Puerto Rico 2013
Actas del 25to Congreso Internacional
de Arqueología del Caribe
Proceeding of the 25th International Congress
for Caribbean Archeology
Comptes rendus des communications
du 25 Congres Internationale d’e
Archéologie de la Caraïbe
i
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INDICE
Esferas de Interacción, migración y adaptación
Interaction sheres, Migration and Adaptation
Spheres d´interaction, la migration et l´adaptation.
379
STEPHEN GLAZIER
Conduits, Barriers, and Interaction Sphères: Re-Thinking the
Island of Trinidad in the Guiana Cultural Area.
395 JOHN
CHERRY, KRYSTA RYZEWSKI, THOMAS LEPPARD Y EMANUELA
BOCANEGRA
Diachronic, Multi-scalar Landscape Archaeology on Montserrat: Opportunities and Challenges.
414
ALICE SAMSON, JAGO COOPER Y ANTONIO NIEVES
xiii
New Discoveries of Pre-Columbian Cave Use, Isla de Mona,
Puerto Rico.
Nuevos Enfoques en Arqueología del Caribe
New Approaches in Caribbean Archaeology
Nouvelles Approches en Archéologie de la Caraïbe
446
MADELIZ GUTIÉRREZ
Investigación documental del trabajo de Irving Rouse en el
Museo de Historia Natural, Universidad de Yale.
459
CHRISTIAN STOUVENOT, JACQUES BEAUCHENE, DOMINIQUE BONNISSENT Y CHRISTINE OBELIN
Datations radiocarbon et “effect vieux bois” dans larc antillais:
étar de la question.
495 RENIEL RODRÍGUEZ, JOSHUA TORRES, WILLIAM PESTLE, JOSÉ OLIVER,
LUIS A. CURET Y MIGUEL RODRÍGUEZ
Hacia una periodización histórica para el Puerto Rico precolonial.
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INDIGENOUS CAVE USE,
ISLA DE MONA, PUERTO RICO
Alice V. M. Samson (1), Jago E. Cooper (2), Miguel A. Nieves (3), Lucy J. Wrapson
(4), David Redhouse (1), Rolf-Martin Vieten (5), Osvaldo De Jesús Rullan (6), Tiana
García López de Victoria (7), Alex Palermo Gómez (7), Victor Serrano Puigdoller (6),
Delise Torres Ortiz (6), Ángel Vega de Jesús (6).
McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, University of Cambridge (1),
British Museum, London (2) Departamento de Recursos Naturales y Ambientales
de Puerto Rico (3), Hamilton Kerr Institute, University of Cambridge (4), University
of Puerto Rico, Mayagüez (5), Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y El
Caribe (6), University of Puerto Rico, Río Piedras (7).
414
ABSTRACT
This paper reports on indigenous cave use on Mona island, Puerto Rico. It includes
additions to the IACA paper presentation to inform readers of subsequent fieldwork
carried out in June 2014. Fieldwork confirmed extractive activities, ritual practices
and artistic representations deep inside caves in more than twenty-five cave systems across the island. The evidence for indigenous activities, building on the work
of predecessors such as Dr Pedro Santana and Dr Ovidio Dávila, not only dramatically
expands the repertoire of pre-Columbian iconography, but has the potential to transform understandings of past cave use, as well as traditional definitions of rock art in
the Caribbean.
Fieldwork in June 2014 focussed on cave survey; visual documentation; sampling for
dating and compositional analysis; and small-scale excavation for retrieval of samples. The cultural heritage of the caves on Mona is highly vulnerable to visitor impact.
Collaborative work and research with the Departamento de Recursos Naturales y
Ambientales, Instituto de Cultura Puertorriqueña and Centro de Estudios Avanzados
de Puerto Rico y el Caribe to analyse and date the archaeology of the caves and document and protect this unique Caribbean heritage is underway.
Keywords: Isla de Mona, cave use, indigenous archaeology
RÉSUMÉ
Cet article est un rapport sur l’utilisation des grottes par les amérindiens sur l’île de
Mona, Puerto Rico. Il s’agit d’une extension de la présentation de la AIAC pour informer les lecteurs des travaux archéologiques effectués en Juin 2014. Ce travail a
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confirmé les activités extractives, les pratiques rituelles et les représentations artistiques dans les parties plus profondes de plus de vingt-cinq systèmes de grottes de
Mona. L’évidence pour les activités amérindiens, s’appuyant sur les travaux de prédécesseurs comme le Dr Pedro Santana et le Dr Ovidio Dávila, élargit non seulement
considérablement le répertoire de l’iconographie précolombienne, mais il a le potentiel de transformer la compréhension de l’utilisation des grottes dans le passé, ainsi
que les définitions traditionnelles de l’art rupestre dans les Antilles.
L’accent des investigations archéologiques en Juin 2014 a été sur une prospection
des grottes; documentation visuelle; un programme d’échantillonnage pour établir
la chronologie y la composition des matériaux; y des fouilles à petite échelle pour la
récupération des échantillons. Le patrimoine culturel des grottes de Mona est très
vulnérable à l’impact des visiteurs. Le travail collaboratif y la recherche est en cours
avec le DRNA, ICP et CEAPRC pour analyser et dater l’archéologie des grottes, et de
protéger ce patrimoine unique dans les Antilles.
