TRENDS AND
COMPETENCIES
IN VOCATIONAL
EDUCATION
Petr Adamec
Michal Šimáně
Martina Miškelová (Eds.)
Published in London, UK
by Sciemcee Publishing
in October 2022
TRENDS
AND COMPETENCIES
IN VOCATIONAL
EDUCATION
Petr Adamec
Michal Šimáně
Martina Miškelová (Eds.)
Trends and Competencies in Vocational Education
Copyright © 2022 by Petr Adamec, Michal Šimáně, Martina Miškelová (Eds.)
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
Published by Sciemcee Publishing.
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Includes bibliographical references and index.
Reviewers
Prof. Pavol Findura
Slovak University of Agriculture in Nitra
Slovakia
Prof. Dzintra Illiško
Daugavpils University
Latvia
Prof. Péter Tóth
Budapest University of Technology and Economics
Hungary
4
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION .............................................................................. 7
1 THE CHANGING WORLD OF VOCATIONAL EDUCATION –
DEVELOPMENTS, NEW CHALLENGES AND
OPPORTUNITIES .............................................................................. 13
1.1 Towards competence 4.0 new challenges for education
Renata Tomaszewska .......................................................................... 14
1.2 Polytechnic education as a prefiguration of dual training?
Lajos Somogyvári .............................................................................. 31
2 THE ROLE OF VOCATIONAL AND SOFT SKILLS
DEVELOPMENT FOR VOCATIONAL EDUCATION .................... 42
2.1 The importance of ‚Life skills‘ in undergraduate and lifelong
teacher education in the 21st century
Markéta Švamberk Šauerová ................................................................ 43
2.2 Personal and social competencies and their development during
under-graduate teacher training
Zuzana Geršicová, Silvia Barnová, Slávka Krásna .................................... 67
2.3 Transactional analysis as a tool for the development of teachers’
competencIes in vocational education
David Kryštof, Petr Adamec.................................................................. 84
3 APPROACHES TO THE SUSTAINABILITY OF QUALITY
VOCATIONAL EDUCATION IN THE DIGITAL AGE ................... 102
3.1 Digital literacy in transversal competences of future teachers
of vocational subjects
Čestmír Serafín.................................................................................103
3.2 Introducing of a coaching approach to online teaching
as a support of communicative competence of teachers
and students from a didactic point of view
Kateřina Tomešková, Petr Svoboda ........................................................128
5
3.3 Teacher’s competence for problem-based and research-oriented
teaching of vocational subjects in the conditions of digital
education and connectivism
Pavel Pecina, Peter Marinič .................................................................163
3.4 The quality of teaching and the benefit of the selected general
education subjects at the University of Technology
Jaroslav Lindr .................................................................................182
4 SELECTED ASPECTS AFFECTING KEY ACTORS
IN VOCATIONAL EDUCATION .....................................................219
4.1 Key competences of a secondary school principal
in the Czech Republic
Eva Urbanová, Jana Marie Šafránková .................................................220
4.2 Competencies of educators and pupils in the system
of dual education
Peter Marinič, Ľudmila Rumanová, David Vorel, Helena Zelníčková ............238
4.3 Role of lecturer in the education of university teachers and
the fulfilling of their educational needs
Jana Trabalíková .............................................................................257
4.4 Selected contexts of the development of agricultural teacher
training in the Slovak Republic
Tímea Šeben Zaťková .........................................................................278
SUMMARY ......................................................................................296
LIST OF AUTHORS ........................................................................298
INDEX..............................................................................................301
6
1.2
Polytechnic education
as a prefiguration
of dual training?
Lajos Somogyvári
31
Introduction
This chapter tries to build bridges from the key notion of socialist polytechnic
education toward recent models of dual training, focusing on how the economic
and technological aspect emphasised more and more in general education. By
doing this, I will use the Soviet polytechnic education in the late 1950s, and
the Hungarian example of implementing a school reform in 1961, which intended
to be a new Sputnik of the education (these experiments failed some years later).
As a main goal, I am trying to discover similar and different characteristics
related to the old model and new ideas about combining school life and work in
the same system. According to the theories of educational transfer, some crucial
concepts travelled and transformed geographically and temporally, adapting to
different circumstances and contexts, like old/new pedagogical ideas. Modern
education faced several times with the following big challenge and question:
What are the possible connections between school-knowledge and requirements
of real work-life? A possible answer occurred from time to time again, getting
labour market and school education closer. I do not think that these two models
(socialist polytechnic education and dual training forms after regime changes,
from 2000’s) had an equal background or shared meanings, but the mechanism
which can be observed, may give us some conclusions about taking education
as a tool into consideration, when strengthening its economical and labour side.
