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Always Incomplete: A Mixtape after Moten and Harney by Andrew Brooks
REVIEW: ANDREW BROOKS ON FRED MOTEN AND STEFANO HARNEY
Always Incomplete: A Mixtape after Moten and Harney
More like this
All Incomplete
by Stefano Harney and Fred Moten
Menu
Minor Compositions
182pp
Published June 2021
ISBN: 9781570273780
Listen to the Always Incomplete playlist.
A mixtape is an intimate form of address. It is a compilation of songs that might index a feeling, an attachment, a
relation, a concept. It is something that might be passed from hand to hand, circulating by way of affinity or crush. A
mixtape is made to be shared. This essay takes the form of a mixtape, songs compiled in response to Fred Moten and
Stefano Harney’s All Incomplete. My readings of these songs are offered as a way of thinking with, and through, the
book.
I have long been obsessed with ‘Pink Matter’ by Frank Ocean, a song that has a drawn-out opening where Ocean’s voice
floats across a repeated, single-line guitar riff and keyboard chords that land on every beat. Every few bars a strange
sample of voices shouting elaborates the beat, at first doubling it before getting ever so slightly out of sync. Strings add
a certain thickness to the track’s texture: rising and falling, dropping away abruptly, returning again. You hear the
barking of a dog (the singer’s Bernese Mountain dog Everest) buried somewhere in the mix from time to time. The song
captures the feeling of summer: slow, heavy, hot, unbearably sexy. This seasonal association is confirmed in the
opening seconds of the song with Ocean invoking the sensual pleasure of summer fruits with a spoken lyric: ‘And the
peaches and the mangoes that you could sell for me’. When he starts singing, his voice drifts across the slow groove,
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often sitting just behind the beat in a way that feels as if the track is being stretched like an elastic pulled almost to
breaking point.
‘Pink Matter’ is a mash-up of pop philosophy and pop culture: Cartesian dualism segues into anime references;
pondering alien life gives way to existential ruminations. ‘What do you think my brain is made for / Is it just a
container for the mind?’ asks Ocean in the song’s opening lines. The question restages both a history of philosophical
inquiry and stoner conversations: is experience defined by a rigid distinction between mind and matter? For
Enlightenment thinkers, the principles of dualism were developed into a conception of subjectivity governed by moral
and categorical imperatives that exist beyond experience and so must be taken as a priori truths deduced through
reason. The capacity to reason marked the Enlightenment subject as transcendental, universal, and singular rather
than immanent, particular, and plural. The history of this subject is also a history of racialisation, with dualism
providing the ground for a theory of possession from which both the rational subject and the racialised other emerge.
The disembodied universal that is the transcendental subject is given shape when pitted against the racialised and
gendered other who is presumed to lack the capacity to self-possess and so is excluded from both the category of the
human and the political sphere that accompanies this category. The self-possessed individual is defined against the
negation of Blackness and Indigeneity, a move which relies on an a priori assertion of the supremacy of whiteness and
the justification of supremacy through legal and philosophical discourse. This discursive chain establishes, as Cheryl
Harris has argued, an actual property interest in whiteness itself where property is understood as a metaphysical
rather simply physical – a right rather than a thing or a right that might take the shape of a thing.
‘From the outset,’ write Fred Moten and Stefano Harney, ‘the ability to own – and that ability’s first derivative, selfpossession – is entwined with the ability to make more productive’. The racialised conception of subjectivity – the
figure of ‘Man’ – is arrived at through a chain of reasoning that links individuated ownership to improvement. It was
the English jurist John Locke who famously posited that possession arose from mixing one’s labour with the earth in
order to increase the land’s productivity (a principle that underpins the dispossessive violence of colonisation that is
incompletely captured by the phrase terra nullius). In order to be improved, land had to be reduced to quantifiable
productivity, which commonly involved forms of speciation that we would now call monocropping. The development
of the self-possessed individual and ownership of land are coterminous; the concept of self-possession is indebted to a
Lockean idea of possession-by-improvement that was developed in relation to land tenure while simultaneously
functioning as the necessary precondition for any possessive claim over land or object. As such, the self-possessed
individual must also be governed by the logic of improvement and the compulsion to increase productivity. Moten and
Harney elaborate on this entanglement of racialisation, possession, and domination:
In this regard, (necessarily European) man, in and as the exception, imposes speciation upon himself, in an operation
that extracts and excerpts himself from the earth in order to confirm his supposed dominion over it. And just as the
earth must be forcefully speciated to be possessed, man must forcefully speciate himself in order to enact this kind of
possession. This is to say that racialization is present in the very idea of domination over the earth; in the very idea
and enactment of the exception; in the very nuts and bolts of possession-by-improvement.
Racialisation is foundational to modern Western thought and experience. The shifting process of separating people
according to group-based difference, that is, the ascription of race, is present in the idea of enclosing and possessing
the earth. Race is not an ontological or biological category, despite the ongoing attempts to render it fixed that are
found in the discourses of ‘scientific’ racism that continue to haunt our present. Nor is it something that emerges from
the capitalist mode of production but rather, as Moten and Harney, by way of Cedric Robinson, show us, racialisation
emerges co-constitutively with capitalism, a necessary condition for the flourishing of exploitation inherent to
capitalist reproduction. The process of speciation that enables domination over the earth is malleable, involving the
production and reproduction of ascriptive differences that shift over time in order to satisfy the unquenchable drive to
increase productivity and the corresponding regimes of accumulation. For the individual, transcendental subject that
emerges from this process of speciation – those who are deemed to possess the capacity for continual improvement –
identity and property relations become fused through the juridical concept of status and the moral apparatus of rights.