Mots-clés: l’île de Mona, les activités dans les grottes, la archéologie amérindienne
RESUMEN
Este artículo reporta el uso indígena de las cuevas en isla de Mona, Puerto Rico. Incluye nueva información de la ponencia presentada en la IACA para informar a los
lectores de los subsecuentes trabajos llevados a cabo en Junio de 2014. El trabajo de
campo confirmó actividades de extracción, prácticas rituales y representaciones artísticas en las profundidades de las cuevas en más de veinticinco sistemas de cuevas
alrededor de toda la isla. La evidencia de actividades indígenas, construida sobre trabajos de predecesores como Dr. Pedro Santana y Dr. Ovidio Dávila, no sólo expande
dramáticamente el repertorio de iconografía precolombina, sino que tiene el potencial de transformar el conocimiento del uso de las cuevas en el pasado, así como la
definición tradicional de arte rupestre en el Caribe.
415
Los trabajos de campo en Junio 2014 se enfocaron en el reconocimiento de cuevas,
documentación visual, recolección de muestras para determinar el fechado y análisis
de composición y sondeos arqueológicos para la recuperación de muestras. El patrimonio cultural de las cuevas en Mona es altamente vulnerable al impacto de los
visitantes. Investigaciones y trabajos colaborativas con el DRNA, el ICP y el CEAPRC de
análisis y fechado arqueológico de las cuevas, su documentación y la protección de
esta herencia única del Caribe esta en progreso.
Palabras clave: Isla de Mona, uso de cuevas, arqueología indígena
INTRODUCTION
The paper presented in the IACA congress in San Juan in July 2013 concerned
a reconnaissance of the subterranean archaeology of Isla de Mona by the authors.
We have taken the liberty to update that presentation with the objectives and preliminary findings of the second stage of fieldwork in June 2014.
MONA ISLAND
Mona island is part of an archipelagic seascape which includes the Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico and a number of smaller islands such as Saona,
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Catalinita, Desecheo and its sibling Monito (Figure 1). Mona is located in the
middle of the fast-flowing, deep, and treacherous 120km wide Mona Passage. The
narrow sea strait has been conceived by some as a natural extension of the Panama canal because of its geopolitical position linking the Atlantic to the American
continent via the Caribbean Sea (Núñez Zuloaga 1879/1973). Tiny Mona island,
directly in the middle of this sea passage, has played a strategic role throughout
human history as a hub of interaction and overseas encounters. This was as much
the case 5000 years ago when the island was first colonized, as it is today as a
reception zone for unofficial migration and drugs trafficking. Throughout pre-Columbian, colonial and contemporary times this entire region forms a distinctive
geocultural region.
Mona is a small, flat-topped island, 10km from east to west, and 7km from
north to south, roughly heart-shaped, described aptly as a “floating fortress”
(Dávila Dávila 2003) due to steep cliffs rising up all the way around its perimeter
up to 90m in height and descending to beaches in the south and west. The island
has thin, patchy soils, with 90% of Mona and Monito currently devoid of soil cover (Junta de Calidad Ambiental 1973), a xerophytic vegetation, maritime climate,
and no surface water sources. Nowadays Mona is a national park under the administration of Puerto Rico’s Departamento de Recursos Naturales y Ambientales
(DRNA/DNER). See figure 2.
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THE CAVES OF MONA
Like much of the Antilles, Mona’s carbonate geology, combined with dissolution by rain and sea water, forms a tropical karst landscape. This landscape is
characterised by dissolved limestone formations creating negative spaces such as
depressions, sinkholes, and caves, and positive features such as stalagmites and
stalactites inside the caves (Lace and Mylroie eds. 2013). Mona’s great number of
subterranean cave systems makes it arguably “one of the most cavernous localities
on Earth” (Frank et al. 1998b:82). The carbonate tableland or meseta came into
existence through a combination of sea-level change and tectonic uplift. Its rocks
consist of two units forming a two-layered cake; a dolomite core, with a lirio limestone cap (Briggs 1974; Frank et al. 1998a; Kaye 1959). It is this limestone which
contains the majority of the island’s estimated 200+ caves, the majority occurring
at the contact zone between the two types of rock and line the perimeter of the
island. These so-called flank margin caves formed around two million years ago
through the erosive action at the freshwater lens and saltwater interface (Frank et
al. 1998b:76; Kambesis 2011; Lace 2012). Rainwater percolating through the caves
has festooned their interiors with impressive speleothem features such as stalagmites, stalactites, and flowstones (Figure 3). The caves on Mona have been the
object of study since the 19th century, motivated largely by their extensive reserves
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of phosphorite, a mineral probably derived from fossil guano, mined for industrial
and agricultural purposes (Cardona Bonet 1985; Frank 1998b; Wadsworth 1973).
The consequences of this industrial period are significant for archaeology as they
removed a large percentage of the cave floors and sediments and remodelled the interior of many of the caves with mining activities and dynamite. Some estimate that
up to 80% of Mona’s phosphorite reserves were removed during this period, however others are more conservative (Briggs 1974; Cardona Bonet 1985; Kaye 1959).
With respect to another of the caves’ mineral reserves, the walls and ceilings
of many caves are coated in an off-white to dark brown soft crust. These crusts
are formed by the precipitation of carbonates and other minerals onto the cave
walls, influenced by the microclimate of the caves, as well as possibly by biological
agents. The impressionable nature of this crust, yielding to the touch1, is a striking quality of Mona’s underground realm, recognised for over a century (Shepard
1882), described as a “dust coat” (Kaye 1959), and called “sudor de roca” by local
fishermen due to its damp, water-retaining properties in some of the more humid
cave spaces (Núñez Zuloaga 1879). These soft surfaces are very different from the
hard, unyielding walls of most karstic caves in the Caribbean. How such corrosion
residues formed, whether due to chemical, atmospheric or biological processes is
currently unknown. Nevertheless, they can be manipulated and incised with the
fingers or tools, a characteristic much exploited for communicative purposes by
human visitors to the caves over millennia (Figure 4). This makes them a canvas
for human expression and a subject for archaeological study, but also vulnerable
to human impact and changes in cave conditions.
