Post-Soviet Aliyah and Jewish Demographic Transformation∗
Mark Tolts (
[email protected])
In the 1990s most of the second largest Jewish Diaspora population, which resided in
the former Soviet Union (FSU), changed their places of residence. Whereas the
majority emigrated to Israel, the rest were divided mostly between the USA and
Germany. In fact, this was a continuation of the mass migration which started in the
1970s, and was temporarily stopped in the 1980s. However, the emigration of the
1990s was much more numerous than that of the 1970s. The aims of this paper are to
present (post-) Soviet Jewish resettlement, and to study the demographic
transformation in the course of this mass migration.
We shall study emigration to outside the FSU, and to Israel in particular, as
well as out-migration from Israel of FSU immigrants. In our analysis we shall
compare the demographic characteristics of Soviet Jewry at the onset of the recent
mass emigration of the 1990s with those of (post-) Soviet immigrants in Israel, who
have become the most populous group of the Jews originating from the FSU. For a
better understanding of the problem we shall study the demographic changes among
∗
Paper presented at the 15th World Congress of Jewish Studies, Jerusalem, August 26, 2009. The author wishes to express his appreciation to Sergio DellaPergola for his
general advice. The author is grateful to Evgueni Andreev, Alexandre Avdeev, Olga
Chudinovskikh, Gregory Ioffe, Vladimir Mesamed, Lillooet Nordlinger, Ari Paltiel,
Rafi Pizov, Irina Pribytkova, Marina Sheps, Vlada Stankuniene, Emma Trahtenberg
and Peteris Zvidrins for providing materials, information, and suggestions. The author
wishes also to thank Judith Even for reading and editing an earlier draft.
Responsibility for the content of the paper is, of course, the author’s alone.
the Jews who remained in the FSU, mostly in the Russian Federation. Of course,
necessary attention will be paid to the general demographic situation and its
development in both the sending and receiving countries. Fortunately statistics of
these countries, as a rare exception, contain ample appropriate data which will be
utilized in the analyses.1
Recent Mass Emigration
For many years Soviet Jews, like all other citizens of the USSR, had no real
possibility to emigrate in sizable numbers, but this situation changed in the 1970s.
Between 1970 and 1988, a total of about 291,000 Soviet Jews and their relatives
emigrated from the country, the majority of whom – approximately 165,000 – came to
Israel (see Table 1).
However, only since 1989 did the mass emigration in general, and in particular
that to Israel, play a decisive role in the fate of the Jews in the FSU. According to
estimated figures, between 1989 and 2006 about 1.6 million (ex-) Soviet Jews and
their relatives emigrated to countries outside the FSU. Approximately 61 percent of
this movement (about 979,000) was directed toward Israel, whereas the rest was
directed mostly toward the United States and Germany. During this period the number
of Jews and their relatives who emigrated from the FSU to the USA may be estimated
at about 325,000, and while the number emigrating to Germany was lower, even this
approached 220,000.
1
For analysis of migration flows we assembled and shall use statistics from many
different official sources published by and/or presented at databases of FSU states
(Belstat, 2006-2007; Central Statistical Bureau of Latvia, 2008; Moldstat, 2008;
Rosstat, 2005-2007b; Ukrstat, 2000-2007) and countries of destination of the
migration (BAMF, 2008; HIAS, 2008; Israel CBS, 2007b), as well as international
organizations (Council of Europe, 2000-2006; Eurostat, 2008; IOM, 2002). We shall
also utilize some unpublished tabulations of the Israel Central Bureau of Statistics
(Israel CBS). For other published and unpublished sources, see below.
2
Table 1. Emigration of Jews and Their Relatives from the FSU,
1970-2006, Thousands
Thereof to:
Year
Total
Percent
(a)
of total
Israel
USA
Germany
to Israel
1970-1988
291
165
126
…
57
1989
72
12.9
56(b)
0.6
18
(b)
1990
205
185.2
6.5
8.5
90
1991
195
147.8
35.2
8.0
76
1992
123
65.1
45.9
4.0
53
1993
127
66.1
35.9
16.6
52
1994
116
68.1
32.9
8.8
59
1995
114
64.8
21.7
15.2
57
1996
106
59.0
19.5
16.0
56
1997
99
54.6
14.5
19.4
55
1998
83
46.0
7.4
17.8
55
1999
99
66.8
6.3
18.2
67
2000
79
50.8
5.9
16.5
64
2001
60
33.6
4.1
16.7
56
2002
44
18.5
2.5
19.3
42
2003
32
12.4
1.6
15.4
39
2004
25
10.1
1.1
11.2
40
2005
18
9.4
0.9
6.0
52
2006
10
7.5
0.6
1.1
75
(c)
1989-2006
1,607
979
325
219
61
1970-2006
1,898
1,144
…
…
60
(a) Data for 1970-1988 include all destinations other than Israel for those who
emigrated with Israeli visas; annual data for 1991-2006 cover only those immigrants
who were assisted by the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society (HIAS).
(b) Departures from the Soviet Union.
(c) Including migrants who were not assisted by HIAS.
Source: Tolts, 2003a and 2007 [updated].
This emigration peaked in the last two years of severe crisis that preceded the
dissolution of the Soviet Union, in 1990-1991, when about 400,000 Soviet Jews and
their relatives emigrated outside the USSR; of these, 333,000 (83 percent) went to
Israel. From 1992 to 1998, slightly more than half of those who emigrated to countries
outside the FSU chose Israel. Only in 1999 did the share of this country among the
emigrants temporarily jump to 67 percent when emigration to Israel again temporary
increased after the Russian financial crash in the previous year. On the other hand,
since 2000 sizable economic growth has resumed in the FSU countries and emigration
3
to Israel decreased rather steadily. These data clearly show the decisive role of the
push factor in this migration movement.
In the 1990s the USA introduced quotas which limited the possibility of exSoviet Jewish immigration to only those persons who had close relatives in the USA;
nevertheless, between 1991 and 1996 the USA ranked second as a receiving country.
From 1997 to 2001, more emigrants went to Germany than to the USA, and Germany,
which had in the beginning of the 1990s introduced a special program for Jewish
immigration from the FSU, became the second-ranking receiving country. After 11
September 2001, the USA ceased to be a major destination for ex-Soviet Jewish
emigration. From 2002 to 2004 more emigrants went to Germany than to Israel, and
Germany temporarily became the first-ranking receiving country. Since 2005, after
Germany’s admission policy became much more restrictive, the number of Jews and
their relatives who emigrated to Germany dropped dramatically, and Israel again
became the first-ranking receiving country for ex-Soviet Jewish emigration. This
country keeps its borders open unselectively to Jewish immigration in accordance
with the Law of Return which was enacted in 1950 by the Israeli parliament (Knesset)
and amended in 1970 to include Jews, their children and grandchildren, and all
respective spouses in the group of persons eligible for immigration to Israel (aliyah).
