Australian & New Zealand Journal of
Criminology
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One retrospective of Pacific criminology
John Braithwaite
Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 2013 46: 3
DOI: 10.1177/0004865812470385
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Article
One retrospective of Pacific
criminology
John Braithwaite
Australian & New Zealand
Journal of Criminology
46(1) 3–11
! The Author(s) 2013
Reprints and permissions:
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DOI: 10.1177/0004865812470385
anj.sagepub.com
Australian National University, Australia
Abstract
On the occasion of receiving the Australian and New Zealand Society of Criminology’s
Distinguished Criminologist Award, John Braithwaite reflects on his time in the field. He
defends a public-critical-professional-policy criminology of a more distinctively Pacific character. He canvasses options for the Australian and New Zealand Society of Criminology to
continue long-term leadership towards not only an Asian future, but also a Pacific future that
can be a path to distinctive contributions from Southwest Pacific criminology to all the social
sciences.
Keywords
Asian future, criminology, Pacific
It is a lovely honour, though I feel something of a phony receiving the Australian and
New Zealand Society of Criminology’s Distinguished Criminologist Award. One reason
is that I can think of a good number of more worthy criminologists. Another is that I do
not really consider myself a criminologist, rather as an interdisciplinary social scientist. I
do not correct people when they describe me so and on questionnaires tick my nearest
discipline as criminology. One of the unusual, I would like to think admirable, things
about criminology is that it has been so kind to figures who have stood against the
tradition in some way. Consider the fond regard British criminologists have toward Stan
Cohen or Scandinavian criminologists to Nils Christie. Perhaps it is something about a
society of people who take an interest in deviants.
While I do not think it a great idea for criminology to be a discipline, gatherings of
folk who study crime are very important. The ANZ Society of Criminology has been a
nurturant community of scholarship and fellowship for me, as for so many of us. Robust
contestation of ideas does not seem to get in the way of a spirit of fun and sharing yarns.
The Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology is important because this local
community is important. That is why I have submitted more articles to this journal than
to any other, including some that I consider among my best (among a crop that include
Corresponding author:
John Braithwaite, Regulatory Institutions Network, College of Asia and the Pacific, Australian National University,
Coombs Extension Building, Fellows Rd, Canberra 0200, Australia.
Email:
[email protected]
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Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 46(1)
many other ordinary publications) and some that I much enjoyed writing and that a
northern journal would never have published such as my review essay, ‘The
Mesomorphs Strike Back’ in 1987. Almost three decades ago when I first served on
an ANU promotions committee, we sat in judgement on a distinguished physicist who
was praised because he submitted his best work to the Australian Journal of Physics
when he might have placed it in more prestigious northern journals. He felt part of his
obligation as a leader of the field was to help strengthen the local journal. I wonder if
anyone thinks that way on our university promotions committees today. Our research
performance systems of valorising citations over the quality of local conversations within
our scholarly communities have made it hard for academics to so think.
Communities through one set of eyes
Since I completed my PhD in 1976 I have managed to attend the majority of peak ANZ
research meetings for criminologists. The first ones were organised in the late 1970s
under the auspices of ANZAAS Congresses. The Australian and New Zealand
Association for the Advancement of Science was a splendid institution of the two
young colonies, founded in 1888. The idea was that specialist scientific communities
were so small that it would be good to bring all scientists together, including social
scientists. It was a wonderfully broadening experience for a young scholar to attend
them. When ANZAAS ceased running Congresses in 1997, it almost ceased to exist,
though it is currently being reinvigorated with a new mission. The Congresses ended
because one by one disciplines became big enough to organise their own annual conferences, eroding ANZAAS attendance. Criminology abandoned ANZAAS around 1981.
At that time David Biles filled the gap with annual Criminology Research
Conferences at the Australian Institute of Criminology. Because the AIC was an
Australian Government body, of course it was natural that this was an Australian conference. Nevertheless, everyone including the AIC was delighted when ANZ embrace
was renewed through the ANZSOC conferences that started at the end of the 1980s. For
me personally, the New Zealand connection was important, as I had two inspiring New
Zealand educated mentors, Paul Wilson (PhD supervisor) and Brent Fisse (major early
co-author).
