A Phoenix from the Ashes: The Importance of the Chechen Diaspora

A Phoenix from the Ashes 18 November 2014 The Importance of the Chechen Diaspora Wayne H. Noxchi It is not the house that matters, but the family within it. The Chechen Diaspora in Europe represents the greatest wealth of untapped potential for social progress that Waynakh history has ever seen. The only obstacle is that the Diaspora doesn’t recognize the opportunities available to it and its own importance. What all sides seem ignorant to – and this may be an indicator of the current stage of development of Chechen/Waynakh political thought – is the idea that all legitimate authority comes from the consent of the governed: the people. A nation is its people. What is missing is the understanding that the people are the nation. So long as Chechens in Europe believe that they are powerless they will remain so. The first step towards a democratic future is the popular realization that the people do have a voice and aren’t helpless. It stands to reason that if all sides are fighting for the consent of the people to achieve legitimacy, why don’t the people take the initiative? Any regime that does not derive its mandate from the will of the people is inherently illegitimate. If the consent of the governed is not given willingly and freely, it must be taken either coercively or through fear for an illegitimate regime to survive. The current regime in Grozny is a prime example of this. Its continued rule in Chechnya is based on violence and foreign subsidies; it does not answer to the people. Its influence on the Diaspora is illusory and based on fear. The Chechen Diaspora has access to EU citizenship, low-cost world-class education, and a range of ideas and freedom of expression unheard of in Daymoxk. They have the opportunity to build democratic traditions that fit Chechen culture: in the form of cultural outreach and support between diasporas, and university student organizations. This is an opportunity for an entire generation to train itself in democratic mechanisms – a luxury the previous generation born in the Soviet Union never had. The current student-generation in Europe has the chance to build – in a safe and academically rigorous environment – the backbone to Chechen political theory; the chance to build a tailor-made lab-tested intellectual heritage. Chances to start fresh – and do so in safety – are incredibly rare in history. Most 1 successful experiments – like the American one – have their roots in already successful traditions such as the British. That this window is not being exploited points to a lack of leadership and widespread ignorance among the Chechen people. It could be as simple as saying they don’t believe in themselves yet, or are afraid to start. That doesn’t change reality and the Chechen people will ultimately bear the consequences of action or inaction. Therefore the onus is on Chechens themselves, specifically those living in the West, to begin creating the social change they want to see. The onus to drive change rests on the shoulders of the Diaspora. The future of Chechens and the Waynakh as a whole will in large part be determined by the Diaspora’s choice to take an active or passive role, and in which direction. The position of this paper is that the Diaspora has a moral obligation and the tools needed to build an inclusive Waynakh civic culture. It is their role to produce intellectuals and cultural leaders with the vision and insight to offer a peaceful and equitable alternative to the current false choices of collaboration and exile. ◊◊◊ The Chechen Diaspora needs to apply the lessons learned from its own and others’ experiences to itself. To do this, members of the Diaspora need to take a critical look at themselves and identify weak points. They’ll need to work together in ways many are not used to and move through territory some are uncomfortable with; but Chechens have never been known to balk at a challenge. It’s easy to fall into the blame-game when trying to find causes for present hardship, but blaming others is a convenient way to ignore one’s own issues and achieve nothing. Instead, the Diaspora is going to have to learn how to cooperate and work with itself, and develop skills critical to building all the institutions of a functioning nation. This process will test traditions and gender roles and lead to likelysignificant changes; but it is better for progress to be directed from within, rather than aimless from without. It is high-time for Chechens to take the initiative. There are three key areas that need attention: Leadership; Civil Society; Cultural Organization. The following will expand on where deficiencies in these three areas lay and list recommendations for how members of the Diaspora can do to fix them. 2 LEADERSHIP The Waynakh community faces a serious leadership crisis. Only the Diaspora has a real shot at producing effective leaders, and both the youth and elders need to work together to create an atmosphere that breeds independent thought instead of blind obedience. In the past decade the 20s-30s age group of Chechens have largely failed to rise to the challenge presented by the exodus from Chechnya. This has led to a widespread feeling of powerlessness. Most have taken the easier route of staying silent and accepting their status