History of Malaria

Vector-borne diseases (VBDs) are embedded within complex socio-ecological systems. While research has traditionally focused on the direct effects of VBDs on human morbidity and mortality, it is increasingly clear that their impacts are much more pervasive. VBDs are dynamically linked to feedbacks between environmental conditions, vector ecology, disease burden, and societal responses that drive transmission. As a result, VBDs have had profound influence on human history. Mechanisms include: (1) killing or debilitating large numbers of people, with demographic and population-level impacts; (2) differentially affecting populations based on prior history of disease exposure, immunity, and resistance; (3) being weaponised to promote or justify hierarchies of power, colonialism, racism, classism and sexism; (4) catalysing changes in ideas, institutions, infrastructure, technologies and social practices in efforts to control disease outbreaks; and (5) changing human relationships with the land and environment. We use historical and archaeological evidence interpreted through an ecological lens to illustrate how VBDs have shaped society and culture, focusing on case studies from four pertinent VBDs: plague, malaria, yellow fever and trypanosomiasis. By comparing across diseases, time periods and geographies, we highlight the enormous scope and variety of mechanisms by which VBDs have influenced human history.

Malaria fand um 1900 eine enorme Beachtung durch europäische Kolonialmächte und Mediziner, galt sie doch als Bedrohung für den "weißen Mann" und sein koloniales Projekt. Malaria kam damals aber auch in Teilen Deutschlands vor. Manuela Bauche zeichnet nach, wie die Behörden in drei Gebieten des Deutschen Kaiserreichs - in Kamerun, Deutsch-Ostafrika und Ostfriesland - versuchten, gegen lokalen Widerstand Maßnahmen zur Malariabekämpfung durchzusetzen. Sie kann dabei zeigen, dass das medizinische Vorgehen sowohl in den Kolonien als auch in Deutschland mit dem Ausbau staatlicher Herrschaft, mit Rassismus und Trennung entlang von Klasse verbunden war.

Malaria is a contagious disease caused by the infection of erythrocytes by Plasmodium parasites, which are transmitted to human by parasitic female anopheles' mosquitoes during feeding. Malaria is a type of infection that can be fatal if left untreated. It is very important to classify malaria virus images quickly and accurately using computer-aided systems. Because there are not enough personnel in each health unit to perform this procedure, traditional methods are both time consuming and open to errors. Once malaria images have been classified, it will be easier to diagnose malaria virus related diseases. Multiple methods have been developed to process large amounts of data. In particular, deep learning methods are frequently used for classification. In this paper, Convolutional Neural Networks (CNN) have been used to classify malaria images as healthy and parasited. Then, medium filter and gauss filter are applied to the original dataset. When classifying malaria data, the highest accuracy rate is achieved in the DenseNet201 architecture with gaussian filtered data of 97.83%. It is observed that the result obtained with the preprocessed data are higher. The application is implemented in the Matlab environment and works independently of the size of the images in the data set.

Esta coletânea, composta por 26 contribuições e um prólogo de Pedro Paulo Funari, é um compêndio sobre epidemias na História, em linguagem acessível ao grande público, com textos do Antigo Oriente à contemporaneidade, da malária no Egito antigo à AIDS no Brasil do final do séc. XX, de autores brasileiros e argentinos, que visa a disponibilizar informações e reflexões sobre diversas epidemias e como as sociedades as entenderam e reagiram a elas ao longo da História

Several disciplines – including genetics, bioarchaeology, and documentary history – contribute to the stories we tell of humankind’s major infectious diseases over the past 100,000 years. In some cases, these diseases have dispersed globally because, as obligate pathogens, they have gone wherever their human hosts have gone. Thus, tuberculosis, leprosy, smallpox, syphilis, and HIV/AIDS have traveled along paths (and via technologies) that have moved human populations to all five inhabited continents and Oceania. In other cases, diseases have moved because humans transported microenvironments that brought pathogens along; this would describe the histories of malaria, plague, and cholera. However, many aspects of these narratives are still under debate, including their chronologies and geographic trajectories. This essay will not attempt to settle those debates, but, rather, suggest why the points of debate matter. How does the story change if we alter the chronology by several thousand years, or propose different geographical routes?
Key words: global health, bioarchaeology, historical method, phylogenetics, aDNA

For information on the volume as a whole, see the CUP website: http://www.cambridge.org/us/academic/subjects/archaeology/prehistory/human-dispersal-and-species-movement-prehistory-present?format=HB&isbn=9781107164147.