On the other hand, those racialised subjects presumed to lack the capacity to self-possess and therefore also the
capacity to improve, are excluded from the sphere of humanity or coercively and conditionally brought within it. The
question Ocean poses – ‘What do you think my brain is made for / Is it just a container for the mind?’ – contains a loose
thread that when tugged unravels a history of possession and individuation, dispossession and subjugation. But like
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all prophets, he doesn’t leave the question unanswered. His response, drawing out the syllables in a melismatic
performance that captures the shattering mixture of compulsion, suspension, and urgency that marks desire: ‘My god,
giving me pleasure / Pleasure, pleasure, pleasure / Pleasure over matter.’ The end of phrase coincides with the bass
drop, the release of tension that has been building for almost two and half minutes. It’s a sublime moment in pop
music.
What does it mean to affirm pleasure over matter? Most obviously the song adheres to the genre conventions of R&B, a
genre where pleasure and sex and desire are what songs are often explicitly about. But perhaps such songs suggest
something about the radical potentiality of pleasure as well. ‘Pink Matter’ makes this latent potentiality explicit:
Ocean’s declaration that pleasure trumps matter can be read as refusal to accept the terms of a world structured by
dualism – a refusal of mind-body splits, of individuated subjects, of possession-by-improvement. ‘From the first
moment, which appears to keep happening all the time, all property is posited, beginning with the
positing/positioning of a body for locating ownership, and the owned, and a mind for owning’, write Moten and Harney.
The modern subject cannot be thought outside of the violence of colonisation and racialisation as the expropriation of
land requires the expropriation of the interiority of the racialised other, an interiority that is suppositionally taken to
be an exclusive property of the European ‘Man’. ‘The first theft shows up as rightful ownership’, Moten and Harney tell
us. ‘This is the theft of fleshly, earth(l)y life, which is then incarcerated in the body.’ The body, in other words, is not
merely matter but a construction inseparably tied to the individuated self. ‘The body is just an overseer, a factor, a
superintendent for the real landlord, the real owner, the individual, in his noxious, heavy-handed conceptuality’. I read
Ocean’s affirmation of pleasure not as affirmation of the bod(il)y but of flesh which, as Hortense Spillers teaches us, is
that which precedes the body and so escapes and refuses the racialising grammar the individuated body implies.
The gesture of refusal in ‘Pink Matter’ is active. It is not merely a negation but a pivot from refusal to possibility, from
pessimism to operationalism (to borrow a concept that Moten develops in his essay ‘Black Op’). The rejection of the
mind/body problem and the affirmation of flesh is at once the insistence that property remains vulnerable to sharing,
that there is an excess that escapes the violent regimes (economic, juridical, and philosophical) that uphold and
reproduce private ownership. Flesh reminds us of the historical contingency of the world we inhabit, it remains, as
Moten has put it, both ante- and anti-racial capitalism. Flesh is a condition for the existence of an individuated subject
that is positioned in a body and yet is unable to be reduced to this figure. The affirmation of flesh reminds us that a
different future is possible.
The excess that spills forth from Ocean when he repeatedly intones the word pleasure reminds me of a line from
Moten’s long poem ‘block chapel’: ‘communism is how you get nasty with enjoyment.’ Of course, the communism that
Moten has in mind has nothing to do with the twentieth-century projects that took that name, which would more
accurately be described as state capitalism, but rather with the promise of another world in which everyone has access
to things they need, where we remain vulnerable to sharing and so in turn can share in the needs of everyone. So when
Moten writes of the getting nasty with enjoyment, or Ocean sings of pleasure, both are speaking to a kind of excess and
abundance – of matter, feeling, embrace, sensation, intimacy, imagination – that moves directly against the misery of
capital and the value form and the individual. To dwell in the pleasure of the song or the poem is to take seriously the
role that pleasure might play in the making of a different world. The accumulation of pleasure must be a central
question in any consideration of what revolution looks and feels like, rather than something to be tackled in its wake.
Crucially, the accumulation of pleasure depends on the abolition of the individual and order this figure implies.
What is the rhythm of our shared togetherness? And how can we find our way back to it? Or rather, how can we
cultivate this rhythm in order that we might keep dancing a little longer? The exploration of such questions is at the
heart of All Incomplete, in which Moten and Harney extend and develop many of the ideas presented in The
Undercommons: Fugitive Planning and Black Study. Another way to stage the question at the heart of the book, and to
which the authors offer an incomplete answer, is to ask: What is it to refuse to move to the metronomic beat of
continual improvement? That beat is the violent rhythm of possession-by-individuation, of which they write:
There is a rhythm making the world, and the space and time this rhythm beats out invites individuation in this world.