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HUMAN HISTORY
An understanding of Mona’s human history is important to understand the
dynamics of cave use. Based on previous research Mona’s history can be divided
into several periods:
• Pre-Columbian Early occupation, 2800 - 1000 BC (based on recalibrated
radiocarbon dates from Cueva de los Caracoles, Dávila 1998, 2003);
• Pre-Columbian Early Ceramic occupation, AD 400 – 600. Based on Cuevas
style ceramics recovered from El Corral (Crusoe and Deutschle 1974);
• Pre-Columbian Late Ceramic occupation, AD 600 – 1000. Based on Ostionoid ceramics recovered from Cueva de Doña Geña by Crusoe and
Deutschle (1974) and Dávila (2003);
• Pre-Columbian terminal occupation, AD 1000-1492. Based on Capá and
Boca Chica ceramics and radiocarbon dates from Playa Sardinera village
site (Rouse 1952; Dávila 2003);
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• Indo-Hispanic interaction period, AD 1492-1591;
• Early Historic, AD 1591-1756;
• Late Colonial period, AD 1756 – 1855;
• Industrial era, AD 1855 – 1920;
• Recent 1920 – 2014.
With the exception of Dr Dávila’s research on Mona which provided several
radiocarbon dates from different cultural contexts to establish an initial framework for indigenous habitation, long periods of the island’s precolonial history
are either blank or reliant upon ceramic typochronology. Not only are the dynamics of these traditional frameworks being challenged, especially in Puerto Rico
(Rodríguez Ramos et al. this volume), but future research has the potential to
push human colonization back much further. Nevertheless, current knowledge
suggests communities were exploiting and perhaps living on Mona at the same
time as other locations on the Dominican Republic side of the Mona Passage such
as Cueva de Berna (Veloz Maggiolo et al. 1977) and Maruca and Angostura in
Puerto Rico. And moreover that Mona continued to be a magnet for indigenous
communities into the 16th century, over 4000 years later, well beyond the breakdown of traditional social structures on the larger islands due to colonization and
encomienda. It is very likely that one of the things which attracted and sustained
these communities was the material and immaterial resources of the caves.
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HISTORY OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH
Nineteenth century references to Mona’s ancient human past appear in the
context of growing international interest in the island’s guano deposits and burgeoning antiquarian interest. In addition to geological specimens from the caves,
indigenous artefacts were collected, most notably by mine director John G. Miller
whose curiosity cabinet contained “Indian” tools and human bones found in the
caves (Cardona Bonet 1985:69; Brusi y Font 1884/1997:18; Wadsworth 1973). It
was during this period that numerous maps were produced of the island, mostly
the products of naval cartography, surveyed from a boat looking inland. Hence
the bathymetry and coastal information is thorough, and the interior detail of the
island is scant, or wildly exaggerated through unverified iteration (for example
contrast maps of Fernandez Paredes y Bryant y Galiano 1879, in Dávila 2003, and
Kuhfal 1892, figure 5). In 1883 exploration of the island’s interior led to a description of the indigenous plaza at El Corral, although at the time not recognised as
such (although see description of “Indian wall” on the map of Kuhfal 1892, in
figure 5) but described as a rectangular property surrounded by stones which may
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have been the site of a house (Vasconi y Vasconi, cit. Dávila 2003:198). German
engineer, Theodore Hübener, explored caves on Mona, describing a soot-blackened chamber in Cueva Negra with scratched drawings of ships and gallows complete with a hanged corpse (1898:369), attributing the deigns to buccaneers. Kaye,
visiting the same chamber 60 years later recounts “the ceilings and walls are scored
by Indian finger designs made simply by running fingers over the dust-coated
wall” (1959). A deposit of bird bones (Audobon Shearwater), he found associated
with indigenous ceramics and historic material was later dated by radiocarbon to
the 15th century (Frank 1998a; Kaye 1959). Both Dr Pedro Santana and Dr Ovidio Dávila subsequently documented extensive mark-making on the cave walls in
Negra, and interpreted these an indigenous origin (Dávila 2003; Santana 1973).
The first explicitly archaeological research was undertaken by Dr Irving Rouse
as part of the Scientific Survey of Porto Rico and the Virgin Islands (1952). Rouse
described a large settlement at Sardinera with midden mounds extending over
2km² and up to 70cm deep (1952:366). Two small units (4m²) excavated near
the entrance of Cueva Negra (referred to as Cueva del Muerto) confirmed the late
date of the pre-Columbian settlement, its persistence into the colonial era, and
identity as the historical village. Curiously enough Rouse did not remark upon the
modifications to the cave walls, despite excavating adjacent to them, nor was he
able to locate the plaza at El Corral. This may be due to the brevity of his sojourn
on the island.
