Linköping University Post Print
Parent perceptions of child sleep: a study of
10 000 Swedish children
Peder Palmstierna, Anneli Sepa and Johnny Ludvigsson
N.B.: When citing this work, cite the original article.
The definitive version is available at www.blackwell-synergy.com:
Peder Palmstierna, Anneli Sepa and Johnny Ludvigsson, Parent perceptions of child sleep: a
study of 10 000 Swedish children, 2008, ACTA PAEDIATRICA, (97), 12, 1631-1639.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1651-2227.2008.00967.x
Copyright: Blackwell Publishing Ltd
http://www.blackwellpublishing.com/
Postprint available at: Linköping University Electronic Press
http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-16169
1
Parent perceptions of child sleep: a study of 10 000 Swedish children. (title)
P. Palmstierna, A. Sepa, J. Ludvigsson (authors)
Diabetes research centre, Dept of Clinical and Experimental Medicine, Linköping
University, Linköping, Sweden.
Short title: Parent perceptions of child sleep
Corresponding author: P. Palmstierna, Div of Pediatrics and Diabetes Research
Centre, Dept of Clinical and Experimental Medicine, Faculty of Health Sciences,
Linköping University, SE-58185 Linköping, Sweden
Key words: Background, Child, Parent, Sleep, Trends
2
Abstract
Aim: To gather normative data on parent-reported child sleep and investigate
what influences it. Methods: Subjective sleep report data on night wakings,
sleep quality, bedtime and risetime were gathered from parents of around
10'000 children from birth to age 5 in a cohort questionnaire study. The data
were analysed for trends and sleep measures were compared to background
factors such as child temperament, foreign origin, family situation, parents'
age and education, and night feedings. Results: Population trends were
towards improved sleep with increasing age. Individual sleep patterns show
some stability. Reports of frequent night wakings and low sleep quality were
strongly associated with each other within and between age groups (ORs 2.860.2; ps<.001). Perception of poor child sleep was influenced by child
temperament at ages 1 and 3 (ORs 2.2-4.4; ps<.001), foreign origin at age 1
(ORs 2.1-2.3; p<.001), and to some extent parents' age and education at ages
1-3 (ORs 1.4-2.1 p<.05 or stronger), but not by single parent status or infant
night feedings. Reporting multiple or unspecific causes of night wakings was
associated with reporting low sleep quality (ORs 1.8-4.7 p<.05 or stronger).
Conclusions: With increasing age, fewer wakings, improved sleep quality and a
more uniform sleep schedule seems normal. However, frequent wakings and low
quality sleep at early ages seem surprisingly stable. A difficult temperament and
foreign origin was associated with lower quality sleep and more frequent wakings in
early ages, whereas being a single parent was not. Finally, night feeding does not
seem to condition children to frequent wakings.
3
INTRODUCTION
The idea that sleep has a great impact on human health is supported both by
everyday experience and by science. Several studies indicate that disturbed sleep not
only increases the risk for conditions such as lowered glucose tolerance at least in
adults (1) and obesity in both adults and children (2, 3), which in turn are related to
e.g. development of diabetes, but sleep disturbances also negatively influence
cognitive functions such as academic performance (4).
Sleep disturbance in children is rather common: 25-30% of all children are estimated
by Ward & Mason (5) to have some sort of sleep disturbance. In most cases these
disturbances disappear of their own, nevertheless they seem to be somewhat stable
over time (r = 0.29 according to Gregory & O'Connor (6)). Other studies indicate
that childhood sleep disturbance may have effects that linger into adulthood, such as
increased risk for depression (7, 8). Therefore, identifying and treating disturbed
sleep in children may be cost-beneficial in the long run by paving the way for
improved health in adulthood.
Sleep disturbances may be caused by treatable medical conditions such as
obstructive sleep apnoea, but also by psychological or social factors (5). In clinical
cases, it is important to get detailed information about the nature of the disturbance
before drawing conclusions as to its causes. However, the predominant sleep
disturbances in children consist of unspecified difficulties in falling and staying
asleep -- dyssomnias -- or parasomnias such as sleep terrors, nightmares and
sleepwalking (5). The current study deals with unspecified sleep disturbances, since
4
the cohort study (ABIS, see Methods section) upon which this article is based has
the main aim to study the cause of diabetes in children.
Night-wakings may not be a problem for the child, even though it may be one for the
parents, causing undue concern and/or sleep disruption on their part if the child does
not soothe itself. Brief night wakings are normal (5) and occur 5-8 times in the
typical sleep pattern even of a ten-year-old (9), usually without being noticed by
neither child nor parent. In infants, McKenna (10) has proposed that night wakings
are a necessary component of normal brain development. In light of this, information
about normal sleep patterns could be useful for parents and paediatricians alike.
