Daewoo Group was Korea's second largest conglomerate that collapsed in 1999 under $57 billion of debt during the Asian Financial Crisis. Started as a small textile company in 1967, Daewoo grew rapidly through diversification and government support to employ 250,000 people across many industries. However, Daewoo took on too much debt, reaching a debt-to-equity ratio of 5:1, and continued expanding during the crisis while other conglomerates cut back. When the crisis hit Korea in 1997, Daewoo's debts could no longer be serviced, forcing it to declare bankruptcy in 1999 and split into independent companies.
Daewoo Group was Korea's second largest conglomerate that collapsed in 1999 under $57 billion of debt during the Asian Financial Crisis. Started as a small textile company in 1967, Daewoo grew rapidly through diversification and government support to employ 250,000 people across many industries. However, Daewoo took on too much debt, reaching a debt-to-equity ratio of 5:1, and continued expanding during the crisis while other conglomerates cut back. When the crisis hit Korea in 1997, Daewoo's debts could no longer be serviced, forcing it to declare bankruptcy in 1999 and split into independent companies.
Daewoo Group was Korea's second largest conglomerate that collapsed in 1999 under $57 billion of debt during the Asian Financial Crisis. Started as a small textile company in 1967, Daewoo grew rapidly through diversification and government support to employ 250,000 people across many industries. However, Daewoo took on too much debt, reaching a debt-to-equity ratio of 5:1, and continued expanding during the crisis while other conglomerates cut back. When the crisis hit Korea in 1997, Daewoo's debts could no longer be serviced, forcing it to declare bankruptcy in 1999 and split into independent companies.
Daewoo Group was Korea's second largest conglomerate that collapsed in 1999 under $57 billion of debt during the Asian Financial Crisis. Started as a small textile company in 1967, Daewoo grew rapidly through diversification and government support to employ 250,000 people across many industries. However, Daewoo took on too much debt, reaching a debt-to-equity ratio of 5:1, and continued expanding during the crisis while other conglomerates cut back. When the crisis hit Korea in 1997, Daewoo's debts could no longer be serviced, forcing it to declare bankruptcy in 1999 and split into independent companies.
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The key takeaways are that Korea adopted an export-led economic model focused on large family-owned conglomerates (chaebols) like Daewoo. When the Asian financial crisis hit, Daewoo collapsed under large debts, forcing restructuring.
Korea adopted an authoritarian economic model focused on exports and state support of large conglomerates (chaebols). The government targeted exports and provided incentives while politics and business were closely intertwined.
Kim grew Daewoo too quickly into many diverse industries, taking on too much debt. The Asian financial crisis exacerbated Daewoo's debt problems, leading to its collapse.
Case Study: The Daewoo Group and the
Asian Financial Crisis
In 1999, Daewoo Group Koreas second largest chaebol, or family-owned conglomerate, collapse under $57 billion in debt and was forced to split into independent companies. The Asian financial crisis and its aftermath finally took its toll on the expansion-minded Daewoo and forced both Daewoo and the Korean government to decide how to dissolve the chaebol. Kim Woo- Choong started Daewoo in 1967 as a small textile company with only five employees and $10,000 in capital. In just 30 years, Mr. Kim had grown Daewoo into a diversified company with 250,000 employees worldwide as well as over 30 domestic companies and 300 overseas subsidiaries that generated sales of more than $100 billion annually. However, some estimated that Daewoo and its subcontractors employed 2.5 million people in Korea. Although Daewoo started in textiles, it quickly moved into other fields, first heavy and chemical industries in the 1970s, and then technology intensive industries in the 1980s. By the end of 1999, Daewoo was organized into six major divisions: Trading Division Heavy Industry and Shipbuilding Construction and Hotels Motor Vehicle Division Electronics and Telecommunications Finance and Service However, Daewoo was struggling. Its $50 billion debt was 40 percent greater than in 1998, equaling 13 percent of Koreas entire GDP. A good share of that total, about $10 billion, was owed to overseas creditors. Its debt-to-equity ratio (total debt divided by shareholders equity) in 1998 was 5 to 1, which was higher than the 4 to 1 average of other large chaebol, but it was significantly higher than the U.S. average, which usually is around 1 to 1 but which rarely climbs above 2 to 1. Of course, there is no way of knowing the true picture of Daewoos financial information because of the climate of secrecy in Korean companies. In addition, it is possible that Daewoos estimated debt might be greatly underestimated because no one knows whether or not the $50 billion figure7.3 included debt of foreign subsidiaries. How did Daewoo get into such a terrible position, and how much did the nature of the Korean economy and the Asian financial crisis affect Daewoo?