Mona was subject to a series of archaeological visits, some reported, others
not, by various researchers throughout the early 1970’s, some within the context of
plans to turn Mona into a super port for the storage for petroleum products, and
others academic visits (Crusoe and Deutschle 1974; Santana 1973; Dávila 2003:
chapter 1). It was Dr Pedro Santana, a geographer from the University of Puerto
Rico whose interest in the archaeology of Mona led not only to the discovery a
second ceremonial plaza on the island, Los Cerezos, but also rock art in two caves
near Sardinera and Pajaro, as well as corroboration of finger designs in the soft deposits of the walls of Cueva Negra. Santana, like Kaye, attributed these “grabados
digitales” a pre-Columbian origin (Santana 1973). Santana judged these to be the
most significant pre-Columbian legacy on the island, likening the technique to
finger fluting in Paleolithic contexts in Europe (1973:2-3).2
The most long-term and dedicated archaeological investigation of Mona to
date has been by Dr Ovidio Dávila whose doctoral dissertation reported in detail
the results of 9 months fieldwork over a period of 10 years between 1981 and 1991
(1998; 2003). Dr Dávila carried out documentation in seven of Mona’s caves,
two of which were previously unreported and four containing rock art. He posited the existence of a third plaza, and excavated at three locations, including the
earliest dated context on the island (Cueva de los Caracoles), the Sardinera settle-
419
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ment, and a cave with evidence for pre-Columbian occupation (Cueva de Geña).
Dr Dávila’s work established a 5000 year human occupation history on Mona,
confirming this small island as a key location in the first concerted phase of human expansion in the Antilles, but also one with the longest record of indigenous
continuity in the Greater Antilles, lasting a century after European colonization.
Colonial documents describe the economic and strategic importance of Mona’s
population of Indios and mestizos (Arana-Soto 1969; Oviedo 1851, lib. XVI, cap.
I). The excavation of a possible mestizo burial in Sardinera suggest this site has
archaeological potential despite claims of its destruction since the 1930s (Dávila
and Cashion 2004).
Researchers in cave sciences have also contributed to knowledge of the human history of Mona. Since the early 1990s, speleological explorations from University of West Kentucky, led firstly by Dr Mylroie, and later by Dr Mike Lace and
Dr Patricia Kambesis and Puerto Rican speleological societies, have been regularly
visiting the island to map the cave systems. Interest in the relationship between
cave morphology and the cultural use of space has led to several publications
about the anthropogenic use of Mona’s cave systems (Lace 2012; Lace and Mylroie
2013). Vital for archaeological research, systematic cave exploration has produced
a series of detailed maps illustrating the plans, features and three-dimensional
aspects of the underground spaces.
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EL CORAZÓN DEL CARIBE PROJECT
The El Corazon del Caribe research project was established in 2013 in collaboration between McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, University
of Cambridge, the British Museum, Departamento de Recursos Naturales y Ambientales de Puerto Rico, Instituto de Cultura Puertorriqueña and the Centro de Estudios Avanzados del Caribe. The project investigates two primary research aims:
1) how past human activity on Isla de Mona reflects changing patterns of human
movement and cultural interaction in the Caribbean through time 2) how the
study of past human-climate-environment relationships on the island provides
lessons for current Caribbean populations facing the impacts of climate variability
and environmental change.
After an initial survey in 2013 by three of the current authors (Samson et
al. 2013), the first full fieldwork season was conducted on Isla de Mona in
June 2014 with students from the Centro de Estudios Avanzados and the
University of Puerto Rico, and colleagues from the participating institutions. Several research questions guided the fieldwork, first and foremost
questions of dating and temporality:
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1) To when does Mona Island cave use date? This includes both the
mark-making3 and the extractive activities. What is the temporal patterning of the activities?
2) What is the substance removed from the cave walls, to what purpose,
and how does it relate to the mark-making?
3) How do the cultural uses of Mona’s caves correlate with the geomorphology of cave structures?
4) How has the physical and biotic environment of Mona Island changed
over the island’s 4500 year human occupation?
5) What do the activities in the caves reveal about the role of Mona Island
within the region and within the Caribbean more widely?
FIELDWORK 2014
Fieldwork objectives were formulated to respond to these questions focussing
on: additional exploration of Mona’s caves for potential discovery of indigenous
archaeology. In this we were much aided by collaboration with speleologists Dr
Patricia Kambesis and Dr Mike Lace. A second objective was systematic documentation and recording of cave iconography using photography, 3D photogrammetry and laser-scanning techniques. A third objective was retrieval of carbon and
calcite samples for dating by radiocarbon and Uranium-Thorium methods, and
compositional analysis. And lastly, we planned small-scale excavations in areas
of intact stratigraphic deposits inside caves for the retrieval of material for dating
analysis.4
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CAVE SURVEY
Of the 40 to 50 caves, rock shelters and sinkholes visited by the archaeological team during June 2014, most contained evidence for past human activity from pre-Columbian to late historic times. Context forms were completed for
each site or cave visited for standardisation of recording. The speleological survey
team provided us with a number of detailed cave maps which considerably aided
cave exploration. The focus of fieldwork was the indigenous archaeology of Mona
and over 20 caves were interpreted as being of indigenous significance (Figure 6).
Future work will undoubtedly reveal many more. It should be clarified that where
“indigenous” is referred to in this report, it is an interpretation of the authors, the
validity of which will be scrutinized as results from the dating and sampling programmes become available.
Almost all caves visited during the course of survey had abundant historical
archaeology, from portable artefacts such as bottles and metal tools, to industrial
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machinery and iron rails, miners marks and date-name inscriptions, and most
impressively drystone roads and walkways inside and outside the caves. These historical resources, the object of multiple surveys by historian Walter Cardona (Cardona Bonet 1997), were not surveyed systematically as part of the 2014 fieldwork
unless they occurred near areas of indigenous activities, and especially when they
offered information on sequences of activity. Historical modifications to the cave
walls which were documented throughout numerous caves included:
• Inscriptionsfromthe16th to early 20th centuries.
• 10 historic ships.
• 17th-19th century inscriptions, names and drawings related to the island’s
buccaneering history and furnishing information on the island’s “three
centuries of abandon” (Wadsworth 1973).