as refugees and the present regime in Chechnya despite its illegitimacy. This failure to take risks is a wasted opportunity for the Chechen people. The silent refusal of Chechens in prestigious institutions to step outside the grain wastes their generation’s chance to make a difference. ‘Respecting tradition’ is a common refrain used to excuse the fear in Chechen society to try anything new. The drastic changes society has undergone make this excuse a hollow and baseless one. What is a rejection of tradition is the lack of young, educated, and highly-capable future leaders, and the apparent unwillingness of Chechen youth to challenge the status-quo in a rational way. By any logical metric this in and of itself is an insult to the Chechen character. The current generation of young men and women – the largest generation in our history – need to take the initiative and dare to make a change. If they don’t, they’ll be the first generation in Waynakh history which had the chance to make a difference but refused to do so. What young Chechens need to do first and foremost is believe they can make a difference. If society cannot accept independent and critical thought, it will fail to produce minds with the creativity needed to solve today’s issues. Conformism is the killer of innovation. This is a two-front process: today’s youth have to be brave enough to question the way things are and think outside the box, and parents must realize that by demanding unquestioning obedience right-or-wrong and crushing everything that challenges norms of thought and morality they are doing a colossal disservice to their children’s future. Ultimately it’s up to those in their 20s to challenge the way things are. What can and should be done by these future leaders can’t be written down in any one place. Different individuals in different places will see different opportunities to go forward, and all of these working together are what gives a nation strong leadership. To some their aspirations may be political: to engage in local politics and become advocates for their communities; others will rise to the national stage and become international voices for the Waynakh worldwide. Yet others will take advantage of the resources their universities have to offer and create student groups to connect Chechens and likeminded individuals in different countries. Some may become pioneers of research and rise through academia. The point is: there are a million things that can be done. A leader isn’t a person given a set of 3 marching orders who reports back for more when finished. A leader is someone who sees opportunity in a problem and gets to work solving it. Leaders don’t ask for permission. CIVIC TRADITION A Civic Tradition is the key to every functioning society. It is vital for independence and the ability for a people to govern their own affairs. The absence of a civic tradition is what made Ichkeria different from Estonia. Its lack is the root cause of the instability which plagued the Dudayev administration before 1994, undermined Maskhadov’s authority, and ultimately tore apart the country from the inside before 1999. Chechens must develop their own civic tradition and civil institutions if they ever hope to govern their own affairs and be free from foreign control – more broadly to be free at all. The chief failure of the Arab Spring was that no one knew what to replace their dictators with. ‘Democracy’ as a word isn’t enough. The people at large must have an instinctive idea of how society should be organized – that’s a civic tradition and it’s the job of the Diaspora to build it. European institutions can be used as models much in the same way they served as models for the early American system. The best way for Chechens to get an idea of how a civic system works is by participating in the democracies they live in. This applies to politics at all levels, even local councils; by being engaged Chechens can find out what works for them and build their own ideas and experiment. They are free to start up organizations to help other Chechens: through asylum assistance, academic scholarships, language education, trade skills, etc. This is also the best way for Chechens to advocate for their rights and interests. Chechens already have the critical mass to make their voices heard and have influence in European politics; they have to do this, or else with their silence they give consent to the crimes committed against them and to those opposed to a vibrant Chechen community. The goal of building a new civic identity is a perfect one to focus and make positive use of the new generation’s energy. It’s the most constructive and worthwhile use for sure. CULTURAL ORGANIZATION Cultural organization is the counterpart to civic tradition. Chechens and the Waynakh need to be able to look out for themselves as a nation and a unique culture that can contribute to the world. Cultural organization is the ability of a group of people to work together for common goals that go beyond the individual. Examples of this are the resurrection of the Hebrew language 4 by future Israelis, and the resettlement of Jews from Europe to Palestine after the Second World War. People who are culturally organized enjoy a strong and unified sense of identity and a dynamic society. Disorganization leads people to become cutoff