Indian novelists in English for whom globalization is an everyday fact of existence. Like such novelists as Rushdie, Seth, Desai and Mistry, Ghosh seems to move effortlessly across national frontiers --as Robert Dixon puts it, not inhabiting "a culture rooted in a single place, but a discursive space that flows across political and national boundaries, and even across generations in time" (9). Dixon's remark refers specifically to Ghosh's second novel, The Shadow Lines (1988), which takes the events that followed in the wake of Partition as its central subject, suggesting that the cartographical shadow-lines that divide Bengal are political fictions that nonetheless generate all-too-real murderous consequences. As I have put it myself, "'Shadow lines' are, however, far more than just the borders constructed by politicians. They are also the lines of demarcation that separate colonized and colonizer, present and past, self and image. Ultimately they are the signifying acts that construct notions of discrete identity [. . .]" (65-66). Ghosh projects a view in which the frontier that separates India from East Pakistan/Bangladesh is a "looking-glass border" (Shadow Lines 228) and in which complex affinities link the apparently dichotomized worlds of colonizer and colonized.

This was published online as Monica H. Green, “Climate and Disease in Medieval Eurasia,” Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Asian History, ed. David Ludden (New York: Oxford University Press, 2018), DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780190277727.013.6. The essay offers the first pan-Eurasian survey of the histories of malaria (Plasmodium vivax and P. falciparum), leprosy (Mycobacterium leprae and M. lepromatosis), smallpox (Variola major), and plague (Yersinia pestis) that incorporates the latest findings from genetics, bioarchaeology, and documentary history. It is intended as an interdisciplinary reference to help researchers in the sciences and humanities connect with the latest trends in the field. ---
For nearly two years, this essay was behind the publisher's paywall. As on November 2020, it has again been made open-access, at this link: https://oxfordre.com/asianhistory/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780190277727.001.0001/acrefore-9780190277727-e-6. If you have questions, please contact me directly at: [email protected].

By David Soren and Noelle Soren
University of Arizona

Part One: The Roman Villa at Poggio Gramignano in the region of Lugnano in Teverina: D. Soren and e Roman Villa at Poggio Gramignano in the Region of Lugnano in Teverina; 1- Storia e assetto in età antica del territorio in cui ricade la villa di Poggio Gramignano by D. Monacchi; 2 - Summary of periods of construction and destruction by D. Soren; 3 - Summary of the excavations by D. Soren; 4 - Summary of Archaeological phases of each room by D. Soren; 5 - The Parts Urbana at Poggio Gramignano: summary and reconstruction by D. Soren and W. Aylward; 6 - Linear Measure and geometry in the colonnaded Oecus by W. Aylward; 7 - An interpretation of room 10 by D. Soren and G. Warren; 8 - The antefixes by D. Soren and A.M. Biagini; 9 - Conservation report by J. Williams; 10 - A note on the petrology of Mortar, stucco facing and plaster from the Walls of the roman Villa at Poggio Gramignano by D.F. Williams; Part Two. Material Culture: 1 - Black-Gloss Ware by A. Martin; 2 - Italian sigillata by A. Martin; 3 - African red-slip ware by A. Martin; 4 - Color-coated and painted ware by A. Martin; 5 - Terra sigillata chiara italiaca by D. Monacchi; 6 - Dati archeometrici sulle sigillate chiare italiche rinvenute in Umbria: analisi minero-petrografiche by G. Predieri and Sergio Sfregola; 7 - La ceramica a pareti sottili by C. Piraino; 8 - La ceramica da cucina by C. Piraino; 9 - La ceramica comune by C. Piraino; 10 - La ceramica post-medievale by C. Piraino; 11 - Amphorae by Archer Martin; 12 - Lamps by Archer Martin; 13 - Ceramic building materials by A. Martin; - 14 I bolli laterizi by D. Monacchi; - 15 Consistenza dei reperti di vetro by G. Borghetti; 16 - A note on the petrology of some ceramic building materials, pottery and stone objects by D. Williams; 17 - I mosaici e i pavimenti by D. Monacchi; 18 - Appendice: caratterizzazione mineralogico-petrografica di materiali lapidei in opera nel pavimento by G. Poli and B. Moroni; 19 - Gli affreschi by B. Maurina; 20 - Additional small finds by A. Martin; - 21 - I materiali ceramici in Lugnano in Teverina: analisi archeometriche by G. Predieri and S. Sfrecola; Part Three. The Infant Cemetery: 1 - Introduction to Part Three by D. Soren; 2 - Famine, Pestilence and Brigandage in Italy in the Fifth Century A.D. by F.E. Romer; 3 - The Infant Cemetery at Poggio Gramignano: Description and Analysis by D. Soren, T. Fenton, W. Birkby; 4 - Appendix to Chapter 3: Tool Marks on Infant-bearing Amphorae by J. Williams; 5 - Animal Bone Remains by M. McKinnon; 6 - Charred Floral Remains from the Villa at Poggio Gramignano by K. Adams; 7 - Analysis of the Bronze Basins by M. Fenn; 8 - A Bone Doll from the Infant Cemetery at Poggio Gramignano by L. Shumka; 9 - Hecate and the Infant Cemetery at Poggio Gramignano by D. Soren; 10 - Malaria: medicine and magic in the Roman World by L. D. Lane; Bibliography by Chapter; Part Four - Figures and Plates.