• Industrial inscriptions: Miner’s marks and mining-related modification to
cave interiors.
• Personal inscriptions: drawings and inscriptions from the 19th century guano mining era, including the technique of incising drawings and writing
into soot patches on the cave walls.
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However, it was the evidence for indigenous mark-making which was the main
focus of research. Reconnaissance in 2013 and fieldwork in 2014 confirmed the
widespread alteration of cave walls and ceilings throughout multiple cave systems
on Mona. Firstly through extractive mark-making in the form of geometric, anthropomorphic and zoomorphic designs executed by incising and dragging fingers and/or tools through the soft corrosion deposits on cave surfaces. This leaves
trails up to several millimetres in depth, but typically less than 1mm deep. Marks
contrast in colour with the darker crust, being whiter and often exhibiting a surprising freshness (something also noted in Cueva Negra by Kaye 1959). Designs
are complex and often elaborate. Individual designs range from a few centimetres
to over 10 metres of continuous finger-fluted, meandering lines made with one to
four fingers, to tens of square metres of space-filling motifs, curvilinear swirls and
narrative sequences (Figure 7a-c).
Often in close spatial proximity to such figurative designs, another activity
occurs which can best be described as systematic extraction, or mining of cave
wall deposits. This involves the removal of the crust on the cave walls, again using
fingers or tools of finger dimensions. These are not indiscriminate movements,
but discrete areas of usually directed (vertical or horizontal), parallel scraping,
sometimes occurring in discrete patches, often around the terminations of ceiling
protuberances, and sometimes involving the large-scale removal of deposits over
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large areas of cave wall and ceiling (Figure 8a-c). Although some designs are clearly figurative, and others are the result of purely extractive purposes, one could argue that creative and functional activities are indistinguishable, seeing as designs
inevitably remove material, and extractive scraping creates densely spaced lines,
and the same tools are used for both. The figurative and mining activities are both
extractive techniques which have parallels in Cuba and the Dominican Republic
(DuVall 2010; Gutiérrez Clavache et al 2013), but are to date most abundant on
Mona due to the peculiar properties of the cave surfaces. This contrasts with the
more familiar petroglyphs pecked into the hard speleothems at the entrance of
Mona’s Cueva de las Caritas (Dávila 2003). This is a small cave influenced by external atmospheric conditions and hence without corrosion deposits.
A second technique seen in Mona’s caves is additive mark-making, involving
the application of pigments to cave walls, or pictography. Although Mona’s pictography has been more comprehensively documented than the extractive activities
(Dávila 2003), it is less common. It includes charcoal drawings, as well as the use
of wet paints applied with tools, hands and fingers (Figure 9a, b). Although there
is some stylistic similarity in both media, the affordances of the different materials
and techniques means there is also a lot of divergence. The temporal relationship between the techniques is a matter of ongoing research, although some caves
show palimpsests of both, superimposed, and sometimes within the same design,
whereas in other caves there is a clear separation (Figure 9c). As a general observation open to further scrutiny, pictography is more common in larger, spacious
chambers, often closer to the outside than extractive practices. The latter, although
also present in large chambers, is very common on the low ceilings of ramiform
chambers and smaller passageways, deep inside caves, in areas of no natural light.
Both types of modification are closely related to water sources in the caves, whether seasonal drip pools, or underwater lakes (see Lace 2012).
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DOCUMENTATION
The principal recording method was digital photography. The aim was a comprehensive visual inventory of all indigenous modifications to cave interiors. This
meant that although the location of documentation was determined by the presence of presumed indigenous archaeology, all features of archaeological interest
from pre-Columbian motifs to industrial machinery and guano marks were photographed regardless of period. Although the photography aimed to be comprehensive, it should be noted that due to the size and complexity of many of the
caves, there are areas which were not recorded, or recorded exhaustively. In addition, sequences of photos were made to enable 3D reconstruction of mark-making within the spatial context of the cave. For this we used Agisoft Photo Scan
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Professional. A preliminary attempt at reconstruction at medium resolution can
be seen, and manipulated, in figure 10. It shows details of finger fluting (spirals
and other motifs), extraction (visible on the lighter portions of the cave surfaces)
and sooting of unknown antiquity, in a section of roof of Cave 35.
A Leica C10 landscape laser scanner was used in selected cave contexts for the
generation of high resolution 3D point-clouds of cave spaces and surfaces. Technical expert, Mr David Redhouse, McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research,
directed and conducted the laser scanning (Figure 11a, b). This was to contribute
to the objective of correlating human activity and cave geomorphology. A secondary aim was to compare laser scanning as a recording technique with 3D imaging
from 2D photography using Agisoft Photo Scan. The former technique is considerably more expensive, necessitates specialist knowledge to operate the device and
requires a large amount of processing time. Nevertheless, this data will provide an
archive for conservation monitoring.
SAMPLING
424
A range of samples were collected from survey and excavation contexts on
Mona, including 15 caves. Samples were collected for analysis to answer the research questions on the temporality of cave use, the characterisation of pigments,
the purpose of indigenous mining, and past environmental changes. A guiding
principle of the sampling was to have minimal impact on the cave environment
and archaeology. Each sample was collected for a specific reason and all samples
collected are currently being analysed, or are pending analysis. The majority of
samples collected are sub-gram. Wherever possible, in situ testing was preferred
over removal of samples. In situ testing was done with a portable X-Ray Fluorescence (XRF) analyzer (model Bruker Tracer III-SD) to provide a basic characterisation of the elemental composition of soils, pigments, and cave features (Figure
12). All sampling of pigments was conducted by specialist, conservator Dr Lucy
Wrapson in accordance with sampling protocols to cause minimal impact.