Polytechnic education has very different meanings comparing the Western
viewpoint (e.g. Atchoerana & Bolina, 1996; Auzinger, Ulicna, & Messerer, 2016)
and the educational heritage of post-socialist countries. If we look at the second
one, it is the part of the educational past – meanwhile dual trainings are very
much alive –, polytechnic education based on the ideological model of socialist
education. This kind of working education (or preparation and implementing into
working) offered an experience of proletariat lifestyle to secondary high school
students (mainly from the middle class) by participating one-day practice per
week. On the other hand, it aimed to orientate them to blue-collar works (rather
than producing more intellectuals, by increasing the volume of higher education)
to restructure the human labour market. These motivations and discourses
echoed decades later in unreflective ways in the background of contemporary
dual training forms: the aim of this paper is to outline these deep-rooted links.
1.2.1 Methodology and theoretical
background
Returning to the history of educational ideas may increase our consciousness in
understanding the development of recent trends, the context of frequently re-
32
invented pedagogical thoughts (Muir, 1998). I follow a retrospective approach
in my research; starting with the general description of present-day dual systems,
then the specifics of polytechnic education go after, to see similarities and
differences in thinking parallel education in the schools and at the workplaces.
I am interested in the core logics, easily found in the theories of dual training and
socialist polytechnics, as a special kind of comparative literature review. According
to the historical discourse analysis (Landwehr, 2008) the socio-historical reality
always constituted by several thematic points (propositions, which are repeatedly
emphasized) and absences (covered aspects). After a literature review, I made
a theoretical framework (see Table 1), in which my findings will be portrayed.
Table 1
Focal points of the research
Thematic focus
Short description (details)
Main principles
education in schools and at the workplaces: transition and/or
integration
Goals
social, economic, ideological
Organization
schedule, teachers and trainers, collaboration
Values
socialization into the work ethic, hierarchy
These aspects commonly appeared in both discourses (dual vs. polytechnics),
as a key pedagogical features characterised these concepts and appointed
possible problems at the same time. Like a Begriffsgeschichte a la Koselleck
(2006), a special educational language emerge, with the leading popular slogan
of ‘Let’s bring the school closer to life and work!’, in very different contexts.
The process of reasoning a needful cooperation between schools and companies
may be explained by the concept of educational transfer too, which is about
borrowing and lending educational ideas through different transformations and
adaptations (Steiner-Khamsi, 2006, 2012); including a continuous circulation of
discourses, practices and policies (Cowen, 2009; Phillips 2009).
1.2.2 Findings and discussion
Speaking about recent dual-training systems always used the examples of Germanspeaking countries as role models, but integrating vocational education and
training experiences has several other examples from the developed world (Choy,
Wärvik, & Lindberg, 2018). The literature draws our attention to the inherent
logic of every important educational reform or innovation on a global scale after
33
1945: there are flagship countries, has to follow by the others. In the post-WW2
situation, the Soviet Union dominated the educational policies and of CentralEastern Europe; after the regime changes in 1989–1990, the Western influences
(UN, World Bank, European Community) played a similar hegemonic role.
Turning back to the “duality” or work-based learning: this principle means
a complex and mutual interaction nowadays, “how work experience is integrated
within education” and “how educational experience is or can be integrated into
work” (Grollmann, 2018, p. 65). It seems as a necessary requirement toward
the educational system to give more practical knowledge (and not just in vocational
education), which has been a longstanding demand against the “book-school”.
In 1958, Khrushchev published an article in Pravda, entitled ‘Regarding the Strengthening
of Ties Between School and Life and the Further Development of the Public Education System’,
announcing a new school reform. If we read it without the ideological ballast, it
is a list of familiar problems and solutions; a product of a usual educational crisis,
starting with a statement that education is essential, because:
“Particularly great is the role of education in our time when the successful
development of the national economy would be impossible without the broadest
utilization of the latest achievements of science and technology. (…) Nevertheless,
we cannot be satisfied with the organization and the very system of higher and
secondary education. (…) The major, fundamental defect in our secondary
higher education is its isolation from life” (Khrushchev, 1958, p. 3).
