ideological, with Taraki supporting the creation of a Leninist-like state, while Karmal wanted to establish a
"broad democratic front". On April 19, 1978 a prominent leftist named Mir Akbar Khyber was assassinated and the murder
was blamed on Mohammed Daoud Khan's Government. His death served as a rallying point for the Afghan communists.
Fearing a communist coup d'etat, Daoud ordered the arrest of certain PDPA leaders, including Taraki and Karmal, while
placing others such as Hafizullah Amin under house arrest. On April 27, 1978 the Saur Revolution was initiated, reportedly by
Amin while still under house arrest. Khan was killed the next day along with most of his family. The PDPA rapidly gained
control and on May 1, 1978 Taraki became Chairman of the Revolutionary Council, a role which subsumed the responsibilities
of both president and Chairman of the Council of Ministers (literally prime minister in Western parlance). The country was
then renamed the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan (DRA), installing a regime that would last until April 1992. Taraki was
appointed Chairman of the Presidium of the Revolutionary Council and Council of Minister chairman, while he retained his
post as general secretary of the PDPA. Taraki was appointed Chairman of the Revolutionary Council and Chairman of
the Council of Minister, and retained his post as PDPA general secretary. Taraki initially formed a government which consisted
of both Khalqists and Parchamites; Karmal became Deputy Chairman of the Presidium of the Revolutionary Council while Amin
became Minister of Foreign Affairs and Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers. Internal problems soon arose and several
prominent Khalqists accused the Parcham faction of conspiring against the Taraki government. A Khalqi purge of the Parcham
then began with the faction's most prominent members being sent out of the country: Karmal became the Afghan
ambassador to Czechoslovakia and Mohammad Najibullah became the Afghan ambassador to Iran. Internal struggle was not
only to be found between the Khalqist and Parchamites; tense rivalry between Taraki and Amin had begun in the Khalq faction
with both vying for control. Karmal was recalled from Czechoslovakia but rather than return to Afghanistan he went into
hiding with Anahita Ratebzad, his friend and former Afghan ambassador to Yugoslavia, as he feared execution if he returned.
Muhammad Najibullah followed them. Taraki consequently stripped them of all official titles and political authority. Taraki's
Government initiated a land reform on 1 January 1979 which attempted to limit the amount of land a family could own. Those
whose landholdings exceeded the limit saw their property requisitioned by the government without compensation. The
Afghan leadership believed the reform would meet with popular approval among the rural population while weakening the
power of the bourgeoisie. The reform was declared complete in mid-1979 and the government proclaimed that 665,000
hectares (approximately 1,632,500 acres) had been redistributed. The government also declared that only 40,000 families, or
4 percent of the population, had been negatively affected by the land reform. Contrary to government expectations the
reform was neither popular nor productive. Agricultural harvests plummeted and the reform itself led to rising discontent
amongst Afghans. When Taraki realized the degree of popular dissatisfaction with the reform he quickly abandoned the policy.
However, the land reform was gradually implemented under the later Karmal administration, although the proportion of land
area impacted by the reform is unclear. In the months following the coup, Taraki and other party leaders initiated other
radical Marxist policies that challenged both traditional Afghan values and well-established traditional power structures in
rural areas. Taraki introduced women to political life and legislated an end to forced marriage. However, Taraki ruled over a
nation with a deep Islamic religious culture and a long history of resistance to any type of strong centralized governmental

control, and consequently many of these reforms were not actually implemented nationwide. Popular
resentment of Taraki's drastic policy changes triggered surging unrest throughout the country, reducing
government control to only a limited area. The strength of this anti-reform backlash would ultimately
lead to the Afghan civil war. Under the previous administration of Mohammad Daoud Khan,
a literacy program created by UNESCO had been launched with the objective of eliminating illiteracy
within 20 years. The government of Taraki attempted to reduce this time frame from 20 to four years,
an unrealistic goal in light of the shortage of teachers and limited government capacity to oversee such
an initiative. The duration of the project was later lengthened to seven years by the Soviets in the
aftermath of the Soviet intervention. The cultural focus of the UNESCO programme was declared
"rubbish" by Taraki, who instead chose to introduce a political orientation by utilizing PDPA leaflets and
left-wing pamphlets as basic reading material.
We believe it would be a fatal mistake to commit ground troops. [...] If our troops went in, the situation
in your country would not improve. On the contrary, it would get worse. Our troops would have to struggle not only with an
external aggressor, but with a significant part of your own people. And the people would never forgive such things" Alexei
Kosygin, the Chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers, in response to Taraki's request for Soviet presence in Afghanistan
Taraki signed a Twenty-Year Treaty of Friendship with the Soviet Union on 5 December 1978 which greatly expanded Soviet aid
to his regime. Following the Herat uprising, Taraki contacted Alexei Kosygin, chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers, and
asked for "practical and technical assistance with men and armament". Kosygin was unfavorable to the proposal on the basis
of the negative political repercussions such an action would have for his country, and he rejected all further attempts by
Taraki to solicit Soviet military aid in Afghanistan. Following Kosygin's rejection Taraki requested aid from Leonid Brezhnev,
the general secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and Soviet head of state, who warned Taraki that full Soviet
intervention "would only play into the hands of our enemies both yours and ours". Brezhnev also advised Taraki to ease up
on the drastic social reforms and to seek broader support for his regime. In 1979, Taraki attended a conference of the NonAligned Movement in Havana, Cuba. On his way back he stopped inMoscow on 20 March and met with Brezhnev, foreign
minister Andrei Gromyko and other Soviet officials. It was rumoured that Karmal was present at the meeting in an attempt to
reconcile Taraki's Khalq faction and the Parcham against Amin and his followers. At the meeting, Taraki was successful in
negotiating some Soviet support, including the redeployment of two Soviet armed divisions at the Soviet-Afghan border, the
sending of 500 military and civilian advisers and specialists and the immediate delivery of Soviet armed equipment sold at 25
percent below the original price. However the Soviets were not pleased about the developments in Afghanistan and Brezhnev
impressed upon Taraki the need for party unity. Despite reaching this agreement with Taraki, the Soviets continued to be
reluctant to intervene further in Afghanistan and repeatedly refused Soviet military intervention within Afghan borders during
Taraki's rule as well as later during Amin's short rule. In the first months after the revolution, Hafizullah Amin and Taraki had
a very close relationship. Taraki reportedly remarked, "Amin and I are like nail and flesh, not separable". Amin set about
constructing a personality cult centered on Taraki. In party and government meetings Amin always referred to Taraki as "The
Great Leader", "The Star of the East" or "The Great Thinker" among other titles, while Amin was given such titles as "The True
Disciple and Student". Amin would later come to realize he had created a monster when the Kim Il-sung-like personality cult
he had created inspired Taraki to become overly confident and believe in his own brilliance. Taraki began discounting Amin's
suggestions, fostering in Amin a deep sense of resentment. As their relationship turned increasingly sour, a power struggle
developed between them for the control of the Afghan Army. Their relations came to a head later that year when Taraki
accused Amin of nepotism after Amin had appointed several family members to high-ranking positions. Taraki could count on
the support of four prominent army officers in his struggle against Amin: Aslam Watanjar, Sayed Mohammad
Gulabzoy, Sherjan Mazdoryar and Assadullah Sarwari. These men had joined the PDPA not because of ideological reasons, but
instead due to their lofty political ambitions. They also had developed a close relationship with Alexander Puzanov, the Soviet
ambassador in Afghanistan, who was eager to use them against Amin. After the Herat city uprising on March 17, 1979,
the PDPA Politburo and the Revolut ionary Council established the Homeland Higher Defence Council, to which Taraki was
elected its chairman while Amin became its deputy. At around the same time, Taraki left his post as Council of Ministers
chairman and Amin was elected his successor. Amin's new position offered him little real influence, however; as Chairman of
the Council of Ministers, Amin had the power to elect every member of the cabinet, but all of them had to be approved by the
head of state, Taraki. In reality, through this maneuver Taraki had effectively reduced Amin's power base by forcing him to
relinquish his hold on the Afghan army in order to take on the supposedly heavy responsibilities of his new but ultimately
powerless post. During Taraki's foreign visit to the non-aligned conference in Havana, his Gang of Four had received an
intelligence report that Amin was planning to arrest or kill them. This report, it turned out, was incorrect. Nonetheless, the
Gang of Four were ordered to assassinate Amin, its leader Sarwari selecting his nephew Aziz Akbari to conduct the
assassination. However, Akbari was not informed that he was the chosen assassin or that it was a secret mission, and he
confided the information to contacts in the Soviet embassy. The Soviet embassy responded by warning Amin of the
assassination attempt, thereby saving him from certain death. Taraki was greeted by Amin at the airport on his return to
Kabul. The flight was scheduled to land at 2:30 but Amin forced the delay of the landing by an hour as a demonstration to
Taraki of his control over the government. Shortly afterward, Taraki sought to neutralize Amin's power and influence by
requesting that he serve overseas as an ambassador. Amin turned down the proposal, shouting "You are the one who should
quit! Because of drink and old age you have taken leave of your senses." The following day Taraki invited Amin to the
presidential palace for lunch with him and the Gang of Four. Amin turned down the offer, stating he would prefer their
resignation rather than lunching with them. Soviet ambassador Puzanov managed to persuade Amin to make the visit to the
Presidential Palace along with Sayed Daoud Tarun, the Chief of Police and Nawab Ali (an intelligence officer). Upon arriving at
the palace, unknown individuals within the building opened fire on the visitors. Tarun was killed, while Ali sustained an injury
and escaped with an unharmed Amin. Shortly afterward, Amin returned to the palace with a contingent of Army officers and
placed Taraki under arrest. The Gang of Four, however, had "disappeared" and their whereabouts would remain unknown for
the duration of Amin's 104-day rule. After Taraki's arrest, Amin reportedly discussed the incident with Leonid Brezhnev in
which he said, "Taraki is still around. What should I do with him?" Brezhnev replied that it was his choice. Amin, who now
believed he had the full support of the Soviets, ordered the death of Taraki. Taraki was subsequently suffocated with pillows.
The Afghan media would report that the ailing Taraki had died, omitting any mention of his murder. [

Hafizullah Amin (August 1, 1929 December 27, 1979) was Chairman of the Presidium of the Revolutionary Council of
Afghanistan from September 14 until December 27, 1978. Amin was born in Paghman and educated at Kabul University, after
which he started his career as a teacher. After a few years in that occupation, he went to the United States to study. He would
visit the United States a second time before moving permanently to Afghanistan, and starting his career in radical politics. He
ran as a candidate in the 1965 parliamentary election but failed to secure a seat. Amin was the only Khalqist elected to
parliament in the 1969 parliamentary election, thus increasing his standing within the party. He was one of the leading
organisers of the Saur Revolution which overthrew the government of Mohammad Daoud Khan. Amin's short-lived presidency
was marked by controversies from beginning to end. He came to power by ordering the death of his predecessor Nur
Muhammad Taraki. The revolt against communist rule which had begun under Taraki worsened under Amin, and was a

problem that his government was unable to solve. The Soviet Union, which alleged that Amin was an agent of
the CIA, intervened in Afghanistan on behalf of the Twenty-Year Treaty of Friendship between Afghanistan and the Soviet
Union. Amin was assassinated by the Soviets in December 1979 as part of Operation Storm-333, having ruled for slightly
longer than three months. Hafizullah Amin was born to a Ghilzai Pashtun family in Paghman on August 1, 1929. His father, a
civil servant, died when he was still very young. Thanks to his brother Abdullah, a primary school teacher, Amin was able to
attend both primary and secondary school, which in turn led him to be able to attend Kabul University (KU). After studying
mathematics there, he also graduated from the Darul Mualimeen Teachers College in Kabul, and became a teacher. Amin
later became vice-principal of the Darul Mualimeen College, and then principal of the prestigious Avesina High School, and in
1957 left Afghanistan for Columbia University in New York City, from which he graduated with an M. A. in education. It was at
Columbia that Amin became attracted to Marxism, and in 1958 he became a member of the university's Socialist Progressive
Club. When he returned to Afghanistan, Amin became a teacher at Kabul University, and later, for the second time, the
principal of Avesina High School. During this period Amin became acquainted with Nur Muhammad Taraki, a communist.
Around this time, Amin quit his position as principal of Avesina High School in order to become principal of the Darul
Mualimeen College. It is alleged that Amin became radicalised during his second stay in the United States in 1962, when he
enrolled in a work-study group at the University of Wisconsin. Amin studied the doctoral programme at the Columbia
University Teachers College, but started to neglect his studies in favour of politics; in 1963 he became head of the Afghan
students' association at the college. When he returned to Afghanistan in the mid-1960s, the route flew to Afghanistan by way
of Moscow. There, Amin met the Afghan ambassador to the Soviet Union, his old friend Ali Ahmad Popel, a previous
Afghan Minister of Education. During his short stay, Amin became even more radicalised. Some people, Nabi Misdaq for
instance, do not believe he travelled through Moscow, but rather West Germany andLebanon. By the time he had returned to
Afghanistan, the Communist People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) had already held its founding congress, which
was in 1965. Amin ran as a candidate for the PDPA in the 1965 parliamentary election, and lost by a margin of less than fifty
votes. In 1966, when the PDPA Central Committee was expanded, Amin was elected as a non-voting member, and in the
spring of 1967 he gained full membership. Amin's standing in the Khalq faction of the PDPA increased when he was the only
Khalqist elected to parliament in the 1969 parliamentary election. When the PDPA split along factional lines in 1967, between
Khalqists led by Nur andParchamites led by Babrak Karmal, Amin joined the Khalqists. As a member of parliament, Amin tried
to win over support from the Pashtun people in the armed forces. According to a biography about Amin, he used his position
as member of parliament to fight against imperialism, feudalism, and reactionary tendencies, and fought against the "rotten"
regime, the monarchy. Amin himself said that he used his membership in parliament to pursue the class struggle against
the bourgeoisie. Relations between Khalqists and Parchamites deteriorated during this period. Amin, the only Khalq member
of parliament, and Babrak Karmal, the only Parcham member of parliament, did not cooperate with each other. Amin would
later, during his short stint in power, mention these events with bitterness. Following the arrest of fellow PDPA
members Dastagir Panjsheri and Saleh Mohammad Zeary in 1969, Amin became one of the party's leading members, and
was still a pre-eminent party member by the time of their release in 1973. From 1973 until the PDPA unification in 1977, Amin
was second only to Taraki in the Khalqist PDPA. When the PDPA ruled Afghanistan, their relationship was referred to as a
disciple (Amin) following his mentor (Taraki). This official portrayal of the situation was misleading; their relationship was
more work-oriented. Taraki needed Amin's "tactical and strategic talents"; Amin's motivations are more uncertain, but it is
commonly believed that he associated with Taraki to protect his own position. Amin had attracted many enemies during his
career, the most notable being Karmal. According to the official version of events, Taraki protected Amin from party members
or others who wanted to hurt the PDPA and the country. When Mohammed Daoud Khan ousted the monarchy, and
established the Republic of Afghanistan, the Khalqist PDPA offered its support for the new regime if it established a National
Front which presumably included the Khalqist PDPA itself. The Parchamite PDPA had already established an alliance with
Daoud at the beginning of his regime, and Karmal called for the dissolution of the Khalqist PDPA. Karmal's call for dissolution
only worsened relations between the Khalqist and Parchamite PDPA. However, Taraki and Amin were lucky; Karmal's alliance
actually hurt the Parchamites' standing in Afghan politics. Some communists in the armed forces became disillusioned with
the government of Daoud, and turned to the Khalqist PDPA because of its apparent independence. Parchamite association
with the Daoud government indirectly led to the Khalqist-led PDPA coup of 1978, popularly referred to as the Saur Revolution.
From 1973 until the 1978 coup, Amin was responsible for organising party work in the Afghan armed forces. According to the
official version, Amin "met patriotic liaison officers day or night, in the desert or the mountains, in the fields or the forests,
enlightening them on the basis of the principles of theworking class ideology." Amin's success in recruiting military officers
lay in the fact that Daoud "betrayed the left" soon after taking power. When Amin began recruiting military officers for the
PDPA, it was not difficult for him to find disgruntled military officers. In the meantime, relations between the Parchamite and
Khalqist PDPA deteriorated; in 1973 it was rumoured that Major Zia Mohammadzai, a Parchamite and head of the Republican
Guard, planned to assassinate the entire Khalqist leadership. The plan, if true, failed because the Khalqists found out about it.
The assassination attempt proved to be a further blow to relations between the Parchamites and Khalqists. The Parchamites
deny that they ever planned to assassinate the Khalqist leadership, but historian Beverley Male argues that Karmal's
subsequent activities give credence to the Khalqist view of events. Because of the Parchamite assassination attempt, Amin
pressed the Khalqist PDPA to seize power in 1976 by ousting Daoud. The majority of the PDPA leadership voted against such a
move. The following year, in 1977, the Parchamites and Khalqists officially reconciled, and the PDPA was unified. The
Parchamite and Khalqist PDPAs, which had separate general secretaries, politburos, central committees and other
organisational structures, were officially unified in the summer of 1977. One reason for unification was that the international
communist movement, represented by the Communist Party of India, Iraqi Communist Party and the Communist Party of
Australia, called for party unification. On 18 April 1978 Mir Akbar Khyber, the chief ideologue of the Parcham faction, was
killed; he was commonly believed to have been assassinated by the Daoud government. Khyber's assassination initiated a
chain of events which led to the PDPA taking power eleven days later, on 27 April. The assassin was never caught,
but Anahita Ratebzad, a Parchamite, believed that Amin had ordered the assassination. Khyber's funeral evolved into a large
anti-government demonstration. Daoud, who did not understand the significance of the events, began a mass arrest of PDPA
members seven days after Khyber's funeral. Amin, who organised the subsequent revolution against Daoud, was one of the
last Central Committee members to be arrested by the authorities. His late arrest can be considered as proof of the regime's
lack of information; Amin was the leading revolutionary party organiser. The government's lack of awareness was proven by
the arrest of Taraki Taraki's arrest was the pre-arranged signal for the revolution to commence. When Amin found out that
Taraki had been arrested, he ordered the revolution to begin at 9am on 27 April. Amin, in contrast to Taraki, was not
imprisoned, but instead put under house arrest. His son, Abdur Rahman, was still allowed freedom of movement. The
revolution was successful, thanks to overwhelming support from the Afghan military; for instance, it was supported
by Defence Minister Ghulam Haidar Rasuli, Aslam Watanjar the commander of the ground forces, and the Chief of Staff of
the Afghan Air Force, Abdul Qadir Dagarwal. After the Saur revolution, Taraki was appointed Chairman of the Presidium of
the Revolutionary Council and Chairman of the Council of Ministers, and retained his post as PDPA general secretary. Taraki
initially formed a government which consisted of both Khalqists and Parchamites; Karmal became Deputy Chairman of the
Revolutionary Council while Amin became Minister of Foreign Affairs and a Deputy Chairman of the Council of
Ministers, and Mohammad Aslam Watanjar became a Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers. The two
Parchamites Abdul Qadir Dagarwal and Mohammad Rafi became Minister of National Defence and Minister of Public

Works respectively. According to Angel Rasanayagam, the appointment of Amin, Karmal and Watanjar
as Deputy Chairmen of the Council of Ministers led to the establishment of three cabinets; the
Khalqists were answerable to Amin, the Parchamites were answerable to Karmal, and the military
officers (who were Parchamites) were answerable to Watanjar. The first conflict between the Khalqists
and Parchamites arose when the Khalqists wanted to give PDPA Central Committee membership to
the military officers who participated in the Saur Revolution. Amin, who had previously opposed the
appointment of military officers to the PDPA leadership, switched sides; he now supported their
elevation. The PDPA Politburo voted in favour of giving membership to the military officers; the victors
(the Khalqists) portrayed the Parchamites as opportunists, implying that the Parchamites had ridden
the revolutionary wave, but not actually participated in the revolution. To make matters worse for the
Parchamites, the term Parcham was, according to Taraki, a word synonymous with factionalism. On
June 27, 1978, three months after the revolution, Amin managed to outmaneuver the Parchamites at
a Central Committee meeting. The meeting decided that the Khalqists had exclusive rights to
formulate and decide policy, a policy which left the Parchamites impotent. Karmal was exiled, but was
able to establish a network with the remaining Parchamites in government. A coup to overthrow Amin was planned for
September. Its leading members in Afghanistan were Qadir, the defence minister, and Army Chief of Staff General Shahpur
Ahmedzai. The coup was planned for 4 September, on the Festival of Eid, because soldiers and officers would be off duty. The
conspiracy failed when the Afghan ambassador to India told the Afghan leadership about the plan. A purge was initiated, and
Parchamite ambassadors were recalled; few returned, for example Karmal andMohammad Najibullah both stayed in their
assigned countries. The Afghan people revolted against the PDPA government when the government introduced
several socialist reforms, including land reforms. By early 1979, twenty-five out of Afghanistan's twenty-eight provinces were
unsafe because of armed resistance against the government. On March 29, 1979, the Herat uprising began; the uprising
turned the revolt into an open war between the Mujahideen and the Afghan government. It was during this period that Amin
became Kabul's strongman. Shortly after the Herat uprising had been crushed, the Revolutionary Council convened to ratify
the new Five-Year Plan, the AfghanSoviet Friendship Treaty, and to vote on whether or not to reorganise the Council of
Ministers and to enhance the power of the executive (the Chairman of the Revolutionary Council). While the official version of
events said that all issues were voted on democratically at the meeting, the Revolutionary Council held another meeting the
following day to ratify the new Five-Year Plan and to discuss the reorganisation of the Council of Ministers.
"As one of our slogans is 'to everyone according to his capacity and work', therefore as a result of past performances and
services he has won our greater trust and assurances. I have full confidence in him and in the light of this confidence I
entrust him with this job..." Taraki telling his colleagues why Amin should be appointed Chairman of the Council of
Ministers.
Alexander Puzanov, the Soviet ambassador to Afghanistan, was able to persuade Aslam Watanjar, Sayed Mohammad
Gulabzoyand Sherjan Mazdoryar to become part of a conspiracy against Amin. These three men put pressure on Taraki, who
by this time believed that "he really was the 'great leader'", to sack Amin from office. It is unknown if Amin knew anything
about the conspiracy against him, but it was after the reorganisation of the Council of Ministers had taken place that he
talked about his dissatisfaction. On 26 March the PDPA Politburo and the Council of Ministers approved the extension of the
powers of the executive branch, and the establishment of the Homeland Higher Defence Council (HHDC) to handle security
matters. Many analysts of the day regarded Amin's appointment to the Chairmanship of the Council of Ministers as an
increase in his powers at the expense of Taraki. However, the reorganisation of the Council of Ministers and the strengthening
of Taraki's position as Chairman of the Revolutionary Council, had reduced the authority of the Chairman of the Council of
Ministers. The Council of Ministers chairman was, due to the strengthening of the executive, now appointed by the Chairman
of the Revolutionary Council. While Amin could appoint and dismiss new ministers, he needed the consent of Taraki to
actually do so. Another problem for Amin was that while the Council of Ministers was responsible to the Revolutionary Council
and its chairman, individual ministers were only responsible to Taraki. When Amin became Chairman of the Council of
Ministers, he was responsible for planning, finance and budgetary matters, the conduct of foreign policy, and for order and
security. The order and security responsibilities had been taken over by the HHDC, which was chaired by Taraki. While Amin
was HHDC Deputy Chairman, the majority of HHDC members were members of the anti-Amin faction. For instance, the HHDC
membership included Watanjar the Minister of National Defence, Interior Minister Mazdoryar, the President of the Political
Affairs of the Armed Forces Mohammad Iqbal, Mohammad Yaqub, the Chief of the General Staff, the Commander of
the Afghan Air Force Nazar Mohammad and Assadullah Sarwari the head of ASGA, the Afghan secret police. The order of
precedence had been institutionalised, whereby Taraki was responsible for defence and Amin responsible for assisting Taraki
in defence related matters. Amin's position was given a further blow by the democratisation of the decision-making process,
which allowed its members to contribute; most of them were against Amin. Another problem for Amin was that the office of
HHDC Deputy Chairman had no specific functions or powers, and the appointment of a new defence minister who opposed
him drastically weakened his control over the Ministry of National Defence. The reorganisation of ministers was a further blow
to Amin's position; he had lost control of the defence ministry, the interior ministry and the ASGA. Amin still had allies at the
top, many of them in strategically important positions, for instance, Yaqub was his brother-in-law and the Security Chief in the
Ministry of Interior was Sayed Daoud Taroon, who was also later appointed to the HHDC as an ordinary member in April. Amin
succeeded in appointing two more of his allies to important positions; Mohammad Sediq Alemyar as Minister of
Planning and Khayal Mohammad Katawazi asMinister of Information and Culture; and Faqir Mohammad Faqir was appointed
Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers in April 1978. Amin's political position was not secure when Alexei Yepishev, the
Head of the Main Political Directorate of the Soviet Army and Navy, visited Kabul. Yepishev met personally with Taraki on April
7, 1978 but never met with Amin. The Soviets were becoming increasingly worried about Amin's control over the Afghan
military. Even so, during Yepishev's visit Amin's position was actually strengthened; Taroon was appointed Taraki's aide-decamp.
"Our homeland's enemies, the enemies of the working class movement all over the world are trying to penetrate into the
PDPA leadership and above all woo the working class party leader but the people of Afghanistan and the PDPA both take
great pride in the fact that the PDPA and its General-Secretary enjoys a great personality which render him impossible to
woo." Amin in a speech were he warned againstsectarianism in the PDPA.
Soon after, at two meetings of the Council of Ministers, the strengthening of the executive powers of the Chairman of the
Revolutionary Council was proven. Even though Amin was Chairman of the Council of Ministers, Taraki chaired the meetings
instead of him. Amin's presence at these two meetings was not mentioned at all, and it was made clear that Taraki, through
his office as Chairman of the Revolutionary Council, also chaired the Council of Ministers. Another problem facing Amin was
Taraki's policy of autocracy; he tried to deprive the PDPA Politburo of its powers as a party and state decision-making organ.
The situation deteriorated when Amin personally warned Taraki that "the prestige and popularity of leaders among the people
has no common aspect with a personality cult." Factionalism within the PDPA made it ill prepared to handle the
intensified counter-revolutionary activities in the country. Amin tried to win support for the communist government by
depicting himself as a devout Muslim. Taraki and Amin blamed different countries for helping the counter-revolutionaries;

Amin attacked the United Kingdom and the British Broadcasting Corporation(BBC) and played down American and Chinese
involvement, while Taraki blamed American imperialism and Iran and Pakistan for supporting the uprising. Amin's criticism of
the United Kingdom and the BBC fed on the traditional anti-British sentiments held by rural Afghans. In contrast to Taraki,
"Amin bent over backwards to avoid making hostile reference to", China, the United States or other foreign
governments. Amin's cautious behavior was in deep contrast to the Soviet Union's official stance on the situation; it seemed,
according to Beverley Male, that the Soviet leadership tried to force a confrontation between Afghanistan and its enemies.
Amin also tried to appease the Shia communities by meeting with their leaders; despite this, a section of the Shia leadership
called for the continuation of the resistance. Subsequently a revolt broke out in a Shia populated district in Kabul; this was the
first sign of unrest in Kabul since the Saur Revolution. To add to the government's problems, Taraki's ability to lead the
country was questioned he was a heavy drinker and was not in good health. Amin on the other hand was characterised in
this period by portrayals of strong self-discipline. In the summer of 1979 Amin began to disassociate himself from Taraki. On
27 June Amin became a member of the PDPA Politburo, the leading decision-making body in Afghanistan. In-mid July the
Soviets made their view official when Pravda wrote an article about the situation in Afghanistan; the Soviets did not wish to
see Amin become leader of Afghanistan. This triggered a political crisis in Afghanistan, as Amin initiated a policy of extreme
repression, which became one of the main reasons for the Soviet intervention later that year. On 28 July, a vote in the PDPA
Politburo approved Amin's proposal of creating a collective leadership with collective decision-making; this was a blow to
Taraki, and many of his supporters were replaced by pro-Amin PDPA members. Ivan Pavlovsky, the Commander of the Soviet
Ground Forces, visited Kabul in mid-August to study the situation in Afghanistan. Amin, in a speech just a few days after
Pavlovsky's arrival, said that he wanted closer relations between Afghanistan and the People's Republic of China; in the same
speech he hinted that he had reservations about Soviet meddling in Afghanistan. He likened Soviet assistance to Afghanistan
with Vladimir Lenin's assistance to the Hungarian Soviet Republic in 1919. Taraki, a delegate to the conference held by
the Non-Aligned Movement in Havana, met personally with Andrei Gromyko, the Soviet Minister of Foreign Affairs, to discuss
the Afghanistan situation on 9 September. Shah Wali, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, who was a supporter of Amin, did not
participate in the meeting. This, according to Beverley Male, "suggested that some plot against Amin was in preparation".
Within hours of his return to Kabul on September 11, 1978 Taraki convened the Council of Ministers "ostensibly to report on
the Havana Summit". Instead of reporting on the summit, Taraki tried to dismiss Amin as Chairman of the Council of Ministers.
This was a miscalculation, and all but the Gang of Four (consisting of Watanjar, Mazdoryar, Gulabzoi and Sarwari), supported
retaining Amin as the Chairman of the Council of Ministers. Taraki sought to neutralise Amin's power and influence by
requesting that he serve overseas as an ambassador. Amin turned down the proposal, shouting "You are the one who should
quit! Because of drink and old age you have taken leave of your senses." The following day Taraki invited Amin to the
presidential palace for lunch with him and the Gang of Four. Amin turned down the offer, stating he would prefer their
resignation rather than lunching with them. Soviet ambassador Puzanov persuaded Amin to make the visit to the Presidential
Palace along with Taroon, the Chief of Police and Nawab Ali (an intelligence officer). Upon arriving at the palace, unknown
individuals within the building opened fire on the visitors. Taroon was killed, while Ali sustained an injury and escaped,
together with Amin, who was unharmed. Shortly afterward, Amin returned to the palace with a contingent of Army officers,
and placed Taraki under arrest. The Gang of Four, however, had "disappeared" and their whereabouts would remain unknown
for the duration of Amin's 104-day rule. After Taraki's arrest, Amin reportedly discussed the incident with Leonid Brezhnev,
and indirectly asked for the permission to kill Taraki. Brezhnev replied that it was his choice. Amin, who now believed he had
the full support of the Soviets, ordered the death of Taraki. Taraki was subsequently suffocated with pillows. The Afghan
media would report that the ailing Taraki had died, omitting any mention of his murder. Following Taraki's fall from power,
Amin was elected Chairman of the Presidum of the Revolutionary Council and General Secretary of the PDPA Central
Committee by the PDPA Politburo. The election of Amin as PDPA General Secretary and the removal of Taraki from all party
posts was unanimous. The only members of the Council of Ministers replaced when Amin took power were the Gang of Four
Beverley Male saw this as "a clear indication that he had their [members of the Council of Ministers] support". Amin's rise to
power was followed by a policy of moderation, and attempts to persuade the Afghan people that the regime was not antiIslamic. Amin's government began to invest in the reconstruction, or reparation, of mosques. He also promised the Afghan
people freedom of religion. Religious groups were given copies of the Quran, and Amin began to refer to Allah in speeches. He
even claimed that the Saur Revolution was "totally based on the principles of Islam". The campaign proved to be
unsuccessful, and many Afghans held Amin responsible for the regime's totalitarian behavior. Amin's rise to power was
officially endorsed by the Jamiatul Ulama on 20 September 1979. Their endorsement led to the official announcement that
Amin was a pious Muslim Amin thus scored a point against the counter-revolutionary propaganda which claimed the
communist regime was atheist. Amin also tried to increase his popularity with tribal groups, a feat Taraki had been unable or
unwilling to achieve. In a speech to tribal elders Amin was defensive about the Western way he dressed; an official biography
was published which depicted Amin in traditional Pashtun clothes. During his short stay in power, Amin became committed to
establishing a collective leadership; when Taraki was ousted, Amin promised "from now on there will be no one-man
government..." Attempting to pacify the population, Amin released a list of 18,000 people who had been executed, and
blamed the executions on Taraki. The total number of arrested during Taraki's and Amin's combined reign number between
17,000 and 45,000. Amin was not liked by the Afghan people. During his rule, opposition to the communist regime increased,
and the government lost control of the countryside. The state of the Afghan military deteriorated; due to desertions the
number of military personnel in the Afghan army decreased from 100,000 in the immediate aftermath of the Saur Revolution,
to somewhere between 50,000 and 70,000. Another problem Amin faced was the KGB's penetration of the PDPA, the military
and the government bureaucracy. While Amin's position in Afghanistan was becoming more perilous by the day, his enemies
who were exiled in the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc were agitating for his removal. Babrak Karmal, the Parchamite
leader, met several leading Eastern Bloc figures during this period, and[Mohammad Aslam Watanjar, Sayed Mohammad
Gulabzoy and Assadullah Sarwari wanted to exact revenge upon Amin. When Amin became leader, he tried to reduce
Afghanistan's dependence on the Soviet Union. To accomplish this, he aimed to balance Afghanistan's relations with the
Soviet Union by strengthening Afghan relations with Pakistan and Iran. The Soviets were concerned when they received
reports that Amin had met personally with Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, one of the leading anti-communists in Afghanistan. His
general untrustworthiness and his unpopularity amongst Afghans made it more difficult for Amin to find new "foreign
patrons". Amin's involvement in the death of Adolph Dubs, the American Ambassador to Afghanistan, strained his relations
with the United States. He tried to improve relations by reestablishing contact, met with three different American charg
d'affaires, and was interviewed by an American correspondent. But this did not improve Afghanistan's standing in the eyes of
the United States Government. After the third meeting with Amin, J. Bruce Amstutz, the American Ambassador to Afghanistan
from 1979 to 1980, believed the wisest thing to do was to maintain "a low profile, trying to avoid issues, and waiting to see
what happens". In early December 1979, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs proposed a joint summit meeting between Amin
and Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, the President of Pakistan. The Pakistanti Government, accepting a modified version of the offer,
agreed to send Agha Shahi, the Pakistani foreign minister, to Kabul for talks. In the meanwhile, the Inter-Services
Intelligence (ISI), Pakistani's secret police, continued to train Mujahideen fighters who opposed the communist regime.

"Any person and any element who harms the friendship between Afghanistan and the Soviet Union will be considered the
enemy of the country, enemy of our people and enemy of our revolution. We will not allow anybody in Afghanistan to act
against the friendship of Afghanistan and the Soviet Union." Amin reassuring the Soviets about his intentions.
Contrary to popular belief, the Soviet leadership headed by Leonid Brezhnev, Alexei Kosygin and the Politburo, were not eager
to send troops to Afghanistan. The Soviet Politburo decisions were guided by a Special Commission on Afghanistan, which
consisted of Yuri Andropov the KGB Chairman, Andrei Gromyko the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Defence Minister Dmitriy
Ustinov, and Boris Ponomarev, the head of the International Department of the Central Committee. The Politburo was
opposed to the removal of Taraki and his subsequent murder. According to Brezhnev, the General Secretary of the Central
Committee of theCommunist Party of the Soviet Union, "Events developed so swiftly in Afghanistan that essentially there was
little opportunity to somehow interfere in them. Right now our mission is to determine our further actions, so as to preserve
our position in Afghanistan and to secure our influence there." Although AfghanSoviet relations deteriorated during Amin's
short stint in power, he was invited on an official visit to Moscow by Alexander Puzanov, the Soviet ambassador to
Afghanistan, because of the Soviet leadership's satisfaction with his party and state-building policy. Not everything went as
planned, and Andropov talked about "the undesirable turn of events" taking place in Afghanistan under Amin's rule. Andropov
also brought up the ongoing political shift in Afghanistan under Amin; the Soviets were afraid that Amin would move
Afghanistan's foreign policy from a pro-Soviet position to a pro-United States position. By early-to-mid December 1979, the
Soviet leadership had established an alliance with Babrak Karmal andAssadullah Sarwari.
"Those who boast of friendship with us, they can really be our friend when they respect our independence, our soil and our
prideful traditions." Amin stressing the importance of Afghan independence.
As it turned out, the relationship between Puzanov and Amin broke down. Amin started a smear campaign to discredit
Puzanov. This in turn led to an assassination attempt against Amin, in which Puzanov participated. The situation was
worsened by the KGBaccusing Amin of misrepresenting the Soviet position on Afghanistan in the PDPA Central Committee
and the Revolutionary Council. The KGB also noted an increase in anti-Soviet agitation by the government during Amin's rule,
and harassment against Soviet citizens increased under Amin. A group of senior politicians reported to the Soviet Central
Committee that it was necessary to do "everything possible" to prevent a change in political orientation in Afghanistan.
However, the Soviet leadership did not advocate intervention at this time, and instead called for increasing its influence in
the Amin leadership to expose his "true intentions". A Soviet Politburo assessment referred to Amin as "a power-hungry
leader who is distinguished by brutality and treachery". Amongst the many sins they alleged were his "insincerity and
duplicity" when dealing with the Soviet Union, creating fictitious accusations against PDPA-members who opposed him,
indulging in a policy of nepotism, and his tendency to conduct a more "balanced policy" towards First World countries. By the
end of October the Special Commission on Afghanistan, which consisted of Andropov, Gromyko, Ustinov and Ponomarev,
wanted to end the impression that the Soviet government supported Amin's leadership and policy. The KGB's First Chief
Directorate was put under orders that something had to be done about Afghanistan, and several of its personnel were
assembled to deal with the task. Andropov fought hard for Soviet intervention, saying to Brezhnev that Amin's policies had
destroyed the military and the government's capabilities to handle the crisis by use of mass repression. The plan, according
to Andropov, was to assemble a small force to intervene and remove Amin from power and replace him with Karmal. The
Soviet Union declared its plan to intervene in Afghanistan on 12 December 1979, and the Soviet leadership
initiated Operation Storm-333 (the first phase of the intervention) on December 27, 1979. Amin trusted the Soviet Union until
the very end, despite the deterioration of official relations. When the Afghan intelligence service handed Amin a report that
the Soviet Union would invade the country and topple him, Amin claimed the report was a product of imperialism. His view
can be explained by the fact that the Soviet Union, after several months, finally gave in to Amin's demands and sent troops
into Afghanistan to secure the PDPA government. Contrary to common Western belief, Amin was informed of the Soviet
decision to send troops into Afghanistan. General Tukharinov, Commander of the 40th Army, met with Afghan Major General
Babadzhan to talk about Soviet troop movements before the Soviet army's intervention. On December 25, 1978 Dmitriy
Ustinov issued a formal order, stating "The state frontier of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan is to be crossed on the
ground and in the air by forces of the 40th Army and the Air Force at 1500 hrs on 25 December" . This was the formal
beginning of the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan. Concerned for his safety, Amin moved from the Presidential Palace, in the
centre of Kabul, to the Tajbeg Palace, which had previously been the headquarters of the Central Army Corps of the Afghan
military. The palace was formidable, with walls strong enough to withstand artillery fire. According to Rodric Braithwaite, "Its
defences had been carefully and intelligently organised." All roads to the palace had been mined, with the exception of one,
which had heavy machine guns and artillery positioned to defend it. To make matters worse for the Soviets, the Afghans had
established a second line of defence which consisted of seven posts, "each manned by four sentries armed with a machine
gun, a mortar, and automatic rifles". The external defences of the palace were handled by the Presidential Guard, which
consisted of 2,500 troops and three T-54 tanks. Several Soviet commanders involved in the assassination of Amin thought the
plan to attack the palace was "crazy". Several soldiers hesitated, claiming, in contradiction of what their commanders Yuri
Drozdov and Vasily Kolesnik had told them (they in turn had been informed by the Soviet leadership), it seemed strange that
Amin, the leader of the PDPA government, was an American sympathiser (accused of being a "CIA agent" by the Soviets)
[78]
and betrayed the Saur Revolution. Despite several objections, the plan to assassinate Amin went ahead. Before resorting
to killing Amin by brute force, the Soviets had tried to poison him (but nearly killed his nephew instead) and to kill him with a
sniper shot on his way to work (this proved impossible as the Afghans had improved their security measures). They even tried
to poison Amin just hours before the assault on the Presidential Palace. Amin had organised a lunch for party members to
show guests his palace and to celebrate Ghulam Dastagir Panjsheri's return from Moscow. Panjsheri's return improved the
mood even further; he boasted that the Soviet divisions had already crossed the border, and that he and Gromyko always
kept in contact with each other. During the meal, Amin and several of his guests lost consciousness as they had been
poisoned. Luckily for Amin, but unfortunately for the Soviets, he survived his encounter with death. Mikhail Talybov,
a KGB agent, was accused of responsibility for the poisonings. The assault on the palace began shortly afterward. During the
attack Amin still believed the Soviet Union was on his side, and told his adjutant, " The Soviets will help us," The adjutant
replied that it was the Soviets who were attacking them; Amin initially replied that this was a lie. Only after he tried but failed
to contact the Chief of the General Staff, he muttered, "I guessed it. It's all true." There are various accounts of how Amin
died, but the exact details have never been confirmed. Amin was either killed by a deliberate attack or died by a "random
burst of fire".Amin's son was fatally wounded and died shortly after. His daughter was wounded, but survived. It was
Gulabzoy who had been given orders to kill Amin and Watanjar who later confirmed his death.

Babrak Karmal (Pashto:

, born Sultan Hussein; January 6, 1929 December 1 or 3, 1996) was General

Secretary of the Central Committee of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan from December 27, 1978 until May 4,
1986, Chairman of the Presidium of the Revolutionary Council of Afghanistan from December 27, 1978 until November 24,
1986 and Chairman of the Council of Ministers of Afghanistan from December 27, 1978 until June 11, 1981. Karmal was born
in Kamari and educated at Kabul University, after which he started his career as a bureaucrat. Before, during and after his
career as a bureaucrat Karmal was a leading member of the Afghan movement. He was introduced to Marxism by Mir Akbar
Khyber during his imprisonment for activities deemed too radical by the government. When the People's Democratic Party of

Afghanistan (PDPA) was formed, Karmal became one of its leading members, and eventually became the leader of the
Parcham faction. When the PDPA split in 1967, the Parcham-faction established a Parcham PDPA, while their ideological
nemesis, the Khalqs, established a Khalqist PDPA. Under Karmal's leadership, the Parchamite PDPA participated in Mohammad
Daoud Khan's rise to power, and his subsequent regime. While relations were good at the beginning, Daoud began a major
purge of leftist influence in the mid-1970s. This in turn led to the refoundation of the PDPA in 1977. The PDPA took power in
the 1978 Saur Revolution. Karmal was appointed Deputy Chairman of the Revolutionary Council, synonymous with vice head
of state, in the communist government. The Parchamite faction found itself squeezed by the Khalqists soon after taking
power and shortly after, in June, a PDPA Central Committee meeting voted in favour of giving the Khalqist faction exclusive
right to formulate and decide PDPA policy. This decision was followed by a failed Parchamite coup, which in turn led Hafizullah
Amin, a Khalqist, to initiate a purge against the Parchamites. Karmal survived this purge, probably due to his contacts with
the Soviets, and was sent to exile in Prague. Karmal would remain in exile until December 1979, when the Soviet Union
intervened in Afghanistan (with the consent of the Afghan government) to stabilise the situation in the country, they killed
Amin, the leader of the PDPA and the Afghan government. Karmal was made Chairman of the Revolutionary Council
and Chairman of the Council of Ministers on December 27, 1979. He would retain his Council of Ministers chairmanship until
1981, when he was succeeded in office by Sultan Ali Keshtmand. Throughout his term in office Kamral tried to establish a
support base for the PDPA by introducing several changes. Among these were the writing of the Fundamental Principles of
the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, introducing a general amnesty for those people imprisoned during Nur Mohammad
Taraki's and Amin's rule, and replacing the Khalqist flag with a more traditional one. These policies did not increase the
PDPA's legitimacy in the eyes of the Afghan people. These policy failures, and the stalemate that ensued after the Soviet
intervention, led the Soviet leadership to become highly critical of Karmal's leadership. Under Mikhail Gorbachev, the Soviet
Union was able to depose Karmal and replace him with Mohammad Najibullah. Following his loss of power, he was exiled
to Moscow. He was allowed to return to Afghanistan in 1991 by the Najibullah government for unknown reasons. Back in
Afghanistan he helped topple the Najibullah government, and he became an associate ofAbdul Rashid Dostum, one of the
men who brought down the communist government. Not long after, in 1996, Karmal died from liver cancer. Karmal was born
Sultan Hussei on January 6, 1929, was the son of Muhammad Hussein Hashem, a Major General in the Afghan Army and
former governor of the province of Paktia, and was the second of five siblings. His family was one of the wealthier families in
Kabul. His ethnic background is disputed, some claim that he was Tajik who represented himself as a Ghilzai Pashtun but
others claim that he descended from Hindu ancestors of Kashmir. In 1986, Karmal announced that he, and his brother
Mahmud Baryalay, were Pashtun because their mother came from the Mullakhel branch of the Pashtuns. However, this was
controversial, considering that lineage in Afghanistan is supposed to be traced through the father, not the mother. The
accusation that he was of Indian Muslim ancestry comes from the fact that his birthname, Sultan Hussein, is a common Indian
Muslim name. In addition, Karmal's own father denied his own ethnicity; Karmal's father was a Tajik. To further confuse the
matter, Karmal spoke Dari (Persian) and not Pashto. Karmal was born in Kamari, a village close to Kabul. He attended Nejat
High School, a German-speaking school,[1] and graduated from it in 1948, and applied to enter the Faculty of Law and Political
Science of Kabul University. Karmal's application was turned down because of his student union activities. He studied at the
College of Law and Political Science at Kabul University from 1951 to 1953. In 1953 Karmal was arrested because of his
student union activities, but was released three years later in 1956 in an amnesty byMuhammad Daoud Khan. Shortly after,
in 1957, Karmal found work as an English and German translator, before quitting and leaving for military training. Karmal
graduated from the College of Law and Political Science in 1960, and in 1961, he found work as an employee in the
Compilation and Translation Department of the Ministry of Education. From 1961 to 1963 he worked in the Ministry of
Planning. When his mother died, Karmal left with his maternal aunt to live somewhere else. His father disowned him because
of his leftist views. Karmal was involved in much debauchery, which was controversial in the mostly conservative Afghan
society. In prison from 1953 to 1956, Karmal was befriended by a fellow inmate, Mir Akbar Khyber, who introduced Karmal
to Marxism. During his stay in prison Karmal changed his name from Sultan Hussein to Babrak Karmal, which means
"Comrade of the Workers'" in Pashtun, to disassociate himself from his bourgeoisie background. When he was released from
prison, he continued his activities in the student union, and began to promote Marxism. Karmal spent the rest of the 1950s
and the early 1960s becoming involved with Marxist groups. There were at least four Marxist groups in Afghanistan at the
time; two of the four were established by Karmal. When the 1964 Afghan Provisional Constitution was introduced, which
legalised the establishment of political parties, several Marxists came to the conclusion it was about time to establish a
communist party. The People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA, the Communist Party) was established in January 1965
in Nur Muhammad Taraki's home. Factionalism within the PDPA quickly became a problem; two factions were established
within the party, the Khalq led by Taraki alongside Hafizullah Amin, and the Parcham led by Karmal. During the 1965
parliamentary election Karmal was one of four PDPA members elected to the lower house of parliament; the three others
were Anahita Ratebzad, Nur Ahmed Nur and Fezanul Haq Fezan. No Khalqists were elected to the lower house of parliament;
albeit, Amin was 50 votes short of being elected. The Parchamite victory can be explained by the simple fact that Karmal
could contribute financially to the PDPA electoral campaign. Karmal became a leading figure within the student movement in
the 1960s, and was able to get Mohammad Hashim Maiwandwal elected as Prime Minister after a student demonstration
(called for by Karmal) concluded with three deaths. In 1967, the PDPA split in half, and two PDPAs were established, one
Khalqist and one Parchamist. The dissolution of the PDPA was initiated by the closing down of the Khalqist newspaper, Khalq.
Karmal criticised the Khalq for being too communist, and believed that its leadership should have hidden its Marxist
orientation instead of promoting it. According to the official version of events, the majority of the PDPA Central
Committee rejected Karmal's criticism. The vote was a close one, and it is reported that Taraki expanded the Central
Committee to win the vote; this plan seemed to have failed considering that eight of the new members became waverers and
one became a Parchamite. In the spring of 1967 the PDPA had unofficially split and it was never stated officially that the split
had occurred. Karmal and half the PDPA Central Committee left the PDPA to establish a Parchamite-led PDPA. Officially the
split was caused by ideological differences, but the truth was much simpler, the party split because of the different leadership
styles and plans of Taraki and Karmal; Taraki wanted to model the party after Leninist norms while Karmal wanted to establish
a democratic front. Another difference was that the majority of Khalqists came from rural areas; hence they were poorer, and
were of Pashtun origin. The Parchamites were urban, hence richer, and spoke Dari more often than not. The Khalqists also
accused the Parchamites of having a connection with the monarchy, and because of it, referred to the Parchamite PDPA as
the "Royal Communist Party". Both Karmal and Amin retained their seats in the lower house of parliament in the 1969
parliamentary election. Mohammed Daoud Khan, in collaboration with the Parchamite PDPA and radical military officers,
overthrew the monarchy and instituted the Republic in 1973. After Daoud's seizure of power, an American embassy cable
stated that the new government had established a Soviet-style Central Committee, in which Karmal and Mir Akbar
Khyber were given leading roles. Most ministries was also given to Parchamites; Hassan Sharq became Deputy Prime
Minister, Major Faiz Mohammad became Minister of Internal Affairs andNematullah Pazhwak became Minister of Education
the Parchamites also took control over the ministries of finance, agriculture, communications and border affairs. The new
government quickly suppressed the opposition, and secured their power base. At first, the National Front government
between Daoud and the Parchamites seemed to work. By 1975, Daoud had strengthened his position by enhancing the
executive, legislative and judicial powers of the Presidency. To the disadvantage of the Parchamites, all parties other than
the National Revolutionary Party (NRP, established by Daoud) were made illegal. Shortly after the ban of all parties other

than the NRP, Daoud began a massive purge of Parchamites in government. Mohammad lost his position as interior
minister, Abdul Qadir Dagarwal was demoted, and Karmal was put under government surveillance. To handle Daoud's
suddenly anti-communist policies, the Soviet Union was able to reestablish the PDPA; Taraki was elected its General Secretary
and Karmal its Second Secretary. While the Saur Revolution (literally the April Revolution) was planned for August, the
assassination of Khyber led to a chain of events which ended with the communists seizing power. Karmal, when taking power
in 1979, accused Amin of ordering the assassination of Khyber. Taraki was appointed Chairman of the Presidium of
the Revolutionary Council and Chairman of the Council of Minister, and retained his post as PDPA general secretary. Taraki
initially formed a government which consisted of both Khalqists and Parchamites; Karmal became Deputy Chairman of the
Revolutionary Council, while Amin became Minister of Foreign Affairs and Deputy Chairman of the Council of
Ministers and Mohammad Aslam Watanjar became Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers. The two Parchamites Abdul
Qadir Dagarwal became Minister of Defence and Mohammad Rafi became Minister of Public Works. According to Angel
Rasanayagam, the appointment of Amin, Karmal and Watanjar led to splits within the Council of Ministers: the Khalqists
answered to Amin; Karmel led the civilian Parchamites; and the military officers (who were Parchamites) were answerable to
Watanjar (a Khalqist). The first conflict arose when the Khalqists wanted to give PDPA Central Committee membership to
military officers who had participated in the Saur Revolution; Karmal opposed such a move. A PDPA Politburo meeting voted in
favour of giving Central Committee membership to the officers. On 27 June, three months after the Saur Revolution, Amin
outmaneuvered the Parchamites at a Central Committee meeting; the meeting decided to give the Khalqists exclusive right
over formulating and deciding policy. A purge against the Parchamites was initiated by Amin, supported by Taraki on 1 July.
Karmal, fearing for his safety, went into hiding in one of his Soviet friends' homes. Karmal tried to contact Alexander Puzanov,
the Soviet ambassador to Afghanistan, to talk about the situation, but Puzanov refused. After hours of thinking about what he
should do, Puzanov informed Amin about Karmal's whereabouts. It should be noted that the Soviets probably saved Karmal's
life by sending him to theSocialist Republic of Czechoslovakia. Karmal was exiled, but was able to establish a network with
the remaining Parchamites in government. A coup to overthrow Amin was planned for September that year. Its leading
members in Afghanistan were Qadir and the Army Chief of Staff General Shahpur Ahmedzai. The coup was planned to be
initiated on 4 September, on the Festival of Eid, because of the relaxed atmosphere. The conspiracy failed when the Afghan
ambassador to India told the Afghan leadership about the plan. A purge was initiated, and Parchamite ambassadors were
recalled. But few returned to Afghanistan; for instance Karmal and Mohammad Najibullah stayed in their respective countries.
Amin was informed of the Soviet decision to intervene in Afghanistan, and supported the intervention, but his assassination
shortly afterwards, under the command of the Soviets, led to Karmal's ascension to power. On December 27, 1978 Radio
Kabul broadcast Karmal's pre-recorded speech, which stated: "Today the torture machine of Amin has been smashed, his
accomplices the primitive executioners, usurpers and murderers of tens of thousand of our fellow countrymen fathers,
mothers, sisters, brothers, sons and daughters, children and old people ..." Karmal himself was not in Kabul when the speech
was broadcast; he was in Bagram, protected by the KGB. On the evening of December 27, 1978 Yuri Andropov, the Chairman
of the KGB, congratulated Karmal on his appointment to the Chairmanship of the Presidium of the Revolutionary Council,
which was interesting, considering that Andropov had stated Karmal was appointed to the office before any Afghan body had
appointed him to anything. Karmal first set foot in Kabul on 28 December. He travelled alongside a Soviet military column. For
the next few days Karmal would live in a villa on the outskirts of Kabul under the protection of the KGB. On 1 January Leonid
Brezhnev, the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and Alexei Kosygin,
the Soviet Chairman of theCouncil of Ministers, congratulated Karmal on his "election" as leader. When he came to power,
Karmal promised an end to executions, the establishment of democratic institutions and free elections, the creation of a
constitution, legalising the establishment of parties other than the PDPA and to respect individual and personal property.
Prisoners incarcerated under the two previous governments would be freed in a general amnesty. He promised that a
coalition government was going to be established, which would not espouse socialism. At the same time, he told the Afghan
people that he had negotiated with the Soviet Union to give economic, military and political assistance. Even if Karmal
wanted all this, it would be impossible to put it into practice, considering the presence of the Soviet Union. The mistrust most
Afghans felt towards the government was a problem for Karmal. Many still remembered he had said he would protect private
capital in 1978a promise later proven to be a lie. Karmal's three most important promises were the general amnesty of
prisoners, the promulgation of the Fundamental Principles of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and the adoption of a
new flag based on the traditional colours of black, red and green (the flag of Taraki and Amin was red). His government
granted concessions to religious leaders and the restoration of confiscated property. Some property, which was confiscated
during earlier land reforms, was also partially restored. All these measures, with the exception of the general amnesty of
prisoners, were introduced gradually. Of 2,700 prisoners, 2,600 were released from prison; 600 of these were Parchamites.
The general amnesty was greatly publicised by the government. While the event was hailed with enthusiasm by some, many
others greeted the event with disdain, since their loved ones or associates had died during earlier purges. Amin had planned
to introduce a general amnesty on January 1, 1980, to coincide with the PDPA's sixteenth anniversary. Work on
the Fundamental Principles had started under Amin: it guaranteed democratic rights such as freedom of speech, the right to
security and life, the right to peaceful association, the right to demonstrate and the right that "no one would be accused of
crime but in accord with the provisions of law" and that the accused had the right to a fair trial. The Fundamental Principles
envisaged a democratic state led by the PDPA, the only party permitted by law. The Revolutionary Council, the organ of
supreme power, would convene twice every year. The Revolutionary Council in turn elected a Presidium which would take
decisions on behalf of the Revolutionary Council when it was not in session. The Presidium consisted mostly of PDPA
Politburo members. The state would safeguard three kinds of property; state, cooperative and private property. The
Fundamental Principles stated that the state had the right to develop the Afghan economy from an economy where man was
exploited to an economy were man was free. Another clause stated that the state had the right to take "families, both
parents and children, under its supervision." While it looked democratic at the outset, the Fundamental Principles was based
on contradictions. The Fundamental Principles led to the establishment of two important state organs, the Special
Revolutionary Court, a specialised court for crimes against national security and territorial integrity, and the Institute for Legal
and Scientific Research and Legislative Affairs, which became the supreme legislative organ of state. This body could amend
and draft laws, and introduce regulations and decrees on behalf of the government. Other institutions were introduced as
well, most of them resembling Soviet institutions. The introduction of such institutions led the Afghan people to distrust the
communist government even more. With Karmal's ascension to power, Parchamites began to "settle old scores".
Revolutionary Troikas were established to arrest, sentence and execute people. The personnel of Amin's guard were the first
victims of the terror which ensued. Those commanders who had stayed loyal to Amin were arrested and the prison, which
was nearly empty after the general amnesty, became full again. The Soviets protested, Karmal replied "As long as you keep
my hands bound and do not let me deal with the Khalq faction there will be no unity in the PDPA and the government cannot
become strong ... They tortured and killed us. They still hate us! They are the enemies of the party ..." Amin's daughter, along
with her baby, was imprisoned, and remained in prison for twelve years, until Mohammad Najibullah, then leader of the PDPA,
released her. When Karmal took power, leading posts in the Party and Government bureaucracy were taken over by
Parchamites. The Khalq faction was to be removed from political power, and only technocrats, opportunists and individuals
which the Soviets trusted would be appointed to the higher echelons of power. Khalqists would remain in control of
the Ministry of Interior, but Parchamites were given control over KHAD and the secret police. The Parchamites and the

Khalqists controlled an equal share of the military. Two out of Karmal's three Council of
Ministers deputy chairmen were Khalqists. Khalqists controlled the Ministry of
Communications and the interior ministry, Parchamites on the other hand controlled
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Defence. In contrast to the changes in
government, the Parchamites had a clear majority in the PDPA Central Committee. Only one
Khalqi, Saleh Mohammad Zeary, held a seat in the PDPA Secretariat during Karmal's rule. On
March 14 15, 1982 the PDPA held a party conference at the Kabul Polytechnic Institute
instead of a party congress, since a party congress would have given the Khalq faction a
majority, and could have led to a Khalqist takeover of the PDPA. The rules of holding a party
conference were different, and the Parchamites were able to have a three-fifths majority.
This infuriated several Khalqists, and the threat of expulsion did not lessen their anger. The conference was not successful,
but it was portrayed as such by the official media. The conference broke up, after one and a half days of a 3-day long
programme, because of the intra-party struggle for power between the Khalqists and the Parchamites. A "programme of
action" was introduced, and party rules were given minor changes. As an explanation of the low party membership, the
official media also made it seem hard to become a member of the party. When Karmal took power, he began a policy of
expanding the support base of the PDPA. Karmal tried to persuade certain groups, which had been referred to class
enemies of the revolution during Taraki and Amin's rule, to support the PDPA. At the beginning of his rule, Karmal tried to
increase support for PDPA rule by appointing several non-communists to top positions. Between March and May 1980, 78 out
of the 191 people appointed to government posts were not members of the PDPA. Karmal reintroduced the old Afghan custom
of having an Islamic invocation every time the government issued a proclamation. In his first speech to the Afghan people,
Karmal called for the establishment of the National Fatherland Front (NFF) and the NFF's founding congress was held in June
1981. Unfortunately for Karmal, his policies did not lead to a notable increase in support for his regime, and it did not help
Karmal that most Afghans saw the Soviet intervention as an invasion. By 1981, the government began to give up on political
solutions to the conflict. At the fifth PDPA Central Committee plenum in June, Karmal resigned from his Council of Ministers
chairmanship and was replaced by Sultan Ali Keshtmand, while Nur Ahmad Nur was given a bigger role in the Revolutionary
Council. This was seen as one of his policies of "base broadening". The previous weight given to non-PDPA members in top
positions ceased to be an important matter in the media by June 1981. This was significant, considering that up to five
members of the Revolutionary Council were non-PDPA members. By the end of 1981, the previous contenders, who had been
heavily presented in the media, were all gone; two were given ambassadorships, two ceased to be active in politics, and one
continued as an advisor to the government. The other three changed sides, and began to work for the opposition. The
national policy of reconciliation continued: in January 1984 the land reform introduced by Taraki and Amin was drastically
modified, the limits of landholdings were increased to win the support of middle class peasants; the literacy programme was
continued, and concessions to woman were made; and in 1985 the Loya Jirga was reconvened. The 1985 Loya Jirga was
followed by a tribal jirga, which convened in September that year. In 1986 Abdul Rahim Hatef, a non-PDPA member, was
elected to the NFF chairmanship. During the 198586 elections it was said that 60 percent of the elected officials were nonPDPA members. By the end of Karmal's rule, several non-PDPA members were given high-level government positions. In
March 1979, the military budget was $US6.4 million, which was 8.3 percent of the government budget, but only 2.2 of gross
national product. After the Soviet intervention, the defence budget increased to $US208 million in 1980, and $US325 million
in 1981. In 1982 it was reported that the government spent around 22 percent of total expenditure. When the political
solution failed (see "PDPA base" section), the Afghan government and the Soviet military decided to solve the conflict
militarily. The change from a political to a military solution did not come suddenly. It began in January 1981, as Karmal
doubled wages for military personnel, issued several promotions, and decorations were bestowed on one general and thirteen
colonels. The draft age was lowered, the obligatory length of arms duty was extended and the age for reservists was
increased to thirty-five years of age. In June 1981, Assadullah Sarwari lost his seat in the PDPA Politburo, replaced
by Mohammad Aslam Watanjar, a former tank commander and the then Minister of Communications, Major
General Mohammad Rafi, theMinister of Defence and KHAD Chairman Mohammad Najibullah. These measures were
introduced due to the collapse of the army. Before the invasion the army could field 100,000 troops, after the invasion only
25,000. Desertions were pandemic, and the recruitment campaigns for young people often led them to flee to the
opposition. To better organise the military, seven military zones were established each with its own Defence Council. The
Defence Councils were established at the national, provincial and district level to devolve powers to the local PDPA. [42] It is
estimated that the Afghan government spent as much as 40 percent of government revenue on defence. During the civil war,
and the ensuing Soviet war in Afghanistan, most of the country's infrastructure was destroyed, and normal patterns of
economic activity were disrupted. TheGross national product (GNP) fell substantially during Karmal's rule because of the
conflict; trade and transport was disrupted along with the loss of labor and capital. In 1981 the Afghan GDP stood at 154.3
billion Afghan afghanis, a drop from 159.7 billion in 1978. GNP per capita decreased from 7,370 in 1978 to 6,852 in 1981. The
dominant form of economic activity was the agricultural sector. Agriculture accounted for 63 percent of gross domestic
product (GDP) in 1981; 56 percent of the labour force was working in agriculture in 1982. Industry accounted for 21 percent
of GDP in 1982, and employed 10 percent of the labour force. All industrial enterprises were government-owned. The service
sector, the smallest of the three, accounted for 10 percent of GDP in 1981, and employed an estimated one-third of the
labour force. The balance of payments, which had grown in the pre-communist administration of Muhammad Daoud
Khan decreased, and turned negative by 1982 and reached minus $US70.3 million. The only economic activity which grew
substantially during Karmal's rule was export and import. As Karmal noted in the spring of 1983, that without Soviet
intervention "It is unknown what the destiny of the Afghan Revolution would be ... We are realists and we clearly realize that
in store for us yet lie trials and deprivations, losses and difficulties." Two weeks before this statement Sultan Ali Keshtmand,
the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, lamented the fact that half the schools and three-quarters of communications had
been destroyed since 1979. The Soviet Union rejected several Western made peace plans, such as the Carrington Plan, since
they did not take into consideration the PDPA government. For example, most Western peace plans had been made in
collaboration with the Afghan opposition forces. At the 26th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet
Union (CPSU) Leonid Brezhnev, the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, stated;
"We do not object to the questions connected with Afghanistan being discussed in conjunction with the question of security in
the Persian Gulf. Naturally here on only the international aspects of the Afghan problem can be discussed, not internal
Afghan affairs. The sovereignty of Afghanistan must be fully protected, as must its nonaligned status."
The stance of the Pakistani government was clear: complete Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan, and the establishment of a
non-PDPA government. Karmal, summarising his discussions with Iran and Pakistan, said "Iran and Pakistan have so far not
opted for concrete and constructive positions." During Karmal's rule AfghanPakistani relationsremained hostile; the Soviet
intervention in Afghanistan was the catalyst for the hostile relationship. The increasing numbers of Afghan refugees in
Pakistan challenged the PDPA's legitimacy to rule. The Soviet Union threatened Pakistan in 1985 that it would help the Balochi
liberation movement in Pakistan, if the Pakistani government continued to aid the mujahideen in Afghanistan. Karmal became
a problem to the Soviets when they wanted to withdraw; Karmal, in contrast to the Soviets, did not want a Soviet withdrawal,
and he hampered attempts to improve relations with Pakistan, since the Pakistanti government had refused to recognise the

PDPA government. Mikhail Gorbachev, then General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet
Union, said, "The main reason that there has been no national consolidation so far is that Comrade Karmal is hoping to
continue sitting in Kabul with our help." It didn't help Karmal that the Soviet government blamed him for the failures in
Afghanistan. Gorbachev was worried over the situation in Afghanistan, and the told the Soviet Politburo "If we don't change
approaches [to evacuate Afghanistan], we will be fighting there for another 20 or 30 years". Its not clear when the Soviet
leadership began to campaign for Karmal's dismissal, but its noteworthy that Andrei Gromyko discussed the possibility of
Karmal's resignation with Javier Prez de Cullar, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, in 1982. While it was
Gorbachev who would dismiss Karmal, there may have been a consensus within the Soviet leadership in 1983 already that
Karmal should resign. Gorbachev's own plan was to replace Karmal with Mohammad Najibullah, who had joined the PDPA at
its creation. Najibullah was thought highly of by Yuri Andropov, Boris Ponomarev and Dmitriy Ustinov, and negotiations for his
succession may have started in 1983. Najibullah was not the Soviet leadership's only choice for Karmal's succession;
a GRU reported noted that the majority of the PDPA leadership would support Assadullah Sarwari's ascension to leadership.
According to the GRU, Sarwari was a better candidate because he could balance between the Pashtuns, Tajiks and Uzbeks
among others, in contrast to Najibullah who was a Pashtun nationalist. Another viable candidate was Abdul Qadir Dagarwal,
who had been a participant in the Saur Revolution. Najibullah was appointed to the PDPA Secretariat in November 1985.
During Karmal's March 1986 visit to the Soviet Union, the Soviets tried to persuade Karmal that he was in ill health, and
should resign. This did not go as planned, when a Soviet doctor told Karmal that he was in good health. Karmal,
understanding the situation, asked to return home to Kabul, and said that he understod Soviet wishes, and promised he
would listen to Soviet recommendations. Before leaving, Karmal promised he would step down as PDPA General Secretary.
The Soviets did not trust him and sent Vladimir Kryuchkov, the head of intelligence in the KGB, after him. At a meeting in
Kabul, Karmal confessed his undying love for the Soviet Union, comparing his love to the Soviet Union to his Muslim faith.
Kryuchkov, concluding that he could not persuade him, asked to be able to leave, and return the next day. In the mean time,
the Afghan defence minister and the state security minister visited Karmal at his office, telling him that he had to resign from
one of his posts. At this point Karmal understood he had no other choice, and resigned from his PDPA General Secretaryship
at the 18th PDPA Central Committee plenum, and he was succedeed as General Secretary by Najibullah. Karmal still had
support in the party, and began a campaign to weaken Najibullah's position within the party. He even spread rumours that he
would be reappointed PDPA General Secretary. Karmal's power base was the KHAD, the Afghan equivalent to the
KGB. Considering the fact that the Soviet Union had supported Karmal for over six years, the Soviet leadership wanted to
ease him out of power gradually. Yuli Vorontsov, the Soviet ambassador to Afghanistan, was ordered to tell Najibullah that he
should slowly ease Karmal out of power. Najibullah began complaining to the Soviet leadership that Karmal used most of his
spare time looking for errors and "speaking against the National Reconciliation[programme]". At a meeting of the Soviet
Politburo on 13 November it was decided that Najibullah should remove Karmal; this motion was supported by Gromyko,
Vorontsov,Eduard Shevardnadze, Anatoly Dobrynin and Viktor Chebrikov. A meeting by one of the organs of the PDPA in
November relieved Karmal of his Revolutionary Council chairmanship, and he was exiled to Moscow where he was given a
state-owned apartment and a dacha. In his position as Revolutionary Council chairman Karmal was succeeded by Haji
Mohammad Chamkani, who was not a member of the PDPA. For unknown reasons, Karmal was invited back to Kabul by
Najibullah, "for equally obscure reasons Karmal accepted." If Najibullah's plan was to strengthen his position within
the Homeland Watan Party (the renamed PDPA) by appeasing the pro-Karmal Parchamites he failed. Karmal's apartment
became a centre for opposition to Najibullah's government. When Najibullah was toppled in 1992, Karmal was not arrested,
and continued to live in liberty. When the government finally collapsed, Karmal became the leading force in Kabul through his
leadership of the Parcham. Negotiations with the rebels soon collapsed, and the rebels led by Gulbuddin Hekmatyar took
Kabul on 16 April. After the fall of Najibullah's government, Karmal was based in Hairatan. There, it is alleged, Karmal used
most of his time either trying to establish a new party, or advising people to join theNational Islamic Movement (NIM). Abdul
Rashid Dostum, the leader of NIM, was a supporter of Karmal during his rule. It is unknown how much control Karmal had over
Dostum, but there is little evidence that Karmal had any control over Dostum at all. What is more probable is that Karmal's
influence over Dostum was indirect some of his former associates supported Dostum. Those who talked to Karmal during
this period noted his lack of interest in politics. In early December 1996, Karmal died in Moscow's Central Clinical
Hospital from liver cancer. The date of his death was reported by some sources as 1 December and by others as 3
December. The Taliban summed up his rule as follows:
"[he] committed all kinds of crimes during his illegitimate rule ... God inflicted on him various kinds of hardship and pain.
Eventually he died of cancer in a hospital belonging to his paymasters, the Russians."

Sultan Ali Keshtmand, sometimes transliterated Kishtmand, (born May 22, 1935 in Kabul) was an

Afghan politician.
He served twice as Chairman of the Council of Ministers during the 1980s, from June 11, 1981 until May 26, 1988 and from
February 21, 1989 until May 8, 1990 in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. Keshtmand was born in Kabul. He is a
member of the Hazara ethnic group. He studied economics at Kabul University and became involved in the People's
Democratic Party of Afghanistan. He joined the Parcham Faction of that party, which was led by Babrak Karmal. He sought
and received political asylum from the British Prime Minister John Major. He lives in the UK. Immediately after the April
1978 coup d'tat in which the People's Democratic Party came to power, Keshtmand became the minister of planning in the
newly formed Democratic Republic of Afghanistan.He lost that post in August 1978 when he was arrested for an alleged plot
against President Nur Mohammad Taraki, a member of the rival Khalq faction of the party. The PDPA Politburo ordered the
arrest of Keshtmand and Public Works Minister Muhammad Rafi'i for their part in the possible anti-regime conspiracy. He and
the other inmates went through severe torture and long imprisonment. He remained in prison and was sentenced to death,
but this decision was revoked and he was resentenced to 15 years in prison. On December 1979, the Soviet Union invaded
Afghanistan, bringing Babrak Karmal and the Parcham faction to power. Keshtmand was released from jail, and was once
again joined the Politburo. Friction among the People's Party members rose in 1980 when Karmal removed Assadullah
Sarwari from his position as First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers and replaced him with Sultan Ali Keshtmand.
Keshtmand, a Parchami, soon became one of the most important leaders of the regime. In June 1981, Karmal retained his
other offices, but resigned as Council of Ministers chairman and was succeeded by Keshtmand. A 21-member Supreme
Defense Council headed by Mohammad Najibullah effectively assumed power. The rise in the deficit greatly concerned the
government, and as Council of Ministers chairman Keshtmand noted in April 1983, the tax collections were inadequate in
view of the increased state spending. The security situation in the country, however, prevented the government from
improving its tax collections. In September, 1987, the Kabul government sponsored a large convocation of Hazaras from
various parts of the country and offered them autonomy. In his speech to the group, Keshtmand said that the government
was going to set up several new provinces in the Hazarajat that would be administered by the local inhabitants. He served
as Chairman of the Council of Ministers from 1981 to 1988 and 1989 to 1990, and as vice-President from 1990 until 1991,
when he was dismissed shortly before the fall of the government. A mujaheddin radio station reports intra-Parcham (a faction
of the PDPA) (P) clashes in Kabul between supporters of Najibullah and Keshtmand, Chairman of the Executive Committee of
the Council of Ministers. Non-PDPA member Mohammad Hassan Sharq was selected by President Najibullah to be the new
Council of Ministers chairman, replacing Keshtmand. This move was made in order to free spaces in the new government for

nonparty candidates. He then left Afghanistan, first moving to Russia and then to England.
There he became an outspoken defender of the rights of Hazaras and other minorities, claiming
that thePashtun majority in Afghanistan had had too much power in all of Afghanistan's
regimes, past and present. After the communist Saur Revolution, which toppled Daud
Khan's firstAfghan Republic, he reportedly said, "Brothers, today the five long centuries of
Pashtun political domination has come to an end."

Haji Mohammad Chamkani

(born 1947) is a politician from

Afghanistan who held the post of interim President of Afghanistan during the
period of the Soviet-backed Democratic Republic of Afghanistan from
November 24, 1986 until
September 30, 1987. Previously, he served as Vice-President under Babrak
Karmal's Government. He
reached the position after the resignation of Babrak Karmal. A non-party
member, a tribal leader with
power and connections in key areas of provinces bordering Pakistan, his
influence extended inside
Pakistan as well. However, Mohammed Najibullah was in charge of the country,
due
to
his
powerful
positions of Director of the KHAD and General Secretary of the People's
Democratic Party of Afghanistan. It was during his term in office that the USSR indicated willingness to negotiate and remove
some troops from Afghanistan. His term was also marked by the creation of a new Constitution.