Cave environment monitoring was conducted in most caves visited, by Rolf
Vieten, a doctoral student at the University of Puerto Rico, Mayagüez, who collected data on pCO2 levels, relative humidity, water quality, temperature, and speleothem formation. The data shows the natural cave atmosphere and alterations
due to visitors. It can be used to optimize archaeological site conservation. Additionally, cave monitoring aids interpretation of speleothem climate archives. Two
temperature data loggers were placed in two cave systems to observe the diurnal
and annual temperature changes and understand how the cave atmosphere is connected to the outside.
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EXCAVATION
A total of four units (<1m²) were excavated in Cave 3 in which a considerable density of indigenous wall modification was documented in various discrete
areas of this extensive cave system (Figure 13). In accordance with the fieldwork
objectives, these units were primarily for the purpose of collecting samples for
dating and information on cave use. Although the floors of many caves have been
heavily impacted by guano mining, there are nevertheless areas and chambers in
most caves which are intact and un-mined, possibly due to the shallowness of the
phosphorite deposits, or inaccessibility.
In general, as expected, the excavated units were very shallow above bedrock
and produced very few artefacts (Figure 14). However, they provided some dating
samples as well as information on the character and spatiality of cave activities.
Unit 1 for example, produced ceramic sherds, two with Capá decoration (Figure
15). This does not necessarily date the adjacent finger fluting, however it does
show cave use in this late indigenous period.
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DATA MANAGEMENT AND ARCHIVING
All fieldwork data was entered into a Microsoft Access database, tailor-made
for the project to allow for expansion in future years. Database information is
linked to a Geographic Information System platform in ArcGIS which can incorporate data from other specialists and be shared for research purposes.
All finds collected from the 2014 fieldwork were documented on paper forms,
entered into the database, and washed in the laboratory in Mona, bagged and labelled. All finds were transported back to Puerto Rico and are currently stored in
the Consejo de Arqueología Terrestre deposits in Casa Blanca, San Juan.
DISCUSSION
At this early stage in the project we are not ready to answer all questions, however, we would like to offer some immediate post-fieldwork discussion.
•Chronology, dating and temporality
What are the arguments for an indigenous origin of the observed cave activities and mark-making? We believe that even without direct dating evidence (which
is pending at the time of writing), there are a number of arguments which support
the hypothesis that the majority of modifications to the cave surfaces are the result
of indigenous practices. Firstly, sequence analysis, or the unpicking of overlap on
the cave walls, can establish dating parameters for many panels. In all cases where
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dateable historical markings occurred in conjunction with finger-fluting and extractive activities, the former are on top of the latter.6 For example miners marks
made with red lead paint (verified with use of portable XRF analyzer) repeatedly
occur on top of extraction and finger fluting. This establishes a clear terminus ante
quem for the underlying designs, indicating they pre-date the late 19th century.
Pushing back the dates further, finger fluting activity can be observed to predate
1758 in a chamber of Cave 13. There, the names of T. Rogers, E. Bass and Johnny
Hubbs with the date 1758 is written multiple times on top of finger-fluting (Figure 16). The interaction between 16th century inscriptions and indigenous marks
pushes these dates yet further back.
In terms of spatial patterning, as already mentioned, the mark-making is often found deep inside the dark zones, and associated with water. This contrasts
with the majority of recent graffiti found near cave entrances. On an island-wide
scale, activities are not limited to the more accessible caves around the beaches
in the west and south around Sardinera, Uvero and Pajaro, where most impact is
seen from recent and historic times. It also occurs in the hard to access extremes of
the island where sheer cliffs plummet into the sea and cave entrances are invisible
from land. In other words, caves require effort and familiarity to enter, and were
part of purposeful expeditions.
On the basis of iconography, there is huge stylistic and design diversity in
both the pictography and extractive techniques, and many of these are variations
on indigenous themes; an abundance of faces, crying, rayed and segmented, many
reptilian and ornithomorphic creatures, paired figures, geometric shapes displaying cross-media isomorphism (Roe 2009) such as spirals, H-forms, triangles and
circles familiar from ceramics in Chicoid, Saladoid and Huecoid cultural contexts. Other figurative designs show affiliation with archaeological cultures further
afield and more remote in time such in Punta del Este, Cuba. Although a full
iconographic survey is beyond the scope of this paper, initial observation suggests
Mona was a location of cultural negotiation over millennia. Social evolutionary
perspectives erroneously tend to ascribe complex cultural manifestations a later
date, however it should be noted that the earliest context on the island, Cueva de
los Caracoles, has evidence for mark-making (pers. comm. Dávila August 2014).
The iconographic repertoire suggests cave use in diverse periods, and there is currently no reason to suppose all the activities belong to the Late Ceramic periods.
Moreover, it is the complexity and the ubiquity of these activities which is
striking. There is continuity in the techniques, styles and iconography between
caves across the island. Clearly the programme of activities in Mona’s caves is the
result of strong motivations, not casual boy scout/ guano miner/ lighthouse keeper/ reckless student doodles. Indeed, it is the very nature of the complexity and
ubiquity of the mark-making which throws up some of the most interesting ques-
426
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tions regarding the temporality and dynamics of the activities. By this we mean
whether there were influxes of large numbers of people in a certain period(s), or
a constant flow of individuals over a long time, i.e. whether the activities were intensive or extensive, group or individual. Arguments can be made supporting both
these positions, or a combination over time and in different caves. For example,
one constraint on the extractive activity is that the cave crust can only be removed
once, and therefore once used up, the miner has to move on to the next patch.