Another confidential source from Hungary based on the same logic two years
later, referring familiar arguments about school and life. The following details
are from a proposal aimed to be a manual for educationalists and party members
to argue and justify the Hungarian polytechnic reform:
“If someone asks, what the essence of the educational reform is, we can say: it
is crucial to bring the school closer to life, connecting education with life and
production. The core of the problems (…) that school was separated from life…”
(Oktatásügyünk továbbfejlesztéséért, 1960, p. 4).
Polytechnic education – a “milder” form of dual system – was a key to bridge this
gap in late 1950s, early 1960s, which did not mean a close integration of working
and learning experiences in one, rather an orientation or transition toward labor
market. This is another formative element beside a pedagogical synthesis of
classrooms and workplaces in the dual trainings: the “work-oriented turn” exceed
the traditional “distinction between ‘theory=school’ and ‘practice=company’
(Gessler, 2017, p. 715). We can understand the previous sentence as a reframing
our thinking about what we do in the trainings from the viewpoints of parents,
students, teachers, educationalists and so on – orientation before integration (or
parallel with it), which is not an easy task. As a consequence of the intention
34
about getting school and work-life closer, the Marxist-Leninist ideas of all
round development (physical, intellectual, aesthetic and labor), and permanent
education widely spread in the educational thinking of the socialist countries
(Malkova, 1979), this development defined as lifelong learning in Western
countries (Jessup, 1970).
Why we have to do this? What is the need behind such duality? Several goals
has been justifying this purpose, then and now. The first type of arguments are
social: initially, inclusion and cohesion in welfare states (Atzmüller, 2015, p. 193),
achieving low unemployment rate (Gessler, 2017, p. 701) belonged to these
reasons in the literature of dual trainings. In the ideologically driven approach
of polytechnic education, the public discourses suggested a presupposition/
belief, that if every student from the secondary high schools met with physical
work in the agriculture or industry, it would raise their proletariat consciousness
and develop adequate communist attitudes (Shapovalenko, 1965; and this
clearly directs us to the our next question related to the values). It has economic
advantages too: in the global competition, nearing education to labour market
needs may result getting high economic power (OECD, 2010). If we take a look
at the realization of polytechnic education in 1960s Hungary, secondary high
school students were free human resources for factories and state-farms; linking
with a pseudo-reform in education (Laczik & Farkas, 2019, p. 1091). The 5-year
economic plans pointed out the attendance of students in production work (for
example in the Soviet Union, see: Simon, 1954, p. 3), so their contribution was
expected by the party leaders for the higher GDP outcome.
Obviously, two opposite ideologies supported the vocationalization trend
(about the cultural-historical origins from the 19th Germany, see: Deissinger,
2019). Involving youngsters into the work life in educational context has
a definite role of socialization to the capitalist work ethic, hierarchy, including
its cultural aspects (Atzmüller, 2015, p. 192); meanwhile the hardcore ideologists
interpreted polytechnic education as a part of the socialist cultural revolution,
breaking the educational monopoly of the bourgeoisie (Layonchkovsky, 1958).
The target group and institutional form is very different. The socialist education
tried to make general polytechnics for every secondary school students, with
the ultimate purpose of transforming the mindset of the whole society. Meanwhile
the dual systems are a bit narrower, focusing mainly on vocational education,
and/or peripheral youth, early school leavers to reintegrate into work and school
(Atzmüller, 2015, p. 190) – the ratio of attendance in dual trainings varied from
country to country (Choy, Wärvik, & Lindberg, 2018).
The devil is always in the details: how the process organize in everyday
circumstances. In Germany, the dual training is carried out usually three days
per week in companies and two days a week in schools (Gessler, 2017, p. 695).
35
On the opposite, the common name of Hungarian polytechnic education was
‘5+1’ system in the 1960s, because every high school student spent 5 days in
the institution and 1 day in a factory or farm (that time, a workweek and schoolweek meant 6 days and not 5). The first school – work distribution is a real duality,
a parallel training; the second one was like an introduction, made physical work
more attractive for many students – in the reality, sometimes youngsters learnt
more like avoiding work and hanging around at workplaces, than real work, as
the personal memories confessed about the years of existing socialism. There are
two sites of learning here, school and workplace; and acquiring the elements of
the work culture in the fully employed socialism or in a competitive capitalist
atmosphere are both useful knowledge. According to the duration and
sequencing of periods, school-based and work-based dual systems operating and
many alternatives between the two poles (Eiriksdottír, 2018, p. 146). The leading
countries of Austria, Germany and Switzerland combined vocational classes and
on-the-job trainings at host companies in the form of apprenticeship (Rosenstein,
Dif-Pradalier & Bonvin, 2015, p. 239).