During all these years of migration to the USA and Germany, Ukrainian Jews
and their relatives were the most numerous group. According to estimates for 19892001, among those who emigrated to the USA the absolute number of Ukrainian Jews
and their relatives was higher by 1.6 times than that from the Russian Federation; the
absolute number of Ukrainian Jews and their relatives who emigrated to Germany was
actually double the number of those from the Russian Federation (see Table 2).
4
Table 2. Emigration of Jews and Their Relatives from the FSU to Israel, the USA and
Germany, by Republic (Country)/Region, 1970-1988 and 1989-2001, Thousands
Republic (country)
Total,
To Israel,
To the USA, To Germany,
(a)
/region
1970-1988
1989-2001
1989-2001(b)
1989-2001(b)
Russian Federation
50.4
291.2
81.1
45.0
Ukraine
106.7
299.8
128.5
92.7
Belorussia/Belarus
13.8
70.4
34.4
6.1
Baltic States
27.3
21.4
8.0
7.2
Moldavia/Moldova
29.4
48.3
15.7
8.1
Transcaucasia
41.5
56.5
10.8
2.2
Central Asia
21.7
114.7
35.5
5.0
Unknown
0.0
18.8
0.0
0.0
Total
290.8
921.1
314.0
166.3
(a) Including all destinations for those who emigrated with Israeli visas.
(b) Estimate for republic/region is based on the known distribution of emigrants
which was adjusted for the total number for the FSU in this period.
Sources: Tolts, 2003a and 2008b [updated]; Table 1 of this paper.
As a consequence, among FSU emigrants to the USA, and even more so to
Germany, the share of those who originated from Ukraine was predominant – 41 and
56 percent, respectively; the share of those who emigrated to these two countries from
the Russian Federation was much lower – 26 and 27 percent, respectively. In the same
period, among FSU emigrants to Israel the numbers and consequently the shares of
those who originated in Ukraine and the Russian Federation were about the same – 33
and 32 percent, respectively. During 1989-2001 the recorded number of immigrants
to Israel alone from each region (except the Baltic States) was higher than the entire
emigration over the previous nineteen years (1970-1988) for that region.
The data show that the share of emigrants to Israel from St. Petersburg among
the total number of those emigrants from the Russian Federation peaked in 1990 (31.7
percent), and from Moscow in 1991 (31.6 percent). By 1994 these shares had declined
to 11.0 percent from Moscow and to 9.7 percent from St. Petersburg, and in 1998
they were as low as 5.0 percent for each city (Table 3). In the same period, the
percentage of emigrants from the provinces (outside the cities of Moscow and St.
5
Petersburg) increased steadily until 1998. In 1990-1991, this share was about half; by
1994 it reached 79 percent and in 1998 it was as high as 90 percent – much more than
the percentage of these Jews among all Russian Jewry – about half. In 2006,
Moscow’s share in the emigration from the Russian Federation increased to 12.5
percent, which was 2.5 times more than it had been in 1998 (5.0 percent). The share
of St. Petersburg increased to 9.0 percent, higher than it was in 1995 (8.8 percent).
However, the great majority of emigrants to Israel from Russia – more than 78 percent
– originated from the Russian provinces.
Table 3. Jews in the Russian Federation and Emigration to Israel,
by Area, 1989/1990-2006
Year
Total
Moscow
St. Petersburg
Provinces
Percentage of all Jews residing in Russia(a)
1989
100
31
19
50
1994
100
33
15
52
2002
100
35
16
49
Percentage of total emigration to Israel from Russia(b)
1990
100
21.7
31.7
46.6
1991
100
31.6
13.7
54.7
1992
100
22.1
10.6
67.3
1993
100
14.1
9.5
76.4
1994
100
11.0
9.7
79.3
1995
100
9.0
8.8
82.2
1996
100
9.0
8.0
83.0
1997
100
6.6
5.9
87.5
1998
100
5.0
5.0
90.0
1999
100
7.8
7.9
84.3
2000
100
8.3
7.3
84.4
2001
100
7.8
7.1
85.1
2002
100
6.9
6.5
86.6
2003
100
8.0
6.8
85.2
2004
100
8.4
7.6
84.0
2005
100
10.9
8.4
80.7
2006
100
12.5
9.0
78.5
(a) Estimates based on the 1989 Soviet census and the 1994 Russian microcensus
(both including “Tats”), and the 2002 Russian census (Tolts, 2004).
(b) Israel Ministry of Immigrant Absorption data for 1990-1993; Rosstat data for
1994-1998; and data on Jewish Agency (Sohnut)-assisted flights of migrants to Israel
for 1999-2006 (Tolts, 2003b [updated]).
Sources: As noted above for respective indicator.
6
Table 4. Percentage of Jews among Migrants to Israel from the Russian Federation
and the Entire FSU, 1990-2003 and 2006
Russian Federation
Entire FSU
Year
Rosstat
Israel CBS
Israel CBS
data(a)
data(b)
data(b)
1990
…
94
96
1991
…
87
91
(c)
1992
64
82
84
1993
60
82
83
1994
58
77
77
1995
53
73
72
1996
49
67
68
1997
36
60
60
1998
31
55
54
1999
31
51
50
2000
27
47
47
2001
25
45
44
2002
24
43
43
2003
24
…
43
2006
…
…
42
(a) Of all emigrants to Israel whose ethnicity was known.
(b) Of all immigrants who entered Israel according to the Law of Return whose
ethnicity/religion was known.
(c) Second half of the year.
Sources: Rosstat data; Israel CBS data (Tolts, 2003b [updated]).
Recent mass-migration movement included many people who had previously
not identified themselves as Jews, nor had they been seen by FSU authorities as such.
Some of them changed their ethnic/religious identification/status to Jewish over the
course of their migration. One consequence of the post-Soviet Jewish vital crisis and
of rising mixed marriage has been the recent pronounced decrease in the share of Jews
among the FSU immigrants to Israel, according to official Israeli data: 96 percent in
1990, 72 percent in 1995, 47 percent in 2000,2 43 percent in 2003 and 42 percent in
2006. These proportions were almost the same as those among the immigrants from
2
At the same time, in 2000, according to Israeli criteria, Jews and their nearest
relatives (non-Jewish spouses and non-Jewish children of Jews) constituted 78 percent
of all immigrants from the FSU countries; the others were spouses of non-Jewish
children of Jews, and non-Jewish grandchildren of Jews and their spouses (Tolts,
2008b).