from each other and fall into alienated, vulnerable pockets. Organized cultures enjoy an open and free forum of ideas: with everyone connected it is easy to reach a consensus, and radical movements on the fringe are dealt with in the open. The Waynakh lack an organized culture and it is up to the Chechen Diaspora to build one. The fact is the Waynakh are in the middle of an identity crisis. Without a clear idea of who they are people have been left grasping for a way to make sense of things. Many have turned to religion, but religious identity has grown at the expense of culture. The growth of a purely Islamic identity comes at the expense of cultural identity: new adoptees become great advocates for the Muslim community, but their ability to mobilize for Waynakh issues atrophies. Secular Chechens aren’t given an alternative to religion, feel alienated, and start to drop their identity. There is also a widening gap between Chechens and the Ingush, when shared culture should be bringing them together. The lack of an organized culture is what caused the chaos that destroyed Ichkeria from within and allowed Chechens and the Ingush to be divided. A nation has to be able to stand on its own. A strong people define themselves by what they are – a weak people define themselves by what they’re not. The culture today is disorganized and rife with close-mindedness and intimidation. This state of affairs is dangerous and unsustainable, and it’s up to the Diaspora to change it. Europe provides a safe environment that Chechens need to use. Students can create clubs and associations in their universities to connect with each other. They can use these clubs to take control of the conversation on Chechens academically and make their voices heard. Hosting cultural events can give locals a sense of who Chechens are and build positive public opinion. By working with associations in other countries they can create and direct research groups by getting minds together and helping universities pool resources. Chechens are naturally proud and patriotic; the presence of clubs attracts more to join and every accomplishment serves to inspire more young minds. Success breeds success and creates positive feedback. Chechens can become an established intellectual presence in European universities. Beyond student associations, cultural organizations such as those already sprouting up in countries like Norway and Belgium are the backbone of any diaspora. They’re a means to keep the community connected and up to date on issues. At their best they provide a free forum for all and are open. They provide a framework for the community to solicit government support and lobby for their issues, and can hold events for the local community to get involved. Cultural organizations can function like nodes in a network keeping a dispersed diaspora connected and engaged. A common refrain from Chechens is that they don’t need to be organized; that they’re special and can accomplish all their goals informally. How successful has that attitude been? Lack of 5 civic tradition and cultural organization is what tore apart the Ichkerian state from within and is why it failed. It is why a racial pogrom to remove all the Ingush from the Prigorodny district of Vladikavkaz succeeded. It is also largely why at the time of this writing it is late 2014 and still large numbers of the Diaspora are struggling and feel alienated in Europe; in fact the common attitude among many is that jobs in the regime in Grozny are a desirable thing because of the salary and Moscow is seen as an economic ‘home’ – unquestionable indicators of how desperate times are, and a kind of societal Stockholm-Syndrome. So it’s clear that the disorganized approach has been a catastrophic failure. Success isn’t magic: the same truths that apply to the rest of humanity also apply to Chechens. Just like passing an exam: the homework has to be done first. There is no substitute for being civically and culturally organized. We can ask how come certain early-steps haven’t been taken yet. Firstly why is there no consensus on a Chechen alphabet? The people chose a Latin-based alphabet; it should be standardized so it can be taught. Student associations can work with cultural organizations to bring together Chechen scholars, accomplished linguists, and the community at large to establish an official writing system. This would be an important step in Chechens being taken seriously by the world. Coming off of that, there is a serious lack of literature written in Chechen, and oral histories need to be written down. There should be funds set up to assist families in need, and a group dedicated to helping others navigate the asylum process and connect to lawyers willing to help in extradition and deportation cases. Finally and most importantly children need to be educated in their own heritage or else it will fade with time. They need to be raised to question and challenge boundaries, with the knowledge that they are all potential leaders with a world of opportunity ahead of them. Cultural organization is critically important but isn’t too hard to achieve. The Waynakh People face a turning point in their history and their identity. How we change with the world: proactively or passively, is up to us. We’ll have to be organized to direct change and get as many