Princely States of British India

Athamallick was a Zamindari under the statehood of Boudha in the early days of British ruling.  Both belonged to the South west frontier Agency and transferred to the Odisha Division in 1837.
Present family referring to some local literatures claimed that the 37th successor named Raja Laxmidhar Deo Samant has stopped the importance of Boudh on him and claimed himself as an independent ruler. The commissioner of British East India Company named Mr. Robbert has supported the Raja of Athamallick and granted it as a princely state under East India Company with a condition to pay a tribute of Rs.480 annually and other terms and conditions in the Sanand. So it may be said that Athamallick’s independent existence came to force in between 1785 to 1802. But The Sanad of 1874 issued by the British India mentioned the ruler Raja Jogindra deo samant as the Zamindar of Athamallick under the state of Boudha. And the Raja of Boudha is treated as the Raja of both Boudha and Athamallick.

History has progressed very swiftly in some part of Pakistan. Swat is the best example of such transformation; which was one of the 560 princely states of subcontinent. In which transformation from a princely state to a provincially administered territory occurred in 1969 with the merge. It was just before 1969 that Swat was completely different State having structural and functional administrative variations from the neighboring parts like Dir, Bajaur and Pakistan.
Judicial system of Swat is the main subject matter of the study with a transformative phase and then the contemporary one. The old traditional system of justice which was imposed by Walis of Swat from 1917-1969 had a unique structure. The Shariah (Islamic) law and Riwaj (Customary/ Traditional law) or ‘Dasturul Amal’ (code of conduct) existed as sources of law. Then a transformation took place which challenged the old system and brought the formal way of justice but having an important addition of the informal ways which existed in princely State of Swat.
The study is aimed at the Walis and contemporary justice systems of Swat. The two systems have been compared by analyzing each one independently from the data that is available and a descriptive approach has been applied in collecting the data. The most important calculation is the analysis which has been made by looking into the contemporary system with comparison to the old one. The system has still flaws that need to be revisited because a quick and effective justice is the essence of the society. With conclusion there are given some recommendations which can be applied for development and effectiveness of the justice system.

A key question in recent historiography of South Asia has been the production of people and production of space-time through the apparatuses of colonial rule and their persistence in the post-colonial period of nationalist rule (Chatterjee 2006; Goswami 2004). However, most of these studies have focused on ‘regulation’ or ‘settled’ districts of India where British control was relatively uniform and the administrative machinery sufficiently well-oiled to introduce projects of ‘improvement’. One the one hand, where the British did encounter adivasi or indigenous peoples of India as in Jharkhand, their presence or activities did not impinge on strategic imperial interests and the problem of their regulation was subsumed within the broader question of district management. On the other hand, in the frontier territories of Balochistan and the Tribal Areas of North West Frontier Province, colonial authorities had to operate in an environment over which they had less than full control. Moreover, in these territories, at the edge of the empire, the question of protecting imperial interests from the unhealthy influence of rival European powers such as Russia and France and the defense of British India haunted the imperial self much more. Thus, colonial authorities were faced with the problem of securing the attachment to their cause of reluctant tribesmen who had historically shown only nominal allegiance to any central authority and defied it openly whenever the opportunity was offered. My archival research in the British library suggests that in the case of colonial Balochistan (or Kalat Khanate), a frontier state, the exercise of rule was based on a mix of relations of force (sovereignty) and methods of rule (consent).

India started to understand Afghanistan as part of the regional framework of Indian princely states and actively sought to bring the region within this orbit. In particular, it put increasing pressure on the amir Shere Ali Khan for access to his territories and the establishment of an Afghan residency system on the Indian example. In this logic, his paper questions the second half of the nineteenth century as a period of non-intervention in Afghan affairs and shows that the government of India continued to use annexation and intervention as instruments in empire building along its northwestern frontier. It also shows that geopolitical concerns over Russian competition were not central to the government of India's policy. On the contrary, amir Shere Ali Khan's efforts at centralising and strengthening his rule were seen as a more immediate threat to British India's security and his reluctance to comply with British requests for greater access directly triggered British military intervention.

This article examines the historical and political course followed by a colonial discipline, namely the British-initiated archaeological project, as it was extended to the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir in the early twentieth century. It examines how and in what circumstances colonial archaeology was adopted both by the Dogra-Hindu rulers and their preponderantly Muslim subjects in this indirectly governed part of the British Indian Empire. This article argues that the adoption of this project emanated not so much from interest in the discipline of archaeology qua discipline, but in its ancillary political effects. It demonstrates that whereas the Hindu princely rulers modified colonial archaeology in ways that could enable them to use it buttress their sovereignty, their Kashmiri Muslim subjects appropriated it to strip the legitimacy off that very sovereignty. In the process, this article also highlights the capacity of various indigenous actors to recast aspects of colonial projects to serve their own several purposes.

The development of a state cannot be confined only into its economic arena but the socio-political, as well as cultural fields of a state, were also need to be developed and modernized. Among the various guiding forces behind the development process of a state, migration sometimes plays a vital role in it. During the last fifty years of Manikya rule, a large number of immigrants especially Bengali immigrants entered into the princely hilly state of Tripura from colonial India. These immigrations though outnumbered the aborigines of this hilly state, but it stimulated the developmental process of this princely state which was initiated by the Manikya rulers in the last quarter of the 19th century.
This book is a humble attempt to find out the relations between migration and the material development of Tripura. Furthermore, how much migration is responsible for changing the total infrastructural change of the Princely State Tripura and what were the factors that worked behind the immigrations during the last fifty years of Manikya rule are highlighted from a historical perspective.