Korean Economy The impact of the Asian financial crisis on Korea was partly a result of the economic system of state intervention adopted by Korea in the mid-1950s. Modeled after the Japanese economic system, the Korean authoritarian government targeted export growth as the key for the countrys future. Initially, the government adopted a strategy of import substitution, and that later gave way to a strategy of expo,, or die. Significant incentives were given to exporters, such as access to low-cost money (often borrowed abroad in dollars and loaned to companies at belowmarket interest rates in Korean won), lower corporate income taxes, tariff exemptions, tax holidays for domestic suppliers of export firms, reduced rates on public utilities, and monopoly rights for new export markets. Clearly, the government wanted Korean companies to export. The chaebol, of which the four largest were Hyundai, Daewoo, Samsung, and the LG Group, became the dominant business institutions during the rise in the Korean economy. They were among W largest companies in the world and were very diversified, as can b:: seen by Daewoos investment and business choices. They were held together by ownership, management, and family ties. In particular family ties played a key role in controlling the chaebol. Until the 1980s, the banks in Korea provided most of the funding to the chaebol, and they were owned and controlled by the government. Because of the importance of exporting, the chaebol were all tied to general trading companies. The chaebol received lots of support from the government, and they were also very loyal to the government, giving rise to charges of corruption. Most chaebol were initially involved in light industry, such as textile production, but the government realized that companies needed to shift first to heavy industry and then to technology industries. Daewoo transitioned to heavy industry in 1976 when the Korean government asked President Kim to acquire an ailing industrial firm rather than let the firm go out of business and create unemployment. Asian Financial Crisis and Its Impact On Korea The country continued to liberalize, and democracy finally came into being in 1988 with the introduction of a new constitution and the election of Kim Young-Sam, the first democratic president in Koreas, history. The economy also continued to grow at 5 to 8 percent annually during the early to mid- 1990s, led primarily by exports, and the World Bank predicted that Korea would have the seventh largest economy in the world by 2020. However, the Asian financial crisis brought that growth to a halt. After the Thai baht was devalued on July 2, 1997, the Korean won soon followed, and the Korean stock market crashed as well. By the end of 1997, the South Korean won as 46.2 percent lower than its predevaluation rate. At the time the Crisis hit. Koreas external debt was estimated to be $110 billion to S 50 billion, 60 percent of it maturing in less than one year. In additional, Korea had another $368 billion of domestic debt. Koreas banks had been a tool of state industrial policy, with the government ordering banks to make loans to certain companies even if they were not healthy. Banks borrowed money in dollars and lent them to firms in won, shifting the burden of the foreign exchange from the firms to the banks. Hanbo Steel and Kia Motors went bankrupt, leaving some banks with huge losses. The Korean won fell in the fall of 1997, causing the government to raise interest rates to support the won and resulting in more problem loans. Bad loans at the nine largest financial institutions in Korea ranged from 94 percent to 376 percent of the banks capital, making the banks technically insolvent. The chaebol were also very overextended. The top five chaebol were in an average of 140 different businesses, ranging from semiconductor manufacture to shipbuilding to auto manufacturing. This was happening during a time when most other companies in the industrial world were selling off unrelated businesses and focusing on their core competencies. Twenty- five of the top 30 chaebol had debt-to-equity ratios of 3 to 1, and 10 had ratios of over 5 to 1, as noted earlier. Compare this to Toyota Motor of Japan, which had a debt-to-equity ratio in 1998 of 0.7 to 1. During this crisis, Korea began to negotiate with the IMF for help. The IMF agreed to help, but only if Korea raised interest rates to support its currency, reduced its budget deficits, reformed its banks, restructured the chaebol, improved financial disclosure, devalued the currency (to stimulate exports even more), promoted exports, and restricted imports. In return for a pledge to introduce the reforms, the IMF released funds to Korea to help it payoff its foreign debt and to keep its banks from going bankrupt. This in turn brought in more money from foreign banks that were encouraged by Koreas pledge to reform itself. One of the IMFs key areas was banking reform. The IMF encouraged Korea to open up its banking sector to foreign investment, hoping that an infusion of foreign banking expertise might help the Korean banks make better loans. Of course, foreign banks had made a sizable number of bad loans in Asia as well. In addition, the IMF encouraged the Korean government to pass good bankruptcy laws to allow bad companies, including banks, to