Socialism and Syndicalism

Philip Snowden

Socialism and Syndicalism

EAN 8596547187356

DigiCat, 2022

Contact: [email protected]

Table of Contents

CHAPTER I THE SOCIAL PROBLEM AND THE SOCIAL CONSCIENCE

CHAPTER II THE FACTS AND FIGURES OF THE PROBLEM

CHAPTER III THE FAILURE OF CAPITALISM

CHAPTER IV THE DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIALIST THEORY

CHAPTER V THE THEORIES OF MARX

CHAPTER VI THE EVILS OF COMPETITION

CHAPTER VII THE TENDENCY OF MODERN INDUSTRY

CHAPTER VIII THE ECONOMIC CASE FOR SOCIALISM

CHAPTER IX REVOLUTIONARY AND EVOLUTIONARY SOCIALISM

CHAPTER X ON THE ROAD TO SOCIALISM

CHAPTER XI THE NEXT STEPS TO SOCIALISM

CHAPTER XII SOCIALISM AND SOCIAL REFORM

CHAPTER XIII SOME OBJECTIONS TO SOCIALISM

CHAPTER XIV SYNDICALISM AND THE SOCIAL MOVEMENT

CHAPTER XV THE PHILOSOPHY OF SYNDICALISM

CHAPTER XVI THE GENERAL STRIKE IDEA

CHAPTER XVII THE HOPE AND PROMISE OF SOCIALISM

BIBLIOGRAPHY

INDEX

CHAPTER I

THE SOCIAL PROBLEM AND THE SOCIAL CONSCIENCE

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The Social Condition of the People is the dominating question of the age. In all the industrial countries of the world the problems of labour and capital, of poverty and wealth, and of the innumerable issues which arise out of the consideration of these subjects, are forcing themselves upon the attention of statesmen, moralists, religious teachers, and all who have any regard for their own interests or for the welfare of their fellows. In every Parliamentary country the Labour Question is constantly forcing itself upon the attention of the Legislature, and in an ever increasing measure the time of statesmen and politicians is devoted to dealing with industrial and social questions. Political parties compete with each other in offering proposals for solving the problem of poverty, and in all Parliamentary countries the election issues are practically confined to questions of industrial reform and social reorganisation.

There have been times of great social unrest in the past, but never before has there been such universal attention given to the question of social reform, and never before has there been such widespread discontent with undesirable and undeserved conditions of poverty. A feature which distinguishes the unrest of the present time from former periods of disaffection is the extent to which the working-classes are assisted by innumerable organisations, composed largely of cultured and leisured people, formed for the purpose of scientific inquiry into the various aspects of the Social Problem. The Universities have been caught in the movement of the age, and both in their corporate capacity, and to a greater extent by the voluntary association of individual members, are making invaluable contributions to the general stock of knowledge upon economic and social questions. The Churches of all denominations have largely abandoned the former attitude of ‘other worldliness,’ and are realising that if that institution is to justify its existence, and to command the support of the democracy, it will have to concern itself with the social condition of the people, and will have to actively advocate such reforms in our industrial and social life as will permit men and women to develop their physical and moral faculties.