7
the Russian Federation.3 According to official Russian data, the proportion of Jews
among all those who emigrated to Israel fell from 64 percent in the second half of
1992 to 53 percent in 1995, 27 percent in 2000 and 24 percent in 2003 (Table 4).
The different definitions in Israel and the FSU explain the divergence in the
respective percentages.4 Obviously some of the immigrants who were considered
Jews according to their former Soviet internal passports (as well as in population
censuses), that is, the offspring of a Jewish male and a non-Jewish female, are counted
as non-Jews by Israeli statistics. Nonetheless, many more immigrants – the offspring
of a Jewish female and a non-Jewish male – are counted as Jews in Israel than were
registered as such in the FSU, and many of these had never identified themselves as
Jews before. Based on the data above, the number of such immigrants may be
tentatively guesstimated at about 0.15 million or even more. This recognition of the
Judaism/Jewish ethnicity of some individuals who had previously not identified
themselves as Jews, nor had they been seen by FSU authorities as such, somewhat
moderated the decline of the “core” Jewish population originating from the FSU, and
added to the Jewish population in Israel.
3
For similar data for immigrants from Ukraine to Israel in 1996-1999, see: Riss and
Klopshtock, 2002.
4
Israeli official statistics are based on the Ministry of the Interior’s Population
Register file, which defines “who is a Jew” according to the Halakha (Jewish religious
law), i.e. a person born of a Jewish mother or one who converted to Judaism through
the accepted formal religious procedure. According to official Israeli data, 74 percent
of all FSU immigrants who arrived in Israel since 1990 and were still living here by
the end of 2003 are Jews (Israel CBS, 2004c). At the same time, “Jews” according to
the official FSU definition comprised only those emigrants (aged 16 and over) who
were designated as such in their internal passports. For children, who lacked such
passports, ethnicity was defined on the basis of their parents’ ethnicity. If the parents
belonged to different ethnic groups, preference was given to the mother’s ethnicity,
although even in the post-Soviet era non-Jewish ethnic affiliation was clearly
preferred by the offspring of such couples (see Tolts, 1996 and 2003a).
8
Out-Migration from Israel of FSU Immigrants
Debates about the size of out-migration from Israel “tend to be more pervasive and
heated than those linked with most other groups” (Gold, 2004), and there are a lot of
ungrounded statements concerning huge numbers of FSU out-migrants from Israel in
particular.5 Following a demographic approach to this problem (see DellaPergola,
2007), we shall base our analysis of out-migration from Israel of FSU immigrants on
the data from official statistical sources. In order to evaluate these dynamics we shall
study the appropriate Israeli statistics, as well as statistics of FSU countries.
Data collected by the Israel Central Bureau of Statistics (Israel CBS) on the
FSU immigrants who arrived since 1990 provided us with possibilities to examine
their annual out-migration for all destinations as a whole. They are tabulated as
numbers of immigrants who left Israel for all destinations in a designated year and
stayed abroad continuously for one year or more (departures), and numbers of
immigrants who returned to Israel in a designated year of all those who previously left
Israel for all destinations and stayed abroad continuously for one year or more
(returns).6 According to these data, the number of departures was highest in 2002 and
2003 – 9,700 and 9,400, respectively (Table 5). By 2006, the last year for which we
have Israel CBS data on departures, it had decreased to 7,400. At the same time, the
number of returns was highest in 2004-2007 – between 1,900 and 2,100, and in 2005,
5
For example, Radio Tehran (Farsi Broadcast, January 29, 2008, 14:00 local time;
Mesamed, 2008) stated: “Thousands of former citizens of the Soviet Union who
moved to the Zionist state over the last 15-20 years, leave it monthly, returning to
their old places of residence, to the USA or to European countries. According to
various estimates, the number of respective returnees fluctuates from 300 to 400
thousand.”
6
In detail on the method counting out-migration by Israeli statistics, see: Sheps and
Hleihel, 2006. According to an assessment of organizations responsible for
international statistical cooperation, “[t]his method has produced very promising
results on emigrants stocks, thanks to the possibility of linking accurate and individual
data on population stocks and flows” (UNECE/Eurostat, 2006).
9
the annual balance of departures and returns decreased to the size of 2000 – 5,400. In
2006, it was about the same size – 5,500.
Table 5. Departures from and Returns to Israel of FSU Immigrants
Who Arrived in Israel Since 1990, Thousands
Year
Departures(a)
Returns(b)
Balance
Departures,
per 1,000 FSU
immigrants (a) (c)
1990
0.4
0.4
6.3
1991
3.1
0.0
3.1
11.9
1992
5.8
0.1
5.7
16.2
1993
5.3
0.3
5.0
12.8
1994
5.3
0.5
4.8
11.3
1995
6.3
0.6
5.7
12.0
1996
6.2
0.9
5.3
10.7
1997
6.0
1.3
4.7
9.6
1998
6.2
1.2
5.0
9.6
1999
5.6
1.5
4.1
8.1
2000
6.9
1.5
5.4
9.3
2001
8.0
1.2
6.8
10.1
2002
9.7
1.2
8.5
12.0
2003
9.4
1.5
7.9
11.6
2004
8.7
1.9
6.8
10.8
2005
7.5
2.1
5.4
9.3
2006
7.4
1.9
5.5
9.2
2007
…
2.0
…
…
1990-2006
107.8
17.7(d)
90.1
(a) Immigrants who left Israel for all destinations in the designated year and stayed
abroad continuously for one year or more.
(b) Immigrants who returned to Israel in the designated year of all those who
previously left Israel for all destinations and stayed abroad continuously for one year
or more.
(c) The rate is per 1,000 FSU immigrants who arrived in Israel since 1990 and were
still living there by the designated year, not including children born in Israel;
computed by the author (Tolts, 2007 [updated]), except 1998-2001 (Israel CBS,
2006a).
(d) 19,700 in 1990-2007.
Source: Compiled on the basis of Israel CBS data.
We can compute the annual rate of departures for the immigrants from the
FSU as a whole who arrived in Israel since 1990 and were still living there for each
year up to 2006. This rate was highest in 1992 (16 per 1,000), shortly after the greatest
10
wave of FSU immigrants arrived in Israel during the previous two years. Over the
following years, the rate decreased rather steadily, and in 1999 it fell to 8 per 1,000.
By 2002, it had returned to the level of 1995 – 12 per 1,000. However, in 2003 the
rate fell to 11.6 per 1,000, and in 2004, it fell again to 10.8 per 1,000. By 2005, it had
returned to the level of 2000 – 9.3 per 1,000, and in 2006, the last year for which we
have data, the rate fell further – to 9.2 per 1,000.