Considering the high prevalence of sleep disturbances in children, it would be
fruitful to establish criteria for when the disturbance should be considered a clinical
problem needing special attention, as distinguished from a problem perceived only
by the parents, which might be remedied by counselling. One step towards finding
such criteria is to investigate current child sleep patterns, with the caveat that the
current patterns need not necessarily be healthy ones. A few studies have gathered
normative sleep data, primarily on nightly wakings, bedtime, risetime and time spent
in sleep/in bed. Numbers differ between studies, which could partly be an effect of
differences in methodology, but also of the studies being made in different cultures
and/or different decades. For example, according to one longitudinal study in
Switzerland, sleep duration in children and adolescents has decreased and bedtimes
become later over the past few decades (11). Also, the average Japanese child went
to bed markedly later than the Australian (12, 13) as well as Icelandic children and
5
youths compared to the average European (14). The current article adds the sleep
patterns of a large number of Swedish children to these data.
If we can find factors associated with lingering sleep disturbances, these might be
useful to screen for possible clinical cases of non-transient sleep problems. Previous
studies have found associations between sleep disturbances and environmental
factors such as parents’ marital conflict (15), parents' lower educational level (16,
17), geographical origin of parents (16, 18), excessive night feedings (19, 20) and
child temperament rating (21, 22).
The purpose of the current study is to describe the sleep patterns of a large cohort of
Swedish children and to investigate some background factors that may influence
these patterns.
METHODS
Participants
The current study is part of the ABIS project (All Babies in south-east Sweden). Out
of 21700 children born in the area between October 1, 1997, and October 1, 1999,
17055 (78.6%) were included in the project after informed consent by the parents.
The aim of the ABIS project is to study the importance of environmental factors for
the development of immune-mediated diseases, especially Type I diabetes. The
starting point of the project was at the birth of the child and the cohort has been
6
followed prospectively at 1, 2-3, and 5-6 years of age (henceforth referred to as age
0, age 1, age 3 and age 5) with collection of biological samples and questionnaires.
Thus the base of the current study is a series of broad questionnaires not specifically
aimed at studying sleep problems, but rather investigating a wide range of
environmental factors thought to be of potential interest concerning child health,
such as socioeconomic factors medical history, psychological factors, as well as
sleep habits. The questionnaires were given to the parents at the regular check-ups at
the well-child clinics, at the above-mentioned time points. The parents filled out the
questionnaires either during the visit at the clinic or later at home. No reminders
were used.
Data from 16467 children at age 0 (birth), 11091 at age 1, 8805 at age 3 and 7443 at
age 5 were consecutively entered into the questionnaire data base, i.e. no specific
selection was made. The initial study cohort was representative of those contacted to
take part concerning parental foreign origin, age and educational level. However,
attrition analyses of the 5-year data indicate that parents not born in Sweden, mother
without university education, and single mothers were less likely to continue in the
ABIS-project.(23) At age 1, children whose reported age was less than 8 or more
than 18 months have been excluded (70 cases), at age 3 the inclusion range was 2448 months (133 cases excluded) and at age 5 49-76 months (44 cases.) More than
90% of the questionnaires were filled in by the mother.
7
Measures
It is important to bear in mind that what was measured with these questionnaires was
the parent's perception of the child's sleep. Also, the cut-off points between
categories have been chosen based on percentiles (e.g. 4 wakings per night is above
the 95th percentile at age 1). When using percentiles on Likert scales, one problem is
that the same percentile may conveniently cut off two values on one scale but cut
through a single value on another, related scale and therefore be unusable as a cutoff value (e.g. 2 wakings per night spans from the 85th to the 97th percentile at age
3). In this study, different cut-off points than those presented have been tested and
yield similar results.
Sleep measures used in the current study include the following:
Number of Wakings per Night was assessed with the question “How many times
does your child usually wake up at night?” Answers were Never, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 times,
and 6 times or more. Based on percentage distributions, the results were then
categorised into None, Some and Many Night Wakings. Many wakings was defined
as ≥4 at age 1; ≥3 at age 3; and ≥2 at age 5. Some wakings means less than Many but
more than None.
Sleep Quality was assessed with the question “How would you rate the quality of
your child’s night sleep?” At age 1 a 5-point Likert response scale was used and at
ages 3 and 5, the scales used were 6-point, ranging from Very good (1) to Very bad
(5 or 6). The results were categorised into High, Medium and Low Sleep Quality.