The revolt against the existence of degrading poverty and against the sordidness and ugliness of life is by no means confined to those who accept one explanation of the causes of the existing state of things. There are in all the advanced countries innumerable organisations and societies for reform, many of which exist to deal with one only of the many social evils, and even among such societies there are often different organisations holding widely differing views as to the nature of and the remedy for that particular evil. Though there is still a great lack of agreement as to the real character of the Social Problem, and an unfortunate absence of unity of action in dealing with it, it is in a measure satisfactory, and in a large measure hopeful, that the consciences of so many men and women of all classes are impressed by the need of reform in some direction, and are ready and anxious to devote themselves to such work. But there are abundant signs that, as a result of the experience gained in their work, those who have been long engaged in some reform movement of a limited or restricted nature, are rapidly beginning to see the essential unity of all social questions, and the futility of forcing reform in one direction without a corresponding advance of all the parts of the social mechanism. In another respect, too, a change has come over the methods of the sectional and the general social reformer; he has begun to see the need for finding out causes, instead of spending his time and energy in dealing with results. The increasing recognition of the unity of the Social Problem, to which reference has just been made, is illustrated by the change of attitude and method which has come over the greatest of the sectional reform movements in recent years, namely the Trade Unions, the Co-operators, and the Temperance Party. In none of these movements to-day is the claim made that it alone is capable of solving the problem of poverty, and by the triumph of its principles making any other reforms of an industrial and social character unnecessary. But there was a time when the trade unionist believed that the voluntary association of the workers in trade unions could give to labour such a power as could enforce a full remuneration for labour, and could secure all that was desired in the way of hours and conditions. But no intelligent trade unionist thinks that now; and the knowledge of the limitation of the power of voluntary organisation has made the intelligent trade unionist into a reformer of a far more comprehensive sort. The co-operator, too, has been forced by the facts of experience to recognise that there is a limit to the power of voluntary co-operation, and that knowledge has forced him to seek the application of his principles in wider and less restricted fields. Once the whole question of Poverty was explained by the temperance advocates by the one word Drink; but without in any way weakening the strength of the temperance case, its advocates now realise that the problem of poverty is not capable of such a simple explanation, nor can it be solved by the simple expedient of universal abstinence from liquor.

The last quarter of a century has seen an extraordinary change in the character of reform work. This change is due to the better understanding of the causes of the evils it is sought to ameliorate or remove. Reform movements formerly dealt with the individual as a unit, and sought to destroy the evil by changing the individual. Poverty itself was believed to be largely the result of individual thriftlessness, and the idea was very generally held that by making the best of his opportunities every man might raise himself into a position of reasonable comfort. With such an idea dominating, all reform movements naturally were aimed at individual reformation, and such collective effort as was encouraged was advocated as a means of ‘self’ help, and not for social advancement. The idea that the main cause of poverty is in economic and social law, which more or less definitely is now held by all reformers, is largely the development of the last generation, so far as those who do not definitely accept the Socialist creed are concerned. This change of idea is of the utmost importance. It is a revolution. Its possibilities are tremendous. It is a preparation of the community to do the work which economic and social development is fast ripening for the sickle.

Apart from the definite Socialist movement there is a great Social Movement actively operating in all the great industrial nations, and it presents in all countries features of the same character. It is stirring every class. It is revivifying old enthusiasms. It is changing old faiths. It is transforming the character of politics and political life, giving to them new aims and new ideas. A revived conception of the solidarity of society is taking possession of the minds of men. The impelling force of this new movement is ethical; but the guiding and restraining control is a knowledge that the industrial system is at fault, and that the shameful contrasts of wealth and poverty which obtrude themselves from every point are due to causes which it is in man’s power to change, and which the awakened social conscience of a civilised nation will attack. This new spirit has not yet to any great extent driven men to abandon old political parties and old religious bodies, but it is working a revolution from within parties and societies already existing. But as yet no party, no creed, no organisation, confines or expresses the breadth and volume and power of this world-wide movement. The first effect of this new consciousness of individual responsibility for the health and happiness of the race is to create a thirst for knowledge, to stimulate the inquiring mind, to collect and study social facts. To aid this desire for knowledge new theories and new proposals are advanced, and a thousand organisations are ready to give their help. All this leads to much confusion, to much over-lapping, to much waste of effort; but out of the welter and confusion of it all there is gradually being evolved a clearer conception of the true nature of the problem, the various pieces are being sorted from the heap of accumulated knowledge which are needed to form a part of the mechanism of a complete and orderly social system.

The present-day Socialist differs from the great bulk of earnest men and women who are engaged in political and social work only in the definiteness of his conviction of the nature of the Social Problem, and in the definiteness of his views as to the means which must be adopted to gain the end which he desires, which is an object which is desired by uncounted millions who have not yet formed definite conclusions. Sympathy with the suffering of the poor, and a desire to see the establishment of a social order in which there shall be neither rich nor poor, are not the monopoly of conscious Socialists. Such sympathy and desire come not from an intellectual knowledge of economic laws or of the historical development of social classes, but from something deeper and more universal,—from that touch of nature which makes the whole world kin. But unless that sympathy and desire to advance the well-being of the race are directed by knowledge they may lead to results as bad in their effects as actions which are committed deliberately from base and selfish motives.