This essay suggests that there is great value to be gained from looking at the history of the major threats to health that humans have endured throughout human (and even hominin) history.  The possibilities for multi-disciplinary work in the field of global health history have never been richer.  Work in genetics, paleopathology, and traditional forms of documentary History can now be combined to reconstruct the histories of the oldest global diseases (tuberculosis and leprosy) to the newest (HIV/AIDS).  All these narratives show the need to think systematically about the manifold forces that create and sustain diseases throughout the world. http://www.ashgate.com/isbn/9781409409243

This is book 1 of the second volume of Adolpho Lutz, Obra Completa [Adolpho Lutz, Complete works] edited by Jaime Larry Benchimol and Magali Romero Sá. This editorial initiative comprises volumes I, II and III, with 12 books that contain texts in Portuguese, English and German. Edited in Rio de Janeiro, by Editora Fiocruz, 2004-2007, Adolpho Lutz, Obra Completa / Adolpho Lutz, Complete works won a book prize: Prêmio Jabuti 2005 (Brazilian Chamber of Books): category Natural Sciences and Health. And received Honourable Mention by Sociedade Brasileira de Zoologia. 
The book 1 of this collection (Editora Fiocruz, 2005) contains works published or written by Adolpho Lutz on Yellow Fever, Malaria and Protozoology, and also a historical presentation produced by the editors:  BENCHIMOL, Jaime L. & SÁ, Magali Romero. “Insetos, humanos e doenças: Adolpho Lutz e a medicina tropical”/ Insects, people and disease: Adolpho Lutz and tropical medicine”, p. 43-244 [Portuguese]; p. 245-457 [English].

Bubonic Plague and Malaria at Amarna. Recent studies evidence that the bubonic plague affected the people living at the Workmen’s Village at Amarna. Also, ancient DNA (a-DNA) analyses confirm that several members of the Egyptian royal family tested positive for malaria. Recent excavations at Amarna’s South Tombs Cemetery reflect an increase in mortality within the population from malaria, and probably from other diseases, such as tuberculosis, dysentery, and smallpox. Furthermore, the plague may have been interpreted as a punishment sent by the old gods ignored by Akhenaten and may thus have brought about the end of the cult of Aten, and the abandonment of the new capital city.

people of ancient Rome did not know what malaria was or the connection between fever and mosquitos; rather they knew that bad air (miasma) gave feverous symptoms that could cause death. 3 Furthermore, some people, such as those who observed the progress of fevers through Hippocratic medicine, developed ideas on the nature of the disease, though they continued to revolve around typifying fevers. 4 The following discusses the symptoms of malaria and its impact on the environment and the people. As well, by considering different physical landscapes, the city and the marshland, it becomes clear that malaria had an impact on the physical environment as well as people. Relevant to this study is one archaeological site that unearthed peculiar evidence, the Lugnano child cemetery, which has allowed researchers to gain further insight concerning the effects of malaria on towns and rural landscapes. This paper examines the interconnection between malaria and the environment, demonstrating that malaria played a destructive role in the livelihood of Roman society and their physical environment. The Origin of Malaria Before the nineteenth century malaria was believed to be simply bad air that attacked humans in a miasmatic form; however, recent studies have concluded that the malarial parasite came from Anopheles mosquitos. 5 It was not until 1800 that this miasmatic idea was discarded when Dr. Charles Laveran discovered the connection between mosquitos and the fevers people experienced with malaria. 6 There are two-hundred species of malarial parasites which primarily infect primates, rodents, bats, birds, and humans. The species of mosquitos which are vectors for