According to the Israel CBS data, of all FSU immigrants to Israel since 1990,
107,800 had left the country by the end of 2006 and stayed abroad continuously for
one year or more. However, a sizable number (19,700) of these had returned to Israel
by the end of 2007, and this return is continuing. Therefore, the registered number of
FSU immigrants who left Israel without returning to the country was 88,100. In 19902006, about 966,000 immigrants arrived in Israel from the FSU (Table 1). Thus, about
9 percent of this number left Israel without returning.7 Moreover, a sizable part of the
out-migration of FSU immigrants from Israel is circular in character as is true for the
entire out-migration from Israel (see Cohen, 2008)
For our study of the distribution of out-migration from Israel of FSU
immigrants by country we shall rely on statistics from the receiving countries.8 We
assembled data on immigration from Israel to the Russian Federation and five
European FSU countries for 10 recent years (Table 6).9
7
Out-migration of FSU immigrants from Israel is much lower than that among
immigrants from Western countries. For all immigrants from North America since
1989 this indicator was almost as high as 25 percent, and for immigrants from France,
it was 16 percent for a shorter period of time ending in 2002 (Haaretz, August 15,
2003, pp. 1A, 10A).
8
According to an official responsible for Israel CBS migration statistics, the national
statistical service has no information on distribution of out-migration by country of
destination, and therefore does not present respective data (Sheps, 2008).
9
For Estonia we found no recent data on migration flows on national or international
databases presented on the internet. For a review of international migration statistics
in the CIS countries, see: Chudinovskikh, 2008a.
11
Table 6. Immigration from Israel to the Russian Federation and European FSU
Countries, 1997-2006
Year
Russian
Ukraine
Belarus
Moldova
Latvia
Lithuania
Federation
1997
1,626
1,045
…
…
51
…
1998
1,528
1,193
230
…
50
…
1999
1,425
1,098
214
9
38
12
2000
1,508
1,019
198
12
28
9
2001
1,373
898
207
38
36
77
2002
1,670
1,003
233
40
51
94
2003
1,808
1,164
361
68
58
94
2004
1,486
1,411
283
90
75
117
2005
1,004
1,281
227
94
58
88
2006
1,053
1,372
271
72
32
87
Sources: Data of national statistical services of the respective FSU countries.
The most sizable FSU return migration flow has been to Russia. Immigration
from Israel to the Russian Federation was registered in Russian statistics, and these
data have been available since 1997 for analysis. The statistics of Rosstat are based on
the neighborhood passport office registration of immigrants who resumed residence
status in Russia.10 In 1997 the registered number of immigrants from Israel to the
Russian Federation was 1,626. In 1999, a period of severe economic crisis in Russia,
the number of immigrants from Israel decreased to about 1,400.
In 2003, a period of recession in the Israeli economy, the registered number of
immigrants to Russia from Israel reached its maximum to date – 1,808. However, the
Israeli economy subsequently improved (see EIU, 2008), and in 2004 the number of
immigrants decreased to less than 1,500. In 2005 the registered number of immigrants
from Israel to Russia fell even more noticeably – to about 1,000; that is, it was lower
by 44 percent than in 2003. In the first half of 2006 the registered number of
immigrants from Israel to Russia continued to fall (by 15 percent; see Table 7) as
compared with the first half of 2005.
10
These data also include some people who previously emigrated to Israel from other
parts of the FSU.
12
Table 7. Immigration from Israel to the Russian Federation, 2003-2008
Year
January –
July –
January –
June
December
December
2003
845
963
1,808
2004
689
797
1,486
2005
454
550
1,004
2006
388
665
1,053
2007
504
590
1,094
2008
445
557
1,002
Source: Compiled on the basis of Rosstat data.
At the same time, even a short-term worsening of the situation in Israel (i.e.,
the recession caused by the second Lebanon war) can lead to an increase in the
number of immigrants from Israel. According to the Rosstat data, in the second part of
2006 as compared with the same period of 2005 the registered number of immigrants
from Israel to the Russian Federation increased by 21 percent. In the first half of 2007
this increase continued, and the registered number of immigrants from Israel to the
Russian Federation was higher than in the respective months of the two previous
years. However, the registered number of immigrants from Israel was much lower (by
40 percent) than in the first part of 2003. In the second part of 2007 as compared with
the same period of 2006 the registered number of immigrants from Israel to the
Russian Federation had decreased by 11 percent, and this decrease continued in 2008.
Before 2005 in Ukraine the registered number of immigrants from Israel was
consistently lower than that in the Russian Federation (see Table 6).11 In 2004, the
registered number of immigrants to Ukraine from Israel reached its maximum to date
– about 1,400. However, in 2005 despite the euphoria after the victory of the Orange
Revolution the registered number of these immigrants was lower. As in Russia, in
Belarus the registered number of immigrants from Israel reached its maximum in
11
According to the opinion of a noted expert of CIS migration statistics, the quality of
Russian and Ukrainian registered immigrant data is about the same (Chudinovskikh,
2008b).
13
2003. At the same time, in Moldova, Latvia and Lithuania respective numbers reached
their maximum in 2004-2005. For the six FSU countries as a whole the registered
number of immigrants from Israel reached its peak in 2003 – about 3,600. This
corresponds rather well with the dynamics of out-migration according to the Israeli
statistics (cf. Table 5), which inevitably lagged behind statistics of the FSU countries.
Of course, there were some immigrants from Israel who officially resumed residence
status in the other FSU countries,12 and we may conservatively guesstimate that in
2003 the total number of such immigrants from Israel for the FSU as a whole was
almost 4,000.
Simultaneously, comparison of Israeli data and statistics of FSU countries
clearly shows that a very sizable part of FSU out-migration from Israel went to
Western countries (cf. Tables 5 and 6), mostly to North America. However, we have
no appropriate statistical data for the USA. At the same time, according to the 2001
Canadian census, “8,030 individuals born in the Former Soviet Union … came from
Israel to Canada after June 1996” (Shahar and Magonet, 2005); that is, about 1,600
per year. Therefore, in this period the average annual number of immigrants from
Israel to Canada was higher than that registered in the Russian Federation (cf. Table
6).
A comparison of the percentage of emigrants from Russia to Israel and
immigrants to Russia from Israel aged 16 and over with higher education shows that
both these migration streams are about identical in this characteristic. In 2006, 36
percent of the emigrants from Russia to Israel, and 35 percent of the immigrants to
Russia from Israel had attained higher education (estimate based on Rosstat, 2007a).
At the same time, according to the 2002 Russian census, 59 percent of the Jews aged
12
In 2000, 80 immigrants were registered from Israel in Kazakhstan and 69 in
Uzbekistan (IOM, 2002).