Democratic Republic of Afghanistan

List of Chairmans of the Council of Ministers and President of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan

Mohammad Najibullah Ahmadzai (August

6, 1947 September 27, 1996), better known mononymously

as Najibullah or Najib, was President of Afghanistan from September 30, 1987 until April 16, 1992 when the Mujah
ideen took over Kabul. He had previously held different careers under the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA)
and was a graduate of Kabul University. Following the Saur Revolution Najibullah was a low profile bureaucrat, who was sent
into exile during Hafizullah Amin's rise to power as Ambassador to Iran. He returned to Afghanistan following the Soviet
invasion which toppled Amin's rule, and placed Karmal as head of state, party and government. During Karmal's rule,
Najibullah became head of the KHAD, the Afghan equivalent to the Soviet KGB. He was a member of the Parchamfaction led
by Babrak Karmal. During Najibullah's tenure as KHAD head, it became one of the most efficient governmental organs.
Because of this he gained the attention of several leading Soviet officials, such as Yuri Andropov, Dmitriy Ustinov and Boris
Ponomarev. In 1981, Najibullah was appointed to the PDPA Politburo. In 1985 Najibullah stepped down as state security
minister to focus on PDPA politics; he had been appointed to the PDPA Secretariat. Mikhail Gorbachev, the last Soviet leader,
was able to get Karmal to step down as PDPA General Secretary in 1986, and replace him with Najibullah. For a number of
months Najibullah was locked in a power struggle against Karmal, who still retained his post of Chairman of the Revolutionary
Council. Najibullah accused Karmal of trying to wreck his policy of National Reconciliation. During his tenure as leader of
Afghanistan, the Soviets began their withdrawal, and from 1989 until 1992, his government tried to solve the ongoing civil
war without Soviet troops on the ground. While direct Soviet assistance ended with the withdraw, the Soviet Union still
supported Najibullah with economic and military aid, while the United States continued its support for the mujahideen.
Throughout his tenure, he tried to build support for his government. Najibullah even tried to portray his government as
Islamic, and in the 1990 constitution the country officially became an Islamic state and all references of communism were
removed. This change, coupled with others, did not win Najibullah any significant support. With the dissolution of the Soviet
Union in December 1991, Najibullah was left without foreign aid. This, coupled with the internal collapse of his government,
led to his ousting from power in April 1992. Najibullah lived in the United Nations headquarters in Kabul until 1996, when
the Taliban took Kabul. In 1996 Najibullah is said to have been castrated by the Taliban, and was dragged behind a truck in
the streets of Kabul, before he was publicly hanged. Najibullah was born in February 1947 in the city of Kabul, in the Kingdom
of Afghanistan. His ancestral village is located between the towns of Said Karam and Gardz in Paktia Province, this place is
known as Mehlan. He was educated at Habibia High School in Kabul, St. Joseph's School in Baramulla Kashmir, and Kabul
University, where he graduated with a doctor degree in medicine in 1975. He belongs to the Ahmadzai sub-tribe of
the Ghilzai Pashtun tribe in Gardiz. In 1965 Najibullah joined the Parcham faction of the Communist People's Democratic Party
of Afghanistan (PDPA) and in 1977 joined the Central Committee. In April 1978 the PDPA took power in Afghanistan, with
Najibullah a member of the ruling Revolutionary Council. However, the Khalq faction of the PDPA gained supremacy over his
own Parcham faction, and after a brief stint as Ambassador to Iran, he was dismissed from government and went
into exile in Europe. He returned to Kabul after the Soviet intervention in 1979. In 1980, he was appointed the head of KHAD,
the Afghan equivalent to the Soviet KGB, and was promoted to the rank ofMajor General. He was appointed following lobbying
made by the Soviets, most notable among them was Yuri Andropov, the KGB Chairman. During his six years as head of KHAD
he had two to four deputies under his command, who in turn were responsible for an esimated 12 departments. According to
evidence, Najibullah dependent on his family and his professional network, and appointed more often than not people he
know to top positions within the KHAD. In June 1981, Najibullah, along with Mohammad Aslam Watanjar, a former tank
commander and the then Minister of Communications and Major General Mohammad Rafi, the Minister of Defence were
appointed to the PDPA Politburo. Under Najibullah, KHAD's personnel increased from 120 to 25,000 to 30,000. KHAD
employees were amongst the best-paid government bureaucrats in communist Afghanistan, and because of it, the political
indoctrination of KHAD officials was a top priority. During a PDPA conference Najibullah, talking about the indoctrination
programme of KHAD officials, said "a weapon in one hand, a book in the other." Terrorist activities launched by KHAD reached
its peak under Najibullah. He reported directly to the Soviet KGB, and a big part of KHAD's budget came from the Soviet
Union itself. As time would show, Najibullah was very efficient, and during his tenure as leader of KHAD several thousands
were arrested, tortured and executed. KHAD targeted anti-communist citizens, political opponents, and educated members of
society. It was this efficiency which made him interesting to the Soviets. Because of this, KHAD became known for its
ruthlessness. During his ascension to power, several Afghan politician did not want Najibullah to succeed Babrak
Karmal because of the fact that Najibullah was known for exploiting his powers for his own benefit. It didn't help either that
during his period as KHAD chief that the Pul-i Charki had become the home of several Khalqist politicians. Another problem
was that Najibullah allowed graft, theft, bribery and corruption on a scale not seen previously. As would later be proven by the
power struggle he had with Karmal after becoming PDPA General Secretary, despite Najibullah heading the KHAD for five
years, Karmal still had sizeable to support in the organisation. He was appointed to the PDPA Secretariat in November
1985. Najibullah's ascent to power was proven by turning KHAD from a government organ to a ministry in January 1986. With
the situation in Afghanistan deteriorating, and the Soviet leadership looking for ways to withdraw, Mikhail Gorbachev wanted
Karmal to resign as PDPA General Secretary. The question of who was to succeed Karmal was hotly debated, but Gorbachev
supported Najibullah. Yuri Andropov, Boris Ponomarev and Dmitriy Ustinov all thought highly of Najibullah, and negotiations of
who would succeed Karmal might have begun as early as 1983. Despite this, Najibullah was not the only choice the Soviets
had; a GRU report claimed he was unfit to be leader considering the fact that he was a Pashtun nationalist, a stance which
could decrease the regimes popularity even more. The GRU believed that Assadullah Sarwari, earlier head of ASGA, the preKHAD secret police. They believed that Sarwari, in contrast to Najibullah would be able to balance between the Pashtuns,

Tajiks and Uzbeks. Another viable candidate was Abdul Qadir Dagarwal, who had been a participant in the Saur
Revolution. Najibullah succeeded Karmal as PDPA General Secretary on May 4, 1986 at the 18th PDPA meeting, but Karmal
still retained his post as Chairman of the Presidium of the Revolutionary Council. On May 15, 1986 Najibullah announced that
a collective leadership had been established, which was led by himself consisted of himself as head of party, Karmal as head
of state and Sultan Ali Keshtmand as Chairman of the Council of Ministers. When Najibullah took the office of PDPA General
Secretary, Karmal still had enough support in the party to disgrace Najibullah. Karmal went as far as to spread rumours that
Najibullah's rule was little more than an interregnum, and that he would soon be reappointed to the general secretaryship. As
it turned out, Karmal's power base during this period was KHAD. The Soviet leadership wanted to ease Karmal out of politics,
but when Najibullah began to complain that he was hampering his plans of National Reconciliation, the Soviet Politburo
decided to remove Karmal; this motion was supported by Andrei Gromyko, Yuli Vorontsov, Eduard Shevardnadze, Anatoly
Dobrynin and Viktor Chebrikov. A meeting in the PDPA in November relieved Karmal of his Revolutionary Council
chairmanship, and he was exiled to Moscow where he was given a state-owned apartment and adacha. In his position as
Revolutionary Council chairman Karmal was succeeded by Haji Mohammad Chamkani, who was not a member of the PDPA.
In September 1986 the National Compromise Commission (NCC) was established on the orders of Najibullah. The NCC's goal
was to contact counter-revolutionaries "in order to complete the Saur Revolution in its new phase." Allegedly, an estimated
40,000 rebels were contacted by the government. At the end of 1986, Najibullah called for a six-months ceasefire and talks
between the various opposition forces, this was part of his police of National Reconciliation. The discussions, if fruitful, would
lead to the establishment of a coalition government and be the end of the PDPA's monopoly of power. The programme failed,
but the government was able to recruit disillusioned mujahideen fighters as government militas. In many ways, the National
Reconciliation led to an increasing number of urban dwellers to support his rule, and the stabilisation of the Afghan defence
forces. In September 1986 a new constitution was written, which was adopted on November 29, 1987. The constitution
weakened the powers of the head of state by canceling his absolute veto. The reason for this move, according to Najibullah,
was the need for real-power sharing. On July 13, 1987 the official name of Afghanistan was changed from the Democratic
Republic of Afghanistan to Republic of Afghanistan, and in June 1988 the Revolutionary Council, whose members were elected
by the party leadership, was replaced by a National Assembly, an organ in which members were to be elected by the people.
The PDPA's socialist stance was denied even more than previously, in 1989 the Minister of Higher Education began to work on
the "de-Sovietisation" of universities, and in 1990 it was even announced by a party member that all PDPA members
were Muslims and that the party had abandoned Marxism. Many parts of the Afghan government's economic monopoly was
also broken, this had more to do with the tight situation than any ideological conviction.Abdul Hakim Misaq, the Mayor of
Kabul, even stated that traffickers of stolen goods would not be prosecuted by law as long as their goods were given to the
market. Yuli Vorontsov, on Gorbachev's orders, was able to get an agreement with the PDPA leadership to offer the posts of
Gossoviet chairman (the state planning organ), the Council of Ministers chairmanship (head of government), ministries of
defence, state security, communications, finance, presidencies of banks and the Supreme Court. It should be noted, the PDPA
still demanded it held on to all deputy ministers, retained its majority in the state bureaucracy and that it retained all its
provincial governors. The government was not willing to concede all of these positions, and when the offer was broadcasted,
the ministries of defence and state security. Several figures of the intelligentsia took Najibullah's offer seriously, even if they
sympathised or were against the regime. There hopes were dampened when the Najibullah government introduced the state
of emergency on February 18, 1989, four days after the Soviet withdrawal. 1,700 intellectuals were arrested in February
alone, and until November 1991 the government still supervised and restrictedfreedom of speech. Another problem was that
party members took his policy seriously too, Najibullah recanted that most party members felt "panic and pessimism." At the
Second Conference of the party, the majority of members, maybe up to 60 percent, were radical socialists. According to
Soviet advisors (in 1987), a bitter debate within the party had broken out between those who advocated theislamisation of
the party and those who wanted to defend the gains of the Saur Revolution. Opposition to his policy of National Reconciliation
was met party-wide, but especially from Karmalists. Many people did not support the handing out of the already small state
resources the Afghan state had at its disposal. On the other side, several members were proclaiming anti-Soviet slogans as
they accused the National Reconciliation programme to be supported and developed by the Soviet Union. Najibullah
reassured the inter-party opposition that he would not give up the gains of the Saur Revolution, but to the contrary, preserve
them, not give up the PDPA's monopoly on power, or to collaborate with reactionary Mullahs. Local elections were held in
1987. It began when the government introduced a law permitting the formation of other political parties, announced that it
would be prepared to share power with representatives of opposition groups in the event of a coalition government, and
issued a new constitution providing for a new bicameral National Assembly (Meli Shura), consisting of a Senate (Sena) and a
House of Representatives (Wolesi Jirga), and a president to be indirectly elected to a 7-year term. The new political parties
had to opposecolonialism, imperialism, neo-colonialism, Zionism, racial discrimination, apartheid and fascism. Najibullah
stated that only the extremist part of the opposition could not join the planned coalition government. No parties had to share
the PDPA's policy or ideology, but they could not oppose the bond between Afghanistan and the Soviet Union. A parliamentary
election was held in 1988. The PDPA won 46 seats in the House of Representatives and controlled the government with
support from the National Front, which won 45 seats, and from various newly recognized left-wing parties, which had won a
total of 24 seats. Although the election was boycotted by the Mujahideen, the government left 50 of the 234 seats in the
House of Representatives, as well as a small number of seats in the Senate, vacant in the hope that the guerillas would end
their armed struggle and participate in the government. The only armed opposition party to make peace with the government
was Hizbollah, a small Shi'a party not to be confused with the bigger party in Iran. During Babrak Karmal's later years, and
during Najibullah's tenure, the PDPA tried to improve their standing with Muslims by moving, or appearing to move, to the
political centre. They wanted to create a new image for the party and state. In 1987 Najibullah readded Allah to his name to
appease the Muslim community. Communist symbols were completely were either replaced or removed. These measures did
not contribute to any notable increase in support for the government, because the mujahideen had a stronger legitimacy to
protect Islam than the government; they had rebelled against what they saw as an anti-Islamic government, that government
was the PDPA. Islamic principles were embedded in the 1987 constitution, for instance, Article 2 of the constitution stated
that Islam was the state religion, and Article 73 stated that the head of state had to be born into a Muslim Afghan family. The
1990 constitution stated that Afghanistan was an Islamic state, and the last references to communism were removed. Article
1 of the 1990 Constitution said that Afghanistan wan an "independent, unitary and Islamic state." Najibullah continued
Karmal's economic policies. The augmenting of links with the Eastern Bloc and the Soviet Union continued, and so did
bilateral trade. He also encouraged the development of the private sector in industry. The Five-Year Economic and Social
Development Plan which was introduced in January 1986 continued until March 1992, one month before the government's
fall. According to the plan, the economy, which had grown less than 2 percent annually until 1985, would grow 25 percent in
the plan. Industry would grow 28 percent, agriculture 1416 percent, domestic trade by 150 percent and foreign trade with 15
percent. As expected, none of these targets were met, and 2 percent growth annually which had been the norm before the
plan continued under Najibullah. The 1990 constitution gave due attention to the private sector. Article 20 was about the
establishment of private firms, and Article 25 encouraged foreign investments in the private sector. While he may have been
the de jure leader of Afghanistan, Soviet advisers still did the majority of work when Najibullah took power. As Gorbachev
remarked "We're still doing everything ourselves [...]. That's all our people know how to do. They've tied Najibullah hand and
foot." Fikryat Tabeev, the Soviet ambassador to Afghanistan, was accused of acting like a governor general by Gorbachev.

Tabeev was recalled from Afghanistan in July 1986, but while Gorbachev called for the end of Soviet management of
Afghanistan, he could not help but to do some managing himself. At a Soviet Politburo meeting, Gorbachev said "It's difficult
to build a new building out of old material [...] I hope to God that we haven't made a mistake with Najibullah." As time would
prove, the problem was that Najibullah's aim were the opposite of the Soviet Union's; Najibullah was opposed to a Soviet
withdrawal, the Soviet Union wanted a Soviet withdrawal. This was logical, considering the fact that the Afghan military was
on the brink of dissolution. The only means of survival seemed to Najibullah was to retain the Soviet presence. In July 1986
six regiments, which consisted up to 15,000 troops, were withdrawn from Afghanistan. The aim of this early withdrawal was,
according to Gorbachev, to show the world that the Soviet leadership was serious about leaving Afghanistan. The Soviets told
the United States Government that they were planning to withdraw, but the United States Government didn't believe it. When
Gorbachev met with Ronald Reagan during his visit the United States, Reagan called, bizarrely, for the dissolution of the
Afghan army. On April 14, 1986 Afghan and Pakistani governments signed the Geneva Accords, and the Soviet Union and the
United States signed as guarantors; the treaty specifically stated that the Soviet military had to withdraw from Afghanistan by
February 15, 1989. Gorbachev later confided to Anatoli Chernyaev, a personal advisor to Gorbachev, that the Soviet
withdrawal would be criticised for creating a bloodbath which could have been averted if the Soviets stayed. During a
Politburo meeting Eduard Shevardnadze said "We will leave the country in a deplorable situation", and further talked about
the economic collapse, and the need to keep at least 10 to 15,000 troops in Afghanistan. In this Vladimir Kryuchkov, the KGB
Chairman, supported him. This stance, if implemented, would be a betrayal of the Geneva Accords just signed. During the
second phase of the Soviet withdrawal, in 1989, Najibullah told Valentin Varennikov openly that he would do everything to
slow down the Soviet departure. Varennikov in turn replied that such a move would not help, and would only lead to an
international outcry against the war. Najibullah would repeat his position later that year, to a group of senior Soviet
representatives in Kabul. This time Najibullah stated that Ahmad Shah Massoud was the main problem, and that he needed to
be killed. In this, the Soviets agreed, but repeated that such a move would be a breach of the Geneva Accords; to hunt for
Masud so early one would disrupt the withdrawal, and would mean that the Soviet Union would fail to meet its deadline for
withdrawal. During his January 1989 visit to Shevardnadze Najibullah wanted to retain a small presence of Soviet troops in
Afghanistan, and called for moving Soviet bombers to military bases close to the AfghanSoviet border and place them on
permanent alert. Najibullah also repeated his claims that his government could not survive if Massoud remained alive.
Shevardnadze again repeated that troops could not stay, since it would lead to international outcry, but said he would look
into the matter. Shevardnadze demanded that the Soviet embassy created a plan in which at least 12,000 Soviet troops
would remain in Afghanistan either under direct control of the United Nations or remain as "volunteers". The Soviet military
leadership, when hearing of Shevardnadze's plan, became furious. But they followed orders, and named the
operation Typhoon, maybe ironic considering that Operation Typhoon was the German military operation against the city of
Moscow during World War II. Shevardnadze contacted the Soviet leadership about moving a unit to break the siege
of Kandahar, and to protect convoys from and to the city. The Soviet leadership were against Shevardnadze's plan, and
Chernyaev even believed it was part of Najibullah's plan to keep Soviet troops in the country. To which Shevardnadze replied
angrily "You've not been there, [...] You've no idea all the things we have done there in the past ten years." At a Politburo
meeting on 24 January, Shevardnadze argued that the Soviet leadership could be indifferent to Najibullah and his
government; again, Shevardnadze received support from Kryuchkov. In the end Shevardnadze lost the debate, and the
Politburo reaffirmed their commitment to withdraw from Afghanistan. There was still a small presence of Soviet troops after
the Soviet withdrawal; for instance, parachutists who protected the Soviet embassy staff, military advisors and special
forces and reconnaissance troops still operated in the "outlying provinces", especially along the AfghanSoviet border. Soviet
military aid continued after their withdrawal, and massive quantities of food, fuel, ammunition and military equipment was
given to the government. Varennikov visited Afghanistan in May 1989 to discuss ways and means to deliver the aid to the
government. In 1990 Soviet aid mounted to an estimated 3 billion United States dollars. As it turned out, the Afghan military
was entirely dependent on Soviet aid to function. When the Soviet Union was dissolved on December 26, 1991, Najibullah
turned to former Soviet Central Asia for aid. These newly-independent states had no wish to see Afghanistan being taken over
by religious fundamentalist, and supplied Afghanistan with 6 million barrels of oil and 500,000 tons of wheat to survive the
winter. The most effective, and largest, assaults on the mujahideen were undertaken during the 198586 period. This
offensives had forces the mujahideen on the defensive near Herat andKandahar. The Soviets ensued a bomb and negotiate
during 1986, and a major offensive that year included 10,000 Soviet troops and 8,000 Afghan troops. Pakistan, under Zia ulHaq, continued to support the mujahideen even if it was a contravention of the Geneva Accords. At the beginning most
observers expected the Najibullah government to collapse immediately, and to be replaced with an Islamic fundamentalist
government. The Central Intelligence Agency stated in a report, that the new government would be ambivalent, or even
worse, hostile towards the United States. Almost immediately after the Soviet withdrawal, the Battle of Jalalabad broke out
between Afghan government forces and the mujahideen. The offensive against the city began when the mujahideen bribed
several government military officers, from there, they tried to take the airport, but were repulsed with heavy casualties. The
willingness for the common Afghan government soldier increased when the mujahideen began to execute people early on
during the battle. During the battle Najibullah called for Soviet assistance. Gorbachev called an emergency session of the
Politburo to discuss his proposal, but Najibullah's request was rejected. Other attacks against the city failed, and by April the
government forces were on the offensive. During the battle over four hundred Scud missiles were shot, which were fired by a
Soviet crew which had stayed behind. When the battle ended in July, the mujahideen had lost an estimated 3,000 troops. One
mujahideen commander lamented "the battle of Jalalabad lost us credit won in ten years of fighting." A officer of the InterService Intelligence, Pakistan's intelligence agency, said "The Jihad has never recovered from Jalalabad.". From 1989 to 1990
the Najibullah was partially successful in building up the Afghan defence forces. The Ministry of State Security had
established a local milita force which stood at an estimated 100,000 men. The 17th Division in Herat, which had begun
the 1979 Herat uprising against PDPA-rule, stood at 3,400 regular troops and 14,000 tribal men. In 1988, the total number of
security forces available to the government stood at 300,000. Sadly for Najibullah, this trend would not continue, and by the
summer of 1990, the Afghan government forces were on the defensive again. By the beginning of 1991, the government
controlled only 10 percent of Afghanistan, the eleven year Siege of Khost had ended in a mujahideen victory and the morale
of the Afghan military finally collapsed. In the Soviet Union, Kryuchkov and Shevardnadze, had both supported continuing aid
to the Najibullah government, but Kryuchkov had been arrested following the failed 1991 Soviet coup d'tat attempt and
Shevardnadze had resigned from his posts in the Soviet government in December 1990 there was no longer any proNajibullah people in the Soviet leadership. It didn't help either that the Soviet Union was in the middle of an economic and
political crisis, which would lead directly to the dissolution of the Soviet Union on December 26, 1991. At the same time Boris
Yeltsin became Russia's new hope, and he had no wish to continue to aid Najibullah's government, a government which he
considered a relic of the past. In the autumn of 1991, Najibullah wrote to Shevardnadze "I didn't want to be president, you
talked me into it, insisted on it, and promised support. Now you are throwing me and the Republic of Afghanistan to its fate."
In January 1992, the Russian government ended its aid to the Najibullah government. The effects were felt immediately: the
Afghan Air Force, the most effective part of the Afghan military, was grounded due to the lack of fuel. The mujahideen, in
contrast to Najibullah, continued to be supported by Pakistan. Major cities were lost to the rebels, and terrorist attacks
became common in Kabul. On the fifth anniversary of his policy of National Reconciliation, Najibullah blamed the Soviet Union
for the disaster that had stricken Afghanistan. The day the Soviet Union withdrew was hailed by Najibullah as the Day of

National Salvation. But it was too late, and his government's collapse was imminent. In
March Najibullah offered his governments immediate resignation, and followed the United
Nations (UN), to be replaced by an interim government. In mid-April Najibullah accepted a
UN plan to hand power to a seven-man council, few days later on 14 April, Najibullah was
forced to resign on the orders of the Watan Party because of the loss of Bagram airbase and
the town of Charikar. Abdul Rahim Hatef became acting head of state following Najibullah's
resignation. Najibullah not long before Kabul's fall, appealed to the UN for amnesty, which he
was granted. But Najibullah was hindered by Abdul Rashid Dostum to escape, instead,
Najibullah sought haven in the local UN headquarters in Kabul. TheAfghan civil war did not
end with Najibullah's ouster, and continued until 1996 when the Taliban took power. During
his 199296 refuge in the UN compound in Kabul, while waiting for the UN to negotiate his
safe passage to India, he engaged himself in translating Peter Hopkirk's book The Great
Game into his mother tongue Pashto. Few months before his final execution by Taliban, he
quoted, "Afghans keep making the same mistake," reflecting upon his translation to a visitor.
When the Taliban were about to enter Kabul, Ahmad Shah Massoud twice offered Najibullah
an opportunity to flee Kabul; although they were political enemies, Massoud had known
Najibullah since childhood, as they had lived in the same neighborhood. Najibullah refused,
believing the Taliban, Ghilzai Pashtuns like Najibullah, would spare his life and not harm him.
General Tokhi, who was with Dr. Najibullah until the day before his torture and murder, wrote that when three people came to
both Dr. Najibullah and General Tokhi and asked them to come with them to flee Kabul, they rejected the offer. This proved to
be a fatal mistake. Najibullah was at the UN compound when the Taliban soldiers came for him on 27 September 1996. He
was castrated before the Taliban dragged him to death behind a truck in the streets. His blood-soaked body was hung from a
traffic light. His brother Shahpur Ahmadzai was given the same treatment. Najibullah's and his brother's body were hanged
on public display to show the public that a new era had begun. At first Najibullah and his brother were denied an Islamic
funeral because of their "crimes", but the bodies were later handed over to the International Committee of the Red Cross who
in turn sent their bodies to the Paktia province were both of them were given a proper funeral by their fellow Ahmadzai
tribesmen. There was widespread international condemnation, particularly from the Muslim world. The United Nations issued
a statement which condemned the execution of Najibullah, and claimed that such a murder would further destabilise
Afghanistan. The Taliban responded by issuing death sentences on Dostum, Massoud and Burhanuddin Rabbani. India, which
had been supporting Najibullah, strongly condemned the public execution of Najibullah and began to support
Massoud's United Front in an attempt to contain the rise of the Taliban.

Mohammad Hasan Sharq (born

1925) was an Afghan politician during the communist regime

of Afghanistan. Sharq became Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet-backed government,
the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan from May 28, 1988 until February 21, 1989. He was selected as a
compromise candidate after the Loya Jirga ratified a new constitution in 1987. However, the power of his
office was relatively small compared with the ones of the Presidency. Sharq served as spokesman for
earlier Chairman of the Council of Ministers Mohammad Daoud Khan during the Kingdom of Afghanistan.
When Daoud took over the Cabinet Posts of Prime Minister, Defense Minister and Foreign Minister, He
appointed Sharq as his Deputy Prime Minister. In March 1986, Afghan foreign minister Abdul
Wakil invited mujahideen leaders, former King Zahir Shah and ex-ministers from previous governments to
join
a government of national unity to rebuild the war-torn country. The new parliament that convened on May
30, 1989, 2 weeks after the Geneva Accords became effective and the beginning of theSoviet troop withdrawal in 1989,
consisted of 184 lower house deputies and 115 senators; 62 house and 82 senate seats were left vacant for the resistance
"opposition." As a compromise candidate, Sharq was selected by President Mohammad Najibullah to be the new Chairman of
the Council of Ministers, replacing Sultan Ali Keshtmand. The appointment was intended dramatically to reinforce the point
that the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) was going to take a back seat. However, the new constitution
vested key powers in the Presidency, and President Najibullah did not give up that central role. Sharq had served as the
regime's Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers since June 1987 and before that as its Ambassador toIndia. In any
event, Sharq's association with the Parcham faction, dating back to the Daoud government, made the "non-PDPA" appellation
meaningless. Likewise, on June 7, when Sharq announced his cabinet, consisting of 11 new members and 10 former ones, the
non-party credentials of the "new" ministers were undermined by the fact that most had served the regime government
previously in other capacities. Furthermore, the powerful ministries of interior, state security, and foreign affairs remained in
PDPA hands. The major exception was the effort to enlist a resistance commander or a respected retired general from an
earlier era to becomeminister of defense. This post remained open for some time, but in August it was finally given to Army
Chief of Staff GeneralShahnawaz Tanai of the Khalq faction. Thus, almost 2 years after he announced the national
reconciliation policy in January 1987, President Najibullah was unable to attract a single major figure of the resistance or
prominent Afghan refugee to join the government. During 1988, two new provinces were created -Sar-e-pol in the north
and Nuristan in the northeast- by carving out territory from adjoining provinces. In each case, the purpose appears to have
been to create a new entity where an ethnic minority-the Hazaras and Nuristanis respectivelywould dominate. This
readjustment would guarantee representation in the new parliament for these ethnic groups. At the same time, the Sharq
government has abolished the special ministry for nationalities that carries connotations of a Soviet-style system. On
Febreary 1989, Sharq resigned from the government of President Najibullah, a move underscoring the failure thus far by
Afghans to establish a government of national reconciliation. A resident of the Anar Dara district in the western Farah
province, Dr Hasan Sharq had been prime minister in the Dr Najeebullah government from 1986 to 1990. He also served as
spokesman for then prime minister Daud Khan and his Milli Ghurzang Party.

Fazal Haq Khaliqyar (1934

- July 16, 2004), was an Afghan politician and Chairman of

the Council of Ministers of the Republic of Afghanistan from May 8, 1990 until April 15, 1992. He
performed duties as Minister of Finance during Mohammad Daud Khan's rule. He was appointed as
Council of Ministers chairman during the period of President Mohammad Najibullah government. For the
first time since 1978, a free parliamentary debate was held in order to select the Council of Ministers
chairman. On May 21, 1989, Khaliqyar, who was non-party figure, was selected to this position in 1989.
He replaced Hard-liner Keshtmand. Khaliqyar's cabinet kept PDPA stalwarts in all the key security posts
By the end of May 1990, A loya jirga is convened in Kabul, which ratifies constitutional amendments
providing for multiple political parties, ending the PDPA's and the National Front's monopoly over
executive power. On December 11, 1990, President Najibullah inaugurated a National Commission for Clearing Mines and
Unexploded Ordnance from the Lands of the Republic of Afghanistan under the chairmanship of Khaliqyar. A Moscowbrokered plan calls for Najibullah to step aside in favour of Khaliqyar, who would serve as a transitional administrative leader
until a new government could be elected. On October, Mujaddidi praises government Khaliqyar and says that he will consult
his more radical colleagues on sharing power with him in a transitional government. He later backs off from this pledge due to
pressure from hard-liners. The mujaheddin say his association with Najibullah makes him unacceptable for any compromise.
On July 16, 2004, he died in Netherlands at the age of 70.

Abdul Rahim Hatif

(Pashto:
; May 20, 1926 August 19, 2013) was a politician in
Afghanistan. He served as Vice President and Deputy Prime Minister of Afghanistan from 1987 until May
1990 during the last years of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. He was born in Kandahar,
Afghanistan. Before the first fall of Kabul, he was the acting President of Afghanistan for two weeks from
April 12 until April 28, 1992, after the resignation of President Najibullah, before the takeover of power by
the Jamiat-e Islami. He went into exile in the Netherlands where he died on August 19, 2013.

Islamic State of Afghanistan

List of Presidents of the Islamic State of Afghanistan

Sibghatullah Mojaddedi (Pashto () born

1925 or 1926), served as the

first President of the Islamic State of Afghanistan after the fall of the communist regime from April 26
until June 28, 1992. He is also the leader of the Afghan National Liberation Front. Professor Mojaddedi
transferred power to President Burhanuddin Rabbani after serving a two-month term, based on a prior
agreement that was reached by the Mujahideen forces in Pakistan, as he was unable establish any type
of reconciliation among the Mujahideen factions. In December 2003, he served as the chairman of
the Loya Jirga that approved Afghanistan's new constitution. Recently he was elected as the leader of the
legislature's 102-seat upper house, the Meshrano Jirga, for a 5 year term, and is also chairman of
"National Commission for Peace in Afghanistan". Sibghatullah Mojaddedi is an ethnic Pashtun. The
Mojaddedi is an eminent religious family from Kabul. Sibghatullah Mojaddedi is a moderate Muslim
leader. He is a member of the Jebh-e-Nejat-e Melli (National Liberation Front). In 1989, the Afghan
Interim Government appointed him as the president of the country. In 1992, he was the chair of a the Islamic Jihad Council
that was set up to establish a post-Soviet Afghan government. This position lasted three months, although some sources say
he stayed for only two months. In May 1992, Burhanuddin Rabbani established a new leadership council. This council
undermined Mojaddedi's leadership, resulting in his resignation and handing over power to a new council. During this time in
1992, when Mojaddedi was President of Afghanistan, the Ariana plane carrying him to Kabul was hit by an RPG as it was
landing at Kabul Airport. The plane landed safely, with no fatalities. Two suicide bombers carried out an attack in Kabul on
March 12, 2006 against Sibghatullah Mojaddedi. At the time of the attack, he was a member of the upper house of parliament
and head of a reconciliation committee aimed at engaging former Taliban members. He was attacked as he was being driven
on the road in Kabul. Attackers blew up a vehicle filled with explosives next to his car. Four pedestrians were killed and
Mojaddedi was slightly injured, with burns to his face and hands. On August 26, 2015, Mojaddedi launched a new political
party, the Council of Jihad and National Political Parties.

Burhanuddin Rabbani (Persian:

Burhnuddn Rabbn; September 20, 1940 September 20, 2011)

was President of the Islamic State of Afghanistan from June 28, 1992 until September 27, 1996 and President Transitional
Islamic State of Afghanistan from November 13 until December 22, 2001 after the Taliban government was toppled during
Operation Enduring Freedom, Rabbani returned to Kabul. Rabbani was also the leader of Jamiat-e Islami Afghanistan (Islamic
Society of Afghanistan), which has close ties to Pakistan's Jamaat-e-Islami. He was one of the earliest founders and movement
leaders of the Mujahideen in the late 1970s, right before the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. He served as the political head of
the United Islamic Front for the Salvation of Afghanistan (UIFSA), an alliance of various political groups who fought against the
Taliban in Afghanistan. His government was recognized by many countries, as well as theUnited Nations. He later became
head of Afghanistan National Front (known in the media as United National Front), the largest political opposition to Hamid
Karzai's government. On 20 September 2011, Rabbani was assassinated by a suicide bomber entering his home in Kabul. As
suggested by the Afghan parliament, Afghanistan's President Hamid Karzai gave him the title of "Martyr of Peace". His
son Salahuddin Rabbani was chosen in April 2012 to lead efforts to forge peace in Afghanistan with the Taliban. Rabbani, son
of Muhammed Yousuf, was born in the northern province of Badakhshan in 1940. He was a Persian-speaking ethnicTajik. After
finishing school in his native province, he went to Darul-uloom-e-Sharia (Abu-Hanifa), a religious school in Kabul. When he
graduated from Abu-Hanifa, he attended Kabul University to study Islamic Law and Theology, graduating in 1963. Soon after
his graduation in 1963, he was hired as a professor at Kabul University. In order to enhance himself, Rabbani went toEgypt in
1966, and he entered the Al-Azhar University in Cairo where he developed close ties to the Muslim Brotherhood leadership. In
two years, he received his masters degree in Islamic Philosophy. Rabbani was one of the first Afghans to translate the works
ofSayyid Qutb into Persian. Later he returned to Egypt to complete his PhD in Islamic philosophy and his thesis was titled
"The Philosophy and Teachings of Abd al-Rahman Muhammad Jami." In 2004 he received Afghanistan's highest academic and
scientific title "Academician" from the Academy of Sciences of Afghanistan. Rabbani returned to Afghanistan in 1968, where
the High Council of Jamiat-e Islami gave him the duty of organizing the University students. Due to his knowledge, reputation,
and active support for the cause of Islam, in 1972, a 15-member council selected him as head of Jamiat-e Islami of
Afghanistan; the founder of Jamiat-e Islami of Afghanistan, Ghulam M. Niyazi was also present. Jamiat-e Islami was primarily
composed of Tajiks. In the spring of 1974, the police came to Kabul University to arrest Rabbani for his pro-Islamic stance, but
with the help of his students the police were unable to capture him, and he managed to escape to the countryside. In
Pakistan Rabbani gathered important people and established the party. Sayed Noorullah Emad, who was then a young Muslim
in the university of Kabul became General Secretary of the party and, later, its deputy chief. When the Soviets supported the
1979 coup, Rabbani helped lead Jamiat-e Islami in resistance to the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan regime.
Rabbani's forces were the first mujahideen elements to enter Kabul in 1992 when the PDPA government fell from power. He
took over as President from 1992 until the Taliban's conquest of Kabul in 1996. For the next five years he and the Northern

Alliance were busy fighting the Taliban until the 2001 US-led Operation Enduring Freedom in which the
Taliban government was toppled. Rabbani was head of Afghanistans High Peace Council, which had been
formed in 2010 to initiate peace talks with the Taliban and other groups in the insurgency, until his death.
Rabbani was killed in a suicide bombing at his home in Kabul on 20 September 2011. Two men posing as
Taliban representatives approached him to offer a hug and detonated their explosives. At least one of
them had hidden the explosives in his turban. The suicide bomber claimed to be a Taliban commander
and said he wanted to "discuss peace" with Rabbani. Four other members of Afghanistans High Peace
Council were also killed in the blast. Afghan officials blamed the Quetta Shura, which is the leadership
of the Afghan Taliban hiding in the affluent Satellite Town of Quetta in Pakistan. The Pakistani
government confirmed that Rabbani's assassination was linked to Afghan refugees in Pakistan. A
senior Pakistani official stated that over 90% of terrorist attacks in Pakistan are traced back to Afghan elements and that their
presence in the country was "an important issue for Pakistan" and "a problem for Afghanistan". Pakistani foreign minister Hina
Rabbani Khar said that "We are not responsible if Afghan refugees crossed the border and entered Kabul, stayed in a guest
house and attacked Professor Rabbani". Just days before he died, Rabbani was trying to persuade Islamic scholars to issue a
religious edict banning suicide bombings which happened in the year 2011. The former president's 29-year-old daughter said
in an interview that her father died shortly after he spoke at a conference on "Islamic Awakening" in Tehran. "Right before he
was assassinated, he talked about the suicide bombing issue," Fatima Rabbani told Reuters. "He called on all Islamic scholars
in the conference to release a fatwa" against the tactic. United States President Barack Obama and several NATO military
leaders condemned the assassination. Japan also offered its condolences at the Sixty-sixth session of the United Nations
General Assembly. Afghan President Hamid Karzai cut short his trip for the General debate of the sixty-sixth session of the
United Nations General Assemblyfollowing his assassination. Rabbani's son Salahuddin then took over chairmanship of the
High Peace Council from his father.

Abdul Sabur Farid Kohistani (1952 May 3, 2007) served

as Prime Minister of Afghanistan from

July 6, 1992 until August 15, 1992. He was a member of Gulbuddin Hekmatyar's Hezbi Islami. He later
served as a member of the upper house of the National Assembly of Afghanistan until he
was assassinated in a shooting outside his home in Kabul on May 3, 2007. Abdul Sabur Farid, son of Abdul
Shukur, was born in 1951 in the village of Chasham Allah in Kohistan district of Kapisa province. He
completed his primary and secondary education in the following places: Gulbahar, Mir Masjidi Khan Secondary
School, Numan, Khan Abad, Habibia and Jabul Seraj high schools between 1954 and 1970. He was admitted
to the Roshan Teachers Training Academy and, after two years of study he was appointed as a teacher at
Mir Masjidi Khan High School. After two years of service in the education sector, he was admitted to the Roshan
Teachers Training Academy again. After completing his education, he was appointed as a teacher at the Gulbahar
High School in Parwan province. Sen. Farid sought refuge in Pakistan and Iran immediately after the Communist coup. In
1980, he returned to the country and joined the armed anti-Soviet resistance. During the jihad, he led mujahideen
contingents in Parwan and Kapisa. Following the mujahideen victory and establishment of an Islamic government in 1992, he
was appointed as first Prime Minister; however, after a short period of time, due to inappropriate conditions, he went to Iran,
Switzerland and Pakistan. Sen. Farid joined the anti-Taliban resistance was appointed provincial governor of Parwan for a brief
period. He was appointed to the Meshrano Jirga by the President. He is married and has 10 children. Farid was a former
premier and one-time Gulbadin Hekmatyar-loyalist. He later served as a member of the upper house of the National Assembly
of Afghanistan until he was assassinated in a shooting outside his home in Kabul on May 3, 2007.

Gulbuddin Hekmatyar (Pashto: Persian: ; born

1947) is an Afghan Mujahideen leader

who is the founder and leader of the Hezb-e Islami political party and paramilitary group. Hekmatyar was a rebel military
commander during the 1980s Soviet war in Afghanistan and was one of the key figures in the civil war that followed the
Soviet withdrawal. He was Prime Minister of Afghanistan from June 17, 1993 until June 28, 1994 and again briefly from June
26 until September 27, 1996. One of the most controversial of the Mujahideen leaders, he has been accused of spending
"more time fighting other Mujahideen than killing Soviets" and of wantonly killing civilians. Gulbuddin Hekmatyar was born in
1947 in Imam Sahib District of the Kunduz province, northern Afghanistan, a member of the Kharotitribe of
the Ghilzai Pashtun. His father, Ghulam Qader, who migrated to Kunduz, is originally from the central Ghazni province.
Afghan businessman and Kharoti tribal leader Gholam Serwar Nasher deemed Hekmatyar to be a bright young man and sent
him to the Mahtab Qala military academy in 1968, but he was expelled due to his political views two years later. From 1970 to
1972, Hekmatyar attented Kabul University's engineering department. Though he was unable to complete his degree, his
followers therefore address him as "Engineer Hekmatyar". Hekmatyar initially was a pro-Soviet militant of the People's
Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) but with time also became influenced by extremist interpretations of Islam. In 1972,
he was imprisoned for ordering the killing of Saydal Sukhandana, a pro-China Maoist student. While attending Kabul
University Hekmatyar's supporters had also allegedly become known for throwing acids into the faces of women not wearing
the all covering veil on campus. He was released after two years when the monarchy of Zahir Shah was overthrown
and Daoud Khan with the help of the communist PDPA seized power in 1973. After being released, Hekmatyar joined
the Sazman-i Jawanan-i Musulman ("Organization of Muslim Youth") which was gaining influence because of its opposition to
the Soviet influence in Afghanistan increasing through the PDPA elements in Daoud's government. Hekmatyar's radicalism
put him in confrontation with elements in the Muslim Youth surrounding Ahmad Shah Massoud, also an engineering student at
Kabul University. In 1975, trying to murder a rival for the second time in three years, Hekmatyar with Pakistani help tried to
assassinate Massoud, then 22 years old, but failed. In 1975, the "Islamic Society" split between supporters of Massoud
and Burhanuddin Rabbani, who led the Jamiat-e Islami, and elements surrounding Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, who then founded
the Hezb-i Islami. Akbarzadeh and Yasmeen describe Hekmatyar's approach as "radical" and antagonistic as opposed to an
"inclusive" and "moderate" strategy by Rabbani. The arrival of Afghan opposition militants in Peshawar coincided with a
period of diplomatic tension between Pakistan and Afghanistan, due to Daoud's revival of the Pashtunistan, disputed territory,
issue. Under the secret policy of USA, Britain and the patronage of Pakistani General Naseerullah Babar, then governor of
the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and with the blessing of President Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, camps were set up to train Hekmatyar and
other anti-Daoud Islamists. The Islamist movement had two main tendencies: the Jamiat-e islami ("Islamic society") led
by Burhanuddin Rabbani, that advocated a gradualist strategy to gain power, through infiltration of society and the state
apparatus. Rabbani advocated for the "building of a widely based movement that would create popular support". The other
movement, calledHezb-i Islami ("Islamic Party"), was led by Hekmatyar, who favored a radical approach in the form of violent
armed conflict. Pakistani support largely went to Hekmatyar's group, who, in October 1975, undertook to instigate an uprising
against the government. Without popular support, the rebellion ended in complete failure, and hundreds of militants were
arrested.
Hekmatyar's Hezb-e-Islami
Gulbuddin was
formed
as
an
elitist avant-garde based
on
a
strictly
disciplined Islamist ideology within a homogeneous organization that Olivier Roydescribed as "Leninist", and employed the
rhetoric of the Iranian Revolution. It had its operational base in the Nasir Bagh, Worsak and Shamshatoo refugee camps in
Pakistan. In these camps, Hezb-i Islami formed a social and political network and operated everything from schools to prisons,
with the support of the Pakistani government and their Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI). From 1976-1977 Afghan President

Daoud made overtures to Pakistan which led to reconciliation with Pakistani leader Bhutto. Bhutto's support to Hekmatyar,
however, continued and when Bhutto was removed from power in Pakistan by Zia-ul-Haq in 1977, Zia continued supporting
Hekmatyar. During the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, Hekmatyar received large amounts of aid from Saudi Arabia, Pakistan
and the United States. According to the ISI, their decision to allocate the highest percentage of covert aid to Hekmatyar was
based on his record as an effective anti-Soviet military commander in Afghanistan. Others describe his position as the result
of having "almost no grassroots support and no military base inside Afghanistan", and thus being the much more "dependent
on Pakistani President Zia-ul-Haq's protection and financial largess" than other mujahideen factions. Hekmatyar has been
harshly criticized for his behavior during the Soviet and civil war, and was criticized for his groups "xenophobic"
tendencies. At various times, he has both fought against and allied himself with almost every other group in Afghanistan. He
ordered frequent attacks on other rival factions to weaken them in order to improve his position in the post-Soviet power
vacuum. An example of his tendency for internecine rivalry was his arranging the arrest of Ahmed Shah Massoud in Pakistan
in 1976 on spying charges. Another example is when Massoud and Hekmatyar agreed to stage a takeover operation in
the Panjshir valley - Hekmatyar at the last minute refused to engage his part of the offensive, leaving Massoud open and
vulnerable. Massoud's forces barely escaped with their lives. The Paris based group Mdecins Sans Frontires reported that
Hekmatyar's guerrillas hijacked a 96 horse caravan bringing aid into northern Afghanistan in 1987, stealing a year's supply of
medicine and cash that was to be distributed to villagers to buy food with. French relief officials also asserted that Thierry
Niquet, an aid coordinator bringing cash to Afghan villagers, was killed by one of Hekmatyar's commanders in 1986. It is
thought that two American journalists traveling with Hekmatyar in 1987, Lee Shapiro and Jim Lindalos, were killed not by the
Soviets, as Hekmatyar's men claimed, but during a firefight initiated by Hekmatyar's forces against another mujahideen
group. In addition, there were frequent reports throughout the war of Hekmatyar's commanders negotiating and dealing with
pro-Communist local militias in northern Afghanistan.
In 1987, member's of Hekmatyar's faction murdered
British cameraman Andy Skrzypkowiak, who was carrying footage of Massoud's successes to the West. Despite protests from
British representatives, Hekmatyar didn't punish the culprits, and instead rewarded them with gifts. Another example of the
Hezb-i Islami's tendency to internecine fighting was given on July 9, 1989, when Sayyed Jamal, one of Hekmatyar's
commanders, ambushed and murdered 30 commanders of Massoud's Shura-ye-Nazar at Farkhar in Takhar province. The
attack was typical of Hekmatyar's strategy of trying to cripple rival factions, and incurred widespread condemnation among
the mujahideen. Author Peter Bergen states that "by the most conservative estimates, $600 million" in American aid through
Pakistan "went to the Hizb party, ... Hekmatyar's party had the dubious distinction of never winning a significant battle during
the war, training a variety of militant Islamists from around the world, killing significant numbers of mujahideen from other
parties, and taking a virulently anti-Western line. In addition to hundreds of millions of dollars of American aid, Hekmatyar
also received the lion's share of aid from the Saudis." Pakistan General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq felt the need to warn
Hekmatyar that it was Pakistan that made him an Afghan leader and it is Pakistan who can equally destroy him if he
continues to misbehave. As the war began to appear increasingly winnable for the Mujahideen, Islamic fundamentalist
elements within the ISI became increasingly motivated by their desire to install the fundamentalist Hekmatyar as the new
leader of a liberated Afghanistan. Alfred McCoy, author of The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia, accused the CIA of
supporting Hekmatyar drug trade activities, basically providing him immunity against his assistance in the fight against the
USSR. In April 1992, as the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan began to collapse, government officials joined the
mujahideen, choosing different parties according to their ethnic and political affinities. For the most part, the members of
the khalq faction of the PDPA, who were predominantly Pashtuns, joined with Hekmatyar. With their help, he began on April
24, 1992 to infiltrate troops into Kabul, and announced that he had seized the city, and that should any other leaders try to
fly into Kabul, he would shoot their plane down. The new leader of the "Islamic Interim Government of
Afghanistan", Sibghatullah Mojaddedi, appointed Ahmed Shah Massoud as defense minister, and urged him to take action.
This he did, taking the offensive on April 25, 1992 and after two days heavy fighting, the Hezb-i Islami and its allies were
expelled from Kabul. A peace agreement was signed with Massoud on May 25, 1992, which made Hekmatyar Prime Minister.
However, the agreement fell apart when he was blamed for a rocket attack on President Mojaddedi's plane. The following
day, fighting resumed between Burhanuddin Rabbani's and Ahmed Shah Massoud's Jamiat, Abdul Rashid
Dostum's Jumbish forces and Hekmatyar's Hezb-i Islami forces. From 1992 to 1996 the warring factions destroyed most of
Kabul and killed thousands of people, most of them civilians during the Afghan civil war. All the different parties participated
in the destruction, but Hekmatyar's group was responsible for most of the damage, because of his practice of deliberately
targeting civilian areas. Hekmatyar is thought to have bombarded Kabul in retaliation for what he considered its inhabitants'
collaboration with the Soviets, and out of religious conviction. He once told a New York Timesjournalist that Afghanistan
"already had one and a half million martyrs. We are ready to offer as many to establish a true Islamic Republic." His attacks
also had a political objective: to undermine the Rabbani government by proving that Rabbani and Massoud were unable to
protect the population. In 1994 Hekmatyar would shift alliances, joining with Dostum as well as Hizb-e-Wahdat, a Hazara Shi'a
party, to form the Shura-i Hamahangi ("Council of coordination"). Together they laid siege to Kabul, unleashing massive
barrages of artillery and rockets that led to the evacuation of U.N. personnel from Kabul, and caused several government
members to abandon their posts. However the new alliance did not spell victory for Hekmatyar, and in June 1994, Massoud
had driven Dostum's troops from the capital. The Pakistani military had supported Hekmatyar until then in the hope of
installing a Pashtun-dominated government in Kabul, which would be friendly to their interests. By 1994, it had become clear
that Hekmatyar would never achieve this, and that his extremism had antagonised most Pashtuns, so the Pakistanis began
turning towards the predominantly Pashtun Taliban. After capturing Kandahar in November 1994, the Taliban made rapid
progress towards Kabul, making inroads into Hezb-i Islami positions. They capturedWardak on February 2, 1995, and moved
on to Maidan Shahr on February 10, 1995 and Mohammed Agha the next day. Very soon, Hekmatyar found himself caught
between the advancing Taliban and the government forces, and the morale of his men collapsed. On February 14, 1996 he
was forced to abandon his headquarters at Charasiab, from where rockets were fired at Kabul, and flee in disorder to Surobi.
Nonetheless, in May 1996, Rabbani and Hekmatyar finally formed a power-sharing government in which Hekmatyar was
made prime minister. Rabbani was anxious to enhance the legitimacy of his government by enlisting the support of Pashtun
leaders. However, the Mahipar agreement did not bring any such benefits to him as Hekmatyar had little grassroots support,
but did have many adverse effects: it caused outrage among Jamiat supporters, and among the population of Kabul, who had
endured Hekmatyar's attacks for the last four years. Moreover, the agreement was clearly not what the Pakistanis wanted,
and convinced them of Hekmatyar's weakness, and that they should shift their aid entirely over to the Taliban. Hekmatyar
took office on June 26, 1996 and immediately started issuing severe decrees on women's dress, that struck a sharp contrast
with the relatively liberal policy that Massoud had followed until then. The Taliban responded to the agreement with a further
spate of rocket attacks on the capital. The Rabbani/Hekmatyar regime lasted only a few months before the Taliban took
control of Kabul in September 1996. Many of the HIG local commanders joined the Taliban "both out of ideological sympathy
and for reason of tribal solidarity." Those that did not were expelled by the Taliban. In Pakistan Hezb-e-Islami training camps
"were taken over by the Taliban and handed over" to Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI) groups such as the Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan
(SSP). Hekmatyar then fled to Iran in 1997 where he is said to have resided for almost six years. Isolated from Afghanistan he
is reported to have "lost ... his power base back home" to defections or inactivity of former members. After the 9/11 attacks in
the United States Hekmatyar, who had allegedly "worked closely" with bin Laden in early 1990s, declared his opposition to
the US campaign in Afghanistan and criticized Pakistan for assisting the United States. After the U.S. entry into the anti-

Taliban alliance and the fall of the Taliban, Hekmatyar rejected the U.N.-brokered accord of December 5,
2001 negotiated in Germany as a post-Taliban interim government for Afghanistan. As a result of
pressure by the US and the Karzai administration, on February 10, 2002 all the offices of Hezb-e-Islami
were
closed in Iran and Hekmatyar was expelled by his Iranian hosts. On May 6, 2002 the U.S. CIA fired
on his
vehicle convoy using a Lockheed Martin manufactured AGM-114 Hellfire missile launched from
an MQ-1 Predator aircraft. The missile missed its target. The United States accuse Hekmatyar of urging
Taliban fighters to re-form and fight against Coalition troops in Afghanistan. He is also accused of
offering bounties for those who kill U.S. troops. He has been labeled a war criminal by members
of the U.S.-backed President Hamid Karzai's government. He is also a suspect behind the
September 5, 2002 assassination attempt on Karzai that killed more than a dozen people. In
September 2002, Hekmatyar released a taped message calling for jihad against the United States. On December 25, 2002
the news broke that American spy organizations had discovered Hekmatyar attempting to join al-Qaeda. According to the
news, he had said that he was available to aid them. However, in a video released by Hekmatyar 1 September 2003, he
denied forming alliances with the Taliban or al-Qaeda, but praised attacks against U.S. and international forces. On February
19, 2003 the United States State Department and the United States Treasury Department jointly designated Hekmatyar a
"global terrorist." This designation meant that any assets Hekmatyar held in the USA, or held through companies based in the
US, would be frozen. The US also requested the United Nations Committee on Terrorism to follow suit, and designate
Hekmatyar an associate of Osama bin Laden. In October 2003, he declared a ceasefire with local commanders
in Jalalabad, Kunar, Logar and Sarobi and stated that they should only fight foreigners. In May 2006, he released a video to Al
Jazeera in which he accused Iran of backing the US in the Afghan conflict and said he was ready to fight alongside Osama bin
Laden and blamed the ongoing conflicts in Palestine, Iraq and Afghanistan on US interference. In September 2006, he was
reported as captured, but the report was later retracted. In December 2006, a video was released in Pakistan, where
Gulbuddin Hekmatyar claimed "the fate Soviet Union faced is awaiting America as well." In January 2007 CNN reported that
Hekmatyar claimed "that his fighters helped Osama bin Laden escape from the mountains of Tora Bora five years ago." BBC
news reported a quote from a December 2006 interview broadcast on GEO TV, "We helped them [bin Laden and Zawahiri]
get out of the caves and led them to a safe place." In May 2008, the Jamestown Foundation reported that after being
"sidelined from Afghan politics" since the mid-1990s, Gulbuddin's HIG group has "recently reemerged as an aggressive
militant group, claiming responsibility for many bloody attacks against Coalition forces and the administration of
President Hamid Karzai." The re-emergence of this "experienced guerrilla strategist" comes at a propitious time for
insurgency, following the killing of Taliban commander Mullah Dadullah, when some elements of the Taliban were becoming
"disorganized and frustrated." HIG has claimed responsibility for and is thought to have at least assisted in a April 27, 2008
attempt on the life of President Karzai in Kabul that killed three Afghan citizens, including a member of parliament. Other
attacks it is thought to be responsible for include the January 2, 2008 shooting down of a helicopter containing foreign troops
in the Laghman province; the shooting and forcing down a U.S. military helicopter in the Sarubi district of Kabul on 22
January; and blowing up a Kabul police vehicle in March 2008, killing 10 soldiers. In interviews he has demanded "all foreign
forces to leave immediately unconditionally." Offers by President Hamid Karzai to open talks with "opponents of the
government" and hints that they would be offered official posts "such as deputy minister or head of department", are thought
to be directed at Hekmatyar. Hekmatyar reportedly now lives today in an unknown location in southeastern Afghanistan,
somewhere close to the Pakistani border. In 2008 he denied any links with the Taliban or al-Qaeda and was even considered
for Prime Minister. Hekmatyar is now believed to shuttle between hideouts in Pakistan's mountainous tribal areas and in
northeast Afghanistan. In January 2010, he was still considered as one of the three main leaders of the Afghan insurgency. By
then, he held out the possibility of negotiations with President Karzai and outlined a roadmap for political reconciliation. This
contrasted with the views of Taliban leader Mullah Omar and allied insurgent chief Sirajuddin Haqqani, who refuse any talks
with Kabul as long as foreign troops remain in the country, Hekmatyar appeared less reluctant.

Arsalan Rahmani Daulat (died

May 13, 2012) was the Prime Minister of Afghanistan from June
28,
1994 until 1995. He was selected to serve in the Meshrano Jirga, the upper house of Afghanistan's
national assembly, in 2005 and 2010. He was appointed a Deputy Minister for Higher Education under
the Ta
liban, in 1998. TheUnited Nations Security Council issued Security Council Resolution 1267 in 1999,
which
listed senior Taliban members. The United Nations requested member states to freeze the financial
assets of those individuals. He was one of the individuals who were sanctioned. He was also one of the
four former Taliban leaders that accepted the reconciliation offer from the Afghan government. He was
also named deputy leader of Khuddamul Furqan for political affairs. In September 2010 Hamid
Karzai named him as one of the seventy members of the Afghan High Peace Council. The Peace Council's mandate was to
open negotiations with moderate elements of the Taliban, and convince them to abandon violence and instead participate
peacefully in the political process. On July 16, 2011 the United Nations Security Council dropped his name, and that of
thirteen other former members of the Taliban, from the 1267 list. On 13 May 2012, Daulat was shot dead in his car by
assassins in his native Kabul.

Ahmad Shah Ahmadzai (Pashto:

, born 1944) was the Prime Minister of

Afghanistan from 1995 until June 26, 1996. He is an ethnic Pashtun from the Ahmadzai sub-tribe.
Ahmad Shah Ahmadzai was born in Malang village of Khaki Jabbar district, Kabul. He studied
engineering at Kabul University and then worked in the agriculture ministry. In 1972 he received
a scholarship to study in the United States, at Colorado State University. He received a master's
degree in 1975 and became a professor at King Faisal University in Saudi Arabia. Following
the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, Ahmadzai returned to his country to join
the mujahideens. He was a close associate of Burhanuddin Rabbani but then left his group and
joined Abdul Rasul Sayyaf's Islamic Dawah Organisation of Afghanistanmovement. Following the end of communist rule in
1992, Ahmadzai was the deputy head of his party and later served as a minister in the Afghan government. He served as
interior and construction minister and then became prime minister in which he served in until June 26, 1996, when more of
the former militias which had been fighting for control of Kabul made an agreement to form a national unity government to
stop the advancing Taliban. Ahmadzai left Afghanistan in September 1996 to attend the united nation conference in New York,
just before the Taliban captured Kabul. He lived in exile in Istanbul, Turkey, andLondon, England before he returned to
Afghanistan in 2001 after the fall of Taliban. Ahmadzai was an independent candidate in the 2004 Afghan presidential
election supporting an Islamic system of government. He was confident about his chances of winning, but later boycott the
election due to some allegations, however his total vote were announced only 0.8% of the total votes counted.

Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan

Head of the Supreme Council and Prime Ministers of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan

Mohammed Omar Mujahid

(Pashto: , Mull Muh ammad Umar Mujhid; c. 19501962 April 23, 2013),
often simply called Mullah Omar, was the supreme commander and the spiritual leader of the Taliban. He was Afghanistan's
11th head of state from September 27, 1996 until November 13, 2001, under the official title "Head of the Supreme Council".
He died in 2013 of tuberculosis, although this was not confirmed until 2015. He held the title Commander of the Faithful of
the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, which was recognized by only three nations: Pakistan,Saudi Arabia and the United Arab
Emirates. He is thought to be living somewhere in Pakistan. Mullah Omar has been wanted by the U.S. State
Department's Rewards for Justice program since October 2001, for sheltering Osama bin Laden and al-Qaeda militants in the
years prior to the September 11 attacks. Those who were close to him say that he requested evidence from the United States
regarding bin Laden and his alleged hand in the 9/11 attacks but did not receive any. He is believed to be directing
the Taliban insurgency against the U.S.-led NATO forces and the Government of Afghanistan. Despite his political rank and
his high status on the Rewards for Justice most wanted list, not much is publicly known about him. Few photos exist of him,
none of them official, and a picture used in 2002 by many media outlets has since been established to be someone other
than him. The authenticity of the existing images is debated. Apart from the fact that he is missing one eye, accounts of his
physical appearance are contradictory: Omar is described as very tall (some say 2 m). Mullah Omar has been described as
shy and non-talkative with foreigners. During his tenure as Emir of Afghanistan, Omar seldom left the city of Kandahar and
rarely met with outsiders, instead relying on Foreign Minister Wakil Ahmed Muttawakil for the majority of diplomatic
necessities. Many, including Afghan President Hamid Karzai, claim that Mullah Omar and his Taliban movement are used
as puppets by the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) in Pakistan. Additionally, many current and former U.S. senior military
officials such as Robert Gates, Stanley McChrystal, David Petraeus and others claim that Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard
Corps are also involved in helping the Taliban. Omar is thought to have been born around 1959 or 1962 in Nodeh, near the
southern Afghan city of Kandahar in Afghanistan to a landless peasant family. He grew up in a village in the Maiwand area
of Kandahar Province, next to Helmand Province. He is an ethnicPashtun from the Hotak tribe, which is part of the
larger Ghilzai branch. His father is said to have died before he was born and the responsibility of fending for his family fell to
him as he grew older. Omar fought as a guerrilla with the anti-soviet Mujahideen under the command of Nek Mohammad and
others, but did not fight against the Najibullah regime between 1989 and 1992. It was reported that he was thin, but tall and
strongly built, and "a crack marksman who had destroyed many Soviet tanks during the Afghan War." Omar was wounded
four times. Mullah Abdul Salam Zaeef claims to have been present when shrapnel destroyed one of his eyes during a battle in
Sangsar, Panjwaye Districtshortly before the 1987 Battle of Arghandab. Other sources place this event in 1986 or in the
1989 Battle of Jalalabad. After he was disabled, Omar may have studied and taught in a madrasah, or Islamic seminary, in the
Pakistani border city of Quetta. He was reportedly a mullah at a village madrasah near the Afghan city of Kandahar. Unlike
many Afghan mujahideen, Omar speaks Arabic. He was devoted to the lectures of Sheikh Abdullah Azzam, and took a job
teaching in a madrassa in Quetta. He later moved to Binoori Mosque in Karachi, where he led prayers, and later met
with Osama bin Laden for the first time. Following the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan in 1989 and the collapse of
Najibullah's Soviet-backed regime in 1992, the country fell into chaos as various mujahideen factions fought for control. Omar
returned to Singesar and founded a madrassah. According to one legend, in 1994 he had a dream in which a woman told him:
"We need your help; you must rise. You must end the chaos. Allah will help you." Mullah Omar started his movement with
less than 50 armed madrassah students, known simply as the Taliban (Students). His recruits came from madrassahs in
Afghanistan and from the Afghan refugee camps across the border in Pakistan. They fought against the
rampant corruption that had emerged in the civil war period and were initially welcomed by Afghans weary of warlord rule.
Reportedly, in early 1994, Omar led 30 men armed with 16 rifles to free youths who had been kidnapped and raped by a
warlord, hanging the local commander from a tank gun barrel. The youths were two young girls. His movement gained
momentum through the year, and he quickly gathered recruits from Islamic schools. By November 1994, Omar's movement
managed to capture the whole of Kandahar Province and then captured Herat in September 1995. In April 1996, supporters of
Mullah Omar bestowed on him the title Amir al-Mu'minin ( , "Commander of the Faithful"), after he donned a cloak
alleged to be that of Muhammad which was locked in a series of chests, held inside the Mosque of the Cloak of the Prophet
Mohammed in the city of Kandahar. Legend decreed that whoever could retrieve the cloak from the chest would be the great
Leader of the Muslims, or "Amir al-Mu'minin. In September 1996, Kabul fell to Mullah Omar and his followers. The civil war
continued in the northeast corner of the country, near Tajikistan. The nation was named the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan in
October 1997 and was recognized by Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. A "reclusive, pious and frugal"
leader, Omar visited Kabul twice between 1996 to 2001. Omar stated: "All Taliban are moderate. There are two things:
extremism ["ifraat", or doing something to excess] and conservatism ["tafreet", or doing something insufficiently]. So in that
sense, we are all moderates taking the middle path. In a BBC's Pashto interview after the September 11 attacks in 2001, he
told that "You (the BBC) and American puppet radios have created concern. But the current situation in Afghanistan is related
to a bigger cause - that is the destruction of America...This is not a matter of weapons. We are hopeful for Allah's help. The
real matter is the extinction of America. And, Allah willing, it [America] will fall to the ground... We will not accept a
government of wrong-doers. We prefer death than to be a part of an evil government..." I am considering two promises. One
is the promise of Allah, the other of Bush. The promise of Allah is that my land is vast...the promise of Bush is that there is no
place on Earth where I can hide that he won't find me. We shall see which promise is fulfilled. After the US-led Operation
Enduring Freedom began in early October 2001, Omar went into hiding and is still at large. He is thought to be in the Pashtun
tribal region of Afghanistan or Pakistan. The United States is offering a reward of US$10 million for information leading to his
capture. In November 2001, he ordered Taliban troops to abandon Kabul and take to the mountains, noting that "defending
the cities with front lines that can be targeted from the air will cause us terrible loss" . Claiming that the Americans had
circulated 'propaganda' that Mullah Omar had gone into hiding, Foreign MinisterWakil Ahmed Muttawakil stated that he would
like to "propose that prime minister Blair and president Bush take Kalashnikovs and come to a specified place where Omar
will also appear to see who will run and who not." He stated that Omar was merely changing locations due to security
reasons. In the opening weeks of October 2001, Omar's house in Kandahar was bombed, killing his stepfather and his 10-year
old son. Mullah Omar continues to have the allegiance of prominent pro-Taliban military leaders in the region,
including Jalaluddin Haqqani. The former foe Gulbuddin Hekmatyar's faction has also reportedly allied with Omar and the
Taliban. In April 2004, Omar was interviewed via phone by Pakistani journalist Mohammad Shehzad. During the interview,
Omar claimed that Osama Bin Laden was alive and well, and that his last contact with Bin Laden was months before the
interview. Omar declared that the Taliban were "hunting Americans like pigs." A captured Taliban spokesman, Muhammad
Hanif, told Afghan authorities in January 2007, that Omar was being protected by the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI)
in Quetta, Pakistan. This matches an allegation made in 2006 by the President of Afghanistan, Hamid Karzai, though it is
denied by officials in Pakistan. Numerous statements have been released identified as coming from Omar. In June 2006 a
statement regarding the death of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi in Iraq was released hailing al-Zarqawi as a martyr and claimed that
the resistance movements in Afghanistan and Iraq "will not be weakened". Then in December 2006 Omar reportedly issued a
statement expressing confidence that foreign forces will be driven out of Afghanistan. In January 2007, it was reported that
Omar made his "first exchange with a journalist since going into hiding" in 2001 with Muhammad Hanif via email and courier.
In it he promised "more Afghan War," and said the over one hundred suicide bomb attacks in Afghanistan in the last year had
been carried out by bombers acting on religious orders from the Taliban the mujahedeen do not take any action without a

fatwa. In April 2007, Omar issued another statement through an intermediary encouraging more
suicide attacks. In November 2009, the Washington Times claimed that Omar, assisted by the ISI, had
moved to Karachi in October. In January 2010, Brigadier Amir Sultan Tarar, a retired officer with
Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) agency who previously trained Omar, said that he was ready
to break with his al-Qaida allies in order to make peace in Afghanistan: "The moment he gets control
the first target will be the al-Qaida people." In January 2011, the Washington Post, citing a report from
the Eclipse Group, a privately-operated intelligence network that may be contracted by the CIA, stated
that Omar had suffered a heart attack on January 7, 2011. According to the report, Pakistan's InterServices Intelligence agency rushed Omar to a hospital near Karachi where he was operated on,
treated, and then released several days later. Pakistan's ambassador to the US, Husain Haqqani, stated
that the report "had no basis whatsoever." On May 23. 2011, TOLO News in Afghanistan quoted
unnamed sources saying Omar had been killed by ISI two days earlier. These reports remain
unconfirmed. A spokesman for the militant group said shortly after the news came out. "Reports
regarding the killing of Amir-ul-Moemineen (Omar) are false. He is safe and sound and is not in Pakistan but Afghanistan." On
July 20, 2011 phone text messages from accounts used by Taliban spokesmen Zabihullah Mujahid and Qari Mohammad
Yousuf announced Omar's death. Mujahid and Yousuf, however, quickly denied sending the messages, claimed that their
mobile phones, websites, and e-mail accounts had been hacked, and they swore revenge on the telephone network providers.
In 2012, it was revealed that an individual claiming to be Omar sent a letter to President Barack Obama in 2011, expressing
slight interest in peace talks. On May 31, 2014, in return for the release of American prisoner of war Sergeant Bowe
Bergdahl, five senior Afghan detainees were released from the Guantanamo Bay detention camp in Cuba. A person purporting
to be Omar reportedly hailed their release. On September 23, 2014, Omar's aide, Abdul Rahman Nika, was killed by Afghan
special forces. According to Afghan intelligence service spokesman Abdul Nasheed Sediqi, Nika was involved in most of the
Taliban's attacks in western Afghanistan, including the kidnapping of three Indian engineers, who were later rescued. In
December 2014, acting Afghan intelligence chief Rahmatullah Nabil stated he was not sure "whether Omar is alive or dead".
This came amid reports after the Afghan intelligence agency revealed fracturing within the Taliban movement, speculating
that a leadership struggle had ensued and therefore that Mullah Omar had died. Later reports from Afghan intelligence in
December revealed that Mullah Omar has been hiding in the Pakistani city of Karachi. An anonymous European intelligence
official who confirmed this has stated that "there's a consensus among all three branches of the Afghan security forces that
Mullah Omar is alive. Not only do they think he's alive, they say they have a good understanding of where exactly he is in
Karachi." In April 2015, a man claiming to be Mullah Omar issued a fatwa declaring pledges of allegiance to the Islamic State
of Iraq and the Levant as forbidden in Islamic law. The man described ISIL leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi as a "fake caliph", and
said "Baghdadi just wanted to dominate what has so far been achieved by the real jihadists of Islam after three decades of
jihad. A pledge of allegiance to him is 'haram'." Due to Omar having already been deceased at this time, it is a possibility that
his successor Mullah Akhtar Mansour gave the fatwa against ISIL. On July 29, 2015, the Afghan government announced that
Omar had died in April 2013. It was confirmed by a senior Taliban member that Omar's death was kept a secret for two years.
It is alleged that Omar was "buried somewhere near the border on the Afghan side". The place of Omar's death is disputed;
according to Afghan government sources, he died in a hospital in Karachi, Pakistan. A former Taliban minister claimed that
Karachi was "Omars natural destination because he had lived there for quite some time and was as familiar with the city as
any other resident." However, this claim has been dismissed by other Taliban members, stating that his death occurred in
Afghanistan after his health condition had deteriorated due to "sickness", and that "not for a single day did he go to
Pakistan". According to an official statement by Pakistani defence minister Khawaja Asif, "Mullah Omar neither died nor was
buried in Pakistan and his sons statements are on record to support this. Whether he died now or two years ago is another
controversy which we do not wish to be a part of. He was neither in Karachi nor in Quetta." Omar's eldest son, Mohammad
Yaqoob, stated that he had been suffering from Hepatitis C and died a natural death, adding: "He stayed in Afghanistan even
after the US-led invasion of Afghanistan. He died there and was laid to rest there." Initially, some Taliban members denied
that he had died; other sources considered the report to be speculative, designed to destabilise peace negotiations in
Pakistan between the Afghan government and the Taliban. Abdul Hassib Seddiqi, the spokesman for Afghanistan's National
Directorate of Security (NDS), said: "We confirm officially that he is dead." The following day, the Taliban confirmed the death
of Omar; sources close to the Taliban leadership said his deputy, Mullah Akhtar Mansour, would replace him, although with
the lesser title of Supreme Leader. Omar's son, Mohammad Yaqoob was opposed to Mansour's ascension as leader. The
Taliban splinter group Fidai Mahaz claimed Omar did not die of natural causes but was instead assassinated in a coup led by
Mullah Akhtar Mansour and Mullah Gul Agha. The Taliban commander Mullah Mansoor Dadullah, brother of former senior
commander Mullah Dadullah confirmed that Omar had been assassinated. The leader of Fidai Mahaz, Mullah Najibullah,
revealed that due to Omar's kidney disease, he needed medicine. According to Najibullah, Mansour poisoned the medicine,
damaging Omar's liver and causing him to grow weaker. When Omar summoned Mansour and other members of Omar's inner
circle to hear his will, they discovered that Mansour was not to assume leadership of the Taliban. It was due to Mansour
allegedly orchestrating "dishonourable deals". When Mansour pressed Omar to name him as his successor, Omar refused.
Mansour then shot and killed Omar. Najibullah claimed Omar died at a southern Afghanistan hide-out in Zabul Province in the
afternoon on April 23, 2013. Mullah Yaqoob, Omar's eldest son, denied that his father had been killed, insisting that he died of
natural causes due to illness. Yaqoob stated he died in Afghanistan.

Mohammad Rabbani Akhund (1955April

15, 2001) was Prime Minister of Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan from

September 27, 1996 until April 13, 2001. He was one of the main founders of the Taliban movement. He was second in power
only to the supreme leader, Mullah Mohammed Omar, in the Taliban hierarchy. When the Soviet Union chose to withdraw from
Afghanistan in 1989, and after many more years of insurgenence and civil war, he led the Taliban guerrillas in the final assault
against the capital, Kabul. He served as prime minister of Afghanistan and head of the advisory council. There were also
rumors that Mullah Rabbani and the head of the Taliban movement had serious political differences. While Rabbani and the
ruling council constituted the public face of Afghanistan, the important decisions were made by Mullah Mohammed Omar,
who resided in the southern city of Kandahar. He was married on 17 October 1984 in Kandahar to a Singaporean engineer
named Lauren Marissa Norton (born 31 January 1958 in Singapore), who remained "Lauren Rabbani"/"Madame Mohammad
Rabbani". Mohammad had only two sons; Hamid Mohammad Rabbani (born 17 May 1986 in Kabul) and Tariq Mohammad
Rabbani (born 31 May 1990 in Kabul). Rabbani was born in 1955. He was from Kakar tribe. He obtained Islamic education at
home in Pashmol village in Kandahar province, before participating in an Islamic seminary. The invasion of Afghanistan by the
Soviet Union in 1979 put a stop to his education as he volunteered for the jihad. His role in the civil war ended when the
Soviet army withdrew in 1989, but other members and factions of the mujahedin fought on, first against the Afghan
Communist government and then against each other. It was a time of lawlessness and chaos. The Communist government fell
in 1992 and Afghanistan was fought over by factions of the mujahedin. Kandahar was particularly a battleground for
commanders-turned-warlords. Rabbani and about thirty other religious students (Taliban) decided to take the warlords on,
first in the border town of Spin Boldak and then in Kandahar itself. During this period, Rabbani argued "Our concern is the
establishment of an Islamic system and the elimination of unrest and cruelty from our country." When UN Special
Envoy Mehmoud Mestiri had resumed his peace parleys in Afghanistan in March 1996, he had been assured by the political

leadership of the Taliban, represented by Mullah Rabbani, who also commanded the forces encircling Kabul,
that the Taliban were ready for discussions with the Rabbani government. Originally a Taliban idea endorsed
by Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and accepted on behalf of the United Front (formerly the Northern
Alliance) by President Burhanuddin Rabbani in early January 1998, the proposal took shape as a proposed
commission of ulema, or religious scholars, to settle the Afghan conflict in the light of the shariah. However,
no progress was made until, once again, Prime Minister Sharif intervened two months later, in March, by
inviting Mullah Rabbani, now head of the Taliban shura in Kabul, toIslamabad and obtained from him an
agreement in principle for the convening of a Steering committee in preparation for the ulema commission.
On 9 April, the United Nations Special Envoy went to Kabul and discussed with Mullah Rabbani and other
Taliban leaders how to proceed with the idea of a Steering Committee for preparations for an ulema
meeting. With this perceived shift in the Taliban's strategy, Mestiri had moved to Kabul to tie up other details. This would
explain in large measure the Taliban's removal of heavy weaponry from areas surrounding Kabul very recently. But no sooner
had Mullah Rabbani given this assurance to the visiting UN envoy, the religious leadership based in Kandahar rejected talks
with Kabul, scuttling Mestiri's efforts. On 26 September 1996 Taliban forces set up an interim Government under Mohammed
Rabbani and Afghanistan was declared a complete Islamic Emirate under Sharia law. It was Rabbani who gave the dramatic
press conference from the presidential palace claiming victory. Rabbani acted as Head of the Supreme Council from 26
September 1996 to 16 April 2001. Many analysts believe that it was he who ordered the execution of former President
Mohammed Najibullah when the Taliban took Kabul in late 1996. Rabbani, who had been a prominent mujahedin commander,
attracted many fighters to Taliban ranks. Rabbani was Taliban's second most powerful man and the leader of the moderates in
the organization. However, there were differences between him and Mullah Omar, regarding the influence of the Arabs and
the need to establish a proper consultative government mechanism. Rabbani's power base was Jalalabad and he was not
dependent on the Kandahari group for political support within Taliban. He declared to the international community that his
government did not support terrorism.
We will not allow anyone to perform any terrorist acts inside or from Afghanistan against anyone. We are a free country
where Osama is living as a guest. This is the reality and it is up to the world to accept it. - Mullah Mohammad Rabbani
Mullah Rabbani noted that bin Laden had taken up residence when Afghanistan was under the control of the previous regime.
He also maintained that there was not sufficient evidence linking him to terrorist bombings in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam and
that, at any rate, bin Laden was no longer able to carry out activities from Afghan territory. Rabbani died in a military hospital
in Rawalpindi, Pakistan, of liver cancer on April 16, 2001. According to a press release in Islamabad: Mullah Mohammad
Rabbani was one of the main founders of the Movement and greatly contributed to peace and security in our country. His
service to Islam is unforgettable. His demise is an irreparable loss. Rabbani's body was repatriated to the southern Afghan city
of Kandahar by a UN plane, permitted to operate on humanitarian grounds despite the air embargo against the Taliban
Movement. he was buried in the Taliban's Martyr's Cemetery in Kandahar. Regarding him as somewhat of a moderate,
members of the opposition voiced fears that hardliners within the Taliban would strengthen their hold on power following
Rabbani's death.

Mohammed Abdul Kabir (born

1958/1963) was acting Prime Minister Islamic emirate Afganistan from April 16 until
November 13, 2001 and senior member of the Taliban leadership. The United Nations reports that he was Second Deputy of
the Taliban's Council of Ministers; Governor of Nangarhar Province; and Head of the Eastern Zone. The U.N. reports that Kabir
was born between 1958 and 1963, in Paktia, Afghanistan, and is from the Zardran tribe. The U.N. reports that Kabir is active
in terrorist operations in Eastern Afghanistan. In April 2002 Abdul Razzak told the Associated Press Kabir was believed to have
fled Nangarhar to Paktia, along with Ahmed KhadrThe Chinese News Agency Xinhua reported that Abdul Kabir was captured
in Nowshera, Pakistan, on July 16, 2005. Captured with Abdul Kabir were his brother Abdul Aziz, Mullah Abdul Qadeer,
Mullah Abdul Haq, and a fifth unnamed member of the Taliban leadership. In spite of these reports, intelligence officials
quoted in Asia Times indicated Kabir and other senior Taliban leaders may have been in North Waziristan, Pakistan during
Ramadan 2007, planning an offensive in southeastern Afghanistan. Also, Xinhua reported on October 21, 2007, quoting from
an account from Daily Afghanistan, that Abdul Kabir had been appointed commander in Nangarhar, Laghman, Kunar and
Nooristan provinces. A report on February 21, 2010 stated that Kabir was captured in Pakistan as a result of intelligence
gleaned from Mullah Baradar, himself taken into custody earlier in the month. On July 19. 2006 United States Congressional
Representative Bartlett listed Abdul Bakir as a former suspected terrorist who the US government no longer considers a
threat.

Northern Alliance of Afghanistan

List of Prime Ministers of Northern Alliance of Afghanistan

Abdul Rahim Ghafoorzai (died

August 21, 1997) was Prime Minister of Northern Alliance of

Afghanistan from August 11 until his death on August 21, 1997. He was an ethnic Pashtun, a member of
the Mohammadzai tribe. During the 1970s he entered the Afghan foreign service. He was sent to the
United States to represent the political administration supported by the Soviet Union. As the Ambassador
to the UN, Mr. Ghafoorzai thought it his duty to call on the global partners to denounce the Soviet
invasion in 1979. From then until 1992, he worked as a representative official to trigger international
support against the regime that the Soviets had set up in Afghanistan. When the communist government
fell in 1992, Ghafoorzai acted as an intermediary to unite the factions of Afghanistan. He worked in
the United Nations until 1995, and then became deputy foreign minister. He became foreign minister in
July 1996. in September 1996 the government troops withdored from Kabul and the Taliban captured
Afghanistan's capital, Kabul, The International community did not recognize the Taliban as Afghanistan legitimate
government except Pakistan, United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia, the Islamic State of Afghanistan government
established the new cabinet in Mazar e Sharif in the north of Afghanistan, meanwhile the Afghanistan Embassies and the
Permanent Mission of Afghanistan to the United Nations was in control of Islamic State of Afghanistan as legitimate
representative of Afghanistan. Ghafoorzai continued as Afghanistan Foreign Minister until August 11, 1997, just 10 days
before his death, he was appointed prime minister of the Islamic State of Afghanistan government. He was killed in a plane
crash in Bamyan Province when he was going to negotiate to form his cabinet with their allies.

Abdul Ghafoor Ravan Farhdi (born

1929 in Kabul, Afghanistan) is a retired leading Afghan diplomat who was

Prime Minister of Northern Alliance of Afghanistan from August 21, 1997 until November 13, 2001 and
Afghanistan's Ambassador to the United Nations from 1993 to 2006. Farhadi is a linguist, researcher and translator. Farhdi is
an ethnic Tajik from Kabul. He graduated from Lyce Esteqlal in 1948. Farhdi studied at the Institut d'Etudes
Politiques inParis, France, achieving a MA degree in 1952. He then earned his Ph.D. at the Sorbonne, in Indo-Iranian Studies,
in 1955. His paper was on "le Persan Parle en Afghanistan", later translated to English and Russian. Farhdi speaks French,
English and Persian fluently. In 1955, Farhadi assumed a position as lecturer in the History of Political Thought at Kabul

University. In 1958, he started his diplomatic career as First Secretary at the Afghan Embassy in Karachi,
Pakistan. From 1961 to 1962, he was Director of United Nations Affairs at the Afghan Ministry of Foreign
Affairs. Following that, he was appointed Counsellor and Deputy Chief of Mission at the Embassy of
Afghanistan in Washington, D.C., United States. In 1964, he returned to Kabul to work at the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs. From 1964 till 1968, he served as Director-General for Political Affairs at the ministry and
then he was Deputy Foreign Minister for 5 years. Between 1965 and 1971 he also was Secretary of the
Council of Ministers of the Afghan Government. In 1973, he was appointed Ambassdor in Paris. After the
coup of Sardar Mohammed Daoud Khan, Farhadi was recalled to Kabul. He served as a member of the
Advisory Commission of the Ministry of Culture (1975-1978) organizing international meetings in cultural
fields. After the Soviet Invasion in 1979, Farhadi spent two years in Pol-e Charkhi jail as a political prisoner. After that he
moved to France again and became Associate Professor in History of Persian Literature at the University of Paris 1 PantheonSorbonne/University of Paris III: Sorbonne Nouvelle. In summer 1985, he was a Visiting Fellow at the Australian National
University, in Canberra. He was then an Associate Professor at the Department of Near Eastern Studies, University of
California, Berkeley.[1] At Berkeley, he taught subjects ranging from Persian Literature to medieval Islamic mysticism.
Professor Farhdi has written a number of historical texts, including The Quatrains of Rumi, where he translated over 1600 of
the quatrains attributed to Rumi, and Abdullah Ansari of Herat (Khajeh Abdollah Ansari), a sufi master. After the fall of the
communist government of Afghanistan and the start of the government of Burhanuddin Rabbani, Farhadi served as
Afghanistan's ambassador to the United Nations. Farhadi presented his credentials as Ambassador Permanent Representative
of Afghanistan to the United Nations Secretary General Boutros Boutros Ghali on April 30, 1993. Even when the Taliban had
taken control of most of Afghanistan, the government of Burhanuddin Rabbani continued to represent Afghanistan at
the United Nations, with Farhadi as the UN Ambassador representing Afghanistan until the end of 2006. The Taliban, in spite
of the strong support of Pakistan, never represented Afghanistan in the United Nations. Since 1993, Farhdi has served as
Vice Chairman of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People at United Nations
Headquarters in New York. Farhadi is known for his strong commitment to the Palestinian rights but acknowledges the fact
that Israel has a right to exist. After his period as diplomat, with American scholar Ibrahim Gamard, he translated into English
all the quatrains of the Sufi Iranian poet Maulana Jalal ad-Din Rumi. Farhadi has been highly critical of Pakistan, saying it is
supporting the Taliban. Farhadi was in favour of a government composed of all of Afghanistan's ethnic communities, including
Uzbeks, Tajiks, Hazaras, Baluchs and Pashtuns, but rejected the idea of US Secretary of State Colin Powell to include
moderate Taliban members in the next government. During the presidential elections of 2009, in which Abdullah
Abdullah was the main challenger of Karzai, Farhadi spoke in favour of Abdullah, the former Minister of Foreign Affairs. After
the fall of the Taliban, Farhadi tried to put pressure on the US government to give more aid to Afghanistan, especially to
compensate the families who lost civilian family members in US bombings.