Like Wilson, Fisse and other distinguished criminologists who rose to prominence in
the 1970s such as David Brown, Norval Morris hailed from New Zealand, before he
followed in the footsteps of John Barry to become the most internationally influential
founding figure of Australian criminology. Morris moved from the University of
Melbourne to become Dean of the University of Adelaide Law School. Norval was a
kindly, principled man with natural gifts of leadership and engagement as a public
intellectual. He spent most of his scholarly life at the University of Chicago Law
School, for a considerable period as Dean. A number of the best of the generation of
criminologists immediately after Morris moved at a young age to the USA, including
Duncan Chappell, Graham Newman and Peter Reuter. By the time they were mature
criminologists, all of them, including Morris, toyed with returning to Australia or New
Zealand. What had changed was that it was no longer necessary to move on a trajectory
from New Zealand to Australia to the North Atlantic to be embraced by a critical mass
of criminologists.
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For more than two decades now, the brain drain has reversed decisively, hugely.
Among the great criminologists who have moved from the North Atlantic to
Australia and New Zealand in this period are Borge Bakken, Harry Blagg, David
Bradley, Simon Bronitt, Julian Buchanan, Kit Carson, Janet Chan, Bill Clifford,
Kathleen Daly, Sinclair Dinnen, David Dixon, Benoit Dupont, Jenny Fleming, Dot
Goulding, Peter Grabosky, Neil Gunningham, Richard Harding, Mark Israel, Paul
Mazzerole, Alison Morris, Brenda Morrison, Stephen Mugford, Justin O’Brien, Pat
O’Malley, Ken Polk, John Pratt, Jerry Ratcliffe, Clifford Shearing, Brian Steels, Philip
Stenning, Heather Strang, Alison Wakefield, Jennifer Wood and Alison Young. What a
list of stellar criminologists this is. And I have doubtless forgotten many. Some came for
only a few years; most settled for good or for long periods. This list also includes a
number who became distinguished Presidents of ANZSOC and four editors who contributed greatly to improve this journal. In this new era of excellence arriving from the
North, there has been much less movement of our brightest and best to the North than
we saw in the 1960s and 1970s. For both New Zealand and Australia, the net brain drain
has been exceedingly positive.
Regional integration
In the late 20th century I had some conversations with friends in which I floated the
abolition of ANZSOC in favour of an Asian and Pacific Association. None warmed to
the thought. History has passed this thought by in two ways. First, there is no longer a
shortage of ANZ critical mass. Second, the Asian Criminological Society (ACS) was
established in 2008 to take the lead in nurturing criminology across the region. The
American Society of Criminology (ASC) has been supportive of ACS, as have senior
ANZSOC members. Yet we need the simple gesture for regional building of scholarly
community of more attendance of senior ANZSOC figures at ACS conferences. Linkage
of ANZ criminology to Asia continues to have the weaknesses that made me think the
Asia Pacific Society kite was worth flying. There is no long list of distinguished Asian
and Pacific criminologists who have emigrated long term to our universities to put
alongside the list of North Atlantic imports or even to rival the list of temporary imports
from South Africa, such as Monique Marks, George Pavlich, Mark Israel and Clifford
Shearing. There are Raymond Choo, Yai-Yin Wan and Janet Chan that I can think of.
Yet we probably should count Janet as the first of a number of brilliant products of
University of Toronto criminology who emigrated to Australia and New Zealand.
It will help to establish a strong linkage between ANZSOC and ACS. Still I continue
to wonder where the Southwest Pacific will fit in. Mark Findlay has a unique place as an
ANZSOC member who has also been a leader of criminology in Asia and at the
University of the South Pacific. Yet the leading examples of Polynesian, Melanesian
and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander criminologists have been New Zealand Maori,
with smaller numbers of Australian Aboriginal incumbents in academic posts who are
contributors to the criminological conversation in our universities. Even then, indigenous criminologists in academic posts such as Juan Tauri are rarer than non-criminologist
indigenous scholars who have been influential commentators on the criminal justice
system such as Moana Jackson, Mick Brown, Larissa Behrendt, Megan Davis or
Mick Dodson. Indigenous doctorates in criminology have been rare in comparison to
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Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 46(1)
cases of indigenous commentators on crime who have doctorates such as Behrendt and
Davis. Scholars in Australian universities who have completed path-breaking criminological work on the Pacific such as Sinclair Dinnen and Miranda Forsyth are also not
strongly integrated into ANZSOC, perhaps because ANZSOC is so culturally ANZ,
with limited numbers of panels on criminology in the Pacific throughout the history of
ANZSOC conferences.