[…] It is the rhythm of commodity production by commodities, internally disrupted at its origin. The first beat renders
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each commodity separate, bordered, isolated from the next. The second beat renders every thing equal to every other
thing. The first beat makes every thing discrete. The second beat makes everything the same. Time and space order
this rhythm, and are ordered by it. This is a settler rhythm, this one-two of capitalist production, a rhythm of citizen
and subject, of dividuation and individuation, of genocide and law. It sounds out by expropriating any other
movement of the beat. It asserts that nothing else can be heard, that nothing else need be felt. It is in short a killing
rhythm.
The dub poet Linton Kwesi Johnson identifies the same killing rhythm that Moten and Harney describe in his deep,
almost monotonal chant that opens ‘All Wi Doin is Defendin’, the final song of the classic 1979 album Dread Beat an’
Blood by Johnson’s outfit, Poet and the Roots. ‘War … war …’ he sings, elongating the word over a bass-heavy reggae
groove and a minor-key piano accompaniment that wanders freely through the track, weaving its way around the
vocal. Johnson, a Jamaican-born poet of the Black radical tradition who migrated to the Afro-Caribbean neighborhood
of Brixton in the south of London as a boy in 1963, sings of a war of racial oppression, police violence, and the coming
of neoliberal austerity:
doze days
of di truncheon
an doze nites
of melancholy locked in a cell
doze hours of torture touchin hell
doze blows dat caused my heart to swell
When Johnson stretches out the word ‘war’, perhaps it is to show us just how capacious a term it is, a war waged across
the interlocking vectors of race, gender, and class that encompasses material, affective, and psychic violence. A war
that has borne many names: the war on poverty, the war on drugs, the war on crime, the war on terror. With each
renewal of this inexhaustible war comes the reaffirmation of a commitment to disciplinary measures that promise
immediate action. The intensification of racialised policing and mass incarceration come to replace social welfare
programs as capital is restructured through the ideological tenets of neoliberalism that include increased
privatisation, the deregulation of markets and their increasingly global integration, the imposition of austerity, and a
shift to a rhetoric of personal responsibility. Johnson, singing in 1979 as the repercussions of the global oil crisis of
1973 were starting to be felt and as the neoliberal rule of Margaret Thatcher’s Tory government was just commencing,
is singing not only of an ongoing war but of what Antonio Negri described in 1980 as the ‘transition from “welfare” to
“warfare” state’. Here the state is restructured according to an ideology of scarcity and the idea of imminent threat.
State spending, as advocates of ‘free’ market economics would have us believe, does not actually shrink but is merely
redirected away from social welfare programs and into the repressive arms of the state: police, prisons, military. Ruth
Wilson Gilmore describes this sleight of hand as the ‘anti-state state’, a term she deploys to describe an ideological
commitment to minimal state intervention that cloaks the increasing entanglement between state and market.
The truncheon and the cell cannot be detached from possession-by-improvement and the expropriation of interiority
that underpins this juridical-philosophical construction. The neoliberal structuring of the state involves a return to
principles of classical liberalism in which the self-possessed individual is taken to be the basis of all social and
political relations, and the role of government is to ensure individual liberty and economic opportunity. Neoliberalism
is an intensification of these principles, the articulation of an order where the market determines all relations between
individuals and the state recedes into the background. Think of Thatcher’s famous proclamation: ‘There is no such
thing as society. There are only individuals and families.’ In reality, the state continues to mediate the social sphere
albeit in increasingly coercive ways. The neoliberal notion of small government remains something of fantasy that
masks a redistributive politics that deprioritises state welfare in order to bolster warfare programs. Here a continuum
can be traced between forms of violent coercion, such as policing and incarceration, and techniques of production and
management concerned with the enclosure of the social, such as financialisation and privatisation, logistics and
professionalisation. War, as Johnson knows, takes many forms.
‘Logistics,’ as Jasper Bernes has succinctly written, ‘is war by other means, war by means of trade.’ Rendered in these
terms, logistics does not simply describe the movement of commodities but the control of the flow of commodities.
Efficiency and improvement, cornerstones of the contemporary ‘logistics revolution’ in which production has been
transformed according to the conditions of circulation, is ultimately an attempt to dominate time and space. The
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killing rhythm, the beat of war, is the patterning of logistics, the science of capitalism. ‘Modern logistics’, Moten and
Harney explain in The Undercommons, ‘is founded with the first great movement of commodities, the ones that could
speak’. This linking of modern, that is commercial, logistics to the Atlantic slave trade makes clear that ‘war by means
of trade’ is waged on our species being through the violent imposition of racialisation. At the core of it, Stefano Harney
tells us, ‘modern logistics is not just about how to transport large amounts of commodities or information or energy, or
even how to move these efficiently, but also about the sociopathic demand for access: topographical, jurisdictional, but
as importantly bodily and social access.’ This enclosure of the bodily and the social is another way of articulating the
privatisation of the social individual or the subordination of the social to the regime of private property.
In All Incomplete, Moten and Harney pick up a critique they began in The Undercommons:
Logistics would seem to value means over ends – everything is how to get it there, not what it is – but logistics is really
the degradation of means, the general devaluation of means through individuation and privatization, which are the
same thing.