Islamic Republic of Afghanistan

List of Presidents and Executive Officer of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan

Hamid Karzai, GCMG (Pashto:

, Hmid Karzay; born December 24, 1957) was the

President of Afghanistan for almost ten years, from December 7, 2004 until September 29, 2014.
He became a dominant political figure after the removal of the Taliban regime in late 2001. During
the December 2001 International Conference on Afghanistan in Germany, Karzai was selected by
prominent Afghan political figures to serve a six month term as Chairman of the Interim
Administration. He was then chosen for a two year term as Interim President during the 2002 loya
jirga (grand assembly) that was held in Kabul, Afghanistan. After the 2004 presidential election,
Karzai was declared winner and became President of the Islamic Republic ofAfghanistan. He won a
second five-year-term in the disputed 2009 presidential election. Karzai was born on December 24,
1957 in the Karz area of Kandahar City in southern Afghanistan. He is an ethnic Pashtun of
thePopalzai tribe. His father, Abdul Ahad Karzai, served as the Deputy Speaker of the
Parliament during the 1960s. His grandfather, Khair Mohammad Khan, had served in the
1919 Afghanistan's war of independence and as the Deputy Speaker of the Senate. Karzai's family
were strong supporters of Zahir Shah, the last king of Afghanistan. His uncle, Habibullah Karzai, served as representative of
Afghanistan at the UN and is said to have accompanied King Zahir Shah in the early 1960s to the United States for a special
meeting with U.S. President John F. Kennedy. Hamid Karzai attended Mahmood Hotaki Elementary School in Kandahar
and Sayed Jamaluddin Afghani School in Kabul. He graduated from Habibia High School in 1976. From 1979 to 1983, Karzai
took a postgraduate course in political science at Himachal Pradesh University in Shimla, Himachal Pradesh, India. He is well
versed in several languages, including his native tongue which is Pashto as well as Dari (Persian), Urdu, Hindi, English and
French. After obtaining his Master's degree in India he moved to neighboring Pakistan to work as a fundraiser for the anticommunist mujahideen during the 1980s Soviet war in Afghanistan. The Mujahideens were backed by the United States,
Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Iran, and Karzai was a contractor for the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) at the time. While
Karzai remained in Pakistan during the Soviet intervention, his siblings emigrated to the United States. Following the
withdrawal of Soviet forces, Hamid Karzai returned to Afghanistan in early October 1988 to assist in the Mujahideen victory in
Tarinkot. Hamid Karzai assisted in rallying Polpalzai Durrani tribes to oust the regime from the city as well as helped negotiate
the defection of five hundred of Dr. Najib's forces. When Najibullah's Soviet-backed government collapsed in 1992,
the Peshawar Accords agreed upon by the Afghan political parties established the Islamic State of Afghanistan and appointed
an interim government to be followed by general elections. Karzai accompanied the first mujahideen leaders into Kabul in
1992 following the Soviet withdrawal. He served as Deputy Foreign Minister in the government of Burhanuddin Rabbani.
Karzai was, however, arrested by Mohammad Fahim (Karzai's current Vice President) on charges of spying for Gulbuddin
Hekmatyar in what Karzai claimed was an effort to mediate between Hekmatyar's militia and the Islamic State. When he was
released Karzai fled from Kabul in a vehicle provided by Hekmatyar and driven by Gul Rahman. When the Taliban emerged in
the mid 1990s, Karzai initially recognized them as a legitimate government because he thought that they would stop the
violence and corruption in his country. He was asked by the Taliban to serve as their ambassador but he refused, telling
friends that he felt Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) was wrongly using them. He lived in Pakistan as among
the Afghan refugees, where he worked to reinstate former Afghan King Zahir Shah. On the morning of July 14, 1999, Karzai's
father, Abdul Ahad Karzai, was gunned down as he was coming home from a mosque in the city of Quetta. Reports suggest
that the Taliban carried out the assassination. Following this incident, Karzai decided to work closely with the United
Front (Northern Alliance), which was led by Ahmad Shah Massoud. In 2000 and 2001, he traveled to Europe and the United
States to help gather support for the anti-Taliban movement. As the United States armed forces were preparing for a
confrontation with the Taliban in September 2001, Karzai began urging NATO nations to purge his country of Al-Qaeda. He
told BBC "These Arabs, together with their foreign supporters and the Taliban, destroyed miles and miles of homes and
orchards and vineyards... They have killed Afghans. They have trained their guns on Afghan lives... We want them out." After
the October 7, 2001 launch of Operation Enduring Freedom, the United Front (Northern Alliance) worked with teams of U.S.
special forces. Together, they overthrew the Taliban regime and mustered support for a new government in Afghanistan.
Karzai and his group were in Quetta (Pakistan) at the time, where they began their covert operation. Before entering
Afghanistan he warned his fighters:
"We might be captured the moment we enter Afghanistan and be killed. We have 60 percent chance of death and 40 percent
chance to live and survive. Winning was no consideration. We could not even think of that. We got on two motorbikes. We
drove into Afghanistan."Hamid Karzai, October 2001
In October 2001, Hamid Karzai and his group of fighters survived a friendly fire missile attack by U.S. Air Force pilots in
southern Afghanistan. The group suffered injuries and was treated in the United States; Karzai received injuries to his facial
nerves as can sometimes be noticed during his speeches. On November 4, 2001, American special operation forces flew
Karzai out of Afghanistan for protection. In December 2001, political leaders gathered in Germany to agree on new leadership
structures. Under the December 5, 2001 Bonn Agreement they formed an Interim Administration and named Karzai Chairman
of a 29-member governing committee. He was sworn in as leader on December 22, 2001. The loya jirga of June 13, 2002,
appointed Karzai as Interim President of the new position as President of the Afghan Transitional Administration. Former
members of the Northern Alliance remained extremely influential, most notably Vice President Mohammed Fahim, who also
served as the Defense Minister. Karzai re-enacted the original coronation of Ahmad Shah Durrani at the shrine of Sher-i-Surkh
outside of Kandahar where he had leaders of various Afghan tribes, including a descendent of the religious leader (Sabir
Shah) that originally selected Ahmad Shah Durrani in 1747 as key players in this event. Further evidence that Karzai views
himself fulfilling a Durrani monarch's role arise from statements furnished by close allies within his government. His late
brother, Ahmed Wali Karzai, made statements to a similar effect. After Karzai was installed into power, his actual authority
outside the capital city of Kabul was said to be so limited that he was often derided as the "Mayor of Kabul". The situation was
particularly delicate since Karzai and his administration have not been equipped either financially or politically to influence
reforms outside of the region around Kabul. Other areas, particularly the more remote ones, have historically been under the
influence of various local leaders. Karzai has been, to varying degrees of success, attempting to negotiate and form amicable
alliances with them for the benefit of Afghanistan as a whole, instead of aggressively fighting them and risking an uprising. In
2004, he rejected an international proposal to end poppy production in Afghanistan through aerial spraying of
chemical herbicides, fearing that it would harm the economic situation of his countrymen. Moreover, Karzai's younger
brother, Ahmed Wali Karzai, who partially helped finance Karzai's presidential campaign was rumored to be involved
in narcotic deals, which has been rejected. Karzai said that he has sought in writing a number of times, but failed to obtain,
proof of allegations that Ahmed Wali was involved in illegal drugs. When Karzai was a candidate in the October
2004 presidential election, he won 21 of the 34 provinces, defeating his 22 opponents and becoming the first democratically
elected leader of Afghanistan. Although his campaigning was limited due to fears of violence, elections passed without
significant incident. Following investigation by the United Nations of alleged voting irregularities, the national election
commission in early November declared Karzai winner, without runoff, with 55.4% of the vote. This represented 4.3 million of
the total 8.1 million votes cast. The election took place safely in spite of a surge of insurgent activity. Karzai was officially
sworn in as President of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan on December 7, 2004, at a formal ceremony in Kabul. Many

interpreted the ceremony as a symbolically important "new start" for the war-torn nation. Notable guests at the inauguration
included the country's former King, Zahir Shah, three former U.S. presidents, and U.S. Vice President Dick Cheney. After
winning a democratic mandate in the 2004 election, it was thought that Karzai would pursue a more aggressively reformist
path in 2005. However, Karzai has proved to be more cautious than was expected. After his new administration took over in
2004, the economy of Afghanistan has been growing rapidly for the first time in many years. Government revenue began
increasing every year, although it is still heavily dependent on foreign aid. During the first term in Karzai's Presidency, public
discontent grew about corruption and the civilian casualties in the 2001present war. In May 2006, an anti-American and antiKarzai riot took place in Kabul which left at least seven people dead and 40 injured. In May 2007, after as many as 51 Afghan
civilians were killed in a bombing, Karzai asserted that his government "can no longer accept" casualties caused by U.S.
and NATO operations. In September 2006, Karzai told the United Nations General Assembly that Afghanistan has become the
"worst victim" of terrorism. Karzai said terrorism is rebounding in his country, with militants infiltrating the borders to wage
attacks on civilians. He stated, "This does not have its seeds alone in Afghanistan. Military action in the country will,
therefore, not deliver the shared goal of eliminating terrorism." He demanded assistance from the international community to
destroy terrorist sanctuaries inside and outside Afghanistan. "You have to look beyond Afghanistan to the sources of
terrorism," he told the UN General Assembly, and "destroy terrorist sanctuaries beyond" the country, dismantle the elaborate
networks in the region that recruit, indoctrinate, train, finance, arm, and deploy terrorists. These activities are also robbing
thousands of Afghan children of their right to education, and prevent health workers from doing their jobs in Afghanistan. In
addition, he promised to eliminate opium-poppy cultivation in his country, which is possibly helping fuel the ongoingTaliban
insurgency. He has repeatedly demanded that NATO forces take more care when conducting military operations in residential
areas to avoid civilian casualties. In a September 2006 video broadcast, Karzai stated that if the money wasted on the Iraq
War was actually spent on rebuilding Afghanistan, his country would "be in heaven in less than one year". On the eve of the
20 August presidential election, Karzai seemed at once deeply unpopular but also likely to win the majority of the votes. He
was blamed by many for the failures that plagued the reconstruction of Afghanistan after the toppling of the Taliban
government end 2001, from the widespread corruption and the resurgence of the (neo-)Taliban to the explosion of the poppy
trade. His unpopularity and the likelihood of his victory formed an atmosphere with a kind of national demoralization, which
could discourage many Afghans from voting and dash hopes for substantial progress after the election. In this second
presidential election, Karzai was announced to have received over 50% of the votes. The election was tainted by lack of
security, low voter turnout and widespread ballot stuffing, intimidation, and other electoral fraud. Two months later Karzai
accepted calls for a second round run-off vote, which was scheduled for November 7, 2009. On November 2, 2009, Karzai's
run-off opponent, Abdullah Abdullah, withdrew from the race and election officials announced the cancellation of the run-off
race. Karzai, the only remaining contender, was declared the winner a short time later. Karzai presented his first list of 24
cabinet nominees to the Afghan parliament on December 19, 2009; however, on January 2, 2010, the parliament rejected 17
of these. According to the parliament, most of the nominees were rejected due to having been picked for reasons other than
their competency. A member of parliament said that they had been picked largely based on "ethnicity or bribery or money."
On January 16, 2010, the Afghan parliament rejected 10 of the Karzai's 17 replacement picks for cabinet. MPs complained
that Karzai's new choices were either not qualified for their posts or had close connections to Afghan warlords. Despite the
second setback, by mid-January Karzai had 14 out of the 24 ministers confirmed, including the most powerful posts at
foreign, defense and interior ministries. Shortly afterwards, the parliament began its winter recess, lasting until February 20,
2010 without waiting for Karzai to select additional names for his cabinet. The move both extended the political uncertainty
in the government, as well as dealing Karzai the embarrassment of appearing at the London Conference on Afghanistan with
nearly half of his cabinet devoid of leaders. Since late 2001 Karzai has been trying for peace in his country, going as far as
pardoning militants that lay down weapons and join the rebuilding process. However, his offers were not accepted by the
militant groups. In April 2007, Karzai acknowledged that he spoke to some militants about trying to bring peace in
Afghanistan. He noted that the Afghan militants are always welcome in the country, although foreign insurgents are not. In
September 2007, Karzai again offered talks with militant fighters after a security scare forced him to end a commemoration
speech. Karzai left the event and was taken back to his palace, where he was due to meet visiting Latvian President Valdis
Zatlers. After the meeting the pair held a joint news conference, at which Karzai called for talks with his Taliban foes. "We
don't have any formal negotiations with the Taliban. They don't have an address. Who do we talk to?" Karzai told reporters.
He further stated: "If I can have a place where to send somebody to talk to, an authority that publicly says it is the Taliban
authority, I will do it." In December 2009 Karzai announced to move ahead with a Loya Jirga (large assembly) to discuss
the Taliban insurgency in which the Taliban representatives would be invited to take part in this Jirga. In January 2010, Karzai
set the framework for dialogue with Taliban leaders when he called on the group's leadership to take part in the jirga to
initiate peace talks. A Taliban spokesman declined to talk in detail about Karzai's offer and only said the militants would make
a decision soon. In April 2010, Karzai urged Taliban insurgents to lay down their arms and air their grievances while visiting a
violent northern province, adding that foreign forces would not leave the country as long as fighting continued. In July 2010,
Karzai approved a plan intended to win over Taliban foot soldiers and low-level commanders. In mid-August 2013, Attorney
General Mohammad Ishaq Aloko was said to have been fired after meeting with Taliban officials in the U.A.E. after being told
not to meet with them. However, unnamed senior cabinet officials tried to persuade Karzai to not fire him, while an official in
Aloko's office denied the dismissal saying instead that he was at the Presidential Palace "celebrating Independence Day."
Karzai's relations with NATO countries is strong, especially with the United States, due to the fact that it is the leading nation
helping to rebuild war-torn Afghanistan. The United States supported him since late 2001 to lead his nation. He has made
many important diplomatic trips to the United States and other NATO countries. In August 2007, Karzai was invited to Camp
David in Maryland, USA, for a special meeting with U.S. President George W. Bush. The United States has set up a special
envoy for Afghanistan and Pakistan, which is currently headed by Marc Grossman. His task is to serve as a mediator and solve
issues between the three nations. Karzai's relations with neighboring Pakistan are good, especially with the Awami National
Party (ANP) and Pakistan Peoples Party(PPP). He often describes his nation and Pakistan as "inseparable twin brothers", a
reference to the disputed Durand Line border between the two states. In December 2007, Karzai and his delegates travelled
to Islamabad, Pakistan, for a usual meeting with Pervez Musharraf on trade ties and intelligence sharing between the two
Islamic states. Karzai also met and had a 45-minute talk withBenazir Bhutto on the morning of December 27, hours before
her trip to Liaquat National Bagh, where she was assassinated after her speech. After Bhutto's death, Karzai called her his
sister and a brave woman who had a clear vision "for her own country, for Afghanistan, and for the region a vision of
democracy, prosperity, and peace." In September 2008, Karzai was invited on a special visit to witness the sworn in ceremony
of Asif Ali Zardari, who became the President of Pakistan. Relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan have improved after
the PPP party took over in 2008. The two nations often make contacts with one another concerning the war on terrorism and
trade. Pakistan even allowed NATO forces stationed in Afghanistan to launch attacks on militant groups in Pakistan. This was
something strongly opposed by the previous government of Pakistan. The two states finally signed into law the long
awaitedAfghan-Pak Transit Trade Agreement in 2011, intended to improve trade. Although the U.S. and others often charge
that neighboring Iran is meddling in Afghanistan's affairs, Karzai believes that Iran is a frienddespite Iranian-made weapons
being found in his country.

"We did interdict a shipment, without question the Revolutionary Guard's core Quds Force, through a known Taliban
facilitator. Three of the individuals were killed... 48 122 millimetre rockets were intercepted with their various components...
Iranians certainly view as making life more difficult for us if Afghanistan is unstable. We don't have that kind of relationship
with the Iranians. That's why I am particularly troubled by the interception of weapons coming from Iran. But we know that
it's more than weapons; it's money; it's also according to some reports, training at Iranian camps as well." General David
Petraeus, Commander of US-NATO forces in Afghanistan, March 16, 2011.
In 2007, Karzai said that Iran, so far, had been a helper in the reconstruction process. He acknowledged in 2010 that
the Government of Iran had been providing millions of dollars directly to his office. In October 2007, Karzai again rejected
Western accusations against Iran, stating, "We have resisted the negative propaganda launched by foreign states against the
Islamic Republic, and we stress that aliens' propaganda should not leave a negative impact on the consolidated ties between
the two great nations of Iran and Afghanistan." Karzai added, "The two Iranian and Afghan nations are close to each other
due to their bonds and commonalities, they belong to the same house, and they will live alongside each other for good."
However, just a year prior Karzai warned that, "Iran, Pakistan, and others are not fooling anyone."
"If they don't stop, the consequences will be ... that the region will suffer with us equally. In the past we have suffered alone;
this time everybody will suffer with us.... Any effort to divide Afghanistan ethnically or weaken it will create the same thing in
the neighboring countries. All the countries in the neighborhood have the same ethnic groups that we have, so they should
know that it is a different ball game this time." Hamid Karzai, February 17, 2006.
Some international criticism has centered around the government of Karzai in early 2009 for failing to secure the country
from Taliban attacks, systemic governmental corruption, and most recently, widespread claims of electoral fraud in the 2009
Afghan presidential election. Karzai staunchly defended the election balloting, stating that some statements criticizing the
balloting and vote count were "totally fabricated." He told the media that, "There were instances of fraud, no doubt... There
were irregularities... But the election as a whole was good and free and democratic." He further went on to say that,
"Afghanistan has its separate problems and we have to handle them as Afghanistan finds it feasible... This country was
completely destroyed... Today, we are talking about fighting corruption in Afghanistan, improved legal standards... You see
the glass half empty or half full. I see it as half full. Others see it as half empty." In June 2010, Karzai travelled to Japan for a
five day visit where the two nations discussed a new aid provided by the hosting nation and the untapped mineral resources
recently announced. Karzai invited Japanese companies such as Mitsubishi and others to invest in Afghan mining projects. He
told Japanese officials that Japan would be given priority in the bid to explore its resources. He stated, "morally, Afghanistan
should give access as a priority to those countries that have helped Afghanistan massively in the past few years." While in
Japan, Karzai also made his first visit to Hiroshima to pray for the atomic bomb victims. Japan has provided billions of dollars
in aid to Afghanistan since the beginning of 2002. Relations between Karzai and India have always been friendly, which is the
place where he attended university. AfghanistanIndia relations began getting stronger in 2011, especially after the death of
Osama bin Laden in Pakistan. In October 2011, Karzai signed a strategic partnership agreement with Indian Prime
Minister Manmohan Singh. During his speech at the RK Mishra Memorial in New Delhi, Karzai told the audience that "The
signing of the strategic partnership with India is not directed against any country. It is not directed against any other entity.
This is for Afghanistan to benefit from the strength of India." Many people have plotted to assassinate Karzai in the last
decade, especially the Taliban's Quetta Shura and the Haqqani network which allegedly receives support and guidance from
Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) spy network. As recent as October 2011, while Karzai was visiting India to sign an
important strategic partnership agreement with Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, Afghan agents of the National
Directorate of Security (NDS) arrested 6 people in Kabul for planning to assassinate Karzai. Among those involved in the
assassination plot were four Kabul University students and one of its professors, Dr. Aimal Habib, as well as Mohibullah
Ahmadi who was one of the guards outside the Presidential Palace in Kabul. The alleged group of assassins were associates
of al Qaida and the Haqqani network, and were paid $150,000 by Pakistani-based Islamic terrorists. A U.S. official said that
"Our understanding is that the threat against President Karzai was real, was credible, but it was only in the early stages of
planning." The following is a list of other failed assassination attempts: On September 5, 2002: An assassination attempt was
made on Karzai in the city of Kandahar. A gunman wearing the uniform of the new Afghan National Army opened fire,
wounding Gul Agha Sherzai (former governor of Kandahar) and an American Special Operations officer. The gunman, one of
the President's bodyguards, and a bystander who knocked down the gunman were killed when Karzai's American bodyguards
returned fire. Recently, some pictures of the US Navy's DEVGRU responding to the attempt have surfaced. On September 16,
2004: An attempted assassination on Karzai took place when a rocket missed the helicopter he was flying in while en route to
the city of Gardez in eastern Afghanistan. On June 10, 2007: The Taliban insurgents attempted to assassinate Karzai
in Ghazni where Karzai was giving a speech to elders. Insurgents fired approximately 12 rockets, some of which landed 200
metres (220 yd) away from the crowd. Karzai was not hurt in the incident and was transported away from the location after
finishing his speech.
On April 27, 2008: Insurgents, reportedly from the Haqqani network, used automatic
weapons and rocket-propelled grenades to attack a military parade that Karzai was attending inKabul. Karzai was safe, but at
least three people were killed, including a parliamentarian, a ten-year-old girl and a minority leader, and ten injured. Others
attending the event included government ministers, former warlords, diplomats and the military top brass, all of whom had
gathered to mark the 16th anniversary of the fall of the Afghan communist government to the mujahideen. Responding to the
attack during the ceremony, the UN said the attackers "have shown their utter disrespect for the history and people of
Afghanistan." Taliban spokesman Zabiullah Mujahid claimed responsibility for the attack, stating, "We fired rockets at the
scene of the celebration." He went on to say there were 6 Taliban at the scene and that 3 were killed. "Our aim was not to
directly hit someone," Mujahed said when asked if the intention was to kill Karzai. "We just wanted to show to the world that
we can attack anywhere we want to". The ability of the attackers to get so close to Karzai suggested they had inside help.
Defense minister Wardak confirmed that a police captain was connected with the group behind the assassination attempt and
that an army officer supplied the weapons and ammunition used in the attack. In 1999, Hamid Karzai married Zeenat
Quraishi, an obstetrician by profession who was working as a doctor with Afghan refugees living in Pakistan. They have a son,
Mirwais, who was born on January 25, 2007. According to a declaration of his assets by an anti-graft body, Karzai earns $525
monthly and has less than $20,000 in bank accounts. Karzai does not own any land or property. Karzai has six brothers,
including Mahmood Karzai and Quayum Karzai, who are both Afghan American restaurant owners in the Baltimore
Washington Metropolitan Area of the United States, as well as Ahmed Wali Karzai, deceased, who was the representative for
the southern Afghanistan region. Quayum is also the founder of the Afghans for a Civil Society in Maryland. Karzai has one
sister, Fauzia Karzai, who is the manager of Helmand restaurant in Cambridge, Massachusetts. The family owns and operates
several successful Afghan restaurants in theEast Coast of the United States as well as in Chicago. In initial biographical news
reporting, there was confusion regarding his clan lineage; it was written that his paternal lineage derived from
theSadozai clan. This confusion might have arisen from sources stating he was chosen as the head, or Khan of the Popalzai.
Traditionally, the Popalzai tribe has been led by members of the Sadozais. The first King of Afghanistan, Ahmad Shah Durrani,
was the leader of the Sadozais, and the Sadozai lineage continued to rule Afghanistan until 1826 when
the Barakzais ascended to the throne. Karzai is believed to be from the Shamizai subtribe of the Popalzais. His grandfather,
Khair Muhammad Karzai, was head of the Popalzai tribe from Kandahar who relocated to Kabul and ran the business of a

guest house. This allowed Karzai's father Abdul Ahad, to gain a foothold in the royal family, and subsequently, the parliament.
These actions and upwards movement within the Popalzai tribal system, led to the Karzai family furnishing a viable Shamizai
clan alternative to Sadozai leadership in the aftermath of the Soviet invasion when the Sadozai clan failed to provide a tribal
leader. He is often seen wearing a Karakul hat, something that has been worn by many Afghan kings in the past. Over the
years Hamid Karzai has become a well recognized figure. He has received a number of awards and honorary degrees from
famous government and educational institutions around the world. The following are some of his awards and honoraria:
commemorative medallion of the September 11, 2001 attacks from the United States House of Representatives, presented
to him by member of the house Jack Kingston on January 29, 2002, honorary doctorate in literature from Himachal Pradesh
University in India, his alma mater, on March 7, 2003, In June 2003, Karzai was created an Honorary Knight Grand Cross of
the Order of St Michael and St George by Queen Elizabeth II, On July 4, 2004, Karzai was awarded the Philadelphia Liberty
Medal in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. In his acceptance speech, Karzai stated: "Where Liberty dies, evil grows. We Afghans
have learned from our historical experiences that liberty does not come easily. We profoundly appreciate the value of
liberty...for we have paid for it with our lives. And we will defend liberty with our lives ". On May 22, 2005, received an
honorary Doctor of Laws Degree from Boston University. On May 25, 2005, received an honorary degree from the Center for
Afghan Studies at the University of Nebraska Omaha. On September 25, 2006, received an honorary Doctor of Laws
Degree from Georgetown University and in June 2012, received an honorary Doctorate from Nippon Sports Science University.
The first ever Honoris Causa Degree conferred by Lovely Professional University was received by His Excellency Hamid Karzai,
President of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. The D. Litt.( Honoris Causa) Degree was conferred on Mr Karzai by Shri
Pranab Mukherjee at the 3rd Annual Convocation of Lovely Professional University held on May 20, 2013. In August 2011,
Karzai pardoned dozens of child would-be suicide bombers, and in February 2012 some of the pardoned children were rearrested attempting to commit suicide bombings in Kandahar Province. The other main areas of criticism surrounding
President Karzai involve nepotism, corruption, electoral fraud, and the involvement of his late half brother Ahmed Wali
Karzai in the drug trade. Under Karzai's administration, electoral fraud has reached such a level that Afghanistan's status as a
democratic state is being questioned. Furthermore, a special court set up personally by Karzai in defiance of constitutional
norms has sought to reinstate dozens of candidates who were removed for fraud in the 2010 parliamentary elections by the
Independent Electoral Commission. According to the New York Times, many members of the Karzai family have mixed their
personal interests with that of the state, and become hugely influential and wealthy by murky means. Afghanistan is currently
ranked as the second most corrupt country in the world by Transparency International. Mahmud Karzai, the brother of
President Karzai, was implicated in the 2010 Kabul Bank crisis. Mahmud Karzai was the 3rd largest shareholder in the bank
with a 7% stake. Kabul Bank incurred huge losses on its investments in villas in Palm Jumeirah in Dubai. The real estate
investments were registered in the name of Kabul Bank chairman, Sherkhan Farnood. Mahmud Karzai bought one such villa
from Farnood for 7 million dirhams using money borrowed from Kabul Bank and in a matter of months sold it for 10.4 million
dirhams. Mahmud Karzai's purchase of the 7% stake in Kabul Bank was also financed entirely through money lent by Kabul
Bank with the shares as collateral. Afghanistan supplies most of the world's opium, and its current production exceeds world
demand, creating vast stockpiles of the drug. The half brother of President Karzai,Ahmed Wali Karzai, was at the center of this
trade. There's been much debate over Karzai's alleged consultant work with Unocal (Union Oil Company of California since
acquired by Chevron in 2005). In 2002, when Karzai became the subject of heavy media coverage as one of the front runners
to lead Afghanistan, it was reported that he was a former consultant for them. Spokesmen for both Unocal and Karzai have
denied any such relationship, although Unocal could not speak for all companies involved in the consortium. The original
claim that Karzai worked for Unocal originates from a December 6, 2001 issue of the French newspaper Le Monde, Barry Lane
UNOCAL's manager for public relations states that, "He was never a consultant, never an employee. We've exhaustively
searched through all our records." Lane however did say that Zalmay Khalilzad, the former United States Ambassador to the
United Nations, was a Unocal consultant in the mid-1990s. In October 2013, Karzai's administration and the Afghanistan
Intelligence agency were found to be communicating with the Pakistani Taliban about the shifting of power that may occur
when the American Forces withdraw in 2014. Karzai himself was in London at the time of the discovery, to participate in talks
with Pakistan and the U.S. on the possible location of Taliban leader Mullah Baradar. At the time, it was unknown if Karzai was
directly involved or even knew of such communications. In October 2013, Karzai's administration and the Afghanistan
Intelligence agency were found to be communicating with the Pakistani Taliban about the shifting of power that may occur
when the American Forces withdraw in 2014. Karzai himself was in London at the time of the discovery, to participate in talks
with Pakistan and the U.S. on the possible location of Taliban leader Mullah Baradar. At the time, it was unknown if Karzai was
directly involved or even knew of such communications.On April 28, 2013, The New York Times revealed that from December
2002 up to the publication date, Karzai's presidential office has been funded with "tens of millions of dollars" of black cash
from the CIA in order to buy influence within the Afghan government. The article states that "the cash that does not appear
to be subject to the oversight and restrictions." An unnamed American official is quoted by The New York Times as stating
that "The biggest source of corruption in Afghanistan was the United States." On June 17, 2013, Senator Bob Corker put a
hold on $75 million intended for electoral programs in Afghanistan after his inqueries of May 2, May 13, May 14 and June 13,
2013 to the Obama Administration regarding the CIA "ghost money" remained unanswered. Karzai has also been receiving
millions of dollars in cash from the government of Iran. Karzai stated that the money was given as gifts and intended for
renovating his Presidential Palace in Kabul:"This is transparent. This is something that I've even discussed while I was at
Camp David with President Bush."

Ashraf Ghani Ahmadzai

(Pashto: , Persian: , born May 19, 1949) is current President of

Afghanistan since September 29, 2014 and an anthropologist by education. He is usually referred to as Ashraf Ghani, while
ahmadzai is the name of his tribe. Ghani previously served as Finance Minister and as a chancellor of Kabul University. Before
returning to Afghanistan in 2002, Ghani was a leading scholar of political science and anthropology. He worked at the World
Bank working on international development assistance. As Finance Minister of Afghanistan from July 2, 2002 until December
14, 2004, he led Afghanistan's attempted economic recovery after the collapse of the Taliban government. He is the cofounder of the Institute for State Effectiveness, an organization set up in 2005 to improve the ability of states to serve their
citizens. He was also Chancellor of Kabul University from December 22, 2004 until December 21, 2008. In 2005 he gave a
TED talk, in which he discussed how to rebuild a broken state such as Afghanistan. Ghani is a member of the Commission on
Legal Empowerment of the Poor, an independent initiative hosted by the United Nations Development Programme. In 2013 he
was ranked second in an online poll to name the world's top 100 intellectuals conducted by Foreign Policy and Prospect
magazines, ranking just behind Richard Dawkins. He previously was named in the same poll in 2010. Ghani came in fourth in
the 2009 presidential election, behind Hamid Karzai, Abdullah Abdullah, and Ramazan Bashardost. In the 2014 presidential
election, Ghani placed second in the first round, qualifying for the run-off election against Abdullah. The official run-off results
show Ghani in the lead, though accused of mass fraud in which President Karzai was allegedly complicit in and the UNAMA
has warned it would be "premature" for either side to claim victory. His brother is Hashmat Ghani Ahmadzai, Grand Council
Chieftain of the Kuchis. Ghani was born in 1949 in the Logar Province of Afghanistan. He completed his primary and
secondary education in Habibia High School in Kabul. He escaped to Lebanon to attend the American University in Beirut,

getting a degree in 1973, where he also met his future wife, Rula Ghani. He returned to Afghanistan in 1977 to teach
anthropology at Kabul University before being given a scholarship by the government in 1977 to study for a Master's degree
in anthropology at Columbia University in the United States. When the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA)
communist party came to power in 1978, most of the male members of his family were imprisoned and Ghani was stranded
in the United States. He stayed at Columbia University and earned his PhD in Cultural Anthropology. He was invited to teach
at University of California, Berkeley in 1983, and then at Johns Hopkins University from 1983 to 1991. During this period he
became a frequent commentator on the BBC Farsi/Persian and Pashto services, broadcast in Afghanistan. He has also
attended the Harvard-INSEAD and World Bank-Stanford Graduate School of Business's leadership training program. He served
on the faculty of Kabul University (197377), Aarhus University in Denmark (1977), University of California, Berkeley (1983),
and Johns Hopkins University (19831991). His academic research was on state-building and social transformation. In 1985 he
completed a year of fieldwork researching Pakistani Madrasas as a Fulbright Scholar. He also studied comparative religion. He
joined the World Bank in 1991, working on projects in East and South Asia through the mid-1990s. In 1996, he pioneered the
application of institutional and organizational analysis to macro processes of change and reform, working directly on the
adjustment program of the Russian coal industry and carrying out reviews of the Banks country assistance strategies and
structural adjustment programs globally. He spent five years each in China, India, and Russia managing large-scale
development and institutional transformation projects. He worked intensively with the media during the first Gulf War,
commenting on radio and television and in newspaper interviews. After the September 11 attacks in the United States in
2001, he took leave without pay from the World Bank and engaged in intensive interaction with the media, appearing
regularly on PBS's NewsHour, BBC, CNN, US National Public Radio, and other broadcasters, and writing for major newspapers.
In November 2002, he accepted an appointment as a Special Advisor to the United Nations and assisted Lakhdar Brahimi, the
Special Representative of the Secretary General to Afghanistan, to prepare the Bonn Agreement, the process and document
that provided the basis of transfer of power to the people of Afghanistan. Returning after 24 years to Afghanistan in
December 2001, he resigned from his posts at the UN and World Bank to join the Afghan government as the chief advisor to
President Hamid Karzai on February 1, 2002. He worked "pro bono" and was among the first officials to disclose his assets. In
this capacity, he worked on the preparation of the Loya Jirgas (grand assemblies) that elected Karzai and approved the
Constitution of Afghanistan. After the 2004 election, Ghani declined to join the cabinet and asked to be appointed as
Chancellor of Kabul University. As Chancellor he instituted participatory governance among the faculty, students and staff,
training both men and women with skills and commitment to lead their country. After leaving the university, Ghani cofounded the Institute for State Effectiveness with Clare Lockhart, of which he is Chairman. The Institute put forward a
framework proposing that the state should perform ten functions in order to serve its citizens. This framework was discussed
by leaders and managers of post-conflict transitions at a meeting sponsored by the UN and World Bank in September 2005.
The program proposed that double compacts between the international community, government and the population of a
country could be used as a basis for organizing aid and other interventions, and that an annual sovereignty index to measure
state effectiveness be compiled. Ghani was tipped as a candidate to succeed Kofi Annan as Secretary General of the United
Nations at the end of 2006 in a front page report in The Financial Times (September 18, 2006) that quoted him as saying, I
hope to win, through ideas. Two distinguished experts on international relations told the paper that "the UN would be very
lucky indeed to have him" and praised his "tremendous intellect, talent and capacity." In 2005 Ghani gave keynote speeches
for meetings including the American Bar Associations International Rule of Law Symposium, the Trans-Atlantic Policy
Network, the annual meeting of the Norwegian Governments development staff, CSIS meeting on UN reform, the UN-OECDWorld Banks meeting on Fragile States and TEDGlobal. He contributed to the Financial Times, International Herald Tribune,
Los Angeles Times, New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, and the Washington Post. Ghani was recognized as the best
finance minister of Asia in 2003 by Emerging Markets. He carried extensive reforms, including issuing a new currency,
computerizing treasury operations, instituting a single treasury account, adopting a policy of balanced budgets and using
budgets as the central policy instrument, centralizing revenue collection, tariff reform and overhauling customs. He instituted
regular reporting to the cabinet the public and international stakeholders as a tool of transparency and accountability, and
required donors to focus their interventions on three sectors, improving accountability with government counterparts and
preparing a development strategy that held Afghans more accountable for their own future development. On March 31, 2004,
he presented a seven-year program of public investment called Securing Afghanistans Future[8] to an international
conference in Berlin attended by 65 finance and foreign ministers. Described as the most comprehensive program ever
prepared and presented by a poor country to the international community, Securing Afghanistans Future was prepared by a
team of 100 experts working under a committee chaired by Ghani. The concept of a double-compact, between the donors
and the government of Afghanistan on the one hand and between the government and people of Afghanistan on the other,
underpinned the investment program. The donors pledged $8.2 billion at the conference for the first three years of the
programthe exact amount requested by the governmentand agreed that the governments request for a total seven-year
package of assistance of $27.5 billion was justified. Poverty eradication through wealth creation and the establishment of
citizens' rights is the heart of Ghanis development approach. In Afghanistan, he is credited with designing the National
Solidarity Program,[9] that offers block grants to villages with priorities and implementation defined by elected village
councils. The program covers 13,000 of the country's estimated 20,000 villages. He partnered with the Ministry of
Communication to ensure that telecom licenses were granted on a fully transparent basis. As a result, the number of mobile
phones in the country has jumped to over a million at the end of 2005. Private investment in the sector exceeded $200
million and the telecom sector emerged as one of the major providers of tax revenue. In January 2009 an article by Ahmad
Majidyar of the American Enterprise Institute included Ghani on a list of fifteen possible candidates in the 2009 Afghan
presidential election. On May 7, 2009, Ashraf Ghani registered as a candidate in the Afghan presidential election, 2009.
Ghani's campaign emphasized the importance of: a representative administration; good governance; a dynamic economy and
employment opportunities for the Afghan people. Unlike other major candidates, Ghani asked the Afghan diaspora to support
his campaign and provide financial support. He appointed Mohammed Ayub Rafiqi as one of his vice president candidate
deputies, and hired noted Clinton-campaign chief strategist James Carville as a campaign advisor. Preliminary results placed
Ghani fourth in a field of 38, securing roughly 3% of the votes. On January 28, 2010, Ghani attended the International
Conference on Afghanistan in London, pledging his support to help rebuild their country. Ghani presented his ideas to Karzai
as an example of the importance of cooperation among Afghans and with the international community, supporting Karzai's
reconciliation strategy. Ghani said hearing Karzai's second inaugural address in November 2009 and his pledges to fight

corruption, promote reconciliation and replace international security forces persuaded him to help.
Ghani is on the Board of Directors of the World Justice Project, which works to lead a global,
multidisciplinary effort to strengthen the Rule of Law in developing countries. Ghani is one of the main
and leading candidates in the 2014 presidential election. His running mates are Abdul Rashid Dostum,
Sarwar Danish and Ahmad Zia Massoud. It was reported that Ghani secured roughly 56% of the total
votes. After challenger Abdullah Abdullah becoming unsatisfied with the result, a complete auditing of
votes was initiated under the watch eyes of the international community. Ghani's campaign
emphasized the importance of: a representative administration; good governance; a dynamic
economy and employment opportunities for the Afghan people. Unlike other major candidates, Ghani
asked the Afghan diaspora to support his campaign and provide financial support. He appointed
Mohammed Ayub Rafiqi as one of his vice president candidate deputies, and paid for the noted
Clinton-campaign chief strategist James Carville as a campaign advisor. Preliminary results placed
Ghani fourth in a field of 38, securing roughly 3% of the votes. On January 28, 2010, Ghani attended the International
Conference on Afghanistan in London, pledging his support to help rebuild their country. Ghani presented his ideas to Karzai
as an example of the importance of cooperation among Afghans and with the international community, supporting Karzai's
reconciliation strategy. Ghani said hearing Karzai's second inaugural address in November 2009 and his pledges to fight
corruption, promote reconciliation and replace international security forces persuaded him to help. After announcing his
candidacy for the 2014 elections, Ghani tapped General Abdul Rashid Dostum, a prominent Uzbek politician and former
military official in Karzai's government and Sarwar Danish, an ethnic Hazara, who also served as the Justice Minister in
Karzai's cabinet as his pick for vice presidential candidates. This Ghani-Dostum pairing is the most remarkable in today's
race. In an article for the London Times on August 20, 2009, when Ghani received three percent of the votes in the
presidential elections, he called Dostum a "killer" and lashed out against Karzai for calling Dostum back from Turkey to lend
him his support. Now, Ghani has invited the very same Dostum to be his closest partner in the hope that this new alliance will
bring him victory. "Politics is not a love marriage, politics is a product of historic necessities," he explained to Agence France
Presse a few days after he had chosen Dostum. After none of the candidates managed to win more than 50% of the vote in
the first round of the election, Ghani and Dr. Abdullah Abdullah, the two front runners from the first round contested in a runoff election, which was held on June 14, 2014. Initial results from the run-off elections showed Ghani as the overwhelming
favourite to win the elections. However, allegations of electoral fraud resulted in a stalemate, threats of violence and the
formation of a parallel government by his opponent Dr. Abdullah Abdullah camp. On August 7, 2014 US Secretary of State
John Kerry flew to Kabul to broker a deal that outlined an extensive audit of nearly 8 million votes and formation of a national
unity government with a new role for a chief executive who would serve as a prime-minister. After a three month audit
process, which was supervised by the United Nations with financial support from the U.S. government, the Independent
Election Commission announced Ghani as the President of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan after Ghani agreed to a
national unity deal. Initially the election commission said it would not formally announce specific results, it later released a
statement that said Ghani managed to secure 55.4% and Abdullah Abdullah secured 43.5% of the vote. Although it declined
to release the individual vote results. Ghani is on the Board of Directors of the World Justice Project, which works to lead a
global, multidisciplinary effort to strengthen the Rule of Law in developing countries. Ashraf Ghani is married to Rula Saade, a
citizen with dual Lebanese and American nationality. Rula Saade Ghani was born in a Lebanese Christian family. The couple
married after they met during their studies at the American University of Beirut, Lebanon during the 1970s. Mrs. Ghani is
reportedly fluent in English, French, Arabic, Pashto, Persian and Urdu. Ashraf and Rula Ghani have two children, a
daughter, Mariam Ghani, a Brooklyn-based visual artist, and a son, Tariq. Both were born in United States and carry US
citizenship and passports. In an unusual move for a politician in Afghanistan, Mr. Ghani at his presidential inauguration in
2014 publicly thanked his wife, acknowledging her with an Afghan name, Bibi Gul. "I want to thank my partner, Bibi Gul, for
supporting me and Afghanistan," said Mr. Ghani, looking emotional. "She has always supported Afghan women and I hope
she continues to do so."

Abdullah Abdullah

(Persian/Pashto: , born September 5, 1960) is an Afghan politician, serving as Chief

Executive Officer of Afghanistan since September 29, 2014. From October 2, 2001 to April 10, 2005, he served as Minister of
Foreign Affairs. Prior to that he was a senior member of the Northern Alliance working as an adviser to Ahmad Shah Massoud.
He also worked as a doctor of medicine during the late 1990s. Abdullah ran against President Hamid Karzai in the 2009
presidential election, coming in second place with 30.5% of the total votes. In 2010, he created the Coalition for Change and
Hope, which is one of the leading democratic opposition movements in Afghanistan. In 2011, the coalition was transformed
into the National Coalition of Afghanistan. He ran again in the 2014 presidential election but lost to Ashraf Ghani. Afterwards,
the two created a unity government in which Abdullah serves as President Ghani's Chief Executive Officer. Abdullah was born
in the second district of Karte Parwan in Kabul, Afghanistan. His early years were split between living in Panjshir, Kandahar,
and Kabul, where his step-father was serving as an administrator in the land survey, and subsequently the inspection section
of the Prime Minister's office. His step-father had been appointed to that position by King Zahir Shah. According to Abdullah,
both of his parents were born in Kabul. The ancestors of his step-father, Ghullam Muhayuddin Khan Zmaryalay, are said to be
Pashtuns from the Kandahar area. However, because his biological father, who died when Abdullah was a child, and mother
belong to the Tajik group and he always remained with the Northern Alliance, Abdullah is often referred to as a Tajik. He has
seven sisters and two brothers. Until he became a government minister, Abdullah had only a first name; demands from
Western newspaper editors for a family name led him to adopt the full name Abdullah Abdullah. Abdullah graduated from
Naderia High School in 1976. He then studied pharmacy at Kabul atvi Department of pharmacy and graduated with an
certificate in 1983. After receiving his degree, Abdullah worked as an pharmacist at Noor Institute in Kabul until 1986. Later,
Abdullah left the country due to the social and political unrest during the communist Democratic Republic of Afghanistan
government. He worked, briefly, at the Syed Jamaluddin Afghani for Afghan Refugees in Peshawar, Pakistan. In September
1985, Abdullah became the head of the Health Department for the Panjshir Resistance Front, coordinating treatments and
health care for the resistance fighters and the civilian population. He became a close associate and adviser to mujahideen
commander Ahmad Shah Massoud in the Soviet war in Afghanistan. After the fall of the communist government in 1992, the
Peshawar Accord established the Islamic State of Afghanistan with an interim government led by Burhanuddin Rabbani.
Abdullah was appointed Chief of Staff and spokesperson of the Ministry of Defense. On September 27, 1996, the Taliban
seized power in Kabul and 90% of the country with military training support by Pakistan and previous financial support by the
United States of America, and established the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. Following the capture of Kabul by the Taliban,
the United Islamic Front (Northern Alliance) was created under the leadership of Ahmad Shah Massoud, The NA was

supported by Russia, Iran & India. Dr. Abdullah became the United Front's Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Islamic State of Afghanistan elements of the United Front, including the Defense Minister Ahmad Shah
Massoud and the Foreign Minister Abdullah Abdullah, remained Afghanistan's internationally recognized
government. The Taliban Emirate received partial diplomatic recognition from the international
community (from Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and the United Arab Emirates). In early 2001 Abdullah traveled
with Ahmad Shah Massoud to Brussels where Massoud addressed the European Parliament asking the
international community to provide humanitarian help to the people of Afghanistan. Dr. Abdullah
translated when Massoud stated that the Taliban and Al Qaeda had introduced "a very wrong perception
of Islam" and that without the support of Pakistan and Bin Laden, the Taliban would not be able to
sustain their military campaign for up to a year. In October 2001 the Taliban regime was overthrown by
Operation Enduring Freedom including American and United Front forces. As a result of the Bonn
conference on Afghanistan, Abdullah was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Interim
Administration in December 2001. Following the 2004 Afghanistan Presidential Elections, Abdullah was
one of the few people who kept their position from the Transitional Government and was re-appointed as Minister of Foreign
Affairs for another year. In 2005 he resigned his position. On May 6, 2009, Abdullah registered as an Independent candidate
for the 2009 Afghan presidential election, running against incumbent president Hamid Karzai. Abdullah selected as his
running mates Humayun Shah Asefi as his First Vice President and Dr. Cheragh Ali Cheragh (a surgeon from Kabul who is a
practicing Shia) as Second Vice President. Afghanistan has an Executive structure featuring two Vice Presidents, a First VP and
a Second VP, to help ensure a stable government by attempting to provide ethnic and religious balance to senior government
leadership positions. Unofficial and non-certified electoral results were announced during the day on September 16, 2009,
showing that Abdullah was in second position with 27.8% of the total votes cast. President Karzai did not achieve the 50.01%
vote majority required to avoid a runoff election. A large number of fraudulent ballots, mostly belonging to Karzai's camp,
were disallowed by the Independent Afghan Electoral Commission. Karzai came under intense international political and
diplomatic pressure from international leaders because of allegations of large-scale fraud. Hamid Karzai eventually agreed to
participate in a designated head-to-head runoff election (held between the contenders with the two largest numbers of total
votes in the first election) which was scheduled nationwide for November 7, 2009 On November 1, 2009, Abdullah announced
that he had decided to withdraw from the runoff election, citing his lack of faith in the President Karzai government's ability to
hold a "fair and transparent" second election process. Subsequently Hamid Karzai was declared the winner by the Afghan
Electoral Commission (essentially winning by default). After the 2009 Afghan Presidential Elections, Abdullah created the
Coalition for Change and Hope (CCH). The CCH presents the leading democratic opposition movement against the
government of Hamid Karzai. On September 18, 2010, parliamentary election, the Coalition for Change and Hope won more
than 90 seats out of 249 seats, becoming the main opposition party. As a result, it is assumed that the new Parliament will
introduce some checks and balances on the Presidential power. Regarding the Taliban insurgency and Karzai's strategy of
negotiations Dr. Abdullah stated: "I should say that Taliban are not fighting in order to be accommodated. They are fighting in
order to bring the state down. So it's a futile exercise, and it's just misleading. ... There are groups that will fight to the death.
Whether we like to talk to them or we don't like to talk to them, they will continue to fight. So, for them, I don't think that we
have a way forward with talks or negotiations or contacts or anything as such. Then we have to be prepared to tackle and
deal with them militarily. In terms of the Taliban on the ground, there are lots of possibilities and opportunities that with the
help of the people in different parts of the country, we can attract them to the peace process; provided, we create a
favorable environment on this side of the line." In December 2011, the "National Coalition of Afghanistan" supported by
dozens of Afghan political parties and led by Abdullah Abdullah was formed to challenge the government of President Hamid
Karzai. Major figures associated with the coalition include Yunus Qanooni (the former head of the Afghan Parliament),
Homayoon Shah-asefi (a former presidential candidate and leader of the monarchist party with ties to the family of former
king Zahir Shah), Noorolhagh Oloumi (a senior political figure in the former Afghan communist government), Ahmad Wali
Massoud (a younger brother of Ahmad Shah Massoud) and several current Members of Parliament. Abdullah has been the
Secretary General of the Massoud Foundation since June 2006. The Massoud Foundation is an independent, non-aligned, nonprofitable and non-political organization established by people who have been affected by the life of Massoud. It provides
humanitarian assistance to Afghans especially in the fields of health care and education. It also runs programs in the fields of
culture, construction, agriculture and welfare. On October 1, 2013, Abdullah officially announced his nomination for the
presidential election held on April 5, 2014. On April 13, BBC News reported that the counting indicated that Abdullah had thus
far received 44.65% of the vote, with Ashraf Ghani following behind with 33.6%. Abdullah and Ghani were then bound to
compete in a run-off election in June 2014. The results of that election remained in dispute through until September 2014,
with Abdullah claiming the government and the national electoral institutions manipulated the results. Pressure from the
United States on the two candidates to resolve their differences, and to negotiate a power-sharing deal were initially agreed
to, but Abdullah later remained defiant. A UN-led audit failed to sway Abdullah as he insisted the audit team could not explain
a million extra votes counted in the run-off. Ghani supporters insisted they wanted to do a deal with Abdullah, and said they
were leaving the door open to negotiations. On September 19, the Independent Election Commission announced Ghani the
winner. Five hours later, Abdullah and Ghani signed a power-sharing agreement, with Ghani being named president and
Abdullah taking on an important position in the government; the deal was signed in front of the presidential palace, with
incumbent president Hamid Karzai in attendance. Part of the deal stipulated that the Independent Election Commission would
not release the exact vote totals of the second round of voting.

ANGOLA
Kingdom of Ndongo
The Kingdom of Ndongo, formerly known as Dongo or Angola, is the name of an early-modern African state located in what
is modern day Angola. Ndongo was built by the Northern Mbundu people, a Bantu-speaking people inhabiting
northern Angola. The Kingdom of Ndongo is first recorded in the sixteenth century. It was one of a number of vassal states
to Kongo that existed in the region, though Ndongo was the most powerful of these with a king called the Ngola. Little is
known of the kingdom in the early sixteenth century. "Angola" was listed among the titles of the King of Kongo in 1535, so it
is likely that it was in somewhat subordinate to Kongo. Its own oral traditions, collected in the late sixteenth century,
particularly by the Jesuit Baltasar Barreira, described the founder of the kingdom, Ngola Kiluanje, also known as "Ngola
Inene", as a migrant from Kongo. The Mbundu-speaking region was known as the land of Mbundu, and according to late
sixteenth century accounts, it was divided into 736 small political units ruled by sobas. These sobas and their territories
(called murinda) were compact groupings of villages (senzala orlibatas, probably following the Kikongo term divata)
surrounding a small central town (mbanza). These political units were often grouped into larger units called kanda and
sometimes provinces. Larger kingdoms may have emerged in earlier times, but in the sixteenth century most of these
regions had been united by the rulers of Ndongo. Ndongo's capital city was called Kabasa, located on the highlands near
modern-day N'dalatando. This was a large town, holding as many as 50,000 people in its densely populated district. The king
of Ndongo and the leaders of the various provinces ruled with a council of powerful nobles, the macota, and had an
administration headed by the tendala, a judicial figure, and the ngolambole, a military leader. In Ndongo itself, the ruler had
an even larger group of bureaucrats, including a quartermaster called kilunda and another similar official called the mwene
kudya. Social structure was anchored on the ana murinda ("children of the murinda") or free commoners. In addition to the
commoners, there were two servile groups the ijiko (sing.,kijiko), unfree commoners who were permanently attached to the
land as serfs, and the abika (sing., mubika) or salable slaves.

List of Rulers of Ndongo as a BaKongo Tributary

Ngola-a-Nzinga was King of Kingdom of Ndongo around 1358.
Ngola Kiluanji Inene was King of Kingdom of Ndongo from around 1515 until 1556.
List of Rulers of Ndongo as an Independent State

Ndambi a Ngola was King of Kingdom of Ndongo from 1556 until around 1562.
Ngola Kiluanji kia Ndambi

was King of Kingdom of Ndongo from around 1562 until around 1575.

Njinga Ngola Kilombo kia Kasenda was King of Kingdom of Ndongo from around 1575 until 1592.
Mbandi Ngola Kiluanji was King of Kingdom of Ndongo from 1592 until 1617.
Ngola Nzinga Mbandi was King of Kingdom of Ndongo from 1617 until 1624.
List of Rulers of Ndongo under Portuguese Vassalage
Hari a Kiluanje

was King of Kingdom of Ndongo around 1626.

Ngola Hari was King of Kingdom of Ndongo from 1626 until 1657.
Ruler of rump state of Pungo a Ndongo
Mukambu Mbandi

was a ruler of rump state of Pungo a Ndongo from 1663 until 1671; after the death of her sister,
Queen Ana de Sousa Nzingha Mbande).

Kingdom of Matamba
The Kingdom of Matamba was a pre-colonial African state located in what is now the Baixa de Cassange region ofMalanje
Province of modern day Angola. It was a powerful kingdom that long resisted Portuguese colonisation attempts and was only
integrated into Angola in the late nineteenth century. The Kingdom of Matamba was 16th before Century to around 1550
founded and dominated by the Kongo kingdom. Under Nzinga a war against the Portuguese was performed, which was
finished 1656th After her death, a civil war followed in 1666, won the descendants of Nzingas General Joo Guterres Ngola
Kanini. This was followed by short-term border dispute with the neighboring kingdom Kasanje to areas on Kwango until Queen
Vernica Guterres Ngola Kanini the boundaries clearly stipulated. In the following period the relations with Portugal were
mostly peaceful, though there were short periods of war. 1744 beat the Portuguese an army of the kingdom, which thus
became virtually a vassal state of Portugal in 1767 and split briefly in two. Since the 1830s Matamba reappeared increasingly
been targeted by the Portuguese, who wanted to conquer territories for its coffee plantations, but was also in the 1890s, can
not stop the Portuguese expansion and therefore were soon also integrated into their empire. The Phantasialand theme park
in Brhl (Rhineland), opened on August 23, 2008, the Hotel Matamba, which was named after the Kingdom.

List of Rulers of the Matamba Kingdom

Kambolo Matamba was King of Matamba in late 16th century. The arrival of the Portuguese colonists under

Paulo Dias
de Novais in Luanda in 1575 altered the political situation as the Portuguese immediately became involved in Ndongo's
affairs, and war broke out between Ndongo and Portugal in 1579. Although Matamba played a small role in the early wars, the
threat of a Portuguese victory stirred the ruler of Matamaba (probably a king named Kambolo Matamba) to intervene. He sent
an army to aid Ndongo against the Portuguese, and with these forces the combined armies were able to defeat and rout
Portuguese forces at the Battle of the Lukala in 1590.

Mwongo Matamba

was Queen of Matamba during 1620s. She was capture and prison in 1624 by Nzingha Queen of
Ndonga. From at least 1631 onward, Nzingha made Matamba her capital, joining it to the Kingdom of Ndongo.

Nzingha a Mbande (c. 1583 December 17, 1663), also known as

Ana de Sousa Nzingha Mbande, was a 17th century

queen (muchino a muhatu) of the Ndongo and Matamba Kingdoms of the Mbundu people in southwestern Africa (Ngola was
both a name and a title in Ndongo). Queen Nzingha was born to Ngola (King) Kiluanji and Kangela in 1583. According to
tradition, she was named Nzingha because her umbilical cord was wrapped around her neck (the Kimbundu
verb kujinga means to twist or turn). It was said to be an indication that the person who had this characteristic would be
proud and haughty, and a wise woman told her mother that Nzingha will become queen one day. According to her
recollections later in life, she was greatly favoured by her father, who allowed her to witness as he governed his kingdom, and
who carried her with him to war. She also had a brother, Mbandi and two sisters Kifunji and Mukambu. She lived during a
period when the Atlantic slave trade and the consolidation of power by the Portuguese in the region were growing rapidly. In
the 16th century, the Portuguese position in the slave trade was threatened by England and France. As a result, the
Portuguese shifted their slave-trading activities to The Congoand South West Africa. Mistaking the title of the ruler (ngola) for
the name of the country, the Portuguese called the land of the Mbundu people "Angola"the name by which it is still known
today. Nzinga first appears in historical records as the envoy of her brother, the ngiolssa Ngola Mbande, at a peace
conference with the Portuguese governor Joo Correia de Sousa inLuanda in 1599. The immediate cause of her embassy was
her brother's attempt to get the Portuguese to withdraw the fortress of Ambaca that had been built on his land in 1618 by the
Governor Mendes de Vasconcelos, to have some of his subjects (semi-servile groups called kijiko (plural ijiko) in Kimbundu
and sometimes called slaves in Portuguese) who had been taken captive during Governor Mendes de Vasconcelos' campaigns
(161721) returned and to persuade the governor to stop the marauding of Imbangala mercenaries in Portuguese service.
Nzinga's efforts were successful. The governor, Joo Correia de Sousa, never gained the advantage at the meeting and
agreed to her terms, which resulted in a treaty on equal terms. One important point of disagreement was the question of
whether Ndongo surrendered to Portugal and accepted vassalage status. A famous story says that in her meeting with the
Portuguese governor, Joo Correia de Sousa did not offer a chair to sit on during the negotiations, and, instead, had placed a
floor mat for her to sit, which in Mbundu custom was appropriate only for subordinates. The scene was imaginatively
reconstructed by the Italian priest Cavazzi and printed as an engraving in his book of 1687. Not willing to accept this
degradation she ordered one of her servants to get down on the ground and sat on the servant's back during negotiations. By

doing

this, she asserted her status was equal to the governor, proving her worth as a brave and confident individual.
Nzinga converted to Christianity, possibly in order to strengthen the peace treaty with the Portuguese, and
adopted the name Dona Anna de Sousa in honour of the governor's wife when she was baptised, who was
also her godmother. She sometimes used this name in her correspondence (or just Anna). The Portuguese
never honoured the treaty however, neither withdrawing Ambaca, nor returning the subjects, who they held
were slaves captured in war, and they were unable to restrain the Imbangala. Nzinga's brother
committed suicide following this diplomatic impasse, convinced that he would never have been able to
recover what he had lost in the war. Rumours were also afoot that Nzinga had actually poisoned him, and these
rumours were repeated by the Portuguese as grounds for not honouring her right to succeed her brother.
Nzinga assumed control as regent of his young son,Kaza, who was then residing with the Imbangala.
Nzinga sent to have the boy in her charge. The son returned, who she is alleged to have killed for his
impudence. She then assumed the powers of ruling in Ndongo. In her correspondence in 1624 she fancifully
styled herself "Lady of Andongo" (senhora de Andongo), but in a letter of 1626 she now called herself "Queen of Andongo"
(rainha de Andongo), a title which she bore from then on. In 1641, the Dutch, working in alliance with the Kingdom of Kongo,
seized Luanda. Nzinga soon sent them an embassy and concluded an alliance with them against the Portuguese who
continued to occupy the inland parts of their colony of males with their main headquarters at the town of Masangano. Hoping
to recover lost lands with Dutch help, she moved her capital to Kavanga in the northern part of Ndongo's former domains. In
1644 she defeated the Portuguese army at Ngoleme, but was unable to follow up. Then, in 1646, she was defeated by the
Portuguese at Kavanga and, in the process, her other sister was captured, along with her archives, which revealed her
alliance with Kongo. These archives also showed that her captive sister had been in secret correspondence with Nzinga and
had revealed coveted Portuguese plans to her. As a result of the woman's spying, the Portuguese reputedly drowned the
sister in the Kwanza River. However, another account states that the sister managed to escape, and ran away to modern-day
Namibia. The Dutch in Luanda now sent Nzinga reinforcements, and with their help, Nzinga routed a Portuguese army in
1647. Nzinga then laid siege to the Portuguese capital of Masangano. The Portuguese recaptured Luanda with a Brazilianbased assault led by Salvador Correia de S, and in 1648, Nzinga retreated to Matamba and continued to resist Portugal. She
resisted the Portuguese well into her sixties, personally leading troops into battle. In 1657, weary from the long struggle,
Nzinga signed a peace treaty with Portugal. After the wars with Portugal ended, she attempted to rebuild her nation, which
had been seriously damaged by years of conflict and over-farming. She was anxious that Njinga Mona's Imbangala not
succeed her as ruler of the combined kingdom of Ndongo and Matamba, and inserted language in the treaty that bound
Portugal to assist her family to retain power. Lacking a son to succeed her, she tried to vest power in the Ngola Kanini family
and arranged for her sister to marry Joo Guterres Ngola Kanini and to succeed her. This marriage, however, was not allowed,
as priests maintained that Joo had a wife in Ambaca. She returned to the Christian church to distance herself ideologically
from the Imbangala, and took a Kongo priest Calisto Zelotes dos Reis Magros as her personal confessor. She permitted
Capuchin missionaries, first Antonio da Gaeta and the Giovanni Antonio Cavazzi da Montecuccolo to preach to her people.
Both wrote lengthy accounts of her life, kingdom, and strong will. She devoted her efforts to resettling former slaves and
allowing women to bear children. Despite numerous efforts to dethrone her, especially by Kasanje, whose Imbangala band
settled to her south, Nzinga would die a peaceful death at age eighty on December 17, 1663 in Matamba. Matamba went
though a civil war in her absence, but Francisco Guterres Ngola Kanini eventually carried on the royal line in the kingdom. Her
death accelerated the Portuguese occupation of the interior of South West Africa, fueled by the massive expansion of the
Portuguese slave trade. Portugal would not have control of the interior until the 20th century. Today, she is remembered in
Angola for her political and diplomatic acumen, great wit and intelligence, as well as her brilliant military tactics. In time,
Portugal and most of Europe would come to respect her. A major street in Luanda is named after her, and a statue of her was
placed in Kinaxixi on an impressive square. Angolan women are often married near the statue, especially on Thursdays and
Fridays. Nzinga has many variations on her name and, in some cases, is even known by completely different names, because
of the multiple aliases she used in correspondence with the Portuguese. These names include (but are not limited to): Queen
Nzinga, Nzinga I, Queen Nzinga Mdongo, Nzinga Mbandi, Nzinga Mbande, Jinga, Singa, Zhinga, Ginga, Njinga, Njingha, Ana
Nzinga, Ngola Nzinga, Nzinga of Matamba, Queen Nzinga of Ndongo, Zinga, Zingua, Ann Nzinga, Nxingha, Mbande Ana
Nzinga, Ann Nzinga, Anna de Sousa, andDona Ana de Sousa. In current Kimbundu language, her name should be spelled
Njinga, with the second letter being a soft "j" as the letter is pronounced in French and Portuguese. She wrote her name in
several letters as "Ginga". The statue of Njinga now standing in the square of Kinaxixi in Luanda calls her "Mwene Njinga
Mbande". According to the Marquis de Sades Philosophy in the Boudoir, Nzinga was a woman who "immolated her lovers."
De Sade's reference for this comes from History of Zangua, Queen of Angola. It claims that after becoming queen, she
obtained a large, all male harem at her disposal. Her men fought to the death in order to spend the night with her and, after a
single night of lovemaking, were put to death. It is also said that Nzinga made her male servants dress as women. In 1633,
Nzinga's oldest brother died of cancer, which some attribute to her. Njinga is one of Africa's best documented early-modern
rulers. About a dozen of her own letters are known (all but one published in Brsio, Monumenta volumes 6-11 and 15
passim). In addition, her early years are well described in the correspondence of Portuguese governor Ferno de Sousa, who
was in the colony from 1624 to 1631 (published by Heintze). Her later activities are documented by the Portuguese
chronicler Antnio de Oliveira de Cadornega, and by two Italian Capuchin priests, Giovanni Cavazzi da Montecuccolo and
Antonio Gaeta da Napoli, who resided in her court from 1658 until her death (Cavazzi presided at her funeral). Cavazzi
included a number of watercolours in his manuscript which include Njinga as a central figure, as well as himself. Brsio,
Antnio.

Barbara a Mbande (died 1666) was Oueen of Matamba and Ndongo from 1663 until 1666. She was sister of Nzingha a
Mbande famous queen of Matamba and Ndongo After Nzingha's death, a period of tension, punctuated by civil war, broke out.
Barbara succeeded Nzingha, but was killed by forces loyal to Njinga Mona in 1666.

Nzingha Mona

(died 1680) was King of Matamba and Ndongo from 1666 until 1669 and from 1670 until 1680. After
Nzingha's a Mbande death, a period of tension, punctuated by civil war, broke out. Barbara her sister succeeded Nzingha a
Mbande, but was killed by forces loyal to Nzingha Mona in 1666. Joo Guterres managed to temporarily oust Nzingha Mona in
1669, but was defeated and killed in 1670. Njinga Mona would rule the kingdom until Joo Guterres' son, Francisco,
oustedand killed Njinga Mona becoming ruler in 1680.

Joao Guterres Ngola kannini

(died 1670) was King of Matamba and Ndongo from 1669 until 1670. Joo Guterres
managed to temporarily oust Nzingha Mona in 1669, but was defeated and killed in 1670.

Francisco Guterres Ngola kannini (died 1681) was King of Matamba and Ndongo from 1680 until 1681, Previous
ruler of Matamba and Ndongo Njinga Mona would rule the kingdom until Joo Guterres' son, Francisco, oustedand killed
Njinga Mona becoming ruler in 1680. In 1681, King Francisco invaded the neighboring Imbangala kingdom of Kassanje to
place his own candidate on the throne. While on campaign, he robbed the pombeiros, Afro-Portuguese slaving agents, and

beheaded the kingdom's ruler. This angered the Portuguese, who had never been comfortable with an independent Matamba
in the first place. The Portuguese immediately sent the victor of Mbwila, Lus Lopes de Sequeira, to crush the kingdom once
and for all. On September 4, 1681, Sequeira arrived at Katole, which was but three day's march from the royal kabasa or
palace. He came with over ten thousand infantry and even a small complement of horses (virtually unheard of in Central
African warfare). He was met by King Francisco's forces sometime before dawn that day. In the course of the fighting, both
Sequeira and Francisco were killed. Matamba's forces retreated, and the Portuguese were able to claim at least a tactical
victory by holding their position. Despite taking the field, which had never been an objective in the first place, the Portuguese
losses were such that the invasion of Matamba's capital was called off. After encamping at Katole for nearly thirty days, the
Portuguese and their African allies retired to Mbaka under the command of Joo Antnio de Brito The Portuguese army,
having suffered heavy losses withdrew to Ambaca and then to Masangano. Francisco Guterres was succeeded by his
sister Vernica I Guterres Kandala Kingwanga, whose long rule from 1681 to 1721 consolidated the control of the Guterres
dynasty and created a lasting precedent for female rulers.

Vernica Guterres Kangala Kingwanda (Cangala

Quinguanda in contemporary
spelling) was the Queen of the joint kingdom of Ndongo and Matamba from 1681 until 1721.
Vernica was daughter to King Joo Guterres Ngola Kanini of the combined kingdom
of Ndongo and Matamba and was an important ruler of the Guterres Dynasty established by
Queen Njinga Mbande. She was probably most important in establishing the frequent practice of
having female rulers in the country following the turbulent and often challenged reigns of Njinga
and her sister Barbara in the period between 1624 and 1666. No contemporary documentation
give any indication of her age. She was probably baptized along with most other Ndongo-Matamba
nobles during the period of missionary activity in Matamba following the establishment of the
Capuchin mission in 1656. She appears to have always regarded herself as a Christian. Vernica came to power following the
Portuguese war against Matamba in 1681 in which her predecessor and brother was killed at the Battle of Katole. Although
her brother was killed in the action, the forces of Matamba won the battle and the Portuguese withdrew their army.
Nevertheless, Queen Vernica decided to treat for peace, signing the agreement with Portugal in 1683. This peace treaty
would govern relations between Portugal and Matamba for a long time to come, but was, in fact rarely followed by either
partcipant. In 1689 she attacked the Portuguese in Cahenda in the "Dembos" region to her west, an area that was disputed
between Ndongo, Kongo, and Portugal. She was anxious to reestablish Matamba's claims over the Dembos region that lay
directly to the east of Matamba, and in 1688-89 her armies moved into the area and threatened Portuguese positions around
Ambaca, their fortified town that marked the western most edge of the colony of Angola. The Portuguese intervened, and
blunted the effectiveness of the campaign. In around 1701, Luca da Caltanisetta, the prefect of the Capuchin mission in
Angola wrote to her asking to re-establish the mission which had fallen vacant, and "to return that people to the granary of
the Holy Church." Vernica, whose country had "not fallen entirely back to heathendom" wrote back a pious letter expressing
her concern that "it pained her to see her children die without baptism" but that she was "disgusted with the whites," and she
would "not see any of them in her court with the missionaries." She sought once again to expand the kingdom into
Portuguese domains in 1706, and it was probably for this reason that she had ambassadors in the court of Kongo's King Pedro
IV that year. But her attempts to do this were thwarted, as Portuguese forces were too strong and she abandoned the
attempt. Nevertheless, a state of constant low level conflcit between her army and the Portuguese
at Ambaca and Cahenda led to the virtual depopulation of the country to the west of Matamba, as the people either fled or
were captured and deported to the Americas. Those captured by the Portuguese tended to be sent to Brazil, those captured
by Vernica were often sold to Vili merchants, based in the Kingdom of Loango to the north, and subsequently sold to English,
Dutch, or French merchants who frequented that coast. Vernica continued her attempts to expand Matamba's control over
the territories that it claimed in the early seventeenth century. She died in 1721 and was succeeded by her son, Afonso I.

Afonso I lvares de Pontes

was King of Matamba and Ndongo from 1721 until 1741. When Vernica died in 1721
she was succeeded by her son Afonso I lvares de Pontes. During his reign the northern district of Holo seceded from
Matamba to form its own kingdom and entered into relations with Portugal. As a result of Matamba's attempts to prevent the
secession and Portuguese trade with the rebel province, relations between Matamba and the Portuguese colony deteriorated.

Ana II

(Ana I was Queen Njinga as Matamba accepted the Christian names of former rulers and their dynasty, died 1756)
was Queen of Matamba and Ndongo from 1741 until 1756. She was came to power in 1741, faced a Portuguese invasion in
1744. The invasion of Matamba by Portuguese forces in 1744 was one of their largest military operations in the eighteenth
century. In the course of their attack, Matamba's army inflicted a serious defeat on the Portuguese, but in spite of this, a
remnant of the army managed to reach the capital of Matamba. In order to avoid a long war and to get them to withdraw,
Ana II signed a treaty of vassalage with Portugal which renewed points conceded by Vernica in 1683. While the treaty
allowed Portugal to claim Matamba as a vassal, and opened up Matamba to Portuguese trade, it had little effect on the real
sovereignty of Matmaba, or indeed in the conduct of trade. Ana II, like Vernica before her, was interested in developing
Matamba as a Christian country, routinely sending letters to the Capuchin prefect of Congo and Angola or the Portuguese
authorities requesting missionaries come and establish permanent bases in her country. While the country was visited by
missionaries from Cahenda and also from the Barefoot Carmelites, a permanent mission was not established. Ana II died in
1756 and a civil war broke out at that time among rival contenders for the throne, during which Vernica II ruled briefly for a
time but she was overthrown sometime after 1758, leaving Ana III on the throne.

Vernica II

was Queen of Matamba and Ndongo from 1756 until 1758. Vernica II ruled briefly for a time but she was
overthrown sometime after 1758, leaving Ana III on the throne.

Ana III was Queen of Matamba and Ndongo in 1758. Ana III was in turn overthrown by Kalwete ka Mbandi, a military leader.
Kalwete won the war, and was baptized as Francisco II upon taking the throne.

Francisco II,

Kalwete ka Mbandi was King of Matamba and Ndongo from 1758 until probably early 19th century. Ana III
previous Queen of Matamba and Ndongo was in turn overthrown by Kalwete ka Mbandi, a military leader. Kalwete won the
war, and was baptized as Francisco II upon taking the throne. However, two of Ana's daughters, Kamana and Murili escaped
the civil war, took refuge in the ancient capital of Ndongo on the Kindonga islands and successfully resisted Francisco II's
attempts to oust them.

Kasanje Kingdom
The Kasanje (Kasanzi) Kingdom, also known as the Jaga Kingdom, (16201910) was a pre-colonial Central African state. It was
formed in 1620 by a mercenary band of Imbangala, which had deserted the Portuguese ranks. The state gets its name from
the leader of the band, Kasanje, who settled his followers on the upper Kwango River. The Kasanje people were ruled by the
Jaga, a king who was elected from among the three clans who founded the kingdom. In 1680 the Portuguese traveller Antnio
de Oliveira de Cadornega estimated the kingdom had 300,000 people, of whom 100,000 were able to bear arms. However, it
is noted that this claim may be exaggerated. The kingdom of Kasanje remained in a constant state of conflict with its
neighbours, especially the kingdom of Matamba then ruled by queen Nzinga Mbande. The Imbangala state became a strong
commercial center until being eclipsed by Ovimbundu trade routes in the 1850s. Kasanje was finally incorporated into
Portuguese Angola in 19101911.

List of Rulers (Yaka) of the Kasanje (Kasanzi) Kingdom

Kasanje was the founder of Kasanje (Kasanzi) Kingdom around 1620. The state gets its name from the leader of the band,
Kasanje, who settled his followers on the upper Kwango River.

Mbumba

was a ruler (Yaka) of Kasanje (Kasanzi) Kingdom from ? until 1848 and from 1853 until ?.

Kandumba Kapenda kwa Mbangu

was a ruler (Yaka) of Kasanje (Kasanzi) Kingdom from ? until 1911.

Kanhama

Kanhama Kingdom
Kanhama was a Kingdom in the present Angola founded around 1700.

List of Rulers of the Kanhama Kingdom

Simbilinga

was a ruler of the Kanhama Kingdom from ? until 1804.

Haimbili "o Bom"

Haikukutu

was a ruler of the Kanhama Kingdom from 1804 until 1854.

was a ruler of the Kanhama Kingdom from 1854 until ?.

Siefeni was a ruler of the Kanhama Kingdom in the second half 19th century.
Osipandika
Nampandi

was a ruler of the Kanhama Kingdom in the second half 19th century.

was a ruler of the Kanhama Kingdom from ? until 1884.

Uedjulu was a ruler of the Kanhama Kingdom from 1884 until 1904.
Nande was a ruler of the Kanhama Kingdom from 1904 until 1911.

Nandume was a ruler of the Kanhama Kingdom from 1911 until 1917.

Ngoya Kingdom
Ngoya was a Kingdom in the present Angola.

List of Rulers (Mambouk) of the Ngoya Kingdom

Mafouk Kokelo

was a ruler of the Ngoya Kingdom from ? until 1800.

Maitica was a ruler of the Ngoya Kingdom in the first half 19th century.
Moe Gimbi I

(N'Pandi Sili) was a ruler of the Ngoya Kingdom in the first half 19th century.

Pucuta Poabo

was a ruler of the Ngoya Kingdom in the first half 19th century.

Mbatchi Nyongo

(Bar' Chi-N'Congo) (died around 1830)was a ruler of the Ngoya Kingdom from ? until his death in

1830.

Moe Npongonga

(Bar' Chi-Nbongo) (died 1830) was a ruler of the Ngoya Kingdom in 1830.

Moe Gimbi II

was a ruler of the Ngoya Kingdom in 1830.

Loemba "king Jack" was a ruler of the Ngoya Kingdom from 1830 until around 1852.
Npuna

was the regent of the Ngoya Kingdom from around 1852 until 1853.

Francisco Franque

(1776-1875) was a ruler of the Ngoya Kingdom from 1853 until his death in 1875.

Bastian was regent of the Ngoya Kingdom from 1875 until 1882.
Domingos Jos Franque

(1855-1941) was a ruler of the Ngoya Kingdom from 1882 until his death in 1841.

Cingolo Kingdom
Cingolo was one of the traditional independent Ovimbundu kingdoms in Angola.

List of Rulers of the Cingolo Kingdom

Ekundi

was a ruler of the Cingolo Kingdom around 1800.

Ulundu was a ruler of the Cingolo Kingdom around 1820.

Kalukongolo was a ruler of the Cingolo Kingdom around 1840.
Kalueyo I
Cimina

was a ruler of the Cingolo Kingdom around 1860.

was a ruler of the Cingolo Kingdom around 1870.

Kalueyo II

was a ruler of the Cingolo Kingdom around 1880.

Cimbalandongolo was a ruler of the Cingolo Kingdom around 1890.

Nandi was a ruler of the Cingolo Kingdom around 1900.

Ciyaka Kingdom
Ciyaka (also known as Quiyaca or Quiaca) was one of the traditional independent Ovimbundu kingdoms in Angola.

List of Rulers of the Ciyaka Kingdom

Atende II
Cikoko I

was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom around 1810.

was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom around 1820.

Kuvombo-inene
Ndumbu III

was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom in the first half 19th century.

was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom in the first half 19th century.

Handa II Kaciyombo
Njimbi Ukulundu

was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom around 1835.

was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom from 1842 util 1850.

Canja I Cimbua Cahuku Luanjangombe III was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom from 1850 until 1870.
Handa Njundo
Cilulu III

was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom from 1870 until 1898.

was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom from 1898 until 1904.

Handa III

was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom from 1904 until 1911.

Atende III

was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom from 1911 until 1915.

Cikoko II

was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom from 1915 until 1918.

Cilulu IV

was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom from 1920 until 1925.

Handa IV Kalumbombo

was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom from 1925 until 1928.

Sakulanda Luanjangombe IV

was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom from 1929 until 1939.

Cilulu V was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom from 1939 until 1940.
Tomasi

was a ruler of the Ciyaka Kingdom from 1940 until ?.

Gumba Kingdom
Gumba was one of the traditional independent Ovimbundu kingdoms in Angola.

List of Rulers of the Gumba Kingdom

Ciweka
Mbati

was a ruler of the Gumba Kingdom from around 1903.

was a ruler of the Gumba Kingdom from ? until 1934.

Simbwyikoka was a ruler of the Gumba Kingdom from 1935 until 1938.
Kakope was a ruler of the Gumba Kingdom from 1938 until 1940.
Kafelo was a ruler of the Gumba Kingdom from 1940 until 1954.
Kutenga Lusase
Cilombo

was a ruler of the Gumba Kingdom from 1954 until 1956.

was a ruler of the Gumba Kingdom from 1956 until 1964.

