The Lagos Consulate 1851 - 1861

The Lagos Consulate 1851 — 1861

The Lagos Consulate 1851—1861

Robert S. Smith

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS

Berkeley and Los Angeles

University of California Press

Berkeley and Los Angeles, California

© Robert S. Smith 1979

ISBN 0 520 03746 4

Library of Congress Catalog Number: 78-59455

Printed in Hong Kong

Contents

Contents

Illustrations

Maps

Abbreviations used in the Notes and Bibliography

Preface

1 The Troubled Kingdom

2 The Reduction of Lagos

3 Before Campbell

4 To the Palaver Islands

5 Mr Consul Campbell

6 The Iron Coffin

7 The Last Consuls

8 A Deadly Gift?

APPENDIX A Treaty between Great Britain and Lagos, 1 January 1852

APPENDIX B The Treaty of Epe, 28 September 1854

APPENDIX C The Treaty of Cession, 6 August 1861

Notes and References

Bibliography and Sources

Index

Illustrations

1 Cruiser’s boats about to board a slaver

2 Shipping slaves through the surf

3 On the ‘road’ from Lagos to Abeokuta

4 The Lagos steamer fetching the mail

Maps

1 The Yoruba and their neighbours, c. 1850. facing p. 1

2 Lagos and Lagos River, based on the surveys of 1851 and 1859 29

3 Lagos and Epe; Kosoko’s kingdom in exile 41

Abbreviations used in the Notes and Bibliography

References to secondary works in the notes, other than to works cited only incidentally, consist of the author’s name and, where necessary for identification, the date of the relevant work. A description of each work is given in the Bibliography.

Preface

The decade which opened with the intervention of the British at Lagos in December 1851, followed by the establishment of the consulate there eleven months later, and which ended in their annexation of the kingdom as a colony in 1861, was a time of transition for this southern Yoruba people from independence to colonial rule. But it has wider importance as a first step in the making of Nigeria, the most populous and among the richest of African states. It was also a prelude to that Prelude to the Partition of West Africa between the European powers about which Professor J. D. Hargreaves has written, for it exhibits in microcosm many of the features of these later years, as well as many individual divergencies. Lagos in its consular period was the focus and meeting place of the activities of Europeans of varied callings and characters — administrators and officials, naval officers and ratings, traders, and Christian missionaries — and of the Sierra Leonean and Brazilian ‘emigrants’ or ‘liberated Africans’, all impinging in their different ways on the society and politics of the indigenous inhabitants of the island kingdom.

A study of this period should have another, and perhaps deeper, significance in the light which can be thrown on the pre-colonial history of Lagos itself (destined to be the capital of Federal Nigeria and one of the country’s nineteen component states) and of its neighbours among the southern Yoruba and, on the west, the Fon of Dahomey and the other Aja-speaking peoples. With the intrusion of the Europeans and, to a lesser extent, the arrival (or return) of the ‘emigrants’ there began the continuous written record of events and conditions in this part of Africa. The disturbed state of the hinterland became the subject of much anxiety and of many reports in Lagos. The kingdom had taken its own part in the wars which beset the Yoruba from the early nineteenth century, and for the rest of the century, under a series of British governors, Lagos was to emerge as a pacifier, though one with a rather heavy hand and with its own favourites among the protagonists. Here again the consular decade was a time of transition. The aim of this book is, therefore, to direct attention to a small corner of the West African coastline and a period of a mere ten years, in the hope that some insight may be gained thereby into a wider situation.

The book was written in Lagos but is based mainly on archival sources in London which were read during a part of two Long Vacations. The Foreign Office and Colonial Office material has been taken from the files in the Public Record Office, supplemented by extracts in British State Papers; the missionary material is from the printed journals, supplemented by the records of individual missionaries and files concerned with the Yoruba Mission.