This article examines Butrint under Venetian and Ottoman rule during the period of its final settlement and subsequent abandonment, before the start of archaeological excavations (a.d. 1386–1928). On the basis of excavated Venetian houses and later burials at the site of the Roman forum, it is argued that the Republic of Venice abandoned the Butrint headland after Süleyman the Magnificent sacked the city in 1537 and that Butrint was never resettled thereafter due to environmental adversities posed by malaria and emergent wetlands. Plague, border-zone dynamics, and state decay also exacerbated local conditions. Throughout its abandonment, however, Butrint and its environs remained economically active and strategically important, primarily to Corfu.

https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2972/hesperia.88.2.0365

At the beginning of the First World War, the Apulian coast was included in the war zone to counter attacks by sea. On the other side of the Adriatic Sea there were the Italian bases of Vlorë and Salonika. On both sides there was a continuous movement of ships transporting equipment and soldiers. At the same time hospital ships arrived from the Eastern front, bringing back wounded and sick soldiers. 90% of the soldiers repatriated from the Eastern front suffered from malarial infections. The Ministry of War devised a plan to protect soldiers from this disease directly in the places where the troops were stationed. In 1918 the anti-malarial prophylaxis was carried out not only in Vlorë, but also in the main maritime defense districts in Italy, namely Venice, Brindisi, Taranto.

In this chapter I juxtapose the urgency Malaitans feel to understand and combat their past with the situation and experience in Germany at the end of the First World War, one that fed directly into the phenomenology developed by Heidegger. I use this juxtaposition to develop both an insight into Heidegger's phenomenology and to reflect on the way people in Solomon Islands bring God's Word to life to respond to a perceived crisis of history in their land amidst widespread cynicism over Western historiography and positivism. The juxtaposition will shed light on the specific theology and related nationalism in North Malaita while showing how Heidegger's phenomenology can be used as a foundation for more extensive anthropological research grounded in religious concerns. Just as many To'abaita conclude that the crisis of history, illustrated by the failure of the contemporary postcolonial Solomon Islands' state, is best countered by a return to “essential To'abaitan-ness or Malaitan-ness,” arguing for theocracy as their natural and culturally appropriate form of governance, so also Heidegger's phenomenological turn was made in the context of a similar conviction in the destiny of his own people's natural culture.

This is the chart that serves as the foundation for my course, "Global History of Health," and that serves as the foundation for my in-progress book of the same title. The chart summarizes the milestones in the histories of eight major infectious diseases that have afflicted humankind over the course of the past 200,000 years, showing when (according to current estimates) each came on the scene as a human pathogen; when the causative organism became known to modern science; when its genome was sequenced; when effective biomedical treatments were developed; and whether antibiotic resistance has yet been documented. For fuller details on how this framework is developed in my course, see the syllabus for "Global History of Health," also posted here on Academia.edu.

The earliest published version of this chart was in the following essay (available here on Academia.edu): Monica H. Green, “The Value of Historical Perspective,” in The Ashgate Research Companion to the Globalization of Health, ed. Ted Schrecker (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2012), pp. 17-37. The most recent version, posted here, is November 2015, revised to reflect the most recent study on plague's evolutionary history, which pushes the earliest impact on humans to the Bronze Age (Rasmussen et al. 2015).

This is an exploratory paper on the relation between the cultivation of rice and malaria in Turkestan (with a focus on the Zeravshan valley and the Tashkent oasis). This is a typical question in environmental history and in the history of medicine: in this paper I propose paths towards a possible dialogue with these two subdisciplines. I will make an attempt to combine the empirically rich tradition of regional history and ‘area studies’ with a more serious engagement with other scholar’s methods and approaches to sources.
I will show that one can approach this topic from the viewpoint of what McNeill called “material environmental history”, by looking at botany, entomology, and quantitative epidemiological studies; but one can also appeal to the intellectual tools of “cultural environmental history” and the cultural history of medicine, if one looks at problems such as the construction of (colonial) knowledge, racial stigma, and transnational circulation of ideas. Finally, one could apply the lens of “political environmental history” and look at the rice-malaria nexus through the prism of power relations and of the ‘systems of domination’ embedded in scientific discourse – namely, the prioritization of cotton.
Rather than a fully-fledged paper, mine would be an attempt to scaffold one of the many topics regional historians are familiar with, in terms that make it comprehensible, appealing, and hopefully more theoretically robust, in the eyes of colleagues from different sub-disciplinary traditions.