Logistics, they tell us, is a science of loss where what is lost is sharing itself. The mass movement of commodities
follows on the heels of the privatisation of property but more than this it describes a colonising drive ‘where properties
are imported into empty space’. Here we are again returned to the spatio-temporal relation implied by the
entanglement between private property and Enlightenment interiority. The claiming of possession must be located in
both space and time, something that logistics makes possible.
Space emerges as the delimitation of what is mine, and time begins with the theft and imposition when it became
mine. The individual mind and its coming to maturity out of the tabula rasa mark this first conquest. Enlightenment
interiority emerged from this emplotment of time and space […] this separation from what is shared.
Modern logistics might best be understood as a mode of rationalisation in which the enclosure and narrativisation of
time and space enable the logic of possession-by-improvement to be forcefully advanced. ‘Logistics aims to straighten
us out, untangle us, and open us to its usufruct, its improving use; such access to us, in its turn, improves the flow line,
the straight line’, Moten and Harney warn. ‘And what logistics takes to be the shortest distance between us requires
emplotting us as bodies in space where interiority can be imposed even as the capacity for interiority can be denied, in
the constant measure and regulation of flesh and earth’. The war rhythm is the capture of time and space over and over
and over again.
But the killing rhythm is not only the rhythm. There is a counter-rhythm that sounds before, and against, the rhythm of
individuation and capitalist production. Johnson knows this and he sings not only of war waged on our species-being
(as it manifests in the violence of market and the cops and the state), but of the fight against it was well:
war …. war …
mi seh lissen
oppressin man
hear what I say if yu can
wi have
a grievous blow fi blow
The call to listen is, of course, an articulation of resistance, a warning to the oppressor that every blow can be matched.
Yet Johnson’s lyrics are not simply a response to the threat of violence but a call to defend what Moten and Harney
would call our undercommon sociality, something best described as a shared attachment to sharing, ‘a commitment
against the idea of society itself’. In ‘All Wi Doin is Defendin’, Johnson sings of the defense of a fugitive excess that
marks the subject as always incomplete and therefore open to sharing. What is being defended is our capacity to
assemble, not as the doubly ‘free’ individuals that Marx described – those who are compelled to sell our privatised
capacity in order for capitalist reproduction to take place, nor as the unfree, enslaved subjects that such a mode of
production has always relied upon – but rather as those who ‘consent to no longer be a single being’, as Édouard
Glissant phrases it. Johnson articulates a counter-rhythm that cannot be stilled despite the ongoing attempts to do so:
all oppression
can do is bring
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passion to di heights of eruption
an songs of fire wi will sing
The counter-rhythm is a rhythm of passion, a rhythm that contains an ever-present, if sometimes latent, quality that
surges forth at certain moments to overwhelm the current order of things. The riot is one form that this irruption of
passion can take, an expression of self-defense that momentarily interrupts the supremacy of private property and
value. But the riot is a crystallisation of what Moten and Harney call ‘the general antagonism’ which is a concept that
describes irreducible difference without separation. For Moten and Harney, such difference exists underneath the
level of the individual and underneath a politics that positions such a figure at its core. It also exists underneath forms
of politics that are articulated only in opposition to any politics that begins with the individual and relations between
individuals. The general antagonism speaks to something that moves in excess of this paradigm, a rhythm of fugitivity
that serves as the basis for an undercommon sociality.
This is the rhythm Martha and Vandellas move to, the rhythm that moves through their 1964 hit ‘Dancing in the Street’,
a song I have been listening to, and writing about, with Astrid Lorange in work that explores the poetics of the riot. As
soon as we hear the baritone saxophone fall into that first, heavy downbeat, we know the song is a party. It’s a party
that knows no borders, a party that adheres only to a beat that refuses separation. Martha Reeves begins: ‘Callin’ out
around the world / Are you ready for a brand new beat?’ One might read the question as a restaging of that classic
gesture that we find in both pop music and the avant-garde, the announcement that what is being done here has never
been done before, that what we are witnessing is a radical break with history itself. But that would be to misread the
song and its strange temporal logic. The song announces an imminent future – ‘They’ll be dancing (dancing in the
street)’ – before immediately reminding us that this future is already happening – ‘They’re dancing in the street /
Dancing in the street’. This movement between present and future tense also implies a movement backwards in time,
suggesting perhaps that the dancing has never stopped and that the brand new beat is the same old beat of the general
antagonism that continuously forms and reforms itself in order that we might continue dancing in the street. It is no
surprise then that the song became an anthem of the Harlem riots that unfolded in the summer of 1964 in the wake of
murder of 15-year-old James Powell by an NYPD lieutenant, nor that the song has remained closely linked with the riot
as a particular form of uprising.
For Moten and Harney, the general antagonism that animates the dub poetics of Johnson dub or the summer party
anthem of Martha and the Vandellas or the riot as an expression of self-defense can be understood in sonic and
rhythmic terms as expressions of a beat that surrounds the killing rhythm of the settler, the war rhythm of the
capitalist, the violent rhythm of individuation and expropriation. They write:
But this rhythm [the war rhythm] has always been set amidst, and beset by, the general antagonism, the cacophony of
beats, lines, falsettos, and growls, of hips, feet, hands, of bells, chimes, and chants, an undercommon track. At the
heart of its production is a certain indiscretion, a certain differentiation that will not separate, an unbordered
consolation against isolation, a haptical resonance that makes possible and impossible this killing rhythm, the
undercommon track that would remain fugitive from the emerging logistics of this deadly rhythm and exhaust it.