Medium sleep quality was defined as a value of 3 at age 1 and 3-4 at ages 3 and 5.
8
High and Low quality were defined as the two scale steps above and below medium,
respectively. Defining Low sleep quality as above the 98:th percentile at all ages
yields similar results.
Bedtime was assessed with the question “At about what time in the evening do you
put your child to bed for the night?” Answers were in clock hours, starting at 4 pm
and ending at 12 pm or later. Based on percentage distributions, the results were
categorised into Early (17-18; below the 5:th or lower possible percentile), Normal
(19-21) and Late (22 or later; above the 95:th or higher possible percentile).
Risetime was assessed with the question “At about what time in the morning do you
take your child out of bed / your child rise?” Answers were in clock hours, starting
at 4 am and ending at 12 am or later. By the same standards as for Bedtime, the
results were categorised into Early (4-5), Normal (6-8) and Late (9 or later).
Number of Night Hours in Bed (Time in bed) was calculated as the number of hours
between bedtime and risetime (this does not necessarily correspond to hours spent in
actual sleep.) By the same standards as for Bedtime, the results were categorised into
Few (5-9), Normal (10-12) and Many (13-15) Night Hours in Bed.
Reported Cause of Wakings at age 1 was measured with the question "If your child
tends to wake up at night, what do you believe is the usual cause?". Options were
"Hungry"; "Seems to be in pain"; "Worried"; "Woken by sibling"; "Woken by
parent" and "Noise". Multiple choices were allowed. The answers were categorised
into Specific causes (hunger, sibling, parent or noise) and Unspecific causes (worry
or pain) based on the idea that the wordings "Seems to be in pain" and "Worried"
appear to indicate a greater uncertainty about the cause of waking than the others.
9
Background factors were measured as follows.
Child Temperament was measured at age 1 by using the "Fussy-Difficult" subscale
from the Child Characteristic Questionnaire (CCQ: 24). The instrument is composed
of seven questions, with answers on Likert scales between 1-7, where 7 indicates a
more "difficult" temperament. As a measure of Temperament, the mean of reported
values was used. A difficult temperament was defined as a value above the 90:th
percentile, at a mean of 4.50. Temperament statistics: Min = 1.00, Max = 6.86, Mean
= 3.25, SD = 0.90. In our data, the CCQ showed a good internal consictency
(Chronbach´s alpha = 0.83).
Place of birth was assessed by the questions "Were You born in Sweden?" and "Was
the child's father born in Sweden?". Options: Yes / No / Don't know. Answers were
categorised into two categories: where both parents were born outside of Sweden
(2.4%); and all others (97.6%; valid N = 12029).
Caretaker's family situation was measured at all ages by the question "Which is your
family situation?" Options: Single / Cohabiter / Married. These were categorised
into Single / Not single. Valid percentages of singles were at age 0: 1.6%, age 3:
5.0% and age 5: 6.7%.
A question concerning the experience of any Serious life events included the option
of reporting a Divorce. Answers were categorised into Serious life events / No
Serious life events and Divorce / No divorce, respectively.
Parents' Age at birth of child was derived from the birth dates of parents and child,
given by their civic registration numbers. Parents were divided into three categories:
10
Youth, Entry Age and Establishment (Est.) Age. These categories were taken from
the Swedish Statistical Central Bureau (25). Entry Age is defined as the age group
where 50% of the population are employed. Establishment Age is the same at 75%.
These ages differed somewhat between years and genders. Youth is defined as
below Entry age. See table 1 for cut-off values and distribution.
Table 1: Percentage distributions and statistics of parents' age and
education at birth of child. For definition of groups, see text. N = 16467.
Theoretical education
Parental age group
Parent
Mother
Father
None
25.1
37.4
Some
23.8
16.8
Entry/Est. ages
Parent
Mother
Father
Higher
24.1
17.8
Missing
27.0
27.9
Youth
2.9
0.5
Calendar year
1997
22/35
22/27
1998-9
22/30
21/26
Entry
age
44.6
7.7
Est.
age
39.6
78.4
Missin
g
12.9
13.5
Parental age statistics
Min
17
16
Max
47
66
Mean
29.7
32.2
SD
4.5
5.4
Parents' levels of Theoretical Education was assessed by the question "Which is
your level of education?". Options were "Elementary School"; "High School,
theoretical program"; "High School, practical program"; "Folk High School";
"College 1-3 yrs"; and "College/University, 3.5 yrs or more". They were grouped
into three categories of Theoretical Education: None (Elementary School and High
School, practical program); Some (High School, theoretical program and Folk High
School); and Higher (College 1-3 yrs and College/University, 3.5 yrs or more.) See
table 1 for distribution.