Objective of the study
Medicinal  plant  research  has  become  very  important  considering  the  herbal
resources  our  rain  forest  is  bestowed  with  which  if  harnessed  could  solve  the
challenges in malaria treatment in the area of accessibility and treatment cost. The
present  study  on  antimalarial  activity  of  locally  cultivated Artemisia  annua in
Langtang  South  area  of  Plateau  State  against Plasmodium  berghei  and  the
phytochemical  screening  of  the  leaf  extract  is  to  evaluate  the  efficacy,
phytochemical content and possible indigenization of the herbal based medicine
which for now is not native to Nigeria.
Methodology
In vivo anti-malarial sensitivity of plant extract was assessed using the 4-day test
for  anti-malarial  activity  against  a  chloroquine  sensitive Plasmodium  berghei
NK65  strain in  Swiss  albino  mice, Phytochemical  analysis  and  the  lethal  dose
(LD50) in mice screening were also determined.
Results
There  was  a  dose -dependent  inhibition  of  parasitaemia  in  the In  vivo
antiplasmodial  tests,  with  maximum  effect  at  300  mg/kg.  LD50 in  mice  was
estimated to be 2750 mg/kg and the phytochemical analysis revealed the presence
of terpenes, steroids, cardiac glycosides, flavonoids and carbohydrate.
Conclusion
The leaf extract of A. annua contains biologically active principles that  possess
anti-malarial activities, therefore further studies of its active components will be
carried out.

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During the first decades of the 20th century, the lives of ordinary Indonesians were changed dramatically as part of larger global transformations. The great advances in tropical medicine and public health beginning in the late 19th century and intensifying in the 20th century are particularly striking, including groundbreaking work on malaria and mosquito varieties. This same-time frame witnessed an explosive growth of publishing in Indonesia. In an effort to better understand the dynamics of malaria research and treatment in the final years before WWII, this article focuses on advertisements about Malaria in a medical journal, the Geneeskundig Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch-Indië [Medical Journal for the Netherlands Indies] and in more “popular” publications of the government publisher Balai Poestaka during the final five years of Dutch colonial rule (c.1937-1941). The differences in audiences were reflected both in the medicines advertised and in advertising strategies, as one might expect with the professionalization of advertising. Wartime years presented major changes, including a major drop in quinine advertising and an absence of Atabrine and Plasmochin.

Despite Hong Kong’s association with infectious disease, it is easy to overlook the long presence and significant impact of malaria on its history. The experience is complex, personal and of particular interest because it spanned key developments in both understanding and controlling the disease. High mortality shaped Hong Kong’s emergence, dictating the urban layout of the new colony and driving local production of scientific and medical expertise. Yet malaria eradication followed a discontinuous course, dependent on step-wise progress in scientific knowledge, medical expertise, colonial government policy, targeted intervention, public education and surveillance. As an emerging disease ‘hotspot’, these factors remain relevant in twenty-first century Hong Kong as inherent features of local infectious disease preparedness planning. This paper explores the complex socio-ecological relationship between malaria, people and the environment and examines malaria’s fluid identity in the Hong Kong context. Focusing on three key phases in Hong Kong’s experience of malaria it examines how this evolving identity influenced attempts to control the disease and contends that the need to make Hong Kong a successful colony was both a driver of malaria and the means by which eradication was eventually achieved.