If logistics is one way of describing the rhythm of enclosure and separation, then logisticality is, for Moten and Harney,
a way of understanding the emergence and cultivation of an undercommon rhythm that precedes and resists the
logistical one. Logisticality describes a fugitive movement that disrupts the logic of logistics and yet cannot be
separated from the violence of it. Logisticality reminds us that something evades and escapes the attempt to transform
flesh into commodities that took place in the mass production process of the Atlantic slave trade. This is a lesson they
take from Cedric Robinson who, in his remarkable historiography of the Black radical tradition, Black Marxism, writes
of the impossibility of total deculturation. Despite the reduction of people to chattel and despite their forced
dislocation from place and often kin, Robinson tells us that ‘critical mixes and admixtures of language and thought, of
cosmology and metaphysics, of habits, beliefs, and morality’ also traveled in the hold of the ship. A certain form of
consciousness and sociality moved with those who were forcibly shipped under conditions of brutal duress. In The
Undercommons, Moten puts it like this:
the one who is shipped is also a smuggler, carrying something – and what he carries is, first and foremost, a kind of
radical, non-locatability. The point is, there’s a certain way of thinking about that impossibility of being located, of
that exhaustion of location.
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This exhaustion of location cannot be thought when detached from the scene of constraint and yet it offers a way of
conceptualising a movement that refuses to be stilled, one that insists on the existence of an outside or, better still, an
underneath that is not bound by the current terms of order. Another name for the exhaustion of location would be
fugitivity, which not only describes a movement that disfigures the status quo in its relentless escape from the
constraints set forth by property and individuation but insists on renewing a sociality that is based on the capacity to
share in the here and now. This requires an embrace of what might be called the improvisational imperative, a
willingness to find and follow the beat of the general antagonism in order that we might find our way back to a shared
attachment to sharing.
If their logistics both assumes and dictates that the shortest distance between two points is a straight line, what if our
logisticality, before and against both assumption and dictation, improvises a shorter distance in curve – or not even in
curve, but in kink? Kink is neither curve nor circle, much less line. Indeed, a kink is often said to be a block. And what
is a collection of kinks, or a collective of kinks, if not a dread, or jam? Watch me? No, watch meh, motherfucker.
Is it the kink we are hearing in ‘Pink Matter’ when André 3000 bends time on one of the most understated guitar solos
captured on record? Is it the kink we hear when Martha and the Vandellas suspend the linearity of time by invoking a
present that has already sounded? The kink links the vibrancy of Lata Mangeshkar with the militancy of Linton Kwesi
Johnson through the contact between enslaved Africans and indentured Hindu workers in the colony of Jamaica. The
kink gives us the cosmic wandering of Alice Coltrane on her ‘Journey in Satchidananda’. If logistics is a science of loss,
then logisticality might be something like a science of kinks. It is one crucial modality of an undercommon sociality
that moves against society itself.
The undercommons makes reference to the older notion of the commons, those shared resources and relations that
we might – as formally free yet alienated people – preserve and protect and manage. But the undercommons marks a
radical departure from the commons, which has traditionally taken for granted the existence of the bourgeois
individual, understanding access to common resources to be an expression of individuals-in-relation. By contrast, the
undercommons takes the refusal of the individual as its departure point and therefore also refuses the notion of
individuals-in-relation. The undercommons begins from ‘the assumption that we could ever be anything but already
shared and already sharing’. Moten and Harney elaborate, ‘the undercommons is crucially about a sociality not based
on the individual. Nor,’ they continue, ‘would we describe it as derivative of the individual – the undercommons is not
about the dividual, or the pre-individual, or the supra-individual. The undercommons is an attachment, a sharedness,
a diffunity, a partedness.’ The undercommons emerges from a shared yet differential acknowledgement of precarity, a
commitment to the irreducible sociality of difference without separation. It is not a physical space but rather is a beat
that moves beneath and through the public and the private and in doing so poses a disruption to spatial figures that
liberal politics are organised around.
The undercommons, Moten and Harney teach us, is an attachment or an orientation to the fugitive movement that
enables communistic togetherness. But what does such an orientation entail? Their answer:
To be undercommon is to live incomplete in the service of a shared incompletion, which acknowledges and insists
upon the inoperative condition of the individual and the nation as these brutal and unsustainable fantasies and all of
the material effects they generate oscillate in the ever-foreshortening interval between liberalism and fascism.
The undercommons then, as the title of this book gestures to, requires a commitment to incompletion. To refuse the
enclosure of the self is to remain incomplete and therefore open to sharing and being shared. It is to consent to our
own dispossession. Such a refusal offers us a way of imagining and practising a different way of organising the world.