Kalembe Kingdom
Kalembe was one of the traditional independent Ovimbundu kingdoms in Angola.

List of Rulers of the Kalembe Kingdom

Njundu

was a ruler of the Kalembe Kingdom around 1810.

Cinguangua II

was a ruler of the Kalembe Kingdom around 1835.

Cikomo was a ruler of the Kalembe Kingdom around 1850.

Ndumba

was a ruler of the Kalembe Kingdom around 1860.

Nyime was a ruler of the Kalembe Kingdom around 1895.

Sakatilo was a ruler of the Kalembe Kingdom around 1900.

Kalukembe Kingdom
Kalukembe (also
known
as Caluquembe, Caluguembe,
independent Ovimbundu kingdoms in Angola.

or Caluqueme)

was

List of Rulers of the Kalukembe Kingdom

Ndumbu Saciyambu
Keita Hungulu

was a ruler of the Kalukembe Kingdom around 1835.

was a ruler of the Kalukembe Kingdom around 1845.

Kamupula was a ruler of the Kalukembe Kingdom around 1850.

Ngandu Kapembe

was a ruler of the Kalukembe Kingdom around 1860.

Pomba Kalukembe
Muengo Njamba
Kavala Hungulu

was a ruler of the Kalukembe Kingdom around 1880.

was a ruler of the Kalukembe Kingdom around 1890.

was a ruler of the Kalukembe Kingdom in the early 20th century.

Mbailundu Kingdom

one

of

the

traditional

Mbailundu (also known as Bailundi, Bailundo) was the largest and the most powerful of the traditional Ovimbundu kingdoms
in Angola.

List of Rulers of the Mbailundu Kingdom

Katiavala I

was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom around 1700.

Njahulu I was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom around 1720.

Somandulo was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom in the 18th century.
Cingi I was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom around 1774 until around 1776.
Cingi II

was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom around 1778.

Ekuikui I
Numa I

was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom around 1780.

was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom in the late 18th century.

Hundungulu I was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom in the late 18th century.
Cisende I was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom in the late 18th century.
Njunjulu was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom in the late 18th century.
Ngungi

was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom in the early 19th century.

Civukuvuku was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom in the early 19th century.
Utondosi I

was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1818 until 1832.

Bungi was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1833 until 1842.
Mbonge was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1842 until 1861.
Cisende II

was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1861 until 1869.

Vasovv was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1869 until 1872.
Ekongo-liohombo

was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1872 until 1876.

Ekuikui II

Numa II

was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1890 until 1892.

Katiavala II
Moma

(died 1893) was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1876 until 1890.

was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1893 until 1895.

was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1895 until 1896.

Kangovi

was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1897 until 1898.

Hundungulu II

was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1898 until 1900.

Kalandula was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1900 until 1902.
Mutu ya Kevela
Cisende III

was the regent of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1903 until 1904.

was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1904 until 1911.

Njahulu II Kandimba

was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1911 until 1915.

Musita was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1935 until 1938.
Cinendele was a ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1938 until 1948.
Filipe Kapoko

was a ceremonial ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1948 until 1970.

Flix Numa

was a ceremonial ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1970 until 1982.

Congolola was a ceremonial ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1982 until 1985.
Ekuikui III

(died 1996) was a ceremonial ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1985 until his death in 1996.

Utondosi II

was a ceremonial ruler of the Mbailundu Kingdom from 1996 until 1999.

Augusto Cachitiopolo,

known by the royal title of Ekuikui IV, (c. 1913 January 14, 2012) was an
Angolan royal and politician, who served as the ceremonial King of Mbailundo in Huambo Province from 2002
until his death on January 14, 2012. Politically, Cachitiopolo served as a member of the National Assembly of
Angola and a member of the MPLA's central committee. King Ekuikui IV died from an illness on January 14,
2012, at the age of 98.

Ndulu Kingdom
Ndulu (also known as Andulo, Ondulu or Ondura) was one of the traditional independent Ovimbundu kingdoms in Angola.

List of Rulers of the Ndulu Kingdom

Cindele was a ruler of the Ndulu Kingdom around 1800.
Mbundi was a ruler of the Ndulu Kingdom around 1810.
Siakalembe was a ruler of the Ndulu Kingdom around 1835.
Lusse

was a ruler of the Ndulu Kingdom around 1850.

Elundu Civava

was a ruler of the Ndulu Kingdom from 1870 until 1890.

Civange was a ruler of the Ndulu Kingdom from 1890 until ?.

Cipati

was a ruler of the Ndulu Kingdom around 1897.

Cisusulu was a ruler of the Ndulu Kingdom around 1900.

Kasuanje

was a ruler of the Ndulu Kingdom in the early 20th century.

Siakanjimba was a ruler of the Ndulu Kingdom in the early 20th century.
Ndingilinya was a ruler of the Ndulu Kingdom in the early 20th century.
Sihinga was a ruler of the Ndulu Kingdom in the early 20th century.
Congolola was a ruler of the Ndulu Kingdom around 1910.
Cisokokua

was a ruler of the Ndulu Kingdom around 1917.

Cihopio was a ruler of the Ndulu Kingdom from ? until 1935.

Sangombe Esita

was a regent of the Ndulu Kingdom from 1935 until ?.

Ngalangi Kingdom
Ngalangi (also known as Galangue) was one of the traditional independent Ovimbundu kingdoms in Angola.

List of Rulers of the Ngalangi Kingdom

Ndumba II Cihongo
Kambuenge II

was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom in the first half 19th century.

was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom around 1835.

Ndumba III Epope Kateyavilombo

Etumbu Lutate

was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom from 1844 untill 1860.

was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom from 1860 until ?.

Ndumbu I was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom around 1886.

Ekumbi was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom around 1890.

Cihongo II

was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom around 1895.

Ciyo was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom around 1899.

Cipala was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom around 1905.
Kangombe

was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom around 1916.

Ngangawe was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom around 1920.

Cuvika was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom during 1920s.
Cikuetekole

was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom around 1925.

Mbumba Kambuakatepa

was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom from ? until 1931.

Cingelesi was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom from 1931 until 1933.
Ndumbu II

was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom from 1933 until 1935.

Congolola was a ruler of the Ngalangi Kingdom from ? until 1935.

Sambu Kingdom
Sambu (also known as Sambo or Sambos) was one of the traditional independent Ovimbundu kingdoms in Angola.

List of Rulers of the Sambu Kingdom

Handa was a ruler of the Sambu Kingdom in the early 19th century.
Usinhalua II

was a ruler of the Sambu Kingdom in the early 19th century.

Kambangula

was a ruler of the Sambu Kingdom around 1820.

Congolola was a ruler of the Sambu Kingdom in the first half 19th century.
Lundungu was a ruler of the Sambu Kingdom in the first half 19th century.
Ekuikui
Mandi

was a ruler of the Sambu Kingdom in the first half 19th century.

was a ruler of the Sambu Kingdom in the second half 19th century.

Citangeleka Komundakeseke

was a ruler of the Sambu Kingdom in the second half 19th century.

Viye Kingdom
Viye (also known as Bi or Bihe) was one of the traditional independent Ovimbundu kingdoms in Angola.

List of Rulers of the Viye Kingdom

Kawewe was a ruler of the Viye Kingdom from 1795 until 1810.
Moma Vasovv

was a ruler of the Viye Kingdom from 1810 until 1833.

Mbandua was a ruler of the Viye Kingdom from 1833 until 1839.
Kakembembe Hundungulu

was a ruler of the Viye Kingdom from 1839 until 1842.

Liambula was a ruler of the Viye Kingdom from 1842 until 1847.
Kayangula was a ruler of the Viye Kingdom from 1847 until 1850.
Mukinda was a regent of the Viye Kingdom from 1850 until 1857.
Nguvenge

was a ruler of the Viye Kingdom from 1857 until 1859.

Konya Cilemo

was a ruler of the Viye Kingdom from 1860 until 1883.

Ciponge Njambayamina

was a ruler of the Viye Kingdom from 1883 until 1886.

Ciyoka was a ruler of the Viye Kingdom from 1886 until 1888.
Cikunyu Ndunduma
Kalufele

was a ruler of the Viye Kingdom from 1888 until 1890.

was a ruler of the Viye Kingdom from 1890 until 1895.

Kaninguluka

was a ruler of the Viye Kingdom from 1895 until 1901.

Ciyuka was a ruler of the Viye Kingdom from 1901 until 1903 and from 1928 until 1940.
Kavova

was a ruler of the Viye Kingdom from 1903 until 1915.

Ngungu was a ruler of the Viye Kingdom from 1915 until 1928.

Wambu Kingdom
Wambu (also known as Andulo, Ondulu or Ondura) was one of the traditional independent Ovimbundu kingdoms in Angola.

List of Rulers of the Wambu Kingdom

Kahala I Kanene

was a ruler of the Wambu Kingdom around 1800.

Vilombo II Vinene Kaneketela II

Cingi II Cinene Livonge
Ngelo II Yale

was a ruler of the Wambu Kingdom from 1813 until 1825.

was a ruler of the Wambu Kingdom from 1825 until 1840.

Ciasungu Kiapungo
Kapoko II

was a ruler of the Wambu Kingdom around 1805.

was a ruler of the Wambu Kingdom fom 1840 until April 1846.

was a ruler of the Wambu Kingdom from 1846 until 1860.

Atende II a Njamba

was a ruler of the Wambu Kingdom from 1860 until 1870.

Vilombo III Kacingangu

was a ruler of the Wambu Kingdom from 1870 until 1877.

Hungulu II Kapusukusu

was a ruler of the Wambu Kingdom from 1877 until 1885.

Wambu II

was a ruler of the Wambu Kingdom from 1885 until 1891.

Njamba Cimbungu

was a ruler of the Wambu Kingdom from 1891 until 1894.

Livonge was a ruler of the Wambu Kingdom from 1894 until 1902.

Republic of Cabinda
The Republic of Cabinda (Ibinda: Kilansi kia Kabinda), also called the Rpublique du Cabinda, is an unrecognized state in
southern Africa. The Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda-Foras Armadas de Cabinda (FLEC-FAC) claims
sovereignty from Angola and proclaimed the Republic of Cabinda as an independent country in 1975. The government of this
(internationally not recognized) entity operates in exile, with offices located in Paris and Pointe Noire, Congo. The 1885 Treaty
of Simulambuco designated Cabinda a Portuguese protectorate known as the Portuguese Congo, which was administratively
separate from Portuguese West Africa (Angola). In the 20th century, Portugal decided to integrate Cabinda into Angola, giving
it the status of a district of that "overseas province". During the Portuguese Colonial War, FLEC fought for the independence
of Cabinda from the Portuguese. Independence was proclaimed on August 1, 1975, and FLEC formed a provisional
government led by Henriques Tiago. Luiz Branque Franque was elected president. In January 1975, Angolas three national
liberation movements (People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA) and
National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA)) met with the colonial power in Alvor, Portugal, to establish the
modalities of the transition to independence. FLEC was not invited. The Alvor Agreement was signed, establishing Angolan
independence and confirming Cabinda as part of Angola. After Angolan independence was declared in November 1975,
Cabinda was occupied by the forces of the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), which had been present in
Cabinda since the mid-1960s, sustaining an anti-colonial guerrilla war that was rather more efficient than the one run by
FLEC. For much of the 1970s and 1980s, FLEC fought a low-intensity guerrilla war, attacking the troops of what was by then
the People's Republic of Angola, led by the MPLA. FLEC's tactics included attacking economic targets and kidnapping foreign
employees working in the provinces oil and construction businesses. In July 2006, after ceasefire negotiations, Antnio Bento
Bembe as president of the Cabindan Forum for Dialogue and Peace, vice-president and executive secretary of FLEC
announced that the Cabindan separatist forces were ready to declare a ceasefire. A peace treaty was signed. FLEC-FAC from

Paris contends Bembe had no authority or mandate to negotiate with the Angolans and that the only acceptable solution is
total independence.

List of Presidents of the Republic of Cabinda

Pedro Simba Macosso

(born 1927) was a President of the Republic of Cabinda from January 10 until August 1, 1975.
In the early 1960s, several independence movements advocating a separate status for Cabinda came into being. The
Movement for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda (MLEC) was formed in 1960 under the leadership of Luis Ranque
Franque. Resulting from the merger of various migr associations in Brazzaville, the MLEC rapidly became the most
prominent of the separatist movements. A further group was the Alliama (Mayombe National Alliance), representing the
Mayombe, a small minority of the population. In an important development, these movements united in August 1963 to form
a common, united front called the Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda (FLEC). The leadership role was taken by
the MLECs Ranque Franque. FLEC established a Cabindan government in exile in Kinshasa. In marked contrast with the FNLA,
the FLECs efforts to mobilize international support for its government in exile met with little success. In fact, the majority of
OAU members, concerned that this could encourage separatism elsewhere on the continent and duly committed to the
sanctity of African state borders, firmly rejected recognition of the FLECs government in exile. Later, in the course of Angola's
turbulent decolonisation process, Ranque Franque proclaimed the independence of the Republic of Cabinda in Kampala on
August 1, 1975 at an OAU summit which was discussing Angola at that precise moment. Zairian President Mobutu Sese Seko
called for a referendum on the future of the Cabinda. Congolese Prime Minister Henri Lopes is reported to have said at the
time that "Cabinda exists as a reality and is historically and geographically different from Angola." The Alvor Agreement,
signed on January 15, 1975, granted Angola independence from Portugal on November 11. The agreement, signed by the
MPLA, FNLA, UNITA, and the Portuguese government, was never signed by the FLEC or any representatives of Cabinda. MPLA
(mainly Cuban) troops entered Cabinda via Pointe Noire on November 11, 1975 and incorporated Cabinda into Angola proper
as "Cabinda Province". The Alvor Agreement states that "Angola constitutes one indivisible unity. In this context, Cabinda is
an integral and inalienable part of Angola." At the time, Cabinda was producing nearly all of Angola's oil, which accounted for
close to half of the nation's gross national product. During much of the 1970s and 1980s, FLEC operated a low intensity,
guerrilla war, attacking Angolan government troops and economic targets or creating havoc by kidnapping foreign employees
working in the provinces oil and construction businesses. In July 2006 after ceasefire negotiations in Brazzaville, Antnio
Bento Bembe as a president of Cabindan Forum for Dialogue and Peace, vice-president and executive secretary of FLEC
announced that the Cabindan separatist forces were ready to declare a ceasefire. The peace was recognized by the United
States, France, Portugal, Russia, Gabon, DR Congo, Republic of the Congo, Japan, South Korea, the European Union and the
African Union. After the peace agreement, Bento Bembe was elected Minister without portfolio in the Government of Angola.
FLEC-FAC from Paris contends Bembe has no authority or mandate to negotiate with the Angolans and that the only
acceptable solution is total independence.

Luis de Gonzaga Ranque Franque

(1925-2007) was a President of the Republic of Cabinda from August 1975

until January 1976. In the early 1960s, several independence movements advocating a separate status for Cabinda came into
being. The Movement for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda (MLEC) was formed in 1960 under the leadership of Luis
Ranque Franque. Resulting from the merger of various migr associations in Brazzaville, the MLEC rapidly became the most
prominent of the separatist movements. A further group was the Alliama (Mayombe National Alliance), representing the
Mayombe, a small minority of the population. In an important development, these movements united in August 1963 to form
a common, united front called the Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda (FLEC). The leadership role was taken by
the MLECs Ranque Franque. FLEC established a Cabindan government in exile in Kinshasa. In marked contrast with the FNLA,
the FLECs efforts to mobilize international support for its government in exile met with little success. In fact, the majority of
OAU members, concerned that this could encourage separatism elsewhere on the continent and duly committed to the
sanctity of African state borders, firmly rejected recognition of the FLECs government in exile. Later, in the course of Angola's
turbulent decolonisation process, Ranque Franque proclaimed the independence of the Republic of Cabinda in Kampala on
August 1, 1975 at an OAU summit which was discussing Angola at that precise moment. Zairian President Mobutu Sese Seko
called for a referendum on the future of the Cabinda. Congolese Prime Minister Henri Lopes is reported to have said at the
time that "Cabinda exists as a reality and is historically and geographically different from Angola." The Alvor Agreement,
signed on January 15, 1975, granted Angola independence from Portugal on November 11. The agreement, signed by the
MPLA, FNLA, UNITA, and the Portuguese government, was never signed by the FLEC or any representatives of Cabinda. MPLA
(mainly Cuban) troops entered Cabinda via Pointe Noire on November 11, 1975 and incorporated Cabinda into Angola proper
as "Cabinda Province". The Alvor Agreement states that "Angola constitutes one indivisible unity. In this context, Cabinda is
an integral and inalienable part of Angola." At the time, Cabinda was producing nearly all of Angola's oil, which accounted for
close to half of the nation's gross national product. During much of the 1970s and 1980s, FLEC operated a low intensity,
guerrilla war, attacking Angolan government troops and economic targets or creating havoc by kidnapping foreign employees
working in the provinces oil and construction businesses. In July 2006 after ceasefire negotiations in Brazzaville, Antnio
Bento Bembe as a president of Cabindan Forum for Dialogue and Peace, vice-president and executive secretary of FLEC
announced that the Cabindan separatist forces were ready to declare a ceasefire. The peace was recognized by the United
States, France, Portugal, Russia, Gabon, DR Congo, Republic of the Congo, Japan, South Korea, the European Union and the
African Union. After the peace agreement, Bento Bembe was elected Minister without portfolio in the Government of Angola.
FLEC-FAC from Paris contends Bembe has no authority or mandate to negotiate with the Angolans and that the only
acceptable solution is total independence.

Prime Minister of the Republic of Cabinda

Francisco Xavier Lubota

(1942-2006) was a Prime Minister of the Republic of Cabinda from July

1975 until January 1976 (provisonal Prime Minister from July until August 1975).

Democratic and People's Republic of Angola

On November 11, Democratic and People's Republic of Angola (at Huambo) declared by FNLA and UNITA in opposition to
MPLA backed People's Republic of Angola. On February 11, 1976 Democratic and People's Republic of Angola suppressed by

Angolan government when it overruns FNLA positions in the north and UNITA strongholds in the south. In 1979 Democratic
and People's Republic of Angola restored in rebellion; at Cunjamba and later Jamba.
From May 31, 1991 until October 31, 1992 brief end to civil war which resumes after UNITA disputes the results of national
elections. On April 4, 2002
cease-fire ends Angolan civil war, UNITA demobilizes in August 2002.

List of Presidents of the National Council of the Revolution of Democratic and People's
Republic of Angola and Presidents of Democratic and People's Republic of Angola
Holden lvaro Roberto

(January 12, 1923 August 2, 2007) founded and led the National
Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA) from 1962 to 1999 and Presidents of the National Council of the
Revolution of Democratic and People's Republic of Angola jointly with Jonas Malheiro Savimbi from
November 11, 1975 until February 11, 1976. His memoirs are unfinished. Roberto, son of Garcia Diasiwa
Roberto and Joana Lala Nekaka (and a descendant of the monarchy of the Kongo Kingdom.), was born in
So Salvador, Angola. His family moved to Lopoldville, Belgian Congo in 1925. In 1940 he graduated
from a Baptist mission school. He worked for the Belgian Finance Ministry in Lopoldville, Bukavu, and
Stanleyville for eight years. In 1951 he visited Angola and witnessed Portuguese officials abusing an old man, inspiring him to
begin his political career. Roberto and Barros Necaca founded the Union of Peoples of Northern Angola (UPNA), later renamed
the Union of Peoples of Angola (UPA), on July 14, 1954. Roberto, serving as UPA President, represented Angola in the AllAfrican Peoples Congress of Ghana which he secretly attended in Accra, Ghana in December 1958. There he met Patrice
Lumumba, the future Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Kenneth Kaunda, the future President of
Zambia, and Kenyan nationalist Tom Mboya. He acquired a Guinean passport and visited the United Nations. Jonas Savimbi,
the future leader of UNITA, joined the UPA in February 1961 at the urging of Mboya and Kenyan Prime Minister Jomo Kenyatta.
Later that year Roberto appointed Savimbi Secretary-General of the UPA. The United States National Security Council began
giving Roberto aid in the 1950s, paying him $6,000 annually until 1962 when the NSC increased his salary to $10,000 for
intelligence-gathering. After visiting the United Nations, he returned to Kinshasa and organized Bakongo militants. He
launched an incursion into Angola on March 15, 1961, leading 4,000 to 5,000 militants. His forces took farms, government
outposts, and trading centers, killing everyone they encountered. At least 1,000 whites and an unknown number of natives
were killed. Commenting on the incursion, Roberto said, "this time the slaves did not cower". They massacred everything.
Roberto met with United States President John F. Kennedy on April 25, 1961. When he applied for aid later that year from the
Ghanaian government, President Kwame Nkrumah turned him down on the grounds that the U.S. government was already
paying him. Roberto merged the UPA with the Democratic Party of Angola to form the FNLA in March 1962 and a few weeks
later established the Revolutionary Government of Angola in Exile (GRAE) on March 27, appointing Savimbi to the position of
Foreign Minister. Roberto established a political alliance with Zairian President Mobutu Sese Seko by divorcing his wife and
marrying a woman from Mobutu's wife's village. Roberto visited Israel in the 1960s and received aid from the Israeli
government from 1963 to 1969. Savimbi left the FNLA in 1964 and founded UNITA in response to Roberto's unwillingness to
spread the war outside the traditional Kingdom of Kongo. Zhou Enlai, Premier of the People's Republic of China, invited
Roberto to visit the PRC in 1964. Roberto did not go because Moise Tshombe, the President of Katanga, told him he would not
be allowed to return to the Congo. On the eve of Angola's independence from Portugal, Zaire, in a bid to install a pro-Kinshasa
government and thwart the MPLA's drive for power, deployed armored car units, paratroops, and three battalions to Angola.
However, the FNLA and Zaire's victory was narrowly averted by a massive influx of Cuban forces, who resoundingly defeated
them. In 1976, the MPLA defeated the FNLA in the Battle of Dead Road and the FNLA retreated to Zaire. While Roberto and
Agostinho Neto's proposed policies for an independent Angola were similar, Roberto drew support from western Angola and
Neto drew from eastern Angola. Neto, under the banner of nationalism and Communism, received support from the Soviet
Union while Roberto, under the banner of nationalism and anti-Communism, received support from the United States, China,
and Zaire. Roberto staunchly opposed Neto's drive to unite the Angolan rebel groups in opposition to Portugal because
Roberto believed the FNLA would be absorbed by the MPLA. The FNLA abducted MPLA members, deported them to Kinshasa,
and killed them. In 1991, the FNLA and MPLA agreed to the Bicesse Accords, allowing Roberto to return to Angola. He ran
unsuccessfully for President, receiving only 2.1% of the vote. However, the FNLA won five seats in Parliament but refused to
participate in the government. Roberto died on August 2, 2007 at his home in Luanda. After Roberto's death, President Jos
Eduardo dos Santos eulogized, "Holden Roberto was one of the pioneers of national liberation struggle, whose name
encouraged a generation of Angolans to opt for resistance and combat for the country's independence," and released a
decree appointing a commission to arrange for a funeral ceremony.

Jonas Malheiro Savimbi

(August 3, 1934-February 22, 2002) was an Angolan political and military leader who
founded and led the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA). He was also President of the National
Council of the Revolution of Democratic and People's Republic of Angola jointly with Holden lvaro Roberto from November
11, 1975 until February 11, 1976 and President of Democratic and People's Republic of Angola from 1979 until his death on
February 22, 2002. UNITA first waged a guerrilla war against Portuguese colonial rule, 196674, then confronted the rival
People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) during the decolonization conflict, 197475, and after independence
in 1975 fought the ruling MPLA in the Angolan Civil War until his death in a clash with government troops in 2002. Savimbi
was born on August 3, 1934, in Munhango, Moxico Province, a small town on the Benguela Railway, and raised in Bi
Province. Savimbi's father, Lote, was a stationmaster on Angola's Benguela railway line and a preacher of the Protestant
Igreja Evanglica Congregacional de Angola, founded and maintained by American missionaries. Both his parents were
members of the Bieno group of the Ovimbundu, the people who later served as Savimbi's major political base. In his early
years, Savimbi was educated mainly in Protestant schools, but also attended Roman Catholic schools. At the age of 24, he
received a scholarship to study in Portugal. There he finished his secondary studies, with the exception of the subject
"political organization" that was compulsory during the regime established by Antnio de Oliveira Salazar, so that he was
unable to start studying medicine as originally intended. Instead he became associated with students from Angola and other
Portuguese colonies who were preparing themselves for anti-colonial resistance and had contacts with the clandestine
Portuguese Communist Party. He knew Agostinho Neto, who was at that time studying medicine and who later went on to
become president of the MPLA and Angola's first state President. Under increasing pressure from the Portuguese secret police
(PIDE), Savimbi left Portugal for Switzerland with the assistance of Portuguese and French communists and other
sympathizers, and eventually wound up in Lausanne. There he was able to obtain a new scholarship from American
missionaries and studied social sciences. He then went on to the University at Fribourg for further studies. While there,
probably in August 1960, he met Holden Roberto who was already a rising star in migr circles. Roberto was a founding
member of the UPA (Unio das Populaes de Angola) and was already known for his efforts to promote Angolan
independence at the United Nations. He tried to recruit Savimbi who seems to have been undecided whether to commit
himself to the cause of Angolan independence at this point in his life. Savimbi sought a leadership position in the MPLA by
joining the MPLA Youth in the early 1960s. He was rebuffed by the MPLA, and joined forces with the National Liberation Front
of Angola (FNLA) in 1964. The same year he conceived UNITA with Antonio da Costa Fernandes. Savimbi went to China for

help and was promised arms and military training. Upon returning to Angola in 1966 he launched UNITA and began his career
as an anti-Portuguese guerrilla fighter. He also fought the FNLA and MPLA, as the three resistance movements tried to
position themselves to lead a post-colonial Angola. Portugal later released PIDE[clarification needed] archives revealing that
Savimbi had signed a collaboration pact with Portuguese colonial authorities to fight the MPLA. Following Angola's
independence in 1975, Savimbi gradually drew the attention of powerful Chinese and, ultimately, American policymakers and
intellectuals. Trained in China during the 1960s, Savimbi was a highly successful guerrilla fighter schooled in classic Maoist
approaches to warfare, including baiting his enemies with multiple military fronts, some of which attacked and some of which
consciously retreated. Like the People's Liberation Army of Mao Zedong, Savimbi mobilized important, although ethnically
confined segments of the rural peasantry overwhelmingly Ovimbundu as part of his military tactics. From a military strategy
standpoint, he can be considered one of the most effective guerrilla leaders of the 20th century. As the MPLA was supported
by the Soviet bloc since 1974, and declared itself Marxist-Leninist in 1977, Savimbi renounced his earlier Maoist leanings and
contacts with China, presenting on the international scene as a protagonist of anti-communism. The war between the MPLA
and UNITA, whatever its internal reasons and dynamics, thus became a sub-plot to the Cold War, with both Moscow and
Washington viewing the conflict as important to the global balance of power. In 1985, with the backing of the Reagan
administration, Jack Abramoff and other U.S. conservatives organized the Democratic International in Savimbi's base in
Jamba, in Cuando Cubango Province in southeastern Angola. The meeting included several of the anti-communist guerrilla
leaders of the Third World, including Savimbi, Nicaraguan Contra leader Adolfo Calero, and Abdul Rahim Wardak, then leader
of Afghan mujahideen who later became Afghanistan's Defense Minister. Savimbi was strongly supported by the influential,
conservative Heritage Foundation. Heritage foreign policy analyst Michael Johns and other conservatives visited regularly with
Savimbi in his clandestine camps in Jamba and provided the rebel leader with ongoing political and military guidance in his
war against the Angolan government. The African-American Texas State Representative Clay Smothers of Dallas was a strong
Savimbi supporter. Savimbi's U.S.-based supporters ultimately proved successful in convincing the Central Intelligence
Agency (CIA) to channel covert weapons and recruit guerrillas for Savimbi's war against Angola's Marxist government, which
greatly intensified and prolonged the conflict. During a visit to Washington, D.C. in 1986, Reagan invited Savimbi to meet with
him at the White House. Following the meeting, Reagan spoke of UNITA winning "a victory that electrifies the world." Two
years later, with the Angolan Civil War intensifying, Savimbi returned to Washington, where he was filled with gratitude and
praise for the Heritage Foundation's work on UNITA's behalf. "When we come to the Heritage Foundation", Savimbi said
during a June 30, 1988 speech at the foundation, "it is like coming back home. We know that our success here in Washington
in repealing the Clark Amendment and obtaining American assistance for our cause is very much associated with your efforts.
This foundation has been a source of great support. The UNITA leadership knows this, and it is also known in Angola."
Complementing his military skills, Savimbi also impressed many with his intellectual qualities. He spoke seven languages
fluently four European, three African. In visits to foreign diplomats and in speeches before American audiences, he often cited
classical Western political and social philosophy, ultimately becoming one of the most vocal anti-communists of the Third
World. Some dismiss this intellectualism as nothing more than careful handling by his politically shrewd American supporters,
who sought to present Savimbi as a clear alternative to Angola's communist government. But others[who?] saw it as genuine
and a product of the guerrilla leader's intelligence. Savimbi's biography describes him as "an incredible linguist. He spoke four
European languages, including English although he had never lived in an English-speaking country. He was extremely well
read. He was an extremely fine conversationalist and a very good listener." These contrasting images of Savimbi would play
out throughout his life, with his enemies calling him a power-hungry warmonger, and his American and other allies calling him
a critical figure in the West's bid to win the Cold War. As U.S. support began to flow liberally and leading U.S. conservatives
championed his cause, Savimbi won major strategic advantages in the late 1980s, and again in the early 1990s, after having
taken part unsuccessfully in the general elections of 1992. As a consequence, Moscow and Havana began to reevaluate their
engagement in Angola, as Soviet and Cuban fatalities mounted and Savimbi's ground control increased. By 1989, UNITA held
total control of several limited areas, but was able to develop significant guerrilla operations everywhere in Angola, with the
exception of the coastal cities and Namibe Province. At the height of his military success, in 1989 and 1990, Savimbi was
beginning to launch attacks on government and military targets in and around the country's capital, Luanda. Observers felt
that the strategic balance in Angola had shifted and that Savimbi was positioning UNITA for a possible military victory.
Signaling the concern that the Soviet Union was placing on Savimbi's advance in Angola, Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev
raised the Angolan war with Reagan during numerous U.S.-Soviet summits. In addition to meeting with Reagan, Savimbi also
met with Reagan's successor, George H. W. Bush, who promised Savimbi "all appropriate and effective assistance." In January
1990 and again in February 1990, Savimbi was wounded in armed conflict with Angolan government troops. The injuries did
not prevent him from again returning to Washington, where he met with his American supporters and President Bush in an
effort to further increase US military assistance to UNITA. Savimbi's supporters warned that continued Soviet support for the
MPLA was threatening broader global collaboration between Gorbachev and the US. In February 1992, Antonio da Costa
Fernandes and Nzau Puna defected from UNITA, declaring publicly that Savimbi was not interested in a political test, but on
preparing another war. Under military pressure from UNITA, the Angolan government negotiated a cease-fire with Savimbi,
and Savimbi ran for president in the national elections of 1992. Foreign monitors claimed the election to be fair. But because
neither Savimbi (40%) nor Angolan President Jos Eduardo dos Santos (49%) obtained the 50 percent necessary to prevail, a
run-off election was scheduled. In late October 1992, Savimbi dispatched UNITA Vice President Jeremias Chitunda and UNITA
senior advisor Elias Salupeto Pena to Luanda to negotiate the details of the run-off election. On November 2, 1992 in Luanda,
Chitunda and Pena's convoy was attacked by government forces and they were both pulled from their car and shot dead.
Their bodies were taken by government authorities and never seen again. The MPLA offensive against UNITA and the FNLA
has come to be known as the Halloween Massacre where over 10,000 of their voters were massacred nationwide by MPLA
forces. Alleging governmental electoral fraud and questioning the government's commitment to peace, Savimbi withdrew
from the run-off election and resumed fighting, mostly with foreign funds. UNITA again quickly advanced militarily, encircling
the nation's capital of Luanda. One of Savimbi's largest sources of financial support was the De Beers corporation, which
bought between US$500 to 800 million worth of illegally mined diamonds in 199293. In 1994, UNITA signed a new peace
accord. Savimbi declined the vice-presidency that was offered to him and again renewed fighting in 1998. Savimbi also
reportedly purged some of those within UNITA whom he may have seen as threats to his leadership or as questioning his
strategic course. Savimbi's foreign secretary Tito Chingunji and his family were murdered in 1991 after Savimbi suspected
that Chingunji had been in secret, unapproved negotiations with the Angolan government during Chingunji's various
diplomatic assignments in Europe and the United States. Savimbi denied his involvement in the Chingunji killing and blamed
it on UNITA dissidents. After surviving more than a dozen assassination attempts, and having been reported dead at least 15
times, Savimbi was killed on February 22, 2002, in a battle with Angolan government troops along riverbanks in the province
of Moxico, his birthplace. In the firefight, Savimbi sustained 15 gunshot wounds to his head, throat, upper body and legs.
While Savimbi returned fire, his wounds proved fatal almost immediately; he died almost instantly. Savimbis somewhat
mystical reputation for eluding the Angolan military and their Soviet and Cuban military advisors led many Angolans to
question the validity of reports of his 2002 death. Not until pictures of his bloodied and bullet-ridden body appeared on
Angolan state television, and the United States State Department subsequently confirmed it, did the reports of Savimbis
death in combat gain credence in the country. Savimbi was interred in Luena Main Cemetery in Luena, Moxico Province. On
January 3, 2008, Savimbis tomb was vandalised and four members of the youth wing of the MPLA were charged and

arrested. Savimbi was succeeded by Antnio Dembo, who assumed UNITAs leadership on an interim
basis in February 2002. But Dembo had sustained wounds in the same attack that killed Savimbi,
and he died from them ten days later and was succeeded by Paulo Lukamba. Six weeks after
Savimbi's death, a ceasefire between UNITA and the MPLA was signed, but Angola remains deeply
divided politically between MPLA and UNITA supporters. Parliamentary elections in September 2008
resulted in an overwhelming majority for the MPLA, but their legitimacy was questioned by
international observers. In the years since Savimbi's death, his legacy has been a source of debate.
"The mistake that Savimbi made, the historical, big mistake he made, was to reject (the election)
and go back to war," Alex Vines, head of the Africa program at London-based Chatham House
research institute said in February 2012. University of Oxford Africa expert Paula Roque says Savimbi
was "a very charismatic man, a man that exuded power and leadership. We can't forget that for a
large segment of the population, UNITA represented something." He was survived by "several wives
and dozens of children," the latter numbering at least 25. Savimbi is a minor character in Call of
Duty: Black Ops II, a video game released in 2012. Savimbi and the player take part of a fictional battle during Operation
Alpha Centauri against the MPLA in 1986. He is voiced by Robert Wisdom.

Antnio Sebastio Dembo

(1944-March 3, 2002) served as Vice President (19922002) and later President (2002)
of UNITA, an anti-Communist rebel group that fought against the MPLA in the Angolan Civil War. He was also President of
Democratic and People's Republic of Angola from February 22 until his death on March 3, 2002. Born to Sebastio and
Muhemba Nabuko in Nambuangongo, Bengo Province, he completed his primary schooling at Muxaluando and Quimai
Methodist schools. His secondary education was at El Harrach and cole Nationale d'Ingnieurs et Techniciens d'Algrie in
Algeria. Antnio Dembo joined UNITA in 1969. After traveling throughout Africa on behalf of UNITA, he returned in 1982 to
become commander for the Northern Front and later the Northern Front chief of staff. He became UNITA's Vice President in
1992 when the Angolan Civil War resumed, succeeding Jeremias Chitunda, who was assassinated by the Angolan government
in Luanda that year. He also became the general in charge of UNITA's Special Commandos, the Tupamaros. After the war
turned against UNITA in 2001-02, Dembo's forces were constantly on the run from government troops. Following the
assassination of its leader Jonas Savimbi on February 22, 2002, Dembo became the President of UNITA. However, Dembo was
also wounded in the same attack that killed Savimbi and, already weakened by diabetes, died ten days later. Dembo's
succession of Savimbi had been pre-ordained by Savimbi and the UNITA leadership. In 1997, Savimbi and the UNITA
leadership named Dembo Savimbi's successor in the event of Savimbi's death. Consistent with this pre-ordained succession,
Dembo assumed leadership of UNITA immediately following Savimbi's death in combat. Following Dembo's death, UNITA's
leadership was assumed by Isaas Samakuva, who had served as UNITA's ambassador to Europe under Savimbi.

Paulo Armindo Lukamba "Gato"

(born as Armindo Lucas Paulo on May 13, 1954) led UNITA, a

former anti-colonial movement that fought against the MPLA in the Angolan Civil War, from the death of
Antnio Dembo on March 3, 2002 until he lost the 2003 leadership election to Isaas Samakuva. He was also
Acting President (chairman of managerial commission) of Democratic and People's Republic of Angola from
March 3 until April 4, 2002. Lukamba was born in the province of Huambo, in central Angola. Lukamba joined
UNITA during the Carnation revolution in Portugal. He eventually served eight years in France as UNITA's
representative there. From 1995 until the death of Jonas Savimbi in February 2002, Lukamba served as
UNITA's Secretary-General. Upon Savimbi's death and the subsequent death of Vice President Antnio Dembo
just 10 days later from diabetes and battle wounds, Lukamba assumed control of the rebel group. Lukamba led UNITA in
negotiations that ended the Angolan Civil War in April 2002. Lukamba led UNITA's political party until 2003 when Isaas
Samakuva won the leadership election. Samakuva is the current President of UNITA. Lukamba was the fifth candidate on
UNITA's national list in the September 2008 parliamentary election. He was one of 16 UNITA candidates to win seats in the
election.

List of Prime Ministers of Democratic and People's Republic of Angola

Jos de Assuno Alberto Ndele

(born 1940) was the Prime Ministers of Democratic and People's Republic of
Angola jointly with Johnny Eduardo Pinnock from November 11, 1975 until February 11, 1976.

Johnny Eduardo Pinnock

(January 19, 1946-February 23, 2000) was the Prime Ministers of Democratic
and People's Republic of Angola jointly with Jos de Assuno Alberto Ndele from November 11, 1975 until
February 11, 1976.

List of Presidents and Prime Ministers of Angola

Antnio Agostinho Neto

(September 17, 1922 September 10, 1979) served as the first President of Angola from
November 11, 1975 until September 10, 1979, leading the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) in the war
for independence and the civil war. His birthday is celebrated as National Heroes Day, a public holiday in Angola. Born at
colo e Bengo, in Bengo Province, Angola, in 1922, Neto attended high school in the capital city, Luanda; his father, also
called Agostinho Neto, was a Methodist pastor. The younger Neto left Angola for Portugal, and studied medicine at the
universities of Coimbra and Lisbon. He combined his academic life with covert political activity of a revolutionary sort; and
PIDE, the security police force of the Estado Novo regime headed by Portuguese Prime Minister Salazar, arrested him in 1951
for his separatist activism. Seven years later he was released from prison, and he finished his studies, marrying a white 23years-old Portuguese woman who was born in Trs-os-Montes, Maria Eugnia da Silva, the same day he graduated. He
returned to Angola in 1959. In December 1956 the Angolan Communist Party (PCA) merged with the Party of the United
Struggle for Africans in Angola (PLUA) to form the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola with Viriato da Cruz, the
President of the PCA, as Secretary General and Neto as President. The Portuguese authorities in Angola arrested Neto on June
8, 1960. His patients and supporters marched for his release from Bengo to Catete, but were stopped when Portuguese
soldiers shot at them, killing 30 and wounding 200 in what became known as the Massacre of Icolo e Bengo. At first Portugal's
government exiled Neto to Cape Verde. Then, once more, he was sent to jail in Lisbon. After international protests were made
to Salazar's administration urging Neto's release, Neto was freed from prison and put under house arrest. From this he

escaped, going first to Morocco and then to Zaire. In 1962 Neto visited Washington D.C. and asked the Kennedy
administration for aid in his war against Portugal. The U.S. government turned him down, choosing
instead to support Holden Roberto's comparatively anti-Communist FNLA. Neto met Che Guevara in
1965 and began receiving support from Cuba. He visited Havana many times, and he and Fidel Castro
shared similar ideological views. Following the Carnation Revolution in Portugal during April 1974
(which deposed Salazar's successor Marcelo Caetano), three political factions vied for Angolan power. One
of the three was the MPLA, to which Neto belonged. On November 11, 1975, Angola achieved full
independence from the Portuguese, and Neto became the nation's ruler. His government developed
close links with the Soviet Union and other nations in the Eastern bloc and other Communist states,
particularly Cuba, which aided the MPLA considerably in its war with the FNLA, UNITA and South Africa.
However, while Neto made the MPLA declare Marxism-Leninism its official doctrine, his position was to
favour a socialist, not a communist model. As a consequence, he violently repressed a movement later called Fractionism
which in 1977 attempted a coup d' tat inspired by OCA (Organizao dos Comunistas de Angola). An estimated 18,000
followers (or alleged followers) of Nito Alves were killed in the aftermath of the attempted coup, over a period that lasted up
to two years. Neto died in a hospital in Moscow, while undergoing surgery for cancer, shortly before his 57th birthday. Jose
Eduardo dos Santos succeeded him as president. But the Angolan civil war continued to rage for almost a quarter of a
century more. The Soviet Union awarded Neto the Lenin Peace Prize for 1975-76. The public university of Luanda, the
Agostinho Neto University, is named after him. A poem by Chinua Achebe entitled Agostinho Neto was written in his honor. [7]
An airport in Santo Anto, Cape Verde, is named after him, due to the beloved work he performed there as a doctor. There is
also a morna dedicated to him. A street in New Belgrade in Serbia is named after him, the Dr. Agostina Neta street. In 1973,
during one of his few unofficial visits to Bulgaria, Neto met a woman with whom he had a daughter called Mihaela Marinova.
Unfortunately Neto's sudden death did no favor for his daughter who had been raised in orphanages in Bulgaria. Neto's family
has not recognised the child.

Lopo

Fortunato Ferreira do Nascimento (born June 10, 1942) is

an Angolan retired politician. He served as the first Prime Minister of Angola from November 11,
1975 until December 9, 1978 and was Secretary-General of the Popular Movement for the
Liberation of Angola (MPLA). Nascimento was later Minister of Territorial Administration; after
resigning from that post, he was replaced by Paulo Kassoma on April 9, 1992. He was elected as
MPLA Secretary-General by the party's Central Committee in 1993. He was the 66th candidate on
the MPLA's national list in the September 2008 parliamentary election.He won a seat in that
election, in which MPLA won an overwhelming majority in the National Assembly.On January 27,
2013 he announced his retirement from active politics.
Jos Eduardo dos Santos

(born August 28, 1942) is an Angolan politician who has been the second and current
President of Angola since September 10, 1979. As President, Jos Eduardo dos Santos is also the commander in chief of the
Angolan Armed Forces (FAA) and president of the MPLA (People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola), the party that has
been ruling Angola since independence in 1975. Eduardo dos Santos, born in the district of Sambizanga in Luanda, is the son
of Avelino Eduardo dos Santos and Jacinta Jos Paulino, immigrants from So Tom and Prncipe. He attended primary school
in his neighborhood in Luanda, and received his secondary education at the colonial elite school Liceu Salvador Correia, today
called Mutu ya Kevela. He began his political activity integrating clandestine groups that formed in suburban neighbourhoods
of the capital, following the establishment on December 10, 1956 the MPLA (People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola).
While studying in school, Jos Eduardo dos Santos joined the MPLA, which marked the beginning of his political career. Due to
the repression of the colonial government, dos Santos went into exile in neighbouring Congo-Brazzaville in 1961. From there
he collaborated with the MPLA and soon became an official member of the party. To continue with his education, he moved,
once again, to the Soviet Union, where by 1969, he received degrees in petroleum engineering and in radar communications
from the Azerbaijan Oil and Chemistry Institute in Baku, Azerbaijan. In 1970 he returned to Angola, which was still a
Portuguese territory known as the Overseas Province of Angola, and joined the MPLA's guerrilla forces EPLA (Exrcito Para a
Libertao de Angola) later on August 1, 1974 to be known as FAPLA (Foras Armadas Populares de Libertao de Angola), a
branch of the MPLA, becoming a radio transmitter in the second political-military region of the MPLA in Cabinda Province. In
1974, he was promoted to sub commander of the telecoms service of the second region. He served as the MPLA's
representative to Yugoslavia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the People's Republic of China before being elected
to the Central Committee and Politburo of the MPLA in Moxico (province) in September 1974. In June 1975, dos Santos
became coordinator of the MPLA's Department of Foreign Affairs; he also coordinated the MPLA's Department of Health at this
time. Upon Angolan independence in November 1975, the MPLA held power in Luanda, but the new MPLA government faced
a civil war with the other political formations UNITA and FNLA; the civil war continued for most of the period until 2002. Dos
Santos was appointed as Angola's first Minister of Foreign Affairs upon independence, and in this capacity he played a key
role in obtaining diplomatic recognition for the MPLA government in 197576. At the MPLA's First Congress in December 1977,
Eduardo dos Santos was re-elected to the Central Committee and Politburo. In December 1978, he was moved from the post
of First Deputy Prime Minister in the government to that of Minister of Planning. After the death of Angola's first president,
Agostinho Neto, on September 10, 1979, Jos Eduardo dos Santos was elected as President of the MPLA on September 20,
1979, and he took office as President of Angola, President of the MPLA, and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces on
September 21. He was also elected as President of the People's Assembly on November 9, 1980. On September 29 and
September 30, 1992, elections occurred in Angola. Jos Eduardo dos Santos won the election against his main rival, Jonas
Savimbi (49.5% vs. 40.7%), but since no candidate achieved the required 50% of the votes, a second round of voting was
called. Savimbi then quit, alleging voting fraud, and immediately resumed the civil war, while Jos Eduardo dos Santos
remained in office. In 2001, dos Santos announced that he would step down at the next presidential election. However, in
December 2003 he was reelected as head of the MPLA and no further presidential election took place, despite these being
announced for 2006, then 2007 and finally announced that the next presidential election would be held in 2009. After
legislative election in 2008 in which the ruling MPLA won a landslide victory, the party started working on a new constitution
that was introduced early in 2010. In terms of the new constitution, the leader of the party with the most seats in Parliament
automatically becomes the president of the country. In November 2006, Eduardo dos Santos adopted an initiative created by
veteran Diamantaire, Dr. Andr Action Diakit Jackson, to launch the African Diamond Producers Association (ADPA), an
intergovernmental offshoot of the African Diamond Council (ADC), consisting of approximately 20 African nations founded to
promote market cooperation and foreign investment in the African diamond industry. Jos Eduardo dos Santos married three
times and has six children from his wives, and one born out of wedlock. He and his family have amassed a significant
personal fortune. The actual value is unknown, but in recent years his daughter Isabel dos Santos, who manages the family
fortune, has made multi-million dollar investments in Angola and in Portugal, in her name and that of her husband. Since
2010 manifestations of protest against Jos Eduardo dos Santos are on record. Jos Eduardo dos Santos escaped an
assassination attempt on October 24, 2010 when a vehicle tried to intercept his car as he was returning from the beach with
his family. His escort opened fire killing two passengers in the vehicle, and weapons were found on board. This incident has

not been confirmed by any other source. In February/March 2011, and then again in September 2011,
public manifestations were organized in Luanda by young Angolans, mostly via internet (where violent
criticisms of the President, and the regime he stands for, have become frequent). In the 2012 general
election, his party, the MPLA, won more than two-thirds of the votes. As dos Santos had been the top
candidate of the party, he automatically became the President of the Republic, in line with the
constitution adopted in 2010. In September 2014, Jos Eduardo dos Santos announced the end of the
cumulation of the position of provincial governor with provincial first secretary of MPLA. This measure
aimed to improve the operation of the provincial administration and the municipal administrations, as a
way to adjust the governance model to a new context and bigger demand for public services. Jos
Eduardo dos Santoss role in the development of the oil sector was praised in London, during the
opening of the first annual world conference to support the national business sector, which was held in
October 2014. The name of the Angolan President was hailed for his commitment in the integration of
the national entrepreneurship in the sector and staff training, as well as for his incentive towards
young peoples training in technical areas, namely in Petroleum Engineering. Jos Eduardo dos Santos
was named "Man of the Year 2014" by Africa World magazine. According to the newspaper, the choice of the Angolan leader
is due to his contribution to the great process of economic and democratic recovery of Angola since the end of the war. Dos
Santos has been accused of leading one of the most corrupt regimes in Africa by ignoring the economic and social needs of
Angola and focusing his efforts on amassing wealth for his family and silencing his opposition. In Angola, nearly 70% of the
population lives on less than $2 a day and yet he and his family have amassed a massive sum of wealth, with stakes in the
leading businesses of the nation as well as international corporations. Dos Santos became wealthy when he first took power,
but only began amassing his incredibly large assets during and after the Angolan civil wars. When the ceasefire occurred and
large portions of the economy were being partially privatized, he took control of several emerging companies and industries.
He helped arrange similar takeovers of several other natural resource industries. Eventually the Angolan Parliament made it
illegal for the president to have financial holdings in companies and organizations. In response to this, Dos Santos supposedly
began arranging for his daughter to receive the financial kickbacks and assets from these companies. In addition he began
using the government to take direct control of stakes in companies offered as kickbacks which he indirectly controlled and
reaped the benefits of. Despite being barred from direct involvement in the nations corporate assets, Dos Santos has
managed to still retain large corporate assets through proxies. Along with this, the government budget had grown over a
decade to 69 billion dollars in 2012 through oil revenues. However the International Monetary Fund reported that there was
32 billion in oil revenue simply missing from the governments ledger. Eventually the missing money was tracked to have
been used on quasi-fiscal activities. It has been alleged that Dos Santos and his cabinet are responsible for silencing the
media and harassing journalists who attempt to uncover details about their financial dealings. But none of these assumptions
were ever confirmed. The role of the President Jos Eduardo dos Santos, in the growth of the Angolan economy, was the topic
of a lecture held on August 28. The Angolan economist Jos Pedro de Morais, the lecturer, stressed the various pragmatic
steps taken by the Angolan Head of State, in all stages of the complex context of the country. According to the speaker,
President Jose Eduardo dos Santos has always had to solve complex problems in the leadership of the country's destiny,
ranging from war to the pacifying of the spirits of citizens and through economic and political stabilization.Jos Eduardo dos
Santos married three times and has six children from his wives, and one born out of wedlock. He and his family have
amassed a significant personal fortune. The actual value is unknown, but in recent years his daughter Isabel dos Santos, who
manages the family fortune, has made multi-million dollar investments in Angola and in Portugal, in her name and that of her
husband.

Fernando Jos de Frana Dias Van-Dnem

(born 1934) is an Angolan political figure who

was the First Vice-President of the African Union's Pan-African Parliament. He is a member of the
ruling Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) and served as Prime Minister of Angola, the
first time from from July 19, 1991 until August 27, 1992 and from June 3, 1996 until January 29, 1999. He
was the first Prime Minister appointed since the post was abolished in 1978. After four years out of office,
Dias was reappointed as Prime Minister on June 3, 1996 and remained in office until a cabinet reshuffle in
January 1999, when the post of Prime Minister was again eliminated. He received a Master's Degree in
Public Law, and a Ph.D. in Public Law, both in Aix-en-Provence, France. From 1964 to 1965 was a research
assistant for Professor Maarten Bos regarding international law at the University of Utrecht in the
Netherlands In that same year he conducted a study on Recognition of States and Government.
Ambassador Van-Dnem has been a member of the American Society of International Law since 1964. For three years
starting in 1969 to 1971 he was a lecturer on Public International Law, Constitutional Law and Administrative Law
in Bujumbura, Burundi.For two years starting in 1970 he was Deputy Legal Advisor to the Organisation of African Unity. From
1972 to 1978 he was Chief Personnel Officer of the same organization. For one year starting in 1978 Ambassador Van-Dnem
was OAU Deputy Representative for Political and Legal Affairs near the United Nations inGeneva, Switzerland. From 1979 to
1982 he was Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Ambassador of the People's Republic of Angola to Belgium,
the Netherlands and the European Economic Community. For four years starting in 1982 he was Extraordinary and
Plenipotentiary Ambassador of the People's Republic of Angola to Portugal and Spain. From 1985 to 1986, Van-Dnem was
Deputy Minister of External Relations, and from 1986 to 1990 he was Minister of Justice. He was Minister of Planning from
1990 to 1991, then Prime Minister from 1991 to 1992. After serving as President of the National Assembly of Angola from
1992 to 1996, he was Prime Minister for a second time from 1996 to 1999. Van-Dnem was a member of the National
Assembly of Angola in 1999. At the same time, he was a Professor of International Law, History of Political Thought, and a
member of the Faculty of Law at Catholic University of Angola. Van-Dnem was the 71st candidate on the MPLA's national list
in the September 2008 parliamentary election. Van-Dnem won a seat in this election, in which MPLA won an overwhelming
majority.

Marcolino Jos Carlos Moco

(Chitue, Ekunha, June 19, 1953) is an Angolan politician.

He was the Prime Minister of Angola from December 2, 1992 until June 3, 1996. Moco was fired
from his role by President Jos Eduardo dos Santos. Santos removed the entire cabinet alongside
the Governor of the central bank in a bid to be seen as decisive. Moco was a member of
the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), the party of the President, which had
been the ruling party until 1991, shortly before Moco became Prime Minister (with an interlude
by a government of national unity, after which the MPLA again became the ruling party until the
present). In July 1996, Moco became the first Executive Secretary of the Community of
Portuguese Language Countries, a new international organization which Portugal and most of its former colonies, including
Angola, joined. Moco's term as Executive Secretary ended in 2000.

Fernando da Piedade Dias dos Santos

(born March 5, 1950), known as Nand, is

an Angolan politician who was Vice President of Angola from February 18, 2010 until September 26, 2012.
He was the Prime Minister of Angola from December 6, 2002 until September 30, 2008 and President of
the National Assembly of Angola from 2008 to 2010. He has again served as President of the National
Assembly since 2012. Piedade is a cousin of President Jos Eduardo dos Santos. His parents emigrated to
Angola from So Tom and Prncipe. He obtained a BA in Law in 2009 at Agostinho Neto University in
Angola. In 1971, Piedade joined the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA). Following
Angola's independence from Portugal in 1975 he began a career in the People's Police Corps of Angola,
becoming a division head in 1978. In 1981 he moved to the Ministry of the Interior, becoming Deputy Minister in 1984. The
following year he was elected as a member of the MPLA-Workers' Party congress and given the rank of colonel in the Angolan
military. He later became a member of the People's Assembly, beginning a succession of appointments to government
ministerial posts. After having served as Interior Minister since 1999, Piedade was appointed as Prime Minister in November
2002 and took office on December 6, 2002. The office of Prime Minister had previously been unoccupied for three years.
Piadade was the 14th candidate on the MPLA's national list in the September 2008 parliamentary election. In the election, the
MPLA won an overwhelming majority, and Piedade was elected to a seat in the National Assembly.Following the 2008
election, the MPLA Political Bureau chose Piedade to become the President of the National Assembly on September 26, 2008.
It also chose Paulo Kassoma to replace Piedade as Prime Minister. On September 30, the newly elected members of the
National Assembly met and were sworn in; Piedade was elected as President of the National Assembly on this occasion,
receiving 211 votes in favor and three opposed. On January 21, 2010, the National Assembly approved a new constitution that
would increase presidential powers, eliminate the office of Prime Minister, and eliminate popular elections for the office of
President. Piedade described the National Assembly's adoption of the constitution as a "historic moment". President dos
Santos then appointed Piedade to the newly established office of Vice-President of Angola on February 3, 2010. Having long
served as a close and powerful associate of dos Santos, his appointment as Vice-President made it appear more likely that he
was being envisioned as the eventual successor to dos Santos. However, dos Santos had already been designated as the
MPLA candidate for President in 2012, suggesting that he had no intention of retiring. In 2012, Manuel Vicente, who had
headed the state oil company Sonangol, was believed to have been selected by the President as his likely successor. Vicente
was designated as the second candidate on the MPLA's list of parliamentary candidates, making him the party's nominee for
the post of Vice-President. Following the MLPA's victory in the 2012 parliamentary election, Vicente took office as Vice
President on September 26, 2012, succeeding Piedade. A day later, on September 27, 2012, Piedade was instead elected as
President of the National Assembly.

Antnio Paulo Kassoma

(born June 6, 1951) is a former Prime Minister of Angola from

September 30, 2008 and remained in office until the new constitution replaced this function in
February 4, 2010. Kassoma then served as President of the National Assembly of Angola from 2010
to 2012. Kassoma was born in Rangel municipality, located in Luanda, the capital. His parents,
Paulo Kassoma and Laurinda Katuta, were from Bailundo, a town in Huambo Province. He
studied electromechanical engineering. From 1978 to 1979, Kassoma was Deputy Minister of
Defense for Weapons and Technology in the government of thePopular Movement for the
Liberation of Angola (MPLA). He was later Deputy Minister of Transport and Communication from
1988 to 1989, then Minister of Transport and Communications from 1989 to 1992. He was moved to the post of Minister of
Territorial Administration on April 9, 1992. Kassoma was later the Governor of Huambo Province and First Secretary of the
MPLA in Huambo Province. On February 11, 2002, Kassoma offered white farmers in Zimbabwe who lost their farms as a result
of that country's land reform the opportunity to resettle on 10,000 hectares of abandoned farmland in Huambo (specifically,
in Chipipa[6]) and grow maize. According to Kassoma, this could contribute to Huambo's economic development. At the party's
Fifth Ordinary Congress in December 2003, Kassoma was elected to the MPLA Political Bureau. On September 26, 2008,
following the MPLA's victory in the September 2008 parliamentary election, the MPLA Political Bureau chose Kassoma to
succeedFernando da Piedade Dias dos Santos as Prime Minister. In accordance with the Political Bureau's decision,
President Jos Eduardo dos Santos appointed Kassoma as Prime Minister on September 30, 2008; in the same decree, he
dismissed Kassoma from his post as Governor of Huambo Province. Kassoma was sworn in by dos Santos at the Presidential
Palace in Luanda on the same day. Speaking to the press afterwards, Kassoma said that he would place a priority on
accelerating the process of national reconstruction. He said that he was proud of his appointment, while also expressing some
sadness about leaving the people of Huambo. Kassoma's government was appointed on 1 October. There were 35 members
of this government, 17 of whom were new to the government. Under the terms of a new constitution passed by the National
Assembly on 21 January 2010, the office of Prime Minister was eliminated. Kassoma was then designated as President of the
National Assembly, replacing Fernando da Piedade Dias dos Santos, who was appointed as Vice-President of Angola. Following
the 2012 parliamentary election, Piedade was elected to replace Kassoma as President of the National Assembly on
September 27, 2012. On June 28, 2013, Kassoma was designated as Chairman of the Board of Directors of Banco Esprito
Santo Angola, a major bank in Angola. He consequently was replaced in his seat in the National Assembly on July 18, 2013.

ANGUILLA
List of Chief Ministers of Anguilla
James Ronald Webster (born

March 2, 1926) is a politician from Anguilla. He served as the island territory's Chief
Minister of Anguilla from February 10, 1976 until February 1, 1977 and from May 1980 until March 12, 1984. Prior to serving
as Chief Minister, Webster was designated Chairman of the Anguilla Island Council when the territory declared
its independence from the Saint Christopher-Nevis-Anguilla government in 1967, through the Anguillan Revolution which he

led.

Anguillans forced the Saint Kitts officials and police off of the island, due to alleged mistreatment of the public
and governmental misuse of funds (as an example, Anguilla received financial assistance from Canada to
build a pier on the island; the money was sent to the central government on Saint Kitts, and a pier was built on
Saint Kitts). In a referendum held on 11 July the inhabitants of Anguilla voted overwhelmingly to secede from
the Associated State and to become a separate colony of Britain. Britain sent an advisor, Tony Lee, to
exercise an "interim basic administrative authority" in conjunction with Ronald Webster, from January 1968 to
January 1969; St. Kitts refused to extend the interim agreement and the British authorities left. In February
1969
islanders voted again to remain separate from Saint Kitts and Nevis and to become an "independent
republic". A British Junior Minister from the UK arrived in March 1969 to establish another "interim agreement",
and
was
expelled within hours of arrival. Eight days later 315 British paratroopers and two frigates arrived to "restore
order". Tony Lee was installed as a Commissioner for local administration. An interim agreement in 1971 was followed by a
new constitution in 1976. In 1980 Anguilla was formally separated from Saint Kitts and Nevis and became a British colony
again. Webster's birthday, 2 March, has been celebrated as a public holiday in Anguilla since its proclamation in 2010.

Emile Gumbs (born

1928) is a politician from Anguilla. He served as the island territory's Chief Minister of
Anguilla from February 1, 1977 until May 1980 and from March 12, 1984 until March 16, 1994. He is the only
person from Anguilla to have been knighted.

Hubert Benjamin Hughes (born

1933) is a politician from Anguilla. He was the island

territory's Chief Minister of Anguilla from March 16, 1994 until March 6, 2000 and has held that post again
from February 16, 2010 until April 23, 2015. He has stated his intention to lead the island to separation from
the UK. This is despite the fact that European Union assistance funds, and visa-free entry to
the US, Canada, EU and islands in the French and Dutch Caribbean such as Saint Martin would stop.

Osbourne Berrington Fleming (born

February 18, 1940) is a politician and the Chief

Minister of
Anguilla from March 6, 2000, three days after the Anguilla United Front,
a conservative coalition which included Fleming's Anguilla National Alliance won parliamentary
elections, gaining at least 4 of the 7 seats, until February 15, 2010, in which he retired from his
seat as the chief minister of Anguilla. Mr. Fleming was a prominent and successful businessman
prior to entering politics. He served for many years as Minister of Finance before winning election
as Anguilla's Chief Minister.

Victor Franklin Banks

(born November 8, 1947) is an Anguillan politician. A member of

the Anguilla United Front (AUF), he has served as Chief Minister of Anguilla since April 23, 2015. The oldest
of six siblings, Banks grew up in The Valley. His father died when he was a teenager. His first job was as a
teacher at Valley Secondary School, where he worked from 1964 until 1968. He then attended
the University of the Virgin Islands, where he obtained a BA in social sciences in 1972. He then attended
the New School for Social Research in New York, where he obtained a master's degree in political science.
He started a PhD at the same institution, but left in 1979 at the all but dissertation stage. A member of
the Anguilla National Alliance, he was elected to the House of Assembly in the Valley North constituencyin the 1981 elections.
Then 33, he became the island's youngest government minister when he was appointed Minister of Social Services. He
moved to the Anguilla Democratic Party (ADP) prior to the 1984 elections, in which he lost his seat and place in the cabinet. In
a by-election in 1985 he was elected in the Valley South Constituency for the ADP. He retained the Valley South seat until
the 2010 elections. In 1994 he was appointed Minister of Finance and Economic Development, serving until 1999. In 2000 he
became Minister of Finance, Economic Development, Investment and Commerce, with Tourism added to the portfolio in 2005.
He left the cabinet after losing his seat in 2010. Banks became Chief Minister after the AUF won six of the seven elected seats
in the House of Assembly in the 2015 elections, in which he also regained the Valley South seat.

ANTIGUA AND BARBUDA

List of Prime Ministers of Antigua and Barbuda
Vere Cornwall Bird Sr. (December

9, 1910, St. John's June 28, 1999, St. John's) was the first Prime Minister of
Antigua and Barbuda, the first time as Chief Minister of Antigua from January 1, 1960 until February 27, 1967, the second
time as Premier of Antigua from February 1, 1976 until November 1, 1981 and third time as Prime Minister of Antigua from
November 1, 1981 until March 9, 1994. His son, Lester Bryant Bird, succeeded him as Prime Minister. In 1994 he was declared
a national hero. Bird was unique from other West Indian politicians, lacking in any formal education except primary schooling.
He attended the St. John's Boys School, now known as The T.N. Kirnon Primary School. He was an officer in the Salvation
Army for two years interspersing his interests in trade unionism and politics. He gave up the Salvation Army because he saw
the way the land owners were treating the local black Antiguans and Barbudans; And decided to leave his post to fight for the
freedom of his people, which he succeeded in doing. In 1943, he became the president of the Antigua Trades and Labour
Union. He achieved national acclaim politically for the first time when he was elected to the colonial legislature in 1945. He
formed the Antigua Labour Party and became the first and only chief minister, first and last premier, and first prime minister
from 1981 to 1994. His resignation was due to failing health and internal issues within the government. In 1985 Antigua's
international airport, which was first named Coolidge, was renamed V.C. Bird International Airport in his honour. The biggest
criticism from the public of Antigua is the corruption and cronyism within the Labour Party and many claim the government is
essentially a "family business" with the continuance of the Bird dynasty in control of political power as unquestioned. Bird's
supporters reject these accusations and say that his actions were justified in order to throw off the institution of colonial sugar
planters and the British colonial overlords. The Antiguan author Jamaica Kincaid compared the Bird government to
the Franois Duvalier dictatorship in Haiti in her politically charged narrative A Small Place. Former Antigua and Barbuda
Prime Minister Vere Cornwall Bird was a member of an elite group of militant trade unionists who blazed a trail through
colonial times up to or near political independence of the Caribbean countries. The group included Alexander
Bustamante and Norman Manley of Jamaica, Robert Bradshaw of St Kitts and Nevis, Grantley Adams of Barbados, Cheddi
Jagan of Guyana, Ebenezer Joshua of St Vincent and the Grenadines and Eric Gairy of Grenada. Bird was among the early
organizers of labour in colonial Antigua and Barbuda of the 1930s and 1940s. His biggest battles were fought in the sugar
industry, where he achieved better wages for workers and recognition of the right of workers to have annual holidays with
pay. Bird, a tall, imposing figure (standing at 7 feet) even in his last years, was astute enough to recognize that those
benefits would be limited as long as the big landowners held control of the government. Therefore, he actively encouraged
the top executive of his union - the Antigua Trades and Labour Union - to run for legislative office. He agitated for a change in
the qualification of candidates for the parliamentary elections since up to that time, only property owners could run for
election. Bird won a seat to parliament in the late 1940s and his party went on to dominate electoral politics in Antigua and
Barbuda for several years. He was eventually to lead the islands into political independence from Britain. Bird left his mark on
the labour movement, education and the Caribbean integration movement. One of Bird's dreams was a Caribbean that was
united politically and economically. Bird ardently supported the West Indies Federation and when that collapsed in 1962,
negotiated hard for a federation of the "Little Eight" countries. In 1965, together with premiers Errol Barrow of Barbados and
Forbes Burnham of Guyana, he brought the Caribbean Free Trade Association (CARIFTA) into being. That Association later led
to the Caribbean Community and Common Market (Caricom), comprising 12 of the English-speaking Caribbean countries, two
more than were members of the West Indies Federation. On 1 November 1981, he became the first Prime minister of Antigua
and Barbuda. Since then, in a rare case in modern day Caribbean politics, he led his party to an election victory in 1984 in
which the Antigua Labour Party (ALP) won all the Antiguan seats in the Legislature. Bird was born in a poor area of St John's,
the capital. Unlike most of his giant political contemporaries - such as Manley and Adams, who were distinguished lawyers,
and Trinidadian Sir Eric Williams, a scholar - Bird had little formal education. He received only a primary education at the St
John's Boys School. In 1939, when the Antigua Trades and Labour Union (ATLU) was formed Bird was an executive member.
By 1943 he had become president of the union and was leading a battle for better working conditions and increased pay
against the white sugar barons. The union entered electoral politics for the first time in 1946 and Bird won, in a by-election, a
seat in the legislature and was appointed a member of the Executive Council. When universal adult suffrage was introduced
here in 1951, the ATLU, under the banner of the Antigua Labour Party, won all seats in the legislature, a feat it repeated until
1967, making Antigua a country with a multi-party system but a freely voted one-party control. The ministerial system was
introduced in 1956 and the Governor gave Bird the trade and production portfolio, and when further constitutional
advancement came in 1960, he was named Chief Minister. In 1967, Antigua became the first Eastern Caribbean island to
receive the associated statehood constitution from Britain that gave internal self-government but with London remaining
responsible for foreign policy and defence. Bird, radical in his younger days, had been shifting to the right, and in the face of
severe social unrest that forced a split in the ATLU in 1967 and rioting in 1968, the ATLU lost its tight hold of Antigua and
Barbuda politics. Out of the split, the Antigua Workers Union was formed and later the Progressive Labour Movement (PLM),
and Bird decided to resign because he felt it was not right to hold both positions. In 1968 the PLM won four seats in a byelection and by 1971 Bird was out of power having not only lost the government to the PLM but also the parliamentary seat
he had held for 25 years. A former Lieutenant, the PLM's George Walter, became the island's new premier. But Vere Bird's
political exile was to last for only five years and by 1976, he regained the government, having campaigned against
independence on the grounds that Antigua was not yet psychologically ready. He won the election again in 1980, this time

with independence being a major campaign plank. With his powerful family, he ruled Antigua
and Barbuda up to 1994, when he quit politics, having paved the way for one of his sons,
Lester, to take over as Prime Minister. He died in St. John's on 28 June 1999.

George Herbert Walter, KNH (1928 March 4, 2008) was an

Antiguan politician of the Progressive Labour Movement and Premier
of Antigua and Barbuda from February 14, 1971 until February 1,
1976. Born 1928, Sir George was the second premier of Antigua and
Barbuda, the founder of the Antigua Workers' Union (AWU) and the
Progressive Labour Movement (PLM) and a former general-secretary
of the Antigua Trades & Labour Union (AT&LU). Walter won
Premiership in the 1971
elections, defeating Vere Bird four years after the colony became a
British
dependency
with
domestic autonomy. He advocated full independence for Antigua and
Barbuda and
opposed
a
British proposal to make Antigua and Barbuda an island federation.
He was defeated in the 1976
elections by Bird. The PLM headed the government from 1971 to
1976. During his tenure as
premier of Antigua and Barbuda, Sir George was the representative
of All Saints, which was then one constituency. In all, he had 10 years in government five as premier and the other five as
leader of the opposition. The Social Security Act, the Labour Code that was copied in every Caribbean territory, the
Representation of the People's Act and the founding of the Antigua & Barbuda Development Bank were all the work of his PLM
government. After the 1982 elections, he gave up politics and went back to his cattle farm. Sir George was married to the
late Lady Hyacinth Walter, a former teacher and principal of the Antigua Girls' High School, who contested the All Saints seat
in 1980 on behalf of her husband, narrowly losing to then ALP member of Parliament Hilroy Humphreys by nine votes. Sir
George also left behind children Sharon, Paul, Senator Gregory Walter and Vaughn Walter along with other members of the
Walter family. The former premier was awarded the Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St. Michael and St. George in the
2000-millennium honours. In 2006, the former Airport Road was renamed the Sir George H. Walter Highway, as a permanent
memory to his life's work in the development of the nation. In 2008 he ascended to the Most Exalted Order of National Hero
(NH) to become the country's fifth national hero. After being defeated, Walter was convicted of allegedly selling metal
illegally to the Antiguan government. He was imprisoned for three months whilst his rivals came up with a case against
him. It was successfully appealed to the West Indies Court of Appeal, which ruled it groundless. George Walter died March 4,
2008 aged 79 in St. John's. The cause of death was stated to be a heart attack by his younger brother Selvyn after being
hospitalised for about a week.

Lester Bryant Bird (born

February 21, 1938) was the second Prime Minister of Antigua and Barbuda from March 9,
1994 until March 24, 2004 and a well-known athlete. He was chairman of the Antigua Labour Party (ALP) from 1971 to 1983,
then became Prime Minister when his father,Sir Vere Bird, the previous Prime Minister, resigned. Bird was born in New York
City on February 21, 1938. Lester and his elder brother Vere Bird, Jr., also a British-educated lawyer, have been considered
sometime rivals, with the New York Times writing in 1990 that Lester had always overshadowed his brother, according to
those who have known them both. He was educated at Antigua Grammar School and was brought up as a Methodist. Bird was
a cricket player in his youth, playing for the Leeward Islands, and a long jump champion. He attended the University of
Michigan, where he was All-American long jumper in 1960 and graduated in 1962. Bird completed his study of law in Britain
and was called to the bar at Gray's Inn in 1969. From 1969 to 1976, Bird engaged in private practice in Antigua. Bird's
political career began in 1971, when he was nominated to the Senate. The frequently-dominant Antigua Labour Party was in
opposition for a five-year period. Lester Bird was named chairman of the ALP and the leader of the opposition in the Senate.
Lester continued to served as leader of the opposition until he was elected to the House of Representatives at the 1976
elections, when the ALP returned to power. Bird joined his father's government at deputy prime minister. In addition to
serving as deputy prime minister, Bird also served as was minister of economic development, tourism, and energy. Bird's
tenure as minister of tourism and minister of economic development was controversial, and he personally benefited from
tourism partnerships with foreign investors, including in the construction of the Royal Antiguan Hotel.
Following
independence in 1981, Bird gained the external affairs portfolio and was the first chairman of the Organization of Eastern
Caribbean States in 1982. He was chairman of OECS for a second time in 1989. The ALP government and Bird himself won reelection in 1994 and 1999. These elections, as well an the 1989 elections, were highly controversial; the 1989 elections were
"marred by irregularities and fraud" and charges made by the opposition, described as credible by Freedom House, that the
ALP used bribery and intimidation and exerted undue influence over the elections supervisor. The 1999 was deemed nor free
or fair in an independent report which concluded that the oppositionUnited Progressive Party (UPP) could "conceivably could
have won a majority of seats in parliament" if the election had been fair. The ALP had been divided by a succession crisis
between Lester Bird and Vere Bird, Jr., since 1989. Lester Bird lost his deputy prime minister post in 1991, but retired the
external affairs ministry and the planning and trade portfolio. Sir Vere Bird was initially thought to have favoured Vere Jr. until
an arms scandal in which the elder son had been found to have been involved in the smuggling of weapons from Antigua to
the Colombian Medelln Cartel. Vere Bird, Jr., then Minister of Public Works, was dismissed from office and an inquiry, led
by Sir Louis Blom-Cooper, Q.C., recommended that he never be allowed to hold office again (although he subsequently did
return to office), and the elder Vere Bird banned his Vere Bird, Jr., boosting Lester Bird's chances to follow his father in the
prime ministership and defusing pressure for Vere Bird to step down. In 1992, another scandal, involving Sir Vere Bird's
siphoning of public funds into a personal account, furthered calls for him to step down, with three opposition parties uniting to
form the UPP under the leadership of Baldwin Spencer. Following a successful general strike called by the UPP, Sir Vere
announced in March 1992 he would step down at the 1994 general elections. The ALP succession crisis continued following
this, with a special convention to elect a successor on May 24, 1992 resulting in a deadlock between Lester Bird and John St.
Luce, the information minister. The ALP leadership question was finally settled at the party's September 1993 convention, at
which Lester won the leadership of the party, defeating St Luce, 169 votes to 131. The party post of ALP chairman went to
Vere Jr. In the March 1994 elections, the ALP under Bird's leadership won 11 out of 17 seats even as the opposition criticized
the ALP over corruption issues. During the election the ALP pledged open government, an ombudsman to deal with citizen

complaints, and new jobs, especially in tourism. Bird assumed the prime ministership on March 9, 1994. He
appointed St. Luce (but not his brother Vere Jr.) to the cabinet. (Vere Jr. was subsequently named
special adviser). Lester Bird took the portfolios for external affairs, planning,social services, and
information for himself, and in a 1996 cabinet reshuffle also took the communications, civil aviation,
international transport, and gaming portfolios.
In the 1999 elections, the ALP increases their
parliamentary majority by one seat, holding 12 seats. Bird was reconfirmed as prime minister and
elevation Vere Jr. to the cabinet asminister of agriculture, marking his full political rehabilitation.
Bird
also shuffled his own portfolios and by December 2002 held the foreign affairs, finance, legal affairs,
justice, andnational security ministries in addition to being the prime minister. In the March 2004 election,
the
ALP was defeated by the United Progressive Party (UPP) led by Baldwin Spencer. Bird's party lost eight
seats,
and he himself was defeated byErrol Cort, who became Minister of Finance in the new UPP government.
Bird
has remained the ALP's political leader following the party's 2004 defeat. He led the party in the March
2009
election; although the ALP lost the election, it gained 3 seats from the UPP and Bird defeated Cort by
96 votes in the St John's Rural East constituency, where he had lost in 2004. He now holds the position of Leader of Her
Majesty's Loyal Opposition. Bird was subsequently succeeded as ALP leader by Gaston Browne, who led the party to victory
in June 2014 general election. Bird won a seat and again defeated Errol Cort.
"There was a specific philosophical basis on which we levied taxes. We wanted high disposable income for the people and
efficient government providing excellent services with minimum taxes. So we carefully created this low tax jurisdiction to
keep more money in the hands of people. As a result, there was rapid upward mobility from being an agriculture based
people to being a new middle class." - Lester Bryant Bird
Lester Bryant Bird is an Honorary Member of The International Raoul Wallenberg Foundation

Winston Baldwin Spencer (born

October 8, 1948) is the former Prime Minister of Antigua

and Barbuda from March 24, 2004, when his party, the United Progressive Party (UPP), which he had
led as the opposition party for several years, won a parliamentary election until June 13, 2014. He was
also been Minister of Foreign Affairs of Antigua and Barbuda from January 6, 2005 until June 13,
2014. Baldwin Spencer is rooted in labour. For a quarter-century, he was a prominent labour leader
with the Antigua and Barbuda Workers Union. HE was first elected to Parliament in 1989 as the MP
for the St. John's Rural West constituency. In 1992, Spencer played an integral role in the formation
of the United Progressive Party. He previously served as a leader with the United National Democratic
Party and spearheaded collaborative meetings with the Antigua Caribbean Liberation Movement that
resulted in the formation of the United Progressive Party. Upon formation of the party, Spencer rose
to become the political leader of the party and the Opposition Leader in the Parliament. As
Opposition Leader Baldwin Spencer organised public demonstrations and went on a hunger strike to advocate for electoral
reform after the widely criticised 1999 elections. His advocacy led to the formation of an independent Electoral Commission
to oversee elections in Antigua and Barbuda. He also led the fight to ensure that opposition had access to state-owned
media, such as the television station, Antigua Broadcasting Service (ABS). To that end, he filed a writ and took the Bird
Government to court arguing that, in a democratic society, citizens have a right to hear an opposing political perspectives on
government airwaves. In 2004, Baldwin Spencer led the United Progressive Party to a landslide victory in the general election.
He defeated Lester Bird's ALP, which had ruled Antigua and Barbuda for the previous 28 years. In Government he moved to
enact a trio of good government reforms: a nationwide school meals programme, raising the minimum wage and paying all
civil servants. Internationally Baldwin Spencer is known as a skilled diplomat who helped his country assume the leadership
of the Group of 77 in 2008. He received the highest order of Cote d'Ivoire, the Commander of the National Order. He was also
recognized by the United Nations for his leadership, receiving the Millennium Development Goals Achievement Award in
recognition for his work advancing the cause of international development. The UPP won the March 2009 election with a
reduced majority of nine out of 17 seats. Spencer himself defeated ALP candidate Gail Christian in the St John's Rural West
constituency, receiving 2,259 votes against 1,753 for Christian. Spencer said on this occasion that it would "not be business
as usual", and he was promptly sworn in for another term as Prime Minister when vote counting was completed. Prime
Minister Spencer is married to Jacklyn Spencer and is the father of two children. On 16 August 2008, Spencer was inducted as
an honorary member of the Pathfinder Club, a Seventh-day Adventist youth service organization. Antigua Prime Minister
Baldwin Spencer received the ranking during a gathering of more than 3,000 Pathfinders from around the Caribbean. After 10
years in power, the UPP was defeated by the ALP in the general election held on June 12, 2014. Out of 17 seats, the UPP
retained only three; Spencer won re-election to his own seat by a very narrow margin. Spencer accepted defeat, saying that
the people had clearly chosen the ALP. He was succeeded as Prime Minister by ALP leader Gaston Browne on June 13, 2014.