fail. However, the IMF hoped that Korean banking institutions would merge, forming fewer but stronger banks. In addition, the IMF encouraged banking reform in order to cut the links between bankers and politics, tighten supervision and regulation of the banking industry, and improve accounting and disclosure. Impact of the Crisis on Daewoo While the financial crisis was going on, Daewoos President Kim ignored the warning signs and continued to expand. In 1998, a year when the Daewoo Group lost money, it added 14 new firms to its existing 275 subsidiaries. While Samsung and LG were cutting back, Daewoo added 40 percent more debt. Finally, Korean President Kim Dae Jung had had enough. He ordered the banks to stop lending to the chaebol until they came up with and began to execute a plan to sell off businesses and to focus on their core competencies. But that didnt stop Daewoo. To get access to more money to feed its growth. Daewoo issued corporate bonds, which were purchased by Investment Trust Companies (lTCs), finance companies associated with the chaebol. The ITCs purchased nearly $20 billion in corporate bonds. In early 1999, Daewoo announced a plan to sell off some of its businesses to comply with government restructuring requirements before the government took more drastic action, such as nationalization. However, the plans limped along until July 1999. At that point with Korea still in a deep recession, Daewoo announced that it would go bankrupt unless its Korean creditors backed off. It basically could not even service its interest payments of $500 million a month. let alone its principal. The government immediately stepped in and froze Daewoos loans until November 1999. This shock rippled through Korea, because nobody thought a chaebol would ever be allowed to collapse. That had never happened before, and the close ties between government and business were such that it was never expected to happen. The shock of Daewoos announcement negatively affected the corporate bond market and the ITCs came under pressure because of their huge exposure to Daewoo. Negotiations in Korea involved 60 banks, some owned by the government, others in the private sector. On September 16, 1999, Daewoo asked its foreign creditors for a moratorium on interest payments until March 2000, so the instability spread to the international markets. Daewoos Future By the end of 1999, Daewoos President Kim was left with few options to solve Daewoos problems. One possibility was to dismantle Daewoo and let it have only auto-related businesses. All of the other businesses would be sold off to domestic or foreign investors, and the name would be changed to something other than Daewoo. Another option for President Kim was to sell some of Daewoos auto assets. Ford, Daimler Chrysler, and General Motors showed interest, but selling Daewoo Motor, the second largest automaker in Korea, would be a big blow to the country. As the Korean economy began to recover in 1999, some felt that the chaebol should weather the storm and not allow themselves to be broken up. However, President Kim Dae Jung had mandated that the chaebol get their debt-to-equity ratios from 5 to 1 to 2 to 1 by the end of 1999, and that goal seemed impossible unless there was a huge infusion of equity capital or either a write-off of debt through debt restructuring with the banks or a selling off of debt-laden businesses to others. Under immense pressures caused by the debt and by accusations of fraud and embezzlement, President Kim Woo-Choong abandoned his company and fled the country. The government separated the Daewoo subsidiaries and worked with creditors to convert the debt to equity, to set up subsidiaries on debt workout programs, and to look for buyers. After a year of negotiations, General Motors purchased a portion of the $1.2 billion Daewoo Motor in April 2002 for $400 million agreed to keep only three manufacturing plantstwo in Korea and one in Vietnam-leaving creditors scrambling to sell its other plants in Eastern Europe, Asia, and the Middle East. By mid-2002, the Korean economy was showing promising signs of recovery and reform. In 2001, the economy grew by 3 percent and was expected to grow by 5 to 6 percent in 2002. The government has done away with debt-based management of the large chaebol and is working to dissolve the large conglomerates to better compete internationally. Of the top-30 chaebol that existed prior to the economic crisis, only 14 remain. The improving economy helped General Motors make its decision to purchase Daewoo Motor, but GM is faced with a new decision: how to market Daewoo cars and reduce the $830 million of Daewoo debt Should GM continue selling Daewoo cars in the United States and Europe and compete with its own brands? Without increasing its debt, will it be able to restore Daewoos 37 percent share of the market in Korea? Questions 1. How would you describe Koreas economic system? What are the key elements in that system? How would you describe the interaction between politics and economics in Korea? 2. Does Korea look like a good place to invest? Why or why not? 3. What are the key mistakes Kim Woo-Choong made in formulating and implementing Daewoos strategy, and how did the economic crisis in Korea and in the rest of Asia affect that strategy? 4. What risks does GM face in taking over Daewoo Motors?