Night feedings was measured at age 1 by the question: "How often does the child eat
at night?" Options: Never; 1; 2; 3; 4; 5; and 6 times or more.
11
Associations tested
We tested the following trends and possible associations between a) different sleep
measures and b) background factors and sleep measures.
Sleep patterns
•
The trend in population sleep patterns with increasing age
•
Individual sleep patterns:
o Intra-individual stability of sleep measures
o Association of Wakings per night to reported sleep Quality
o Association of reported causes of Waking at age 1 to reported sleep
Quality and number of Wakings per night
Background factors: Effect on sleep measures.
•
Child temperament
•
Parents' background with respect to their:
o Place of birth (in / outside Sweden)
o Family situation (single/not single and divorce)
o Age at birth of child
o Education
•
Night feedings
Statistical analyses
12
Statistical tests were carried out in SPSS for Windows v11.5. χ2 tests were used to
check statistical significance. In large sample and a with a large number of analyses,
even small differences between groups can be found to be significant at 95%
confidence level, but may still not be clinically important. Therefore, only p < 0.001
was regarded as statistically significant, while lower degrees of significance were
regarded as statistical trends.
As a value for the strength of the relationship, Odds Ratios (OR) were used and are
given followed by 95% confidence interval in parentheses. For variables with three
categories, the extreme category was usually compared to the rest of the population
(e.g. No Wakings to Some and Many Wakings) to calculate the Odds Ratio. Which
categories are being compared is specified when needed.
For statistical significance of population trends, Kruskal-Wallis was used.
Ethical considerations
The parents gave their consent after receiving oral and written information about the
study as well as after being given the opportunity to see a video about the project.
Active return of a completed at-birth questionnaire and/or biological samples (in
addition to routinely collected cord blood) was considered as informed consent.
The ABIS project and the current study were approved by the Research Ethics
Committees of the Faculty of Health Science at the University of Linköping,
Sweden, and the Medical Faculty at the University of Lund, Sweden.
13
RESULTS
Population patterns
There were definite trends in the population towards higher quality, less disturbed
and more uniform sleep with increasing age. The differences between age groups
were significant at p < 0.001 for all variables (Kruskal-Wallis).
Wakings per Night and Sleep Quality: The general trend is that with increasing age,
the number of reported Night Wakings decreases and reported Sleep Quality
improves. See figures 1a-b.
Bedtime, Risetime and Time in Bed: The general trend with increasing age is towards
a more uniform Bedtime and Risetime (centred around 8 pm and 7 am, respectively)
and also a more uniform Time in Bed (around 11 hrs.) See figures 1c-e.
Causes of Waking at age 1: see table 2 for distributions. Of those who reported No
Wakings per night at age 1, 24.8% still reported one or more Causes of Waking.
69.9% had reported some cause of waking. "Worried" was reported by 44.7% and
"Hungry" by 25.2%, whereas the other causes were rather uncommon (1.9-4.3%).
Table 2. Percentage of valid cases
(N = 10942) who have reported causes of
waking within the below groups.
Type of causes
%
None
30.1
Specific only
23.2
Both unspecific and specific
9.0
Unspecific only
37.7
Number of different causes reported. %
0:
30.1
1:
58.6
2-5:
11.3
14
Fig. 1 a-e. Population percentage distributions of sleep measures for different age
groups.
Figures:
60
Age group
Year 1
Year 3
Year 5
Percent
50
40
30
20
10
0 1 2 3 4 5 6+
Fig 1a: Wakings per night
Percent
40
20
Percent
0 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24
Fig 1c: Bedtime
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
Age group
Year 1
Year 3
Year 5
5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
Fig 1e: Time in bed at night (hours)
60
Percent
Age group
Year 1
Year 3
Year 5
60
40
Age group
Year 1
Year 3
Year 5
20
0
4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12
Fig 1d: Risetime (clock time)
15
Individual patterns
Odds Ratios for associations between sleep measures are given in tables 3a and b.
Some additional comments are appropriate.
● Parents who reported Low Sleep Quality and/or Many Night Wakings at lower ages
were significantly more likely to report the same at higher ages.
• Many Night Wakings at all ages was significantly associated with higher Odds
Ratios for Low Sleep Quality within but also between all ages.