Gaston Browne (February 9, 1967) is the current Prime Minister of Antigua and Barbuda, in office since June 13, 2014.
He led the Antigua Labour Party to victory in the 2014 general election. He was born in Potters Village on the island of
Antigua. Led by Browne, the ALP returned to power in the June 2014 general election after 10 years in opposition, winning 14
out of 17 seats. Browne was sworn in as Prime Minister on June 13, 2014. Browne was born on February 9, 1967, in Potters
Village on the island of Antigua. His life as a teenager was extremely tough. As a child, he lived in Grays Farm commonly
referred to as the ghetto on the island with his paternal great-grandmother, who was in her eighties, at the time, partially
blind, poor and aging. After her passing, he later grew up in Point, another poor area on island. Browne was appointed to the
position of Commercial Banking Manager in the Swiss American Banking Group, having served for many years in the Group,
which was a major banking consortium in Antigua and Barbuda, comprising offshore and onshore banks and a trust company.
In 1999, Browne answered an obvious call to promote the welfare of his fellow citizens by entering the political arena. He was
duly appointed as the Parliamentary Representative for the Constituency of St. John's City West. His outstanding dedication

and

commitment to service and distinguished credentials in the field of finance propelled him to the portfolio of
Minister of Planning, Trade, Industry, Commerce and Public Service Affairs in his very first term as an MP. As a
child, he attended the Villa Primary School and later the Princess Margaret School after successfully passing the
nation's common entrance examination. After completing his secondary education, Gaston attended the City
Banking College in the United Kingdom, where he gained a first degree in banking and later pursued studies
at
the University of Manchester, he earning an MBA in Finance. Gaston Browne led the Antigua Labour Party to
victory in the June 12, 2014 general election, after 10 years in opposition, winning 14 out of 17 seats. Browne
was
sworn in as Prime Minister on June 13, 2014. He defeated Baldwin Spencer's UPP, which had ruled for 10 years.
Browne is married to Maria Bird, niece of the second Prime Minister Lester Bird. The couple have a son, Prince Gaston
Browne, who is Browne's third son, as he had three children prior to marriage.

ARGENTINA
Comechingn (Comechingones) people
Comechingn (plural Comechingones) is the common name for a group of people indigenous to the Argentine provinces of
Crdoba and San Luis. They were thoroughly displaced or exterminated by the Spanish conquistadores by the end of the 17th
Century. The two main Comechingn groups called themselves Henia (in the north) and Kamiare (in the south), each
subdivided into a dozen or so tribes. The name comechingn is a deformation of the pejorative term kamichingan "cave
dwellers" used by the Sanavirn tribe. They were sedentary, practiced agriculture yet gathered wild fruits, and raised animals
for wool, meat and eggs. Their culture was heavily influenced by that of the Andes. Several aspects seem to differentiate the
Henia-Kamiare from inhabitants of nearby areas. They had a rather Caucasian appearance, with beards and supposedly a
minority with greenish eyes. Another distinctive aspect was their communal stone houses, half buried in the ground to endure
the cold, wind and snow of the winter. Their language was lost when Spanish politicies favoured Quechua. Nevertheless, they
left a rich pictography and abstract petroglyphs. A cultural contribution is the vowel extension in the Spanish of the present
inhabitants of Crdoba, but also not uncommon in San Luis and other neighbouring provinces. It is claimed that there are still
six Comechingn families in Crdoba in the barrio Alto alberdi. Information is available from direction de cultura Crdoba.

Chief (Cacique) of the Comechingn (Comechingones) people

Olayn (died 1620) was a Chief (Cacique) of the Comechingn (Comechingones), indigenous people from
Argentine provinces of Crdoba and San Luis from 1690 until his death in 1620. He died in combat, fighting
the Spanish in singular duel with Captain Tristan de Allende, whom he managed to kill.

Guarani Peoples
Guaran are a group of culturally related indigenous peoples of South America. They are distinguished from the related Tup
by their use of the Guaran language. The traditional range of the Guaran people is in what is now Paraguay between the
Uruguay River and lower Paraguay River, the Misiones Province of Argentina, southern Brazil once as far as north as Rio de
Janeiro, and parts of Uruguay and Bolivia. Although their demographic dominance of the region has been reduced by
European colonisation and the commensurate rise of mestizos, there are contemporary Guaran populations in these areas.
Most notably, the Guarani language, still widely spoken across traditional Guaran homelands, is one of the two official
languages in Paraguay, the other one being Spanish. The language was once looked down upon by the upper and middle
classes, but it is now often regarded with pride and serves as a symbol of national distinctiveness. The Paraguayan population
learns Guaran both informally from social interaction and formally in public schools. In modern Spanish Guaran is also
applied to refer to any Paraguayan national in the same way that the French are sometimes called Gauls. The history and
meaning of the name Guaran are subject to dispute. Prior to their encounter with Europeans, the Guaran referred to
themselves simply as Ab, meaning "men" or "people." The term Guaran was originally applied by early Jesuit missionaries
to refer to natives who had accepted conversion to the Christian religion; Cayua or Caingua (ka'aguygua) was used to refer to
those who had refused it. Cayua is roughly translated as "the ones from the forest". While the term Cayua is sometimes still
used to refer to settlements of indigenous peoples who have not well integrated into the dominant society, the modern usage
of the name Guaran is generally extended to include all people of native origin regardless of societal status. Barbara Ganson
writes that the name Guaran was given by the Spanish as it means "warrior" in the Tupi-Guaran dialect spoken there.
Guarin is attested in 16th-century Old Tupi, by Jesuit sources, as war, warrior, to wage war. Early Guaran villages often
consisted of communal houses for 10 to 15 families. Communities were united by common interest and language, and tended
to form tribal groups by dialect. It is estimated that the Guaran numbered some 400,000 people when they were first
encountered by Europeans. At that time, they were sedentary and agricultural, subsisting largely on manioc, maize, wild
game, and honey. Equally little is known about early Guaran society and beliefs. They practiced a form
of animistic pantheism, much of which has survived in the form of folklore and numerous myths. According to the Jesuit
missionary Martin Dobrizhoffer, they practiced cannibalism at one point, perhaps as a funerary ritual, but later disposed of
the dead in large jars placed inverted on the ground. Guaran mythology is still widespread in rural Paraguay.

List of Guarani Leaders

Tep Tiaraju (unknown1756) was an indigenous Guarani leader in the Jesuit reduction mission of So Luiz Gonzaga and
who died on February 7, 1756, in the municipality of So Gabriel, in the present-day state of Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil. Sep
Tiaraju led the fight against the Portuguese and Spanish colonial powers in the Guerras Guaranticas (Guarani War) and was
killed three days before a massacre that killed around fifteen hundred of his fellow warriors. After 250 years of the date of his
death he still remains a very influential figure in the popular imagination, considered a saint by some. This conflict in South
America resulted from the land demarcations established by the European powers with the Tratado de Madrid (1750).
According to this treaty the Guarani population inhabiting the Jesuit missions in the region had to be evacuated. After one
hundred and fifty years living a unique communal life, neither the prospect of returning to the forests nor moving to another
place were considered as options by most mission Guaranis. Further treaties such as the San Idelfonso Treaty (1777) and the
Badajoz Treaty (1801) still grappled with issues related to this topic. The Christianized Guarani population residing in the
Jesuit missions (called misses or redues, in Portuguese), that is in Brazil, Paraguay and Argentina combined, is estimated

to have numbered approximately eighty thousand at the start of the conflict. At that time these so-called
evangelized Guaranis as opposed to the many Guaranis living the traditional way and not in the Jesuit
missionsmraised what is believed to have been the largest herd of cattle in all of Latin America. Therefore,
the Europeans' interests in the area extended beyond land appropriations. Sep Tiaraju was immortalized
in the letters by Brazilian writer Baslio da Gama in the epic poem O Uraguai (1769) and in the poem "O
Lunar de Sep", collected by Simes Lopes Neto and published in the beginning of the 20th century. Since
then, he has been a character in many major literary works, like "O tempo e o vento" ["The time and the
wind"], by Erico Verissimo. The expression and battle cry "Esta terra tem dono!" (or "This land has
owners!") is attributed to Sep Tiaraju. Santo ngelo Airport, in Santo ngelo, Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil is
named after Sep Tiaraju.

Apiaguaiki Tumpa

(ca. 1863 January 28/29, 1892) was a Guarani cacique regarded by many
Guaran people as a national hero, known for his struggle to defend his peoples' land and liberty from the
encroaching Bolivian government. He was killed at the age of 28 in the Kuruyuki Massacre by the Bolivian
Army along with approximately one thousand of his followers. His death is commemorated annually by many
Guarani, and a Guaran language university in Kuruyuki, Bolivia is named after him.

Mapuche Indians
The Mapuche are a group of indigenous inhabitants of south-central Chile and southwestern Argentina, including parts of
present-day Patagonia. The collective term refers to a wide-ranging ethnicity composed of various groups who shared a
common social, religious and economic structure, as well as a common linguistic heritage as Mapudungun speakers. Their
influence once extended from the Aconcagua River to the Chilo Archipelago and spread later eastward to the Argentine
pampa. Today the collective group makes up 80% of the indigenous peoples in Chile, and about 9% of the total Chilean
population They are particularly concentrated in Araucana. Many have migrated to the Santiago area for economic
opportunities. The term Mapuche is used both to refer collectively to the Picunche (people of the north), Huilliche (people of
the South) and Moluche or Nguluche from Araucana, or at other times, exclusively to the Moluche or Nguluche from
Araucana. The Mapuche traditional economy is based on agriculture; their traditional social organisation consists of extended
families, under the direction of a lonko or chief. In times of war, they would unite in larger groupings and elect a toki
(meaning "axe, axe-bearer") to lead them. They are known for the textiles woven by women, which have been goods for
trade for centuries, since before European encounter. The Araucanian Mapuche inhabited at the time of Spanish arrival the
valleys between the Itata and Toltn rivers. South of it, the Huilliche and the Cunco lived as far south as the Chilo
Archipelago. In the 17th, 18th and 19th centuries, Mapuche groups migrated eastward into the Andes and pampas, fusing
and establishing relationships with the Poya and Pehuenche. At about the same time, ethnic groups of the pampa regions, the
Puelche, Ranquel and northern Aonikenk, made contact with Mapuche groups. The Tehuelche adopted the Mapuche language
and some of their culture, in what came to be called Araucanization. Historically the Spanish colonizers of South America
referred to the Mapuche people as Araucanians (araucanos). However, this term is now mostly considered pejorative by some
people. The name was likely derived from the placename rag ko (Spanish Arauco), meaning "clayey water". The Quechua
word awqa, meaning "rebel, enemy", is probably not the root of araucano. Some Mapuche mingled with Spanish during
colonial times, and their descendants make up the large group of mestizos in Chile. But, Mapuche society in Araucana and
Patagonia remained independent until the Chilean Occupation of Araucana and the Argentine Conquest of the Desert in the
late 19th century. Since then Mapuches have become subjects, and then nationals and citizens of the respective states.
Today, many Mapuche and Mapuche communities are engaged in the so-called Mapuche conflict over land and indigenous
rights in both Argentina and in Chile.

List of Mapuche Chiefs ("cacique lonco")

Juan Francisco Mariluan

was a lonko and toqui (Chief) Mapuche people who fought in the so-called "War to the
Death", one of the last stages of the War of Arauco during the early 1820s.

Ignacio Coliqueo

(Boroa, 1786 - Los Toldos, February 16, 1871) was a Lonco (Cacique) of Mapuche people who led a
community from Araucana to install in 1861 in the area that later would be called Los Toldos, in the province of Buenos Aires
in Argentina.

Calfucur

also known as Juan Calfucur or Cufulcur (late 1770-1873), was a leading Mapuche lonco and
military figure in Patagonia in the 19th century. He crossed the Andes from Chile to the Pampas around 1830
after a call from the governor of Buenos Aires, Juan Manuel de Rosas, to fight the Boroanos tribe. Calfucur
succeeded in ending the military power of the Boroanos when he massacred a large part of them in 1834
during a meeting for trade. In 1859 he attacked Baha Blanca in Argentina with 3,000 warriors. The decision of
planning and executing the Conquest of the Desert was probably triggered by the 1872 assault of Calfucur
and his 6,000 followers on the cities of General Alvear, Veinticinco de Mayo and Nueve de Julio, where 300
criollos were killed, and 200,000 heads of cattle taken.

Marimn was the Chief (Lonco) of Mapuche people in the late nineteenth century.
Marcelino Chagallo

or Chagayo, known as Utrailln (died 1912) was the Mapuche Chief in the southern region of the
present Province of Neuquen, Patagonia in Argentina since the death of Cacique Chocor in 1834 until 1850s when Sayhueque
assuming command during 1850s.

Foyel

was the Mapuche Chief in the southern region of the present Province of Neuquen, Patagonia in
Argentina in the second half 19th century.

Rayel

was the Mapuche Chief in the southern region of the present Province of Neuquen, Patagonia in Argentina in the
second half 19th century.

Valentine Sayhueque

(around 1818 - September 8, 1903) was the Mapuche Chief in the southern region
of the present Province of Neuquen, Patagonia in Argentina in the second half 19th century.

Manuel Namuncur

(Araucana Region, Chile, February 1, 1811 - San Ignacio, Province of Neuquen,

Argentina, July 31, 1908) was the Lonco (Chief) of Mapuche people in the second half 19th century. He was son of
Calfucur, famous Lonco (Chief) of Mapuche people.

Tehuelche people
The Tehuelche people is a collective name for some native tribes of Patagonia and the southern pampas region in Argentina
and Chile. Tehuelche is a Mapudungun word meaning "Fierce People". They were also called Patagons, thought to mean big
feet, by Spanish explorers, who found large footprints made by the tribes on the Patagonian beaches. These large footprints
were actually made by the guanaco leather boots that the Tehuelche used to cover their feet. It is possible that the stories of
the early European explorers about the Patagones, a race of giants in South America, are based on the Tehuelche, because
the Tehuelche were typically tall, taller than the average European of the time. According to the 2001 census (INDEC), 4,300
Tehuelche lived in the provinces of Chubut and Santa Cruz, and an additional 1,637 in other parts of Argentina. There are now
no Tehuelche tribes living in Chile, though some Tehuelche were assimilated into Mapuche groups over the years. The
Tehuelche people have a history of over 14,500 years in the region, based on archeological findings. Their pre-Columbian
history is divided in three main stages: a stage with highly-sized rock tools, a stage where the use of bolas prevailed over the
peaked projectiles, and a third one of highly complex rock tools, each one with a specific purpose. The nomadic lifestyle of
Tehuelches left scarce archeological evidence of their past. They were hunter-gatherers living as nomads. During the winters
they lived in the lowlands, catching fish and shellfish. During the spring they migrated to the central highlands of Patagonia
and the Andes Mountains, where they spent the summer and early fall, and hunted game. Although they developed no
original pottery, they are well known for their cave paintings. The Spanish arrived in the early 16th century. On March 31,
1520, the Portuguese explorer Ferdinand Magellan landed and made contact with the Tehuelche people. The Spanish never
colonized their lands, with the exception of some coastal settlements and a few missions. It took more than 300 years before
the Argentine government occupied the southern Patagonia. As nomads, the Tehuelche lived with limited possessions, as they
had to move across long distances. Their rock tools were usually made of obsidian or basalt, as those rocks were malleable
but not so soft that they broke too easily. Those rocks, however, could be found in only certain parts of Patagonia, so the
Tehuelche had to make long journeys to renew their supplies. The Tehuelche hunted many species in the Patagonia, including
whales, sea mammals, small rodents and sea birds; their main prey was guanacos and Rheas. Both species were usually
found at the same places, as the rheas eat the larvae that grow in the guanaco's manure. Everything from the guanaco was
used by the Tehuelche: the meat and blood were used for food, the fat to grease their bodies during winter, and the hide to
make clothing and canopies. The Tehuelches also gathered fruits that grew during the Patagonian summer. Those fruits were
the only sweet foods in their diet. The Tehuelche originally spoke Tehuelche, also known as Aonikenk, a Chon language. Later,
with the Araucanization of Patagonia, many tribes started to speak variants of Mapudungun. Their name, Tehuelche, comes
from that language.

List of Caciques (chiefs) of the Tehuelche people

Lozano Cacapol

(died 1735) was a Chief (Cacique) of the Tehuelche people ruled in the area of Huilin, on the Negro
River in today's Argentina from 1715 until his death in 1735. He was recognized as the first chief of the "mountain pampas"
or leuvuches, as he called Falkner.

Cangapol

(died 1752) was a Chief (Cacique) of the Tehuelche people ruled in the area of Huilin, on the Negro
River in today's Argentina from 1735 until his death in 1752. He was the chieftain of the nomadic Leuvuche people,
who moved through a huge area from the Negro River to the Vulcan hills, today known as Tandilia hills, between the
modern cities of Tandil and Mar del Plata. The Leuvuches were in fact called Serranos (people from the hills) by the
Spaniards. In 1751, Cangapol and his warriors expelled the Jesuits from Laguna de los Padres and destroyed the
settlement built by them five years before. In 1753, he became an allied of the Spaniards against the Mapuches,
who used to take profit of the Leuvuches' plunder raids north of the Salado river and then sought safe haven in
Chile, leaving the Leuvuches to face the Spanish retaliation alone. He died the same year and was succeeded by his
son Nicols.

Nicols was a Chief (Cacique) of

from 1752 until ?.

the Tehuelche people ruled in the area of Huilin, on the Negro River in today's Argentina

Maria Grande,

Mara la Vieja (died 1840 or 1848) was the Chief (Cacique) of the Tehuelche people in Patagonia,
Argentina in the early nineteenth century. Her power spanned virtually the entire Patagonia, from Punta Arenas to Carmen de
Patagones and the Black River. It was called "the Great" by Luis Vernet, referring to the Russian Empress Catherine II of
Russia, when he met her in 1823 in Peninsula Valdes.

Chocor

(died 1834) was a Lonko (Chief) of the Tehuelche people in Patagonia, Argentina ruled in much of the territory of
the present province of Colorado River between the rivers Black, Black and Limay and near Bahia Blanca and the Sierra de la
Ventana in the province of Buenos Aires during the first decades of the nineteenth century, setting up camp on the Big Island
of Choele Choel. He died in 1834 in a clash with troops of Colonel Francisco Sosa, to pursue outstanding, belonging to the
column of this first campaign of the Desert commanded by General Angel Pacheco.

Loncopn also known as Lonkopan (died April 17, 1853), was a Tschen Chief (Cacique) of the Tehuelche people and also a
general of the Argentine Army. He was son of Al-Aan. He was part of the Boreal Tehuelches Tschen, sometimes confused with
the Pampas and Puelches gnn a knna. Of nomadic character, the tschen travelled through the south area of the provinces
of Buenos Aires, La Pampa and Cordoba. He forged alliances with Calfulcur and received protection from Don Juan Manuel de
Rosas. Tried the peaceful unification of all Native nations in a large American Native Confederation (Confederacin Indgena
Americana), but the lack of communications and the disparity of interests made it fail. He had a large army and controlled
much of the strategic "rastrillas" (trade routes) in southern Buenos Aires province. After the battle of Caseros, he refused to
participate in the war against the Government, causing a rupture with the chief Cafulcur. Flanked by internal divisions, the
tribe is attacked and absorbed by the tehuelches of Gervasio Chipitruz.

Casimiro Fourmantin,

Casimiro Bigua (1819/1820-1874) was a Chief (Cacique) of the Tehuelche people

from 1840 until his death in 1874.

Papn

(died 1892) was a Chief (Cacique) of the Tehuelche people from 1874 until his death in 1892. He was
the son of Cacique Casimiro Bigua, and brother of the Cacique Mulato.

Mulato,

whose Indian name was Chumjaluwn (died 1905) was a Chief (Cacique) of the Tehuelche people
from 1892 until his death in 1905. He was the son of Cacique Casimiro Bigua, and brother of the Cacique
Papon.

Inacayal

(1835-1888) was a cacique (chief) of the Tehuelche people in Patagonia, Argentina who
led a resistance against government. They were hunter-gatherers who had a nomadic society, and had
long been independent of the Argentine government established in coastal areas. He was one of the
last indigenous rulers to resist the Argentine Conquest of the Desert in the late 19th century and its
resultant campaigns. He did not surrender until 1884. His hospitality to Francisco Moreno during the
explorer's 1880 expedition to Patagonia was recalled after his surrender, which was covered by the
press. Moreno argued with the government on his behalf to spare Inacayal time in military prison. In
exchange, Moreno studied him for anthropology. Along with others in his clan, Inacayal was studied for his resemblance to
"prehistoric man." After his death in 1888, anthropologists displayed the indigenous chief's brain and skeleton as an exhibit in
the anthropological museum in Buenos Aires. His remains were finally returned to his people in 1994 for reinterment in the
Comunidad Tehuelche Mapuche of Chubut Province.

Pichi Curuhuinca

was a northern, or guennekenk, Tehuelche leader in the late 19th century in Patagonia, Argentina.

Chikichan was a northern, or guennekenk, Tehuelche leader in the late 19th century in Patagonia, Argentina.
Salpul

(also called Salpu and Juan Salp) was a northern, or guennekenk, Tehuelche leader in the late 19th century in
Patagonia, Argentina. He allied with the tribes of Sayhueque, Inacayal, and Foyel (the last Patagonian indigenous chieftains
who refused to recognize the Argentine government). They fought against the Argentine Army during the Conquest of the
Desert. In 1897, Salpul and a shaman named Cayupil (Caypl) tried to organize an uprising against the government. Their
activities were quickly discovered by the authorities. Salpul was arrested and taken to Buenos Aires, but he was released
within a month and returned home. Afterward he allied his people with the tribe of his relative Juan Sacamata. Between the
1890s and 1900, both lived in Nueva Lubecka, located in the Genoa Valley, Chubut province. Salpul died some years later in
Pastos Blancos, near the Senguerr River.

List of the independent Chiefs of the Province of Buenos Aires in Argentina

Ancafil (died 1823) was Chief (Cacique) of the Plains Indian tribes that inhabited the mountains of Tandil of the Province
of Buenos Aires in Argentina from 1820 until his death in 1823.

Cachul
1845.

was Chief (Cacique) who established himself with his tribe on the banks of Tapalque, Province of Buenos Aires in

Dynasty of Catriel
Dynasty of Catriel was a Indian Dynasty which ruled in the nineteenth century in the Province of Buenos Aires.

List of Chiefs (Cacique) of the dynasty of Catriel

Juan Catriel,

called "Old" (c.1770-1848) was Chief (Cacique) who lived in the nineteenth century in the
Province of Buenos Aires and ruled in pampas, characterized by friendship and appreciation for the Creoles who
colonized the coast of Rio de la Plata to the Salado River. He was the father of John "the Younger" Catriel. On many
occasions the tribe of Juan Catriel collaborated with the authorities to prevent the looting of Aucas Chilean rebels
and renegade Christian groups and flooding the Argentina campaign. In 1827 he had collaborated with the colonel
Federico Rauch. He was a collaborator and assistant in the expedition of Juan Manuel de Rosas to the desert in
1833 and collaborated with him the Fracam, Reilet, Venancio Cayupn, Llanqueln, Cachul chiefs and others. At
his death in 1848 he succeeded him in command of his tribe his son John "the Younger" Catriel. Indigenous known
later as catrieleros live today in small properties that stays close to the town of Los Toldos in the Province of Buenos Aires.

Juan Catriel, called "the Younger" (died 1866) was Chief (Cacique) of the dynasty of Catriel in the Province of
Buenos Aires and ruled in pampas from 1848 until his death in 1866. He was son of the Chief (Cacique) Juan
Catriel, called "Old."

Cipriano Catriel

(died November 26, 1874) was Chief (Cacique) of the dynasty of Catriel in the Province of
Buenos Aires and ruled in pampas from 1866 until his death on November 26, 1874. He was son of the Chief
(Cacique) Juan Catriel, called "the Younger."

Juan Jose Catriel

(died 1879) was Chief (Cacique) of the dynasty of Catriel in the Province of Buenos Aires
and ruled in pampa from 1874 until his death in 1879. He was son of the Chief (Cacique) Juan Catriel, called "the
Younger" and brother of Chief (Cacique) Cipriano Catriel.

Marcelino Catriel

was Chief (Cacique) of the dynasty of Catriel in the Province of Buenos Aires
and ruled in pampas in he late 1870s. He was son of the Chief (Cacique) Juan Catriel, called "the
Younger" and brother of Chief (Cacique) Cipriano Catriel and Chief (Cacique) Juan Jose Catriel.

Huarpes (Warpes) tribe

The Huarpes or Warpes are indigenous inhabitants of Cuyo, in Argentina. Some scholars assume that in the Huarpe language,
this word means "sandy ground," but according Arte y Vocabulario de la lengua general del Reino de Chile, written by Andrs
Fabres in Lima in 1765, the word Cuyo comes from Araucanian cuyum puulli, meaning "sandy land" or "desert country".
Huarpe people settled in permanent villages beginning in the 5th century CE. About 50 to 100 people lived in a village,
making them smaller than Diaguita settlements. They were agrarian people who grew corn (Zea mays), beans, squash, and
quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa). Towards the 15th century, Huarpe territory expanded into the current Argentinian provinces of
San Luis, Mendoza and San Juan and even on the north of the Neuquen Province. They inhabited between the Jchal River at
north, to the Diamante River at south and between the Andes and Conlara Valley on San Luis. They were never fully part of
the Incan Empire, but were influenced by Inca culture and adopted llama ranching and the Quechua language after 1480.
Chilean encomenderos who had encomiendas in Cuyo introduced to Chile indigenous Huarpes who they hired to other
Spaniards without encomiendas.

List of Chiefs (Cacique) of Huarpes (Warpes) tribe

Juan Huarpe de Angaco

was a Chief (Cacique) of Huarpes or Warpes, indigenous inhabitants of Cuyo, in Argentina

during 1560s. He ruled over the lands north of the valley of Tulum.

San Juan Pismanta

was a Chief (Cacique) of Huarpes or Warpes, indigenous inhabitants of Cuyo, in Argentina during
1560s. He ruled the villages north of the province and was a contemporary of Cacique Angaco peoples who ruled south.

Ranquel Tribe
The Ranquel are an indigenous tribe from the northern part of La Pampa Province, Argentina, in South America. With Puelche,
Pehuenche and also Patagones from the Gnn-a-Kna group origins, they were conquered by the Mapuche. The name
Ranquel is the Spanish name for their own name of Ranklche: rankl -cane-, che -man, people- in Mapudungun; that is to
say "cane-people" In the late 18th and early 19th centuries, the Ranquel controlled two chiefdoms in Argentina Between
1775-1790 a group of Pehuenche advanced from the side of the Andes mountains east to the territory they called Maml
Mapu (maml: kindling, woods; mapu: land, territory) as it was covered by dense woods of Prosopis caldenia, Prosopis nigra,
and Geoffroea decorticans. They settled along the Cuarto and Colorado rivers, from the south of today's Argentine provinces
of San Luis, Crdoba, to the south of La Pampa. They were hunters, nomads and during a good part of the 19th century they
had an alliance with the Tehuelche people, with whom they traveled east into the western part of today's Buenos Aires
Province and southern end of Crdoba Province, and also to Mendoza, San Luis and Santa Fe. In 1833 Julio Argentino Roca led
the Desert Campaign (183334), in which he attempted to eliminate the Ranquel. Their leader at that time was Yanquetruz,
and they put up a skilled defense, making good use of the desert terrain. Yanquetruz was succeeded around 1834 by Pain
Guor. Their last chief was Pincn, who was confined to the prison at Martn Garca island (1880). They allied themselves with
the forces of Felipe Varela during the rebellion against the Paraguayan War and the Central Government in Buenos Aires. After
Pincn's capture, the Ranquels were further reduced in population during the Conquest of the Desert, with their lands being
occupied by the army. A reservation, the Colonia Emilio Mitre, was established for them in today's La Pampa province, where
their descendants lived today.

List of Chiefs (Cacique) of Ranquel tribe

Mscara Verde

(Green Mask) was the Chief (Cacique) of Ranquel, indigenous tribe of Leubuc lagoon in the present
province of La Pampa in Argentina around 1812.

Carripilum

(died 1820) was the Chief (Cacique) of Ranquel, indigenous tribe of Leubuc lagoon in the present province of
La Pampa in Argentina from ? until his death in 1820.

Yanquetruz

(or Llanquetruz) (died 1836) was the Chief (Cacique) of Ranquel indigenous tribe of Leubuc lagoon in the
present province of La Pampa in Argentina from around 1820 until his death in 1836 who fought the Europeans in the pampas
of what is now Argentina in the early nineteenth century. Yanquetruz's family had ruled over the region from the cordillera to
the Atlantic from around 1680 to 1856, but his authority was confined to the Ranqueles. The Ranquel people, a Mapuche
tribe, were led by a chief named Mscara Verde (Green Mask) in 1812. Yanquetruz came to these people from Chile in 1818.
He had a reputation as a great warrior, and taught them techniques of war, making the Ranquel warriors known throughout
the pampas. The men of fighting age were organized into bands of between ten and thirty people whose leader obeyed the
command of the Ranquel chief. When Mscara Verde died, Yanquetruz was elected to take his place. His first major assault
was made on the settlers in Salta Province, helped by Chilean allies under a leader named Carreras. The Indian attacks were
ferocious, and they gained considerable booty. In August 1831 Yanquetruz laid siege to Villa Concepcin (now Ro Cuarto,
Crdoba), apparently in a preemptive strike since he had heard that a large army was preparing to attack his people. During
the civil war in 1831 there were rumors that Yanquetruz was assisting the Unitiarian side, and this may have been part of the
motive for the campaign against the Indians launched soon after by Juan Manuel de Rosas. The main reason was the
Ranquels' desire to remain independent. In 1833 Rosas initiated the Desert Campaign (183334), an expedition against the
desert Indians. The columns led by Jos Flix Aldao from Mendoza Province and Ruiz Huidobro from San Luis Province were
charged with exterminating the Ranquels. Ruiz Huidobro's column had 1,000 men from the Division of the Andes and the
Crdoba and La Rioja provincial forces. He advanced at the start of March from the San Lorenzo fort towards the Quinto River
in San Luis Province, intending to surprise the Ranquels at their settlement of Leubuc. However, the Indians had been
forewarned. On March 16, 1833 the troops under Huidobro clashed with the Ranquels at a location called Las Acollaradas.[a]
It was a fight with swords, spears and knives because rain prevented the use of firearms. The result was inconclusive, and the
Indians disappeared into the pampas. The Division continued its march to Leubuc, 25 leagues from the Trapal lagoon, which
Yanquetruz had abandoned. Huidobro suspected that Francisco Reinaf, chief of the troops from Crdoba, had been the one
who warned Yanquetruz of the advance. He had Reinaf relieved of his command. Yanquetruz's men harassed the Argentine
troops in a form of guerrilla warfare, disrupting their supplies and making it hard for them to get water. Huidobro was forced
to retreat from the desert in disarray. Nazario Benavdez and Martn Yanzn, both later to be provincial governors, were on the
staff of the second Auxiliary regiment of the Andes commanded by Aldao. This column gained a partial victory over chief
Yanquetruz two weeks after the Las Acollaradas action. The regiment participated in fierce fighting on March 31 and April 1,
1833 in which the Spanish prevailed but suffered considerable losses. Rosas was furious at the damage that Yanquetruz had
inflicted on his forces. In 1834 Yanquetruz returned to invade San Luis Province. This was his last raid. Yanquetruz died in
1838 and was succeeded by Pain Guor, who was later captured and made a prisoner of Rosas. Yanquetruz became a legend,
the most famous chief in the Pampas after Calfucur. One of the soldiers who fought Yanquetruz said it would be difficult to
find anywhere in America a more prompt, intelligent and insightful approach than the predatory raids of these Indians, and at
the same time more calm, brave and wise in making a stand against much better armed adversaries, always thinking quickly
despite the noise and confusion. Colonel Manuel Baigorria, a young officer, left the army and joined Yanquetruz. He became a
close friend of the leader, and Yanquetruz named his eldest son Baigorrita (little Baigorria). Another son, Jos Maria Bulnes
Yanquetruz, born in 1831, became a famous warrior in his own right.

Manuel Baigorria

Gual, alias Maric (1809-1875) was a Chief (Cacique) of Ranquel, indigenous people of Leubuc
lagoon in the present province of La Pampa in Argentina during 1840s and in early 1850s. He was a soldier who fought in the
Argentine Civil Wars. Of mixed origins, he spent many years living with the Ranqueles, an independent people who lived to
the south of the area colonized by Europeans in what is now Argentina. He was recognized as a leader by the Ranqueles, who
provided support to his Unitarian side in the civil wars. Manuel Baigorria was born in San Luis de la Punta de los Venados
around 1809, son of Blas Baigorria and Petrona Ledesma. Ignacio Fotheringham, a contemporary, described him as short in
stature but muscular, strong and agile, with reckless courage. Baigorria joined the army and became an officer while a young
man. He served under the Unitarian General Jos Mara Paz and was captured in 1831 after the Battle of Rodeo de Chacn. It
only through good luck that he avoided being included in a group of prisoners who were to be shot. Following that he decided
to live with the Ranqueles in their tolderas. Baigorria became well-established among the Ranqueles, and recognized as a

leader. He became a close friend of their chief Yanquetruz, who named his eldest son Baigorrita (little
Baigorria). Over a period of forty years he had four wives, three Christian and one a Mapuche. He became
the adopted brother of the Ranquele chief Pichn. In 1838 Baigorria led a party of Ranqueles on an
unsuccessful raid into northern Buenos Aires Province and southern Santa Fe Province. Baigorria became
a Colonel in the Unitarian forces. In November 1840 he took part in a revolution in San Luis Province, and
after being defeated again returned to the Ranqueles. In April 1843 he led 600 Indians on a raid, which
was repelled. In 1845 he launched a raid with 900 Indians and whites who had taken refuge in their
tolderas. The Malnes, as the raids were called, were an effective method for assisting his political allies.
After the dictator Juan Manuel de Rosas fell from power in 1852, Baigorria returned to the European side of the border. He
forgot his old friendship to the point that he made several campaigns against the Indians on the border. He also fought on
both sides in the civil wars at that time, the Argentine Confederation and the secessionist State of Buenos Aires. In his later
years he advised General Julio Argentino Roca, teaching him the secrets of the desert geography and the customs of the
Indians. Roca was to make his reputation with his success against the Indians in his ruthless Conquest of the Desert. Baigorria
was sixty when he started to write his memoirs in 1868. He died on June 21, 1875 in San Luis. He died poor, but as a good
soldier his widow Lorenza Barbosa received a pension. From Baigorria's book one gathers the impression of a modest person,
courageous, honest, consistent and dependable. Although at times he led hordes of wild horsemen on raids, he was not
excessively greedy or bloodthirsty, mainly wanting foals, books and newspapers as his share of the loot. The historian Alvaro
Yunque said of his life that it needed little change to make it a novel.

Pain Ger

(Zorro Azul) (died 1856) was a Chief (Cacique) of Ranquel, indigenous people of Leubuc lagoon in the
present province of La Pampa in Argentina from ? until his death in 1856. He was father of Chief (Cacique) Calvai Ger and
Chief (Cacique) Panguitruz Guor.

Calvai Ger

(died 1858) was a Chief (Cacique) of Ranquel, indigenous people of Leubuc lagoon in the present
province of La Pampa in Argentina from 1856 until his death in 1858. He was son of Chief (Cacique) Pain Ger (Zorro Azul)
and brother of Chief (Cacique) Panguitruz Guor.

Panguitruz Guor,

better known as Mariano Rosas (Leuvuc, to 1825 - August 18, 1877) was a Chief
(Cacique) of Ranquel, indigenous people of Leubuc lagoon in the present province of La Pampa in Argentina
from 1858 until his death on August 18, 1877. He was son of Chief (Cacique) Pain Ger (Zorro Azul) and
brother of Chief (Cacique) Panguitruz Guor.

Ramn Cabral

(Nahuel, el Platero) was a Chief (Cacique) of Ranquel, indigenous people of Leubuc lagoon in the
present province of La Pampa in Argentina in the late 1870s.

Pichn Huala

(Pichn Gual) was a Chief (Cacique) of Ranquel, indigenous people of Leubuc lagoon in Poitahu in the
present province of La Pampa in Argentina in the late 1870s. He was confined to the prison at Martn Garca Island in 1880.

Epumer (c. 1820-1886) was a Chief (Cacique) of Ranquel, indigenous people of Leubuc lagoon in the present province of
La Pampa in Argentina in the early 1880s.

List of Presidents of Argentina

List of Junta Presidents of Argentina
Cornelio Judas Tadeo de Saavedra y Rodrguez (September 15, 1759 in Otuyo March 29, 1829 in Buenos
Aires) was a military officer and statesman from the Viceroyalty of the Ro de la Plata. He was instrumental in the May
Revolution, the first step of Argentina's independence from Spain, and was appointed president of the Primera Junta.
Saavedra was the first commanding officer of the Regiment of Patricians created after the ill-fated British invasions of the Ro
de la Plata. The increased militarization of the city and the relaxation of the system of castas allowed him, as other criollo
peoples, to become a prominent figure in local politics. His intervention was decisive to thwart the Mutiny of lzaga and allow
Viceroy Santiago de Liniers to stay in power. Although he supported the establishment of a government Junta, as others
created in Spain during the contemporary Peninsular War, he desired that criollos had an important role in it (the mutiny of
lzaga was promoted by peninsulars). He advised against rushed actions as well, and as his Regiment was crucial in any
action against the viceroy, he denied his help until it was a good strategic moment to do so. The opportunity came in May,
1810, and the May Revolution successfully ousted the viceroy. Saavedra was appointed president of the Primera Junta, which
took government after it. The local politics were soon divided between him and the secretary Mariano Moreno. Saavedra
wanted gradual changes, while Moreno promoted more radical ones. Saavedra encouraged the expansion of the Junta with
deputies from the other provinces; this left Moreno in a minority, and he resigned. A later rebellion made in behalf of
Saavedra forced the remaining supporters of Moreno to resign as well. He left the presidency after the defeat of the first
Upper Peru campaign, and headed to lead the Army of the North. His absence was exploited by political opponents, who
established the First Triumvirate and issued an arrest warrant against Saavedra. Saavedra stayed in exile until 1815, when all
the charges against him were dropped. Saavedra was born at the hacienda "La Fombera", located in the town of Otuyo, near
the former Imperial City of Potosi. The city was part of the Spanish Viceroyalty of Peru by that time, but would be annexed
into the Viceroyalty of the Ro de la Plata some years later. His father was Santiago Felipe de Saavedra y Palma, a native
of Buenos Aires, whose ancestry reached to Hernando Arias de Saavedra.[1] His mother was Mara Teresa Rodrguez Michel, a
native of the Villa Imperial de Potosi. Santiago had left Buenos Aires and married Mara. They were a wealthy family, with
many sons, Cornelio being the last one. The family moved to Buenos Aires in 1767. There, during his adolescence, Cornelio
attended the Real Colegio de San Carlos. The school was only for the elite, and to attend it was required to be allowed by the
viceroy, know reading and writing, be at least ten years old, be a legitimate son and have certified limpieza de sangre;
Saavedra met all the requirements. He studied philosophy and Latin Grammar between 1773 and 1776. However, he could
not graduate due to overwhelming duties in the management of the family ranch. Unlike other rich youths of the time, he did

not attend to university. In 1788, he married Maria Francisca Cabrera y Saavedra, his cousin. Francisca was rich, and it is
likely that it was an arranged marriage. They had three sons, Diego, Mariano and Manuel. Francisca died in 1798. Saavedra
began his political career in 1797, working at the Buenos Aires Cabildo, assuming various administrative roles. By then, the
city had become the capital of the Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata. His first political appointment was as fourth alderman,
and third alderman the following year. In 1801, he was appointed Mayor of First Vote. That same year he married his second
wife, Doa Saturnina Otrola del Rivero. In 1805, he was appointed to the position of Grain manager, within a local
governmental body that dealt with the provision of wheat and other cereals in the city. It is considered that Saavedra
supported the proposals of Manuel Belgrano at theCommerce Consulate of Buenos Aires, which promoted agriculture,
education and industrialization, but there is no definitive evidence of it. Buenos Aires faced the British invasions of the Ro de
la Plata in 1806, when British forces led by William Carr Beresford invaded the city. Saavedra was still a civilian by
then.Santiago de Liniers organized an army in Montevideo to liberate Buenos Aires, and Saavedra was among the civilians
that joined Liniers, despite the lack of military instruction. [7]His role in this battle was a minor one. Liniers successfully
liberated Buenos Aires, and organized the resistance against a likely British counter-attack. All the male population of the city
aged from 16 to 50 was drafted into the army, and divided in battalions by casta or origin. The largest one was the Regiment
of Patricians, made up of volunteer infantrymen born in Buenos Aires. The Regiment was composed of three infantry
battalions, commanded by Esteban Romero, Domingo Urien and Manuel Belgrano, who would later pass that command
to Juan Jos Viamonte. Each battalion could elect their own leaders, including their commander, and the Regiment of
Patricians elected Saavedra. The British returned in 1807. Cornelio Saavedra marched to Montevideo, but was informed
at Colonia del Sacramento of the capture of the city. The British planned to use it as a lodgement for the invasion of Buenos
Aires. To give difficulty to the British operations, Saavedra ordered the withdrawal of all military hardware from Colonia,
considered indefensible at that point, and mobilized those troops and equipment to Buenos Aires to fortify the city. The
renewed attack to Buenos Aires took place shortly afterwards, the invading army had 8,000 soldiers and 18 cannons
significantly more than the 1,565 men, 6 cannons and 2 howitzers used for the first British invasion attempt. After an initial
victory in the pens of Miserere, the invading army entered into Buenos Aires on July 5. The British army encountered an
extremely hostile population, prepared to resist to the degree that even women, children and slaves voluntarily participated
in the defense. The headquarters of the Regiment of Patricians were located at the Real Colegio de San Carlos, where
Saavedra and Juan Jos Viamonte stopped the column of Denis Pack and Henry Cadogan, composed of British infantry and a
cannon. Pack united his remaining forces with Craufurd and resisted inside the Santo Domingo convent. Cadogan took the
nearby house of Pedro Medrano, and fired from the rooftop. Both groups were finally defeated by the local soldiers. Finally,
the British General John Whitelocke surrendered, ending the attack and pledging to withdraw all British forces from
Montevideo. The victory against the British invasions brought forth great changes in the politics of Buenos Aires. The viceroy
Sobremonte was discredited by his management of the conflict, and the Cabildo increased its influence; as such, it removed
the viceroy and appointed Liniers as replacement, an unprecedented action. The local criollos, who had limited chances of
social promotion in the system of castas, got such a chance with the increased influence of the militias. Cornelio Saavedra,
head of the biggest crioolo militia, thus became a highly influential man in the politics of Buenos Aires. He resented the weak
support from the Spanish monarchy to the war effort, compared with the strong one received from the cabildos of other cities
in the Americas. As a result, he was loyal to the new viceroy, of French ancestry, considering him to be less subject to the
internal disputes of the House of Bourbon. The outbreak of the Peninsular War in Spain and the capture of the Spanish
king Ferdinand VII generated a political crisis in the Spanish colonies in the Americas. The first project to maintain the
monarchy was the short-lived Carlotism, which sought to crown Carlota Joaquina as regent. This project was supported by
criollos like Manuel Belgrano and Juan Jos Castelli, but whether Saavedra supported it is disputed. The Carlotism was
abandoned soon afterwards, and the people sought other projects. Francisco Javier de Elo established a government Junta in
Montevideo, similar to the ones established in Spain, and his ally in Buenos Aires, Martn de lzaga, sought to do a similar
thing. The Mutiny of lzaga took place on January 1, 1809. He accused Liniers of trying to appoint loyal members to the
Cabildo, and gathered a small demonstration to request his resignation. The rebels, backed by some peninsular militias,
occupied the Plaza. Liniers was about to resign, to prevent further conflicts. Cornelio Saavedra, who was aware of the
conspiracy, considered it a plot by peninsulars to secure political power over the criollo peoples. He marched with the
Regiment of Patricians swiftly to the Plaza, and thwarted the mutiny. There was no violence in the operation, as the criollos
forced the rebels to give up just by the sheer force of numbers. Thus, Liniers stayed in office as viceroy. All the heads of the
mutiny were sentenced to prison at Carmen de Patagones, and the militias that took part in it were dissolved. The only
peninsular militias remaining were those of Andaluces and Montaeses, who did not join the mutiny; criollos obtained the
military command, and the political power of Saavedra increased even more. A few months later, the Junta of
Seville appointed a new Viceroy, Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros. Some patriots proposed a self-coup to keep Liniers in power
and resist the new viceroy, but Saavedra and Liniers himself did not accept it and the transition was performed without
problems. Although Saavedra supported the plans of the criollos to seize power, he warned about taking rushed measures,
considering that the ideal time to do so would be when the Napoleonic forces achieved a decisive advantage in the Spanish
conflict. Until then, he forced the other revolutionaries to stay quiet by denying the help of his regiment. His usual quote was
"Peasants and gentlemen, it is not yet time -- let the figs ripen, and then we'll eat them." Although he was sometimes
suspected of sympathy for Cisneros for his reluctance to take action against him, he maintained his strategy. Saavedra's
political moderation may have been influenced by his previous career in the Cabildo. The chance expected by Saavedra came
in May 1810, when two British ships came with news of the peninsular war. The previous January Seville was invaded, the
Junta of Seville ceased working, and some members took refuge at Cadiz and Leon, the last undefeated Spanish provinces.
The complete Spanish defeat seemed imminent. The viceroy tried to conceal the information by seizing all newspapers, but
some of them were leaked into the possession of the revolutionaries. Colonel Viamonte called Saavedra and informed him of
the news, requesting once again his military support. Saavedra agreed that it was a good context to proceed, and gave his
famous answer: "Gentlemen: now I say it is not only time, but we must not waste a single hour." Cisneros called Saavedra
and Martn Rodrguez, and requested their military support in the case of a popular rebellion. They refused to give such
support, and Saavedra argued that Cisneros should resign because the Junta of Seville that had appointed him did not exist
anymore. As a result, Cisneros gave in to the request of Juan Jos Castelli: to celebrate an open cabildo, an extraordinary
meeting of the noteworthy peoples of the city, and discuss the situation. The next day an armed mob, led by Antonio
Beruti and Domingo French, occupied the Plaza to demand the making of the open cabildo, doubting that Cisneros would
actually allow it. Saavedra addressed the crowd and assured them that the Regiment of Patricians supported their claims. The
open cabildo was held on May 22. The people discussed if Cisneros should stay in power and, in the case he was removed
from office, which type of government should be established. Saavedra stayed silent for the most part, awaiting his turn to
speak. The most important speakers were Bishop Benito Lue y Riega, Juan Jos Castelli, Ruiz Huidobro, Manuel Genaro
Villota, Juan Jos Paso and Juan Nepomuceno de Sola, among others. Saavedra was the last one to speak, and suggested that
the political control should be delegated to the Cabildo until the formation of a governing Junta, in the manner and form that
the Cabildo deemed appropriate. In his speech, he pointed out the phrase: "(...) "And there be no doubt that it is the people
that confers the authority or command." This statement was in line with the Retroversion of the sovereignty to the people, a
political concept formulated by Castelli, stating that in the absence of the rightful governor the sovereignty returned to the

peoples, who had then the power to give it to someone else. Castelli aligned his position with Saavedra's, becoming the
common position which was eventually passed with 87 votes. However, the Cabildo appointed a Junta headed by Cisneros,
who would stay in power, even if under a new office. Saavedra was appointed to this Junta, as well as Castelli and two
peninsulars. They made the oath of office, but the Junta was received with strong popular unrest, as it was perceived as going
contrary to the result of the open cabildo. By the night, Saavedra and Castelli resigned, convincing Cisneros to do the same.
The Cabildo rejected Cisneros' resignation, and ordered the military to control the crowd and enforce the resolution of the
previous day. The commanders pointed out that if they did so, their soldiers would mutiny. As the demonstration overran
some sections of the cabildo, Cisneros' resignation was finally accepted. The members of the new Junta were the result of a
document with hundreds of signatures, drafted among the people in the plaza. Cornelio Saavedra was the president of this
Junta. He rejected this at first, fearing that he may be suspected of promoting the revolution for personal interest, but finally
accepted at Cisneros' request. As the Junta was established on May 25, the other cities were invited to send deputies to a
constituent assembly to discuss the type of government; on May 27, they were invited to send deputies to join the Junta. Both
invitations were contradictory, but the consequences would take place some months later. The precise authorship of the
aforementioned document is unclear, and so is the origin of the composition of the Junta. Saavedra said in his memoirs that it
was "the people", without being more precise. As he protested being appointed president, he could not be part of the
negotiations (Manuel Belgrano and Mariano Moreno, other members, are reported to have been appointed without their
consent as well). It could not have been the Regiments of Patricians either: the Junta was not a military junta (only two of nine
members were military), and the Regiment would not have appointed Moreno, whose rivalry with Saavedra was known. A
common accepted theory considers it to be a balance between Carlotists andAlzaguists. The presidency of the Junta was the
result of the high influence of the militias in general and Saavedra in particular in the local politics. From that time on, he
spent most of his time at the fort of Buenos Aires, managing the government with Moreno, Belgrano and Castelli. It is likely
that he left his business for this. Cornelio Saavedra was aware that the Junta would be resisted by factions still loyal to the old
authorities. It was resisted locally by theCabildo and the Royal Audiencia; the nearby plazas of Montevideo and Paraguay did
not recognize it; and Santiago de Liniers organized a counter-revolution at Crdoba. During this early period, the Junta worked
united against the royalist threats. Mariano Moreno, the secretary of war, drafted the decrees and regulations to deal with
royalists. First, a decree ordered punishment for anyone attempting to generate disputes, and for those concealing
conspiracies against the Junta or other people. The Royal Audiencia swore loyalty to the Regency Council, in defiance to the
Junta, so they were summoned, along with former viceroy Cisneros, and exiled to Spain with the pretext that there was a
threat to their lives. The Junta appointed new members for the Audiencia loyal to the revolution. Moreno organized as well
the Paraguay campaign and the First Upper Peru campaign, to the plazas that resisted the Junta. The second one, headed
by Francisco Ortiz de Ocampo, would move to Crdoba and attack the counter-revolution; before marching to Upper Peru.
Ocampo's initial orders were to capture the counter-revolutionary leaders and send them to Buenos Aires, so that they could
be judged. When the counter-revolution became stronger Moreno called the Junta and proposed that the enemy leaders
should be shot as soon as they were captured instead of brought to trial. The new orders were carried out by Juan Jos
Castelli. Cornelio Saavedra supported all these measures. However, as time passed, Saavedra and Moreno distanced from
each other. There was some initial distrust in the Junta towards Saavedra, but it was just the result of his desire for honours
and privileges rather than an actual power struggle. When the initial difficulties were solved, Saavedra promoted an indulgent
policy, while Moreno insisted on taking radical measures. For instance, the Junta discovered on October 16 that some
members of the Cabildo secretly swore loyalty to the Regency Council. Moreno proposed executing them as a deterrent, and
Saavedra replied that the government should promote leniency, and rejected the use of the Regiment of Patricians to carry
out such executions. Saavedra prevailed, and the plotting members of the Cabildo were exiled instead of executed. Overall,
Moreno was supported by "The Star" regiment, the other members of the Junta, and the activists of the May Revolution;
Saavedra was supported by the merchants, the loyals to the old regime that saw him as a lesser evil, and the Regiment of
Patricians, which was the largest one. To counter the power of Saavedra, Moreno sought to modify the military balance of
power by reforming the promotion rules. Up until that point, the sons of officials were automatically granted the status of
cadet and were promoted just by seniority; Moreno arranged that promotions were earned by military merits instead.
However, in the short run this measure worked against him, as it antagonised members of the military who got promoted
precisely because of such rules. Saavedra thought that the victory at the battle of Suipacha strengthened his perspective, as
the Junta would have defeated its enemies. He considered that Moreno's animosity was rooted in the aforementioned mutiny
of lzaga, as Moreno took part in it. The victory was celebrated at the barracks of the Patricians, where the officer Anastasio
Duarte, who was drunk, made a toast to Saavedra, as if he was the king of the Americas. Moreno drafted the Honours
Suppression decree when he knew about it, which suppressed the ceremonies and privileges of the president of the Junta
inherited from the former office of viceroy. However, Saavedra signed it without complaint. The Regiment of Patricians
resented Moreno because of this, but Saavedra considered that it was a disproportionated response to a trivial issue. The
arrival of the deputies called months ago generated disputes about the role they should have. Mariano Moreno supported the
May 25 invitation, and wrote at the Gazeta de Buenos Ayres newspaper that the deputies should create a constituent
assembly. Most of them, however, were aligned with the more moderated style of Saavedra. Lead by Gregorio Funes from
Crdoba, they requested to join the Junta, as told in the second invitation. Saavedra and Funes thought that, with this
change, Moreno would be left in a minority group, unable to advance his more radical measures. The deputies and the Junta
met on December 18, to decide what to do. Funes, who was close to Saavedra, argued that Buenos Aires had no right to
appoint national authorities by itself and expect obedience from the provinces. The nine deputies voted for their
incorporation, as did Larrea, Azcunaga, Matheu and Alberti, founding members of the Junta. Saavedra declared that the
incorporation was not fully legal, but that he supported it for public convenience. Only Juan Jos Paso voted with Moreno
against the incorporation of the deputies. Left in a minority within the Junta, Moreno resigned. He was appointed to a
diplomatic mission in Europe, but died in high seas, in unclear circumstances. Some historians consider that Saavedra plotted
to murder Moreno, others that it was a negligence of the captain, and others that it was because of Moreno's frail health. With
the new members, the Junta was renamed as Junta Grande. Cornelio Saavedra, who continued being president, had a clear
control of it, together with Gregorio Funes. Although Moreno was no longer part of the Junta, his former supporters still plotted
against Saavedra, meeting at the "Caf de Marcos". They accused Funes and Saavedra of beingcarlotists. The regiment of
Domingo French attempted to mutiny, but they were discovered and defeated. It is unknown if Moreno was involved in this
attempted mutiny or not. The dispute was finally settled by the Revolution of the shoreline dwellers. The mayors Toms
Grigera and Joaqun Campana, supporters of Saavedra, led the "shoreline dwellers" (Spanish: orilleros, poor people living in
the outskirts of Buenos Aires) to the Plaza, along with the Regiment of Patricians, and demanded the resignation of the
morenists Hiplito Vieytes, Azcunaga, Larrea and Rodrguez Pea, appointing the Saavedrists Juan Alagn, Atanasio
Gutirrez, Feliciano Chiclana and Campana as their replacements. It was requested as well that the government should not
change its political style without voting it first. However, although the revolution was done in support of Saavedra, Saavedra
denied having any involvement in it, and condemned it in his autobiography. Saavedra began to lose political power from this
point. The decree of Mariano Moreno that changed the military promotions, which was never derogated, began to bear fruit,
even if Moreno was not in the Junta anymore. The army became more professional, and less based on militias. Many of the
new military authorities opposed Saavedra. The political crisis increased with the unfavourable military outcomes of the war:

Belgrano was defeated at the Paraguay campaign, Castelli at the Upper Peru campaign, and the
capture of Montevideo became increasingly difficult with the intervention of Portuguese troops
supporting it. The many members of the Junta made the internal work difficult, as all measures
were discussed by all members, hindering the swift reactions needed by the war. Saavedra left
Buenos Aires at this point, and headed to the Upper Peru, to take command of the Army of the
North. He thought that he could be of greater help as a military leader than facing the political
struggles of Buenos Aires. Saavedra was warned by fellow members of the Junta, military
leaders and even the Cabildo that if he left Buenos Aires, the government would be prone to fall
into a political crisis. He left anyway, convinced that he would be able to reorganize the Army of
the North. The warnings were justified; shortly after his departure, the Junta was turned into a
legislative power, while the executive would be managed by the First Triumvirate. This
arrangement lasted for a short time, then the Junta was abolished. The Regiment of Patricians
made a mutiny against the triumvirate, but failed. Saavedra received the news eight days after
arriving in Salta. He was informed that he was deposed as president of the Junta, and that he
should hand the command of the Army of the North to Juan Martn de Pueyrredn. Trying to
avoid returning to Buenos Aires, he requested to be relocated at Tucumn or Mendoza. He was
allowed to stay at the later city, rejoining his wife and children. The press of Buenos Aires was very harsh about him, so the
Triumvirate asked the governor to capture Saavedra and send him to Lujn, near Buenos Aires. The order, however, was
never carried out because the triumvirate was deposed by the Revolution of October 8, 1812, and replaced by the Second
Triumvirate. The appointment of the supreme director Gervasio Antonio de Posadas fostered further hostilities towards
Saavedra. Posadas was among the people banished in 1811, and made him a trial of residence as a revenge. Saavedra,
defended by Juan de la Rosa Alba, was accused of organizing the 1811 revolution, along with Campana. The sentence ruled
that Saavedra should be exiled, but he avoided it by crossing the Andes with his son and seeking political asylum at
Chile. Juan Jos Paso requested the extradition of Saavedra, but the Chilean supreme director Francisco de la Lastra denied it.
Saavedra did not stay in Chile for long; a huge royalist attack to Chile (which would end in the Disaster of Rancaguaand the
royalist reconquest of Chile) made him cross the Andes again and seek refuge at Mendoza, along with Chilean
expatriates. Jos de San Martn, ruling Mendoza at the time, allowed him to settle in San Juan. Saavedra settled in San Juan in
1814. He had a new son, Pedro Cornelio, and maintained a simple life growing grapes. He awaited the final decision of
Posadas, but the supreme director had a political crisis at the time. The Spanish king Ferdinand VII had returned to the throne
and demanded the colonies to return to their former organization, the royalists at Upper Peru were still a threat, and Jos
Gervasio Artigas opposed Buenos Aires as well, because of its high centralism. As a result, Carlos Mara de Alvear became the
new supreme director, who would decide the final fate of Cornelio Saavedra. Alvear ordered Saavedra to move immediately
to Buenos Aires, to close the case. He arrived to the city in time, and Alvear was sympathetic to his situation. However,
Alvear was forced to resign a few days later, before being able to rule the case. The Buenos Aires Cabildo, the interim
government, restored Saavedra's military rank and honours, but the rule was abolished by Ignacio lvarez Thomas, the
following supreme director. He moved then to the countryside, to live with his brother Luis. He kept requesting to the
government the restoration of his rank. Finally, the supreme director Juan Martn de Pueyrredn appointed a commission to
discuss the case of Saavedra. By this time, theCongress of Tucumn had made the Argentine Declaration of Independence a
couple of years before. The commission restored Saavedra with the military rank of brigadier, and ordered the payment of all
the wages he did not receive during the time he was demoted. A second commission ratified the ruling. The payment was not
enough to compensate Saavedra's losses, but he considered it a token of his restored prestige. He was appointed then to
help with the protection of the frontier with the natives at Lujn. Angered with the passivity of Buenos Aires during the LusoBrazilian invasion of the Banda Oriental, Francisco Ramrez from Entre Ros and Estanislao Lpez from Santa Fe joined forces
against the city. Saavedra fled to Montevideo, fearing that Buenos Aires would be obliterated if defeated. Ramrez and Lpez
won the battle of Cepeda, but the city was not destroyed, so Saavedra returned. He retired in 1822, and lived with his family
in the countryside. He offered his services at the beginning of the War of Brazil, despite being 65 years old, but Balcarce
declined the offer. He wrote his memoirs, Memoria autgrafa, in 1828. He died on March 29, 1829. He was taken to the
cemetery by his sons. There was no state funeral at the time, because Juan Lavalle made a coup against the governor Manuel
Dorrego and executed him, starting a period of civil war. Lavalle was defeated by Juan Manuel de Rosas, who was appointed
governor. Once he restored peace, Rosas made a state funeral for Saavedra, on January 13, 1830. As president of the first
government body created after the May Revolution, Saavedra is considered the first ruler of Argentina. However, as the
Spanish juntas were not a presidential system, Saavedra was not the first President of Argentina; that office would be created
a decade afterwards. The Casa Rosada, official residence of the President of Argentina, holds a bust of Saavedra at the Hall of
busts. The Regiment of Patricians is still an active unit of the Argentine Army, currently as an air assault infantry. It is also the
custodian of the Buenos Aires Cabildo, the welcoming party for visiting foreign dignitaries to Argentina and the escort and
honor guard battalion for the City Government of Buenos Aires. As of September 22, 2010, the Regiment's headquarters
building has been declared as a National Historical Monument by the Argentine government, on the occasion of the country's
bicentennial year. The historiography of Cornelio Saavedra is closely related to that of Mariano Moreno. As Saavedra had a
conflict with him in the Junta, the perspectives towards him complement those about Moreno. The first liberal historians
praised Moreno as the leader of the Revolution and a great historical man; Saavedra was treated either as a weak man
overwhelmed by Moreno, or as a counter-revolutionary. This perspective did not acknowledge that Saavedra, as head of the
Regiment of Patricians, was the most popular and influential man of the city since before the Revolution, and that he was
reported to be staunch, cunning and ruthless. Subsequently, revisionist authors would formulate accusations against Moreno,
depicting him as a British agent and a man of mere theoretical European ideas without a strong relation with the South
American context. Saavedra is depicted instead as a popular caudillo, a predecessor of Jos de San Martn and Juan Manuel
de Rosas. This perspective did not acknowledge that the wealthy citizens were aligned with Saavedra against Moreno, that
Saavedra himself was wealthy and aristocratic, and that the 1811 revolution made no requests of a social nature, save for the
removal of Morenist forces from the Junta.

Domingo Bartolom Francisco Matheu (August

4, 1765, in Barcelona, Spain March 28, 1931, in Buenos

Aires, Argentina) was a Spanish businessman and politician. He was a member of the Primera Junta, the first national
government of modern Argentina. Domingo Bartolom Francisco Matheu was born in August 4, 1765, in Matar. His parents
were Pablo Matheu Boter and Antonia Chicola. He studied in the school "Pas" of Matar, and then focused in maths and naval
studies. He became a pilot, and visited other Spanish territories as La Habana, Philippines and the Canary Islands. He moved
to Buenos Aires in 1791, and opposed the trade regulations of the time. He sought both economic and political support
among the local society. Matheu joined the Regiment of Miones during the British invasions of the Ro de la Plata. He was
appointed liutenant of the second company, under the command of Juan Larrea. On August 19, 1806, a few days after the
liberation of Buenos Ares from British rule, Matheu, Larrea and other neighbours requested authorization to create a new
military unit, "Urbanos Voluntarios de Catalua". ViceroySantiago de Liniers approved it on September 26. As Larrea got ill,

Matheu led this unit during the second British attack in 1807. He retired from the combats in Miserere,
and waged urban warfare from the buildings of the city. He was awarded by a Real Order on January
1809 for his role in the defense of Buenos Aires. The Peninsular War in Spain, along with the capture of
the king Ferdinand VII and the fall of the Junta of Seville, escalated political disputes in Buenos Aires
that led to the May Revolution. Several criollos thought that the viceroy Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros,
appointed by the fallen Junta, did not have legitimacy, and requested an open cabildo to discuss it.
Azcunaga attended it, and voted for the creation of a Junta with deputies from all the provinces, with
the Cabildo ruling in the interregnum. However, the majority agreed with the creation of a junta, but
with another junta of people from Buenos ruling during in the meantime. The viceroy tried to stay in
government as president of the Junta, which was resisted by the criollos. The reasons of Matheu's
inclusion in the Junta are unclear, as with all its members. A common accepted theory considers it to be a balance
between Carlotists, Alzaguists, the military and the clergy. The May Revolution began the Argentine War of Independence,
which was complicated by the lack of weapons in the country. Without enough resources to buy them, the Primera
Junta established armories. The first director, Juan Taragona, was soon replaced by Matheu. Working alongside German
gunsmiths as Juan Frye and Fernando Lamping, he directed the creation of several muskets and some pieces of artillery. The
armory of Buenos Aires, located at the site of the modern Palace of Justice, had only 90 employees, including seven slaves
and seven natives. They had limited technical knowledge, but managed to build and repair nearly three hundred muskets and
a hundred of carbines. Matheu gave financial support to the armory with his own wealth. Eduard Holmberg was appointed
director in 1813, replacing Matheu, but Matheu kept working for the armory anyway. He supervised as well the armory of
the Tucumn Province. He directed later the manufacture of military uniforms. After the departure of Cisneros following
the May Revolution he was designated vocal of the Primera Junta. The Primera Junta became the Junta Grande afterwards,
and Matheu was designated its president when Cornelio Saavedra left it to join the battles in the north. Matheu and Larrea
supported the national government with the money they obtained from commerce. He retired from political life in 1817,
staying just in commercial activities until his death in 1831. Domingo Matheu led the first armory of Argentina.
General Manuel Nicols Savio organized the construction of an arsenal in Rosario, Santa Fe, named after Matheu. The
cornerstone was placed on October 3, 1942, and worked for many decades. The place was used as a detention center during
the Dirty War in the 1970s.

Triumvirates
First Triumvirate
Feliciano Antonio Chiclana (Buenos

Aires, June 9, 1761 Buenos Aires, September 17, 1826)

was an Argentine lawyer, soldier, and judge. He studied at the Colegio de San Carlos. In 1783 he
attained a law degree from the Universidad de Chile. After returning to Buenos Aires in 1791 he became
secretary to the mayor of the Buenos Aires Cabildo. During the British invasions of the Ro de la Plata in
1806 he fought as captain of the 1st Patricians' Infantry Regiment. In 1810, he helped on the planning for
the May Revolution as legal counsel to the Cabildo. He was part of the group of moderates which wanted
the Cabildo to assume command of the government during the Napoleonic invasion of Spain to later
return it to the Spanish Crown. He therefore voted on May 22, 1810 to depose the viceroy. The Primera
Junta named him comptroller of the Auxiliary Army of Upper Peru with the rank of colonel. In August 1810
he was named governor of Salta Province, which at the time also encompassed present-day Jujuy
Province. In November 1810 he received orders from Buenos Aires to leave that post and occupy the new
post of governor of Potos. Returning later to Buenos Aires, he was part of the First Triumvirate, along with Juan Jos
Paso and Manuel de Sarratea in 1811. He was a triumvir until October 8, 1812, when he was deposed. In November 1812 he
was again named governor of Salta, where he worked closely with Manuel Belgrano. He stayed on the post until October 26,
1813, when he was succeeded by Francisco Fernndez de la Cruz. Between 1814 and 1816 he was in charge of provisioning
for the Auxiliary Army of Upper Peru; returning afterwards to Buenos Aires. In 1817 he was opposed politically to the Supreme
director Juan Martn de Pueyrredn, which made him eave to exile in Baltimore,United States of America. Having been able to
return to Argentina in 1818, he was then exiled again, this time to Mendoza, but due to illness he did not make the trip. In
1819, replaced in his rank of colonel, he accomplished what was to be his last mission: to negotiate peace with
the Ranquel native tribe, which whom he signed a treaty. He retired from the army in 1822 and died in Buenos Aires in
September 1826. He was interred in the La Recoleta Cemetery in Buenos Aires.

Manuel de Sarratea,

(Buenos Aires, August 11 1774 Limoges, France, 21 September 1849), was an Argentine
diplomat, politician and soldier. He was the son of Martin de Sarratea (1743-1813), of the richest merchant of Buenos-Aires
and Tomasa Josefa de Altolaguirre. His sister Martina de Sarrateas (1772-1805) married Santiago de Liniers, vice-roy del Rio
de la Plata. Sarratea was educated in Madrid. He returned to the country to work as a diplomat. He participated in theMay
Revolution of 1810 and per advice from Belgrano he was named ambassador in Ro de Janeiro. When the Primera Junta was
dissolved, he returned and took part on the following government body, the so-called First Triumvirate. One of the
Triumvirate's political accomplishments was a treaty signed with vicerroy Francisco Javier de Elo, where the Banda
Oriental (present-day Uruguay was ceded to the crown. In 1812, after the change of government in Montevideo, the treaty
was broken and the war against theroyalists in the city was resumed. Most of the Criollo soldiers had abandoned the territory,
following theircaudillo, Jos Artigas. Sarratea took charge of the army in the Banda Oriental, making his primary mission to
get back the troops from Artigas. He attempted to convince him and when this failed he attempted to bribe him, also without
success. He then declared Artigas a traitor but this measure was rejected by the rest of the Triumvirate. The Triumvirate was
dominated by minister Rivadavia, until its fall in October 1812. Sarratea continued to be in charge of the Banda Oriental army
until the first part of the following year, when he was replaced by Jos Rondeau. Only when the ex-Triumvir Sarratea left, did
Artigas and his men return to the siege of Montevideo. Sarratea remained inactive for more than two years,
until Director Gervasio Posadas sent him on a diplomatic mission to Madrid andLondon. Arriving in Spain he offered the
recently restored king, Ferdinand VII, the submission of the United Provinces to the Spanish crown under a certain autonomy.
Instead he was treated as the representative of a group of rebels and had to leave and go to England. Sarratea returned to
Buenos Aires in mid 1816, and was named government minister of foreign relations for the Supreme Director, Juan Martn de
Pueyrredn. He later resigned for health reasons and made contacts within the porteo political opposition, so he was
expelled and exiled to Montevideo by order of the same Director. After the battle of Cepeda he joined the federalist army
commanded by Estanislao Lpez and Francisco Ramrez. They then sent him as their representative to the Buenos Aires
Cabildo, whom he convinced to name him provincial governor. He assumed the governorship on February 18, 1820 and soon
after he signed the Treay of Pilar with the federalist chiefs, through which the Buenos Aires province agreed to be recognized

as equal to the other United Provinces. As one of the secret clauses of the treaty, he promised the
delivery of armament to the federalist caudillos. When the Buenos Aires military found he was to deliver
armament, they raised against him, and deposed him on March 6, replacing him with general Balcarce.
He lasted only one week as governor, when general Ramrez threatened with attacking the city if they
did not deliver the promised armament. Sarratea assumed government again on May 11, and also gave
Ramrez some military units under the command of colonel Mansilla. Sarratea could not contain the
permanent state of anarchy in the province, nor gain the obedience and trust of the military, so he was
forced to resign at the end of May. He joined Ramrez's army in his campaign against Artigas, and
defeating him was probably his greatest personal success. Later on he took part in the preparations for
the war Ramirez would fight against Buenos Aires, Santa F and Crdoba, which ended in disaster.
Sarratea then recused himself from politics for a time. On August 31, 1825, Juan Gregorio de Las Heras,
named Sarratea as Encargado de Negocios de las Provincias Unidas del Ro de la Plata cerca de Gran
Bretaa (Commercial representative of the United Provinces of the River Plate to Great Britain). President Rivadavia sent him
in 1826 to be the United Provinces representative in London again. There he supported the British policy of separating the
Banda Oriental from the rest of the provinces, which was accomplished in 1828. Governor Manuel Dorrego kept him as
ambassador, and Juan Manuel de Rosas later named him ambassador to Brazil andFrance.

Juan Jos Paso,

(January 2, 1758, Buenos Aires September 10, 1833) was an Argentine politician
who participated in the events that started the Argentine War of Independence known as May Revolution of
1810. Paso studied at the University of Crdoba and graduated in Theology in 1779. Back in Buenos Aires,
he was named professor of Philosophy at the Colegio Real de San Carlos (Royal School of San Carlos). In
1783 he moved to the Upper Peru and studied law in theUniversity of Chuquisaca; only to return to Buenos
Aires as a lawyer in 1803. After the British invasions of the Ro de la Plata he pursued a political career as a
revolutionary leader moved by the new national identity that was growing among the ' criollos'. Paso
assisted with the Cabildo Abierto of May 22, 1810 and supported the faction that sought the dismissal
of viceroy Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros, convincing many others with a fervent speech. He participated in
the creation of the First Junta (Primera Junta) government on May 25 and was named Secretary of the Junta along
with Mariano Moreno, with whom he shared political points of view. He was sent by the Junta
to Montevideo (today's Uruguay capital city) to spread the ideas of the revolution. Paso was also part of the First
Triumvirate and the Second Triumvirate that ruled the United Provinces of the Ro de la Plata (Argentina) between 1811 and
1814. During this period he participated in the Asamblea del ao XIII and was sent to Chile as a representative. But the
negotiations with Chilean patriots failed and the Capitaincy of Chile refused to take part in the Union. In 1815 Paso was
named assistant to the Supreme Director and war consultant. He was later elected a representative to the Congress of
Tucumn that declared the Argentine Independence on July 9, 1816. As Secretary to this Congress, Paso had the honor of
reading the independence act. However, he was then imprisoned and charged of treason for supporting the monarchist
faction that wanted a monarchy as government for the new nation. He was quickly released along with the other monarchist
deputies. Elected a member of the Buenos Aires Province Legislature in 1822, Paso later became president of that body. In
1824, he was again elected representative for the National Congress and supported the nomination of Bernardino
Rivadavia as the first President of Argentina. He retired from politics in 1826 disgusted with the violent disagreements among
the provinces that divided themselves betweenUnitarians and Federalists.

Juan Martn de Pueyrredn y O'Dogan (December

18, 1777 March 13, 1850) was

an Argentine general and politician of the early 19th century. He was appointed Supreme Director of the
United Provinces of the Ro de la Plata after the Argentine Declaration of Independence. Pueyrredn was
born in Buenos Aires, the fifth of eight sons of Juan Martn de Pueyrredn y Labroucherie and Mara Rita
Dogan. Pueyrredon's father was a French merchant who established himself in Cadiz with his brother and
later in Buenos Aires, getting married to Maria in the Argentine city. He was educated at the Royal
College, up until the death of his father in 1791. Mara became the head of the family, assisted by
Anselmo Senz Valiente in business, and retired Juan Martn from his studies at the age of 14. He then
moved to live with a relative in Cdiz, Spain to learn about commerce. His first business took him to
Madrid and France. He returned briefly to Buenos Aires to conclude his father's testament, and got
married to Dolores in Spain upon his return. They returned to Buenos Aires, but Dolores lost her pregnancy during the trip.
Pueyrredn thought of returning to Spain with her, hoping to restore her health by visiting her family, but she lost another
pregnancy and her health worsened until she died on May 1805. Buenos Aires was invaded by British forces in 1806, during
the first British invasions of the Ro de la Plata. Pueyrredn was among the criollos who did not believe that the British would
help them to became independent from Spain. He moved to Montevideo and got an interview with governor Pascual Ruiz
Huidobro. Huidobro authorized him to organize a resistance, so he returned to Buenos Aires and secretly prepared an army at
the Perdriel ranch. The British, however, discovered it and defeated the half-prepared army. Pueyrredn escaped to Colonia
del Sacramento and joined Santiago de Liniers, whose army would eventually defeat the British. In 1807 he was sent as
representative of Buenos Aires to Spain again, but returned in 1809 via Brazil to Buenos Aires, where he subsequently
participated in the independentist movement. After the May Revolution of 1810, which gave birth to the first local
government junta, he was appointed governor of Crdoba, and in 1812 he became the leader of the independent forces and a
member of the short-lived First Triumvirate. From 1812 to 1815, he was exiled in San Luis. In 1816, Pueyrredn was
elected Supreme Director of the United Provinces of the Ro de la Plata. He strongly supported Jos de San Martn's military
campaign in Chile, and also founded the first national bank of Argentina and the national mint. After the declaration of
a Unitarian constitution, revolts forced him to resign as Supreme Director in 1819 and go into exile in Montevideo. He
subsequently played a very small role in politics, most notably serving in 1829 as a mediator between Juan Manuel de
Rosas and Juan Lavalle. He died in retirement on his ranch in San Isidro, Buenos Aires. Pueyrredn was married to Mara
Calixta Tellechea y Caviedes. Their only son, famous painter and civil engineer Prilidiano, was born in Buenos Aires on January
24, 1823. From 1835 to 1849, Pueyrredn and his family lived in Europe.

Second Triumvirate
Nicols Rodriguez Pea (Buenos

Aires 1775 Santiago de Chile; 1853) was an Argentine politician. Born in Buenos
Aires in April 1775, he worked in commerce which allowed him to amass a considerable fortune. Among his several successful
businesses, he had a soap factory partnership withHiplito Vieytes, which was a center of conspirators during the revolution
against Spanish rule. In 1805 he was a member of the "Independence Lodge", a masonic lodge, along with other prominent
revolutionary patriots such as Juan Jos Castelli and Manuel Belgrano. This group used to meet in his ranch, then situated in

what today is Rodriguez Pea square in Buenos Aires. He was a member of the local militia in
the British invasions of the Ro de la Plata (1806 and 1807), and after taking part as promoter and
financier of the May Revolution, he collaborated in the formation of the Primera Junta. Was secretary
to Castelli, and went with him in the liberation army's expedition to Crdoba, where he authorized
the death by firing squad of the previous viceroy Santiago de Liniers. After fighting at the Battle of
Suipacha he entered Upper Peru, where he was for a short time governor of La Paz. Returning to
Buenos Aires in February, he took the place of Mariano Moreno at the First Junta ("Primera Junta"). He
was deposed by the revolution of April 1811 and confined to San Juan Province. Rodiguez Pea
returned later the same year to Buenos Aires, returning to commerce once again. He joined the Logia
Lautaro, directed by Carlos Mara de Alvear. Due to the revolution of October 1812, he was elected
member of the Second Triumvirate, a government just created by the Constitutional Congress. When
the Triumvirate was dissolved, the Supreme Director, Gervasio Antonio de Posadas, selected him to
preside the State Council ("Consejo de Estado"). He was also assigned as a colonel in the army. In
1814 he was named first governor delegate of the Eastern Province (present-day Uruguay), a post he held for only a short
time. After the fall of Director Alvear, he was charged, judged, and exiled, and was allowed to live in San Juan. In 1816 he
went back to Buenos Aires, but the new Supreme Director, Juan Martn de Pueyrredn, forced him to return to exile in San
Juan where he helped Jos de San Martn organize the Army of the Andes for the crossing into Chile. After the Battle of
Chacabuco he self-exiled himself in Santiago de Chile, where he remained until his death in December 1853. His remains
were interred in La Recoleta Cemeteryin Buenos Aires.