Introduction: Insecticide Treated Bed Nets (ITNs) are one of the most efficient evidence-based interventions to combat malaria infection and the high under-five mortality rates in sub-Saharan Africa. The nets are costly and are thus increasingly subsidised or distributed free of charge. The Ministry of Health and Unicef distributed a total of 240 thousand LLINs to children less that five years of age in 2006 and 2007.
Objective: Gather information on mosquito prevention in Guinea-Bissau, especially the use of bed-nets, their origin and attitudes toward the nets. The research also explored environmental factors.
Methodology: The research was carried out in four coastal regions for three and a half months from August to mid-November 2007. Qualitative methods included open interviews, focus group discussions and participant observation. Quantitative methods included standardised questionnaires as well as use of documents from health care officials. Official permission for the research was obtained from the government.
Results: Bed-nets are considered indispensable during the rainy season and they are exclusively used for insect protection. Other methods of insect protection include the use of different varieties of smoke. Majority of the bed-nets in circulation are bought untreated and unsubsidised from local markets. Use of bed-nets in most areas is above 90% with many individuals sleeping under each net. Very remote rural areas, i.e. small islands, have limited access to markets and prices are high. These areas show much lower rates of bed-net use and need special attention in net distributions and measures to increase marketing.
Implications: The distribution structure of the Ministry of Public Health is an important resource. My research underlines the importance of assuring stable funding for the continuous ITNs distribution and re-treatment programs with long-term commitments in mind. The roughly hundred year history of the fight against the disease has shown that malaria cannot be eradicated with simple “magic solutions”. Different methods must be integrated to achieve results and the connection between malaria and poverty need to be addressed.
Key words: Malaria, ITNs, LLINs, bed-nets, distributions, Guinea-Bissau.

In this chapter I juxtapose the urgency Malaitans feel to understand and combat their past with the situation and experience in Germany at the end of the First World War, one that fed directly into the phenomenology developed by Heidegger. I use this juxtaposition to develop both an insight into Heidegger's phenomenology and to reflect on the way people in Solomon Islands bring God's Word to life to respond to a perceived crisis of history in their land amidst widespread cynicism over Western historiography and positivism. The juxtaposition will shed light on the specific theology and related nationalism in North Malaita while showing how Heidegger's phenomenology can be used as a foundation for more extensive anthropological research grounded in religious concerns. Just as many To'abaita conclude that the crisis of history, illustrated by the failure of the contemporary postcolonial Solomon Islands' state, is best countered by a return to “essential To'abaitan-ness or Malaitan-ness,” arguing for theocracy as their natural and culturally appropriate form of governance, so also Heidegger's phenomenological turn was made in the context of a similar conviction in the destiny of his own people's natural culture.

Since the late 1980s and Elaine Showalter's influential Sexual Anarchy, it has become axiomatic to read Bram Stoker's 1897 novel Dracula as a text that responds to anxieties of degeneration through metaphors of infection (184). Given the obvious sexual nature of the threat represented by the vampire, critics have focused on syphilis as the text's most immediate disease of reference. They have identified many important correspondences between Stoker's text and racialized fears of decline through blood and bloodlines, drawing connections between Stoker's own possible demise from syphilis, the history of contagious diseases legislation, and the scandal surrounding Ibsen's Ghosts (1882). But, as Martin Willis has noted, there continues to be “a need to reassess Dracula within the contexts of disease theories that allows for a more historically rigorous analysis of the novel” (302).

Malaria was considered one of the most widespread disease-causing entities in the nineteenth century. It was associated with a variety of frailties far beyond fevers, ranging from idiocy to impotence. And yet, it was not a self-contained category. The reconsolidation of malaria as a diagnostic category during this period happened within a wider context in which cinchona plants and their most valuable extract, quinine, were reinforced as objects of natural knowledge and social control. In India, the exigencies and apparatuses of British imperial rule occasioned the close interactions between these histories. In the process, British imperial rule became entangled with a network of nonhumans that included, apart from cinchona plants and the drug quinine, a range of objects described as malarial, as well as mosquitoes. Malarial Subjects explores this history of the co-constitution of a cure and disease, of British colonial rule and nonhumans, and of science, medicine and empire. This title is also available as Open Access.

A recent epidemic of malaria in the highlands of Bolivia and establishment of multiple Anopheles species mosquitoes in the highlands of Ecuador highlights the reemergence of malaria in the Andes Mountains in South America. Because malaria was endemic to many highland valleys at the beginning of the 20th century, this review outlines the 20th century history of malaria in the highlands of Ecuador, and focuses on its incidence (e.g., geographic distribution) and elimination from the northern highland valleys of Pichincha and Imbabura and the role of the Guayaquil to Quito railway in creating highland larval habitat and inadvertently promoting transportation of the vector and parasite. Involvement of control organizations in combating malaria in Ecuador is also outlined in a historical context.