● There were significant associations between on the one hand Late Bedtimes, Early
Risetimes and Few Night Hours in Bed and on the other hand Many Wakings and
Low Sleep Quality, especially within and between ages 1 and 3 but to a lesser extent
also at age 5. Some of the strongest associations were between Many Wakings and
Late Bedtime at age 3: OR 3.3 (1.8-6.1); Low Sleep Quality and Late Bedtime at age
3: OR 3.7 (1.9-7.1) and Few Hours in Bed at age 1: OR 3.1 (1.6-6.0). These and
some other associations were significant at p < 0.001, and several other associations
were significant at lower levels but all indicating the same pattern (data not shown).
● Parents who reported at least one Unspecific Cause of Waking at age 1 were more
likely to report multiple Causes of Waking (OR = 8.8 (7.4-10.4)) than those who
reported only Specific Causes.
The group which reported No Wakings and no Causes of Waking at age 1 (22.4%)
were excluded from the analysis in table 3. This group had significantly lowered
ORs for Many Wakings / Low Sleep Quality at all ages. Including this group in the
analysis weakens the association very slightly between Causes of Waking and sleep
variables at ages 3 and 5 but not age 1.
16
Table 3a. Odds ratios (95% confidence interval) of groups with differing sleep variables and
background factors for being reported with many wakings (MW) or low sleep quality (LSQ) at
different ages. For definitions of MW, LSQ and background factors, see Methods. Note that the ORs
between the MW and LSQ variables are duplicated in the table, to facilitate reading in both
directions.
Age 1
Sleep variable
MW
Age 3
LSQ
MW
Age 5
LSQ
MW
LSQ
4.3 (2.1-9.0)
MW at age
26.5 (22.0-31.9) 9.8 (7.1-13.5)
6.3 (4.2-9.3)
5.5 (3.7-8.3)
14.3 (9.421.9)
14.3 (9.421.9)
60.2 (42.884.7)
10.7 (6.517.6)
6.4 (4.7-8.6)
7.1 (5.0-10.1)
2.8 (1.9-4.2)
15.7 (7.831.5)
1
3
9.8 (7.1-13.5)
6.4 (4.7-8.6)
5.5 (3.7-8.3)
2.8 (1.9-4.2)
5
27.1 (15.946.1)
5.2 (2.9-9.6)
LSQ at age
26.5 (22.0-31.9)
8.9 (4.3-18.8)
1
3
5
At least one unspecific
cause of waking
Multiple causes, at least
one unspecific
6.3 (4.2-9.3)
7.1 (5.0-10.1)
60.2 (42.884.7)
4.3 (2.1-9.0)
5.2 (2.9-9.6)
8.9 (4.3-18.8)
15.7 (7.831.5)
10.7 (6.517.6)
27.1 (15.946.1)
4.1 (3.4-5.0)
4.7 (4.0-5.5)
3.2 (2.3-4.4)
2.7 (1.8-3.8)
1.8 (1.3-2.5)
1.9 (1.1-3.5)2
3.0 (2.4-3.6)
3.2 (2.7-3.7)
3.4 (2.4-4.7)
3.0 (2.1-4.5)
1.8 (1.2-2.8)1
ns
2.2 (1.7-2.9)
2.3 (1.8-2.8)
3.2 (2.4-4.4)
2.1 (1.4-3.2)
2.3 (1.6-3.2)
ns
4.4 (3.1-6.1)
ns
ns
ns
ns
ns
ns
ns
ns
ns
ns
ns
1.5 (1.1-2.1)1
0.61 (0.45-0.83)1
ns
ns
ns
ns
ns
ns
ns
ns
ns
ns
ns
ns
Background factor
Temperamental child
Two non-Swedish
parents
Mother No Theor. Edu.
Mother High Theor.
Edu.
Father of Est. age
Father of Entry age
Significant at (χ2):
1.4 (1.0-1.9) 2
2.1 (1.4-3.3)
0.45 (0.28-0.70)
ns
1
p < 0.01
2
p < 0.05
else: p < 0.001
Table 3b. Odds ratios (95% confidence interval) of groups with differing sleep variables and
background factors for being reported with no wakings (NW) or high sleep quality (HSQ) at different
ages. For definitions of NW, HSQ and background factors, see Methods.