Antonio

lvarez

Jonte (Madrid,

1784
Pisco, Per,
October
18,
1820)
was
an Argentine politician. He was born in Madrid in 1784 and moved with parents to Crdoba when young.
He studied law at Crdoba University and obtained his doctorate at the Real Universidad de San Felipe
in Santiago de Chile. He opened a law practice in Buenos Aires, and lived there at the time of the British
invasions. He offered his services as volunteer in the militia but was declined due to poor health. lvarez
Jonte took part on the preparations for the May Revolution in 1810. After the revolution, the newly
constituted Primera Juntasent him to Chile to try to foment a similar revolution there. This happened in
October 1810, and lvarez Jonte became the first Argentine ambassador to this country. Towards the end
of 1810 he was in Buenos Aires and he joined Mariano Moreno's revolutionary group. The Junta named
him member of the Cabildo, where he pressed to dissolve the governing Junta when news of the Battle of
Huaqui disaster arrived. He supported the formation of the First Triumvirate, and by their initiative he was named again rector
of the Cabildo for the year 1812. He moved to the opposition when the government of Rivadavia dissolved the first national
assembly in 1812. lvarez Jonte joined the Lautaro lodge, founded by Alvear and San Martn, and supported the October
1812 revolution, (started by San Martn after the arrival of the news of the military victory at the Battle of Tucumn). By this
movement the First Triumvirate was dissolved and replaced by a Second Triumvirate, formed by Juan Jos Paso, Nicols
Rodrguez Pea, and lvarez Jonte. A short while later Paso was replaced by Jos Julin Prez, and a few months later,
Rodrguez Pea was replaced by Gervasio Posadas, Alvear's uncle. In reality, the government was controlled by the Lautaro
Lodge and by Alvear. The Triumvirate called for a National Constitutional Assembly, dominated by Buenos Aires where most of
the deputies from the interior of the country were named by the Lodge, in Buenos Aires. The Assembly did not meet its
objectives, not having declared independence from Spain, nor sanctioning any constitution. By the end of 1813, Juan
Larrea (a rich and influential friend of Alvear and of British commerce) replace lvarez Jonte, who was named to lead the
commission investigating the military defeats at Vilcapugio and Ayohuma. lvarez Jonte travelled to Tucumn to start the
investigations and legal proceedings, but later he declined to judge general Belgrano. In early 1814 he reorganized the
government ofTucumn Province. Was then named as military comptroller to the Army of the North during the short period
where its commander in choief was San Martn. lvarez Jonte then returned to Buenos Aires, where he served as general war
comptroller, and worked in this post during the brief government of Alvear. After the mutiny that led to the Alvear's fall from
government, he was exiled to London. There he joined the local Lautaro Lodge and dedicated himself to the formation of a
navy squadron for Chile, recently liberated from Spain by San Martn, supporting the latter's plans to attack the Viceroyalty of
Peru by sea. He arrived in Chile with Admiral Thomas Cochrane in November 1818, with the navy's ships intended to move
the Army of the Andes to Peru. Even though he fell ill, he was named army comptroller and secretary to San Martn. He
accompanied Cochrane in the first naval campaign to the port of El Callao. In August 1820 he embarked with San Martn
towards Peru again. A short time after arriving, he fell gravelly il (probably of tuberculosis) and died in October 1820 in the
port of Pisco. An avenue in Buenos Aires's Monte Castro neighborhood, is named after him.

List of Supreme Directors of Argentina

Gervasio Antonio de Posadas y Dvila (June

18, 1757, in Buenos Aires July 2, 1833, in

Buenos Aires) was a member ofArgentina's Second Triumvirate from August 19, 1813 until January 31,
1814, after which he served as Supreme Director of Argentina until January 9, 1815. Posadas' early studies
were at the convent of San Francisco. Then he studied and practiced law with Manuel Jos de Labardn. In
1789 Posadas was appointed notary general for the bishopric, and held that post until the events of
the May Revolution. He was unaware of the impending revolution and was caught by surprise when
the Buenos Aires Cabildo (town hall) was occupied on May 25, 1810; he did not agree that it had been
legitimately done. His donations to the Sociedad Patritica made him an associate of
theSaavedrist faction, so the leaders of the riots of April 5, 1811 exiled him to Mendoza. A month later he was appointed
solicitor-procurator for the City of Buenos Aires. The Second Triumvirate commissioned Posadas, Nicols Rodrguez
Pea and Juan Larrea to draft a Constitution for consideration by the Asamblea del Ao XIII, then he became part of the
Triumvirate when the Assembly granted Executive Power to the Triumvirate. Then on 22 January 1814 the same Assembly
decided to concentrate the Executive Power in him as a Supreme Director for the United Provinces, and so he took that office
for a one-year period. During his rule, Saavedra and Campana were exiled, Montevideo fell to theUnited Provinces but serious
problems arose with Jos Gervasio Artigas and the Liga Federal on the Banda Oriental. Moreover,Ferdinand VII of
Spain regained his throne in 1815. Posadas was succeeded in office by his nephew, Carlos Mara de Alvear, who was removed
soon afterwards by a military coup d'tat. By August 1815 the whole Alvearista faction was in disgrace and Posadas was
jailed. The former Supreme Director spent the next six years in 22 different jails. He began writing his memoirs in 1829.

Carlos Mara de Alvear (October 25, 1789 in Santo ngel, Misiones November 3, 1852 in New York, United States)
was an Argentinesoldier and statesman, Supreme Director of the United Provinces of the Ro de la Plata in 1815. He was born
in the northern part of the Viceroyalty of the River Plate to a Spanish nobleman father, Diego de Alvear y Ponce de Len, and

a criollo mother, Mara Balbastro and baptised Carlos Antonio del Santo ngel Guardin. His birthplace Santo ngel was, at
that time, part of Misiones Province, but currently belongs to the Brazilian state of Rio Grande do Sul. While travelling
in Spain, Alvear's brothers and mother died in an incident that took place on October 5, 1804, when English frigates opened
fire on the Spanish ship that was transporting them. This incident was a preamble to the Battle of Trafalgar and the
consequent war between both countries. The English took Alvear and his father, together with other survivors, as prisoners
to England, where Diego de Alvear would later marry an Irish woman. Honouring his mother, Carlos de Alvear adopted the
name of Carlos Mara de Alvear. Notwithstanding the fate of his mother and brothers at the hands of the English, 15-year-old
Carlos was partially educated in the English culture, adopting, in his adult age, what some would later see as a position
partial to English interests. Alvear was one of the few professional military officers to participate of the Argentine War of
Independence on the side of the revolutionaries, having served in the Spanish Armyduring the Napoleonic Wars. While
in Cadiz, he founded the Sociedad de los Caballeros Racionales, a masonic secret society, made up of South Americans. Jos
de San Martn, with whom Alvear would always have a conflictive and contradictory relationship, would later also become a
member of this secret society. He returned to Buenos Aires on board the English frigate George Canning, in which were also
travelling San Martn, Juan Matas Zapiola, Francisco Chilavert and other soldiers. Upon his arrival, Alvear was named
Lieutenant Coronel of the young Argentine army. He led the action against the Royal army under Gaspar
Vigodet in Montevideo, replacing Jos Rondeau and making the Oriental leader Jos Gervasio Artigas an enemy. Alvear was a
leader of the constituent Assembly of the year 1813 and, goaded by political ambition, succeeded in establishing
an Unitarian (centralizing) form of government, having his uncle Gervasio Antonio de Posadas named Supreme Director (chief
executive). In early 1814, Alvear was appointed commander in chief of the forces defending the capital. A few months later,
he replaced General Jos Rondeau as commander in chief of the army besieging Montevideo, the last bastion of Spanish
power in the River Plate, which was defended by 5,000 troops. In late June 1814, as news that Ferdinand VII had recovered
the crown of Spain, Alvear managed to force the surrender of the Spanish troops in Montevideo. It was the biggest victory for
the cause of independence since 1810. He was only 25 and the most successful general of the revolution. He returned to
Buenos Aires to claim his laurels but a revolt forced him back to the Banda Oriental. After a quick and decisive campaign, his
forces defeated the caudillos that opposed the government. At the end of 1814 Alvear was named commander of the Army of
the North, but he lacked of support from Posadas, and his unpopularity among the troops, and other disagreements -including
a project for a constitutional monarchy that he sent to Europe to be negotiated by Manuel Belgrano, that was fiercely
opposed by the League of the Free Peoples- made him return to Buenos Aires. On January 9, 1815, at 25 years of age, he was
chosen to replace his uncle Posadas as Supreme Director. Having neither the support of the troops nor sufficient influence on
the people of the hinterland provinces, Director Alvear then attempted to come to an alliance with Artigas, to whom he
offered the independence of the Banda Oriental (current Uruguay). In exchange, Artigas would withdraw his army from
the Argentine Littoral. But Artigas declined the offer, and Alvear sent troops to occupy the area. At this time he was in
correspondence with the British ambassador in Rio de Janeiro, in order to ask for a British intervention. Following a mutiny
among his troops, and under pressure from the Cabildo, Alvear resigned on April 15, and left the country. He was in exile in
Rio de Janeiro until 1818. In May of that year, he moved to Montevideo where he joined his friend, the Chilean Jose Miguel
Carrera, also exiled due to political differences with San Martin and Bernardo O'Higgins. Alvear returned to Argentina in 1822
thanks to an amnesty law (Ley del olvido). At the end of 1823, Bernardino Rivadavia named him minister plenipotentiary to
the United States. Before going to Washington, Alvear stopped in London and managed to get an interview with George
Canning, Britain's Foreign Secretary. Weeks after this interview, the British cabinet formally recognized the independence of
the United Provinces of the Rio de la Plata. In 1825 Alvear was sent by the Buenos Aires government to Bolivia to meet
with Simn Bolivar. The real objective of this mission was to seek Bolivar's support in the looming war with the Empire of
Brazil, over the Banda Oriental. Alvear had also a project of his own: the creation of big republic in South America comprising
Argentina, Chile, Bolivia, Paraguay and Uruguay. He asked Bolivar to be its first president. The Venezuelan leader was
sympathetic to this project but dissensions in Gran Colombia forced him to abandon it. To neutralize Alvear's political
ambitions, newly elected President Bernardino Rivadavia appointed him his Minister of War and Navy in early 1826. In a short
period of time, and with limited resources, Alvear was able to raise an army of 8.000 men to wage war against the Empire of
Brazil. Conflicting claims over the Banda Oriental (current Uruguay) pushed both countries into conflict. Victory seemed
unattainable to the Argentines. At the time, Brazil had a population of close to 5 million inhabitants (including 2 million
slaves), a standing army of 120.000 men and a naval fleet of almost 80 vessels. In contrast, the fledgling Argentine Republic
had only 700,000 inhabitants and faced the secession of almost half of its provinces. Fearing a Brazilian invasion of Argentine
territory, in mid 1826, President Rivadavia appointed Alvear as commander in chief of the Argentine army, which was in
mutiny. Alvear quickly restored discipline and put the troops in fighting condition. By the end of the year, after only three
months on the job, he took the initiative and launched an invasion of the Brazilian province of Rio Grande do Sul. Among
Alvear's objectives was to promote a slave rebellion which would force the Emperor to seek an armistice. During the first
months of 1827 Cisplatine War, the Argentine Army entered Brazilian territory and defeated the Brazilians at Bag, Omb,
Camacu and the great Battle of Ituzaing, probably the most important victory of his career. It was his brilliant and fearless
conduct during this campaign, and the memorable victory which ended it, that made controversial Alvear a national hero
among Argentine people ever since. However, internal disenssions in Argentina and the signing of what was perceived to be a
humiliating peace treaty brought down Rivadavia's presidency. Without any political backing or support from Buenos Aires.
Alvear tendered his resignation and returned to Buenos Aires. When he arrived in the capital, he realized he had been
removed by the new government, which did everything possible to discredit him and Rivadavia. In 1829 Juan Manuel de
Rosas appeared in the Argentine political scene, inaugurating a controversial regime that on and off would last almost 23
years. Alvear was one of the leader's of the opposition and, in 1832, Rosas very shrewdly appointed him ambassador to the
United States, as a way of neutralizing his political ambitions. A change in government the following year allowed Alvear to
remain in Buenos Aires. However, when Rosas returned to power in 1835, he again tried to get rid of Alvear, who he
suspected was conspiring against his government. In early 1837, after discovering evidence that linked Alvear to a new
conspiracy, Rosas appointed him Argentina's first minister plenipotentiary to the United States. However, he was only able to
depart the following year. Alvear spent the rest of his life as ambassador in the U.S. and died in his house in New York in
November 1852. During his residence in the United States, Alvear had the opportunity to meet and interact with important
political figures such as Joel Roberts Poinsett, Daniel Webster, John Calhoun and James Buchanan, among others. Alvear's
instructions were mostly concerned with obtaining an apology from the United States regarding the conduct of an American
warship at the Falkland Islands, and to reassert Argentine claims to those islands. The U.S. government was indifferent to the
Argentine claims. Seeing that nothing more could be expected from Washington, Alvear requested to be transferred to
Europe, but Rosas refused. As the conflict between Argentina and France, and later Britain, intensified, Alvear tried to get the
support of the United States arguing that it would be consistent with the Monroe Doctrine. At the time, however, the United
States was more concerned about the situation in Texas and Oregon, so remained neutral in this conflict. Although a political
enemy of Rosas, Alvear admired him for his stance against France and England. Although he had been a lifelong admirer of
the United States, after the annexation of Texas (1845) and the subsequent war with Mexico (18461848), Alvear became
wary of American intentions towards Spanish America. According to his American biographer Thomas Davis, his diplomatic
correspondence shaped Argentina's traditional distrust to U.S. policies, which Alvear felt included the desire to conquer, or at

least dominate, all of Latin America. Carlos Mara de Alvear was buried in La Recoleta
Cemetery in Buenos Aires. Bartolom Mitre, author of the biography of San Martn Historia de San
Martn y de la emancipacin sudamericana, was very critical of Alvear, describing him as an ambitious
and dictatorial. Most later historians reject Alvear as well, albeit for different reasons. Leftist authors
support Monteagudo but reject Alvear, despite their political relation. Revisionist authors, supporters of
anti-imperialism, condemn Alvear for the attempt to turn the United Provinces into a British
protectorate and relate him with the party of Bernardino Rivadavia, despite them being enemies.

Jos Casimiro Rondeau Pereyra (March

4, 1773 November 18,

1844) was a general and politician in Argentina and Uruguay in the early 19th
century. He was born in Buenos Aires but soon after his birth, the family moved
to Montevideo,
where he grew up and went to school. At the age of twenty, he joined the armed
forces
in
Buenos
Aires, but later transferred to a regiment in Montevideo. During
the British invasion o
f 1806, he was captured and sent to England. After the defeat of the British
troops,
he
was
released and went to Spain, where he fought in the Napoleonic Wars. When he
returned
to
Montevideo in August 1810, he joined the independentist forces and was
nominated
military
leader of the independentist armies of the Banda Oriental, later Uruguay. His
military successes in
the various battles for Montevideo won him the post of the military leader of the
campaign
in Peru,
replacing Jos de San Martn, who had to resign due to health reasons. In 1815,
the Constituting General Assembly of the provinces of La Plata elected Rondeau their Supreme Director, but due to his
absence, he never served as director. Ignacio lvarez Thomas was named acting Supreme Director in his place. After two
defeats against the Spanish royalist troops in Peru at Venta y Media and Sipe-Sipe, he was relieved from his command in
1816. He returned to Buenos Aires, where he became governor for a brief stint from June 5 to July 30, 1818. In 1819 he
became Pueyrredn's successor as Supreme Director (serving this time), but had to resign the following year after the Battle
of Cepeda. Subsequently, Rondeau retreated to Montevideo and tried to keep out of the internal wars between competing
generals of the independentists. Nevertheless, he led several military campaigns against the Indians and in the independence
wars against Brazil. In 1828, after the Treaty of Montevideo, he was elected as the governor of the newly founded Eastern
Republic of Uruguay. Rondeau occupied this post from December 22, 1828 until April 17, 1830, when he was forced to
abdicate by his opponent Juan Antonio Lavalleja, who held the majority in the still young parliament. Lavalleja was named
governor ad interim. Rondeau still served as general in the army, though. In the civil war of Uruguay from 1836 between
the Blancos ("White") and theColorados ("Red"), he fought on the side of the latter and served as their war minister. He was
killed in 1844 during a siege of Montevideo.

Jos Ignacio lvarez Thomas (February

15, 1787 July 19, 1857) was a South

American military commander and politician of the early 19th century. lvarez Thomas was born
in Arequipa, Peru, and his family lived for some time in Lima. When his father, who was
in Spanish service, was called back to Madrid in 1797, they travelled via Buenos Aires. The family
stayed there while his father continued the voyage alone, and lvarez joined the army in 1799.
Subsequently, he got heavily involved in the independence war in Argentina. In the war against
the British in 1806/07, he was wounded and captured, and released only after the withdrawal of the
British troops. Under Carlos Mara de Alvear, he fought as a Colonel at Montevideo, where he was
awarded a medal. However, soon after he openly opposed the politics of de Alvear's government, and
his insurrection caused the resignation of the latter and resulted in a new election of a Supreme Director in the Constituting
General Assembly, where he was designated interim Supreme Director from April 20, 1815 to April 16, 1816 in place of the
electedJos Rondeau, who was absent on a military campaign in Peru. lvarez was sworn in on May 6 but had to resign a year
later after some military failures. When the Constituting General Assembly was dissolved in 1820, he was, as a still-influential
member of the former leadership, sent to prison, but released after 19 days. Subsequently, his political influence was greatly
diminished. In 1825, he was named ambassador in Peru, and in October also named ambassador to Chile. After his return to
Buenos Aires, he was exiled and also spent some time in prison for his opposition against the government of Juan Manuel de
Rosas. He emigrated to Rio de Janeiro, from where he tried to mount an insurrection against Rosas in 1840. In 1846, he fled
first the Chile and then Peru, before returning to Buenos Aires after the fall of Rosas government in 1852.

Antonio Gonzlez de Balcarce (June

24, 1774 August 15, 1819) was an Argentine military

commander in the early 19th century. Gonzlez de Balcarce was born in Buenos Aires. He joined the armed
forces as a cadet in 1788. In the battle for Montevideo in 1807, he was captured by the British forces and
taken to England. After his release, he fought in the service of Spain during the Peninsular War against the
Emperor Napoleon. Returning to Buenos Aires, he participated in the May Revolution in 1810. Subsequently, he
was named second commander for the military campaign of the independentist forces in the Viceroyalty of
Per, where he won the Battle of Suipacha on November 7, 1810, the first victory over the Spanish royal
forces. Eventually, he was called back and became the Governor of Buenos Aires Province in 1813. In 1816, he
served as the Supreme Director of the United Provinces of the Ro de la Plata ad interim, and became the Major General of
the armed forces the following year under the government of Juan Martn de Pueyrredn. According to historian William
Denslow, Antonio Balcarce was a member of the well-known masonic lodge Lautaro. He took part of the crossing of the
Andes to Chile and was San Martin's second-in-command during the battles of Cancha Rayada and Maipu. He fell ill in Chile
and had to return to Buenos Aires, where he died in 1819.

Juan Pedro Julin Aguirre y Lpez de Anaya (October

19, 1781 July 17, 1837) was

an Argentine revolutionary and politician. Aguirre was born in Buenos Aires. He fought in the wars against
the British troops of 1806/07, rising to the rank of Captain. In 1820, he briefly served as interim Supreme
Director of the United Provinces of the Ro de la Plata, and was the last official to hold that title. In 1824, he
was minister of economics, and in 1826, he became the first president of the newly established national
bank.

First presidential government of Argentina

Bernardino de la Trinidad Gnzalez Rivadavia y Rivadavia

(May 20, 1780

September 2, 1845) was the first president of Argentina, then called the United Provinces If Rio de la
Plata, from February 8, 1826 to July 7, 1827. He was educated at the Royal College of San Carlos, but
left without finishing his studies. During the British Invasions he served as Third Lieutenant of the
Galicia Volunteers. He participated in the open Cabildo on May 22, 1810 voting for the deposition of
the viceroy. He had a strong influence on the First Triumvirate and shortly after he served as Minister
of Government and Foreign Affairs of the Province of Buenos Aires. Although there was a General
Congress intended to draft a constitution, the beginning of the War with Brazil led to the immediate
establishment of the office of President of Argentina; with Rivadavia being the first to be named to
the post. Argentina's Constitution of 1826 was promulgated later, but was rejected by the provinces.
Strongly contested by his political party, Rivadavia resigned and was succeeded by Vicente Lpez y
Planes. Rivadavia retired to Spain, where he died in 1845. His remains were repatriated to Argentina
in 1857, receiving honors as Captain General. Today his remains rest in a mausoleum located in Plaza
Miserere, adjacent to Rivadavia Avenue, named after him. Rivadavia was born in Buenos Aires in 1780. In 1809 he
married Juana del Pino y Vera, daughter of the viceroy of the Ro de la Plata,Joaqun del Pino. His military appointment was
rejected by Mariano Moreno. Rivadavia was active in both the Argentine resistance to the British invasion of 1806 and in
the May Revolution movement for Argentine Independence in 1810. In 1811, Rivadavia became the dominating member of
the governing triumvirate as Secretary of the Treasury and Secretary of War. Until its fall in October 1812, this government
focused on creating a strong central government, moderating relations with Spain, and organizing an army. By 1814 the
Spanish King Ferdinand VII had returned to the throne and started the Absolutist Restauration, which had grave consequences
for the governments in the Americas.Manuel Belgrano and Rivadavia were sent to Europe to seek support for the United
Provinces from both Spain and Britain. They sought to promote the crowning of Francisco de Paula, son of Charles IV of Spain,
as regent of the United Provinces, but in the end he refused to act against the interests of the King of Spain. The diplomatic
mission was a failure, both in Spain and in Britain. He visited France as well, and returned to Buenos Aires in 1821, at their
friends' request. During his stay in Britain, Rivadavia saw the growing development of the Industrial Revolution, and the rise
of Romanticism. He sought to promote a similar development in Buenos Aires, and nvited many people to move to the city.
He convinced Aim Bonpland to visit the country, but few other invitations were accepted. In June 1821, he was named
minister of government to Buenos Aires by governor Martn Rodrguez. Over the next five years, he exerted a strong
influence, and focused heavily on improving the city of Buenos Aires, often at the expense of greater Argentina. To make the
former look more European, Rivadavia constructed large avenues, schools, paved and lighted streets. He founded
the University of Buenos Aires, as well as the Theater, Geology, and Medicine Academies and the continent's first museum of
natural science. He persuaded the legislature to authorize a one-million pound loan for public works that were never
undertaken. The provincial bonds were sold in London through the Baring Brothers Bank, local and Buenos Aires-based British
traders also acting as financial intermediaries. The borrowed money was in turn lent to these businessmen, who never repaid
it. Of the original million pounds the Buenos Aires government received only 552,700. The province's foreign debt was
transferred to the nation in 1825, its final repayment being made in 1904. A strong supporter of a powerful, centralized
government in Argentina, Rivadavia often faced violent resistance from the opposition federalists. In 1826, Rivadavia was
elected the firstPresident of Argentina. During his term he founded many museums, and expanded the national library. His
government had many problems, primarily an ongoing war with Brazil over territory in modern Uruguay and resistance from
provincial authorities. Faced with the rising power of the Federalist Party and with several provinces in open revolt, Rivadavia
submitted his resignation on June 29, 1827. He was succeeded by Vicente Lpez y Planes. At first he returned to private life,
but fled to exile in Europe in 1829. Rivadavia returned to Argentina in 1834 to confront his political enemies, but was
immediately sentenced again to exile. He went first to Brazil and then to Spain, where he died September 2, 1845. He asked
that his body would never be brought back to Buenos Aires. Rivadavia is recognized as the first president of Argentina, even
though his rule was accepted only in Buenos Aires, he did not complete a full mandate, there was no constitution for more
than half of his rule, and did not start a presidential succession line. The chair of the President of Argentina is known as the
"chair of Rivadavia", but only metaphorically: Rivadavia took everything when he left office, including the chair, which could
never be retrieved. Liberal historians praise Rivadavia as a great historical man, for his work improving education, culture
and separation of church and state. Revisionist authors condemn hisAnglophilia, the weak customs barriers that allowed the
entry of big British imports, harming the weak Argentine economy of the time, and the Baring Brothers loan that started the
Argentine External debt.

Alejandro Vicente Lpez y Planes (May 3, 1785 October 10, 1856) was an Argentine writer and politician who
acted as interim President of Argentina from July 7, 1827 to August 18, 1827. He also wrote the lyrics of the Argentine
National Anthem adopted on May 11, 1813. Lpez began his primary studies in the San Francisco School and later studied in
the Real Colegio San Carlos, today the Colegio Nacional de Buenos Aires. He obtained a doctorate of laws in the University of
Chuquisaca. He served as a captain in the Patriotic Regiment during the English invasions. After the Argentine victory he
composed a poem entitled El triunfo argentino (The Argentine Triumph). He participated in the Cabildo Abierto of May 22,
1810 and supported the formation of the Primera Junta. He had good relations with Manuel Belgrano. When the royalist
members of the city government of Buenos Aires were expulsed, he was elected mayor of the city; he was an enemy of the
party of Cornelio Saavedra and one of the creators of the First Triumvirate, of which he was the Treasurer. Lpez was a
member of the Constituent Assembly of year XIII, representing Buenos Aires. At the request of the Assembly, he wrote the
lyrics to a "patriotic march", which eventually became the Argentine National Anthem. It was a military march, whose music
was composed by the Catalan Blas Parera; it was approved on March 11, 1813. The first public reading was at a tertulia on
May 7 in the house of Mariquita Snchez de Thompson. It displaced a different march, written by Esteban de Luca, which
would have been the hymn if not for the more militaristic Lopez. Lpez participated in the government of Carlos Mara de
Alvear, and with his fall he was sent to prison. He held a few more public offices, and was then named Secretary of the
Constituent Congress of 1825, and, a little later, minister for the president Bernardino Rivadavia. After the scandal of
negotiations with the Brazilian Empire, Rivadavia resigned the presidency. In his place, Lpez was elected as caretaker,
signing the dissolution of the Congress and calling elections in Buenos Aires. The new governor, Manuel Dorrego took charge
of the ministry; this unified the federalists. When Dorrego fell from grace and was executed by firing squad by Juan Lavalle,
Lopez was exiled to Uruguay. He returned in 1830 as a member of the Tribunal of Justice for Juan Manuel de Rosas. He was
president of the Tribunal for many years and, among other things, presided over the judgement of the assassins of Juan

Facundo Quiroga. He was president of the literary salon led by Marcos Sastre, but was not part of the
group known as the Generation of '37, to which belonged his two sons, Vicente Fidel Lpez and Lucio
Vicente Lpez.

List of Governors of Buenos Aires managing international relations

Manuel

Dorrego (June

11, 1787 December 13, 1828) was

an Argentine statesman and soldier. He was governor of Buenos Aires from June 29
until Septembar 20, 1820, and then again from August 13, 1827 to December 1,
1828. Dorrego was born in Buenos Aires on June 11, 1787. He enrolled in the Real
Colegio de San Carlos in 1803, and moved to the Real Universidad de San Felipe in
the Captaincy General of Chile to continue his studies. He supported the early
steps of the Chilean
War of Independence in 1810, which led to the removal of the Spanish colonial
authorities and the
establishment of the first ChileanGovernment Junta. He moved to the United
Provinces of the Ro
de la Plata (modern Argentina), and joined the Army of the North, under the
command ofManuel
Belgrano. He fought in the battles of Tucumn and Salta, being injured in both. He
was sanctioned by
Belgrano for promoting a duel. As a result, he did not take part in the battles
of Vilcapugio and Ayo
huma, two defeats of the Army of the North, and Belgrano regretted later the
absence of Dorrego from them. Dorrego opposed the Luso-Brazilian invasion of the Banda Oriental, encouraged by Juan
Martn de Pueyrredn to counter the influence of Jos Gervasio Artigas. He was exiled by Pueyrredn, and stayed some time
in Baltimore (United States). He studied federalism in the United States, and thought that each state of a country should have
some autonomy, rejecting the strong centralization into a single government sought by Pueyrredn. [1] During this times he
wrote the Cartas apologticas, criticizing the support of Pueyrredn to the Luso-Brazilian invasion. He returned to Buenos
Aires in 1819, following the departure of Pueyrredn. He was appointed as interim governor, and fought against the armies of
Alvear, Carrera and Estanislao Lpez. Still, he was resisted in the city, and the stable appointment as governor was given
to Martn Rodrguez instead. He was banished again, and moved to Upper Peru. He met Simn Bolvar in Quito, and supported
his ideas of unifying all the continent into a giant federation. Dorrego returned to Buenos Aires a short time afterwards and
worked in the legislature of Buenos Aires in the 1826 Constituent Assembly. He strongly supported a federal system of
government and criticized the qualified suffrage. However, the 1826 Constitution promoted a strong centralized government
and qualified suffrage. Dorrego opposed the government of the unitarian Bernardino Rivadavia, who was appointed as the
first president of Argentina, and voiced his criticism in the newspaper "El Tribuno". Resisted by all the provinces, Rivadavia
resigned as president, and vice president Vicente Lpez y Planes resigned as well. No longer having a national head of state,
the legislature appointed Dorrego as governor of the Buenos Aires province. He took measures to support the poor people,
promote a federal organization of the country, and ended the Argentine-Brazilian War. The Argentine troops were
discontented with Dorrego because he accepted the conditions imposed by the British diplomacy despite their military
victories in the conflict. Encouraged by the Unitarian party, Juan Lavalle led a coup against Dorrego on December 1, 1828.
Dorrego left the city and organized his forces in the countryside. He was defeated, and then executed by Lavalle. Lavalle
closed the legislature and began a period of political violence against the Federals, but he was defeated and forced to resign
by Juan Manuel de Rosas, who restored the institutions that existed before Lavalle's coup.

Juan Galo Lavalle (October

17, 1797 October 9, 1841) was an Argentine military and political figure. He was
governor of Buenos Aires from June 29 until Septembar 20, 1820, and then again from December 1, 1828 until June 26, 1829.
Lavalle was born in Buenos Aires to Mara Mercedes Gonzlez Bordallo and Manuel Jos Lavalle, general accountant of rents
and tobacco for the Viceroyalty of the Ro de la Plata. In 1799, the family moved to Santiago de Chile, to return to Buenos
Aires in 1807. In 1812 he joined the Regiment of mounted grenadiers as a cadet. Lavalle reached the grade of lieutenant in
1813, and moved to the army that, under the orders of Carlos Mara de Alvear, besiegedMontevideo. He also fought Jos
Gervasio Artigas in 1815, and the Battle of Guayabos under the command of Manuel Dorrego. A year later he moved
to Mendoza to join the Army of the Andes of "liberator" Jos de San Martn, to fight in Chacabuco and Maip, Chile. He
continued along with San Martn on his way to Peru and Ecuador and took part in the battles of Pichincha and the Riobamba,
after which he became known as the Hero of Riobamba. Because of disagreements with Simn Bolvar, Lavalle returned
to Buenos Aires by the end of 1823. He would later govern Mendoza Province for a short time. He then fought in the war
against Brazil in command of 1,200 cavalry, with great episodes of valour in the battles of Bacacay and Ituzaing in February
1827, beating the forces of General Abreu and being himself proclaimed General on the field of battle itself. By the time he
returned to Buenos Aires, the President of the United Provinces, Unitarian Bernardino Rivadavia, had resigned, and Manuel
Dorrego was elected the federal governor of Buenos Aires Province. Lavalle, a Unitarian himself, led a coup to take the
government and executed governor Dorrego without a trial. His government then started a reign of terror, aiming to destroy
the Federal Party, but the resistance in the countryside didn't recede. In 1829, the demographic growth was negative as there
were more deaths than births. During that time, Jos de San Martn had returned from Europe. While he was in Montevideo,
Lavalle offered him the government of Argentina as he probably was the only man capable of putting an end to the chaotic
situation, because of his authority over leaders on both sides. But when he learned about the spiraling factionalist violence,
San Martn realised that he would have to choose sides as the only actual way to govern, so he refused and returned instead
to self-exile in Europe. The other provinces did not recognize Lavalle as the legitimate governor, and supported
the rosista resistance instead. Lavalle would be defeated a short time later at the Battle of Mrquez Bridge by the forces
of Juan Manuel de Rosas and Santa Fe governor Estanislao Lpez. Lpez returned to his province, menaced by Unitarian Jos
Mara Paz, who had taken power in Crdoba. Meanwhile, Rosas kept Lavalle under siege and forced him to resign with
the Cauelas pact. Juan Jos Viamonte was designated as interim governor, and the legislature that was removed during
Lavalle's coup d'tat was restored. This legislature would elect Rosas as the governor. Lavalle retired to the Banda Oriental.
During the French blockade to the Ro de la Plata, Fructuoso Rivera was reluctant to take military actions against Rosas,
aware of his strength. Unitarians, who thought that the whole Argentine Confederation would rise against Rosas at the first
chance, urged Lavalle to lead the attack, who requested not to share command with Rivera. As a result, they led both their
own armies. His imminent attack was backed up by conspiracies in Buenos Aires, which were discovered and aborted by
the Mazorca. Manuel Vicente Maza and his son were among the perpetrators, and were executed as a result. Pedro Castelli
also organized an ill-fated demonstration against Rosas, and was executed as well. Rosas did not wait to be attacked and
ordered Pascual Echage to cross the Paran river and take the fight to Uruguay. The Uruguayan armies split: Rivera returned
to defend Montevideo, and Lavalle moved to Entre Ros Province. He expected that the local populations would join him
against Rosas and increase his forces, but he found severe resistance, so he moved instead to Corrientes Province.

Governor Pedro Ferr defeated Lpez, and Rivera defeated Pascual Echage, clearing for Lavalle the way
to Buenos Aires. However, by that point France had given up its trust on the effectiveness of the
blockade, as what was thought it would be an easy and short conflict was turning into a long war,
without clear security of a final victory. France began peace negotiations with the Confederation and cut
its financial support to Lavalle. He didn't find help at local towns either, and there was widespread
desertion among his ranks. Buenos Aires was ready to resist his military attack, but the lack of support
forced him to give up and retire from the battlefield, without starting any battle. Persecuted, his troops
suffered constant attacks and Lavalle was forced to move further north, being defeated by Manuel
Oribe in La Rioja and Tucumn. Escaping with a small group of 200 men, he was accidentally shot by
a Montonera detachment which spread-shot a reputed Unitarian's house, not realizing that Juan Lavalle,
the very chief of the Unitarians, was staying there. This occurred in 1841 in San Salvador de Jujuy. Afraid
that his body would be desecrated by the Federales, his followers fled to Bolivia carrying Lavalle's decomposing remains with
them. Hurrying over the Humahuaca pass, they finally decided to strip the skeleton by boiling it and, after burying the flesh in
an unmarked grave, carry the bones, which are today buried at the La Recoleta Cemetery in Buenos Aires. A statue of the
general standing on top of a long, slender column, commemorates the figure of Lavalle at Plaza Lavalle in Buenos Aires.

Juan Jos Viamonte Gonzlez (February

9, 1774 March 31, 1843) was an Argentine general

in the early 19th century. He was governor of Buenos Aires from June 26 until December 8, 1929 and then
again from November 4, 1833 until June 27, 1834. Viamonte was born in Buenos Aires and entered the
army in his youth following in his father's footsteps. He fought in the First British Invasion with the rank
of lieutenant, and after his participation in the Second Invasion, having distinguished himself in the
defense of the Colegio de San Carlos, was promoted to captain. He took part on the Buenos Aires
Cabildo of May 22 1810 and after the revolution he fought at the battles of Suipacha and Huaqui. After
this latter battle he was accused of not joining with the 1,500 men under his command, while he was
doing military exercises nearby. This accusation led to a long court-martial which finally acquitted him and
he remained in the army. In November 1814, when the civil war between Federales and Unitarians had
started, he was named governor of Entre Ros Province. The following year he took part in the revolution
against Supreme Director Carlos Mara de Alvear, and later he was sent to Santa Fe Province to control the advance of the
federalists. The day after his arrival governor Francisco Candioti died, which gave Viamonte the opportunity to make the
province depend again on Buenos Aires. The following year he was expelled in a rising organized by localcaudillos Mariano
Vera and Estanislao Lpez, and he was sent to be imprisoned at Artigas encampment. In May 1818 he was a deputy to
the Congress of Tucumn, and the following year he was named chief of the expeditionary army of Santa Fe, replacing Juan
Ramn Balcarce. Estanislao Lpez immobilized the army directed from Crdoba by Juan Bautista Bustosand captured
Viamonte at Rosario, forcing him to sign the armistice of Santo Tom. He was exiled to Montevideo after the Battle of Cepeda
(1820), but he returned a year later in 1821 and was named governor of Buenos Aires Province due to the absence of Martn
Rodrguez. He was a deputy to the General Congress of 1824 and he supported the unitarian constitution of 1826, but later
on he changed sides and joined Dorrego's Federal Party. After the failed unitarian experiment of Juan Lavalle, he was interim
governor in 1829, a post in which he did practically nothing but ensure the ascent to power of Juan Manuel de Rosas. In 1833,
when governor Balcarce was deposed in the Revolution of the Restorers, he returned to the governorship but Rosas forced
him to resign in June 1834, a resignation that was not readily accepted as nobody wanted to take the post. Finally in October
the legislature reached a compromise and its president Manuel Vicente Maza, was forced to take the governorship. Viamonte
was exiled in Montevideo in 1839 for the last time where he died in 1843. His remains were transported back to Buenos Aires,
and were interred in the La Recoleta Cemetery.

Juan Manuel de Rosas (born Juan Manuel Jos Domingo Ortiz de Rozas y Lpez de Osornio; March

30, 1793 March

14, 1877), was an Argentine governor of the Buenos Aires province first from December 8, 1929 until December 17, 1932 and
second time from March 7, 1935 until February 3, 1952. He began as a rancher and intervened in 1820 in the Argentine Civil
Wars, helping with the peace negotiations with the governor of Santa Fe. The Unitarian Juan Lavalle deposed and executed
the Federal governor Manuel Dorrego years later; Rosas led the resistance that ousted Lavalle from power. As the Unitarian
League was still a threat, Rosas was appointed governor in 1829 to wage the war against it. With the league defeated, he
waged the First Conquest of the Desert against the natives that made malones against the populations. The political
commotion caused by the murder of Facundo Quiroga led Rosas to become governor once more. He was elected by popular
vote: 9.316 positive votes against 4. Andrs de Santa Cruz, protector of the PeruBolivian Confederation, declared the War of
the Confederation against Argentina and Chile. However, most of the fight against Santa Cruz was waged by Chile, whereas
Rosas faced the oppostion of France, allied to Santa Cruz. France began the French blockade of the Ro de la Plata and, as the
president of Uruguay Manuel Oribe refused to attack Rosas, France helped Fructuoso Rivera to depose him and declare war
on Argentina. Lavalle organized a new army in Uruguay, but the campaign against Rosas failed. With the Chilean victory
against the PeruBolivian Confederation, the opposition of Britain and the failure of Lavalle, France lifted the blockade.
However, the Guerra Grande continued: Rosas welcomed Oribe as a president in exile and gave him military support against
Rivera, who mantained the war against Argentina despite the French defeat. A joint Anglo-French navy began the AngloFrench blockade of the Ro de la Plata, which captured the Argentine navy and secured the Uruguay River. The allies cannot
achieve the same on the Paran river, and eventually withdrew their fleet. Justo Jos de Urquiza, governor of Entre Ros,
turned against Oribe and Rosas and defeated both of them, ending both the Guerra Grande with the defeat of Oribe and
deposing Rosas at the battle of Caseros. Rosas spent the rest of his life in Southampton, Britain. The historiography of Juan
Manuel de Rosas was highly controversial. The first Argentine historians of the XIX century, such asBartolom Mitre, aligned
with the Unitarian party, considered him a ruthless dictator. New historians of the XX century, such as Jos Mara Rosa,
consider him instead a defender of national sovereignty. The historiographical dispute about Rosas is currently considered to
be over, and most modern historians do not engage in it. Juan Manuel de Rosas was the son of Len Ortiz de Rozas and his
wife Agustina Lpez de Osornio, who had twenty sons in total. Born to one of the wealthiest families in the Ro de la
Plata region, Rosas ran away from home at a young age and began working in the fields of his cousins Juan Jos and Nicols
Anchorena. He modified his last name from "Rozas" to "Rosas" and removed the "Ortiz" part of it. In 1806, during
the Napoleonic Wars, Britain launched the British invasions of the Rio de la Plata and captured Buenos Aires. Santiago de
Liniers organized a counter-attack in Montevideo. Juan Manuel de Rosas, aged 13, joined the forces of Liniers during his
landing at Olivos along with several friends. Liniers wrote to the parents of Rosas after the battle, congratulating them for the
bravery shown by Rosas in the liberation of Buenos Aires. It was suspected that there would be a new British attack soon, and
the city organized the military defense. As he preferred being in the cavalry, he joined the regiment of Migueletes, with the
rank of ensign. Before the conflict, he disarmed and captured an insubordinate drunk corporal, but intervened before the
military authorities to prevent a death sentence on him. Rosas fought in the battle of Miserere; the British were ultimately
defeated. Liniers made further praises about Rosas' bravery to his parents, and proposed to send him to Spain to pursue a

military career. Agustina opposed the proposal, because she had lost her father and a brother in
military conflicts with the natives. Rosas accepted her request, and declined the proposal of Liniers. He
left the regiment of Migueletes when Liniers, who had been promoted to viceroy, was replaced
byBaltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros. After that, he resumed working in the fields as an arriero, driving
cattle through the immense pampas. When he was twenty-two, he created a business with Juan
Nepomuceno Terrero and Luis Dorrego (brother of Manuel Dorrego) which immediately flourished. He
married on March 16, 1813, shortly before turning 20 the almost 18-year-old Mara de la Encarnacin
de Ezcurra y Arguibel. They had one child, a daughter Manuela Robustiana de Rosas y Ezcurra, born in
Buenos Aires on May 24, 1817. Manuela eventually married the son of Juan Terrero. Rosas' businesses
benefited when the Supreme Director Juan Martn de Pueyrredn ordered the closing of salt-meat
plants, which allowed him to buy 300,000 hectares of land. He commanded a strict discipline from
the gauchos under his command by sharing their conduct and customs, and by subjecting himself to
the same conduct he demanded from them. The territories of Rosas were next to those of the pampas,
the Tehuelches andRanqueles, so his gauchos were organized as a military force to resist malones. In 1820, during the
Brazilian invasion of the Banda Oriental, provincial caudillos Estanislao Lpez and Francisco Ramrez joined forces and
advanced on Buenos Aires. The Supreme Director Jos Rondeau requested Jos de San Martn and Manuel Belgrano to return
to Buenos Aires with the Army of the Andes and the Army of the North, but San Martn stayed in Peru to keep fighting against
the Royalists, and the Army of the North mutinied to avoid joining the Argentine Civil War. Buenos Aires had weak local
defenses, which were defeated during the battle of Cepeda. The authority of the Supreme Directors was terminated.
Ranchers feared that the ongoing events would lead to anarchy, and organized a regiment of gauchos to face the situation.
Rosas was trusted to lead them. He promoted the designation of Martn Rodrguez as governor of Buenos Aires, and
negotiated with Lpez his return to Santa Fe in exchange of 25,000 cattle. This started a strong relation between Rosas and
Lpez, which lasted for years. Years later, Bernardino Rivadavia resigned as president of Argentina, incapable of securing the
military victory in the Cisplatine War, and Manuel Dorrego was chosen as governor of Buenos Aires. Under his rule, Rosas
would be promoted to commander of the militias of Buenos Aires. However, the armies returning from Brazil turned against
Dorrego, and Juan Lavalle executed him and conducted a coup against the government of Buenos Aires.
The Unitarians started a reign of terror, aiming to destroy all Federalists. In 1829, because of higher death rates than births
the demographic growth was negative. During that time, Jos de San Martn had returned from Europe, but disgusted with the
new political situation, he refused to leave the ship and returned to Europe. The other provinces did not recognize Lavalle as
a legitimate governor, and supported the Rosist resistance instead. Lavalle was defeated a short time later at the Battle of
Mrquez Bridge by the forces of Rosas and Lpez. Lpez returned to Santa Fe, which was menaced by Jos Mara Paz, while
Rosas kept Lavalle under siege and forced him to resign with the Cauelas pact. Juan Jos Viamonte was designated as
governor, and the legislature removed during Lavalle's revolution was restored. This legislature then elected Rosas as
governor. As a governor, Rosas ruled with strict authority. He considered that, given the social segregation of the Argentine
Confederation at the time, it was the only way to keep it together and prevent anarchy.
The King can be compared with a father, and reciprocally a father can be compared with the King, and then set the duties of
the monarch by those of the parental authorithy. Love, govern, reward and punish is what a King and a father must do. In the
end, there's nothing less legitimate than anarchy, which removes property and security from the people, as force becomes
then the only right.
Rosas faced opposition from the unitarian provinces in the north. Jos Mara Paz, after defeating Facundo Quiroga at the battle
of Tablada, took control of Cordoba province and started a reign of terror to destroy all federals in the zone, similar to the one
started by Lavalle in Buenos Aires. The newspaper "La Gaceta" numbered the victims of the unitarian terror as 2,500 victims.
Paz expanded his influence by creating the Unitarian League, while Rosas created the Federal Pact instead. The plans of Paz
would fail when his horse was taken down and he was captured. Federalist Jos Vicente Reinaf, close to Lpez, replaced him
as governor of Crdoba. Crdoba, Santiago del Estero, La Rioja and the provinces of Cuyo joined the Federal Pact in 1831,
Catamarca, Tucumn and Salta did so the following year. As for Paz himself, he was held captive by Estanislao Lpez, who
refused to execute him. He requested Rosas to check that it was the will of all the provinces to execute Paz, but Rosas did not
accept the request. He considered that the fate of Paz should be decided solely by Lpez, who held him prisoner. One of the
keys to the economic supremacy of Buenos Aires was its monopoly over the port and customs of Buenos Aires, the only one
linking the Confederation with Europe. Rosas refused to lift control over it, considering that Buenos Aires faced alone the
international debt that was generated by the Argentine War of Independence and the Cisplatine War. The defeat of Paz and
the expansion of the Federal Pact further ushered in a period of economic and political stability. As a result, Federalists were
divided between two political trends: those who wanted the calling of a Constituent Assembly to write a Constitution, and
those who supported Rosas in delaying it. Rosas thought that the best way to organize the Argentine Confederation was as
a federation of federated states, similar to the successful States of the United States; each one should write its own local
constitution and organize itself, and a national constitution should be written at the end, without being rushed. He had a
successful and popular first term, but refused to run for a second even though public support was strong. After his resignation
as governor, Rosas left Buenos Aires and started the first Conquest of the Desert, to expand and secure the farming
territories and prevent indigenous attacks. Rosas was aware that malones were not done because of evil desires but because
of the lacking lifestyle condition of the indigenous peoples. As a result, he had preference for a policy of doing pacts or giving
gifts or bribes to the caciques before employing military force. The hostile ranquel cacique Yanquetruz was replaced by
Payn, who became a Rosas ally. Juan Manuel, in turn, adopted his son and raised him at his estancia.
The pehuenche Cafulcur was made colonel and allowed to distribute large numbers of gifts among his people; in turn, he
made the compromise of not making any more malones. On the other hand, caciques like the pehuenche Chocor who defied
Rosas were defeated. Charles Darwin met Rosas in 1833, and wrote about it in The Voyage of the Beagle. He was at Carmen
de Patagones and knew that Rosas was located nearby, close to the Colorado River. He had heard about him from before, so
he moved to meet him. He described him as a man of extraordinary character, a perfect horseman who conformed to the
dress and habits of the Gauchos and "has a most predominant influence in the country, which it seems he will use to its
prosperity and advancement". Although in a footnote added in the second edition published in 1845, Darwin notes that "This
prediction has turned out to be entirely and miserably wrong." Darwin included a story of how Rosas had himself put in the
stocks for inadvertently breaking his own rule of not wearing knives on Sundays. This appealed to his men's sense of
egalitarianism and justice. Darwin also described an anecdote about a pair of buffoons. By the end of the first Conquest of
the Desert, Buenos Aires increased its lands by thousands of square kilometers, which were distributed among new and older
hacendados. The natives did not make any more malones, accepted to provide military aid to Rosas in case of need, and
stayed in peaceful terms for all the remainder of Rosas' government. Even being absent, the political influence of Rosas in
Buenos Aires was still strong, and his wife Encarnacin Ezcurra was in charge of keeping good relations with the peoples of
the city. On October 11, 1833, the city was filled with announcements of a trial against Rosas. A large number of gauchos and
poor people made the Revolution of the Restorers, a demonstration at the gates of the legislature, praising Rosas and

demanding the resignation of governor Juan Ramn Balcarce. The troops organized to fight the demonstration mutinied and
joined it. The legislature finally gave up the trial, and a month later ousted Balcarce and replaced him with Juan Jos
Viamonte. The Revolution also led to the creation of the Sociedad Popular Restauradora, also known as "Mazorca". The weak
governments of Balcarce and Viamonte led the legislature to request Rosas to take the government once more. For doing so
he requested the sum of public power, which the legislature denied four times. Rosas even resigned as commander of militias
to influence the legislature. The context changed with the social commotion generated by the death of Facundo Quiroga,
responsibility for which is disputed (different authors attribute it to Estanislao Lpez, the Reinaf brothers, or Rosas himself).
The legislature accepted then to give him the sum of public power. Even so, Rosas requested confirmation on whenever the
people agreed with it, so the legislature organized a referendum about it. Every free man within the age of majority living in
the city was allowed to vote for "Yes" or "No": 9.316 votes supported the release of the sum of public power on Rosas, and
only 4 rejected it. There are divided opinions on the topic: Domingo Faustino Sarmiento compared Rosas with
historical dictators, while Jos de San Martn considered that the situation in the country was so chaotic that a strong
authority was needed to create order. Although slavery was not abolished during Rosas' rule, Afro Argentines had a positive
image of him. He allowed them to gather in groups related to their African origin, and financed their activities. Troop
formations included many of them, because joining the army was one of the ways to become a free negro, and in many cases
slave owners were forced to release them to strengthen the armies. There was an army made specifically of free negros, the
"Fourth Battalion of Active Militia". The liberal policy towards slaves generated controversy with neighbouring Brazil, because
fugitive Brazilian slaves saw Argentina as a safe haven: they were recognized as free men at the moment they crossed the
Argentine borders, and by joining the armies they were protected from persecution of their former masters. The people who
opposed Rosas formed a group called Asociacion de Mayo or May Brotherhood. It was a literary group that became politically
active and aimed at exposing Rosas' actions. Some of the literature against him includes The Slaughter House, Socialist
Dogma, Amalia and Facundo. Meetings which had high attendance at first soon had few members attending out of fear of
prosecution. Rosas' opponents during his rule were dissidents, such as Jos Mara Paz, Salvador M. del Carril, Juan Bautista
Alberdi, Esteban Echeverria, Bartolom Mitre and Domingo Faustino Sarmiento.[4] Rosas political opponents were exiled to
other countries, such asUruguay and Chile. The PeruBolivian Confederation declared the War of the Confederation against
Argentina and Chile. Its protector Andrs de Santa Cruzsupported European interests in South America, as well as the
Unitarians, whereas Rosas and the Chilean Diego Portales did not. As a result, France gave full support to Santa Cruz in this
war. Britain also supported Santa Cruz, but only by diplomatic means. Trusting in the military power at his disposal, Santa
Cruz declared war against both countries at the same time. Initially, the Peruvian-Bolivian forces had the advantage, and
captured and executed Portales. The war did not develop favorably for Argentina in the north, and the French Roger moved to
Buenos Aires to request the surrender of Argentina. He demanded that two French citizens be released from prison, that two
more be exempted from military service, and that France receive the same commercial privileges as granted by Bernardino
Rivadaviato Britain. Although the demands themselves were not onerous, Rosas considered that they would set a precedent
for further French interference in the internal affairs of Argentina, and refused to comply. As a result, France started a naval
blockade against Buenos Aires. Rosas took advantage of British interests in the zone: minister Manuel Moreno pointed out to
the British Foreign Office that commerce between Argentina and Britain was being harmed by the French blockade, and that it
would be a mistake for Britain to support it. The French judged that the people would seize the opportunity to stand against
Rosas, but underestimated his popularity. With the nation being threatened by two European powers as well as two
neighbouring countries allied with them, internal patriotic loyalty increased to the point that even some notable Unitarians
who had fled to Montevideo returned to the country to offer their military help, such as Soler, Lamadrid and Espinosa. Things
became more complicated for France as time passed: Andrs Santa Cruz was weakening, the strategy employed by Moreno
was bearing fruit, and the French themselves started to have doubts about maintaining a conflict that they had expected to
be quite short. Also, Britain would not allow the French to deploy troops, as they did not want a European competitor gaining
territorial strength in the zone. Domingo Cullen, governor of Santa Fe replacing the ill Lpez, considered that Rosas had
nationalized a conflict that involved just Buenos Aires, and proposed to the French that they should encourage Santa Fe,
Crdoba, Entre Ros and Corrientes to secede, creating a new country that would obey them, if this new country would be
spared the naval blockade. Also,Manuel Oribe, president of Uruguay and allied with Rosas, was ousted by Fructuoso
Rivera with French aid. France wanted Rivera and Cullen to join forces and take Buenos Aires, while their ships kept the
blockade. This alliance did not take place, as Juan Pablo Lpez, brother of Estanislao Lpez, defeated Cullen and drove him
away from the province. Also, Andrs Santa Cruz was defeated by Chile in the Battle of Yungay, and the PeruBolivian
Confederation ceased to exist. Now Rosas was free to focus all his attention on the French blockade. His wife Encarnacin
died in Buenos Aires on October 20, 1838. Rivera was urged by France to take military action against Rosas, but he was
reluctant to do so, considering that the French underestimated his strength, even more after Santa Cruz's defeat. As a result,
they elected Juan Lavalle to lead the attack, who asked not to share command with Rivera. As a result, each led his own army.
His imminent attack was backed up by conspiracies in Buenos Aires, which were discovered and aborted by the
Mazorca. Manuel Vicente Maza and his son were among the conspirators, and were executed as a result. Pedro Castelli also
organized an ill-fated demonstration against Rosas, and was executed as well. Rosas did not wait to be attacked, and
ordered Pascual Echage to cross the Parana river and move the fight to Uruguay. The Uruguayan armies split: Rivera
returned to defend Montevideo, and Lavalle moved to Entre Ros alone. He expected that local populations would join him
against Rosas and increase his forces, but he found severe resistance, so he moved to Corrientes. Ferr defeated Lpez, and
Rivera defeated Echage, leaving Lavalle a clear path towards Buenos Aires. However, by that point France had lost faith in
the effectiveness of the blockade, as what had been thought would be an easy and short conflict was turning into a long,
possibly unwinnable, war. France started to negotiate for peace with the Confederation, and removed financial support from
Lavalle. He found no help from local towns either, and there was strong desertion in his ranks. Buenos Aires was ready to
resist Lavalle's attack, but his lack of support forced him to withdraw. The unitarians and colorados (federalists) kept up their
hostilities against Rosas, even after the defeat of France. The new plan was that Ferr and Rivera, in Corrientes and Uruguay,
would create a new army, while Lavalle and Lamadrid moved to the north. Lavalle would move to La Rioja and distract the
Federal armies, while Lamadrid organized another army at Tucumn. By this time Jos Mara Paz had escaped from his
imprisonment. Rosas spared his life because he had sworn never to attack the Confederation again, but he broke his oath. His
presence benefited the anti-Rosas forces, but also generated internal strife: Ferr gave him the command of the armies of
Corrientes, which Rivera did not like. Rivera even accused Paz of being a spy of Rosas. Nevertheless, the combined forces of
Paz, Rivera and unitarian ships at the river had the federal forces of Echague at Santa Fe surrounded. To counter the unitarian
naval supremacyGuillermo Brown organized a naval squadron; it defeated captain Coe at Santa Luca. Oribe defeated the
forces of Lavalle at La Rioja, but Lavalle himself managed to escape to Tucuman. Lamadrid attacked San Juan, but was
completely defeated. At Tucuman Oribed defeated Lavalle, who barely escaped with a group of 200 men to the north; he was
killed shortly after in a confusing episode. This ended the anti-Rosas threat in the Argentine northwest. Rivera threatened to
end their alliance if Ferr insisted in favoring Paz. Rivera wanted to annex the Riograndense Republic (part of Rio Grande do
Sul, that had declared independence from Brazil and was fighting the War of the Farrapos) and the Argentine mesopotamia
into a projected Federation of Uruguay, but Paz was against that. Paz defeated Echague, and Rivera defeated the new federal
governor of Entre Ros, Justo Jos de Urquiza. Federalist Juan Pablo Lpez from Santa Fe changed sides to the unitarian ranks.

Rosas was again in a weak position, and would not have been able to resist an attack. But Paz, Ferr, Rivera and Lpez had
conflicting battle plans, and their armies did not move, which gave Oribe time to return from the north. The forces of Santa Fe
refused to fight for the unitarians, and massive defection reduced Lpez's armies from 2.500 men to 500. He was easily
defeated at Coronda and Paso Aguirre. Ferr was finally interested in Rivera's federation, and put Paz aside. Rivera and Oribe,
both considering themselves rightful presidents of Uruguay, would battle. The battle of Arroyo Grande was a decisive victory
for Oribe, and Rivera barely escaped alive. The unitarian threat to Rosas had been again removed. After the victory of Oribe
at Arroyo Grande, Britain and France intervened in the conflict. Their ambassadors, Mandeville and De Lurde, demanded that
Rosas retreat from Uruguayan territory. Rosas did not reply, and ordered Brown to support Oribe by blockading Montevideo.
British commodore John Brett Purvis attacked the Argentine navy, taking over the vessels. Mandeville and De Lurde were
replaced by Ousley and Deffaudis. The public purposes of the Anglo-French intervention were to protect the Uruguayan
independence against Oribe, defend the recently-proclaimed independence of Paraguay, and end the civil wars in the La Plata
River region. But there were also secret purposes: to turn Montevideo into a "commercial factory", to force the free navigation
of the rivers, to turn the Argentine Mesopotamia into a new country, to set the borders of Uruguay, Paraguay and the
Mesopotamia (without Brazilian intervention), and to help the anti-rosists to depose the governor of Buenos Aires and install
one loyal to the European powers instead. The European powers needed a convincing argument to justify a declaration of
war. To this end, Florencio Varela requested that former Federalist Jos Rivera Indarte write a list of crimes that Rosas could
be blamed for. The French firm Lafone & Co paid him with a penny for each death listed. The list, named Blood tables,
included deaths caused by military actions of the unitarians (including Lavalle's invasion of Buenos Aires), soldiers shot
during wartime because of mutiny, treason or espionage, victims of common crimes and even people who were still alive. He
also listedNomen nescio (NN) deaths (unidentified people); some entries were listed more than once. He also blamed Rosas
for the death of Facundo Quiroga. With all this, Indarte listed 480 deaths, and was paid with two pounds sterling (about 140
in 2011 based on the retail price index, or 1500 based on average earnings). He tried to add to the list 22,560 deaths, the
number caused by military conflicts in Argentina from 1829 to that date, but the French refused to pay for them. Indarte
wrote in his libel that "it is a holy action to kill Rosas". Lafone & Co, who paid for the Blood tables, had control of Uruguayan
customs, and would have greatly benefited from a new blockade of Buenos Aires. In March 1841, Indarte was the mastermind
behind a failed bid against Rosas life, which consisted in sending him a firing device concealed in a diplomatic box, known
as La Mquina Infernal("The Infernal Machine").Giuseppe Garibaldi, commanding an Italian group, started hostilities by
occupying Colonia del Sacramento and Isla Martn Garca, and led the controversial sack of Gualeguaych. With the Uruguay
river secured, the Anglo-French navy intended to control the Paran river as well. Worried by the gravity of the danger, Rosas
instructed Lucio Mancilla to fortify a section of the Parana to prevent the foreign navy from going any further. A similar study
had been made years earlier by Hiplito Vieytes during the Argentine War of Independence, finding that a good strategic
point was in Obligado. An Anglo-French a convoy of three steamboats, many armed sailboats, and 90 merchant ships sailed
up the Parana. Mansilla fortified Obligado with artillery, and closed the river with chains. The battle of Vuelta de Obligado took
many hours, and the navy finally forced their way through. However, 38 merchant ships returned to Montevideo, and word of
the unequal fight generated support for Rosas across most of South America. Mansilla continued the attack at San Lorenzo
and Quebracho. The expedition was a commercial failure, and the second battle at Quebracho resulted in the sinking of
several merchant vessels. Although the Anglo-French force defeated Argentine forces, the cost of victory proved excessive in
light of the ferocious resistance from the Argentines. As a result, the British sought to exit from the confrontation, followed
later by their French allies. After long negotiations, Britain, and then France, agreed to lift the blockade. Both countries made
a 21-gun salute to the flag of Argentina. Both treaties are viewed as a considerable triumph for General Rosas as it was the
first time the emerging South American nations were able to impose their will on two European Empires. With the victory
over Britain and France and the decline of the resistance in Montevideo, the civil war began to near its end, and several
people who had fled from the country began to return to it. Rosas' tenure as governor was to end in 1850, but the legislature
of Buenos Aires reelected him once more, rejecting his resignation. Several other provinces manifested their desire to keep
Rosas in power: Crdoba, Salta, Mendoza, San Luis, Santa Fe, Catamarca. However, Justo Jos de Urquiza, governor of Entre
Ros, had growing conflicts with Rosas, and sought to depose him. For this purpose, he began to seek allies to reinforce him.
His only support within the country was from Benjamn Virasoro, governor of Corrientes. Montevideo welcomed Urquiza's
support, but Paraguay refused to join forces with him. On May 1, 1851, Urquiza announced that he accepted Rosas'
resignation, retrieving for Entre Ros the power to manage international relations delegated on Buenos Aires. Without ships,
Urquiza sought the help of the Empire of Brazil as well. However, he thought that the Brazilian help would be of little use, and
only agreed to accept them by the intervention of Herrera. Urquiza began his military campaign in Uruguay, attacking the
forces of Manuel Oribe. With the new military conflict, Rosas declined his resignation request. Without further support from
Buenos Aires, Oribe was finally defeated, and his forces incorporated to those of Urquiza. Rosas took the personal command
of the forces of Buenos Aires, being critiziced by his generals Lucio Mansilla and ngel Pacheco for his passivity. He did not
attack Entre Ros during Urquiza's campaign in Uruguay, when his forces would have had the advantage, and spent his time
with trivial concerns. Entre Ros, Corrientes, Brazil and Uruguay agreed the actions against Rosas in the secured Montevideo,
where Entre Ros and Corrientes would lead the operation and Uruguay and Brazil would provide only auxiliar armies. Urquiza
defeated Rosas in the Battle of Caseros, on February 3, 1852. Rosas spent the rest of his life in exile, in the United Kingdom,
as a farmer in Southampton. He was resident at "Rockstone Lodge" No.8 Carlton Crescent (now known as "Ambassador
House") from 1852 until 1865 when he moved to Burgess Street Farm. Rosas inherited the 'combat saber' of General Jos de
San Martin, maximum hero of Argentina, who praised Rosas for successfully defending Argentina against the European
powers. The figure of Juan Manuel de Rosas and his government generated strong conflicting viewpoints, both in his own
time and afterwards. In the context of the Argentine Civil War, Rosas was the main leader of the Federalist party, and as such
the most part of the controversies around him were motivated by the preexistent antagonism of Federalism with the Unitarian
Party. During the government of Rosas most unitarians fled to neighbour countries, mostly to Chile, Uruguay and Brazil;
among them we can find Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, who wroteFacundo while living in Chile. Facundo is a
critic biography of Facundo Quiroga, another federalist caudillo, but Sarmiento used it to pass many indirect or direct critics to
Rosas himself. Some members of the 1837 generation, such as Esteban Echeverra or Juan Bautista Alberdi, tried to generate
an alternative to the unitarians-federalists antagonism, but had to flee to other countries as well. After the defeat of Rosas in
Caseros and the return of his political adversaries, it was decided to portray him in a negative light. The legislature of Buenos
Aires charged him with High treason in 1857; Nicanor Arbarellos supported his negative vote with the following speech:
Rosas, Sir, that tyrant, that barbarian, so barbaric and cruel, was not considered as such by the European and civilized
nations, and this assessment by the European and civilized nations, when it is told to posterity, will call into question, at least,
the barbaric and execrable tyranny that Rosas exercised among us. It is therefore necessary to make a legislative sanction
declaring him guilty of treason so that this fact is recorded in history, and ensure that the most powerful court, that is the
court of the people, which is the voice of the sovereign people whom we represent, casts a curse on the monster by labeling
him a traitor and guilty of treason against his country... Judgements like these should not be left to history

The first historians of Argentina, such as Bartolom Mitre, were vocal critics of Rosas, and for many years there was a clear
consensus in condemning him. However, authors like Mitre or Sarmiento can't be considered exclusively from the
perspectives of historiography or the history of ideas, as they were active people and even protagonists of the political
struggles of their time; and their works were used as tools to advertise their political ideas. Adolfo Saldas was the first in not
condemning Rosas entirely, and in the bookHistoria de la Confederacin Argentina he supported his international policy, while
keeping the usual rejection on the treatment given by Rosas to detractors. Authors like Levene, Molinari or Ravignani, in the
1930 decade, would develop a neutral approach to Rosas, that Ravignani defined as "Nor with Rosas, nor against Rosas".Their
work would be more oriented towards the positive things of the early years of Rosas, and less into the most polemic ones.
Years later, a new historiographical flow made an active and strong support of Rosas and other caudillos. Because of its great
differences with the early historians the local historiography knows them as revisionists, while the early one is named
"official" or "academic" instead. However, despite namings, the early historiography of Argentina hasn't always followed
standard academic procedures, nor developed hegemonic views at all topics. They would expand the work of Saldas and
Ernesto Quesada, and developed instead negative views about Mitre, Sarmiento, Rivadavia and the unitarians. Modern
historians like Felipe Pigna or Flix Luna avoid joining the dispute, describing instead the existence of conflicting viewpoints
towards Rosas. The historiographical dispute about Rosas is currently considered to be over. The date of November 20,
anniversary of the battle of Vuelta de Obligado, has been declared "Day of National Sovereignty" of Argentina, following a
request by revisionist historian Jos Mara Rosa. This observance day was raised in 2010 to a public holiday by Cristina
Fernndez de Kirchner. Rosas has been included in the banknotes of 20 Argentine pesos, with his face and his
daughter Manuela Rosas in the front and a depiction of the battle of Vuelta de Obligado in the back. A monument of Rosas, 15
meters tall and with a weight of three tons, has been erected in 1999 in the city of Buenos Aires, at the conjunction of the
"Libertador" and "Sarmiento" avenues. The aforementioned law that charged Rosas of high treason was abrogated in 1974.
A portrait of Rosas was included in 2010 in a gallery of Latin American patriots, held at the Casa Rosada. The gallery, which
included works provided by the presidents of other Latin American countries, was held because of the 2010 Argentina
Bicentennial. Silver and gold coins were struck during Rosas' tenure both with his portrait and without, but bearing his name.
Portrait coins were issued in 1836 with a more youthful portrait and again in 1842 with a more mature portrait. Shown at right
is a silver 8 soles (approx. 39 mm) coin from 1836.

Juan Ramn Gonzlez de Balcarce (March

16, 1773 November 12, 1836) was

an Argentine military leader and politician. He was governor of Buenos Aires three times, the first time from
July 30 until November 12, 1818, the second time from March 19, 1819 until February 9, 1820 and the third
time from December 17, 1832 until November 4, 1833. Juan was the older brother of Antonio Gonzlez de
Balcarce and of Marcos Gonzlez de Balcarce. He fought against the British in 1807, and in the 1812 military
campaign in Peru under General Manuel Belgrano.. Under the government of Juan Manuel de Rosas, he
served as the defense minister. In 1832, he was again elected governor of Buenos Aires. On October 11,
1833, the city was filled with announcements of a trial against Rosas. A large number of gauchos and poor
people made a demonstration at the gates of the legislature, praising Rosas and demanding the
resignation of Balcarce. The troops organized to fight demonstration mutinied and joined it. The legislature
finally gave up the trial, ousted Balcarce and replaced him withJuan Jos Viamonte. Balcarce was imprisoned
and died in exile in Concepcin del Uruguay.

Manuel Vicente Maza (1779 June 27, 1839) was an Argentine lawyer and federal politician.
He was governor of Buenos Aires from October 1, 1834 until March 7, 1835, and was killed after the
discovery of a failed plot to kill Juan Manuel de Rosas. Even though Maza was born in Buenos Aires,
he finished his university studies in Law at the Universidad de Santiago in Chile. As the
independence movement from Spain grew in South America, Maza was taken prisoner in Lima, by
that time the centre of theViceroyalty of Peru, and later spent time in reclusion in Buenos Aires,
released in 1815. That year he started his political activity as head of the Civil Commission of Justice
of Buenos Aires, bringing about the justice administration regulation named after him. In 1816 he
served as mayor at the Buenos Aires Cabildo. In the following years he developed a friendship and
political relationship with Juan Manuel de Rosas. During the 1820s Maza became widely involved in political activity. He was
sent to exile for the first time in 1823 because of his participation in the uprising against Martn Rodrguez, and then again in
1829 to Baha Blanca for rising up against Juan Lavalle. When Rosas returned to power, Maza assumed an important role in
Rosas' government. At the meeting with Jos Mara Paz inCrdoba, Maza accompanied Rosas, when they suffered an
assassination attempt. With Rosas gone in 1832, Maza was named Chief Minister by Juan Ramn Balcarce, but a year later he
took part in the movement that demanded Balcarce's resignation. He also took part in the following brief administration
of Juan Jos Viamonte. In 1834, and after several potential candidates refused to take the government of the Buenos Aires
Province, Maza, as president of the legislature, was designated interim governor. In February 1835 he sent Facundo
Quiroga as mediator in the conflict between the governors of the provinces of Salta and Tucumn. As Quiroga was
assassinated on his way back to Buenos Aires, Maza was forced to resign on March 7; Rosas once again became governor on
April 13. Maza went back to the legislature in spite of the growing confrontations with Rosas that started during Maza's term
in the government. He was also designated as judge in the trial to the Reinaf brothers, accused of Quiroga's assassination.
In June 1839 Maza's son, coronel Ramn Maza, was taken prisoner, suspected of a conspiracy against Rosas. During
the French blockade of the Ro de la Plata Juan Lavalle organized an army in Uruguay, attempting to attack Buenos Aires. His
plans were supported by conspiracies in Buenos Aires by former member of the May Association. The most notable member
of the conspiration was Ramn Maza, son of the former governor Manuel Vicente Maza, who got military support. As Lavalle
was delaying, they developed a new plan: Pedro Castelli and Nicols Granada would make a revolt at Tapalqu, while the
military in the city killed Rosas, Manuel Maza assumed government and allowed Lavalle to take the city. [1] The plot was
discovered by the Mazorca, but Rosas thought that Manuel Maza was innocent and carried to the plots of his son, so he urged
him to leave the country. He could not: Martnez Fontes, one of the military talked into the complot, revealed it in public.
Popular commotion was high, and the people took the streets demanding the execution of the people involved with the
complot. Ramn Maza was executed, and his parent was killed in his office by the Mazorca. Nevertheless, Pedro Castelli
attempted to make a rebellion in the countryside. The people did not follow him, and he was executed as well.

List of Presidents of Argentina

Justo Jos de Urquiza y Garca (October

18, 1801 April 11, 1870) was anArgentine general and politician. He
was president of the Argentine Confederation from March 5, 1854 until March 5, 1860. He was governor of Entre Ros during
the government of Juan Manuel de Rosas, governor of Buenos Aires with powers delegated from the other provinces from
September 11, 1852 until March 4, 1854. Rosas presented a resignation to his charge frequently, but only as a political

gesture, counting that the other governments would reject it. However, in 1851, resentful of the
economic and political dominance of Buenos Aires, Urquiza accepted Rosas resignation and
resumed for Entre Rios the powers delegated in Buenos Aires. Along with the resuming of
international commerce without passing through the port of Buenos Aires, Urquiza replaced the
"Death to the savage unitarians!" slogan with "Death to the enemies of national organization!",
requesting the making of a national constitution that Rosas had long rejected. Corrientes supported
Urquiza's action, but Rosas and the other provinces condemned the "crazy, traitor, savage,
unitarian" Urquiza. Supported by Brazil and the Uruguayan liberals, he created the "Big Army" and
forced Manuel Oribe to capitulate, ending the long siege of Montevideo in October 1851, and finally
defeating Rosas on 3 February 1852 at the Battle of Caseros. The other provinces that supported
Rosas against Urquiza's pronunciation changed sides and supported his project of creating a National Constitution. Urquiza
immediately began the task of national organization. He became provisional director of the Argentine Confederation in May
1852. In 1853, a constituent assembly adopted a constitution based primarily on the ideas of Juan Bautista Alberdi, and
Urquiza was inaugurated president in March 1854. During his administration, foreign relations were improved, public
education was encouraged, colonization was promoted, and plans for railroad construction was initiated. His work of national
organization was, however, hindered by the opposition of Buenos Aires, which seceded from the Confederation. Open war
broke out in 1859. Urquiza defeated the provincial army led by Bartolom Mitre in October 1859, at the Battle of Cepeda, and
Buenos Aires agreed to re-enter the Confederation. Constitutional amendments proposed by Buenos Aires were adopted in
1860 but the settlement was short-lived, and further difficulties culminated in civil war. Urquiza met the army of Buenos Aires,
again led by Mitre, in September 1861. The battle was indecisive, but Urquiza withdrew from the field, leaving the victory with
Mitre. He retired to San Jos Palace, his residence in Entre Ros, where he ruled until he was assassinated at age 69 (along
with his sons Justo and Waldino) by followers of dissident and political rival Ricardo Lpez Jordn.

Santiago Rafael Luis Manuel Jos Mara Derqui Rodrguez

(Crdoba June 21,

1809 November 5, 1867) was president of Argentina from March 5, 1860 to November 5, 1861. He
was featured on the 10 Australes note, which is now obsolete. Derqui studied at the Crdoba National
University, receiving a degree in law in 1831. At the university he was professor of law, then of
philosophy, and finally vice-dean. In 1845 he married Modesta Garcia de Cossio with whom he had three
boys and three girls. He was first assistant and then Minister of the government of Corrientes
Province under Jos Mara Paz. Justo Jos de Urquiza named him 'Business administrator' and sent him
to Paraguay on a foreign business mission. He became deputy for Crdoba Province. In 1854 Urquiza
named him head of the Ministry of Justice, Education and Public Instruction, were he worked for the six
years of Urquiza's mandate, pushing forward the still-emerging nation. After Urquiza's mandate, Derqui became constitutional
president. Being from Crdoba and not from Buenos Aires, it was expected that under his rule the continuous revolts of the
provincial governments against the federal government would end. Derqui accepted the revised national constitution with the
changes that would favour Buenos Aires, and named the country Repblica Argentina. This and other unpopular policies
towards the rest of the country provoked a general discontent in the provinces that led to the Battle of Pavn. Unable to
maintain authority, Derqui resigned and fled to Montevideo. While in exile, Bartolom Mitre helped him to go back to his
wife's native city of Corrientes, were he would die a few years later.

Juan Esteban Pedernera (December

25, 1796 February 1, 1886) was interim President of

Argentina during a brief period from November 4 until December 12, 1861. Born in 1796 in San Luis
Province, he studied in a Franciscan monastery when young, and left his studies to join the Regiment of
Mounted
Grenadiers being
summoned
by Jos
de
San
Martn to
fight
in
the War
of
Independence against Spanish rule. In 1815, he fought in the Battles of Chacabuco and Battle of Maip,
in Chile; and then in the campaign to liberate Peru. He was imprisoned by the Spanish during the former
campaign in Chilo Island, but managed to escape and rejoin his army. Lieutenant-general Juan Esteban
Pedernera married the former Rosa Juana Heredia in Callao on September 23, 1823; she was born in
Per, in 1805, and died in Buenos Aires, on August 26, 1886. In 1826 engaged again in military activity,
this time in the Cisplatine War. In the Argentine Civil War, he joined the Unitarian side, under the command of General Jos
Mara Paz, and fought in La Tablada against federalist forces. After a long time in exile, he returned to the country after
the fall of the Rosas' regime, and acted as Senator for San Luis Province. In 1856, he was designated commander of the
frontier armed forces, and in 1859 he was elected Governor of San Luis, and fought at the Battle of Cepeda that same year.
He then was elected Vice-President to President of the Argentine Confederation Santiago Derqui, and served from 1860 until
1861, when Derqui resigned after the Battle of Pavn. Pedernera then acted as President until the political situation forced the
dissolution of the office. In 1882 he was designated Lieutenant General of the Armies of the Republic.

Bartolom Mitre Martnez (June

26, 1821 January 19, 1906) was an Argentine statesman, military figure,
and author. He was the President of Argentina from April 12, 1862 until Octobar 11, 1868. Mitre was born in Buenos Aires to
a Greek Argentine family originally named Mitropoulos. As a liberal, he was an opponent of Juan Manuel de Rosas, and he was
forced into exile. He worked as a soldier and journalist inUruguay as a supporter of General Fructuoso Rivera, who named
Mitre Lieutenant Coronel of the Uruguayan Army in 1846. Mitre later lived in Bolivia, Peru, and Chile, and in the latter country,
he collaborated with legal scholar and fello Mitre returned to Argentina after the defeat of Rosas. at the 1852 Battle of
Caseros. He was a leader of the revolt of Buenos Aires against Justo Jos de Urquiza's federal system, and was appointed to
important posts in the provincial government after Buenos Aires seceded from theConfederation. The civil war of 1859
resulted in Mitre's defeat by Urquiza at the Battle of Cepeda, in 1860. Issues of customs revenue sharing were settled, and
Buenos Aires reentered the Argentine Confederation. Victorious at the 1861 Battle of Pavn, however, Mitre obtained
important concessions from the national army, notably the amendment of the Constitution to provide for indirect elections
through an electoral college. In October 1862, Mitre was elected president of the republic, and national political unity was
finally achieved; a period of internal progress and reform then commenced. During the Paraguayan War, Mitre was initially
named the head of theallied forces. Mitre was also the founder of La Nacin, one of South America's leading newspapers, in
1870. His opposition to Autonomist Party nominee Adolfo Alsina, whom he viewed as a veiled Buenos Aires separatist, led
Mitre to run for the presidency again, though the seasoned Alsina outmaneuvered him by fielding Nicols Avellaneda, a
moderate lawyer from remote Catamarca Province. The electoral college met on April, 12, 1874, and awarded Mitre only
three provinces, including Buenos Aires. Mitre took up arms again. Hoping to prevent Avellaneda's October 12 inaugural, he
mutineered a gunboat; he was defeated, however, and only President Avellaneda's commutation spared his life. Following the
1890 Revolution of the Park, he broke with the conservative National Autonomist Party PAN) and co-founded the Civic Union
with reformist Leandro Alem. Mitre's desire to maintain an understanding with the ruling PAN led to the Civic Union's schism
in 1891, upon which Mitre founded the National Civic Union, and Alem, the Radical Civic Union (the oldest existing party in

Argentina). He dedicated much of his time in later years to writing. According to some of his critics, as
a historian Mitre took several questionable actions, often ignoring key documents and events on
purpose in his writings. This caused his student Adolfo Saldas to distance himself from him, and for
future revisionist historians such as Jos Mara Rosa to question the validity of his work altogether. He
also wrote poetry and fiction (Soledad: novela original), and translated Dante's La divina
commedia (The Divine Comedy) into Spanish. On his passing in 1906, he was interred in La Recoleta
Cemetery in Buenos Aires. January 19, 2006 marked the centenary of Mitre's death.