The extent of some modifications, covering whole chambers, may therefore give
an initial impression of coordinated activity on a large scale, however equally this
may be the end result of a persistent individual exhausting available supplies. To
some extent, stylistic analyses may shed further light on practices. It is not known
how long these residues take to form, and how this differs between caves according to microclimate, although the freshness of some designs, and the furring up
of others perhaps suggests there may be significant time lapses between episodes
of extraction.
Lastly, in many cases flowstone accretions have built up over the modified
surfaces, covering the finger-fluting, extraction and pictography with a layer of
calcite (Figure 17). Although rates of flowstone formation are locally variable and
depend on the rate of water percolation through the cave system, this does give an
indication of at least some antiquity. In addition, the calcite build-up provides an
opportunity for Uranium-Thorium dating (results pending).
427
•Tangible and intangible resources
In terms of cave use and cave space, archaeology reveals a complex fabric
of human experience. Firstly, caves trap material substances not found elsewhere
(Onac and Forti 2011). Some of the tangible resources open to indigenous exploitation were earth minerals such as clays, possibly for ceramic production7,
colourful earths and ochres for use as pigments and dyes, phosphorite which may
have been exploited pre-19th century to improve the fertility of indigenous conucos8, and of course the calcium carbonate rich crusts removed from the cave
surfaces in such abundance. More research needs to be carried out to identify possible uses of this substance, whether for washing, body paint, medicinal purposes
or other as yet unknown ends.
In terms of activities within the caves, initial results of the elemental characterisation of cave deposits using the pXRF suggest that the materials used for
additive mark-making do not appear to have been imported into the caves, but
were found in situ. This is the case despite the fact that there are, for example,
abundant high quality sources of red ochre to be found on the island. Materials
used for mark-making include yellow and brown ochres, soots or charcoal blacks
and possibly phosphorite browns.
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Another very important physical resource found in the caves is water. In fact
caves were and are the only source of fresh water on Mona. Seasonal pools and
dripping stalactites were features around which people gathered, raising interesting questions about seasonality and permanency of habitation. The hydrology of
the caves also raises questions about the taphonomy of archaeological deposits.
Water marks can be seen on some cave walls, and in the rainy season water reportedly seeps through the cave walls. More dramatically, fishermen have reported water literally gushing in torrents from the mouth of Cueva Lirio after storms (Dávila
pers. comm. August 2014).
Caves are also locations of immaterial resources. Caves afford psycho-sensorial experiences created by darkness, and silence only broken by dripping water.
These conditions can induce experiences of sensory deprivation which in turn
produce disorientation and loss of a sense of time, which like intoxication and
madness can destabilize personal identity (DeLanda 2006). These experiences
may also provide opportunities for innovative action and create affective fields
which are a powerful political resource to be drawn upon (Harris and Sorensen
2010). It is no wonder then that caves feature prominently in many indigenous
cosmologies, from Plato’s allegory of the cave, to Hispaniolan origin narratives
(Pané 1999). Of course these experiences are to a large extent context dependent.
However Mona’s caves are enormous and complex underground realms, and activities occurred deep inside, sometimes in areas only accessible to very few or single individuals. Certain chambers were used as communicative spaces by groups,
whether resident or overseas, throughout various periods in time. These people
would, through the marks and traces around them, have felt themselves to be in
the presence of others, human and non-human, removed in space and time.
These are just a couple of the themes brought up by our fieldwork experiences
this summer in Mona. Ongoing and future research will reveal more about the
indigenous and historic past of this archaeologically rich island, how the caves
connect to other sites in the landscape, the dynamics of human settlement, and
the island’s role within the wider region.
428
RECOMMENDATIONS
Finally, despite the incredible density of archaeological sites on Mona, only
a small percentage of Mona’s pre-Columbian and historic resources are officially
listed in the 1993 National Register of Historic Places (Barnes 2000). The inaccessibility and logistical challenges of conducting fieldwork on Isla de Mona have
greatly restricted work on the island. This situation has meant that much of the archaeology remains understudied. However, the expansion of camping facilities in
the beach areas, as well as the upgrading of research facilities, albeit extremely welcome, will occasion an upsurge in visitors to the caves. Some of the island’s more
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inaccessible caves have not been visited in modern times, perhaps since the late
19th century, and are time capsules of past eras, wonderfully preserved. Critically,
as discussed in this paper, the soft walls of the caverns means they are extremely
vulnerable to human interference, intentional or unintentional. Protecting these
sites, even on a small and difficult to visit island like Mona, is a significant challenge. The DRNA currently caps the number of visitors to the island. As has been
observed by rock art specialists “one fundamental factor in the preservation of
rock art is to record it as fully and objectively as possible” (Bahn 2010: 189). This is
our task as archaeologists. However, crucially, it is incumbent on all Mona enthusiasts, from hunters to boy scouts and academics, to be aware of and make fellow
Mona visitors aware of the fragility and importance of these environments.
Suggestions and recommendations for the protection of Mona’s vulnerable
cultural heritage have been made before (Santana 1973; Crusoe and Deutschle
1974). Balancing the need for scientific research, public access and heritage protection is a complex task. We have made a number of recommendations to the
DRNA (report 2014) concerning cave access, public information, and training. We
will continue to assist the DRNA to help ensure Mona’s caves are be a source of
research and delight for centuries to come.
429
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Thank you to the Mona fieldteam for all their hard work.
Thank you to all the DRNA personnel on Mona for their excellent hospitality and for looking after us so well. Also to the Centro de Estudios Avanzados, for support of the Mona
project and for hosting visiting team members, especially to Dr Paola Schiappacasse and
Dr Miguel Rodríguez. Thank you to the Consejo de Arqueología Terrestre and to Laura
Del Olmo for support of the project.