Background factor
Single parent at age 0
Single parent at age 3
Single parent at age 5
Temperamental child
NW
HSQ
NW
HSQ
NW
HSQ
1.5 (1.1-2.1)2
ns
ns
ns
ns
ns
1.9 (1.3-2.7)
1.5 (1.2-1.8)
ns
ns
ns
ns
ns
1.6 (1.1-2.3)2
1.8 (1.4-2.4)
ns
ns
ns
0.80 (0.670.96)2
ns
0.65 (0.490.86)1
0.62 (0.450.86)1
ns
ns
0.68 (0.57-0.83) 0.57 (0.48-0.67) 0.64 (0.55-0.76) 0.39 (0.33-0.45)
ns
0.65 (0.47- 0.58 (0.44-0.77)
0.89)1
Mother No Theor. Edu.
1.3 (1.2-1.4)
ns
1.2 (1.1-1.3)
Mother High Theor. Edu.
ns
0.79 (0.72-0.86)
0.82 (0.75-0.90)
Two non-Swedish parents
Mother below Entry age
1.2 (1.1-1.3)1
0.88 (0.810.96)1
ns
ns
Father of Est. age
Father of Entry age
Father below Entry age
ns
ns
ns
ns
ns
ns
Father No Theor. Edu.
Father High Theor. Edu.
Significant at (χ2):
1
p < 0.01
2
p < 0.05
ns
ns
1.2 (1.1-1.3)
0.87 (0.790.95)1
2.3 (1.7-3.2)
0.74 (0.63-0.88)
1.3 (1.1-1.5) 1
3.2 (1.3-8.0) 1
else: p < 0.001
0.67 (0.460.97)2
ns
ns
ns
ns
1.2 (1.1-1.3)
0.86 (0.780.94)1
1.2 (1.1-1.3)
0.84 (0.77-0.93)
ns
ns
ns
ns
ns
ns
ns
ns
ns
ns
ns
ns
ns
ns
17
Background factors
● As seen in table 3, the background factors were more associated with Many
Wakings (MW) and Low Sleep Quality (LSQ) at lower ages, if at all. There were
more associations between background factors and No Wakings (NW) / High Sleep
Quality (HSQ) at all ages. High ORs for MW and LSQ were often but not always
paired with low ORs for NW and HSQ at the same age.
● No indications were found that single parents reported Lower Sleep Quality or
More Wakings per night than others for their child. No associations were found
between serious life events and Low Sleep Quality / Many Night Wakings, neither
specifically concerning divorce nor serious life events in general.
● Apart from the results given in table 3, we also found that parents with Higher
Theoretical Education were more likely than other groups to report Some Wakings at
all ages (i.e. neither None nor Many). ORs range from 1.1-1.4, significances at p <
0.001 or p < 0.01. This was also true for parents with Some Theoretical Education at
age 5.
Mothers with Higher Theoretical Education were significantly more likely to report
Unspecific Causes of Waking (OR 1.3 (1.2-1.4)).
● We found that children reported to feed at night at age 1 were significantly more
likely to be reported as having Low Sleep Quality and Many Wakings at the
following ages. However, when the association between night feedings and Wakings
or Quality at later ages were tested within the different categories of Wakings at age
1, no association at all was found. Children reported with night feedings and Many
18
Wakings at age 1 were equally likely to be reported with Many Wakings at later ages,
as children reported with no night feedings and Many Wakings at age 1. If anything,
there was a trend that the group which was fed was more likely to be reported with
No Wakings at age 3 (OR 1.2 (1.1-1.4)). The group which was reported as fed at
each waking (i.e. number of wakings per night equals number of night feedings at
age 1) had no significant difference in night wakings at later ages.
● We also tested association between sleep variables and a large number of other
background variables on the grounds that sleep is a complex phenomenon and likely
to be influenced by many factors. In many cases, we found significant associations
or trends but with very low strength. For example, there was a weak trend that boys
were reported with Lower Quality Sleep and More Wakings at age 1, and parents
significantly reported better sleep in their children during the bright half of the year
(April-September) than during the dark half.
DISCUSSION
The general trend with increasing age in the population was toward fewer night
wakings (over 95% having 0-1 wakings per night at age 5), improving sleep quality
(over 90% rated with high quality sleep at age 5) and a more uniform sleep schedule
(a majority of the children being put to bed at 8pm and roused at 7am, thereby
spending about 11 hrs in bed at night.) Clearly, attention must be paid to the age of
the child when using these measures to diagnose possible sleep problems.
19
The trend in individual patterns was also usually towards improving sleep quality
and fewer wakings. However, children who were reported with frequent wakings
and low quality sleep at early ages were at a greatly elevated risk of having the same
problems at later ages. This is supported by Gregory et al (6) who suggested that
individual sleep patterns have a certain stability. It cannot be taken for granted that
perceived problems will go away of their own even if they usually do.