14
16 and over had higher education (computation based on Rosstat, 2004, including
postgraduate degrees presented separately in the census results). Thus, the level of
education among emigrants to Israel is much lower than that of the Jews who
remained in Russia. This can not be explained by the fact that the recent emigrants
from the provinces (outside the cities of Moscow and St. Petersburg) constitute the
great majority of the emigration from Russia to Israel (see Table 3). According to the
same census, 54 percent of the provincial Jews aged 16 and over had attained higher
education. Based on these cited education data we can conclude that return migration
from Israel to Russia in comparison with recent emigration from this country to Israel
did not cause a “brain drain” in either place.
Demographic Transformation
Even before the large-scale emigration of the 1970s, the balance of births to at least
one Jewish parent and Jewish deaths had become negative in Russia and Ukraine. By
the end of the 1980s, this balance was decidedly unfavorable in all the republics of the
European part of the Soviet Union (Tolts, 2003a). We shall begin our study of the
demographic characteristics and their transformation among the (post)-Soviet
migrants with an analysis of age structure.
By the end of 2004 the median age of the (post-) Soviet immigrant population
in Israel was 36.8 years, about 13 years lower than that of Jews in the USSR before
the onset of the recent mass emigration according to the 1989 census (see Table 8).
Emigration is highly selective by age and younger people have been more prone to
migrate, especially to Israel (DellaPergola, 1998; Tolts, 2003a). In 1990-2001, among
the FSU immigrants to Israel those under 15 constituted 20.3 percent (Israel CBS,
2007b), whereas among Jews in the USSR the same age group accounted for only
15
11.6 percent in 1989, and their share was even less in the Russian Federation.
Moreover, among the Jews in the Russian Federation the share of children under 15
decreased sizably from 8.4 percent in 1989 to 4.9 percent in 2002.
Table 8. Jews in the USSR and the Russian Federation, and (Post-) Soviet Immigrant
Population in Israel,(a) by Age Group, Percent
Group and year
All
0-14
15-29
30-44
45-64
65+
Median
ages
age
Jews in the
USSR
1989
100.0
11.6
13.0
20.2
31.6
23.6
49.7
Jews in Russia
1989
100.0
8.4
11.4
19.5
33.8
26.9
52.3
2002
100.0
4.9
10.7
14.2
33.6
36.6
57.5
(Post-) Soviet
immigrant
population
in Israel
End of 2004
100.0
17.5
22.5
20.7
23.0
16.3
36.8
(a) FSU immigrants who arrived in Israel since 1990 and were still living there by
noted date, including children born in Israel to mothers who immigrated from the FSU
in this period.
Sources: Compiled on the basis of Tolts, 2003a and 2007; Israel CBS, 2005c.
As noted above, not all the FSU immigrants to Israel were Jews. However, the
share of children under 15 in the (post-) Soviet immigrant population in Israel was
higher than that among the total population of the Russian Federation at the same
date: 17.5 and 15.2 percent, respectively (cf. Table 8; Rosstat, 2005b). At the same
time, not only the age peculiarities of the emigrants led to all these discrepancies. In
the (post-) Soviet immigrant population in Israel more than two-thirds (69 percent) of
the children under 15 were born in Israel to mothers who had immigrated from the
FSU since 1990, and it is clear that without the sizable input of their fertility the
immigrant population in Israel would be much older.
16
The Israeli Jewish population represents a mix of very different lifestyles and
values (see, e.g.: Levy et al., 2004). Therefore, the demography of its components
shows great differentiations (DellaPergola, 2004). The total fertility rate (TFR)13 of
the Jews in Israel is the highest among contemporary developed countries: in 19851989 it was 2.8 and approached about the same level again in 2006 – 2.75 (Israel
CBS, 2007c). However, this is only the average. At one end of the spectrum are ultraOrthodox Jews (Haredi) who have a very high average fertility (TFR of about 7),
whereas at the other end is the non-religious segment of the Jewish veteran population
with a TFR of 2.0-2.2 (Friedlander, 2002). The non-religious majority of FSU
immigrants is more similar to the latter.
In 1988-1989 the TFR of Russia’s Jewish population was 1.49 and that of the
Ukrainian Jewish population – 1.52 (Interstate Statistical Committee, 1995; Piskunov,
1997). At that time the TFR of the Jewish population in the Soviet Union as a whole
was only slightly higher than in the Russian Federation and Ukraine – 1.56 (Andreev
at al., 1993). At the onset of the recent mass emigration only two small Jewish groups
in the USSR had much higher levels of fertility. Based on the data of the last Soviet
census of 1989 the TFR was estimated at 3.1 for Bukharan Jews in Uzbekistan (Tolts,
2008a), and it was probably not much lower among the Mountain Jews in East
Caucasus. However, their estimated numbers were not high: in the 1990s about
40,000 Mountain Jews from East Caucasus and 22,000 Bukharan Jews from former
Soviet Central Asia emigrated to Israel (Leshem and Sicron, 2004; Kaganovich,
2003). A third distinctive Jewish group – Georgian Jews – was much more similar to
the Ashkenazi majority of migrants in terms of its demographic characteristics.
13
The total fertility rate is the average number of children that a woman would bear in
her lifetime if current age-specific fertility rates were to remain stable.
17
For 1993-1994 the TFR of Russia’s Jewish population was estimated at about
0.8 (Tolts, 1996); that is, from 1988-1989 it fell dramatically by 46 percent. We have
no direct information on the dynamics of TFR for Jews in other parts of the FSU, but
the fertility reduction in the post-Soviet period was very pronounced also outside
Russia (Heleniak, 2005; Vishnevsky, 1999). Thus, for the FSU as a whole we would
conservatively guesstimate the TFR of the Jewish population at 0.9 in the mid-1990s,
and we assume that it did not rise subsequently before the end of the decade.
Table 9. Total Fertility Rate (TFR) Among FSU Immigrants
Who Arrived in Israel Since 1990
Of these:
Year
Total
Jews
Non-Jews(a)
1990
1.58
…
…
1991
1.31
…
…
1992
1.33
…
…
1993
1.52
…
…
1994
1.65
…
…
1995
1.72
…
…
1996
1.70
…
…
1997
1.71
…
…
1998
1.71
…
…
1999
1.63
1.69
…
2000
1.62
1.73
…
2001
1.56
1.69
…
2002
1.55
1.70
1.27
2003
1.60
1.78
1.27
2004
1.55
1.76
1.15
2005
1.55
1.75
1.20
(a) Author’s estimate.
Sources: Compiled on the basis of Israel CBS data (see Appendix, Tables 1A and
2A).