So I would like to fly my old 20th-century kite in a way that connects to the 21stcentury realities of regional criminology. Could we have an ongoing conversation
between the leaderships of ANZSOC and ACS during the next decade on the question
of nurturing scholarship on crime in the Southwest Pacific? Before Mark Findlay became
a key Pacific player, David Biles and Bill Clifford worked at the AIC to build criminology in Papua New Guinea. Duncan Chappell in his time at the AIC put some work
into linkages with Indonesia, including West Papua. One might have expected a lot to
have been built on these early foundations by 2012. Not enough has. This is not a matter
of grand initiatives but gradual building of interchange. My proposal would be for a
dialogue between the new generations of ANZSOC and ACS leaders, perhaps in a few
years once ACS is more consolidated, about whether ACS is open to embrace the
countries of the South Pacific as part of ‘Asia’ or whether ANZSOC might consider
becoming more than just an ANZ body to include the Pacific. If ANZSOC did become a
more pan-Pacific society one day, an interesting question is whether Hawaii would
become part of its community. My restorative justice colleagues in Hawaii tell me
that they feel cut off from the mainland USA. They sense a lack of mainland interest
in learning from Polynesian justice traditions. A more Pacifically-oriented ANZSOC
would also be an alternative community of scholarly engagement for them to turn to.
When I think of research of colleagues such as Miranda Forsyth (2009) on the integration of customary law and formal criminal law in Vanuatu, Matthew Allen (forthcoming) in the prisons and villages of the Solomon Islands, Sinclair Dinnen (2001) on
Raskol gang surrenders in Papua New Guinea, and his work with Andrew Goldsmith
and Abby McLeod on policing in Melanesia (Goldsmith and Dinnen, 2007; McLeod and
Dinnen, 2007), Kate Henne’s (forthcoming) work on anti-doping enforcement, discrimination against Pacific athletes in rugby league and other sports and connecting these
athletes to their cultural roots, I am convinced of the vision of ANZ universities being
vital conduits between the wisdom and experience of Pacific justice institutions and
global circuits of learning. We need to teach more Pacific law and Pacific criminology
and to graduate more Pacific PhDs who will become future leaders of the study of crime
in Pacific countries and Pacific universities. But of course we cannot teach more if we do
not learn more about the Pacific.
Our location on the fringe of Asia puts us in a good position to study business crime,
crime in cyberspace, in that part of the globe where business and the internet are
booming in some of the most potentially destabilising ways. Our location on the
Pacific rim gives us a different kind of position and a special responsibility in the
social sciences to learn from the region of the world with the greatest linguistic and
cultural diversity on the globe, the place where many of the smallest and most different
cultures from the West are to be found. Almost 1000 of the world’s languages and onesixth of the world’s ethnicities are to be found on the island of New Guinea alone.
To travel from Australia and New Zealand to the highlands of West Papua is cheap.
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When we do, we go on the one hand to a place wracked by violence associated with very
modern impacts of mining and internal colonialism; on the other hand it is to travel to a
place of rich surviving indigenous justice traditions in one of the last places of the world
to experience contact with the West. Sadly, Mark Finnane’s (2012) survey of the prehistory and early history of Australian criminology concludes that there was no distinctive Australian criminology, just a pale shadow of northern criminologies, not even much
Aboriginal criminology until the 1970s.
Shifting spheres of influence
Starting from Anita Muhl’s 1939 University of Melbourne lectures published as The
ABC of Criminology (Muhl, 1941), and even earlier with the work of the Criminology
Society of Victoria (1895), the Criminological Society of South Australia and the
Howard Societies for Penal Reform (Finnane, 2012: 159), Australian criminology
began with a heavy emphasis on corrections. The first scholars writing in Australia
who became globally celebrated in our field, Gordon Hawkins (1976) and Norval
Morris (1974) particularly built that reputation with research on prisons, though they
did write on other things. Richard Harding (1997), David Biles with David McDonald
and others (Biles and McDonald, 1992) and David Brown with George Zdenkowski and
others (Zdenkowski and Brown, 1982) were other key leaders who consolidated that
focus and excellence early on and John Pratt (2007) and Janet Chan (1992) continue to
do so in distinctively influential fashions. Greg Newbold earned a PhD while in a New
Zealand prison that led to his becoming a global leader of convict criminology.