The writer published a summary of the consular decade in the Journal of African History, volume xv, number 3 (1974), while Chapter 4 of this book is based on his article under the same title in the Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria, volume v, number 1 (1969). The editors of these two journals are sincerely thanked for according permission to use this material. The writer is also grateful to the authorities of the Public Record Office, the Church Missionary Society, and the Methodist Missionary Society, and to the librarians of the Universities of Lagos, Ibadan and London and of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office in London for their helpfulness and the speed and efficiency of their services. He must also thank many others who gave their help in different ways, in particular: H.H. Adeyinka Oyekan II, the Oba of Lagos, for his co-operation and hospitality during two informative visits to his palace; the chiefs and other residents in Lagos and its neighbourhood who generously shared their knowledge of the traditional past, especially those listed on page 178 in ‘Bibliography and Sources’; his former colleagues in the Universities of Ibadan and Lagos, Professor Babatunde Williams, Professor G. O. Olusanya, Dr E. R. Turton and Dr Robin Law, the last of whom generously allowed him to make use of his recently completed and unpublished article on Oba Adele of Lagos; Mr Christopher Fyfe, who provided information about Consul Campbell’s earlier career and descendants; Mr and Mrs James Packman; Mr W. E. F. Ward; Professor R. J. Gavin; Rev. CanonJ. J. H. Payne, M.B.E.; Miss Joan Wales and Mrs E. R. Brinton, O.B.E., who checked references for him in London; Dr K. V. Tomlins and the late Mr K. C. Murray, who read the manuscript and made valuable suggestions; Captain R. N. Mackie, from whose light aircraft he was able to observe the intricate topography of the central consular area from Badagry to Epe; Mr J. F. Brown and Mr D. Joannides, in whose boats he visited parts of the lagoon; Mr S. A. Ojobo, who acted on several occasions as his interpreter in Yoruba and helped with the maps, and Mr T. Makewu, who typed the last draft of the book. He continues to be indebted to Professor Michael Crowder for constant encouragement in his work as well as for valuable criticism. Finally, he acknowledges with gratitude the support of the authorities of the University of Lagos who provided him with research grants in the 1970—1 and 1971—2 academic years and have generously assisted in the publication of this book.

The Yoruba and their neighbours, c. 1850.

1

The Troubled Kingdom

For the Yoruba people the nineteenth century was a century of war.¹ It began in the north of their country with the disintegration of Oyo, the largest and once the strongest of their kingdoms, and its infiltration and invasion by followers of the Islamic revivalist Usman dan Fodio, and in the south with the almost simultaneous outbreak of war between the allied Ife and Ijebu and the Owu. The collapse of Oyo led to a regrouping of the remnants of the armies in the forests to the south. The warriors of the Hausa—Fulani Holy War were kept at bay, but the new political order intensified rivalries between the Yoruba themselves, especially among the states succeeding to the power of Oyo, and warfare became endemic. Moreover, from the 1840s onwards western Yorubaland — the country of the Egba and Egbado and the western fringes of Oyo — was under attack from the powerful Dahomeans. Thus from about 1817 ² to the imposition of a Pax Britannica in 1892— 3 nearly the whole Yoruba country was in a state of chronic instability and almost constant war. It is this which forms the background to the troubled history of Lagos in the half- century preceding the British ‘reduction’ of the island in 1851, and to the consular and early colonial periods there.