Analysis of the birth dynamics shows that the Jews and their relatives who
emigrated to Israel in the 1990s escaped the dramatic fertility reduction which was
characteristic of the FSU population as a whole and Jews in particular. By 2001 their
TFR was 1.56 (see Table 9); that is, at the same level as that of Jews in the Soviet
18
Union in 1988-1989. At the same time, the age pattern of fertility changed noticeably:
age-specific birth rates under 20 and at ages 20-24 decreased sizably, whereas those at
ages 30-45 increased considerably in comparison with the same indicators of Jews in
the Soviet Union in 1988-89. Among (post-) Soviet immigrants the interval of 25-29
instead of that of 20-24 became the highest intensity childbearing age (see Appendix,
Table 1A).
In 1999-2005 the TFR among (post-) Soviet immigrants registered as Jews
was rather steady at 1.7-1.8; that is, it was double the post-Soviet level of Jewish
fertility in the FSU and approached the TFR level of Israeli non-religious veteran
Jews (2.0-2.2) which was noted above. At the same time, according to our estimate,
this indicator for (post-) Soviet immigrants registered as non-Jews in 2002-2005 was
also steady and as low as approximately 1.2-1.3; thus, it was similar to the low level
of post-Soviet Slavic populations in their home countries.14 However, the data clearly
show a similarity in age-specific fertility schedules of the two segments of (post-)
Soviet immigrants. In 2002-2005, not only was the age of the highest intensity of
childbearing 25-29 for both groups, but the birth rates at ages 30-34 were higher than
those for ages 20-24 (see Appendix, Table 2A).
Results of a special processing of the 2002 birth certificates in Russia show
that 15 percent of all children born to Jewish women were registered by parents who
were not formally married, and another 7 percent were registered by the mother alone;
thus, 22 percent of total births to Jewish mothers were out of wedlock (Tolts, 2006).
At the same time, this percentage was sizably lower than that in the total urban
population of the Russian Federation where it was 28 percent in the same year (Tolts
et al., 2006). In Israel births out of wedlock are very rare among the veteran Jewish
14
In 2005, TFR was 1.20 in Ukraine, 1.21 in Belarus and 1.29 in Russia (INED,
2008).
19
population – as low as 3 percent, and their share among the FSU immigrant
population was nearly 10 percent in 2000 (Nahmias, 2004). Thus, indicators show that
FSU immigrants’ fertility behavior in Israel has already distanced itself from that in
the sending country.
At the onset of the recent mass emigration, Jewish males had a much higher
life expectancy than the average for total Soviet males, whereas Jewish females in the
USSR had no such advantage. Life expectancy at birth for Soviet Jews in 1988-1989
was 70.1 for males and 73.7 for females, and these indicators were very similar to
these in the two republics where most of them were concentrated – the Russian
Federation and Ukraine (see Table 10). At the same time, in Soviet Central Asia life
expectancy for Jewish males and females was lower than that of the total Jewish
population in the USSR.
Table 10. Life Expectancy at Birth for Jews and Total Urban Population in the FSU,
On the Eve of and During Jewish Mass Emigration of the 1990s
Males
Females
Area
Jews
Total urban
Jews
Total urban
population(a)
population(a)
On the eve of Jewish mass emigration, 1988-1989
Entire USSR
70.1
65.6
73.7
73.9
Russian Federation
69.7
65.4
73.5(b)
74.2
Ukraine
70.3
67.1
73.5
74.7
Central Asia
65.7
…
71.6
…
(c)
During Jewish mass emigration, mid-1990s
Russian Federation
69.6
57.7
73.2
71.2
Moscow
72.2
57.7
76.0
71.5
(a)
Indicators for 1988 and 1994, respectively (Goskomstat of USSR, 1989;
Goskomstat of Russia, 1995; Rosstat, 2005b [updated]).
(b) According to alternative estimate – 73.3 (Bogoyavlensky et al., 2000).
(c) For Jews in the Russian Federation and Moscow, indicators for 1993-1994 and
1993-1995, respectively (Tolts, 1996 [indirect estimate]; Shkolnikov et al., 2004).
Sources: As noted above, and Andreev et al., 1993 [Jews in the USSR, 1988-1989];
Interstate Statistical Committee, 1995 [Jews in the Russian Federation, 1988-1989];
Piskunov, 1996 [Jews in Ukraine, 1988-1989]; Tolts, 2003a [Jews in Central Asia,
1988-1989].
20
Actually the most acute demographic problem in most of the contemporary
FSU countries, especially in Russia, is mortality; the total Russian population has the
lowest life expectancy for males among all the developed countries. Between 1988
and 1994, the life expectancy of males in the total Russian urban population fell
precipitously by 7.7 years from 65.4 to 57.7, and was 59.0 in 2003 (Rosstat, 2005b).
However, the life expectancy of Russian male Jews has been estimated for 1993-1994
at 69.6, which is about the same level as at the end of the 1980s, showing a great
difference of about 12 years. Given the demographic situation of contemporary
Russia, the life expectancy of Jewish males was relatively very good.
From these figures we see that the Jewish population has adapted to the recent
economic transition in Russia better than the rest of the population. Nor were the
dynamics of Jewish life expectancy adversely effected by the selective character of
mass emigration as one might have supposed. Although people who are unwell
usually have a lower tendency to migrate and this could have been expected to raise
Jewish mortality somewhat, this factor was offset by successful Jewish socioeconomic
adaptation in post-Soviet Russia. At the same time, the life expectancy for both
Jewish males and females was higher in Moscow than the country averages for Jews.
Thus, we can conclude that by the mid-1990s the life expectancy for both Jewish
males and females was lower outside Moscow. However, we do not know when this
discrepancy arose within Russian Jewry, and how it was linked to the recent mass
emigration.
A comparison of Jewish life expectancy at age 15 in Russia and Israel at the
onset of the recent mass emigration shows a sizable differentiation between them: the
discrepancy for both males and females was more than three years (see Table 11).
However, in 1990-1994 in Israel the standardized rates of female mortality were lower
21
for the new immigrants from the FSU than for the veteran Jewish population of Israel,
while the indicators for males of both groups were rather close (Rotem, 1998).
Table 11. Life Expectancy at Age 15 for Jews in the Russian Federation and Israel,
and All (Post-) Soviet Immigrants Who Arrived in Israel Since 1990
Group and period
Males
Females
On the eve of (post-) Soviet
Jewish mass emigration
Jews in the Russian
56.7
60.2
Federation, 1988-1989
Jews in Israel, 1985-1989
60.1
63.6
On arriving in Israel (post-)
Soviet mass emigration of
the 1990s
All (post-) Soviet
61.0
67.0
immigrants, 2000-2003
Jews in Israel, 2000-2004(a)
63.5
67.4
(a) Including immigrants.
Sources: Israel CBS, 2007c [Jews in Israel, 1985-1989 and 2000-2004]; Interstate
Statistical Committee, 1995 [Jews in the Russian Federation, 1988-1989]; Ott et al.,
2009 [(post-) Soviet immigrants, 2000-2003].