The strong correlation between reporting many wakings and low sleep quality may
be perceived as a bidirectional link. If the child often wakes at night, it is natural for
its parents to rate its sleep quality as lower. However, if the parents already perceive
their child’s sleep quality as low for some other reason, this might sensitise them to
wakings in their child and cause them to report them as more frequent. Still, the
quality→wakings direction presupposes an alternate reason for reporting low sleep
quality, while the opposite direction rests only on these two variables. Therefore, we
suggest that the association is stronger in the wakings→quality direction.
Parents who reported unspecific and/or multiple causes of waking perceived their
child’s sleep quality as lower. Reporting unspecific causes of waking might be
comparable to the reverse of the item "when my child wakes crying at night, I
always know what he/she needs'' in the Maternal Cognitions about Infant Sleep
Questionnaire suggested by Morrell (26). This item loaded most strongly into two
cognition categories termed "Doubt" and "Anger", both significantly associated with
sleep problems according to both objective research and subjective maternal criteria.
We suggest that parents who report multiple and unspecific causes of waking are
more uncertain and therefore anxious about their child’s sleep, and that this anxiety
20
is reflected in more reported wakings and lower sleep quality. Whether the parents’
anxiety is well founded or not is another question.
It is interesting to note that theoretically educated mothers were more likely to report
unspecific causes to their child’s night wakings at age 1. This is discussed further
below.
Children rated with a difficult temperament (see Methods) were reported with lower
quality sleep and more frequent wakings. This finding is in accordance with
previous studies using subjective sleep measures (21, 22, 27). It may be a purely
subjective association: parents who perceive their children as more difficult during
daytime may perceive them as such during nighttime as well.
Looking at objective sleep measures and temperament, previous studies are at odds:
Keener et al reported that parental temperament ratings and objective sleep measures
(using Infra-Red time-lapse photography) correspond (28), whereas Sadeh (using
actigraph) reported that they do not (29). This discrepancy may be due to different
ages of the subjects (6 months in the former and 12 in the latter study) or differences
in the objective measure methods. Keener's study also suggested that children rated
with a difficult temperament had more disrupted sleep according to objective
measures, even though the parent-reported sleep measures did not correspond to
objective measures. Both studies used the same scale of temperament.
Clearly, no consensus has been reached about the association between child
temperament rating and sleep quality assessed with objective methods. However, the
connection between temperament rating and sleep quality assessed with subjective
21
rating in the current study is clear: the sleep quality of children rated with a
"difficult" temperament was perceived as lower.
Parents who were both born outside of Sweden were more likely to report their
children with low quality sleep and frequent night wakings at age 1. This result is
consistent with two previous studies (16, 18), in which English parents with certain
non-English background reported higher frequency of sleep problems in their
children than parents with English roots. However, the two studies do not agree on
which specific origin of the parents that was associated with reporting sleep
problems.
One reason for the current finding may be the life stress of adapting to a new
country, which may spill over into the parents’ perception of their child’s sleep. It
may also be an effect of different views on child sleep in different cultures. It is
important to note that the current population may include parents from both
European and non-European countries, and even from neighbouring Nordic
countries. We do not have these data. Therefore, more detailed studies would be
needed to confirm and qualify these results.
We expected single parents, if anything, to be more stressed and therefore perceive
their child’s sleep quality as lower and with more frequent wakings. In one previous
study, children in single-mother households hade poorer health than other groups
(30). However, for poorer sleep no such correlation was found. Instead, single
parents were more likely to report no wakings in their child. What the reason may
be, we can for now only speculate.
22
A divorce did not affect the parents' perception of their child sleep in our study,
neither before nor after the divorce. In El-Sheikh's et al study (15), actigraph was
used to obtain objective measures of the studied children's sleep and relate them to
reported marital conflict. It turned out that the greatest determining factor for sleep
disturbance was the child's perception of parental conflict. Parents in conflict, such
as may precede a divorce, may not notice the effect on their child's sleep, which
would explain the absence of effect in our study.
When the father was of establishment age, the parents (NB usually mothers) were
more than twice more likely to report Many Wakings and also somewhat more likely
to report Low Sleep Quality at age 1 than with younger fathers. We have found no
previous studies to this effect; awaiting further research it remains speculation.