War brings changes in its wake. But other forces making for change were also at work in Yorubaland during this time. The prohibition of the slave trade by the British in 1807 was followed by the establishment of a Royal Navy patrol on the west coast of Africa, the Anti-Slavery or Preventive Squadron, and by the fostering of trade in ‘legitimate’ products, especially those of the palm trees which grew with providential profusion in the very areas from which many of the slaves were taken. The humanitarian work was supplemented by that of the Christian missionaries, the first of whom reached Abeokuta from Badagry in December 1842. Officials and administrators followed hard on the heels of the traders and missionaries. The British, as R. Robinson and J. Gallagher put it, ‘had not abolished their own slave trade to make life easier for the slavers of other nations’,³ and their cruisers, of which there were by 1850 some two dozen on the coast, continued to hunt Portuguese, American, French and Cuban slavers and to impose anti-slavery treaties on the coastal chiefs with such vigour that they created ‘an undeclared British paramountcy along the shores of Sierra Leone, Liberia, the Ivory and Gold Coasts, Dahomey, the Niger Delta and as far south as the mouths of the Congo’.⁴ In June 1849 the British Government supplemented these naval activities by setting up a consulate for the Bights of Benin and Biafra, which was to provide a base for the drive against the slave trade in this notorious area and to protect and encourage the growing legitimate trade in palm oil. The former trader John Beecroft was appointed as first consul, with his headquarters on the island of Fernando Po, and proved a doughty agent for his government’s policies.

The centre of the slave trade at this time in the western half of the consulate was the kingdom of Lagos under its ruler Kosoko, until at the end of 1851 naval and consular intervention succeeded against determined local resistance in imposing a more pliant regime there. Some months later a vice-consul was posted to Lagos and the following year the consular area was divided, a substantive consul for the Bight of Benin being appointed to reside in Lagos. This ‘quasi-protectorate’, as it was soon seen to be, lasted until 1861, when the British Government annexed Lagos and the neighbouring territories as a colony. The expansion of this colony, at first gradual and even hesitant, was to bring together the greater part of Yorubaland under one government and to be the foundation of the former Western State of Federal Nigeria (now comprising the states of Lagos, Oyo, Ondo and Ogun). Meanwhile, in the Niger Delta the ‘Old Coast’ or ‘informal’ system⁵ continued until 1885, when the consulate for the Bight of Biafra was transformed into a Protectorate of the Niger Districts, or Oil Rivers. This contrast between the histories of the two parts of the original consular area raises questions which are fundamental to the present study: why or, more properly, how did the consulate for the Bight of Benin, otherwise called the Lagos consulate, develop from its first years the character of a protectorate, and how was it that the British found it both feasible and desirable to abandon the old ‘informal’ system there after only ten years and to assume the obligations entailed by the proclamation of the new colony?

Lagos and its lagoon; kingship and kingdom

The original Lagosians belonged to the Awori who, with the Ijebu, are the most southerly of the Yoruba-speaking people, occupying an area west of Lagos and extending about forty miles inland.⁶ Their town and island are known to them as ‘Eko’, though the name ‘Lagos’, deriving from the Portuguese word for ‘lagoon* and probably contracted from the ‘Lago de Curamo’ applied to the eastern lagoon, is now far more widely used.⁷ Their kingdom, never amounting to much more in size than a city-state, was among the smallest and, in early times, probably least important of the Yoruba states. These varied in size from the miniature kingdoms of Ekiti to Oyo whose empire at its height straddled the savannah in the north and the southern forests down to the coast; the predominance of Oyo is reflected in the fact that the word ‘Yoruba’, the name given by the Hausa to the inhabitants of that kingdom, came in the nineteenth century to be used for all speakers of this language. Nor does Lagos seem to have been of any importance until the rise of the slave trade there in the eighteenth century. The earliest reference to the area is in Duarte Pacheco Pereira’s Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis, which, describing the coast at the end of the fifteenth and early in the sixteenth centuries, gives a discouraging account of the ‘region of the river Lagua’ where, apart from slaves, ‘There is no trade … nor anything from which one can make a profit’.⁸ Pacheco makes no mention of any settlement on the river nor does the map of West Africa of 1594 by Plancius give any name here, though the lagoon and the island are marked. The first reference to a settlement seems to be the name ‘Ichoo’ (for Eko) on the map by the Dutch cartographer Blaeu in 1659, while Dapper’s map of 1686 also shows ‘Ichoo’.⁹ Lagos is altogether omitted from the map accompanying Snelgrave’s account of Guinea published in 1734, and though some attempt is made to represent the lagoon, it is confused with the Benin River. Probably the fellow Awori kingdom of Otta, lying a few miles inland from Lagos, was an earlier and more important state. But Lagos possessed a physical feature of great importance for the future, for it was here that the first permanent break occurred in the miles of beach and dune of the outer coastline to the east of the Volta estuary, giving access, though across a bar of great difficulty and danger, to a deep-water anchorage and thence to the sheltered lagoon and to a vast system of inland waterways of which Lagos lay approximately at the centre.¹⁰ Pacheco writes of this ‘river Lagua’ that ‘The channel has two fathoms at high tide, but its entrance is very dangerous, with shallows of sand on which the sea breaks during the greater part of the year, so that the channel is scarcely seen; only small vessels of thirty to thirty-five tons can enter it’. This suggests that the harbour at least was known to Europeans, and perhaps in use, by the early sixteenth century.