minds as possible involved in solving issues. The Diaspora has the ability to build a new future and provide hope to the youth in Daymoxk – but it’s up to them to keep their minds open. If the Waynakh can pull together as a nation, as a family and a unit, the future will be a free one. ◊◊◊ 6 The Chechen Diaspora has a historic opportunity for the first and maybe last time in Waynakh history. The Diaspora has the luxury to learn from others, their own past mistakes, to experiment and remake themselves, all in safety. Those in the Diaspora who are on the fence owe it to the people who sacrificed everything, to those still in Daymoxk, and to future generations to lay the foundations for a bright future. It may seem like a daunting task but it is as simple as constantly pushing forward. The four main lessons the Diaspora can take from history are the importance of: leadership, civic tradition, cultural organization, and the fact that the main drive for change has to come within. The greatest drivers of success and failure are always internal. Making use of these lessons, Chechens should strive to take advantage of every opportunity to develop themselves. They should use the European space to build cultural and civil institutions, and get organized so they can start fixing community issues while using local governments as resources and allies. The political process is a chance to learn what works and what doesn’t in Euro-styled democracy, and practically: a chance to raise a voice for Chechen issues, to lobby for human rights and be represented at all levels. Internally the Diaspora needs to start the conversation on culture and on fixing issues that affect the whole community – while learning to work together and keep that process open to all ages and sexes. It’s the students’ duty to achieve for the sake of their nation; a nation in dire need of professionals, innovative thinkers, and capable leaders. Parents need to raise their kids to be open-minded and criticalthinking, with the knowledge that they are the future. This generation of children of war have the chance to build a lasting peace. They have the chance to accomplish more than all previous generations combined. Today’s parents have a duty to foster that spirit of freedom and independence that has been synonymous with being Chechen. Whatever happens in the future will be a direct result of our generations choices today. This is the Waynakh moment; it is our one shot to rise like a Phoenix from the ashes. This is how history is made. It is time for our People to stop living like victims, and to rise to the challenge and lead. It is time for this generation to become the greatest generation. 7 APPENDIX A: HISTORICAL CONTEXT To get a sense of context for the present day we need to reexamine the darkest years of Waynakh history, the Deportation of 1944. Two key points that can be taken from this period are that firstly the situation for all Waynakhs was incomparably worse in 1944 than today in 2014; and secondly that the situation we find ourselves in is not that unique – therefore there can be something to learn from the experiences of other peoples. Going into detail about the Deportation for a Waynakh person is akin to lecturing someone who is Jewish about the Holocaust: the history is well known. But as with education of the latter, the main objective here is to give non-Waynakh as well as Waynakh readers an understanding of the trauma that was endured that will hopefully put other issues into context. In the Second World War the Waynakh population stood at just over half a million. In the 1930s, during Stalin’s Purges, thirty thousand intellectuals and professionals were executed. During the war between thirty and forty thousand Chechen and Ingush men fought in the Red Army against Nazi Germany, and many of these would take part in the storming of Berlin. On February 23rd, 1944, with up to a fifth of the male population at the front, Chechen and Ingush families were forced into train cars at gunpoint by soldiers who had been living in their homes. In a few nights the entire nation was taken from their homes and sent by train to Siberia and Kazakhstan. Half the population died en route or within five years of arrival. The veterans were also deported after Germany capitulated. The only works of Waynakh literature and history that survived were those taken by the deportees. Everything left behind – the entire literary history of a people – was burned. All physical evidence that Chechens and Ingush had lived in the area was destroyed, even gravestones and entire cemeteries were destroyed (the famous towers were spared due to the difficulty of destroying them). Checheno-Ingushetia was literally wiped off the map: the land divided between neighboring districts, and the land resettled by people brought in from elsewhere. All public records of the Waynakh were erased, and the idea of rehabilitation would not be brought up until Khrushchev’s Secret Speech condemning Stalin in 1956. Despite all odds the Waynakh pulled through. Families were torn apart and isolated during the years people were prevented from travelling between collective farms. The tip (clan) system was destroyed and went from a political institution to a purely social one. The divisions between Chechen and Ingush, artificial at their inception, began to fade as everyone faced the same challenges and had to rely on each other to survive. After Stalin’s death the Waynakh used every tool they had to secure return. They began sending letters and lodging legal complaints with the Soviet government in Moscow. 