Though the vast mass of reforming zeal which is still outside the definite Socialist movement is generally conscious in a way that it is the industrial system which is wrong, unlike the Socialist it has no scientific justification for its vague opinion, nor any clear idea of how to set to work in an effective way to bring about the desired change. In this vast world-movement for social betterment there stands forth one section which has been given a clearer vision of the task before humanity, and that is the men and women, a great and growing army in all lands, who have realised that Socialism, based upon the impregnable rock of history, economy, and morality, can alone explain the causes of existing industrial and social evils, and alone submits a coherent, intelligent, scientific, and practical scheme of change.

No apology needs to be made in asking for a sympathetic consideration of the claims of Socialism. The great mass of unformed opinion which is impressed by the horror of the existing state of things, that quickened social consciousness which is creating a desire for action in uncounted millions, is ready to welcome any contribution, however humble, which may throw some light upon the darkness in which their aspirations are now enveloped. A movement like Socialism, which numbers among its adherents and apostles many of the greatest scientists, economists, divines, poets, painters, writers, sociologists, and statesmen, is entitled to claim the attention and consideration of all who profess any regard for the welfare of humanity. Though Socialism is primarily the cause of the working-class it is not in its aim and object a class movement. It seeks the overthrow of classes, and the establishment of a society in which there shall be one class, with full and equal opportunities for individual effort and for the enjoyment of a rational and cultured human life. Socialism is as much the cause of the rich man, who, if he has any conscience, cannot enjoy his riches in the knowledge of the misery of the men and women and children around him, as it is the cause of the poor widow struggling in the labour market to feed her fatherless children. It is to the cultured and leisured class that Socialism makes, perhaps, its strongest appeal, for they have been given exceptional opportunities of being of service to their generation. The establishment of Socialism, as we hope to show, will offer to that class richer opportunities of service and enjoyment than are possible under a system where one man’s pleasure is obtained by the suffering of others, and where wealth, honours, and social position are too often not the reward of industry or of virtue, but are obtained by the tyrannical and oppressive exploitation of one’s fellows.

CHAPTER II

THE FACTS AND FIGURES OF THE PROBLEM

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Not the least valuable of the work which Socialists have done has been to collect and to publish the real facts in regard to the social condition of the people. There has been much truth in the past in the old saying that one half the world knew not how the other half lived. But the facts and figures which have been made public by Socialist investigators and statisticians have left little excuse for the person who reads remaining in ignorance of the facts of the actual lives of the people and of the conditions of their work. Any system must be judged by its results. Socialists demand the abolition of landlordism and capitalism, not because these institutions are inherently wrong, but because of the industrial and social results for which they are responsible. If under a system of private landowning and private capitalism, the condition of every individual in the community was all that could be desired, there would be no argument for a change of the system. The first step then, in building up the case for Socialism is to prove that the existing state of things is unfair and unjust by an appeal to the actual facts of the situation. The first thing to do is to prove the existence of a state of things in regard to the distribution of wealth and the prevalence of poverty which no honest or fair-minded person can defend as having any right to exist in a civilised community. Having proved that the widest disparity prevails in the distribution of wealth, and that as a result millions of our population are underfed, underclothed, stunted in body and in mind, and that vice, immorality, drunkenness, insanity, and unutterable misery and suffering are the direct results of this unequal distribution of wealth, it will be necessary to consider if any real and permanent reform can be brought about without a radical change in our industrial system. If we come to the conclusion that it is hopeless to expect a real change without what some Socialists call a Social Revolution, we shall require to prove that the evils of the present system are due to the private ownership of land and industrial capital, and that the substitution of that system by one in which land and capital shall be owned and controlled collectively is essential in order to bring about the abolition of poverty, and the establishment of equality of opportunity for all.

The late Sir Robert Giffen once said, ‘No one can contemplate the social condition of our people without wishing for something like a revolution for the better.’ Socialists are constantly impressing the facts of the condition of the people upon the nation in order to create that desire for a revolution. In the opening chapter of his Progress and Poverty, the late Henry George asks what a scientist of the eighteenth century would have imagined would be the result of the scientific and mechanical discoveries