There are different forms of how companies, educational institutions and
other stakeholders/actors involved in the process and organized all over
the world, including the many tasks about finance, responsibilities, tasks and
so (Grollmann, 2018). There are cultural differences in this: in “Continental”
Europe (Germany, France) the “conservative-corporatist” education
functioning in a “coordinated capitalism”, where the State is very strong;
on the contrary in the Anglophone world, the market model and liberal
regimes is dominant (Deissinger, 2019, p. 293). Knowing the risks of every
simplification and dichotomy, Hungary and Central-Eastern Europe belongs
rather to the centralizing first type, in which legislation regulates many details:
for example, how to make a contract between a school and company, select
institutions to participate etc. For example, in a specific agreement from
1960, between a local secondary high school and an agricultural company,
the following issues and many more were fixed: schedule, insurance, content
and forms of training, control, evaluation, finance, labor safety, cultural and
social life in the collective farm, etc. (Szerződés…, 1960).
It may has a positive aspect of a possible strong support from the governmental
bodies in local actions, but on the other side, processes can slow down with
growing bureaucracy. The Anglo-Saxon model gives a greater autonomy and
freedom to choose for the educational actors, with all the pros and cons of such
diversity (more to the two types: Meuret & Duru-Bellat, 2003). If we go beyond,
demands ere the same of every dual system in Europe and globally, independently
from the previously drafted differences: developing infrastructure; and providing
sufficient teachers, well-qualified trainers to it, with a good preparation (Evans,
36
2019). Through decades, we can read consequently alike debates about the crucial
role of teachers, their deficiencies and responsibilities; and this great loading of
new tasks may cause different forms of refusing, resistance or neglecting these
interventions, but this is the job of anthropology and everyday history to discover
(and the hidden voice of students are still missing).
1.2.3 Conclusion
Was polytechnic education really a prefiguration of dual training? The answer
is a definite no. I can made only two statements about it: one is that similar
challenges may led analogous resolutions and secondly, the languages of
education, politics and economy affected to each other in every implementation,
reform, and intervention into schooling. The socialist polytechnic education
was not a success: it started as an innovation in early Soviet-Russia, changed
into a traditional vocational education under Stalin, and became one of big
and utopian experiment of Khrushchev, an elixir to every problem related
with schooling (to the developing history of the idea until 1953, see: Lawton
& Gordon, 2002, pp. 176–178). As the Soviet party leader proclaimed in 1958 in
front the representatives of the Hungarian Science Academy: “the planned reform
of the secondary and higher education will be the new Sputnik” (Somogyvári,
2018, p. 136). The rise and fall of the slogan was depended on political turns.
High expectations and a kind of admiration followed the reception of dual
trainings too, but differently from the socialist working education, the discourses
contained some critical and reflective elements, showing the different intentions
and conflicts of interest groups, which is natural in democratic societies. In my
study, I concentrate only on the secondary level and excluding higher education
from the investigation, which is another great field to explore.
Alliances between educational institutions and entrepreneurships will be more
and more important in the future, as the scope of education is increasingly
extending, based on international directions and proposals of the EU an UN (just
two examples: The European Pact4Youth, 2017; UNESCO Recommendation…,
2020), aiming the next milestone of 2030. Another vision replays some of
the previously mentioned goals and values:
“European VET systems by 2030 should aim to deliver excellent and inclusive
education and training that offer opportunities for both economic and social
cohesion, support competitiveness and growth and smart, inclusive and
sustainable development, and foster democratic citizenship and European
values – thus helping all individuals to develop their full potential in a lifelong
learning continuum.” (Advisory Committee on Vocational Training, 2018, p. 6)
37
Vocationalization supports social and economic goals, associated with several
values: this description fits to every modern educational system. From a historical
viewpoint, we can call this trend as educationalization or pedagogization of
outside schooling-problems: pushing social responsibilities to teachers and
trainers, establishing and legitimizing interventions and reforms in education
(Smeyers & Depaepe, 2008). Developments of past, present and future resembles
to each other, intertwined economic, political and professional languages in such
initiatives; calling scholarly communities to reflect their basic term, concepts and
presuppositions, with an always-renewing interest. I inteded this study to be just
a short contribution to this work.
38
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