The primacy of the individual creates a link between liberalism and fascism which are co-existing rather than
completely distinct forms of political organisation. ‘If fascism is back, as the common sense in Europe and the United
States seems to insist, when did it go away?’ they ask. Their point is not disavow the particularity of fascism but rather
to note that such things as: the apartheid regimes of Jim Crow or the current Israeli state; the ongoing violence of
settler colonialism in places like Australia, Canada, and the United States; the imperialist interventions in places like
Latin America, Indonesia, and the Congo, or the rise of mass incarceration alongside neoliberalism are all expressions
of fascism that appeal to tenets of liberalism such as the protection of the individual and private property, free trade,
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the nation state, and the reproduction of capital. An attachment to incompletion insists that another mode of
inhabiting the world is not only possible but already exists.
The title of this book – All Incomplete – is a nod to Cedric Robinson, who articulated ‘the principle of incompleteness’ in
his celebration of improvised and decentralised forms of relation and social organisation, The Terms of Order. Robinson
writes of the Ila-Tonga, ‘a Bantu-speaking people living largely in the Mazambuka District of Zambia’, a part of the
world that was colonised by the British and known during that period as Northern Rhodesia. He notes that ‘the Tonga
people are a people by kinship and descent’ but that they have long lived in the midst of other people with whom they
share various cultural and language affiliations but who do not consider themselves Tonga. Robinson argues that this
sharing of life – the coexistence of difference without separation – meant that the Tonga ‘did not develop centralized
political organization’ or ‘networks of social and political machineries which would have made their demarcation
convenient to those primarily familiar with European political history.’ He continues: ‘the Tonga have come into
possession of an understanding of human organization which gives little prominence to the familiars of public-private,
autonomy-subject, secret-shared, interest-exclusion oppositions.’ In the decentralisation of Tonga society, Robinson
locates a principle of incompleteness that unsettles the ‘savage, monstrous monument of individualism whose
strength was in its serene aloneness.’ Against the separation given by the figure of the individual and the centralised
politics that preserve it, Robinson posits ‘a society which has woven into its matrix for the purpose of suspending and
neutralizing those forces antithetic to individual autonomy, the constructed reality that all are equally incomplete.’ The
undercommons can be understood as a call to generalise the principle of incompleteness that Robinson identified in
the Tonga way of life. Or rather, it is a call to realise that the principle of incompleteness exists despite the imposition
of possessive individualism. The undercommons is a call to renew our investment in our ongoing incompletion, an
active refusal to be made discrete.
The challenge of cultivating the undercommons lies in escaping the total imposition of individuation and the
expansion of logistics into every aspect of life. In The Undercommons Moten and Harney interrogated the university as a
site of struggle, one now dominated by the logistical compulsion to straighten things out. In their analysis of the
university, they narrate the production of a logistical education that foregrounds professionalisation and aims to
produce ‘job-ready’ graduates increasingly shaped by the desires of the market, which increasingly includes a mode of
criticality that has come to define a certain agile and innovative contemporary worker. But the concept of the
undercommons, Moten and Harney write, ‘is not, except incidentally, about the university’. It just so happened that the
university was the context in which Moten and Harney were working when they first developed their analysis. (Harney,
it should be noted, has subsequently left the sector.) The undercommons is not bound to the university nor to any
other singular site of struggle or institution but, like all good concepts, can be put to work in disparate contexts in
order to better understand how we might continue to assemble in our incompleteness. If the undercommons is about a
shared attachment to sharing, a commitment to remain always incomplete, then undercommon praxis is about how
we might develop modalities that allow us to improvise with our collective means in order to continue to refuse the
imposition of individuation. To this end, Moten and Harney continue to elaborate on a series of modalities first
presented in The Undercommons: study over education, planning over policy, logisticality over logistics. These concepts
emphasise decentralisation and improvisation as key practices for enacting collectivity. Might we make a way out of no
way, as the old adage goes.
The task of escaping from the present we find ourselves in is no simple matter and it poses certain contradictions. How
are we to act against the structures and institutions (the school, the job, the state, the colony) that reproduce our
collective misery when we remain in some way tethered to them? Of course, it is a contradiction to draw a wage from
an institution you want to abolish and to suggest otherwise would be disingenuous. To acknowledge this contradiction
is to acknowledge a certain degree of complicity with those institutions that we might wish to destroy. But to dwell for
too long on the question of complicity is to fall back into the trap of individuation. At the core of a concern around one’s
complicity ‘is the fear that they cannot sort themselves out in the midst of this complicity. The person cannot say this
is “me,” my strategy, and my relation to the institution.’ This is not to suggest some kind of disavowal of responsibility
or to advocate for a cheap nihilism but rather to point out how complicity has been turned against our undercommon
sociality. The desire to avoid compromising ourselves has become part of managerial strategy in which the individual
worker is encouraged to engage in an endless and impossible search for an ethical relation to their work. The danger of
such individualised demarcation is that we lose touch with the collective.