Today, it is hard to single out any area as of special strength in Australia and New
Zealand. Police research including private policing, juvenile justice including special
strengths in feminist work on young women, developmental criminology, restorative justice, crime in cyberspace, critical criminologies, corporate crime, crimes against humanity
have all been strong, for example. The Dunedin Longitudinal Study has been a global
flagship of psychological and biological criminology. Feminist criminology is a good
example of a field that has been one of great strength, and facilitated by the leadership
of scholars like Christine Alder and Kathy Daly who, in different ways, moved between
North and South. I would say comparative criminology has not been so strong, though
one of our greatest criminologists, Peter Grabosky (1977), came to us because he was
comparing violence in Sydney to that of a number of other cities scattered across the globe
with Ted Gurr. Comparativism for most Australian and New Zealand criminologists,
however, has been about comparing Australia or New Zealand to the United States or
England. It has not even been greatly interested in comparing Australia to New Zealand!
That manifests a degree of colonial cringe as well as blindness to the greater richness of the
sea of diversity in which we swim with our neighbours. Much stronger has been boundarycrossing criminology as we see in the work of Sharon Pickering (2010) and others on
immigration, and globalisation in the work of scholars such as Mark Findlay (2008).
The interesting case of corporate crime
I don’t know how many times Marshall Clinard said to me in the 1980s and 1990s, ‘Why
is it that of the 10 best scholars in the world on corporate crime, five of them are
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Australians?’ Brent Fisse was very high on his list, so he might have said Australians or
New Zealanders. Ralph Nader once said something similar in the 1980s. Probably he
would not say it today and Marshall Clinard would not were he still alive. This is
because scholars like Fisse, Andrew Hopkins (who came from a criminological background, working at the AIC, a student of Albert Cohen), Peter Grabosky, and others
later like the Melbourne node of Richard Johnstone, Kit Carson, Fiona Haines, Arie
Freiberg, Ken Polk and Rob White (now Hobart) mostly moved from a more criminological frame for studying occupational health and safety, tax and environmental protection to a more pluralised regulatory framework in which criminal enforcement was
just one of a number of arrows in a regulator’s quiver. This is so much so that many
readers will have been puzzled by the inclusion of Justin O’Brien (a scholar of financial
regulatory enforcement) and Neil Gunningham on the list of great criminologists who
have come to Australia from Ireland and England in their cases. Gunningham actually
did his higher degree training in the leading criminology programme at Sheffield before
moving to the ANU Law School. His Smart Regulation with Peter Grabosky
(Gunningham and Grabosky, 1998) is something of a highwater mark of a regulatory
mix approach to regulatory enforcement scholarship, where criminal law is just one tool
in the mix.
I was part of that move as well, so I am by no means an objective observer of the shift.
For me, nevertheless, it is a good example of the maxim that good criminology often
decentres criminology. The work of the Australian and New Zealand scholars of crimes
of occupational health and safety, environment, finance, antitrust, consumer protection,
pharmaceuticals, corporate bribery, securities markets and corporate tax evasion has
caused major paradigm shifts in these domains of scholarship and is very highly cited.
Some criminologists such as Frank Pearce and Steve Tombs (1998) have been critical of
it because it decentres criminal enforcement too much. I do not want to take sides on
that debate here.
The important point I do want to make is that doing good social science is a better
objective than doing good criminology because sometimes thinking too much like a
criminologist can cause us to do bad social science. Criminology becomes a break on
good analysis when members of the discipline feel that criminal justice institutions are
the important things to study in pursuit of objectives that range from reducing rape to
reducing environmental destruction. Like regulatory scholars, feminist and developmental criminologists have helped soften the focus on criminal justice institutions by focusing on the family as an institution, for example. So while there is some
counterproductive disciplinary myopia in criminology, it is not as bad as the statist
myopias of many political scientists or the myopic emphasis on rational choice and
markets as global explanations among most economists. Criminology also has its epistemological dogmatists, but most of us are pluralists, embracing ethnographic methods,
historical methods, quantitative survey research, randomised controlled trials and analyses of crime statistics as all contributing valuable insights when used thoughtfully as
apt tools for answering particular questions.
It is interesting to look back on a professional life during which I have more continuously worked on corporate crime than any other topic and see vividly all the virtues
and vices that Loader and Sparks (2010) help us to see in different kinds of criminologies. Professional criminology can give us rigorous theory and empirical methods; policy
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Braithwaite
science can help solve big problems of humankind; public criminology can make scholars more democratically valuable as they engage in public dialogue with non-experts;
critical criminology interrogates the foundations of the other three discourses (and its
own – it is reflexively critical) and helps us see the world through new lenses. At the same
time, professional criminology can be so excessively committed to its discipline that it
games markets and regulatory mechanisms in ways that debase the broader collegiality
and excellence of universities (for example, by Americanising their research and publishing in US journals that deliver high citation counts). Policy criminology is very often
servile to states that shamelessly exploit penal populism, shun thinking outside the box,
demanding research that is ‘realistic’ rather than profound. Public criminologists can be
embarrassing in the way they speculate on sensational cases about which the evidence is
yet to be sifted. And critical criminologists can be nihilistic, unworldly, cliquish, unwilling to see the virtues of the other three traditions.