As with all the Yoruba kingdoms, it is impossible to ascribe a date to the foundation of Lagos, or even to say with confidence in what century this took place. It seems likely, however, that the emergence of this settlement near the ocean’s edge was later, perhaps by a century or more, than that of most of the other kingdoms. The Yoruba almost certainly originated as an inland people, for the sea plays no part in their traditions and Lagos is still the only Yoruba town on the coast. The traditions of early Lagos tell plausibly enough of the movement of a small group of Awori from the village of Isheri, some twelve miles to the north of Lagos island up the river Ogun,¹¹ seeking security from the troubles of the mainland — probably from the depredations of their more numerous Ijebu, Egba and Egbado neighbours — and in particular from a war remembered as the Ogun Ajakaiye, or ‘war of the world’. They settled first at Ebute Metta (‘three harbours’) on the lagoon, in territory which was claimed later as belonging to the Ijebu, and then for greater safety moved across to the small island of Iddo. Here, two settlements developed, one at Oto (‘separated’) on the north shore opposite the near-by mainland, and one at Iddo (‘a camp’) from which this island, only about a square mile in extent, took its name. A third settlement on the west, called Ijora (‘a gathering of kinsmen’), seems to be of later date. From here these first Lagosians expanded to the adjacent larger island, some 3 i by 1 i miles in extent,¹² lying in the lagoon immediately behind the narrow strip of sandy coastline and beside the channel, or ‘Lagos river’, connecting the lagoon with the Atlantic ocean. The western end of this island became Eko, a name derived probably from the farm (oko) of these earliest settlers, and this area, known as Isale Eko (‘downtown Lagos’), is still the most closely inhabited part and regarded as the core of the town. Elsewhere on the island there were probably small Ijebu fishing villages, similar to those dotted around the shores of the lagoon, and doubtless some of these became absorbed into the main group of Awori. The first ruler, entitled the Olofin, continued to live on Iddo Island, while the ten eldest sons of the first Olofin are said to have ruled as sub-chiefs over different parts of Iddo and of the main island. From these latter are held to descend the group of ten chiefs called the Idejo.

Tradition has little else to tell about these early years. Then at some time during the reign at Benin of Oba Orhogbua, and therefore probably about the middle of the sixteenth century, Lagos was conquered by Bini armies advancing westwards along the coast,¹³ travelling presumably by canoe through the creeks and lagoons (a journey said to take some eight days). The Olofin, though not the Idejo sub-chiefs, was replaced on his throne by a Bini nominee,, and the title disappears from Lagos history (though it survives at Isheri). Ashipa, the first king of this second dynasty, has been described in Bini tradition as a son or grandson of the Oba of Benin.¹⁴ Lagos tradition, understandably, does not mention this, one source indeed maintaining that the new ruler imposed by the Bini was an Awori prince from Isheri, the original home of the Olofin.¹⁵ But in any event the connection between the new dynasty and Benin was close enough to imply a client relationship, though probably of a mild kind, of Lagos to Benin. All subsequent rulers of Lagos claim descent from Ashipa, using the titles Ologun, Eleko, and (in more recent times exclusively) that of Oba, the last being the general term in Yoruba for ‘king’ and also the title of the ruler of Benin. Meanwhile, either under Ashipa or his second successor, Gabaro, the royal seat was transferred from Iddo to Lagos Island or Eko, where a palace was built, the Iga Idunganran or ‘pepper palace’, named from the pepper bushes growing there.