Domingo Faustino Sarmiento (February

15, 1811 September

11, 1888) was an Argentine activist, intellectual, writer, statesman and the
seventh President of Argentina from October 12, 1868 until October 11,
1874. His writing
spanned a wide range of genres and topics, from journalism to
autobiography,
to
political philosophy and history. He was a member of a group of
intellectuals, known
as the "Generation of 1837", who had a great influence on nineteenthcentury
Argentina.
He was particularly concerned with educational issues and was also an
important influence
on the region's literature. Sarmiento grew up in a poor but politically active
family that paved
the way for much of his future accomplishments. Between 1843 and 1850
he was frequently in
exile, and wrote in both Chile and in Argentina. His greatest literary
achievement
was Facundo, a critique of Juan Manuel de Rosas, that Sarmiento wrote
while working for the newspaper El Progreso during his exile in Chile. The book brought him far more than just literary
recognition; he expended his efforts and energy on the war against dictatorships, specifically that of Rosas, and contrasted
enlightened Europea world where, in his eyes, democracy, social services, and intelligent thought were valuedwith the
barbarism of the gaucho and especially the caudillo, the ruthless strongmen of nineteenth-century Argentina. While president
of Argentina from 1868 to 1874, Sarmiento championed intelligent thoughtincluding education for children and women
and democracy for Latin America. He also took advantage of the opportunity to modernize and develop train systems, a
postal system, and a comprehensive education system. He spent many years in ministerial roles on the federal and state
levels where he travelled abroad and examined other education systems. Sarmiento died in Asuncin, Paraguay, at the age of
77 from a heart attack. He was buried in Buenos Aires. Today, he is respected as a political innovator and writer. Sarmiento
was born in Carrascal, a poor suburb of San Juan, Argentina on February 15, 1811. His father, Jos Clemente Quiroga
Sarmiento y Funes, had served in the military during the wars of independence, returning prisoners of war to San Juan. His
mother, Doa Paula Zoila de Albarracn e Irrzabal, was a very pious woman, who lost her father at a young age and was left
with very little to support herself. As a result, she took to selling her weaving in order to afford to build a house of her own. On
September 21, 1801, Jos and Paula were married. They had 15 children, 9 of whom died; Domingo was the only son to
survive to adulthood. Sarmiento was greatly influenced by his parents, his mother who was always working hard, and his
father who told stories of being a patriot and serving his country, something Sarmiento strongly believed in. In Sarmiento's
own words:
"I was born in a family that lived long years in mediocrity bordering on destitution, and which is to this day poor in every
sense of the word. My father is a good man whose life has nothing remarkable except [for his] having served in subordinate
positions in the War of Independence... My mother is the true figure of Christianity in its purest sense; with her, trust in
Providence was always the solution to all difficulties in life."
At the age of four, Sarmiento was taught to read by his father and his uncle, Jos Eufrasio Quiroga Sarmiento, who later
became Bishop ofCuyo. Another uncle who influenced him in his youth was Domingo de Oro, a notable figure in the young
Argentine Republic who was influential in bringing Juan Manuel de Rosas to power. Though Sarmiento did not follow de Oro's
political and religious leanings, he learned the value of intellectual integrity and honesty. He developed scholarly and
oratorical skills, qualities which de Oro was famous for. In 1816, at the age of five, Sarmiento began attending the primary
school La Escuela de la Patria. He was a good student, and earned the title of First Citizen (Primer Ciudadano) of the school.
After completing primary school, his mother wanted him to go to Crdoba to become a priest. He had spent a year reading
the Bible and often spent time as a child helping his uncle with church services, but Sarmiento soon became bored with
religion and school, and got involved with a group of aggressive children. Sarmiento's father took him to the Loreto Seminary
in 1821, but for reasons unknown, Sarmiento did not enter the seminary, returning instead to San Juan with his father. In
1823, the Minister of State, Bernardino Rivadavia, announced that the six top pupils of each state would be selected to
receive higher education in Buenos Aires. Sarmiento was at the top of the list in San Juan, but it was then announced that
only ten pupils would receive the scholarship. The selection was made by lot, and Sarmiento was not one of the scholars
whose name was drawn. In 1826, an assembly elected Bernardino Rivadavia as president of the United Provinces of Ro de la
Plata. This action roused the ire of the provinces, and civil war was the result. Support for a strong, centralized Argentine
government was based in Buenos Aires, and gave rise to two opposing groups. The wealthy and educated of the Unitarian
Party, such as Sarmiento, favored centralized government. While Sarmiento was pro-American and two contemporary U.S.
presidents (John Quincy Adams andJohn Adams) belonged to Unitarian churches, the two similarly named groups were not the
same. In opposition to them were theFederalists, who were mainly based in rural areas and tended to reject European mores.
Numbering figures such as Manuel Dorrego andJuan Facundo Quiroga among their ranks, they were in favor of a loose
federation with more autonomy for the individual provinces. Opinion of the Rivadavia government was divided between the
two ideologies. For Unitarians like Sarmiento, Rivadavia's presidency was a positive experience. He set up a European-staffed
university and supported a public education program for rural male children. He also supported theater and opera groups,
publishing houses and a museum. These contributions were considered as civilizing influences by the Unitarians, but they
upset the Federalist constituency. Common laborers had their salaries subjected to a government cap, and the gauchos were
arrested by Rivadavia for vagrancy and forced to work on public projects, usually without pay. In 1827, the Unitarians were
challenged by Federalist forces. After the resignation of Rivadavia, Manuel Dorrego was installed as governor of Buenos Aires
province. He quickly made peace with Brazil but, on returning to Argentina, was overthrown and executed by the Unitarian
general Juan Lavalle, who took Dorrego's place. However, Lavalle did not spend long as governor either: he was soon
overthrown by militias composed largely of gauchos led by Rosas and Estanislao Lpez. By the end of 1829 the old legislature
that Lavalle had disbanded was back in place and had appointed Rosas as governor of Buenos Aires. The first time Sarmiento
was forced to leave home was with his uncle, Jos de Oro, in 1827, because of his military activities. Jos de Oro was a priest
who had fought in the Battle of Chacabuco under General San Martn.[20] Together, Sarmiento and de Oro went to San
Francisco del Monte, in the neighbour province of San Luis. He spent much of his time with his uncle learning and began to
teach at a small school in the Andes. Later that year, his mother wrote to him asking him to come home. Sarmiento refused,
only to receive a response from his father that he was coming to collect him. His father had persuaded the governor of San
Juan to send Sarmiento to Buenos Aires to study at the College of Moral Sciences (Colegio de Ciencias Morales). Soon after

Sarmiento's return, the province of San Juan broke out into civil war and Facundo Quiroga invaded Sarmiento's town. As
historian William Katra describes this "traumatic experience":
At sixteen years of age, he stood in front of the shop he tended and viewed the entrance into San Juan of Facundo Quiroga
and some six hundred mounted montonera horsemen. They constituted an unsettling presence [. . . ]. That sight, with its
overwhelmingly negative associations, left an indelible impression on his budding consciousness. For the impressionable
youth Quiroga's ascent to protagonist status in the province's affairs was akin to the rape of civilized society by incarnated
evil.
Unable to attend school in Buenos Aires due to the political turmoil, Sarmiento chose to fight against Quiroga. He joined and
fought in the unitarian army, only to be placed under house arrest when San Juan was eventually taken over by Quiroga after
the battle of Pilar. He is later released, only to join the forces of General Paz, a key unitarian figure. Fighting and war soon
again resumed, but, one by one, Quiroga vanquished the main allies of General Paz, including the Governor of San Juan, and
in 1831 Sarmiento fled to Chile. He did not return to Argentina for five years. At the time, Chile was noted for its good public
administration, its constitutional organization, and the rare freedom to criticize the regime. In Sarmiento's view, Chile had
"Security of property, the continuation of order, and with both of these, the love of work and the spirit of enterprise that
causes the development of wealth and prosperity." As a form of freedom of expression, Sarmiento began to write political
commentary. In addition to writing, he also began teaching in Los Andes. Due to his innovative style of teaching, he found
himself in conflict with the governor of the province. He founded his own school in Pocuro as a response to the governor.
During this time, Sarmiento fell in love and had an illegitimate daughter named Ana Faustina, who Sarmiento did not
acknowledge until she married. In 1836, Sarmiento returned to San Juan, seriously ill with typhoid fever; his family and
friends thought he would die upon his return, but he recovered and established an anti-federalist journal called El Zonda. The
government of San Juan did not like Sarmiento's criticisms and censored the magazine by imposing an unaffordable tax upon
each purchase. Sarmiento was forced to cease publication of the magazine in 1840. He also founded a school for girls during
this time called the Santa Rosa High School, which was a preparatory school. In addition to the school, he also founded a
Literary Society. It is around this time that Sarmiento became associated with the so-called "Generation of 1837". This was a
group of activists, who includedEsteban Echeverra, Juan Bautista Alberdi, and Bartolom Mitre, who spent much of the 1830s
to 1880s first agitating for and then bringing about social change, advocating republicanism, free trade, freedom of speech,
and material progress. Though, based in San Juan, Sarmiento was absent from the initial creation of this group, in 1838 he
wrote to Alberdi seeking the latter's advice; and in time he would become the group most fervent supporter. In 1840, after
being arrested and accused of conspiracy, Sarmiento was forced into exile in Chile again. [36] It was en route to Chile that, in
the baths of Zonda, he wrote the graffiti "On ne tue point les ides," an incident that would later serve as the preface to his
book Facundo. Once on the other side of the Andes, in 1841 Samiento started writing for the Valparaso newspaper El
Mercurio, as well working as a publisher of the Crnica Contempornea de Latino Amrica ("Contemporary Latin American
Chronicle").In 1842, Sarmiento was appointed the Director of the first Normal School in South America; the same year he also
founded the newspaper El Progreso. During this time he sent for his family from San Juan to Chile. In 1843, Sarmiento
published Mi Defensa ("My Defence"), while continuing to teach. And in May 1845, El Progreso started the serial publication of
the first edition of his best-known work, Facundo; in July, Facundoappeared in book form. Between the years 1845 and 1847,
Sarmiento
travelled
across
parts
of
South
America
to Uruguay, Brazil,
to
Europe, France, Spain, Algeria,Italy, Armenia, Switzerland, England, to Cuba, and to North America, the United States and
Canada in order to examine different education systems and the levels of education and communication. Based on his
travels, he wrote the book Viajes por Europa, frica, y Amricawhich was published in 1849. In 1848, Sarmiento voluntarily
left to Chile once again. During the same year, he met widow Benita Martnez Pastoriza, married her, and adopted her son,
Domingo Fidel, or Dominguito, who would be killed in action during the War of the Triple Alliance at Curupayt in
1866. Sarmiento continued to exercise the idea of freedom of the press and began two new periodicals entitled La
Tribuna and La Crnicarespectively, which strongly attacked Juan Manuel de Rosas. During this stay in Chile, Sarmiento's
essays became more strongly opposed to Juan Manuel de Rosas. The Argentine government tried to have Sarmiento
extradited from Chile to Argentina, but the Chilean government refused to hand him over. In 1850, he published
both Argirpolis and Recuerdos de Provincia (Recollections of a Provincial Past). In 1852, Rosas's regime was finally brought
down. Sarmiento became involved in debates about the country's new constitution. In 1854, Sarmiento briefly visited
Mendoza, just across the border from Chile in Western Argentina, but he was arrested and imprisoned. Upon his release, he
went back to Chile. But in 1855 he put an end to what was now his "self-imposed" exile in Chile: he arrived in Buenos Aires,
soon to become editor-in-chief of the newspaper El Nacional. He was also appointed town councillor in 1856, and 1857 he
joined the provincial Senate, a position he held until 1861. It was in 1861, shortly after Mitre became Argentine president,
that Sarmiento left Buenos Aires and returned to San Juan, where he was elected governor, a post he took up in 1862. It was
then that he passed the Statutory Law of Public Education, making it mandatory for children to attend primary school. It
allowed for a number of institutions to be opened including secondary schools, military schools and an all-girls school. While
governor, he developed roads and infrastructure, built public buildings and hospitals, encouraged agriculture and allowed for
mineral mining. He resumed his post as editor of El Zonda. In 1863, Sarmiento fought against the power of the caudillo of La
Rioja and found himself in conflict with the Interior Minister of General Mitre's government, Guillermo Rawson. Sarmiento
stepped down as governor of San Juan, but ran unsuccessfully for president of the Argentine Republic in 1864 against General
Mitre. He did, however, become the Plenipotentiary Minister to the United States where he was sent in 1865, soon after the
assassination of President Abraham Lincoln. Moved by the story of Lincoln, Sarmiento ended up writing his book Vida de
Lincoln. It was on this trip that Sarmiento received an honorary degree from the University of Michigan. A bust of him stood in
the Modern Languages Building at the University of Michigan until multiple student protests prompted its removal. Students
installed plaques and painted the bust red to represent the controversies surrounding his policies towards the indigenous
people in Argentina. There still stands a statue of Sarmiento at Brown University. While on this trip, he was asked to run for
President again. He won, taking office on October 12, 1868. Domingo Faustino Sarmiento was President of the Republic of
Argentina from 18681874. He became president despite the maneuverings of his predecessor Bartolom Mitre. According to
biographer Allison Bunkley, his presidency "marks the advent of the middle, or land-owning classes as the pivot power of the
nation. The age of the gaucho had ended, and the age of the merchant and cattleman had begun." Sarmiento sought to
create basic freedoms, and wanted to ensure civil safety and progress for everyone. Sarmiento's tour of the United States had
given him many new ideas about politics, democracy, and the structure of society, especially when he was the Argentine
ambassador to the country from 1865 to 1868. He found New England, specifically the Boston-Cambridgearea to be the
source of much of his influence, writing in an Argentine newspaper that New England was "the cradle of the modern republic,
the school for all of America." He described Boston as "The pioneer city of the modern world, the Zion of the
ancient Puritans ... Europe contemplates in New England the power which in the future will supplant her." Not only did
Sarmiento evolve political ideas, but also structural ones by transitioning Argentina from a primarily agricultural economy to
one focused on cities and industry. Historian David Rock notes that, beyond putting an end to caudillismo, Sarmiento's main
achievements in government concerned his promotion of education. As Rock reports, "between 1868 and 1874 educational

subsidies from the central government to the provinces quadrupled." He established 800 educational and military
institutions, and his improvements to the educational system enabled 100,000 children to attend school. He also pushed
forward modernization more generally, installing 5,000 kilometres (3,100 mi) of telegraph line across the country for
improved communications, modernizing the post and train systems which he believed to be integral for interregional and
national economies, as well as building the Red Line, a train line that would bring goods to Buenos Aires in order to better
facilitate trade with England. By the end of his presidency, the Red Line extended 1,331 kilometres (827 mi). In 1869, he
conducted Argentina's first national census. Though Sarmiento is well known historically, he was not a popular president.
[50]
Indeed, Rock judges that "by and large his administration was a disappointment". [46] During his presidency, Argentina
conducted an unpopular war against Paraguay; at the same time, people were displeased with him for not fighting for
the Straits of Magellan from Chile. Though he increased productivity, he increased expenditures, which also negatively
affected his popularity. In addition, the arrival of a large influx of European immigrants was blamed for the outbreak of Yellow
Fever in Buenos Aires and the risk of civil war. Moreover, Sarmiento's presidency was further marked by ongoing rivalry
between Buenos Aires and the provinces. In the war against Paraguay, Sarmiento's adopted son was killed. Sarmiento
suffered from immense grief and was thought to never have been the same again. On August 22, 1873, Sarmiento was the
target of an unsuccessful killing attempt, when two Italian anarchist brothers shot at his coach. They had been hired by
federal caudilloRicardo Lpez Jordn. A year later in 1874, he completed his term as President and stepped down, handing his
presidency over to Nicols Avellaneda, his former Minister of Education. In 1875, following his term as President, Sarmiento
became the General Director of Schools for the Province of Buenos Aires. That same year, he became the Senator for San
Juan, a post that he held until 1879, when he became Interior Minister. But he soon resigned, following conflict with the
Governor of Buenos Aires, Carlos Tejedor. He then assumed the post of Superintendent General of Schools for the National
Education Ministry under President Roca and published El Monitor de la Educacin Comn, which is a fundamental reference
for Argentine education. In 1882, Sarmiento was successful in passing the sanction of Free Education allowing schools to be
free, mandatory, and separate from that of religion. In May 1888, Sarmiento left Argentina for Paraguay. He was accompanied
by his daughter, Ana, and his companion Aurelia Vlez. He died in Asuncin on September 11, 1888, from a heart attack, and
was buried in Buenos Aires. His tomb at La Recoleta Cemetery lies under a sculpture, a condor upon a pylon, designed by
himself and executed byVictor de Pol. Pedro II, the Emperor of Brazil and a great admirer of Sarmiento, sent to his funeral
procession a green and gold crown of flowers with a message written in Spanish remembering the highlights of his life:
"Civilization and Barbarism, Tonelero, Monte Caseros, Petrpolis, Public Education. Remembrance and Homage from Pedro de
Alcntara." Sarmiento was well known for his modernization of the country, and for his improvements to the educational
system. He firmly believed in democracy and European liberalism, but was most often seen as a romantic. Sarmiento was
well versed in Western philosophy including the works of Karl Marx and John Stuart Mill. He was particularly fascinated with
the liberty given to those living in the United States, which he witnessed as a representative of the Peruvian government. He
did, however, see pitfalls to liberty, pointing for example to the aftermath of the French Revolution, which he compared to
Argentina's own May Revolution. He believed that liberty could turn into anarchy and thus civil war, which is what happened
in France and in Argentina. Therefore, his use of the term "liberty" was more in reference to a laissez-faire approach to the
economy, and religious liberty. Though a Catholic himself, he began to adopt the ideas of separation of church and state
modeled after the US. He believed that there should be more religious freedom, and less religious affiliation in schools. This
was one of many ways in which Sarmiento tried to connect South America to North America. Sarmiento believed that the
material and social needs of people had to be satisfied but not at the cost of order and decorum. He put great importance on
law and citizen participation. These ideas he most equated to Rome and to the United States, a society which he viewed as
exhibiting similar qualities. In order to civilize the Argentine society and make it equal to that of Rome or the United States,
Sarmiento believed in eliminating the caudillos, or the larger landholdings and establishing multiple agricultural colonies run
by European immigrants. Coming from a family of writers, orators, and clerics, Domingo Sarmiento placed a great value on
education and learning. He opened a number of schools including the first school in Latin America for teachers in Santiago in
1842: La Escuela Normal Preceptores de Chile. He proceeded to open 18 more schools and had mostly female teachers from
the USA come to Argentina to instruct graduates how to be effective when teaching. Sarmiento's belief was that education
was the key to happiness and success, and that a nation could not be democratic if it was not educated. "We must educate
our rulers," he said. "An ignorant people will always choose Rosas." He had vollowing Major works: Facundo - Civilizacin y
Barbarie - Vida de Juan Facundo Quiroga, 1845. Written during his long exile in Chile. Originally published in 1845 in Chile in
installments in El Progreso newspaper, Facundo is Sarmiento's most famous work. It was first published in book form in 1851,
and the first English translation, by Mary Mann, appeared in 1868. A recent modern edition in English was translated by
Kathleen Ross. Facundo promotes further civilization and European influence to Argentine culture through the use of
anecdotes and references to Juan Facundo Quiroga, Argentine caudillo general. As well as being a call to progress, Sarmiento
discusses the nature of Argentine peoples as well as including his thoughts and objections to Juan Manuel de Rosas, governor
of Buenos Aires from 1829 to 1832 and again from 1835, due to the turmoil generated by Facundo's death, to 1852. As
literary critic Sylvia Molloy observes, Sarmiento claimed that this book helped explain Argentine struggles to European
readers, and was cited in European publications. Written with extensive assistance from others, Sarmiento adds to his own
memory the quotes, accounts, and dossiers from other historians and companions of Facundo Quiroga. Facundo maintains its
relevance in modern day as well, bringing attention to the contrast of lifestyles in Latin America, the conflict and struggle for
progress while maintaining tradition, as well as the moral and ethical treatment of the public by government officials and
regimes, Recuerdos de Provincia (Recollections of a Provincial Past), 1850. In this second autobiography, Sarmiento displays
a stronger effort to include familial links and ties to his past, in contrast to Mi defensa, choosing to relate himself to San Juan
and his Argentine heritage. Sarmiento discusses growing up in rural Argentina with basic ideologies and simple
livings. Recuerdos discusses his Similar to Facundo, Sarmiento uses previous dossiers filed against himself by enemies to
assist in writing Recuerdos and therefore fabricating an autobiography based on these files and from his own memory.
Sarmiento's persuasion in this book is substantial. The accounts, whether all true or false against him, are a source of
information to write Recuerdos as he is then able to object and rectify into what he creates as a 'true account' of
autobiography. Sarmiento was a prolific author. The following is a selection of his other works: Mi defensa, 1843. This was
Sarmiento's first autobiography in a pamphlet form, which omits any substantial information or recognition of his illegitimate
daughter Ana. This would have discredited Sarmiento as a respected father of Argentina, as Sarmiento portrays himself as a
sole individual, disregarding or denouncing important ties to other people and groups in his life, Viajes por Europa, frica,
Amrica 1849. A description and observations while travelling as a representative of the Peruvian government to learn more
about educational systems around the world, Argirpolis 1850. A description of a future utopian city in the River Plate States,
Commentarios sobre la constitucin 1852. This is Sarmiento's official account of his ideologies promoting civilization and the
"Europeanization" and "Americanization" of Argentina. This account includes dossiers, articles, speeches and information
regarding the pending constitution, Informes sobre educacin, 1856. This report was the first official statistic report on
education in Latin America includes information on gender and location distribution of pupils, salaries and wages, and
comparative achievement. Informes sobre educacin proposes new theories, plans, and methods of education as well as
quality controls on schools and learning systems, Las Escuelas, base de la prosperidad y de la republica en los Estados
Unidos 1864. This work, along with the previous two, were intended to persuade Latin America and Argentines of the benefits

of the educational, economic and political systems of the United States, which Sarmiento supported, Conflictos y armonas de
las razas en Amrica 1883, deals with race issues in Latin America in the late 1800s. While situations in the book remain
particular to the time period and location, race issues and conflicts of races are still prevalent and enable the book to be
relevant in the present day, Vida de Dominguito, 1886. A memoir of Dominguito, Sarmiento's adopted son who was the only
child Sarmiento had always accepted. Many of the notes used to compile Vida de Dominguito had been written 20 years prior
during one of Sarmiento's stays in Washington, Educar al soberano, a compilation of letters written from 1870 to 1886 on the
topic of improved education, promoting and suggesting new reforms such as secondary schools, parks, sporting fields and
specialty schools. This compilation was met with far greater success than Ortografa, Instruccin Publica and received greater
public support, El camino de Lacio, which impacted Argentina by influencing many Italians to immigrate by relating
Argentinas history to that of Latium of the Roman empire, Inmigracin y colonizacin, a publication which led to mass
immigration of Europeans to mostly urban Argentina, which Sarmiento believed would assist in 'civilizing' the country over
the more barbaric gauchos and rural provinces. This had a large impact on Argentine politics, especially as much of the civil
tension in the country was divided between the rural provinces and the cities. In addition to increased urban population,
these European immigrants had a cultural effect upon Argentina, providing what Sarmiento believed to be more civilized
culture similar to North America's, On the Condition of Foreigners, which helped to assist political changes for immigrants in
1860, Ortografa, Instruccin Publica, an example of Sarmiento's passion for improved education. Sarmiento focused on
illiteracy of the youth, and suggested simplifying reading and spelling for the public education system, a method which was
never implemented, Prctica Constitucional, a three volume work, describing current political methods as well as propositions
for new methodologies, Presidential Papers, a history of his presidency, formed of many personal and external documents
and Travels in the United States in 1847, (Edited and translated into English by Michael Aaron Rockland.). The impact of
Domingo Faustino Sarmiento is most obviously seen in the establishment of September 11 as Latin AmericanTeacher's
Day which was done in his honor at the 1943 Interamerican Conference on Education, held in Panama. Today, he is still
considered to be Latin America's teacher. In his time, he opened countless schools, created free public libraries, opened
immigration, and worked towards a Union of Plate States. His impact was not only on the world of education, but also on
Argentine political and social structure. His ideas are now revered as innovative, though at the time they were not widely
accepted. He was a self-made man and believed in sociological and economic growth for Latin America, something that the
Argentine people could not recognize at the time with the soaring standard of living which came with high prices, high wages,
and an increased national debt. Today, there is a statue in honor of Sarmiento in Boston on the Commonwealth Avenue Mall,
between Gloucester and Hereford streets, erected in 1973. There is a square, Plaza Sarmiento in Rosario, Argentina. One
of Rodin's last sculptures was that of Sarmiento which is now in Buenos Aires.

Nicols Remigio Aurelio Avellaneda Silva (October

3, 1837 24 November 1885) was

an Argentine politician and journalist, andpresident of Argentina from October 12, 1874 until October
11, 1880. Avellaneda's main projects while in office were banking and education reform, leading to
Argentina's economic growth. The most important events of his government were the Conquest of the
Desert and the transformation of the City of Buenos Aires into a federal district. Born in San Miguel de
Tucumn, his mother moved with him to Bolivia after the death of his father, Marco Avellaneda, during a
revolt against Juan Manuel de Rosas. He studied law at Crdoba, without graduating. Back at Tucumn
he founded El Eco del Norte, and moved to Buenos Aires in 1857, becoming director of the El
Nacional and editor of El Comercio de la Plata. He finished his studies at Buenos Aires,
meeting Domingo Faustino Sarmiento. Sarmiento helped him to become teacher of economy at
the University of Buenos Aires. He wrote "Estudio sobre las leyes de tierras pblicas" (Spanish: Study of
the laws about public lands), proposing to give the lands to producers that make production from them. This system, similar
to the one employed at the United States, suggested to reduce bureaucracy and pointed that this would allow stable
populations and population growth. He was a member of the house of representatives in 1859 and Minister of Government
of Adolfo Alsina in the Buenos Aires province in 1866. During Domingo Faustino Sarmiento's presidency, he was Minister of
Justice and Education. He implemented the educationalreform that was defining of his government. Avellaneda attained the
presidency in 1874 but had its legitimacy contested by Bartolom Mitre and supported by Domingo Faustino Sarmiento. Mitre
deployed the army against Avellaneda but was defeated by Julio Argentino Roca. Mitre was held prisoner and judged by
military justice, but Avellaneda indulted him in order to promote pacification. He also included Rufino de Elizalde and Jos
Mara Gutirrez, supporters of Mitre, as members of his cabinet. In line with people like Alberdi or Sarmiento, who thought
that European immigration was crucial to the Argentine development, he promoted the "Avellaneda law" that allowed
European farmers ease to get terrains. The immigration numbers were doubled in a few years. Having won the revolution and
bringing peace to the country, Avellaneda faced the serious economic crisis, centering his efforts on the control of the land
with the Conquest of the Desert and expanding the railroads, the cereal and meat exports, and the European immigration,
specially to Patagonia. During his presidency, the economy of Argentina was seriously affected by the European crisisputting
the country on the edge of debt default. Deciding to take Argentina from its debts, he said that "[...]there are two million
Argentines who would economize even to their hunger and thirst to fulfill the promises of our public committments in the
foreign markets".He reduced the budget and applied a weak protectionism. The crisis was eventually fixed with the growing
exports of refrigerated meat to Europe, a new developing industrial method of the time. A prolific writer, his works have been
published in 12 volumes. Aged 37, he was the youngest Argentine president ever elected. He had served in the Argentine
Senate for five months in 1874 and returned to the Senate in 1883 until his death. He died on a ship returning from medical
treatment in France.

Alejo Julio Argentino Roca Paz (July 17, 1843 October 19, 1914) was an army general who served as

President
of Argentina from October 12, 1880 to October 12, 1886 and again from October 12, 1898 to October 12, 1904. Julio Roca
was born in the northwestern city of San Miguel de Tucumn in 1843 into a prominent local family. He graduated from the
National College in Concepcin del Uruguay, Entre Ros. Before he was 15, Roca joined the army of the Argentine
Confederation, on 19 March 1858. While still an adolescent, he went to fight as a junior artillery officer in the struggle
between Buenos Aires and the interior provinces, first on the side of the provinces and later on behalf of the capital. He also
fought in the War of the Triple Alliance against Paraguay between 1865 and 1870. Roca rose to the rank of colonel serving in
the war to suppress the revolt of Ricardo Lpez Jordn in Entre Ros. President Nicols Avellaneda later promoted him to
General after his victory over rebel general Jos M. Arredondo in the battle of Santa Rosa, leading the loyalist forces. In 1878,
during Avellaneda's presidency, he became Minister of War and it was his task to prepare a campaign that would bring and
end to the "frontier problem" after the failure of the plan of Adolfo Alsina (his predecessor). The Indians frequently assaulted
frontier settlements and stole horses and cattle, and the captured women and children were enslaved or offered as brides to
the warriors. Roca's approach to dealing with the Indian communities of the Pampas, however, was completely different from
Alsina's, who had ordered the construction of a ditch and a defensive line of small fortresses across the Province of Buenos
Aires. Roca saw no way to end native attacks (malones) but by putting under effective government control all land up to

the Ro Negro in a campaign (known as theConquest of the Desert) that would "extinguish, subdue or
expel" the Indians who inhabited there. This land conquest would also strengthen Argentina's strategic
position against Chile. He devised a "tentacle" move, with waves of 6,000 men cavalry units stemming
coordinately from Mendoza, Crdoba, Santa F andBuenos Aires on July 1878 and April 1879
respectively, with an official toll of nearly 1,313 Native Americans killed and 15,000 taken as
prisoners, and is credited with the liberation of several hundred European hostages. Due to his military
successes and the massive territorial gains linked with them, Roca was put forward as a successor to
President Avellaneda. In October 1879 he gave up his military career to get ready for the election
campaign. When Carlos Tejedor instigated a revolution in 1880 Roca was one of the key figures in
the federalization of the country and the naming of Buenos Aires as the capital of Argentina, settling the
question of central rule. After triumphing over Tejedor, Roca took over the presidency on 12 October
1880. Under his mandate the so-called "laicist laws" (Leyes Laicas) were passed, which nationalized a
series of functions that previously were under the control of the Church. He also created the socalled Registro Civil, an index of all births, deaths and marriages. President Roca also made primary education free of charge
by nationalizing education institutions run by the Church. This led to a break in relations with the Vatican. Under Roca's rule
the economy became state controlled and he presided over an era of rapid economic development fueled by large scale
European immigration, railway construction, and agricultural exports. However, financial speculation and government
corruption marred his administration. In May 1886 Roca was the subject of a failed assassination attempt. Roca did not
participate in the 1890 revolution, which was instigated by Leandro N. Alem and Bartolom Mitre (Unin Cvica, laterUnin
Cvica Radical). However, he was pleased in the resulting weakness of Miguel Jurez Celman. Roca himself had put
forwardJurez Celman as his successor, who also happened to be his brother-in-law. However, Celman distanced himself from
Roca and reprivatized large sectors of the economy in a corrupt fashion. After his first presidency Roca became a senator and
Minister of the Interior under Carlos Pellegrini. After President Luis Senz Pea resigned in January 1895, Jos Evaristo
Uriburu took over the presidency, during which Roca was President of the Senate. Because of this, Roca again assumed the
duties of President between 28 October 1895 and 8 February 1896, when Uriburu was ill. In the middle of 1897 the Partido
Autonomista Nacional party put forward Roca as a presidential candidate once more. Unopposed, he was able to begin a
second regular time in office on 12 October 1898. During his second presidency, the so-called Ley de Residencia law was
passed, which made it possible to expel Argentina's trade union leaders. During this presidency military service was
introduced in 1901 and a border dispute with Chile was settled in 1902. Luis Drago, Rocas foreign minister, articulated
the Drago Doctrine of 1902 asserting that foreign powers could not collect public debts from sovereign American states by
armed force or occupation of territory. Roca's second term ended in 1904. In 1912 Roca was appointed as Special
Ambassador of Argentina to Brazil by President Roque Senz Pea. Roca returned to Argentina in 1914 and died in Buenos
Aires on October 19, 1914. His son, Julio Argentino Roca, Jr., became vice-president of Argentina in 1932-1938. Julio Argentino
Roca was buried in La Recoleta Cemetery in Buenos Aires.

Miguel Angel Jurez Celman (Crdoba,

September 29, 1844 Arrecifes, April 14, 1909)

was President of Argentina from October 12, 1886 to August 6, 1890. A lawyer and politician, his career
was defined by the influence of his kinsman, Julio Argentino Roca, whom propelled him into a legislative
career. He was a staunch promoter of separation of church and state and an aristocratic liberal. As
president of Argentina, he promoted public works, but was not capable of maintaining economic stability
and had to contend with the powerful opposition of the Civic Union Party, and his leader Leandro N.
Alem. After the Revolucin del Parque even though having defeated the uprising, he was forced to resign
and retired from political life. Jurez Celman was born and raised in Crdoba, where he studied under
the Jesuits at the Colegio de Montserrat. He studied Law, becoming a lawyer in 1869. Thanks to his
family connections, he came from an aristocratic family, he entered political life early. He was elected
Representative just after obtaining his doctorate and from the provincial parliament he headed the movement to promote
the secularization of education. Two years later he was elected to the Senate of Argentina and in 1877 became its president.
He spent little time as president as after the death of Governor Climaco de la Pea, the new Government of Antonio Del
Viso nominated him as Government Minister. His energetic work earned him the nomination and election as Governor of
Crdoba on May 17, 1880. He was Governor-elect when there was an insurrection in Buenos Aires, led by Carlos
Tejedor and Lisandro Olmos, opposed to thefederalization of Buenos Aires. The federalization succeeded in 1880 and was
followed by the establishment of state elementary education in the capital during the presidency of Julio A. Roca. Having
become a national Senator in 1883 and becoming close to President Roca, he obtained his support in his bid to become
candidate for president for the National Autonomist Party (PAN). He won the 1886 national election, not without accusations
of fraud, which was not uncommon in the PAN. His Vice-President was Carlos Pellegrini, ex-War Minister under Roca, who had
supported his candidacy from the pages of the Sud Amrica newspaper. His presidency was marked by a degree of paranoia.
An 1890 rugby match in Buenos Aires resulted in both teams, and all 2,500 spectators being arrested. Jurez Celman was
particularly vigilant after the Revolution of the Park in the city earlier in the year, and the police had suspected that the
match was in fact a political meeting. Most observers expected Jurez Celman's administration to be a continuation of Roca's
with the retired president managing from behind the scenes, but in a display of independence, he took control of the PAN with
in a more authoritative form becoming what his opponents dubbed the unicato (one-man rule). This, combined with economic
regression, led to the formation of the Civic Union, an opposition group that was later split into the National Civic Union and
the Radical Civic Union, the latter being still important in Argentinian politics. In 1890, a revolution forced Celman to resign,
and Vice-President Carlos Pellegrini, succeeded him.

Carlos Enrique Jos Pellegrini Bevans (October 1, 1846, Buenos Aires July 17, 1906, Buenos Aires) was Vice
President of Argentina and became President of Argentina from August 6, 1890 until October 12, 1892, upon Miguel ngel
Jurez Celman resignation (see Revolucin del Parque). During his administration he cleaned up finances, created the Banco
de la Nacin Argentina, Argentina's national bank, and the prestigious high-school that carries his name: Escuela Superior de
Comercio Carlos Pellegrini (a public school of noted academic level, part of the University of Buenos Aires). After the end of
his term, he served as senator between 1895 and 1903, and in 1906 he was elected national deputy in the lower house.
Carlos Enrique Jos Pellegrini was born in Buenos Aires on October 11, 1846, just when the season ended Rosas, was the son
of Mary Bevans Bright English and French Swiss engineer Carlos Enrique Pellegrini department of Savoie Chambery, France.
Carlos Enrique Pellegrini engineer had arrived in the country from Italy in 1828, and was hired by President Bernardino
Rivadavia, for the construction of the port of Buenos Aires.1 August 6 The young learned to read and write at home, using
what he learned parents instilled. At the age of eight he entered the school of Anne Bevans, aunt. There he learned
languages that characterized it in their language, precisely because their language heterogeneous fellow National College of
Buenos Aires he was nicknamed "the gringo" .6 education center that graduated in the year 1862. He joined the Faculty of
Law at Buenos Aires in 1863, but two years later abandoned that submitted to join the army and fight in the War of Paraguay,

where he reached the rank of Oficial. Pellegrini had an outstanding performance in the Tuyut battle, as
well as other battles, but fell ill and had to abandon the cured ejrcito. After returning to Buenos Aires,
finished law school in 1869 and entered the newly founded newspaper La Prensa. With your degree
started working for the state as Deputy Minister of Finance, 6 under President Domingo F. Sarmiento. He
graduated in 1869 and wrote his thesis The electoral law, where he criticized the current system at the
time, proposed a major education campaign cvica. A brief quote: "The protection of the government is
necessary for industrial development of Argentina." In 1871, the year in Buenos Aires mourning as
thousands of people died of yellow fever, Pellegrini married Carolina Garcia Lagos, that union was
childless. In that year there was his approach to politics through the Autonomist Party of Adolfo Alsina,
when presented in the legislative elections of 1871 and 1872, but lost in both.2 Finally in 1873 he was
elected deputy for the province of Buenos Aires. Above, in 1873 was elected national deputy, and in
1878 the governor appointed him Minister Carlos Casares Government of the province of Buenos
Aires.His work as a deputy for six years was characterized by his great oratorical skills and concepts clearly in their reported .
Fellow legislator, Jose Manuel Estrada but was opposition, the qualities expressed in the speech he had Pellegrini, saying: "If
you do not understand, I will ask the deputy Pellegrini to clarify what he just knows it as" During his years as a deputy took a
position in favor of free education, taking as an example (as Domingo Faustino Sarmiento) to U.S. educational model. During
the debate between liberalism and protectionism (circa 1875), Pellegrini was in favor of the implementation by the national
state policies for the protection of domestic industry, and is one of the major players in the founding of Club Industrial. In the
following excerpt from a parliamentary speech Pellegrini can appreciate their tendency to industrialization:
"If free trade develops industry has acquired a certain force and provides access to all the splendor possible, free trade kills
infant industry. Agriculture and livestock are two key industries, but no nation on earth has reached the economic
development summit with only these industries. Industries that have led to the maximum of power are manufacturing
industries, manufacturing industry and is the first in merit and the last to be reached, because it is the highest expression of
progress industrial ".
On October 9, 1879 President Nicols Avellaneda Carlos Pellegrini appointed Minister of War and Navy, replacing Julio
Argentino Roca (a position he held also during the rule of the same rock until October 12, 1886). At that faced by the rebellion
of 1880, Carlos Tejedor, governor of Buenos Aires at the time: he refused to accept the Federalization Act, which took away
the province of Buenos Aires Capital Territory Federal.6 2 was dissolved by this rebellion, this episode gave prominence to
politics Pellegrini within Argentina. Working for the Naval Academy created bodies: Naval Artillery, Engineers and Pilots of the
Navy. Also he was built a gunpowder factory in Lujan. He was imposed regulations of the Naval Academy and the signal code
martimas. In 1881 he was elected senator for the province of Buenos Aires, this role was played until October 12, 1886. In his
term as Senator got a vote in Congress approval to resume construction of the port of Buenos Aires, which had been left
unfinished since prescidencia Bernardino Rivadavia. He adopted the old project of Eduardo Madero, and through funding and
technical British port could end nine years later (when he was vice president) .Pellegrini undertook a trip to the United States
and Canada in 1883, in order to observe and learn about the industry in the first world, visited factories, laboratories and
workshops. Like Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, also traveled to the north of the continent to see how education is organized in
those naciones. It was commissioned by the government of Julio Argentino Roca to perform a delicate business of a loan to
the creditors in Europe in 1885. In 1886, he finished his term as a senator, he ran for vice president by the PAN with Miguel
Juarez Celman for president. Thanks to the electoral fraud, the new candidate for the PAN were victorious by fraud electoral.6
During Celman management, more precisely in March 1890 the Argentine peso suddenly began to lose its value against gold
(average international payment) began to occur five bankruptcies and collapses in the stock market. Increased cost of life.
Undertook a trip to Europe in 1889 to represent Argentina at the World Expo held in Paris to commemorate the centenary of
the French Revolution, the Argentine flag was the surprise, to seek financial support in London and Paris, and also to resolve
economic problems approaching. Pellegrini was awarded in Spain, UK and Francia. The growing allegations of corruption,
authoritarianism and economic slump led to an explosion in Buenos Aires known as Revolution Park, when the July 26, 1890
civilian-military group led by the newly formed Civic Union, under the leadership of Leandro Alem, Bartolom Mitre,
Aristobulus Valley, Bernardo de Irigoyen and others tried to take the government by force. Although they failed in their
attempt, President Celman renunci.6 Previously on April 11 of that year many ministers had resigned in view of the
problematic situation avecinaba. Just two days after a crowd of thirty thousand people demonstrated in The pediment of
Buenos Aires, Crdoba monopolizing Avenue, between Liberty and Cerrito streets. The President changed the cabinet on April
18, as a reinforcement to the crisis. The situation was further aggravated when the June 28 Valley Aristobulus Senator
denounced several irregularities in public finances, especially fraudulent currency emissions. On August 5, the same
lawmakers called for the resignation of Celman. The next day the order was designed and approved by 61 to 22, took over as
president, Carlos Pellegrini. Pellegrini had kept a low profile until then, but now it had become the new head of state, and
consequently, in the center of politics in Argentina, plunged into a crisis caused by the failure of individual institutions
financieras. In a correspondence with his brother, Pellegrini explained about the recent crisis: "I tell you what to do then?. But
what the farmer loses his crop: endure; tightens the tummy and saves all he can, while re-sow. Protect industry by all means;
and left and Exchange Treasures and bimetallism and celestial music ". As a result of the revolution, resigned Celman Miguel,
so Pellegrini succeeded to the presidency on August 6, 1890, ending the term on October 12, 1892, as agreed in this
Constitution.6 The new president took office in a country afflicted by the crisis, with tax revenues fell by 30% compared to
previous years, banks were paralyzed, gold was rising, leading the economy into a deep recession that "froze" finance
entities. One of the first steps taken by his government was sending a group of bankers, ranchers and merchants sign a loan
of 15 million pesos to pay external maturities. Once reunited the capital, Victorino de la Plaza was selected to negotiate debt,
had to embark for London, where he received negative London bank. But got the Rothschild Banking supports a moratorium
before the cessation of payment by the government. Following this, Pellegrini apply austerity measures and adjustment, as
the suspension of public works such as the Government House, Congress, the post office (which turned up at the end of his
administration), and nationalized the waterworks Miguel Juarez privatized Celman. Minister Vicente Fidel Lpez sent Congress
a number of laws in order to improve and expand tax revenues. Another plan as completely out of the crisis was the project
presented with Aristobulus Valley in 1881, during his time as a senator for the province of Buenos Aires, this new scheme was
the creation of the Bank of the Republic. In 1891 was the National Bank of mixed capital and the sum of fifty million dollars,
its first president was Vicente Casares. After Argentina's currency recovered backup, created the Currency Board, these
measures coupled with the increase in currency in circulation was what ended the crisis. He built the National History
Museum and the School of Commerce Carlos Pellegrini, work began for the Botanical Garden of Buenos Aires. They rescued
land held by railway companies, the dealers had not come to make payments. For these protectionist policies Pellegrini was
considered, he said: "When necessary, the state should get into economic life, and if it is not essential should not." It
uncovered a plot anarchist whose mission was to kill the President. He resigned in August 1892 after a major crisis in his
government, but was persuaded to continue until October 12, 1892. The presidential election of 1892, after many years were
the first to be exercised without any fraud , was elected as president Luis Saenz Pena, and enabling the election of senators

as Aristobulus and Leandro N. Valley Senz Pea Alem. Pellegrini offered the post of Minister of War and Navy, but this did not
acepto. After Pellegrini cede the presidency, went to his residence in Florida and Viamonte, walking without any custody. The
National Autonomous Party leaders, Carlos Pellegrini and Julio Argentino Roca, had doubts about the effectiveness of
President Luis Senz Pea, although he had been a judge of the Supreme Court and legislature on several occasions, had had
no experience governing. Although the economic situation was fairly wealthy (thanks to gold brought exports of raw materials
such as leather, wool and oilseeds), the political situation at that time was living complicated. After the resignation of several
ministers, Miguel Cane proposed remake the cabinet, for that Luis Saenz Pea asked her to call three key political figures of
the time Argentina: Pellegrini, Mitre and Roca. There was a meeting to bring together the three politicians, but the deal did
not work, so much so that Rock resigned. They called Aristobulus Valley to achieve convince Leandro N. Alem to help, but he
refused flatly and July 30, 1893 organized another civil uprising in San Luis, Santa Fe and Buenos Aires. Del Valle was
appointed Minister of the Interior on July 4, 1893. Finished his presidency, he was elected senator for the period from 1895 to
1904. Had an outstanding performance to be approved in 1896 a law that ensured the payment of external debt of Argentina.
He had many offers to run for president in 1898, but no run. In 1904 he traveled to the United States where he witnessed the
takeover of President Theodore Roosevelt. Pellegrini account the experiences of this trip in six letters that later appeared in
the newspaper La Nacin, where among other things, spoke of strengthening relations with the Norh America country. The
political alliance between Carlos Pellegrini and Julio Argentino Roca weakened in July 1901, without even disappear
altogether, by differences on a financial project. The break had occurred when Roca during his second government asked
Pellegrini developing a legislative initiative to consolidate public debt of 392 million gold pesos in a single loan of 453 million
gold weight. Pellegrini drafted a unification of the external public debt, through a single loan at 4% annual interest and
amortization 0.5%, long-term obligations and garantidas by customs revenues. The proposal received the initial approval of
the Senate. But after many newspaper articles and statements criticizing the measure, Rock withdrew the project without the
consent of Pellegrini, an action that angered the senator, to the point of cutting personal relationship with the president, while
still remaining within the Autonomous Party Nacional. From July 1902 occurred in Argentina a split in the pan around the
succession of President Julio A. Roca. The "remarkable convention", established since 1903 as a body no formal selection of
the presidential candidate of the ruling party, broke around the breach of the undertaking to nominate former President
Carlos Pellegrini and Roca's decision to boost the lawyer Manuel Quintana in the election of 1904. From then until his death,
Pellegrini demanded a law guaranteeing a thorough electoral reform to end the fraud and promote the freedom cvicas. There
born two political expressions within conservative ideology: the "national autonomy" or Roquistas, with its policy of
maintaining uncompromising electoral fraud, and the "autonomists" or pellegrinistas, PAN split sectors influenced by radical
revolutions, anarchist attacks and labor strikes. One of the biggest concerns was transpolar pellegrinistas street protests to
parliament policy making room for new social actors. To do this it was necessary to give representation spaces main
opposition party, the Radical Civic Union, but also the moderate Socialist Party. That way, it would weaken the two major
emerging social forces of the time: workerism and anarquismo. Upon breaking the PAN and confirmed the candidacy of
Manuel Quintana on October 12, 1903, Senz Pea banquet organized a relief to Pellegrini two days later at the Caf de Paris.
There, the former president announced the reasons antirroquista new political movement: "The political party they belonged
gone one head replacing him thinking, a willingness to solve, a voice commands, a voter who chooses" In this context, the
autonomists are contesting the elections for senator by the City of Buenos Aires from March 6, 1904. Senz Pea withdrew his
candidacy and instead presented candidate Carlos Pellegrini facing the government deputy Benito Villanueva, chairman of
the National Capital Autonomist Party, and the engineer Emilio Mitre, GOP candidate. The ruling was devastating triumph:
Villanueva won with 11,516 votes and 28 voters, followed by Pellegrini with 9075 votes and 6 electors, and Mitre with 7547
votes and 10 voters. Meanwhile, most voters Quintana obtained on April 10 and elections for vacancies complementary
deputies, Pellegrini won comfortably on June 16, 1905 back to the House after twenty-eight years. Among the institutional
vagaries of presidential politics Manuel Quintana and radical revolution of 1905, the enemies of Julio A. Roca outnumbered
their friends and allies. Thus, in the election of March 11, 1906, again under the list system is imposed Concentration
coalition to list Popular ruling amid scandals and protests over vote buying. An autonomous political front, Mitristas,
conservative and radical bernardistas Benito Villanueva who was running for Pellegrini, Emilio Mitre, Roque Senz Pea and
Ernesto Tornquist in the first lugares. On January 9, 1906 died Bartolom Mitre, that although he had announced his
retirement from politics on reaching the age of 80 years continued to enjoy at least some influence in the capital and the
province of Buenos Aires, and on March 12, less twenty-four hours after the defeat of the ruling party in the Capital, President
Manuel Quintana dies. In this context, Carlos Pellegrini had chances to run for "natural" reformist conservatives for the
presidency in 1910, for its national prestige gained in his short presidency, his knowledge of public finance, his position on
reform electoral and close political ties with the new president, Jose Figueroa Alcorta. Carlos Pellegrini had during his last
years of life very poor health for a disease that Miguel Cane in private correspondence called neurasthenia. He returned to
Europe and took the bench legislator who had just won. At the meeting of May 9, 1906, delivered fiery words on opportunity
to challenge the qualifications of the elected members of the ruling Buenos Aires: "I come with fewer illusions, with less
enthusiasm, more experienced. Tired I bring the machine because the journey has been long and often bumpy road and
thorny. But I come with the same blind faith in the future of my country and the same resolution serving far reach my
strength ". Pellegrini and Figueroa Alcorta had taken note of the teachings of radical revolution of 1905, and promoted an Act
of Oblivion, to grant amnesty to exiled radicals in Montevideo and Santiago, who were hidden or prisoners. On June 11, in his
last speech, denounced the errors and excesses of a political regime in decline: "All that is forgotten and forgotten are the
lessons of our history, of our sad experience. Forget that these is the fifth amnesty law dictates that in a few years and that
the events occur with painful regularity: rebellion , repression, forgiveness ... It is in the consciousness of all that this
amnesty is supposed to be the last, not the last. shall, perhaps very soon, the penultimate. And why, Mr. President? For that
the causes of these events remain and not only in its entirety, but worse every day ". His early death, in Buenos Aires on July
17, 1906 at 59 years old, did not surprise his friends and colleagues, due to the deterioration of his health, but had a
profound national impact on the expectations about the need for electoral reform, and created a political vacuum that would
then occupy Roque Senz Pea. In his tomb in La Recoleta Cemetery, President Figueroa Alcorta, and enrolled in a reformist
position, found the perfect note in his elegy: "Tighten the ranks, he has dropped the strongest" .

Luis Senz Pea (April 2, 1822 December 4, 1907) was a lawyer and

President of Argentina from October

12, 1892 until January 23, 1895. He graduated in law from the University of Buenos Aires, and participated in the
constitutional assembly of 1860. He was a number of times a national deputy and senator. In 1882 he
occupied a seat on the Supreme Court of the Province of Buenos Aires. Later he was employed as president of
the Provincial Bank, director of the Academy of Jurisprudence, and had a seat in the General Council of
Education. On 12 October 1892 Senz Pea was inaugurated president of the country. Weakened by many
radical uprisings, on 23 January 1895 he presented his resignation to Congress, which accepted it. The
government passed into the hands of Jos Evaristo Uriburu, who completed the term ending in 1898.

Jos Evaristo de Uriburu y lvarez de Arenales (November

19, 1831 October 23,

1914) was President of Argentina from January 23, 1895 until October 12, 1898. Uriburu began his career
in 1867 as Minister of Justice in the government of Bartolom Mitre, from 1872 to 1874 he was a federal
judge in Salta, then a deputy in the lower house of Congress. After Salpeterkrieg (1879 to 1884) between
Chile, Peru and Bolivia, he took part as a mediator in the peace negotiations. From 1892 to 1895 he was
vice-president and became president when Luis Senz Pea resigned. From 1901 to 1910 Uriburu was a
senator for the city of Buenos Aires. During his tenure as president, the constitutional reform was in
1898, he also created the National Lottery and founded the Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes in Buenos
Aires and the Escuela Tcnica Otto Krause. Uriburu is the son of Evaristo de Uriburu and Mara Josefa
Alvarez de Arenales. He was married twice, first marriage to Virginia Uriburu, with whom he had five
children (Rita, Sara Jorge, Carlos and Virginia de Uriburu); second wife, Leonor Tezanos Pinto, with whom
he had two more children (Jos Evaristo jun. and Leonor de Uriburu).

Manuel Pedro Quintana y Senz de Gaona (October 19, 1835 March 12, 1906) was
the President of Argentina from October 12, 1904 until March 12, 1906. Quintana became a lawyer at
the University of Buenos Aires in 1855 at the age of twenty-two years later would direct the chair of
Civil Law at the same university. Participated in politics since his youth and in 1860 was elected
deputy by the legislature of the Province of Buenos Aires, for the party of Bartolom Mitre. He was
subsequently passed to the Autonomist Party of Adolfo Alsina to oppose the project name Mitre
Capital of the Republic to the City of Buenos Aires. In 1864 he was elected deputy for the province of
Buenos Aires and presented a bill to name the City of Rosario as the nation's capital. In 1870 he was
elected Senator and President Sarmiento in 1871 sent him to Asuncion, Paraguay to negotiate the
peace treaty that ended the War of the Triple Alliance against Paraguay. In 1873 Manuel Quintana is a
candidate in the presidential election to succeed Sarmiento from 1874, but lost to Nicols Avellaneda.
In 1877 occupied the rector of the University of Buenos Aires until 1881 when his term ends. In 1876
there was an incident between the government of Santa Fe, then by Servando Bayo, and the London
branch of the Bank of Rosario, for not having complied with this law that ordered the conversion to gold of all emissions paper
money made by the provincial government. Following this situation, ordered the arrest of the branch manager and the
intervention of the same. Quintana was Senator and the bank's legal adviser at the time of the crisis, and did not hesitate to
give up his seat for "health reasons". However Quintana traveled to London, where he proposed to the British government
Rosario City bombing if the government of Santa Fe expunged no bank intervention. Estanislao Zeballos, eyewitness to the
incident, relates what happened next:
Just the lawyer Manuel Quintana said in an intimidating manner the presence of a British gunboat in the port of Rosario, the
Chancellor, with decent reaction, stood up and refused to continue until Quintana retire from office, not accepting that an
Argentine was spokesman for a foreign intimidating. "the strong position of Bernardo de Irigoyen, International Relations
Minister Nicols Avellaneda President halted the action blica.
After this, Quintana settled for two years in Europe. On his return, he devoted himself to private practice as a lawyer, with
significant success. In 1893, President Luis Senz Pea was appointed Home Secretary. During his tenure involved the
provinces of Santa Fe and San Luis, and declared a state of emergency throughout the country. Following this, and after a
very tough questioning in Congress, had to resign. At the end of the second presidency of Julio A. Roca, the National
Autonomous Party was divided into two factions, led by the Rock and that led former President Carlos Pellegrini, hence Roca
sought alliance with the party of Bartolom Mitre, proposing an alliance formula, which take as candidate a mistrista
president, Manuel Quintana, accompanied by Jos Figueroa Alcorta roquista. In the presidential elections of April 10, 1904,
this formula was triumphant, and were proclaimed President and Vice President's Office on June 12 of that year by the
Electoral College. Quintana had at that time 69 years. His presidency is developed in the context of the period called "Liberal
Republic", marked by the government's National Autonomous Party elite and electoral fraud. In his tenure as head of the
Executive Power of Argentina include: The promotion of immigration, extension of the trackshe increase in trade and the
general improvement of the country's economy, nationalized the National University of La Plata, exercise of regulated
professions, implement the law of Sunday rest and promoted the "Law Linez" building elementary schools in the provinces.
In 1905 underwent radical revolution that sought to end voter fraud. Although the revolution failed, the stress suffered by the
president during this conflict damaged his health. As a consequence, reduce their working hours which begins to cause
problems in management. On August 11, Quintana suffered an attempt on his life when Salvador Planas, a Catalan anarchist,
shoot the carriage that carried him to the Casa Rosada. The gun fails and the president saves his life, but his health began to
deteriorate rapidly. On January 25, 1906 Quintana requested license in office of president for health reasons and retired to a
farm in the present district of Belgrano, where he died on March 12, 1906. His remains rest in the Recoleta Cemetery.

Jos Figueroa Alcorta (November

20, 1860 December 27, 1931) was President of Argentina from March 12, 1906
until October 12, 1910. Figueroa Alcorta was born in Crdoba as the son of Jos Figueroa and Teodosia Alcorta. He studied at
the College of Monserrat, and the University of Cordoba. He participated as a constructor for the Municipality of Cordova, and
the North Central Argentine Railway. He was also a journalist and wrote in newspapers "The Interior" and "The Era". Like
many of the political leaders of the time, was part of secret societies. Being dissolved the Lodge and Union Piedad Cordoba
No. 34, establishing a secret circle where Figueroa Alcorta login, regularized on February 19, 1892 to resettle freely. Later
member of the Lodge No. 174 Bernardino Rivadavia in Buenos Aires. A year after graduation from law school comprised the
Legislature Senator Crdoba. It was a time of "juarismo" and the young lawyer frequented "Honeycomb", the main political
club of the Mediterranean city led by Mark N. Juarez, brother of President Miguel Jurez Celman, Chief of Police and promoter
of the presidential candidacy of Ramon J. Carcano and his own for governor of Crdoba. Figueroa did merits ruling in "The
Interior" juarismo organ, and in March 1888 as a legislator and journalist helped to promote a political trial for embezzlement
of public funds against Governor Ambrosio Olmos, who became enthusiastic about the candidacy of Carcano, The young
director of Post and Telegraph Office. From Local autonomism supported the arrival Juarez governorate, the May 18, 1889, he
was appointed Secretary of the Interior Minister, Justice and Worship. The fall of President Miguel Jurez Celman in August
1890, dragged the executive Figueroa Cordoba and left out of the cabinet. Ubiquitous and has good political connections, the
new governor did Eleazar Garzon provincial deputy first, and then Secretary of the Treasury Minister with the consent of Julio
A. Roca. On February 7, 1892, at the hands of powerful former President Roca, was elected National Deputy for Crdoba. The

work of the House was not remarkable, but only the podium where newly graduated lawyers
rehearsing his oratorical gifts, but Figueroa was the springboard to their next political goal: the
governor of Cordoba. In late 1894, again looming election time, and beyond the internal disputes in
the National Autonomous Party and the fierce opposition of the Civic, the government retained the
Provincial Executive of the binomial hand made by Figueroa Alcorta and Joseph A. Ortiz and
Herrera, then director of the newly created Children's Hospital. From Cordoba executive will be one
of the supporters of the presidential candidacy of Rock in the year ninety-eight. Finished his
gubernatorial term, the Legislature appointed him to the Senate of the Nation, natural refuge of
former governors, for nine years. Approaching the end of the second constitutional mandate Julio A.
Roca, the Convention of 1903 Notable Congressman Manuel Quintana ran for president of the
nation, without ruling on the Vice President, because Rock wanted to Marco Aurelio Avellaneda in
that place if he could not impose it in the first term of the formula. The National Autonomous Party
primary election was faced with not knowing who would be the vice president. Refusal of
Avellaneda spiteful, gave rise to Figueroa Alcorta, Roca told Quintana, Marcelino Ugarte and Benito Villanueva in a private
meeting. Figueroa took over as vice president, accompanying President Manuel Quintana, on October 12, 1904. He was taken
hostage in the radical revolution of 1905, while vacationing in Crdoba, in a confusing episode that President Manuel
Quintana distanced. Figueroa kept prudently silent, but was attributed weakness of character and moved a campaign to
remove the charge. Quintana's resentment and political game of Marcelino Ugarte, afraid that ill health to occupy the post of
president a "roquista" prenunciaron impeachment. Emilio Mitre began the attack from the nation, only silenced by the state
of siege. It came to nothing because Carlos Pellegrini took his defense from Europe, and because Quintana die before
maturing the Coup. Order of Maria Luisa granted by the Spanish government to Argentine President for the centenary of the
May Revolution. White gloves and the watch belonged to President Manuel Quintana. He became president of Argentina in
1906 on the death of Manuel Quintana, who was vice president. He had serious problems getting support in Congress, which
finally closed in 1908. He was sought a rapprochement with the radicals, pardoning those arrested for the attempted coup of
1905 and paved the way for electoral changes Roque Senz Pea. The anarchist groups were active in numerous attacks,
coming to kill the police chief Ramon Falcon, killed by Simon Radowitzky in 1909 as revenge for the crackdown by police
during protests on May 1 (red week). The anarchist Francisco Solano Regis made a failed attempt on Jose Figueroa Alcorta on
February 28, 1908. In late 1907 Figueroa Alcorta sent Congress the draft budget to be treated in special session, at a time
when the opposition dominated the legislature. On January 25, 1908, in an unpublished decision, the Chairman adjourned the
special session, said current 1907 budget and Congress ordered the occupation by the police, as Estanislao Zeballos called
"coup" 2 In international relations, should be highlighted tensions with Brazil. During his term oil is discovered in Comodoro
Rivadavia, in southern Argentina, and gives the first law to regulate exploitation, prohibiting its privatization / concession. He
sat statist a precedent that would later become the YPF inspire, something that today is curious, given the strong reputation
economically liberal National Autonomist Party. The President of the Court of Accounts of the nation was, during his
administration, former religious Cobas Julian Figueroa, a senior economist born in Santiago de Compostela, which support
throughout his administration. It fell to preside over the celebration of the centenary of the May Revolution. During his
presidency took place one of the major milestones in the development of telegraphy Argentina: on June 3, 1910 inaugurated
the Argentine cable to Europe via Ascension with a greeting of Argentine President Jos Figueroa Alcorta to King George V of
Great Britain:
"Jos Figueroa Alcorta, President of Argentina, greets with joy on this day to HM King George V of Great Britain and Ireland
and their domains, for two reasons being the birthday of SM vowing personal happiness , for his family, and for a long and
prosperous reign, and also celebrating the Argentine direct cable to Ascension is inaugurated and dedicated to public service
today, between the two countries and will serve to facilitate communications, give greater impetus to trade and further
strengthen the cordial relations which happily join the States."
After presidency ha was Ambassador to Spain (1912), Minister of the Supreme Court (1915 until his death) and President of
the Supreme Court (1929 to his death). As Minister of the Supreme Court, was the only judge to waive proposed in response
to the coup of 1930, but ultimately not only failed but also resigned, along with the other judges of the court signed the
agreed to legalize the acts and appointments of all coups in Argentina until 1983. In the nearly 150 years of constitutional life
of Argentina, Figueroa Alcorta boasts to be the only person who has pursued throughout his life, the ownership of the three
branches of government: Between 1904 and 1906 he was Vice President of the Nation, the authority which holds the
Presidency of the Senate. Then, due to the death of Manuel Quintana in 1906 had completed his term of office as President
until 1910. Finally, years later, in 1915, was elected to the Supreme Court, of which he was president from 1929 until his
death in 1931. His remains rest in the Recoleta Cemetery.

Roque Senz Pea Lahitte (March

19, 1851 August 9, 1914) was President of

Argentina from October 12, 1910 until August 9, 1914, when he died in office. He was the son of
former President Luis Senz Pea. He came from a family of supporters Roses: paternal and maternal
grandparents, Julian Roque Senz Pea and Eduardo Lahitte, had been members of the Legislature
during the government of the day. After the defeat of Rosas at the Battle of Caseros, federal tradition
of grandparents and father, who did not change their beliefs, kept away from the public. He attended
high school at the Colegio Nacional de Buenos Aires, directed by Jacques Amadeo. In 1875 he
graduated Doctor of Laws, with a thesis on "Status of foundlings." During the revolution of 1874 he
was defend the nation as authorities Captain Regiment No. 2, under the command of Luis Maria
Campos. Losing the revolution, he was promoted to Deputy Commander of National Guards, but asked
to be relieved of the rows. Mitre opponent, plays for Autonomous Party headed by Adolfo Alsina and in
1876 was elected to a deputy seat in the Legislature of the Province of Buenos Aires. He came to play body president at age
26, making it one of the youngest presidents of the Chamber. In 1878, following the disagreements within the autonomist
produced because of the policy of reconciliation initiated by President Avellaneda which opposed Senz Pea, resigned and
ended up temporarily abandon politics. Upon the declaration of war in the Pacific between Chile and Peru, in 1879 is absent
from his country quietly traveling to Lima. It offers its services to Peru, which gives the rank of Lieutenant Colonel
(Commander). In the battle of Tarapaca, serving under Colonel Andrs Avelino Cceres, where his side get a temporary
victory over Chile. At the Battle of Arica commanded the battalion Iquique, after being wounded in the right arm and watch
helplessly the death of many of his fellow Peruvians, taken prisoner in the hands of the Captain of the 4th Line Chilean army
Arriagada Ricardo Silva.
"Don Roque Senz Pea stays calm, impassive, someone tells me that is Argentine, so I look more into it, is tall, has a
mustache and beard puntudita, its size is not very martial, because it is something gibado; represents about 32 years; black

dress blue coat, as a sailor, the belt, the saber shots, has not above the Levite tassel pants, slightly gray color; granaderas
boots and hat, holding militarily. At first glance it shows the man worship, world. Later prisoners to surrender my military
superiority, which deposits them, first to the Customs, and then embark on the Itata. " - Ricardo Silva Arriagada.
Roque Senz Pea is subject to a court-martial and confined him near the Chilean capital. He was released after six months,
at the request of his family and the Argentine government, returned to Buenos Aires in September 1880. The Congress of
Argentina, in a unanimous vote, citizenship returns Argentina, who had lost in law to join the Peruvian army. Then the country
chairing the General Julio Argentino Roca, and his Foreign Minister, Bernardo de Irigoyen is appointed Secretary in 1880. A
year after resignation as Secretary, and moved to Europe for two years. In 1884, back in Buenos Aires, conceived the project
of founding the magazine South America with his friends Paul Groussac, Carlos Pellegrini and Exequiel Ramos Meja, in which
his ideas were publicized widely Americanists. He supported the presidential candidacy of Miguel Jurez Celman. In 1887,
with Celman already in office, is appointed plenipotentiary ambassador in Uruguay. In 1889 he was stands as the
representative of the country in the Montevideo Conference. Mason was launched on 14 March 1882 in the Lodge teaching,
the institution operating in particular recalls the founding of the newspaper Sud America, with Pellegrini and Gallo, at the
request of his lodge to address the ideas of Dardo Rocha In 1889 - 1890, with Manuel Quintana represents Argentina in the
Washington Conference. There upholds the principle of inviolability of States and ardently opposed to U.S. plans to create a
continental customs union and a single currency in the continent. The Monroe Doctrine, which held the slogan "America for
Americans" opposed the slogan "America for mankind." The prestige acquired by its diplomatic performance in Washington,
and the political and financial crisis management Juarez, catapulted him to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on April 18, 1890, a
position he held until the president's resignation in August. Upon assuming the presidency Carlos Pellegrini, Senz Pea is
appointed chairman of the National Bank. The banking consolidation task was not easy. The financial crisis of 1889, the
continuing rise in the price of gold, and the enormous flexibility of the system unicato loans, to finance land purchases, and
investments in the stock market, made unenforceable obligations of entities bank officers, among whom were the National
Bank and the Bank of the Province of Buenos Aires. In this context, the signing of an internal loan through the Exchange, at
the initiative of President Pellegrini, failed and meant the suspension of operations of public banks on April 7, 1891. The
National Bank never failed to recover and eventually drew in 1893. Amid the political and economic crisis that shook the
country, the figure of the young Roque Senz Pea emerges as favorite for the presidential election of 1892 led by the
governor of Buenos Aires Julio Costa on December 17, 1891. It is the first serious attempt at political and institutional renewal
since 1880, and has strong political support: youth Juarez, which had been with Senator Leandro Alem Radical Civic Union,
which rejected the revolutionary plans of it, the governors of Buenos Aires , Crdoba, Santa Fe, Entre Ros, Corrientes and
Santiago del Estero, induced by President Carlos Pellegrini who had proposed to his former law firm partner in 1889 to replace
the weathered candidacy of Ramon J. Carcano, and important figures such as Cordovan antirroquistas Manuel D. Pizarro.
However, the candidacy of the young lawyer has enemies porteo important since threatened to take control of the National
Autonomous Party of former President Julio A. Roca, faced with youth juaristas politically and who Senz Pea called
"Napoleon brown sugar" 1 To hinder his candidacy, Mitre, an ally of Roca, drives Roque's own father, Judge of the Supreme
Court, Luis Senz Pea. Figure dull and inconsequential politically's father, Luis, former legislator and former deputy governor
of Buenos Aires, enough to mortally wound the candidacy of the son, "the boy Roque", and her close friend Bernardo de
Irigoyen, supported by the revolutionary Radical Civic Union. The Mosquito mocked the High Court judge William Tell
presenting it as an aged and senile, reluctant to fire the head of the arrow hit by son Roca and Mitre. Rather than face his
father, Roque prefer withdrew her application and kill the "modernism", after which declares: "I regret that circumstances
beyond my control, but not foreign to my heart, keep me from accepting the honor". Elections as the winner to give Luis
Senz Pea Roque chief designating National Guards Regiment. In June 1892 he joined the Senate of the Province of Buenos
Aires, but soon give up both positions to retire from public life. The political alliance between Pellegrini and Julio A. Roca
weakened in July 1901, without even disappear altogether, by differences on a financial project. In this context, Roque Saenz
Pena will head the list of national deputies in the Federal Capital pellegrinismo to be defeated at the polls on March 9, 1902.
As the system still ruled complete list of Act 140, the former foreign minister could not enter the national Congress. From July
1902 occurs in Argentina and final formal division in the National Autonomous Party around the succession of President Julio
A. Roca. The "remarkable convention", established since 1903 as a body no formal selection of the presidential candidate of
the ruling party, fractures around the breach of the undertaking to nominate former President Carlos Pellegrini and Roca's
decision to boost the lawyer Manuel Quintana in the election of 1904. Alli born two political expressions within conservative
ideology: the "national autonomy" or Roquistas, with its policy of maintaining uncompromising electoral fraud, and the
"autonomists" or pellegrinistas, PAN split sectors influenced by radical revolutions, attacks anarchists and labor strikes. One
of the biggest concerns was transpolar pellegrinistas street protests to parliament policy making room for new social actors.
To do this it was necessary to give representation spaces main opposition party, the Radical Civic Union, but also the
moderate Socialist Party. That way, it would weaken the two major emerging social forces of the time: workerism and
anarchism. Upon rupture P.A.N. and confirmed the nomination of Quintana on October 12, 1903, Senz Pea organized a relief
to Pellegrini banquet two days later at the Caf de Paris. There, the former president announced the reasons antirroquista
new political movement:
"The political party they belonged gone one head replacing him thinking, a willingness to solve, a voice commands, a voter
who chooses."
Among the institutional vagaries of presidential politics Manuel Quintana and radical revolution of 1905, the enemies of Julio
A. Roca outnumbered their friends and allies. So, that in the election of March 11, 1906, again under the list system, the
coalition is imposed "Concentration Popular" to the official list amid scandals and protests over vote buying. A former political
front modernist Mitristas, conservative and radical bernardistas Benito Villanueva who was running for Carlos Pellegrini,
Emilio Mitre, Roque Senz Pea and Ernesto Tornquist in the first place. The year 1906 will be the time of sunset and
personalistic system of corporate fraud in Argentina, marked by the death of some of its key political figures and the birth of
new leadership. On January 9 died Bartolom Mitre, who although had announced his retirement from politics on reaching the
age of 80 years continued to enjoy at least some influence in the Capital and the Province of Buenos Aires, on March 12, less
than 24 hours after the defeat of the ruling party in the Capital, President Manuel Quintana died, July 17, dies Carlos
Pellegrini, and December 27, dies Bernardo de Irigoyen. In that fateful frame, Roque Senz Pea will become the political heir
of Pellegrini and the candidate "natural" reformist conservatives for the presidency in 1910, for its international prestige and
political proximity to the new president, Jose Figueroa Alcorta. The greater international recognition, though not without
criticism in political circles of Buenos Aires, comes from Peru for its military action. On October 5, 1905 the authorization
given by law to accept Roque Senz Pea for the post of "General of the Army of Peru." In 1879, he enlisted to fight for Peru
in response to their convictions, while waging bloody war with Chile. Built with the rank of Lieutenant Colonel attended the
Battle of Tarapac, where he commanded the battalion Iquique, Arica moving then. On July 5, 1880, Chileans bombarded from
sea and land that square and began the assault on the 7th. The fight ended in the Morro and the result was favorable to
Chile. Lieutenant Colonel Senz Pea fought with courage in that action, looking down beside her other heads Peruvians, as
the Colonels Bolognesi Francisco Ruiz and Juan Guillermo More. On October 25, 1885 the government of Peru promoted him

to colonel and years later, on 26 August 1905, at the proposal of Peruvian President Jos Pardo Barreda, Parliament granted
the title of "Brigadier". On November 6, at the opening ceremony of the monument to Colonel Bolognesi, was given command
of the Army of Peru General Roque Senz Pea, during the ceremony. It was touch call honor and commanders of each of the
units delivered them to Senz Pea. The assistant to the minister of war, Lieutenant Colonel Dupont, presented the command
pronouncing the following words: "From Supreme Order, handed over command of the Army of Peru General Roque Saenz
Pena, who was obey and respect". The Peru Senz Pea honored with the following awards: Silver Medal of Tarapaca,
Meritorious honor to declare him Peru and Peruvian Army Command Ceremony for Memorial General Bolognesi and the Gold
Medal Ceremony. In 1906 the government of Jos Figueroa Alcorta appointed him special representative to attend the events
of the wedding of Alfonso XIII of Spain. There he was appointed envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to Spain,
Portugal, Italy and Switzerland. Back in Argentina, in 1907 he was appointed to head the diplomatic missions in Switzerland
and Italy. Arriving in Rome, receives instructions from his government to represent the country in the Second Peace
Conference at The Hague with Luis Maria Drago, there hold a position favorable to the creation of an international court of
arbitration. In 1909 part of the arbitral tribunal lauda differences between the U.S. and Venezuela. His diplomatic mission to
Italian and Swiss governments continued until 1910, in Italy will find out its official announcement to run for President. The
election rally was held on March 13, 1910, with a lot of irregularities common in that era. He assumed office on October 12,
1910. Shortly after arriving in the country he was held a meeting with President Figueroa Alcorta and another with the
opposition leader, Hiplito Yrigoyen. In this last interview pledged radical leader to abandon the revolutionary path, and
Senz Pea to enact an electoral law that modernize the elections and prevent electoral fraud. Yrigoyen requested the
intervention of the provincial governors to prevent interfering with this process, Senz Pea refused but allowed the
government formed radicalism. With the passage of the electoral law, radicalism also promised to abandon the position held
abstentionist to protest irregularities election system before. The proposed law was based on three key elements: the secret
ballot, compulsory and universal, using the military standard. The law was a breakthrough in his time and that allowed
masses participate population of the election, but still far from being completely universal: women and foreigners (who by
then was a large part of society) still had no right to vote. Furthermore, although foreigners did not vote, instead were taken
into account in determining the population of the districts and the number of deputies who were eligible for each. Senz Pea
presented the project at the conference with these words: "I said to my country all my thoughts, my beliefs and my hopes.
Want my country hear the word and the advice of its chief executive, wants the people to vote." Among the opponents of his
government are the beneficiaries of the old electoral system, whose privileges were clearly threatened by the reform. Thus,
many lawmakers from conservatives, yet openly oppose, hinder reform. However, thanks in large part to a defense that made
the project's interior minister, Indalecio Gomez - coauthor of it - this would be enacted on February 10, 1912 as Act 8871,
known ever since as "Senz Pea Law". The first elections held in Argentina under the new law took place that year, the
socialist bloc grew significantly and triumphs were radical in Entre Rios and Santa Fe turnout, which in the last election before
the law was around 5%, rose to 62.85% for 1914. From the time of his inauguration as president, his health was not good, but
it deteriorated significantly from 1913. The version that was circulating at the time was that the president was suffering from
neurological consequences that would have caught syphilis during the war between Chile and had to ask several times Per.
Finally, he was delegated presidential power to his vice president Victorino de la Plaza. He died on August 9, 1914, two years
before leaving office. Her figure is well remembered in Peru, where many cities in this country have a street named in Senz
Pea and there are monuments to his memory. In Lima, describes the historical monument made by sculptor Jose Vivanco
Quintanilla.

Victorino de la Plaza y Palacios (November

2, 1840 October 2, 1919) was President of

Argentina from August 9, 1914 until October 11, 1916. He was the second son of Jos Roque Mariano de
la Plaza Elejalde and Manuela de la Silva Palacios; his older brother, Rafael de la Plaza, was also a
politician and acted as governor of Santiago del Estero Province. After the early death of his father, the
Plaza had to work selling some products made by her mother also worked as a tutor and notary.
Performed the primary in his home town and later won a scholarship for his secondary education at the
College of Uruguay. In pleading the War of the Triple Alliance, Plaza dropped out of college and enlisted
in the army. He excelled in battles and Tuyut Bellaco Estero, for which he was awarded both the
Uruguayan government as Mitre.General Bartolome returned to Buenos Aires and completed his legal
career, with the thesis sponsor Dalmacio Velez Sarsfield, who assisted in drafting the Civil Code
Argentino. Victorino de la Plaza was born on November 2, 1840 in the village of Cachi, in the province of
Salta.1 was the first child of the marriage between the Plaza Mariano Roque and Maria Manuela Silva. His brother Rafael, born
in 1844, was highlighted as a politician in the province of Santiago del Estero, becoming governor. De la Plaza began their
studies in a public school. However, he was soon in that institution, and he entered a convent franciscano. He was did some
work during his childhood, worked as a teacher in a school run by Pedro Arze, and sold newspapers, as well as sweets, soap
and empanadas prepared Joined by his madre.Zorreguieta Mariano studying and started working as a clerk and procurado,
subsequently passed an examination before the Supreme Court, so he got the title of notary in 1859. He received a
scholarship from the government of the Confederation, led by Justo Jos de Urquiza, which allowed him to enter the College of
Uruguay, located in Concepcin del Uruguay, his date of admission to the institution is disputed, but it is known that it was
between 1859 and 1862.9 4 Here completed high school, having among its peers Julio Argentino Roca. Later he traveled to
Buenos Aires, to enter university. He began to study Philosophy, where he excelled. This allowed the president to appoint him
as scribe Mitre second in the National Accounts, in 1864 and the following year was appointed clerk primero.The military
career of the Plaza was very short. He joined an artillery regiment to fight against Paraguay in the War of the Triple Alliance,
and was chosen as assistant general Julio de Vedia. He fought in the battles of Estero Bellaco, the May 2, 1866, and Tuyut, on
24 May of the same year.6 Subsequently, the Uruguayan government awarded him the Medal Silver Sol for his actions during
the Battle of Estero Bellaco and Honor Cords for his performance in Tuyut. Bartolome Mitre, meanwhile, promoted him to the
rank of captain and handed a citation for his herosmo.5 However, the Plaza had to return to Buenos Aires by problems
health. On his return, he enrolled in law school to study law. Was received July 13, 1868, with his thesis called Credit as
capital. Dalmacio had as godfather to Velez Sarsfield, for whom he had worked as a clerk while he was writing the code Civil.
De la Plaza began his public and political career under President Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, who appointed him professor
of philosophy at the National College of Buenos Aires, replacing Pedro Goyena. The 21 December 1909 approved an
ordinance of the city of Buenos Aires, which authorized the Tramway Company Anglo-Argentina to build a subway line in the
city, however, works only began on 15 September 1911, with the presence of the president and the mayor Senz Pea
Anchorena. Thus, Buenos Aires became the thirteenth city in the world to have an underground train service, and the first in
South America. The opening of the line was held on December 1, 1913. His remains rest in the cemetery of Recoleta, Buenos
Aires. He was married twice. He married for the first time on May 20, 1870, with Ecilda Belvis Castellanos, 17 however, it died
soon after, on 30 August 1875. After the death of his first wife, Piazza married his second wife, the Scottish Emily Henry, 19,
with whom she had her only son, the engineer Victoriano, born in London, England, in 1885.