It seems that parents with higher theoretical education were somewhat less likely to
report their children as sleeping the whole night through than parents with no
theoretical education. Yet mothers with higher theoretical education were less likely
to report their children as having Low Quality Sleep at age 3. It is difficult to draw
any conclusions from this, but it might be interesting to directly study differences in
perception of child sleep between parents with higher versus no theoretical
education. Still, one clue from the current results is that mothers with higher
theoretical education were more likely to report unspecific causes to their child’s
waking at age 1. This might indicate a greater uncertainty about the child’s sleep:
perhaps a by-product of the problem-posing quality of a theoretical education?
23
It may be noted that the Specific vs Unspecific cause of waking dichotomy is rather
crude in its current form, yet its strong association to sleep measures over time lends
it support and suggests that further elaboration may be rewarding.
The findings concerning education are not consistent with neither Rona’s (16) nor
Sadeh's (17) studies, which both showed that mothers with less education were more
likely to report disturbed sleep in their children. Rona speculated that these mothers
were also recently immigrated, which could explain the more frequent sleep
disturbance reports (see above). Sadeh's study was set in Israel, a social context
different from Sweden where education may have a different impact on life stress,
and is therefore difficult to compare with the current findings.
In short, there appears to be some sort of association between the education and age
of the parents and their perception of their child’s sleep.
Pearl claimed that children who have "excessive" night meals during infancy tend to
end up with "…conditioned awakenings and chronic sleep problems" (20).
Touchette et al reached the same conclusion (19). At first, our data seemed to
support their hypothesis. However, when controlling for wakings per night at age 1,
the association between night feedings at age 1 and night wakings at later ages
vanished. One prediction from the hypothesis should be that children who are
reported to be fed every time they wake up at nights should be maximally
conditioned towards waking. However, in the present study, this group was no more
likely than others to be reported with frequent night wakings at later ages. In
Morrell's study, high loadings in the "Feeding" cognition category ("beliefs in the
24
importance of feeding to soothe the infant") (26) had no significant association with
sleep disturbances.
The most plausible explanation seems to be that more night wakings at age 1 could
be the underlying factor of both more night meals at age 1 and more wakings at later
ages (as seen in the stability of individual sleep patterns previously discussed).
As noted before, parent-reported and objective sleep measures do not necessarily
correspond. Previous studies have found no strong correlations between wakings per
night as measured by parent-report and objective methods such as actigraph (an
unintrusive device attached to the infant’s leg) or Infra-Red time-lapse photography
(28, 31). Thus, parent-reported child sleep patterns do not give a clear picture of the
actual sleep patterns of the children. Nevertheless, the current data give valuable
information about how the parents perceive their child’s sleep -- a not unimportant
factor in the life of parents.
What clinical implications might these data have? Firstly, since sleep patterns have
some stability and show some connection to certain parent-reported background
factors, it could be possible to screen for persistent sleep problems early in life and
thereby, hopefully, prevent some health problems caused by disturbed sleep. If such
screening is done by using parental questionnaires, our data suggest that ratings of
the child’s temperament, reporting unspecific and multiple causes of wakings, very
frequent night wakings and sleep quality ratings of the child are possible markers.
Secondly, it seems that certain parental background factors may have influence over
their perception of their child's sleep. When advising parents on normal and
disturbed sleep patterns, it could therefore be useful to pay attention to the
25
background of the parents with respect to place of birth, age, and education, since
different subgroups seem to have somewhat different views on child sleep. The
nature of these differences, however, needs to be qualitatively researched.
CONCLUSIONS
•
While the general trend seems to be towards fewer wakings, improved sleep
quality, and a more uniform sleep schedule with increasing age, we find that
there is a persistence over time to an early pattern of being reported with
many night wakings and low sleep quality.
•
Frequency of night wakings seems to be one of the main factors by which
parents judge the quality of their child's sleep.
•
Uncertainty about the cause of night wakings at age 1 is associated with
reporting frequent night wakings and low sleep quality even at later ages.
•
Factors that showed an influence towards lower quality sleep and more
frequent wakings in early ages on parent-reported child sleep were: a
temperament rated as difficult; and parents of foreign origin. Parental age
and education also seem to have some influence.
•
Being a single parent was not associated with reporting frequent wakings or
low sleep quality, nor does night feeding seem to condition children to
frequent wakings.
26
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
We are grateful to Ass prof. Ulf Samuelsson for his statistical advice, to all Children
and parents in ABIS, to the ABIS nurses Iris Franzén and Christina Larsson. This
project has been supported by Swedish Child Diabetes Foundation
(Barndiabetesfonden), Swedish Research Council (Grant No K2005-72X-1124211A), Swedish Council for Working life and Social research (FAS2004-1775),
FORSS (Medical Research Council of Southeast Sweden)
27
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