Bad governance

A commitment to eradicate global poverty through development and economic growth is a challenge which has been accepted by governments worldwide, in spite of the straightforward difficulty of finding a general consent on the strategies to undertake to face this particular issue. World Bank’s commitment to poverty reduction is commonly deemed to be genuine. Yet, the governance agenda is far from perfect, and a re-evaluation of the Bank’s role is needed

Bad governance can very quickly ruin the economic situation of the whole coun- try. However, in the conditions of the Western world, even though they can cause a lot of damage, more or less developed administrative apparatus is able to minimize the effects of bad decisions, and the society has a chance to rebuff the rulers in the next elections. In so-called dysfunctional states bad governance can damage an already weak country’s economy. Most researchers dealing with the issue of the state in Sub-Saharan Africa believe that, once the decolonisation was over, the power in the region was mostly taken by people whose leadership must be evaluated negatively, represented by such dictators as Jean-Bédel Bokassa, Mobutu Sese Seko or Idi Amin. The paper is trying to explain the interconnec- tion between bad governance experienced by Sub-Saharan African countries and state dysfunctionality phenomenon from which they suffer. The author formu- lated the analysis and assessment of bad governance presented in this article on the basis of his own field studies carried out in African countries and research of specialist literature related to African and political studies.

Violent conflicts in emerging democracies or societies in transition threaten the stability of state governance institutions, which brings about insecurity of lives, property and deepens the vicious cycle of poverty and criminality in Africa. The first responsibility of any government is to provide security of lives and property. At no time since Nigeria’s civil war has the country witnessed the resurgence of violence and insecurity that claims hundreds of lives weekly. It is a sectarian insurgence of multiple dimensions. This article makes the case that Boko Haram is not just a religious phenomenon but a reflection of a so- cio-political, economic and ethnic problem caused by bad governance. As a result, Boko Haram has witnessed a cross-border influence and impact which has expanded its frontiers beyondNigeriato neighboring countries in the West African region. The theoretical framework employed in this article posits that Boko Haram has its roots fundamentally in poverty caused by bad governance in the Northern Moslem bend, in Nigeria and the West African Region where corruption, human rights violations, marginalization of cultural, political and religious groups have created the situation whereby weak state structures have abysmally failed to deliver on the development promises made during elections. So the emergence of Nigeria’s Boko Haram violence, as a result of the street poverty and the rise of unemployed street beggars, popularly known as Almajiris, and their use for electoral and party violence, was encouraged by the neglect and abandonment of the masses by the governors and other elected leaders. The expansion and consolidation of the Boko Haram insurgence to other parts of the country and neighboring West African nations was made possible by the already existing failed state institutions, bad governance and corruption and the existing band of small criminal sectarian groups that depend upon their survival on aids from Al Quaeda, drug gangs and sea piracy. The religious dimension is a marginal factor fueled by fundamental socio-economic and political variables which have been thrown up in the first place by bad governance and leadership in Nigeria.

One year after the very powerful #EndSARS protests that called out the Nigerian government and its armed forces for violent crimes against Nigerian citizens, many Nigerians are still facing the "consequences" of demanding justice from their government. A lot of concerned citizens have asked questions regarding the legality or otherwise of certain events that took place during the protest. This paper would provide answers to some of those questions and state the position of local and international law on the right to peaceful assembly/protests.

The FIFA’s World Cup is kicking off in tremendous worldwide celebration and anticipation amid much controversy and debate in Brazil, the organizer of this edition, whose social activists reject outright their governent massive investment for no guaranteed return in lieu of much-needed social development in the country, and, also, around the world in the event of revelations of corruption money served to FIFA officials to organize the 2020 edtion in oil-rich Qatar, a country known for its sweltering heat in the summer season and inhman treatment of migrant workers.

This paper examined the link between bad governance and perpetuation of insecurity in Nigeria. Using theoretical arguments, the paper holds that, the current security challenges that bedeviled Nigeria are attributable to injustice, corruption and selfish governance by the leadership class. Since Nigeria's return to democracy in 1999, after a lengthy military rule that lasted for almost three decades, incidences of ethnic, communal, religious and resource conflicts continue to persist across most part of the This is aggravated by the apparent failure of the leadership to address key issues affecting the country such as poverty alleviation, employment generation, resource allocation, infrastructural development etc. Thus, the paper concludes that tackling insecurity in Nigeria is an enormous task, but one which is not impossible. Therefore, Nigerians must unite and the governing class must develop a strong political will and total commitment to fighting insecurity.