Juan Hiplito del Sagrado Corazn de Jess Irigoyen Alem

(July 12, 1852

July 3, 1933) was twice President of Argentina, the first time from October 12, 1916 until October 11,
1922, and again the second time from October 12, 1928 until September 6, 1930. His activism
became the prime impetus behind the obtainment of universal (male) suffrage in Argentina in 1912.
Known as the father of the poor, Yrigoyen presided over a rise in the standard of living of
Argentina's working class together with the passage of a number of progressive social reforms,
including improvements in factory conditions, regulation of working hours, compulsory pensions, and
the introduction of a universally accessible public education system. He was born in Buenos Aires,
and worked as a school teacher before entering politics. In 1891 he co-founded the Radical Civic
Union(Unin Cvica Radical), together with his uncle, Leandro Alem. Yrigoyen (he signed that way to
distinguish himself from Bernardo de Irigoyen's political ideas) was popularly known as "el peludo"
(the hairy armadillo) due to his introverted character and aversion to being seen in public. Following
Alem's suicide in 1896, Hiplito Yrigoyen assumed sole leadership of the Radical Civic Union. It adopted a policy of
intransigency, a position of total opposition to the regime known as "The Agreement". Established by electoral fraud, this was
an agreed formula among the political parties of that time for alternating in power. The Radical Civic Union took up arms in
1893 and again in 1905. Later, however, Yrigoyen adopted a policy of nonviolence, pursuing instead the strategy of
"revolutionary abstention", a total boycott of all polls until 1912, when President Roque Senz Pea was forced to agree to the
passage of the Senz Pea Law, which established secret, universal, and compulsory male suffrage. Yrigoyen was elected
President of Argentina in 1916. He frequently found himself hemmed in, however, as the Senate was appointed by the
legislatures of the provinces, most of which were controlled by the opposition. Several times, Yrigoyen resorted to federal
intervention of numerous provinces by declaring a state of emergency, removing willful governors, and deepening the
confrontation with the landed establishment. Pro-Yrigoyen political supporters were known as "personalistas", a blunt
suggestion that they weresycophants of Yrigoyen, anti-Yrigoyen elements were known as "anti-personalistas". Yrigoyen was
popular, however, among middle and working class voters, who felt integrated for the first time in political process, and the
Argentinian economy prospered under his leadership. Yrigoyen preserved Argentine neutrality during World War I, which
turned out to be a boon, owing to higher beef prices and the opening up of many new markets to Argentina's primary exports
(meat and cereals). Yrigoyen also promoted energy independence for the rapidly growing country, obtaining Congressional
support for the establishment of the YPF state oil concern, and appointing as its first director General Enrique Mosconi, the
most prominent advocate forindustrialization in the Argentine military at the time. Generous credit and subsidies were also
extended to small farmers, while Yrigoyen settled wage disputes in favour of the unions. [3] Following four years of recession
caused by war-related shortages of credit and supplies, the Argentine economy experienced significant economic growth,
expanding by over 40% from 1917 to 1922. Argentina was known as "the granary of the world", its gross domestic product
per capita placing it among the wealthiest nations on earth. Yriyogen also expanded the bureaucracy and increased public
spending to support his urban constituents following an economic crisis in 1919, although the rise in urban living standards
was gained at the cost of higher inflation, which adversely affected the export economy. Constitutionally barred from reelection, Yrigoyen was succeeded by Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear. On the expiration of Alvear's term in 1928, Yrigoyen was
overwhelmingly elected President for the second time. In December of that year, U.S. President-elect Herbert Hoover visited
Argentina on a goodwill tour, meeting with President Yrigoyen on policies regarding trade and tariffs. Radical anarchist
elements attempted to assassinate Hoover by attempting to place a bomb near his rail car, but the bomber was arrested
before he could complete his work. President Yrigoyen accompanied Hoover thereafter as a personal guarantee of safety until
he left the country. In his late seventies, he found himself surrounded by aides who censored his access to news reports,
hiding from him the reality of the effects of the Great Depression, which hit towards the end of 1929. On December 24 of this
year he survived an assassination attempt. Fascist and conservative sectors of the army plotted openly for a regime change,
as did Standard Oil of New Jersey, who opposed both the president's efforts to curb oil smuggling from Salta
Province to Bolivia, as well as the existence of YPF, itself. On September 6, 1930, Yrigoyen was deposed in a military coup led
by General Jos Flix Uriburu. This was the first military coup since the adoption of the Argentine constitution. After his
overthrow, Yrigoyen was placed under house arrest and confined several times to Isla Martn Garca. He died in Buenos
Aires in 1933. Hiplito Yrigoyen was buried in La Recoleta Cemetery in Buenos Aires.

Mximo Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear Pacheco (October 4, 1868 March 23, 1942), better known as

Marcelo
T. de Alvear was an Argentine politician and President of Argentina from October 12, 1922 to October 12, 1928. Alvear was
the son of Torcuato de Alvear, first Mayor of Buenos Aires. He joined the National College of Buenos Aires in 1879, his studies
were very irregular, finished second and third year in 1881, two years after the fourth and fifth, concluding his studies in
1885, but had finished high school at the National College Rosario. In February 1886 asked Dr. Manuel Obarrio, dean of the
Faculty of Law, University of Buenos Aires, who matriculase as a regular student to study law. In that year failed in
Introduction to Law, Public International Law but approved. Subjects was performing regularly, without postponements and
with high marks, especially in courses on law Civil. The young Alvear with his fellow students and friends, among whom were
later radical political future as Jos Luis Cantilo, Fernando Saguier and Thomas Le Breton, formed a group with some fame,
which occurred repeatedly civil commotion, some of these altercations ended with some of the band members in jail. Finally
he graduated in 1891, just a year after the death of his father. In June 1890 came the Revolution of the Park, a rebellion in
Buenos Aires, which was devised in the meeting held in the Garden Florida. This civil uprising occurred renunciation of
President Miguel Angel Celman, replaced by Vice President Carlos Pellegrini, while Alvear was heavily involved in the
revolutions of 1893 and 1905, always remained anonymous. It was on the eve of the revolution when contacted Alvear
Hiplito Yrigoyen, more precisely when it was looking for a police chief for Federal Capital. Valley Aristobulus proposed a
relative of Alem, who had been commissioner, Yrigoyen contacted Alvear, and other personalities of civility as Le Breton,
Apellniz and Senillosa. Yrigoyen was followed Alvear and watching at the Caf de Paris and committee meetings. Yrigoyen
always retain a special appreciation for Alvear, even in the last years of the furry, years ago when both leaders were radicals
enfrentados. The young Marcelo began organizing committees, participated in revolutions, toured the countryside to tour, I
plan meetings and actions of propaganda. This type of political life was exceptional for a young social origin. The signatories
of the successive meetings of 1889 and the years immediately following were also members of traditional families, who are
beginning to launch into action poltica. Alvear was an important organizer of the meeting in the Florida Garden, fact occurred
on September 1, 1889, meeting that helped to publicize the name of Leandro N. Alem portea youth. Alvear was responsible
for organizing the event, which was well attended. Immediately after the meeting in the Florida Garden, Alvear began
working as a secretary Alem, in the newly formed Civic Union party in 1890. Vocal turn was then President of the Club of
Socorro, member of the Board of the Civic Union and secretary of the Committee Nacional. At the time of the division of the
Civic Union in mid-1891, Alvear chose to stay on the side of Leandro N. Alem, and signed the manifesto of July 2, 1891, the
founding act of the Radical Civic Union. In that year, Alvear accompanied the radical leader on a tour of the interior of the
country to launch Formula Juan Bernardo de Irigoyen, M. Garro. Besides being the first time I left Buenos Aires Alvear, the
young nobleman lived popular delusions of people in political acts, as well as threats of aggression towards radical leaders. It
was in Jujuy where he befriended and Lapo Remigio Delfor Valley. The tour ended with the April 2, 1892 police arrested all

present radical leaders, Alvear is arrested for the first time in his life. First it was confined to the corvette La Argentina, then
transferred to the gunboat Paran, with Juan Posse, Julio Castro Arraga and Celindo. Once they were transferred to the
pontoon Rossetti, where they were arrested all radical leaders, including Alem, prisoners were deported to Montevideo. On
May 27 he returned to country. In the elections for governor of Buenos Aires that took place in 1892, the Committee of the
province of Buenos Aires had entrusted the leadership of the party in Chacabuco. Then, Alvear found that there was a 'fix'
between curator and Conservative leader. The young Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear, close up to the time of the Revolution of the
Park, 1890. In 1899 Alvear left for Europe on the longest journey of the many who performed. Shortly before this he had met
the outstanding opera singer Regina Pacini Portuguese. Apparently, after unsuccessfully courting Regina, Alvear decided to go
after the artist coming to follow across Europe. Finally got married on Saturday April 29, 1907 in the church of Our Lady of the
Incarnation (built in 1567 in the Chiado), in the district of Lisbon, were married at seven o'clock, eight from that moment,
thanks to inheritance millionaire who owned Alvear, marriage lived without known occupation. Regina had a prominent
cultural role during the presidency of her husband, she was born in Rua de Loreto, Portugal, and Andalusia had Italian
ancestry. Alvear-Pacini marriage resided on a farm located in Paris, where they moved several relatives of him. Alvear had
inherited land in San Isidro Pacheco: three rooms, and money earned. To get involved in politics, lived for these goods, which
were selling little poco. It was one of the competitors in one of the first automobile races in Argentina, on November 16, 1901.
First had run seven cars, winning the race with a Rochester John Cassoulet steam, at a speed of 73 km / h. But Alvear
competed in the second race, only race against Baron Aaron Anchorena, in a contest of three thousand feet, came victorioso.
He was delegated by the city of Buenos Aires between 1912 and 1916. Alvear cartoonists caricatured as a very large sitting
sideways, apparently this was true. Other people on the legislative floor Alvear said that when he sat in his Representative
seat, had to sit in such a way to put their legs to the side, and he had developed a huge physical during his youth, to practice
all kinds of sports. In 1917 when I had left the previous year-parliamentary activity, Hipolito Yrigoyen was offered the job of
Ambassador to France, a position he held between 1917 and 1922. In fact, when Alvear won the presidential election was in
Francia. Alvear making a stopover in Rio de Janeiro, on his return trip to Argentina After the first government of Hiplito
Yrigoyen radical, was the issue of presidential succession. Faced with disputes within the party, in March 1922 the National
Convention of the UCR, with the endorsement of Yrigoyen, resolved to support Alvear, then ambassador to France. Alvear
belonged to the conservative faction of the UCR, social origin and patrician landowner, and with few links to the grassroots of
the party. With the decisive support of Yrigoyen, despite having markedly different ideological and style trumps Alvear
conservatives in the elections of April 2, 1922, and gained access to the presidency with 47.5% of the vote, or is 419,172
votes. Radio Argentina aired the ceremony of transfer of power for the first time in the history of Argentina was heard the
voice of a president by his fellow radio.Yrigoyen and Alvear had designated as a candidate with the intent to manipulate, but
this was not possible. On the return trip from France to Argentina aboard the French ship Massilia, Alvear visited several
European countries and made stops in Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) and Uruguay, accepting invitations in his capacity as presidentelect. In September he returned to Argentina and upon arrival was greeted by his predecessor, whom he hugged on the deck
of the ship that brought him to regreso.He was the second president radical as also the second law chosen by Senz Pea.
Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear became president of Argentina on October 12, 1922, but his cabinet caused a bad impression
among many radicals, since almost none of the ministers was a friend of the former president, but this was, in all cases, of
Certain personalities destacables.10 ministerial appointments were surprising, as was the case of Admiral Manuel Domecq
Garcia repressor fervent demonstrations strike during Yrigoyen's government, as well as the appointment of General
Augustine Justo. His term of office began just as the global crisis ended the war, which has improved the economy and
finance without major contratiempos, reached Argentina's economy during his administration the most prosperous situation
have ever had in its history, mainly to a favorable external front, with the recovery after World War. In this period, the Alvear
government policies focused on agro-export, meat and cereals. There was a large increase in the area planted with cereals,
as in the case of the pampa hmeda.In addition to growth in agriculture, also spread industrial development, settling in 1922
the first Ford automobile production plant in Latin America, with an investment of 240,000 dollars for the construction of the
same. Just a year later, the state YPF install the first supplier of gasoline, on the corner of Bartolom Mitre and Rosales, in the
city of Buenos Aires. In 1925 was released the popular Ford T, after two years of production reached 100,000 unidades.In
1923 Hampton and Watson rented a shed in the street Garay 1, and the following year began to produce the first units
Double Phaeton model for General Motors Argentina. During the administration of Alvear, was remarkable growth in the
vehicle fleet, both the automotive manufacturing as imports: in 1920 it was 48 000 units, an average of 187 inhabitants per
automobile, for 1930 increased to 435 822 units at an average of 27.6 people per vehicle. Example automotive growth was
the production of Ford managed to sell at nine months of opening its plant, a total of 6663 unidades.From the year 1925 saw
a huge increase in foreign investment from the United States were made by companies involved in the meat industry, with
organizations of energy production and distribution, and consumer goods. This "invasion" of U.S. capital caused sudden
competition for funds from the United Kingdom, that rivalry was reflected in areas such as transport (automotive products
exported between U.S. and British railways). But competition also sharpened with refrigeration companies linked with these
two countries. These conflicts led to the deterioration of relations with ingleses.12 Although these events began that year,
and in 1923 predicting these drawbacks, President Alvear created a domestic refrigerator (later to be known as the Fridge
Lisandro de la Torre) , to end the intrigues that existed in refrigerators extranjeros.The first Book Fair in Argentina took place
in Buenos Aires in September 1928, pictured is the President and his ministers Ortiz and Jose Roberto Tamborini, walking on
the opening day. Alvear vacation in Mar del Plata in 1927, the photo of the magazine Caras and masks said: "'Alvear admiring
the sea' as an ancient Greek, like the outdoor full life." It adopted laws on social security as the law n. 11,289 in 1923, but
was a step forward towards universal and compulsory retirement later in 1925, the Industrial Union managed to cancel,
saying it would be expensive to maintain. The labor movement also complained about it, and they did not want to be
deducted from their salaries 5% corresponding to the contributions workers. The law n. No. 11,371 enacted in 1924 regulated
the labor of women and children in Capital Federal and National Territories, 3 the law n. 11,278, of 1925 regulated the
payment of salarios.17 18 In 1926, the law declaring the May Day holiday, sent to Congress by the executive in 1924,
received no legislative sanction. The text said it was "the duty of public authorities tending to be serene and auspicious day,
social solidarity and peace of mind", in the form of Labor Day recognized by the state, linking the commemoration working
with the date of sanction of the Constitution of 1853.Moreover, were enacted: the law to combat "trusts", which controls the
trade of meat (such as price controls maximum and minimum selling, transaction control cattle) to avoid vouchers, common
in the interior. Also pension laws were enacted, such as banking and retirement for teachers, created the Social Welfare Fund
for pensions to employees and workers, Industrial Goods identity Argentina, mandatory salary payments in national currency
(to avoid the use of vouchers exchange) and taxes on inheritances. In 1924 it increased the retirement of teachers, before it
was too low. Was regulated closure of shops to 20:00. During his presidency, and to mark the end of the war was revived
immigration flow towards Argentina. From 1924-1929 entered the country nearly two million people, of whom were based in
the country 650 000. In 1924 there were major strikes and labor protests by the veto of the law that extended the retirement
of large sections of workers. In April of that year Argentina Trade Union (USA), organized a general strike, but as there had
been supported by the anarchists and the socialists, the strike became a fracaso.President Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear gives a
speech to the people of Mendoza. Although there were few conflicts and crises, but there was a deep crisis in the sugar
industry Tucuman, which resulted in the cane (covered by the Federacin Agraria Argentina) undertake a strike to the workers

who joined the mills and included the assault on freight trains, reeds and industrial facilities. The following year, Alvear spoke
through an award, which established the average sales price of cane to the mill, and instituted a provincial agency to resolve
conflicts thereafter. The result was openly appreciated as favorable for sugarcane. During his political tours in the 1930s, this
policy would take it as an example of justice social. Although in the election of national deputies of 1926, managed to win in
yrigoyenismo most important districts, Congress could punish successfully several laws, among them were: the regulating
night work in bakeries, which recognizes the women's civil rights, which supersedes the pension regulations (expressed
above), the prophylaxis of leprosy, which regulates the activity of cooperatives, which devotes a significant sum to renew the
naval armament, which provides a new general enrollment electoral. In 1924 celebrations were held and official
entertainment, during the country visit the throne Crown Prince of Italy, Umberto Saboya. The visit of the Prince of Italy
produced an overshoot in the expenditure for the reception. The total was about five hundred thousand pesos. Molinas Victor
told the President that had happened in the amount. Molinas wanted to go to general revenue spending, but nonetheless, it
was Alvear who paid half a million dollars, thanks to the subdivision and sale of part of their land inherited from Don Torcuato.
To mark the centenary of the Battle of Ayacucho, in 1924 the Argentine government sent a delegation to Peru. He was the
minister of war, General Agustn P. On March 24, 1925 came to Argentina the scientist Albert Einstein and his wife Elsa, he
stayed at home for exactly a month, and he left the country on April 24, although no records or testimony has been interview
with the President, is a remarkable fact that Einstein has arrived in Argentina, during this prosperous period in Argentina's
history. The historic visit connotes the condition of the country at that time. Einstein who was already world famous for his
Theory of Relativity, came to the country at the invitation of the University of Buenos Aires and the Sociedad Hebraica
Argentina. During his visit gave twelve lectures, most to explain his new teora. In 1925 Alvear met with Chilean President
Arturo Alessandri, on August 17 in Argentina arrived at the Prince of Wales, Edward of Windsor, heir to the crown britnica.
One of the first actions of the government of General Alvear was appointed as Director General Enrique Mosconi Oilfield (YPF).
With government support this growth boosted YPF in order to achieve self-sufficiency in oil, vital for the autonomous
development of the country, and promoted measures to reduce competition from foreign companies. In 1924 the first decrees
were enacted restricting exploration concessions, limited potential productive zones and fixed maturities to perform scans.
This achievement increase capacity exploitation and exploration. It ended in 1925 the construction of the distillery of La Plata
(in use today). This makes working naphtha, kerosene and fuel oil. A few months after his habilitation began production of
gasoline for airplanes. This distillery was the tenth largest distillery world. Both oil and the question of achieving selfsufficiency became campaign issues for the elections of 1928.26 in the same year began oil exploration in the province of
Salta, and in 1933 oil was discovered in Tranquitas.War Minister Agustn Pedro Justo increased expenditures in equipment of
war, to modernize the armed forces, among other things, bought five hundred guns Schneider of 155 mm. He settled the
submarine base in Mar del Plata and were renewed fleet units Argentina. In October 1927, the factory built aircraft of
Cordoba, this was the first high-tech factory in Argentina.But expenses for the army soon wake of criticism
oposicin.President Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear kicked off to open the new stadium of Club Atltico Boca Juniors. In public
works, construction began of the Ministry of Finance, Public Works, War and Navy and the National Bank building in Plaza de
Mayo. In contrast to his predecessor Alvear liked to show off. Never in management were so many other monuments, there
were never so many prestigious official ceremonies by the Head of State. In 1923 he opened the Museum of Lujn. Among
the works of such management include the completion of the tour of the South Coast, the construction of ovens for the
incineration of garbage and buying the farm to build the park Lezica Rivadavia. Noel also sent many paved city streets. The
summer of that year was one of the hottest ever, with temperatures above 40 C. In 1925 opened the descent of Maip and
the Paseo de Julio, a monument to commemorate Leandro N. Alem, hereby are with President Hipolito Yrigoyen, is one of the
few times they appeared together, and by that time had separated into two distinct lines radicalismo.In July 1924, the Club
Atltico Boca Juniors debut in their new stadium facing the National Football Club, the kick was given by President Marcelo of
Alvear. In 1928, shortly before the transfer of power, the President opens the Central Post Office and get the first aircraft built
by the National Factory of Airplanes, an Avro Gosport. On September 6 that year will begin construction for the subway line B,
which binds Lacroze with Plaza de Mayo with Chacarita.The division of the Radical Party, went back inevitable in 1923: nine
senators pleaded radical "antipersonalistas", ie contrary to the personalism of Hiplito Yrigoyen, and offered their support for
President Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear, there was also friction between him and his Vice President Elpidio Gonzalez, as the
latter was yrigoyenista. The yrigoyenismo antipersonalistas took to conservatives. Moreover the antipersonalistas Yrigoyen
said that violated the rules of the political game. These disputes continued, and what was worse, they moved to Congress,
where deputies used Yrigoyen faithful to impede the initiatives of the executive branch, either through discussion or by
withdrawing from the enclosure to avoid giving quorum. In this context, President Alvear closed by decree special sessions, in
view of legislative activity was almost nula.The antipersonalistas (line radicalism sympathetic to the president), Alvear
pressured to intervene the province of Buenos Aires. But Alvear refused to perform such an act. Because of this controversy,
resigned Interior Minister Carmelo Vincent Gallo, and August 5, 1925 President swore Tamborini Jos Pascual, who clung to
legalism Alvear. As they neared the presidential election of 1928, the Radical Civic Union was divided in two ways: first
Yrigoyen followers, called personalist, caudillo pushed himself as a candidate for President of the country, while the UCR
antipersonalista (with the sympathetic Alvear), presented as candidate Leopoldo Melo. Yrigoyen's victory in the 1928
elections by a landslide, with 62% of the votes, Yrigoyen was taken back to the presidency. Three days of transfer of power,
Alvear changed his cabinet ministers antiyrigoyenistas. A street is stifled by political propaganda posters, in them you can
see the formula Alvear - Mosca, and also you can see posters of the candidate who won under electoral fraud, Roberto Ortiz.
After completing his government, Alvear went to Paris in 1930, he was passionate city. There he learned of the coup of Jos
Flix Uriburu fact that did not surprise him much, since the situation in power Yrigoyen had deteriorated rapidly due to the
shock that had the global crisis of 1929 and the lack of reaction by Yrigoyen part of an old man and enfermo.Two days after
the coup, Alvear said: "It had to be. Yrigoyen, with a total ignorance of any practice of democratic government, would seem
to undermine the institutions pleased. Govern, not Payar ... My impression, which convey the Argentine people, is that the
army, sworn to defend the Constitution, deserves our trust and will not be a Praetorian Guard or willing to tolerate any
dictator nefarious work." After the overthrow of Yrigoyen, the UCRA was dissolved, making Alvear took control of his party
and reunited, the main opposition force against the authoritarian governments of the infamous decade, including the abortive
revolution of December 1932 during which Alvear was seized with Pueyrredn, Tamborini and General Dellepiane. Shortly
after this, Alvear shared prison on the island Martn Garca Yrigoyen. He was finally released in April 1933 after four months in
prison, but was deported to Europe.6 Before the exile, Alvear said: "I watch from afar, on the boat that takes me away, the
town in which stand statues of my ancestors. I felt entitled to the respect of all classes, because I knew govern with legality,
order and prudence. Away from me her womb clenched hands." On May 1, 1936 the UCR called a rally, which met for the first
time all opposition parties and the labor movement. That same year union pressure obtained the sanction of Law 11,729 of
employment contract for the services sector. That same year, the divisions within the radicalism is again emphasized by the
scandal of the grant of the Spanish-American Company of Electricity (CHADE), who had bribed politicians and radical
conservatives to get the grant. While Alvear not accept bribes, advised the radical councilors vote in favor of the concession,
which aroused criticism expresidente.Alvear returned to Argentina to chair the UCR on July 21, 1932. He was greeted by a
large crowd, regardless of party or nacionalidad.6 At that time it was the only veteran left in figure radicalism. Next to the
UCR, criticized conservative fascist regime led by the first president de facto Uriburu, with continued Augustine P. In the

election of 1937 was the victim of fraud patriotic, and command was given to Roberto Ortiz. During
the last years of his life, began to tour around the country party. In political acts was accompanied by
young radicals who were later prominent party politicians as Ricardo Balbin and Crisologo Larralde.

Jos Flix Benito Uriburu y Uriburu (18681932)

was the first de

facto President of Argentina, achieved through a military coup, from September
6, 1930 to February 20, 1932. Uriburu was born in Salta Province, and was a
nephew of President Jos Evaristo Uriburu. He graduated from the military
college in 1890. He was born in the city of Salta, on July 20, 1868. His illustrious
family was related to Martin Miguel de Guemes and Jos de San Martn. Uriburu
military vocation, explains the March 17, 1885, when you enter as a cadet at
the Military Academy. With the rank of second lieutenant was one of the leaders
of the Lodge of the 33 officers who participated in the organization of the
Revolution of the Park
in 1890, but defeated caused the resignation of President Miguel Jurez Celman.
In 1894 he married Aurelia Bujn Madero (1873-1959), with whom he had three children. He was assistant to his uncle Joseph
E. Uriburu and President Luis Senz Pea. In 1905 Manuel Quintana supported to quell radical revolution of 1905. In 1907, he
was director of the War College and was subsequently sent to Germany for three years to perfect themselves in military
training programs and equipment. When he returned to Buenos Aires, attended scientific meetings of the Centennial
celebration and then was in charge of border posts as staff officer. In 1913, he returned to Europe as a military attache in
Germany and England. When he returned to Argentina in 1914, was elected national deputy in the National Congress. In 1921
amounted to major general. The following year, served as army inspector general appointed by President Marcelo T. de
Alvear. He was a member of the Supreme War Council from 1926 until Yrigoyen did withdraw for having reached the statutory
age. On September 6, 1930, Uriburu led a coup that overthrew the constitutional government of Hiplito Yrigoyen and
established a military dictatorship, the first in a series that lasted until 1983. The coup that enabled him to power was
unprecedented in the history of Argentina. Commenting about him the epistemologist Mario Bunge says: The military coup of
September 6, 1930 ended a period of half a century of internal peace and the country's continued progress in the economic,
political and cultural. It was also the first time on the continent that fascism raised its head, the first in the country's history
that the military led the political power, the first, from the Tragic Week (1919) and repression of workers Patagonia (1922 ),
the government union militants shot, and also the first time since the fall of the tyranny of Rosas, the Catholic Church
involved in politics again, this time with a focus purely fascist. Uriburu instructed the poet Leopoldo Lugones drafting the
revolutionary proclamation, but the first version was criticized for its contents fascists by Colonel Jos Mara Sarobe and
General Augustine P. Right. Lugones must then modify it. The proclamation said: The Army and Navy of the country,
responding to heat unanimous people of the Nation and the purposes peremptory duty imposed on us by the Argentines in
this solemn hour for the fate of the country, raise their flags resolved Urging men government have betrayed the trust of the
people and the Republic immediately drop the charges, no longer exercised for the common good, but to achieve their
personal appetites. Notified them categorically that no longer have the support of the armed forces, whose primary objective
is to defend the personal dignity, that they have committed, and that there will be in our ranks one man get up in front of
their comrades to defend a cause that has become ashamed of the Nation. Also notified them that we will not tolerate
maneuvers and communications by breaking a government seeking to save repudiated by the public, or keep in power
residues polity that is strangling the Republic. On September 10, Uriburu was recognized as the nation's president by a
celebrated and questioned Agreed the Supreme Court that gave rise to the doctrine of governments facto.4 dissolved
Congress declared a state of siege, intervened all provinces and, in general terms, would implement a government similar to
fascism regime that saw an example of peace and political order which could learn useful lessons. On September 18, the
ambassadors of the United States and England, a country that had been military attache, Uriburu do know that the powers
that they represent have recognized the provisional government. While publicly declaring Uriburu respect the constitution,
personally felt that the country needed to return to the regime of conservative rule, prior to the enactment of Senz Pea Law
of universal and secret ballot for males. In a speech at the War College, Uriburu expressed his opposition to universal suffrage
in the following words: We must work for a political authority that is not a reality to live purely of theories ... Aristotle defined
democracy the government saying it was the most exercised by the best. The difficulty is just to make it the best exercise.
That's hard to happen in any country, as in ours, there is a sixty percent illiterate, what is clear and obvious, without
distortion possible that sixty percent of illiterates is governing the country, because in legal choices they are a mayora. He
established a repressive regime that first included the systematic use of torture against political opponents, including
anarchists, communists and radicals yrigoyenistas by Section Political Order of Police Capital, led by Leopoldo Lugones (son)
declared martial law and did run clandestinely or after judgment sumarsmo parodies, anarchist militants, including Severino
Di Giovanni, Paulino Scarfo, Joaquin Penina, Jorge Tamayo Gavilan Galeano and Jose Gregorio Gatti. Arrested several political
leaders, including Hipolito Yrigoyen, imposed censorship on newspapers, universities intervened overriding the autonomy and
co-governance regime established since 1918 university reform. After the coup occurred, the General Confederation of
Labour brand adopted attitudes of complacency against the regime militar. In early 1931 called for elections in the province
of Buenos Aires, but then canceled because it had won the Radical Civic Union. In November of that year reconvened after
ban election candidates of radicalism and organize a system that is publicly recognized as fraudulent, 8, beginning the
infamous decade was called. In these conditions was elected president General Agustn P. Justo, who represented the liberal
conservatism that had ended with the enactment of Law Senz Pea. After handing over power, Uriburu went abroad for
health reasons and died in Paris, two months later, after surgery for stomach cancer. The house where he was born, also in
Salta, is now a museum named after his uncle President Jos Evaristo Uriburu.

Agustn Pedro Justo Roln (February

26, 1876 January 11, 1943) was President of Argentina from February 20,
1932, to February 20, 1938. He was a military officer, diplomat, and politician, and was president during the Infamous
Decade. Appointed War Minister by President Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear, his experience under a civilian administration and
pragmatic outlook earned him the conservative Concordance's nomination for the 1931 campaign. He was elected president
on November 8, 1931, supported by the political sectors that would form shortly after la Concordancia, an alliance created
between the National Democratic Party (Partido Demcrata Nacional), the Radical Civic Union (Unin Cvica Radical) (UCR),
and the Socialist Independent Party (Partido Socialista Independiente). Around the elections there were accusations
of electoral fraud, nevertheless, the name patriotic fraud was used for a system of control established from 1931 to 1943.
Conservative groups wanted to use this to prevent any radicals from coming to power. During this period there was persistent
opposition from the supporters of Yrigoyen, an earlier president, and from the Radical Civic Union. The outstanding diplomatic
work of his Foreign Minister, Carlos Saavedra Lamas, was one of the greatest accomplishments of his administration, stained
by constant accusations of corruption and of delivering the national economy into the hands of foreign interests, the British in
particular, with whom his vice-president Julio A. Roca, Jr. had signed the Roca-Runciman Treaty. His name was mentioned as a
candidate a new period during the unsteady government of Ramn Castillo, but his early death at 66 thwarted his plans. He
worked on a preliminary study for the complete works of Bartolom Mitre, whom he admired profoundly. Justo took part in the

coup of 1930, becoming president two years later thanks to widespread electoral fraud. His presidency was part of the period
known as the Infamous Decade, which lasted from 1930 until 1943. He established the country's central bank and introduced
a nationwide income tax. Justo was born in Concepcin del Uruguay, Entre Ros Province. His father, also named Agustn, had
been governor of Corrientes Province and was soon a national deputy. He was active in politics, and soon after his son was
born he moved with his family toBuenos Aires. His mother Otilia Roln, came from a traditional Corrientes family. When he
was 11 Justo went to the Colegio Militar de la Nacin (National Military College). As a cadet, and joined with various other
students and participated in the Revolucin del Parque, taking the weapons off the guards to add to the column of the
revolutionaries. Arrested and later given amnesty, he graduated with the rank of ensign. Without abandoning his military
career, he studied engineering at the University of Buenos Aires. In 1895 he was promoted to second lieutenant. In 1897 he
became first lieutenant. In 1902 he became a captain. Having attained a civil engineering degree at the University of Buenos
Aires, a governmental decree validated his title as a military engineer in 1904. He was appointed as teacher at the Escuela
de Aplicacin para Oficiales. With his promotion to the rank of major two years later he was proposed for the school of
mathematics at the Military Academy and for the studies of telemetry and semaphores at the Escuela Nacional de
Tiro (National Gunnery School), which would be granted in 1907. The following year, he received the nomination as executive
officer in the Batalln de Ferrocarrileros, at the same time in which they were promoting him to be subdirector at the gunnery
school. With the rank of Lieutenant Colonel he completed diplomatic actions, becoming military attach to the Argentina's
envoy at the centennial festivities in Chile in 1910. His return to Argentina was to Crdoba, as commander of the Fourth
Artillery Brigade. In 1915, during the term of office of Victorino de la Plaza, he was appointed director of the Military College,
a post where he would remain for the following seven years. The great influence of this position helped him to weave
contacts in political circles, just as in the military. Pursuant to the radical anti-personalist political branch (those that opposed
the party leadership of Hiplito Yrigoyen), he established good relations with Marcelo T. de Alvear. During his tenure he
enlarged the curriculum of the college and promoted the formation of the faculty. During Alvear's administration in 1922 he
left the Military College to become the Minister of War. Promoted to the rank of brigadier general on August 25, 1923, Justo
requested an increase of the defense budget to get equipment and improve the Army infrastructure. He also fomented the
reorganization of the armed forces structure. At the end of 1924 he was sent as plenipotentiary to Peru, where they were
celebrating the centennial of the Battle of Ayacucho. During the next few years he temporarily was the Minister of Agriculture
and Public Works, besides holding the post at as Minister of War, which he would not abandon until the end of the term of
office of Alvear. In 1927 he had received the promotion toGeneral de Divisin (Major General). With his constant antipersonalist temperament, Justo supported the candidates Leopoldo Melo and Vicente Gallo, of the Alvear Line of the UCR.
Before the triumph of the formula of Yrigoyen and Beir, who began in 1928 their second term of office with massive support
of the voters and the majority in the House of Representatives. Justo received invitations of the ever more organized right to
join the shock program against the radical caudillo. Although close to the concepts of the publications La Nueva
Repblica (The New Republic) managed by Ernesto Palacios and the brothers Rodolfo and Julio Irazusta and La Fronda,
under the direction of Francisco Uriburu, they stayed close to the need of "order, hierarchy and authority". He did not adhere
closely to them, the program of suppression of a republican government and their substitution with a corporativesystem,
similar to the fascists in Italy and Spain, went against his liberal vocation. Around Justo another faction assembled, not any
less intent on taking arms against the constitutional government of Yrigoyen. Actively promoted by general Jos Luis
Meglione, a Justo classmate, and by colonel Luis J. Garca, who soon would be one of the heads of the Grupo de Oficiales
Unidos, he wrote for the newspapers La Nacin and Crtica. Declarations made by Justo in July 1930 about the inconvenience
of military intervention, which would put the constitutional rule of law in danger, testify to the opposition between the
factions. By contrast with the more radicalized Argentine Navy, a significant part of the Army supported the ideas proposed
by Justo, with the notable exception of the nationalist core that soon would converge at the Grupo de Oficiales Unidos. Before
the promise of Jos Flix Uriburu, the head of an extremist group, to maintain institutional order, Justo gave his agreement to
the coup, which he expressed on the early morning of September 6, thus starting a military government in Argentina for the
first time since the signing of the Constitution. He did not join the government's direction nor, in the first instance, the
governing group, which was led by Uriburu with a cabinet that was composed largely of local lobbyists of the multinational oil
companies. Justo expressly sought to distance himself from Uriburu, who counted on a large group of supporters among the
military officials but could not get the same support from the political parties, which quickly divided themselves after
Yrigoyen's death, the focus of the antipathy against him. He rejected the vice-presidency that Uriburu offered him, and he
only briefly accepted the command of the army, resigning soon after. In Buenos Aires Province, Uriburu did not manage to
implement the corporate model with which he wished to replace the republican system, and this failure cost him the political
career of his Interior Minister, Matas Snchez Sorondo. Justo again rejected the offers of Uriburu to join the government and
form a coalition. With the support of an alliance of the conservative National Democratic Party, the Independent Socialist
Party, and the most anti-personalist faction of the Radical Party (then to be the Coalition of Parties for Democracy), he ran for
president on the elections of November 8, 1931. With Yrigoyen's faction banned from the elections and its supporters using
the strategy of "revolutionary abstention", Justo easily won against Lisandro de la Torre and Nicols Repetto, although under
suspicion of fraud. Julio Argentino Roca, Jr., from the conservative faction, joined him as Vice-President. Justo became
president on February 20, 1932. In addition to political turmoil caused by the coup, he had to make progress on the problems
relating to the Great Depression, which had put an end to commercial profits and the full employment enjoyed by the
Yrigoyen and Alvear administrations. His first minister of the Treasury, Alberto Hueyo, took very restrictive measures against
the economy. The independent socialist Antonio de Tomaso joined him in Agriculture. He reduced the public expense, and
restricted the circulation of currency and applied harsh fiscal measures. An emprstito patritico, or patriotic loan, was made,
attempting to strengthen the financial coffers. The first of these measures was imposed on gasoline. It was meant to finance
the newly-created Direccin Nacional de Vialidad, or the National Office of Public Highways, which undertook the betterment
of the highway network. The difficulies for Hueyo's program would finally convince Justo to adopt this model, (de ndole
dirigista), in his economic policy. In addition, he encouraged the project of the mayor of Buenos Aires, Mariano de Vedia y
Mitry, who undertook an ambitious project of urban organization, opening the Diagonales Norte y Sur, paving Avenue General
Paz, widening Avenue Corrientes, constructing the first stretch of Avenue 9 de Julio and building the Obelisk of Buenos Aires.
The substitution of Hueyo by the socialist Frederico Pinedo would mark a change in the political scene in the government. The
intervention of the government in the economy was more significant, creating the Junta Nacional de Granos, or the National
Grain Committee, and of Meat, and soon after, with the advice of English economist Otto Niemeyer, the creation of the Banco
Central de la Repblica Argentina, or the Central Bank of the Argentine Republic. The radical opposition was very significant.
On April 5, 1931 the political ideology of the supporters of Yrigoyen had won the election for governor in the province of
Buenos Aires against the hopes of Uriburu and Snchez Sorondo; though the military government rings, cost the career of the
Minister and forced Uriburu to give up his power. Before this, soldiers loyal to the constitutional government of Yrigoyen, with
the support of armed civilians, organized insurrections to restore that earlier government. The first of these was directed by
the Yrigoyenist general Severino Toranzo in February 1931. In June, in Curuz Cuati in the province of Corrientes, they
assassinated Colonel Regino Lescano, who was preparing a Yrigoyenist mobilization. In December, before an attempted coup
led by Lieutenant Colonel Atilio Cattneo, Justo decreed a state of siege, and again imprisoned the old Yrigoyen, and also
arrested Alvear, Ricardo Rojas, Honorio Pueyrredn, and other leaders of the party. In 1933, the attempted coups continued.

Buenos Aires, Corrientes, Entre Rios, and Misiones would be the stage of radical uprisings, which
would not end before more than a thousand people being detained. Seriously ill, Yrigoyen was
returned to Buenos Aires and kept under house arrest. He died on June 3, and his burial in La
Recoleta Cemetery which was the occasion of a mass demonstration. In December, during a meeting
of the national convention of the UCR, a joint uprising of the military and politicians broke loose in
Santa Fe, Rosario, and Paso de los Libres. Jos Benjamin Abalos, who was Yrigoyen's ex-Minister, and
Colonel Roberto Bosch were arrested during the uprising and the organizers and leaders of the party
were imprisoned at Martn Garca. Alvear, Justo's former patron, was exiled, while others were
detained in the penitentiary in Ushuaia. One of the most controversial successes of the presidency of
Justo took place in 1933, when the measures of production protectionism that were adopted by the
UK led Justo to send his vice-president at the head of a technology delegation, to deal with the
adoption of a commercial agreement that might benefit Argentina. At the 1932 Ottawa Conference,
the British had adopted measures that favored imports from its own colonies and dominions. The
pressure from the Argentine landowners for whom the government restored trade with the main
buyer of Argentine grain and meat had been very strong. Led by the president of the British Trade Council, Viscount Walter
Runciman, they were intense and resulted in the signing on April 27 of the Roca-Runciman Treaty. The treaty created a
scandal because the UK allotted Argentina a quota less than any of its other dominions. In exchange for many concessions to
British companies, 390,000 tons of meat per year were allotted to Argentina. British refrigerated shippers arranged 85% of
exportation. The tariffs of the railways operated by the UK were not regulated. They had not established customs fees over
coal. They had given special dispensation to the British companies with investments in Argentina. They had reduced the
prices of their exports. As many problems resulted from the declarations of the vice-president Roca, who affirmed after the
signing of the treaty that "by its economic importance, Argentina resembled just a large British dominion." Lisandro de la
Torre, one of his principal and most vociferous opponents, mocking the words of Roca in an editorial, wrote that "in these
conditions we wouldn't be able to say that Argentina had been converted into a British dominion because England does not
take the liberty to impose similar humiliations upon its dominions." In the National Democratic Party, one of those who had
supported the nomination of Justo for President, had split because of this controversy. Finally, the Senate rescinded the treaty
on July 28. Many workers strikes followed the deliberations, especially in Santa F Province, which ended with government
intervention. He died in 1943 and was buried in La Recoleta Cemetery in Buenos Aires.

Jaime Gerardo Roberto Marcelino Mara Ortiz Lizardi (September

24, 1886 July 15, 1942)

was President of Argentina from February 20, 1938 to June 27, 1942. Roberto M. Ortiz was born in Buenos Aires. The son of
immigrants, his parents were Spanish born, the father in Zalla, Vizcaya and mother in Yanci, Navarra.1 His father, Fermin stay
established trade on the lands that were former San Juan.2 His mother stay Lizardi named Josefa. As a student at the
University of Buenos Aires, took part in the failed revolution of 1905, by the Radical Civic Union party to which he belonged
until 1925. In 1909 he graduated from university with a law degree. In 1912 he married Maria Luisa Iribarne (1887-1940),
with whom she had three children: Maria Angelica 1914, Roberto Jorge Luis Fermin 1915 and 1918. In 1920 he was elected
national deputy. He was part of the sector that the Radical Hiplito Yrigoyen questioned by their authoritarian attitudes and
were known as antipersonalistas. In 1925 he was removed from the UCR to found together with other radicals
Antipersonalista Radical Civic Union. Between 1925 and 1928, he served as Minister of Public Works President Marcelo T. de
Alvear. Ortiz actively supported the military coup that deposed President Hiplito Yrigoyen in 1930. In 1931 he helped form
the Concordance, a coalition of the Democratic National Antipersonalista UCR, and Socialist Independent, which said the
police and fraudulent regime that ruled until 1943, known as the infamous decade. As part of that regime was General
Exchequer Augustine P. Just from 1935 to 1937. In the presidential election of 1937, Ortiz (wing antipersonalista moiety) was
accompanied by a mate of the conservative wing of the Match: Ramon Castillo. The elections were won by the ruling formula
and have been publicly recognized as fraudulent. Roberto Ortiz unsuccessfully attempted to promote reforms that would
restore democratic rule. In this aspect did not hesitate to intervene in the Province of Buenos Aires, ruled by the famous
Conservative leader Manuel Fresco, after the fraudulent elections of February 1940, preventing the inauguration as governor
of Buenos Aires Alberto Barcel. Same as adopted by the Province of Catamarca intervene after the February 1940 elections,
the electoral irregularities denounced the Conservatives benefited. Shortly after he took over as president, seriously ill Ortiz
diabetes, which would then completely blind. Proceeds of this license must apply to the front of the executive, taking over as
the Vice President Ramn Castillo Argentina. During this period broke the so-called "scandal of the Palomar land sales",
consistent in reporting a sale of land for the expansion of the military base in the town of the province of Buenos Aires by a
broker, a price overvalued so that the benefits once paid the real owners, were distributed between officials of the Ministry of
War. The sum had been approved in the budget of the Ministry of War by Congress, upon payment of sums of money to
radical deputies and the president of the Chamber of Deputies and the Budget Committee. This complaint was fueled by
Conservative Senator Benjamin Villafane, and discovered by the former governor of the Province of Buenos Aires, Manuel
Fresco, who was moved by the rancor following the intervention decreed by his government Ortiz. The complaint called into
question the political moralizing Ortiz because he had signed the decree authorizing finalize the purchase of the land at the
request of the Minister of War, General Carlos Marquez. The investigative committee was chaired by Alfredo Palacios, who
determined the participation of the deputies involved and requested the formation of an impeachment of Minister of War,
avoiding prosecution request to Ortiz, who made a serious cause institutional situation, given the real possibility of a policy
reversal fraud initiated by the President. Unexpectedly, President Ortiz resigned the Presidency of the Nation, August 22,
1940, in protest of the Senate vote on the report submitted by the Investigating Committee questioning the report suspicions
about his Minister of War, which was considered by Ortiz as an attack on his person. This decision was also a political strategy
intended to disable the advance of the parliamentary inquiry, encouraged by conservative lawmakers harder. The Legislature
rejected the resignation of President Ortiz, on 24 August of that year, by 170 votes to one, after a campaign of support in his
favor by the Radical Civic Union, the Socialist Party and the Concordance, who looked upon Ortiz as innocent of the charge of
complicity in this scandal. This vote was considered by Ortiz as a "national pronuciamiento" in his favor, announcing his
willingness to carry to resume the presidency when his health improved, political project had the support of the Radical Civic
Union, previously headed by Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear, who had been favored with a large number of seats in Congress in
the legislative elections of 1940, thanks to electoral politics driven by Ortiz moralizing. The outbreak of World War II in
September 1939 found that Argentina was declared neutral in the conflict. But armed struggle reached the Rio de la Plata,
when in December 1939, the pocket battleship Admiral Graf Spee fought a naval battle with British ships in the waters of the
estuary. Cornered and damaged the ship, Captain Hans Langsdorff ordered autohundimiento ship while the crew was interned
in Argentina, amid the turmoil of public opinion in Argentina and Uruguay, which continued with Langsdorff's suicide in hotel
Immigrants in Buenos Aires. One of the most controversial measures of its mandate in relation to the conflict was the secret
circular Semitic signed in 1938 by Foreign Minister Jos Mara Cantilo too radical, he ordered "Argentine consuls in Europe to
deny visas to 'undesirable or expelled', referring to Jewish citizens of the continent " The president's health worsened
progressively Ortiz, being completely blind, so definitive resigned as president June 27, 1942. He died on July 15 of that year,

assuming the chair Ramon S. Castillo, who would drop policies Ortiz and entrench the return of
conservatives to key political posts in the administration.

Ramn S. Castillo Barrionuevo (November

20, 1873 October 12,

1944) was a conservative Argentine politician who served as President of
Argentina from June 27, 1942 to June 4, 1943. He studied at the Faculty of Law,
University of Buenos Aires. Designated criminal judge in San Nicolas de los
Arroyos (Buenos Aires province), among cases that had to be solved, is
sentenced to eight years in prison when gauchos Black Ant, for a murder he did
not then proved committed.2 In reach the judicial member of the Chamber of
Appeals in Commercial before retiring. Dedicated to teaching, he served as
professor and dean at UBA (University of Buenos Aires) between 1923 and
1928. In 1930 he was appointed Governor Comptroller of the province of Tucuman by the de facto
government of Jos Flix Uriburu, was senator for his province, and then Minister of the Interior
between 1932 and 1935. He resigned from this position to introduce the post of vice president
Roberto Ortiz in the formula of the "Concordance" a temporary alliance between the National Democratic Party, the Radical
Civic Union Antipersonalista and the Independent Socialist Party, which triumphed in fraudulent elections and assumed office
on February 20, 1938. When Ortiz waiver by serious health problems, suffering from severe diabetes-, Castillo took over to
complete the presidential term since 1940 was effectively in charge of the executive branch. Castillo continued the foreign
policy of his predecessor, maintaining neutrality Argentina in World War II, a move driven by trends progermanas proaliadas
and dividing the army and the entire society Argentina. The need to maintain the maritime supply led him to promote the
creation of the State Merchant Fleet, which nourished with the purchase of belligerent vessels anchored in Argentine ports.
Took like other nationalist measures, such as revocation of the concession of the port of Rosario, in the hands of a French
operator, the nationalization of British Primitive Gas Company, the creation of the Directorate of Military Industries and the
opening of the High Zapla Horn. He was conducted a rigidly authoritarian politics, having ministerial portfolios with ease and
dissolving the Legislative Council of Buenos Aires to allegations of corruption in it. This policy is also reflected in its policy
toward the opposing provinces, with the fact that most notorious nature, the intervention decreed the Electoral College of the
Province of Tucuman, in September 1942, to prevent the triumph of radical candidacy Mario Miguel Campero opponent. The
unprecedented for this decision favored delaying the election of provincial authorities to produce the legal expiration of the
mandate of Miguel Critto and therefore justify intervention Tucumn final (February 1943). This return to the worst practices
of falsifying the will and practice of electoral violence as a common procedure for resolving conflicts generated a precarious
balance of power with the army, in 1942 there were two attempts to "do something", led by supporters the old general
Agustn Pedro Justo. The opposition between "aliadfilos", "neutralist" and "pro-Germans" were becoming more pronounced.
Castillo remained neutralist mainly supported by the Army but isolated from the Concordance. The death of Justo Castillo took
a break, but could not stop in the presidential elections of 1943's Concordance take a formula consisting of the conservative
salteo Robustiano Patron Costas (National Democratic Party) and the Radical Antipersonalista. Fifteen months after his
overthrow, on October 12, 1944 Castillo died in the province of Buenos Aires.

Arturo Rawson (June

4, 1885 October 8, 1952) was the President of Argentina from June 4,

1943 to June 7, 1943. Born in Santiago del Estero, Rawson attended Argentinas Military College, which
he graduated from in 1907 and subsequently taught at for a time. Rawson rose through the ranks of
the Argentine Army and was eventually promoted to general. By 1943, Rawson was the Commanding
Officer of Cavalry at Campo de Mayo. On June 3, 1943, Rawson was contacted by members of the GOU
(United Officers' Group), a group of military officers planning to overthrow Argentinas civilian
government. The GOU, lacking the sufficient number of troops needed to successfully implement
a coup, knew Rawson could provide the soldiers they required. Rawson, who had been scheming to
overthrow the government even before he was contacted by the GOU, agreed to their plan. On June 4,
Rawson and 10,000 troops under his command entered Buenos Aires and overthrew the government
of Ramn Castillo. This ended the historical period known as the Infamous Decade and started
the Revolution of '43. Rawson promptly declared himself president of Argentina the same day, beating Pedro Pablo Ramrez to
do so. However, his choices for his cabinet alienated the GOU leadership, who forced him to resign on June 7. Rawson, as
Castillo, supported the Allies of World War II, but the bulk of the military that organized the coup wanted Argentina to stay
neutral in the conflict, considering that joining the war would prove destructive for the country. Colonel Elbio Anaya appeared
at his office and told him that he was ruling because of a misunderstanding, as the president was Ramrez. Rawson resigned,
and rejected the military escort, leaving the Casa Rosada on a military jeep. His time as president was so brief that he never
actually made the Oath of office. Even so, he did not took power as an interim president, but expecting to rule for a long time.
Thus, Rawson is the president of Argentina with the shortest mandate, just three days. After resigning as president, Rawson
was appointed Ambassador to Brazil, a post he would hold until 1944. He congratulated Ramrez when he broke relations with
Germany and Japan. In 1945, Rawson was arrested and brought before a military tribunal for opposing the government of
President Edelmiro Farrell, but he was quickly released. In September 1951, Rawson supported General Jos Benjamn
Menndezs failed attempt to overthrow the government of Juan Pern, for which Rawson was temporarily imprisoned. He
wrote the book "Argentina y Bolivia en la epopeya de la emancipacin" (Spanish: Argentina and Bolivia at the epic of the
emancipation). Rawson died of a heart attack in Buenos Aires in 1952. He is buried at La Recoleta Cemetery.

Pedro Pablo Ramrez (January

30, 1884 May 12, 1962) was de facto President of Argentina from June 7, 1943 to
February 24, 1944. He was the founder and leader of Guardia Nacional, Argentina's Fascist militia. After graduating from the
Argentine military college in 1904 as a second lieutenant, Ramrez was promoted in 1910 as first lieutenant of the cavalry. In
1911, he was sent to Germany for training with the Fifth Hussars cavalry in Kaiser Wilhelm's Prussian Army. He returned home
in 1913, with a German wife, and prior to the outbreak of World War One. Advancing in rank as a specialist in cavalry tactics,
he assisted fellow General Jos Flix Uriburu in a fascist coup that deposed Hiplito Yrigoyen in 1930. Ramrez was sent to
Rome to observe Mussolini's army until his return in 1932. When Uriburu set free elections and was voted out of office,
General Ramrez worked behind the scenes to plan a return of fascism to Argentina. Over the next several years, he
organized the Milicia Nacionalista (later the Guardia), and authored a program for a state ruled by the militia. In 1942,
Ramrez was appointed as War Minister by President Ramn Castillo, and began to reorganize the Argentine Army. At the
same time, the Guardia Nacional joined with another party to form "Recuperacion Nacional," a fascist political party. Castillo
fired Ramrez following a cabinet meeting on May 18, 1943. Two weeks later, on June 4, 1943, Ramrez assisted Arturo
Rawson in overthrowing Castillo's government, and was again made Minister of War. Three days later, on June 7 Ramrez
forced Rawson's resignation and maintained Argentina's neutrality during World War II. Argentina was torn by then between
Britain, who wanted the country to stay neutral, and the US, who wanted it to join the Allies. Ramrez stayed neutral and,
consequently, the United States refused requests for Lend-Lease aid. Argentina finally declared war on Germany and Japan

during the government of Edelmiro Farrell. Despite having been brought to power through a coup
d'tat, Peronist historiography never calls him a dictator.

Edelmiro Julin Farrell Plaul (February 12, 1887 October 21, 1980) was
an Argentine general of Irish descent. He was the de facto President of
Argentina from February 24, 1944 until June 3, 1946. Farrell had a great influence on
later Argentine history by introducing his subordinate Juan Pern into government
and paving the way for Pern's subsequent political career. He was born on 12
February 1887 in Villa de los Industriales (Lans, Buenos Aires). He was the tenth
son of Juan Farrell (1846 -?) and Catalina Plaul (18521917), and grandson of
Matthew Farrell (died 1860) of Co. Longford and Mnica Ibaez. Farrell graduated
from
Argentine
military school in 1907 as an infantry sub-lieutenant. He served in
an Italian alpine regiment in Fascist Italy between 1924 and 1926. He then returned to Argentina. After the 1943 coup, Farrell
was promoted to Brigadier General and became vice-president during the military government of GeneralPedro Pablo
Ramrez, who had deposed President Arturo Rawson. He was simultaneously Minister of War. Farrell appointed Juan Pern as
his secretary. Ramrez named Farrell president on February 25, 1944. Farrell appointed Pern as vice-president. After popular
demonstrations in favour of Pern in 1945 made Pern the most influential and important man in the government, Farrell
announced presidential elections for 1946, in which Pern was elected. On June 4, 1946, Farrell was succeeded as president
by Pern, whose commander he had been while Pern was a colonel. Despite having been brought to power through a coup
d'tat, Peronist historiography never calls him a dictator. Edelmiro Julin Farrell was married in 1919 to Conrada Victoria Torni
y Carpani (January 1, 1893 - August 16, 1977), a teacher. They had three children: Nelly Victoria (born 1923), Jorge Edelmiro
(19251950), and Susana Mabel (born 1929). A widower, Edelmiro Farrell died at the age of 93 in 1980.

Juan Domingo Pern (October 8, 1895 July 1, 1974) was an Argentine military officer and politician. After serving in
several government positions, including those of Minister of Labour and Vice President of the Republic, he was three times
elected as President of Argentina although he managed to serve only one full term in this function, the first time from June 4,
1946 until September 21, 1955 and again as President of the Republic began in October 12, 1973 and lasted for just nine
months, until his death in July 1, 1974, whereupon he was succeeded by his third wife, the Vice President of the
Republic, Mara Estela Martnez. Pern and his second wife, Eva Duarte, were immensely popular among many Argentines.
They are still considered icons by thePeronists. The Perns' followers praised their efforts to eliminate poverty and to dignify
labor, while their detractors considered them demagogues and dictators. The Perns gave their name to the political
movement known as Peronism, which in present-day Argentina is represented mainly by the Justicialist Party. Pern was born
in Lobos, Buenos Aires Province, on October 8, 1895. He was the son of Juana Sosa Toledo and Mario Toms Pern. Juana Sosa
was descended from indigenous Tehuelche[1] from Patagonia in Argentina's south and his father, Mario Pern's forbears
emigrated to Argentina from France, Scotland, and the Italian island of Sardinia; in later life Pern would publicly express his
pride in his Sardinian roots. The Pern branch of his family originated in Sardinia, from which his great-grandfather emigrated
in the 1830s. The latter became a successful shoe merchant in Buenos Aires, and Pern's grandfather was a prosperous
physician; his death in 1889 left his widow nearly destitute, however, and Pern's father relocated to then-rural Lobos, where
he administered an estancia and met his future wife. The couple had their two sons out of wedlock and married in 1901. His
father migrated to the Patagonia region that year, where he later purchased a sheep ranch. Pern himself was sent away in
1904 to a boarding school in Buenos Aires directed by his paternal grandmother, where he received a strict Catholic
upbringing. His father's undertaking ultimately failed, and he died in Buenos Aires in 1928. The youth entered the National
Military College in 1911 at age 16 and graduated in 1913. He excelled less in his studies than in athletics,
particularly boxing and fencing. Pern began his military career in an Infantry post in Paran, Entre Ros. He went on to
command the post, and in this capacity mediated a prolonged labor conflict in 1920 at La Forestal, then a leading
firm forestry in Argentina. He earned instructor's credentials at the Superior War School, and in 1929 was appointed to the
Army General Staff Headquarters. Pern married his first wife, Aurelia Tizn (Potota, as Pern fondly called her), on January 5,
1929. Pern was recruited by supporters of the director of the War Academy, General Jos Flix Uriburu, to collaborate in the
latter's plans for a military coup against President Hiplito Yrigoyen. Pern, who instead supported General Agustn Justo, was
banished to a remote post in northwestern Argentina after Uriburu's successful coup in September 1930. He was promoted to
the rank of Major the following year and named to the faculty at the Superior War School, however, where he taught military
history and published a number of treatises on the subject. He served as military attach in the Argentine Embassy in
Chile from 1936 to 1938, and returned to his teaching post. His wife was diagnosed with uterine cancer that year, and died on
September 10 at age 29; the couple had no children. Pern was assigned by the War Ministry to study mountain warfare in
the Italian Alps in 1939. He also attended the University of Turinfor a semester and served as a military observer in Italy,
France, Germany, Hungary, Albania and Yugoslavia, and Spain. He studiedBenito Mussolini's Italian Fascism, Nazi Germany,
and other European governments of the time, concluding in his summary, Apuntes(Notes), that social democracy could be a
viable alternative to liberal democracy (which he viewed as a veiled plutocracy) or totalitarian regimes (which he viewed
as oppressive). He returned to Argentina in 1941, and served as an Army skiing instructor in Mendoza Province. A June 4,
1943, coup d'tat was led by General Arturo Rawson against conservative President Ramn Castillo, who had been
fraudulently elected to office. The military was opposed to Governor Robustiano Patrn Costas, Castillo's hand-picked
successor, who was the principal landowner in Salta Province, as well as a main stockholder in its sugar industry. As a colonel,
Pern took a significant part in the military coup by the GOU (United Officers' Group, a secret society) against the
conservative civilian government of Castillo. At first an assistant to Secretary of War General Edelmiro Farrell, under the
administration of General Pedro Ramrez, he later became the head of the then-insignificant Department of Labor. Pern's
work in the Labor Department led to an alliance with the socialist and syndicalist movements in the Argentine labor unions.
This caused his power and influence to increase in the military government. After the coup, socialists from the CGT-N1 labor
union, through mercantile labor leader ngel Borlenghi and railroad union lawyer Juan Atilio Bramuglia, made contact with
Pern and fellow GOU Colonel Domingo Mercante. They established an alliance to promote labor laws that had long been
demanded by the workers' movement, to strengthen the unions, and to transform the Department of Labor into a more
significant government office. Pern had the Department of Labor elevated to a cabinet-level secretariat in November 1943.
Following the devastating January 1944 San Juan earthquake, which claimed over 10,000 lives and leveled the Andes range
city, Pern became nationally prominent in relief efforts. Junta leaderPedro Ramrez entrusted fundraising efforts to him, and
Pern marshalled celebrities from Argentina's large film industry and other public figures. For months, a giant thermometer
hung from the Buenos Aires Obelisk to track the fundraising. The effort's success and relief for earthquake victims earned
Pern widespread public approval. At this time, he met a minor radio matinee star, Eva Duarte. Following President Ramrez's
January 1944 suspension of diplomatic relations with the Axis Powers (against whom the new junta would declare war in
March 1945), the GOU junta unseated him in favor of General Edelmiro Farrell. For contributing to his success, Pern was
appointed Vice President and Secretary of War, while retaining his Labor portfolio. As Minister of Labor, Pern established
the INPS (the first national social insurance system in Argentina), settled industrial disputes in favor of labor unions (as long

as their leaders pledged political allegiance to him), and introduced a wide range of social welfare benefits for unionized
workers. Leveraging his authority on behalf of striking abattoir workers and the right to unionize, he became increasingly
thought of as presidential timber. On September 18, 1945, he delivered an address billed as "from work to home and from
home to work." The speech, prefaced by an excoriation of the conservative opposition, provoked an ovation declaring that
"we've passed social reforms to make the Argentine people proud to live where they live, once again." This move fed growing
rivalries against Pern and on October 9, 1945, he was forced to resign by opponents within the armed forces. Arrested four
days later, he was released due to mass demonstrations organized by the CGT and other supporters; October 17 was later
commemorated as Loyalty Day. His paramour, Eva Duarte, became hugely popular after helping organize the demonstration;
known as "Evita", she helped Pern gain support with labor and women's groups. She and Pern were married on October 22.
Pern and his running mate, Hortensio Quijano, leveraged popular support to victory over a Radical Civic Union-led opposition
alliance by about 11% in the February 24, 1946 presidential elections. Pern's candidacy on the Labor Party ticket, announced
the day after the October 17, 1945, mobilization, became a lightning rod that rallied an unusually diverse opposition against
it. The majority of the centrist Radical Civic Union (UCR), the Socialist Party, Communist Party of Argentina and most of the
conservative National Autonomist Party (in power during most of the 18741916 era), had already been forged into a
fractious alliance in June by interests in the financial sector and the chamber of commerce, united solely by the goal of
keeping Pern from theCasa Rosada. Organizing a massive kick-off rally in front of Congress on December 8, the Democratic
Union nominated Jos Tamborini andEnrique Mosca, two prominent UCR congressmen. The alliance failed to win over several
prominent lawmakers, such as Congressmen Ricardo Balbn and Arturo Frondizi and former Crdoba governor Amadeo
Sabattini, all of whom opposed the Union's ties to conservative interests. In a bid to support their
campaign, U.S. Ambassador Spruille Braden published a white paper accusing Pern, President Farrell and others of Fascist
ties. Fluent in Spanish, he addressed Democratic Union rallies in person. Braden's move backfired, however, when Pern
summarized the election as a choice between "Pern or Braden." He persuaded the president to sign the nationalization of
the Central Bank and the extension of mandatory Christmas bonuses, actions that contributed to his decisive victory. When
Pern became president on June 4, 1946, his two stated goals were social justice and economic independence. These two
goals avoidedCold War entanglements from choosing between capitalism over socialism, but he had no concrete means to
achieve those goals. Pern instructed his economic advisors to develop a five-year plan with the goals of increasing workers'
pay, achieving full employment, stimulating industrial growth of over 40% while diversifying the sector (then dominated
by food processing), and greatly improving transportation, communication, energy and social infrastructure (in the private, as
well as public, sectors). Pern's planning prominently included political considerations. Numerous military allies were fielded
as candidates, notably Colonel Domingo Mercante who, when elected Governor of the paramount Province of Buenos Aires,
became renowned for his housing program. Having brought him to power, the General Conference of Labour (CGT) was given
overwhelming support by the new administration, which introduced labour courts and filled its cabinet with labor union
appointees, such as Juan Atilio Bramuglia (Foreign Ministry) and ngel Borlenghi (Interior Ministry, which, in Argentina,
oversees law enforcement). It also made room for amenable wealthy industrialists (Central Bank President Miguel Miranda)
and socialists such as Jos Figuerola, a Spanish economist who had years earlier advised that nation's ill-fated regime
of Miguel Primo de Rivera. Intervention of their behalf by Pern's appointees encouraged the CGT to call strikes in the face of
employers reluctant to grant benefits or honor new labor legislation. Strike activity (with 500,000 working days lost in 1945)
leapt to 2 million in 1946 and to over 3 million in 1947, helping wrest needed labor reforms, though permanently aligning
large employers against the Peronists. Labor unions grew in ranks from around 500,000 to over 2 million by 1950, primarily in
the CGT, which has since been Argentina's paramount labor union. As the country's labor force numbered around 5 million
people at the time, Argentina's labor force was the most unionized in South America. During the first half of the 20th
century, a widening gap had existed between the classes; Pern hoped to close it through the increase of wages and
employment, making the nation more pluralistic and less reliant on foreign trade. Before taking office in 1946, President
Pern took dramatic steps which he believed would result in a more economically independent Argentina, better insulated
from events such as World War II. He thought there would be another international war. The reduced availability of imports
and the war's beneficial effects on both the quantity and price of Argentine exports had combined to create a US$1.7 billion
cumulative surplus during those years. In his first two years in office, Pern nationalized the Central Bank and paid off its
billion-dollar debt to the Bank of England; nationalized the railways (mostly owned by British and French
companies), merchant marine, universities, public utilities, public transport (then, mostly tramways); and, probably most
significantly, created a single purchaser for the nation's mostly export-oriented grains and oilseeds, the Institute for the
Promotion of Trade (IAPI). The IAPI wrested control of Argentina's famed grain export sector from entrenched conglomerates
such as Bunge y Born; but when commodity prices fell after 1948, it began shortchanging growers. IAPI profits were used to
fund welfare projects, while internal demand was encouraged by large wage increases given to workers; average real wages
rose by about 35% from 1945 to 1949, while during that same period, labor's share of national income rose from 40% to
49%. Access to health care was also made a universal right by the Workers' Bill of Rights enacted on February 24, 1947
(subsequently incorporated into the 1949 Constitution as Article 14-b), while social security was extended to virtually all
members of the Argentine working class. In 1949 Pern first articulated his foreign policy, the "Third Way", developed to
avoid the binary Cold War divisions and keep other world powers, such as the United States and the Soviet Union, as allies
rather than enemies. He restored diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union, severed since the Bolshevik Revolution in 1918,
and opened grain sales to the shortage-stricken Soviets. As relations with the U.S. deteriorated, Pern made efforts to
mitigate the misunderstandings, which was made easier after Truman replaced the hostile Braden with AmbassadorGeorge
Messersmith. He negotiated the release of Argentine assets in the U.S. in exchange for preferential treatment for U.S. goods,
followed by Argentine ratification of the Act of Chapultepec, a centerpiece of Truman's Latin America policy. He even
proposed the enlistment of Argentine troops into the Korean War in 1950 under UN auspices (a move retracted in the face of
public opposition). Pern was opposed to borrowing from foreign credit markets, preferring to float bonds domestically. He
refused to enter the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (precursor to the World Trade Organization) or the International
Monetary Fund. Believing that international sports created goodwill, however, Pern hosted the 1950 World Basketball
Championship and the 1951 Pan American Games, both of which Argentine athletes won resoundingly. His bid to host
the 1956 Olympic Games in Buenos Aires was defeated by the International Olympic Committee by one vote. Economic
success was short-lived. Following a lumbering recovery during 1933 to 1945, from 1946 to 1948 Argentina gained benefits
from Pern's five-year plan. The GDP expanded by over a fourth during that brief boom, about as much as it had during the
previous decade. Using roughly half the US$1.7 billion in reserves inherited from wartime surpluses for nationalizations,
economic development agencies devoted most of the other half to finance both public and private investments; the roughly
70% jump in domestic fixed investment was accounted for mostly by industrial growth in the private sector All this muchneeded activity exposed an intrinsic weakness in the plan: it subsidized growth which, in the short term, led to a wave of
imports of the capital goods that local industry could not supply. Whereas the end of World War II had allowed Argentine
exports to rise from US$700 million to US$1.6 billion, Pern's changes led to skyrocketing imports (from US$300 million to
US$1.6 billion), and erased the surplus by 1948. Pern's bid for economic independence was further complicated by a number
of inherited external factors. Great Britain owed Argentina over 150 million pounds Sterling (nearly US$450 million) from
agricultural exports to that nation during the war. This debt was mostly in the form of Argentine Central Bank reserves which,

per the 1933 Roca-Runciman Treaty, were deposited in the Bank of England. The money was useless to the Argentine
government, because the treaty allowed Bank of England to hold the funds in trust, something British planners could not
compromise on as a result of that country's debts accrued under the Lend-Lease Act. The nation's need for U.S. made capital
goods increased, though ongoing limits on the Central Bank's availability of hard currencyhampered access to them.
Argentina's pound Sterling surpluses earned after 1946 (worth over US$200 million) were made convertible to dollars by a
treaty negotiated by Central Bank President Miguel Miranda; but after a year, British Prime Minister Clement Attlee suspended
the provision. Pern accepted the transfer of over 24,000 km (15,000 mi) of British-owned railways (over half the total in
Argentina) in exchange for the debt in March 1948. Due to political disputes between Pern and the U.S. government (as well
as to pressure by the U.S. agricultural lobby through the Agricultural Act of 1949), Argentine foreign exchange earnings via its
exports to the U.S. fell, turning a US$100 million surplus with the U.S. into a US$300 million deficit. The combined pressure
practically devoured Argentina's liquid reserves and Miranda issued a temporary restriction on the outflow of dollars to U.S.
banks. The nationalization of the Port of Buenos Aires and domestic and foreign-owned private cargo ships, as well as the
purchase of others, nearly tripled the national merchant marine to 1.2 million tons' displacement, reducing the need for over
US$100 million in shipping fees (then the largest source of Argentina's invisible balancedeficit) and leading to the
inauguration of the Ro Santiago Shipyards at Ensenada (on line to the present day). Exports fell sharply, to around
US$1.1 billion during the 194954 era (a severe 1952 drought trimmed this to US$700 million), due in part to a deterioration
in terms of trade of about a third. The Central Bank was forced to devalue the peso at an unprecedented rate: the peso lost
about 70% of its value from early 1948 to early 1950, leading to a decline in the imports fueling industrial growth and to
recession. Short of central bank reserves, Pern was forced to borrow US$125 million from the U.S. Export-Import Bank to
cover a number of private banks' debts to U.S. institutions, without which their insolvency would have become a central bank
liability. Austerity and better harvests in 1950 helped finance a recovery in 1951; but inflation, having risen from 13% in 1948
to 31% in 1949, reached 50% in late 1951 before stabilizing, and a second, sharper recession soon followed. Workers'
purchasing power, by 1952, had declined 20% from its 1948 high and GDP, having leapt by a fourth during Pern's first two
years, saw zero growth from 1948 to 1952. (The U.S. economy, by contrast, grew by about a fourth in the same interim). After
1952, however, wages began rising in real terms once more. The increasing frequency of strikes, increasingly directed
against Pern as the economy slid into stagflation in late 1948, was dealt with through the expulsion of organizers from the
CGT ranks. To consolidate his political grasp on the eve of colder economic winds, Pern called for a broad constitutional
reform in September. The elected convention (whose opposition members soon resigned) approved the wholesale
replacement of the 1853 Constitution of Argentina with a new magna carta in March, explicitly guaranteeing social reforms;
but also allowing the mass nationalization of natural resources and public services, as well as the re-election of the president.
Emphasizing an economic policy centerpiece dating from the 1920s, Pern made record investments in Argentina's
infrastructure. Investing over US$100 million to modernize the railways (originally built on a myriad of incompatible gauges),
he also nationalized a number of small, regional air carriers, forging them into Aerolneas Argentinas in 1950. The airline,
equipped with 36 new DC-3 and DC-4 aircraft, also counted with a new international airport and a 22 km (14 mi) freeway into
Buenos Aires. This freeway was followed by one between Rosario and Santa Fe. Pern had mixed success in expanding the
country's inadequate electric grid, which grew by only one fourth during his tenure. Argentina's installed hydroelectric
capacity, however, leapt from 45 to 350 MW during his first term (to about a fifth of the total public grid). He promoted
the fossil fuel industry by ordering these resources nationalized, inaugurating Ro Turbio (Argentina's only active coal mine),
having natural gas flared by the state oil firm YPF captured, and establishing Gas del Estado. The 1949 completion of a gas
pipeline between Comodoro Rivadavia and Buenos Aires was another significant accomplishment in this regard. The 1700 km
(1060 mi) pipeline allowed natural gas production to rise quickly from 300,000 m 3to 15 million m3 daily, making the country
self-sufficient in the critical energy staple; the pipeline was, at the time, the longest in the world. Oil production, however,
rose only by about a fourth. As most manufacturing was powered by on-site generators and the number of motor vehicles
grew by a third, the need for oil imports grew from 40% to half of the consumption, costing the national balance sheet over
US$300 million a year (over a fifth of the import bill). Pern's government is remembered for its record social investments. He
introduced a Ministry of Health to the cabinet; its first head, the neurologist Dr. Ramn Carrillo, oversaw the completion of
over 4,200 health care facilities. Related works included construction of more than 1,000 kindergartens and over 8,000
schools, including several hundred technological, nursing and teachers' schools, among an array of other public
investments. The new Minister of Public Works, General Juan Pistarini, oversaw the construction of 650,000 new, public sector
homes, as well as of the international airport, one of the largest in the world at the time. The reactivation of the dormant
National Mortgage Bank spurred private-sector housing development: averaging over 8 units per 1,000 inhabitants (150,000
a year), the pace was, at the time, at par with that of the United States and one of the highest rates of residential
construction in the world. Pern modernized the Argentine Armed Forces, particularly its Air Force. Between 1947 and 1950,
Argentina manufactured two advanced jet aircraft: Pulqui I(designed by the Argentine engineers Cardehilac, Morchio and
Ricciardi with the French engineer mile Dewoitine, condemned in France in absentia for collaborationism), and Pulqui II,
designed by German engineerKurt Tank. In the test flights, the planes were flown by Lieutenant Edmundo Osvaldo Weiss and
Tank, reaching 1000 km/h with the Pulqui II. Argentina continued testing the Pulqui II until 1959; in the tests, two pilots lost
their lives. The Pulqui project opened the door to two successful Argentinian planes: the IA 58 Pucar and the IA 63 Pampa,
manufactured at the Aircraft Factory of Crdoba. Pern announced in 1951 that the Huemul Project would produce nuclear
fusion before any other country. The project was led by an Austrian, Ronald Richter, who had been recommended by Kurt
Tank. Tank expected to power his aircraft with Richter's invention. Pern announced that energy produced by the fusion
process would be delivered in milk-bottle sized containers. Richter announced success in 1951, but no proof was given. The
next year, Pern appointed a scientific team to investigate Richter's activities. Reports by Jos Antonio Balseiro and Mario
Bncora revealed that the project was a fraud. After that, the Huemul Project was transferred to the Centro Atmico Bariloche
(CAB) of the new National Atomic Energy Commission (CNEA) and to the physics institute of the Universidad Nacional de
Cuyo, later named Instituto Balseiro (IB). U.S. policy restricted Argentine growth during the Pern years; by placing
embargoes on Argentina, the U.S. hoped to discourage the nation in its pursuit of becoming economically sovereign during a
time when the world was divided into two influence spheres. U.S. interests feared losing their stake, as they had large
commercial investments (over a billion dollars) vested in Argentina through the oil and meat packing industries, besides
being a mechanical goods provider to Argentina. His ability to effectively deal with points of contention abroad was equally
hampered by Pern's own mistrust of potential rivals, which harmed foreign relations with Bramuglia's 1949 dismissal. The
rising influence of theorist George F. Kennan, a staunch anti-communist, within U.S. foreign policy circles fed US suspicions
that Argentine goals for economic sovereignty and neutrality were Pern's disguise for a resurgence of communism in the
Americas. The U.S. Congress took a dislike of Pern and his government. In 1948 they excluded Argentine exports from
the Marshall Plan, the landmark Truman administration effort to combat communism and help rebuild war-torn European
nations by offering U.S. aid. This contributed to Argentine financial crises after 1948 and, according to Pern biographer
Joseph Page, "the Marshall Plan drove a final nail into the coffin that bore Pern's ambitions to transform Argentina into an
industrial power." The policy deprived Argentina of potential agricultural markets in Western Europe, to the benefit
of Canadian exporters, for instance. Eva Pern was instrumental as a symbol of hope to the common laborer during the
first five-year plan. When she died in 1952, the year of the presidential elections, the people felt they had lost an ally. Coming

from humble origins, she was loathed by the elite but adored by the poor for her work with
the sick, elderly, and orphans. It was due to her behind-the-scenes work that women's
suffragewas granted in 1947 and a feminist wing of the 3rd party in Argentina was formed.
Simultaneous to Pern's five-year plans, Evita supported a women's movement that
concentrated on the rights of women, the poor and invalids. Although her role in the politics
of Pern's first term remains disputed, Eva introduced social justice and equality into the
national discourse. She stated, "It is not philanthropy, nor is it charity It is not even social
welfare; to me, it is strict justice I do nothing but return to the poor what the rest of us
owe them, because we had taken it away from them unjustly." She established the Eva
Pern Foundation in 1948, which was perhaps the greatest contribution to her husband's
social policy. Enjoying an annual budget of around US$50 million (nearly 1% of GDP at the
time), the Foundation had 14,000 employees and founded hundreds of new schools, clinics, old-age homes and holiday
facilities; it also distributed hundreds of thousands of household necessities, physicians' visits and scholarships, among other
benefits. Among the best-known of the Foundation's many large construction projects are the Evita City development south of
Buenos Aires (25,000 homes) and the "Republic of the Children", a theme park based on tales from the Brothers Grimm.
Following Pern's 1955 ousting, twenty such construction projects were abandoned incomplete and the foundation's
US$290 million endowment was liquidated. The portion of the five-year plans which argued for full employment, public
healthcare and housing, labour benefits, and raises are a result of Eva's influence on the policy-making of Pern in his first
term, as historians note that at first he simply wanted to keep imperialists out of Argentina and create effective businesses.
The humanitarian relief efforts embedded in the five-year plan are Eva's creation, which endeared the Peronist movement to
the working-class people from which Eva had come. Her strong ties to the poor and her position as Pern's wife brought
credibility to his promises during his first presidential term and ushered in a new wave of supporters. The first lady's
willingness to replace the ailing Hortensio Quijano as Pern's running mate for the 1951 campaign was defeated by her own
frail health and by military opposition. An August 22 rally organized for her by the CGTon Buenos Aires' wide Nueve de Julio
Avenue failed to turn the tide. On September 28, elements in the Argentine Army attempted a coup against Pern. Although
unsuccessful, the mutiny marked the end of the first lady's political hopes. She died the following July. Among upper