In 2000-2003, life expectancy at age 15 for (post-) Soviet immigrants in Israel
was very close for all Jewish females in the country, however this indicator for males
was sizably lower for FSU immigrants. At the same time, it was much higher than that
in Russia for both males and females. It is interesting to note that (post-) Soviet
immigrants constitute a very sizable portion of the medical profession in
contemporary Israel: according to the data for the first part of this decade, almost half
of all doctors under age 45 and one-quarter of those between 45 and 65 were from the
FSU (Remennick, 2007). We suppose that the existence of this huge pool of Russianspeakers (this includes nurses) renders the Israeli health system unusually userfriendly for FSU immigrants. However, surely emigration postponed death for many
FSU Jews in other destinations as well, where mortality was lower than in the FSU
states.
22
Demographic Decline and Revitalization
Migration has been a positive factor in Jewish demographic dynamics. It caused
additions to the Jewish population as a result of ethnic re-identification in the process
of migration as was noted above. The estimates (which use the 1970 Soviet census as
a baseline)15 show that, by the beginning of 2004, worldwide there were about 1.6
million “core” Jews (by self-identification) who originated in the FSU, of whom about
one-tenth, mostly in Israel, had become part of the “core” Jewish population as a
result of migration (Tolts, 2004). In Israel there were about 0.8 million Jews who had
arrived since 1970 from the FSU and their descendants (approximately half of the
estimated worldwide number). Perhaps one fifth of these had previously not been
identified as Jews, neither by themselves, nor by the FSU authorities. According to
the same estimates, at the beginning of 2004 less than one-quarter (less than 0.4
million) remained in the FSU, and the rest were mostly in the United States (about 0.3
million) and Germany (less than 0.1 million).
Between 1999 and 2004 population censuses were conducted in most FSU
countries and the results of all these censuses clearly show the demographic decline of
the Jewish communities in the FSU (see Table 12). At the start of the recent mass
emigration, Russia’s Jews made up 39 percent of the total number of “core” Jews in
the FSU. However, since 1989 the population decline of Russia’s Jewry was lower
than that of the total Jewish population in the FSU. This corresponds to Russia’s
lower share in FSU Jewish emigration as a whole (see Table 2; see also DellaPergola,
1998; Tolts, 2003a). As a result, by 2000 the Jews in the Russian Federation
15
According to the 1970 Soviet census, there were 2.15 million Jews in the Soviet
Union. According to the 1989 Soviet census, at the start of the recent mass emigration
the number of those who remained there had decreased to 1.45 million.
23
accounted for more than 60 percent of the total number of “core” Jews in the FSU
(Tolts, 2004).
Table 12. Numerical Decrease of “Core” Jewish Population
According to Recent Post-Soviet Censuses, Thousands
Numerical
Country
Census date
Number
Number
decrease,
of Jews
of Jews
%
according to
the 1989
Soviet census
Azerbaidzhan
January 1999
8.9
30.8
71
Belarus
February 1999
27.8
112.0
75
Kazakhstan
February 1999
6.8
18.9(a)
64
Kirgiziia
March 1999
1.6
6.0
74
Tadzhikistan
January 2000
0.2
14.8
98.5
Estonia
March 2000
2.15
4.6
54
Latvia
March 2000
10.4
22.9
55
Lithuania
April 2001
4.0
12.4
68
Ukraine
December 2001
104.3
487.3
79
Georgia
January 2002
3.8(b)
24.8
85
Russian
Federation
October 2002
233.6(c)
570(d)
59(c)
(e)
Moldova
Oct./Nov. 2004
4.8
65.8
93
(a) As published in the results of the 1999 census of Kazakhstan.
(b) Not including Abkhazia and South Ossetia.
(c) There were possibly additional Jews (approximately 20,000) among people
whose ethnicity was not recorded in the census, and therefore the numerical decrease
was perhaps lower – 55 percent (see Tolts, 2004).
(d) Including “Tats”.
(e) According to the results of the Moldova census of October 2004, there were
about 3,600 Jews; however, this census did not cover Moldovan territory east of the
Dniester River. According to the unofficial results of the separate census of November
2004, there were about 1,200 Jews there.
Sources: Post-Soviet censuses; 1989 Soviet census (Tolts, 2007 [updated]).
In the Russian Federation, from 1988 to 1998, the decline in the number of
births to at least one Jewish parent was much faster than that of Jewish deaths, and as
a result the estimated negative balance of these vital events increased by 1,100, from
about –5,800 to –6,900 (Table 13). This coincided with negative demographic
development among the Jews who remained in all other FSU countries (see Tolts,
24
2003a). Also in Germany, despite the sizable immigration of Jews from the FSU, in
the 1990s and in the first part of the 2000s the vital balance worsened significantly.
There was no substantial increase in the number of births in the Jewish community,
and the number of deaths increased by 2.7 times from 1990 to 2005. As a result of this
development, the negative vital balance increased in this period by 3.3 times. The
attempt to revitalize the German Jewish community through FSU immigration was
hardly a great success, at least in terms of natural growth. We have no direct
information on the balance of births and deaths for FSU Jewish immigrants in the
USA; however, the respective balance since the 1990s was negative for USA Jewry as
a whole (DellaPergola, 2006).
Table 13. Balance of Births and Deaths among Jews in the Russian Federation
and Germany, and FSU Immigrants in Israel, 1988/1990-2005
Year
Births
Deaths
Balance
Jews in the Russian
Federation
1988
8,006(a)
13,826
-5,820
1998
2,177(a)
9,103
-6,926
2001
1,805(a) (b)
…
…
Jews in Germany
1990
109
431
-322
1998(c)
123
782
-659
2001(c)
117
990
-873
(c)
2005
128
1,178
-1,050
FSU Immigrants in
Israel (d)
1998
8,926
5,967
+2,959
2001
10,333
6,918
+3,415
2005
10,997
7,597
+3,400
(a) Children born to at least one Jewish parent, assuming the (unknown) number of
children born to non-Jewish mothers and Jewish fathers was twice the (known)
number of children born to Jewish mothers and non-Jewish fathers (author’s
estimate).
(b) The percentage of children born to non-Jewish fathers and the rate of children
born to Jewish mothers per 1,000 “core” Jews as in 1998 were applied in the estimate.
(c) Mostly FSU immigrants (DellaPergola, 2003 and 2006; Polian, 2000).
(d) Who arrived since 1990, according to Israel CBS data.
Sources: Compiled on the basis of vital statistics data, see sources above.
25
At the same time, the number of births among FSU immigrants in Israel grew
significantly, and in 2005 it was about 6 times higher than was the number of births to
at least one Jewish parent in Russia in 1998, which subsequently continued its decline.