В статье анализируются силы и факторы, потенциально влияющие на выработку и реализацию публичной политики в России. Авторы формулируют два основных типа стратегий акторов, которые участвуют в процессе принятия политических решений. Первый – стратегии публичной политики (policy strategies), заключающиеся в достижении экономических целей и показателей для объекта управления, росте качества и количества публичных благ. Второй тип – политические стратегии (political strategies), направленные на перераспределение ресурсов, представительство интересов, внутриэлитную борьбу. Публичная политика на выходе является равновесной для всех типов стратегий, которые есть на входе, но значительно зависит от результатов согласования интересов между акторами, а также институциональных особенностей политико-управленческой среды. Для объяснения факторов, которые имеют значение в данном контексте, авторы обращаются к концепции качественного управления (good governance) и её противоположности – некачественного управления (bad governance). Ориентация на консенсус и верховенство права рассматриваются как критерии качества управления в контексте процессной составляющей выработки публичной политики.
В статье предлагается оригинальная модель соотношения политических стратегий и стратегий публичной политики, рассматриваемая сквозь призму дихотомии верховенства права (rule of law) и управления посредством права (rule by law), что, в свою очередь, определяет характер принятия решений. Авторы с помощью модели предполагают объяснять результаты сетевого взаимодействия множества акторов, участвующих в процессе согласования и выработки публичной политики. Возможность апробации модели рассматривается на двух случаях блокировки Интернет-ресурсов Роскомнадзором (LinkedIn и Telegram). Для проверки гипотез предполагается построение сетевых карт, включающих акторов выработки политических решений. В качестве стратегии дальнейшего исследования и объяснения того, какие решения формируются на выходе, авторы предлагают синтез сетевого анализа с моделью отбора стратегий публичной политики.

Come è naturale, il crescente divario tra governanti e governati è particolarmente risentito nei sistemi democratici. Le sue serie ramificazioni si fondano su un serio problema che potrebbe essere di non facile soluzione ma che può e deve essere affrontato con urgenza. A complicare le cose, pochi governanti sembrano interessati a riconoscere la natura, o addirittura l'esistenza di questo problema. Ciò si combina con la carenza di conoscenza empirica sulla legittimità della gestione del potere dei gruppi dominanti. Il mio interesse per la legittimità e i processi di legittimazione e delegittimazione risale ai primi anni '90 (Pardo 1995, 1996, 2000). Fui stimolato dalla riflessione sul netto contrasto tra la mia etnografia dei napoletani ordinari, la loro falsa rappresentazione nella letteratura scientifica e nei media e il loro conseguente maltrattamento da parte di governanti che li consideravano con supponenza e disprezzo e che, a loro volta, non godevano di fiducia o legittimità tra la maggior parte della popolazione (Pardo 2001; 2017: 37-43). Allora, come oggi (Pardo 2006: 26-28; 2017), i napoletani ordinari sono stati trattati di fatto come cittadini di seconda classe, oppressi da politiche avverse che hanno avuto un forte impatto sulla loro vita e hanno fortemente motivato la loro crescente distanza da ciò che descrivono come "poteri predatori" che governano secondo il principio "due pesi due misure" (Pardo 2012: 68-73). Da etnografo impegnato sul campo (Pardo 2017: 35-36), ero convinto che una comprensione approfondita della complessità morale e del valore sociale dell'azione individuale in questa importante realtà urbana avrebbe contribuito a produrre una visione migliore delle dinamiche chiave di legittimità e legalità nel rapporto tra cittadinanza e governance nella politica sociale, nella legislazione e nell'accesso ai diritti (Pardo 2018). Da qui nasce la decisione di condurre uno studio antropologico sul funzionamento del potere. Altrove ho descritto dettagliatamente questa esperienza (Pardo 2018). Qui, in sintesi, mi limito a indicare che ho vissuto a Napoli per diversi anni svolgendo osservazione partecipante tra cittadini ordinari e élite locali e integrando i dati con lo studio approfondito di casi significativi di individui ed eventi. Nel corso di un trentennio ho studiato sul campo la gestione che gruppi chiave fanno del potere e dell'autorità. Ho regolarmente aggiornato il mio materiale empirico sui napoletani ordinari, sui loro 1 Per una versione ampliata di questo breve saggio, si veda Pardo (2019).

This paper examined the link between bad governance and perpetuation of insecurity in Nigeria. Using theoretical arguments, the paper holds that, the current security challenges that bedeviled Nigeria are attributable to injustice, corruption and selfish governance by the leadership class. Since Nigeria's return to democracy in 1999, after a lengthy military rule that lasted for almost three decades, incidences of ethnic, communal, religious and resource conflicts continue to persist across most part of the This is aggravated by the apparent failure of the leadership to address key issues affecting the country such as poverty alleviation, employment generation, resource allocation, infrastructural development etc. Thus, the paper concludes that tackling insecurity in Nigeria is an enormous task, but one which is not impossible. Therefore, Nigerians must unite and the governing class must develop a strong political will and total commitment to fighting insecurity.