Conclusion
Criminology is booming here at our Auckland host universities for the 2012 ANZSOC
Conference and broadly across New Zealand and Australia in student enrolments and in
funding through other sources, at least compared to its impoverished early decades. Our
conversations have improved, partly because they engage more non-criminologists than
they used to. The dogmatism of some, theoretically and methodologically, is at bay
thanks to the pluralism of the many. Our journal has improved. So has the British
Journal of Criminology, the European journals, many US journals and now the Asian
journals. I fear some of the highest impact US journals have not. Bigness is a danger to
criminology. As it becomes more internally obsessed (and more nationally so) it asks
narrower questions, using a narrower set of methodologies about a narrow set of institutions. It can become a cross-cultural wasteland. This adds to the pile up of theoretical
dead wood. In this context, even being a critical criminologist might suggest that you are
not a very critical scholar at all because criminology is such a narrow thing to be critical
about.
In Australia and New Zealand, criminology is not so big that it is at risk of becoming
pathologically inward looking. That is not to deny some broadening elements we have
lost, for example in not having young criminologists attending annual ANZAAS
Congresses. ANZ criminologists do move from peering through the policy lens, the
critical, professional and public social science lenses as we travel across the pages of
our journal and the panels of our conferences. And they tend to resist their confinement
to any of those boxes.
So I think we could/should become bigger by embracing more Pacific colleagues and
more Pacific topics into our comparative consciousness. Just as Norval Morris headed
off long ago from Melbourne (and New Zealand) to bring a different and virtuous
sensibility that was criminological (and historical and philosophical) to northern legal
scholarship, so another Melbourne immigrant (from Poland) Bronislaw Malinowski
(1920) headed from Melbourne to remote Aboriginal Australia and to the Trobriand
Islands a century ago to conduct work that was foundational for the new discipline of
anthropology, with the publication of Argonauts of the Western Pacific (Malinowski,
1922). Sometimes Malinowski is referred to as the father of social anthropology, though
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Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 46(1)
so many of the great anthropologists of the Pacific rim in the early 20th century
were women – Margaret Mead, Ruth Benedict and Beatrice Blackwood, for
example. Malinowski also coined the term ‘participatory observation’ to describe
his fieldwork, a sensibility that continues to influence the ethnographic style of criminology that is so widespread in our scholarly community. My hope for the future of
ANZSOC is connected to those regional roots, connected to a Western Pacific contribution to crafting more theoretically rich and theoretically plural social science theory
and praxis.
It is a good thing that criminologists are more humble than perhaps economists or
philosophers in their ambitions to reshape and dominate social science. I never met a
criminologist who thought their discipline the queen of the social sciences! Yet I do think
we should be more ambitious about research on crime contributing in a larger way to
transforming the social sciences into something of wider scope, richer nuance and deeper
rigour than its current dispensation. That was what I was attempting in my recent
contribution to this journal on how criminological insight on violence might reframe
the way we think about the prevention of war. Northern market economies might learn
from Western Pacific gift economies (Mauss, 1990) in the process of Pacific criminologists becoming more ambitious about their special niche in the invigoration of the social
sciences. Exchange with New Zealand and Pacific colleagues has been for me a Kula
ring1 that has delivered many gifts from so many mothers and fathers of the study of
crime in the Western Pacific and from so many indigenous philosophers of profound
mana. This economy of ideas has broadened us and I trust the many gifts it has bestowed
upon me and us will deepen our gratitude to our Pacific ring.
Funding
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or notfor-profit sectors.
Note
1. The Kula Ring (Malinowski, 1920, 1922) linked in reciprocity and life-long personal relationships the peoples of 18 Pacific islands. While it is about enhancing the social prestige of those
who give and receive, it is also about cultivating the virtue of modesty among givers and
receivers who downplay their gifts and their deservedness to receive gifts. Those who give
away the largest gifts most frequently, as opposed to those who accumulate most wealth,
secure the highest regional status.
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