The site of Lagos, so like that of Venice, suggests similarities with the history of that other city of the lagoons. As with the Venetians, the first settlers were refugees from the dangers of life on the mainland. The islands of Eko and Iddo, little better than mud-flats, were yet readily defensible against an enemy. But the lack of space and the poverty of the sandy soil made agriculture difficult, and from early times the Lagosians must have been dependent for an increasing part of their food on mainland neighbours: their fellow Awori to the north and west, the Egba still further north up the Ogun river (which enters the lagoon some twelve miles to the north of Lagos), and the Ijebu living to the east and around the lagoon. One important local source of food, however, and of exports to be exchanged against the imports from mainland markets, was fish from the inland waters, and the Lagosians were doubtless great fishermen before ever they became great traders. Their small fishing canoes were made by hollowing out the softwood trees which grew in the surrounding swamps, but for their larger canoes, especially those used in war, carved and burnt out from the great trees which grew only sparsely on the islands and around the lagoon, they were again dependent on their neighbours in the forests. Yet, unlike Venice, Lagos did not seek for either commercial or strategic reasons to extend her boundaries as she grew richer, apart from the exaction of tribute from Badagry in the late eighteenth and perhaps also the early nineteenth centuries.¹⁶ The kingdom thus consisted of the main island of Eko, the tiny adjacent island of Iddo, several large and many small villages on the nearby mainland, and (if Kosoko’s claim in his treaty of 1863 with the British may be believed) overlordship of the sandy waste lying between the lagoon and the sea as far east as Palma.¹⁷ Nor did Lagos seek to command the sea: the bar across the entrance to the lagoon was particularly dreaded, and European traders of the eighteenth century and perhaps earlier hired Fanti canoemen from the Gold Coast to communicate with the shore as the local people were unwilling to venture over the surf. The bar equally deterred European exploration; ‘the river is shut off by heavens-high breakers, and the land is therefore unapproachable’, a Dutch trading official reported in 1716.¹⁸ On the lagoon, however, the Lagosians navigated long distances in trade and war, sometimes as far afield as the Benin River, and in the late eighteenth century maintained a large fleet of war canoes which gave them standing among the local powers.¹⁹

The government of the Lagos kingdom in pre-colonial times has hitherto been little studied or described. But if Peter Lloyd’s distinction between ‘tribally structured’ and ‘highly centralised’ authoritarian monarchies²⁰ is adopted, Lagos apparently inclined towards the second of these types since the Oba, although no autocrat, was much more than a mere ‘arbiter between the chiefs’, nor does he seem to have been invested with quite the same aura of sacred but somewhat remote kingship which characterised monarchies of the ‘tribal’ type elsewhere among the Yoruba. The government may have developed in this way only in the late eighteenth century as a result of the increasing wealth and consequently increasing political and military power which accrued to the Oba from the slave trade — from, as Lloyd would say, ‘the exploitation of newly available resources’. Probably, however, this feature in the monarchy was more deeply rooted, deriving from the establishment of the dynasty by an outside power, Benin, and from the influence of the Benin kingship itself, which is classed by Lloyd as a centralised political structure ‘markedly contrasting with that of the Yoruba states’. Other factors of which the Oba could take advantage in increasing or maintaining his authority were the proliferation of chiefs to an extent disproportionate to the size of the kingdom and his power to add to the number of the war chiefs and (less often exercised) of the Ogalade class.