8 Chechens began returning immediately – without waiting for permission. Communities pooled their resources and sent young men back first as scouts, then entire collections of families began returning, being forced upon return to start anew. The Soviet plan for resettlement called for a full return by 1975. Taking the initiative the Waynakh had completed their own return by 1959. Having everything taken from them before, they busily set to work rebuilding and making their land theirs again. Russian settlers in Grozny staged a riot calling on Moscow to re-divide Checheno-Ingushetia and deport the Waynakh again. This, fortunately, did not happen. After facing the real prospect of extinction, in an act considered genocide by the European Parliament, the Waynakh had recovered themselves to a level where in 1991 the Chechens were able to make a real attempt at full independence. All this happened at a time devoid of hope and without access to the outside world. What this dark episode of Waynakh history tells us is that if a people by all objective accounts as thoroughly beaten as the survivors of 1944 can stage such a dramatic comeback – now constituting the largest ethnic group in the North Caucasus – there is no reason to consider the present day a hopeless one. Put simply: we’ve been through worse and pulled through. Secondly this is grim proof that a nation is its people and not its geography or physical wealth. The modern iteration of Chechen and Ingush identity was forged in the Deportation. Knowing what a worst-case scenario looks like – and that today isn’t one – it’s time to examine similar cases of other nations where a people became stateless or its leadership forced to act in exile. 9 APPENDIX B: CASE STUDIES What sets the Chechen Diaspora apart today is its ability to stand on the shoulders of giants and peer back into history. The Information Age makes it easy to study previous diasporas on a case by case basis. A researcher can pick out recurring trends that weren’t obvious when they happened, and picking out the strengths and weaknesses of different groups, apply lessons to current issues. This opportunity for wisdom is one today’s Chechens cannot afford to ignore: small nations do not have as large a margin to make mistakes as larger ones. The three cases to be studied are: France and Poland in WWII – Free France and the Polish Underground State – and the creation of the Israeli State by the Jewish Diaspora. ◊◊◊ France is a lesson in the importance of leadership. After the French surrender to Nazi Germany, members of the government and army who refused to quit set up Free France, the French government in exile, in Britain. The United States did not recognize Free France, led by Brigadier General Charles de Gaulle, until 1942. The British attacked and destroyed the French fleet in North Africa not long after their surrender to Germany. Furthermore, U.S. President Roosevelt disliked the French general and preferred less charismatic statesmen. The French were not invited to the important Yalta and Tehran conferences in which the Allies and USSR discussed the post-war world order. Even though France was a great power, it was largely pushed aside and ignored by the Allies after its fall. It was largely due to the efforts and charisma of the French leader that France regained its position of importance in the world. His use of the colonies, coordination with the resistance, and constant pushing for French interests allowed France to make a strong contribution to the war after the D-Day landings in 1944. It was his insistence that allowed France to become a founding member of the United Nations and get a permanent seat on the Security Council. The French population was relatively passive during the war. Vichy regime, which collaborated with the Germans, confused the world over whom to deal with and divided the country. Even though France was an Ally, after its surrender it was treated as a German subject and not as an equal member until the Free French Army started to push back the Germans. The charisma of its leader, Charles de Gaulle, and his personal relationships with Allied leaders was key to France being taken seriously by its allies. ◊◊◊ Poland is reminiscent of Chechnya on a larger scale. Poland is a case of a people who fought valiantly and a government which never gave up, but was overwhelmed in the end. They were attacked by the Germans and Soviets and were cut off from and eventually let go by the 10 Allies. Still, the Polish case shows the importance of a strong civic culture and patriotic population, and the threat posed by collaborationist regimes. Poland had only become independent in 1918. In 1939 it would be invaded by the two strongest armies in the world at the same time. The Polish State managed to resist for a month. The government fled to Britain to operate in exile. Even though the Nazis and Soviets began murdering officers and civilians immediately, the people left behind created the Polish Underground State – a secret government – and the Home Army. By the end of