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What if we began from our shared complicity rather than the compulsion to disentangle from it? But this simple
acknowledgement does not go far enough, for the now familiar refrain of ‘we are all complicit’ is nothing but a liberal
catchphrase that reduces complicity to a simple moral without analytic basis or insight. How then are we to
understand our own complicity in different terms? This question has me thinking of the song ‘Are My Hands Clean?’ by
the a capella group Sweet Honey In The Rock. The song is stripped right back to bare essentials: unison voices singing a
single melody and occasionally breaking into harmony on the final word of phrase or stanza in a small gesture that
adds punctuation and impact to the argumentation put forward in the lyrics. The song, written by Bernice Johnson
Reagon, traces the production and circulation of a single shirt from the cotton fields of El Salvador all the way to a
Sears department store where, the singers tell us, ‘I buy my blouse on sale for a 20% discount’. The song follows the
vast logistical network involved in the production of this single blouse, a network that includes the expropriation of
labour and land, the transportation of materials and commodities, the technologies and processes of industrialisation.
They sing:
I wear garments touched by hands from all over the world
35% cotton, 65% polyester, the journey begins in Central America
In the cotton fields of El Salvador
In a province soaked in blood,
Pesticide-sprayed workers toil in a broiling sun
Pulling cotton for two dollars a day.
Then we move on up to another rung—Cargill
The starkness of the vocal and the absence of accompaniment add weight to the relations of exploitation that the song
traces. The minimalism of the song reveals the totality of the supply chain as a series of relations between exploited
labour that are made comparable under capital and yet are differentially exploited. I came to this remarkable song via
a published conversation between Chris Nealon and Joshua Clover in an edited collection called Communism and Poetry:
Writing Against Capital. Clover writes that ‘the song condenses abstract labor, subjectivity and its limit as stand-point,
the supply chain as the material basis of structural complicity, and comparative racialization. There is no name for
this condensation aside from history.’ The song shows us that there is no possibility of disentangling from our
complicity, which is to say no possibility of disentangling from history. However, if we take our complicity to be
something that emerges from the valorisation of abstract labour then we might understand it as something that is
shared, and therefore as a condition of our solidarity.
‘What would happen if every time people used the word “university” it came out sounding like “factory”?’ ask Moten
and Harney. The question, which uses the university as a non-exclusive example, is an invitation to consider the real
terms of our complicity, a reminder that the university is simply a place of work where value is generated by exploiting
abstract labour according to the same logic traced by Sweet Honey In The Rock. The capitalist division of labour
determines the production of both education as a commodity and a blouse, although the specific character of that
exploitation does differ. For Moten and Harney, the university remains a compelling example because it is often
afforded a special status, imagined to be a place of enlightenment that serves a common good. But more than this, the
university reflects the production of a kind of factory qualitatively different from the factory characterised by the
Fordist mode of production and implied by Sweet Honey In The Rock. The university is a signal example of a site of
work in which the lines between worker and management have become increasingly blurred.
In the university, as with many other neoliberal workplaces, the work of supervision is endlessly deputised until it
becomes the responsibility of each and every worker. The structure of supervision, which Moten and Harney
understand to be a form of managerial discipline that also (re-)imposes individuation, pervades every aspect of the
university as a site of work. They put it plainly:
First, students make the higher education system. Professors are primarily supervisory. Second, students working to
become teachers, in any area, are – all of them – being groomed for management… the fact is that if you want to teach
for money in our system, you’re supposed to supervise.
To be clear, this is not to flatten the difference between ongoing and casualised staff; the latter are exploited by way of
their ongoing precarity and face a continued erosion of their working conditions as the logic of gig work continues to
be advanced in the higher education sector. Rather, Moten and Harney suggest that it is in the recognition of our
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shared complicity, a recognition that necessarily links workers who occupy different structural positions within the
university, that we might develop and practice forms of undercommon sociality. They expand:
Realizing that you have to supervise to teach for money, even lousy money, in our system can then lead to two forms of
collective organization. We can take from the job our money and do something else together, or we can work to
overturn a system that chains study to supervision because only this over-turning is going to break that line. And at a
certain point since any exodus both goes nowhere and undermines what it leaves, these two forms of organizing come
together. Any other approach is just waiting around to be offered “supervisor of the month” or a “Distinguished
Teaching Award.”
The task then – whether in reference to the worksite or the colony or the state or capital – is not to disavow the
contradictions but to heighten them. The challenge is not to lose sight of the totality (capitalism) as we attend to
determinant parts (various institutions and forms of value). ‘What is, so to speak, the object of abolition?’ Moten and
Harney ask in The Undercommons.
Not so much the abolition of prisons but the abolition of a society that could have prisons, that could have slavery,
that could have the wage, and therefore not abolition as the elimination of anything but abolition as the founding of a
new society.
In All Incomplete they elaborate this thesis by arguing that a precondition of the abolition of society is the abolition of
the individuated self, which is to say the cultivation of incompletion as that which enables an unmediated sharing of
needs. The challenge that confronts us is how to refuse individuation when we find ourselves caught within systems
and structures hell bent on enforcing it. Moten and Harney invoke another meaning of complicity as a possible
antidote: ‘To be complicit with others, to be an accomplice, to live in ways that always provoke conspiracy, a conspiracy
without a plot where the conspiracy is the plot – this use of complicity can help us’. Here our complicity is redirected
away from the monolith of the institution and toward each other, toward those who exist beyond the institution and
who adhere to a principle of incompletion. This second sense of complicity reminds us that ‘we don’t make sense on
our own’, it moves us away from the compulsion to demarcate ourselves as individuals that is given in the first
meaning of the term. This alternate sense of complicity allows us to comprehend the contradictions of our existence
without being defined by them and reminds us that beneath our individuation we still remain vulnerable to sharing
and being shared. They continue:
We can provoke here not a strategy of within and against, but a way of living that is within and against strategy, not as
a position, relation, or politics, but as a contradiction, an embrace of the general antagonism that institutions feed off
but deny in the name of strategy, vision, and purpose. […] Another word for this is communism.