The kingship was hereditary, passing usually from a dead Oba to the eldest of his sons born while he was on the throne, although this system of primogeniture (which was practised also in Benin) could be set aside when a suitable candidate was lacking in favour of younger sons or even brothers of a former Oba. The choice of a new ruler was made by two of the chiefs, the Eletu Odibo and the Ashogbon, in consultation with the Ifa oracle.²¹ The crown was not, as in all the major and many of the lesser Yoruba kingships, held to derive from Ife. Instead, the connection with Benin was recognised in the customs of taking the body of a dead king (after severing the head) to Benin for burial and at the same time of seeking the approval of the Oba of Benin for the coronation of a successor. These customs were discontinued during the first part of the nineteenth century, being replaced by ceremonies which included obeisance to the Oba of Benin but were performed at Enu Owa in the heart of Lagos town.²² In addition an annual tribute was paid by Lagos to Benin. It is said that during the civil war in the kingdom in 1845, officials were sent from Benin to Lagos in an attempt to collect it, and the British Administrator of Lagos was told in 1869 by the ‘ambassadors of the King of Benin’ that the exiled Oba Kosoko continued to pay tribute down to 1862.²³

Buttressing, limiting and sometimes rivalling the monarchy were the chiefs (oloye) of the kingdom. The three classes of senior chiefs, whose titles were all hereditary within their extended families (or ‘descent groups’), were collectively known from their head-dress (resembling that worn by the Oba) as the White Caps or Onifila junfun. They comprised, first, the Idejo, representing the original owners of the land.²⁴ Among these the most prominent were the Oloto, who maintained a semi-independence as ruler of Oto, the northern side of Iddo island, and of a part of the mainland;²⁵ the Aromire, or ‘friend of the waters’, protector and patron of the fishers on the lagoon,²⁶ and the Olumegbon, who had the right and duty of investing the other Idejo with their white caps and whose title — meaning ‘God knows the elder’ — seems to imply a claim to seniority among them.²⁷ The next group was that of the Akarigbere, said to descend from the warriors of the Benin army which conquered Lagos and who were in any case closely associated with the ruling dynasty, as opposed to the Idejo, above whom they claimed to rank.²⁸ Though they were often referred to as the ‘Kingmakers’, it was only the first of their order, the powerful Eletu Odibo, who performed such a role. The original function of this chief was to represent the Oba of Benin at the court of Lagos and thus to act as chief minister to the Oba. The third group of White Caps was the Ogalade, sometimes described as the Oba’s physicians or as a priestly caste and headed by the influential Obanikoro, who claimed that his ancestor had been sent by the Oba of Benin specifically to look after the ruler of Lagos. Each of these grades now comprises sixteen chieftaincies, a number associated with the sixteen principal Odu or signs of the Ifa divination system, but there is some indication that in the past the number of chiefs was smaller.²⁹ There was also a rather more numerous fourth class consisting of the war captains, the Abagbon or Ogagun, some of whose titles were probably already hereditary in the mid-nineteenth century and whose leader, the Ashogbon, exercised considerable influence in civil as well as military affairs. It was indeed the Ashogbon who, with the Eletu Odibo, conducted the consultation of the Ifa oracle which preceded the naming of a new ruler. There was also an important female chief, the Erelu, who headed the market women.³⁰ Seniority among all these chiefs depended in some matters on their titles and offices and otherwise on the respective dates of their installation, the Iwoye (or Iwuye) ceremony.

The extent to which these chiefs were associated in the central government of the small kingdom is uncertain, but as in other Yoruba states they constituted a council. By the mid-nineteenth century all members of the four classes were probably eligible to attend this council, the Ajo Oloye, in which they represented the interests not only of their individual offices but also of their own families and quarters of the town and of settlements outside Lagos town of which they were the patrons. The council met every nine days, after the return of traders from the markets at Ejinrin and Badagry, under the Oba’s presidency and in his palace, the Iga. This may have been preceded (as