the war a quarter of all Polish men would be killed; despite that the Polish never failed to organize themselves to resist. They fought the Germans constantly, often without enough ammunition, and were repeatedly betrayed by the Soviets whenever they tried to assert their independence: such as during the Warsaw Uprising. The government in exile brought the survivors of the Polish Air force to the RAF, and the Polish pilots ended up being the best fighters in the Battle of Britain. The exile government also kept in contact with the Underground State and provided vital intelligence on German movements. They had soldiers continuing the fight around the world, and inserted special forces operatives back into Poland. On the civilian side entire secret universities were established and a whole education system was made in Poland to teach what the Nazis and Soviets wouldn’t allow. A social security system was set up: the Polish people ran a fully functioning shadow government during the occupation. In the end forces outside Poland’s control made it a possession of the USSR. The Allies, who originally declared war because of Germany’s invasion of Poland, did not want to fight Stalin and continue the war, so they allowed Poland to be his. The exile government was forced to leave the Polish Embassy in Britain, although they’d continue operating until their reunion with the first freely-elected Polish government in 1990. The Polish case shows what a small country can do when the people have a strong civic tradition. The Polish proved themselves able to organize and work together towards a common goal no matter how hopeless the situation seemed. On a darker note: the Polish Communists who sided with the Soviet Union led the way in persecuting and executing former leaders of the Polish resistance after the war. Sixteen heads of the Underground State and Home Army were told they’d be given amnesty, and then murdered. Witold Pilecki, a Pole who infiltrated Auschwitz to stage a prison-break would later be sentenced to death by some of the men he helped save. Over fifty thousand Poles would be killed in fighting and executions in the years after the war as the collaborationist-regime’s security forces cracked down. ◊◊◊ Israelis, or specifically Jews, were stateless for almost two thousand years, yet they managed to maintain a unique culture and are alive and well today. There could be some wisdom to 11 gain from how they managed to keep their culture alive for so long and ultimately found a state. Israel is a case showing the importance of cultural organization and collective action. Firstly the Jewish Diaspora was mostly united in a single cultural ideology; over time parts of Jewish identity became secularized and took on a more national than religious character. A large number of Jews saw a return to Palestine as their ultimate goal and generations of them devoted their lives to making this a reality. Organizations were created dedicated to collecting money from the Diaspora and buying land in Palestine for settlers to move into, and over time more and more Jews immigrated there. After the Holocaust which killed over half the population, the idea of a safe home away from Europe became a very strong one. There was already a large enough population in Palestine to bring more over, and three years after the end of the Second World War there was a large enough critical mass for them to declare the State of Israel. This is an extreme simplification and the goal here is not to pass judgment on right or wrong, but to find out what the Jewish Diaspora did or what set them apart that allowed them to accomplish their goals. The Diaspora did not have much support from the outside world. Half of them had been killed in Europe in the war, and as late as 1947, the British were stopping ships full of Jewish refugees and sending them back to Germany. What they did have was an organized culture that sought to help its own and wealthy members who were able to donate generously. Much of this was generational and was a decades-long process. But it was deliberate and as a nation they constantly advanced their interests forward. Hebrew was essentially a dead language until it was reconstructed and put into wider use over decades until it replaced Yiddish. This is the only case in history of a dead language being revived successfully and on such a large scale. ◊◊◊ To recap: the French case shows the importance of strong leadership in an exile-government getting its former position and prestige back; the Polish show us that extreme patriotism and civic-spirit, along with skills in organization can allow a small nation to punch far above its weight and almost overcome anything; the Israelis speak to the power of culture and ideology married with organizational skills – they went from being scattered around the world to building a new country and reviving a dead language. Another thing to note is a recurring theme in all three cases: in every case the world seems hesitant to help much, even in the case of France. What can be drawn from this is that soft-action in terms of moral support can be expected from the world community, but the real heavy lifting falls squarely on the shoulders of the nation itself. The onus is on the people to bring about the change they want; no one can do it for you. 12