We express a debt of gratitude to Dr Mike Lace and Dr Patricia Kambesis and their 2014
project team for their deep knowledge of Mona and her caves and for sharing this with us.
We are grateful to Dr. Ovidio Dávila and historian Walter Cardona Bonet for conversations about Mona.
Thank you to Mr Daniel Shelley for logistical support, and to Mr Herb Allen III for assisting student participation.
Research on Mona was made possible by the financial support of the following institutions:
British Museum Research Board
McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, University of Cambridge
British Cave Research Association
Institute of Latin American Studies
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NOTES
1
It should be noted the authors did not, wittingly, ever touch the cave walls, other than
to sample, or by accident.
2
“lo que le da verdadera importancia a este descubrimiento es la técnica empleada por
los indígenas al grabar la mayor parte de las figuras, y que la misma, hasta donde sabemos no tiene ningún antecedente en esta parte del mundo. En efecto, muchas de las
figuras están grabadas con los dedos sobre la superficie blanda y saturada de humedad
de los techos y paredes de la cueva. Vale la pena destacar que esta técnica es la misma
utilizada en ciertos grabados rupestres localizados en unas cavernas de Francia y España, entre las que se encuenta la mundialmente famosa Cueva de Altamira.” (Santana
1973:2-3).
3
The authors prefer the more neutral terms term mark-making to “rock art”.
4
Details of fieldwork procedures can be found in Samson, Alice V. M., and Cooper,
Jago E. 2014. Field Report on Archaeological Investigation, Isla de Mona, June 2014.
San Juan de Puerto Rico: University of Cambridge/British Museum. Archived in ICP/
DRNA/CEAPRC.
5
A numbering system is used in publications instead of cave names to protect the archaeology. Please contact the authors for additional information.
6
This does not preclude the use of cave wall residues in historic times. It may well be
possible that on an island with scarce water sources, miners and hunters may also have
used the deposits whilst bathing in water pools.
7
Clay workability tests need to be performed to test this.
8
This has been suggested before by various authors such as Walter Cardona, and could
account for the agricultural fertility of Mona’s cassava gardens in early colonial times,
despite the thin soils.
433
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Figure 1. Isla de Mona and its location within the Mona Passage.
Figure 2. View across the northern coa. stline. Note the caves in the clifs in the middleground.
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435
Figure 3. Example of cave speleothems.
Figure 4. Corrosion residues on the cave walls. Note the inger raking through the soft deposits.
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436
Figure 5. Map of Mona by O. Kuhfal, 1892. Courtesy of Cambridge University library.
Figure 6. Google Earth image of Mona with the location of Sardinera village site, two indigenous
bateyes, and caves explored in 2013 and 2014 with evidence for indigenous mark-making.
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Figures 7a-c. Examples of inger-luted and tool incised designs from two diferent caves.
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438
Figures 8a-c. Examples of extractive activities from
three diferent caves. Note the use of ingers, or a
combed tool in all three examples.
Figure 9a-c. Examples of additive mark-making, or
pictography in two diferent caves. Note in 9a the
pigment applied thickly with the hand,and in 9b the
use of charcoal drawing. In 9c. note the palimpsest
nature of the pictography superimposed on the
extractive mark-making.
PUERTO RICO 2013 | 25 TO CONGRESO INTERNACIONAL DE ARQUEOLOGÍA DEL CARIBE
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Figure 10. 3D reconstruction of part of the cave wall of Cave 3. This was an experimental reconstruction made during
fieldwork, hence lack of scale and high resolution. Use your mouse to manipulate the image and zoom in and out.
Prepared by Victor Serrano. Persistent identifier:
http://persistent-identifier.nl/?identifier=urn:nbn:nl:ui:13-xi4z-07
PUERTO RICO 2013 | 25 TO CONGRESO INTERNACIONAL DE ARQUEOLOGÍA DEL CARIBE
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Figure 11a. David Redhouse
leads a tutorial on the use of a
landscape laser scanner.
Figure 11b. Scanning in action
in a niche with an anthropozoomorphic inger-luted
motif.
PUERTO RICO 2013 | 25 TO CONGRESO INTERNACIONAL DE ARQUEOLOGÍA DEL CARIBE
INDICE
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Figure 12. Dr Lucy Wrapson giving a tutorial in use of the p-XRF and software on cave deposits
and pigments.
Figure 13. Map of cave 3 showing the location of excavation units 1-4. Units not to scale. Map
adapted from Figure 5 of Frank et al., 1998.
PUERTO RICO 2013 | 25 TO CONGRESO INTERNACIONAL DE ARQUEOLOGÍA DEL CARIBE
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Figure 14. Excavation of Unit 4 in one of the entrances of Cave 3.
Figure 15. Capá
decorated
sherd, Unit 1,
drawing Delise
Torres. Scalebar
2.5cm.
PUERTO RICO 2013 | 25 TO CONGRESO INTERNACIONAL DE ARQUEOLOGÍA DEL CARIBE
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Figure 16. Inscription T. Rogers (1758 not in view) on top of inger-luting.
Figure 17. Calcite growth over extractive marks. Sampled for Uranium-Thorium dating.
PUERTO RICO 2013 | 25 TO CONGRESO INTERNACIONAL DE ARQUEOLOGÍA DEL CARIBE
INDICE
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Figure 18. An example of graiti in one of Mona’s caves from 2014.
PUERTO RICO 2013 | 25 TO CONGRESO INTERNACIONAL DE ARQUEOLOGÍA DEL CARIBE
INDICE