Table 14. Actual and Guesstimated Births and Deaths for FSU Migrants to Israel,(a)
2001, Thousands
Births
Deaths
Balance
1. Actually
registered
in Israel
10.3(b)
6.9(c)
+3.4
2. Guesstimated
according
to indicators of
FSU Jews
6.0(d)
11.8(e)
-5.8
3. Discrepancy
[(3)=(2)-(1)]
-4.3
+4.9
X
(a) Who arrived since 1990.
(b) According to Israel CBS registered data (total fertility rate for all FSU
immigrants [Jewish and non-Jewish] was 1.56, see Table 9 of this paper).
(c) According to Israel CBS registered data (life expectancy at birth of the immigrant
population is close to that of the Israeli Jewish population as a whole which was 77.9
years for males and 81.6 years for females in 2001).
(d) Total fertility rate at 0.9, see text.
(e) Life expectancy at birth 70.1 years for males and 73.7 years for females as in life
tables for Soviet Jewish population in 1988-1989 (Andreev et al., 1993).
Sources: Vital statistics data as noted above; author’s computations.
An estimate (Table 14) shows that if in 2001 the total fertility rate among FSU
immigrants in Israel had been as low as that found for FSU Jews as a whole in the
period of the mid-1990s and onwards (0.9) the number of births among them would
have been lower by 4,300. Moreover, if in 2001 the life expectancy at birth among
this immigrant group had been as low as that found for FSU Jews (70.1 years for
males and 73.7 years for females as in life tables for the Soviet Jewish population in
1988-1989) the number of deaths among them would have been higher by 4,900.
Thus, they would have had a decisively negative balance of births and deaths had they
26
not arrived in Israel.16 The post-Soviet mass exodus led to tens of thousands of
additional Jewish births among those Jews who emigrated, most of which occurred in
Israel, and the deaths of many FSU immigrants in all their destinations have been
postponed.
Conclusion
In our study we have assembled and analyzed statistics of post-Soviet Jewish
emigration to outside the FSU, and to Israel in particular, as well as out-migration
from Israel of FSU immigrants. There is no simple correlation between the situation
in Israel and Jewish migration from different countries (DellaPergola, 1998).
However, it has been found that the push factor is decisive for emigration to Israel,
and the recent wave from the FSU confirms previous observations which were based
on emigration from other countries. At the same time, our findings confirm the
previous analysis which found that emigration from Israel is largely dependent on the
dynamics of the country’s business cycle (see DellaPergola, 1999).
Our findings concerning the demographic changes among FSU immigrants in
Israel are important for evaluation of the demographic situation in the post-Soviet
countries. Despite difficulties of migrant adaptation this rather sizable group
originated from the segment of Soviet society with long-time low fertility escaped
post-Soviet fertility reduction, and in Israel it approached the higher level of fertility
of the non-religious sector of that country’s Jewish veteran population. Soviet-origin
medical personnel after immigration to Israel was successfully re-trained, and now
make up a very large proportion in the county’s highly effective medical service. Life
expectancy of (post-) Soviet immigrants in Israel increased rapidly and noticeably.
16
Socio-economic adaptation of FSU immigrants in Israel is generally successful; see,
e.g.: Leshem, 2008; Remennick, 2007, especially chapter 2; Sicron, 2007.
27
Therefore, we may suppose that the severe FSU mortality problem is not mostly
caused by people or by their behavior, but rather by their place of residence and the
level of medical service available.
28
Appendix
Table 1A. Age-Specific Birth Rates of the Jewish Population in the Soviet Union
in 1988-1989, and All (Post-) Soviet Immigrants Who Arrived in Israel Since 1990,
Per 1,000 Females
Age
Year
TFR
in
Under
20-24
25-29
30-34
35-39
40-44
45-49(a)
Israel
20
Jewish Population in the Soviet Union, 1988-1989
X
24.9
125.6
90.6
50.7
17.8
3.2
0.1
1.56
All (post-) Soviet immigrants who arrived in Israel since 1990
1990
37.5
167.8
66.3
30,6
12.3
2.1
0.0
1.58
1991
32.9
119.0
65.2
29.6
11.0
3.4
0.2
1.31
1992
27.6
108.2
73.9
38.9
14.6
2.5
0.3
1.33
1993
30.9
105.0
92.3
52.3
19.9
3.6
0.4
1.52
1994
26.9
111.0
96.8
64.5
25.8
5.0
0.0
1.65
1995
25.9
105.6
112.3
66.5
27.8
5.0
0.0
1.72
1996
24.1
102.3
108.9
71.8
28.4
5.2
0.2
1.70
1997
22.8
98.7
107.4
73.9
32.6
6.5
0.3
1.71
1998
19.9
96.7
112.3
73.0
33.9
6.2
0.3
1.71
1999
16.3
88.7
107.0
72.9
33.3
5.8
0.4
1.63
2000
15.3
83.9
108.0
75.2
34.4
6.7
0.3
1.62
2001
12.9
76.2
108.0
72.4
34.6
7.5
0.1
1.56
(a) Computation based on a low number of births.
Sources: Compiled on the basis of Darsky, 2005; Israel CBS, 2007a and 2000-2002c.
29
Table 2A. Age-Specific Birth Rates of Jewish and Non-Jewish (Post-) Soviet
Immigrants Who Arrived in Israel Since 1990, Per 1,000 Females
Age
Year
TFR
(a)
in
Under
20-24
25-29
30-34
35-39
40-44
45-49
Israel
20
All (post-) Soviet Immigrants
2002
11.9
71.9
108.1
76.6
33.6
6.7
0.4
1.55
2003
10.3
67.7
115.4
78.6
38.8
8.5
0.3
1.60
2004
10.2
61.9
111.1
79.8
38.2
7.8
0.6
1.55
2005
9.9
57.9
112.0
83.2
37.8
8.7
0.6
1.55
(Post-) Soviet immigrants registered as Jews
2002
11.1
78.4
122.7
83.5
36.5
6.9
0.6
1.70
2003
10.4
75.1
130.6
88.8
41.8
8.6
0.4
1.78
2004
9.8
70.3
129.9
91.2
41.9
8.6
0.6
1.76
2005
10.5
65.5
126.9
95.6
40.9
9.7
0.5
1.75
(b)
(Post-) Soviet immigrants registered as non- Jews
2002
13.6
57.6
82.9
65.0
27.6
6.3
0.3
1.27
2003
10.2
51.7
88.8
61.9
33.1
8.1
0.1
1.27
2004
11.0
43.9
76.4
61.5
31.7
5.9
0.3
1.15
2005
8.6
41.3
82.9
64.5
35.2
6.7
0.8
1.20
(a) Computation based on a low number of births.
(b) Author’s estimate.
Sources: Compiled on the basis of Israel CBS, 2002-2006c.
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