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    Social Europe: Volume 3
    Social Europe: Volume 3
    Social Europe: Volume 3
    Ebook81 pages1 hour

    Social Europe: Volume 3

    By Social Europe

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    About this ebook

    Social Europe Volume Three brings to you some of the best contributions published on Social Europe over the first half of 2020 in easily accessible ebook and paperback formats. The collection is newly edited with a thematic focus and also includes in text-form previously unpublished material from Social Europe Podcast.


    LanguageEnglish
    PublisherSocial Europe Publishing
    Release dateJul 15, 2020
    ISBN9783948314118
    Social Europe: Volume 3
    Author

    Social Europe

    The purpose of Social Europe (SE) is to help strengthen democratic practice by contributing to the public policy discussions addressing the most pressing political and economic issues of our time. We use the values of freedom, sustainability and equality as the foundation on which we examine issues in politics, economy and employment & labour. We are committed to publishing cutting-edge thinking and new ideas from the most thought-provoking people. Our in-depth analyses and constructive proposals seek to link policy-making to wider political and economic concerns. It is our goal to promote progressive and inclusive societies, sustainable economies and responsible businesses as well as dynamic civil societies. Since its founding, SE has published thinkers and decision-makers of the highest calibre including Nobel laureates, global leaders and internationally acclaimed academics as well as some of the best young talent. We have pioneered digital publishing formats and have been recognised with an .eu web award for our work.

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      Book preview

      Social Europe - Social Europe

      One

      The triumph of injustice

      A conversation with Gabriel Zucman

      Earlier this year, as editor-in-chief of Social Europe Henning Meyer talked to the US inequality expert Gabriel Zucman about the sources of the marked rise of in-country inequality in recent decades and what can be done to reverse it. Zucman is professor of economics at the University of California at Berkeley, director of the Stone Centre on Wealth and Inequality there and co-author with Emmanuel Saez of The Triumph of Injustice: How the Rich Dodge Taxes and How to Make them Pay.

      Meyer: Gabriel Zucman, thank you very much indeed for taking the time to talk to me about the topic of your most recent book. What would you say is the situation currently in western economies when it comes to the distribution of wealth and income?

      Zucman: There is a discontent in many parts of the western world with the rise of inequality, which is happening in most developed countries, although at different speed. In 1980 the top 1 per cent’s income share was 10 per cent in the US and in western Europe. Today it’s 20 per cent in the US, 12 per cent in western Europe, so inequality has increased in both cases but more in the US than in Europe.

      What do you think are the key drivers of this drive towards higher inequality?

      There are two theses. There is one view which says this is due to globalisation and technological change, which has made workers less productive, and there’s another view which says this is mostly due to policies and changes in public policies.

      The fact that inequality has increased everywhere but quite differently—especially it has increased much more in the US—is more consistent with the view that the main driver is policy changes, that these changes have been particularly extreme in the US.

      Think about financial deregulation. Think about the collapse in the minimum wage, the decline in the power of unions, the huge changes in taxation, in tax progressivity. The US used to have the most progressive tax system in the world. It has changed in the post-World War II decades. It has changed dramatically since the 1980s. Some of these changes have also happened in Europe but to a slightly less extreme degree—hence the difference in the rise of inequality. Policies are the key driver.

      Because, if the first thesis were true, you would expect the application of technology to be very similar across the board—but the results are very different.

      Yes, of course. If technology and globalisation in itself—international trade—was the key driver, we should see inequality increase pretty much everywhere at the same pace. In Europe people have computers, as well, and just like in the US, and they trade a lot with emerging economies, with China—even more, actually, than the US—but we don’t see this inequality rising exactly the same way everywhere.

      What role do the different political economies, rather than the policies, play—the institutional setup, how the economies are constituted?

      Behind these big changes in policies, there is, of course, a change in politics, and in ideology and the triumph, if you want, of free-market ideas and small-government ideas—what people sometimes call ‘neoliberalism’ or ‘market fundamentalism’, the idea that markets are always the best way to organise economic and social activity. These ideas have been very powerful for many years, for many decades.

      At the same time, we see today that the neoliberal model has clear limits. The rise of inequality is one. The problem with global warming is the other one—environmental degradation—and so there is a demand for an alternative model.

      As an economist, where would you draw the line? Where are markets the right mechanism to efficiently distribute scarce resources, and where do other factors, like providing public goods and other ideas, play a significant role?

      It’s not for economists to say. It’s for the public to decide about what should be provided by governments, by the community rather than by the market. There is a consensus in many countries, and certainly in Europe, that healthcare, education—including early childhood education, childcare—are better provided by the community than by the market. Not only more efficiently but also in a more inclusive manner, because healthcare is very costly, childcare is very costly, which means that if you only rely on private provision, with no public subsidies, then you exclude lots of people from these essential services.

      But, fundamentally, it’s for people to decide through democratic deliberation and the vote. It’s not for economists to say ‘This should be, probably, a better market / It should be, probably, a better government.’ This is a key political question, where the frontier should be put. Nobody has the truth, a definitive answer to that question, which can only be obtained through the broadest democratic discussion.

      So it’s about an estimation of the upsides and the downsides. Then it’s a political deliberation and the outcome of a political system, with democratic legitimacy, that needs to draw the line?

      Exactly, and the same thing for taxation. It’s not for economists to say ‘The top

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