El Canal de Panamá y los sistemas de riego que se implementaron en la Cuenca Hidrográfica del Ebro desde finales del siglo XIX son muestras representativas de las implicaciones sanitarias que estas obras suponían en unos territorios que experimentaban profundas transformaciones ambientales y que recibían una abundante mano de obra que, además, se veía obligada a residir en las proximidades de zonas convertidas en hábitats muy favorables para el desarrollo de los vectores de la malaria. Pese a incorporar al estudio dos zonas muy diferentes entre sí se observa cómo la zona con menores precipitaciones también fue capaz de generar fases epidémicas de la enfermedad, no solo en la fase de construcción de los embalses y canalizaciones sino también con la puesta en marcha de los regadíos.

During the 2018 field season of the Necropilis of Poggio Gramignano - Lugnano in Teverina (Italy), a remarkable discovery was made. In the early afternoon under the beating July sun, while the cicadas sang out from the old oak tree looming over the villa’s ruins, the archaeologists involved in the project began to reveal the first signs of a new burial. Amphorae sherds capped a tegula (roof tile) leaning up against one of the storage magazine’s walls. But as excavation continued, it became clear to all that this burial was different. Not long after Gabriele and Danny had come across the first signs of this burial, the two had fully uncovered a partial “alla cappuccina” style burial, much larger than those so far discovered at Poggio Gramignano.  Alla cappuccina burials are typical of this cemetery and Roman Italy in general, in which tegulae are stacked and pitched against one another to create a make-shift tomb, often for ordinary individuals. This was a partial alla cappuccina burial, constructed by leaning two large roof tiles against an existing wall of the room. Beneath the tegulae was found the remains of a single individual placed resting on the left side and facing the wall of the room. Designated as “Burial 51,” this individual and the burial are remarkable for two reasons. First, this child is much older than those infants and children so far discovered (52 in total). Based on the stage of dental development evident, this young child (whose sex remains undetermined at this moment) was around 10 years old at the time of its death. While the body had been subject to some taphonomic disturbance over time, it was well-protected by the tegulae, evidenced by the skeleton’s completeness and the high degree of articulation. This preservation made the second remarkable fact of this burial all the more apparent. A stone was found within his or her mouth. This stone was revealed to be a small limestone cut in a shape similar to a wall cubilium. A cubilium is a kind of cut stone crafted by the Romans, pointed on end and inserted into stone-faced cement walls. Because of the way the child’s head was positioned, the jaw would not have fallen open as the masseter muscles decomposed, suggesting that the placement of the stone was intentional and did not result from the slow collapse of the surrounding edifice. Moreover, this stone had cement on two sides, in which small tooth-shaped depressions are visible, lending further weight to the interpretation that the stone was purposefully inserted within the child’s mouth.

This is the author manuscript accepted for publication and has undergone full peer review but has not been through the copyediting, typesetting, pagination and proofreading process, which may lead to differences between this version and the Version of Record. Please cite this article as

Since the late 1980s and Elaine Showalter's influential Sexual Anarchy, it has become axiomatic to read Bram Stoker's 1897 novel Dracula as a text that responds to anxieties of degeneration through metaphors of infection (184). Given the obvious sexual nature of the threat represented by the vampire, critics have focused on syphilis as the text's most immediate disease of reference. They have identified many important correspondences between Stoker's text and racialized fears of decline through blood and bloodlines, drawing connections between Stoker's own possible demise from syphilis, the history of contagious diseases legislation, and the scandal surrounding Ibsen's Ghosts (1882). But, as Martin Willis has noted, there continues to be “a need to reassess Dracula within the contexts of disease theories that allows for a more historically rigorous analysis of the novel” (302).

During the first decades of the 20th century, the lives of ordinary Indonesians were changed dramatically as part of larger global transformations. The great advances in tropical medicine and public health beginning in the late 19th century and intensifying in the 20th century are particularly striking, including groundbreaking work on malaria and mosquito varieties. This same-time frame witnessed an explosive growth of publishing in Indonesia. In an effort to better understand the dynamics of malaria research and treatment in the final years before WWII, this article focuses on advertisements about Malaria in a medical journal, the Geneeskundig Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch-Indië [Medical Journal for the Netherlands Indies] and in more “popular” publications of the government publisher Balai Poestaka during the final five years of Dutch colonial rule (c.1937-1941). The differences in audiences were reflected both in the medicines advertised and in advertising strategies, as one might expect with the professionalization of advertising. Wartime years presented major changes, including a major drop in quinine advertising and an absence of Atabrine and Plasmochin.