Study is one mode that allows us to practice the refusal of completion and the cultivation of the general antagonism.
Study, contra education, refuses improvement in favour of revision. It rejects the idea of mastery and opposes the
imposition of logistically in which we are straightened out into disciplined and qualified subjects. ‘Another word for
incompleteness’, write Moten and Harney, ‘is study, or more precisely, revision.’ Revision is an endless renewal and the
implication of engaging in such a practice is that we ourselves remain radically open. ‘This is not just about
distinguishing improvement as capitalist efficiency’ Moten and Harney warn. ‘That is too easy to dismiss. It is about
improvement itself, the time-concept, the moral imperative, the aesthetic judgement, which is to say capitalist
improvement founded in and on black flesh, its female informality. Revision has no end and no connection to
improvement, never mind efficiency.’
We continue to study and dance and sing and eat in order that we might remind each other of our own incompleteness
and continue to assemble again and again and again. Or we make a mixtape so that we might feel the intensity of
pleasure, and in doing so find our way back to the principle of incompletion – a small reminder that undercommon
sociality cannot be stilled by enclosure of flesh and land that is the imposition of private property. One can hear that
undercommon sensibility from the very first notes of Charles Mingus’s bass that open ‘Wednesday Night Prayer
Meeting’ at a live performance recorded at the Antibes Jazz Festival in France in 1960. This live version of the piece is
nothing short of a rave, a driving 6/4 rhythm propels the song forward with urgency as one soloist after another takes
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communion. Over the course of almost 12 minutes, the song gradually speeds up, as if driven by a force beyond the
control of any one player. We hear whoops from band members as soloists take flights of lyrical virtuosity – at one
point the rhythm section drops out to leave Eric Dolphy’s alto saxophone wailing over the top of hand claps that both
continue the beat and break with it. There is wildness to this music, an excess that cannot – will not – be contained.
Moten and Harney tell us that this quality – the general antagonism, fugitivity, undercommon sociality – is the gift that
the Black radical tradition gives us. The music insists that we remain incomplete, a refusal of the terms of order that
enables us to continue communing with one another. When Donny Hathaway asked a crowd gathered at The
Troubadour in Hollywood in 1972, ‘What’s Goin On’, the reiteration of a question already asked by Marvin Gaye, he and
everyone there already knew that the answer was: our undercommon sociality.
Always Incomplete: A mixtape after Moten and Harney
Andrew
1
2
3
Pink Matter
E
Frank Ocean, André 3000
All Wi Doin Is Defendin
Linton Kwesi Johnson
Dancing In The Street - Stereo
Martha Reeves & The Vandellas
Wada Na Tod From "Dil Tujhko Diya"
Works Cited
Fred Moten, ‘Black Op’, PMLA 123(5), 2008.
Fred Moten, The Feel Trio, Letter Machine Editions, 2014.
Jasper Bernes, ‘Logistics, Counterlogistics and the Communist Prospect’, in Endnotes 3: Gender, Race, Class and Other Misfortunes. Endnotes, 2013.
Joshua Clover and Chris Nealon, ‘The Other Minimal Demand’, in Communism and Poetry: Writing Against Capital, ed. Ruth Jennison and Julian
Murphet, Palgrave Macmillan, 2019.
Niccolò Cuppini and Mattia Frapporti, ‘Logistics Genealogies: A Dialogue with Stefano Harney’, Social Text 36(3 (136)), 2018.
Manthia Diawara, ‘One World in Relation: Édouard Glissant in Conversation with Manthia Diawara, trans. Christopher Winks, Nka: Journal of
Contemporary African Art 28(1), 2011.
Ruth Wilson Gilmore, ‘Terror Austerity Race Gender Excess Theatre’, in Reading Rodney King, Reading Urban Uprising, ed. Robert Gooding Williams,
Routledge, 1993.
Cheryl I. Harris, ‘Whiteness as Property’, Harvard Law Review 106.8, 1993.
Stefano Harney and Fred Moten, The Undercommons: Fugitive Planning & Black Study, Minor Compositions, 2013.
Antonio Negri, Revolution Retrieved: Writings on Marx, Keynes, Capitalist Crisis and New Social Subjects (1967-83), Red Notes, 1988.
Cedric Robinson, Black Marxism: The Making of the Black Radical Tradition, The University of North Carolina Press, 2000.
Cedric Robinson, The Terms of Order: Political Science and the Myth of Leadership, The University of North Carolina Press, 2016.
Hortense Spillers, ‘Mama’s baby, papa’s maybe: An American grammar book’, Diacritics 17(2), 1987.
Published May 2, 2022
Non-fiction • Philosophy and critical theory
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Andrew Brooks
Andrew Brooks is a writer, editor, artist, and teacher who lives on unceded Wangal...
Essays by Andrew Brooks →
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