Mount Shamrock: A Symbiosis of Mine and Settlement

Int J Histor Archaeol (2013) 17:465–486 DOI 10.1007/s10761-013-0229-y Mount Shamrock: A Symbiosis of Mine and Settlement Geraldine Mate Published online: 4 June 2013 # Springer Science+Business Media New York 2013 Abstract Mount Shamrock township was one of the earliest gold mining towns in the Upper Burnett district of Queensland, Australia. A study of the township and associated industrial area demonstrates the integration of town and mine in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This paper examines the relative permanence of the mining settlement and reveals a multifaceted landscape influenced not only by miners but by the women, children and other non-mining residents operating within distinct social and administrative frameworks. Keywords Gold mining . Landscape . Social identity . Queensland . Australia Introduction Gold mining is part of the narrative of the past in Queensland and the larger gold fields such as the Palmer River and Charters Towers are well known. However it was not just the major centers that followed the gold path in the second half of the nineteenth century; many smaller towns were established to support mining, although their stories have been overshadowed by grand narratives of gold rushes and capitalist ventures. Mount Shamrock was a gold mining town broadly typical of the many small towns in Queensland at that time which sprang up and later disappeared. Archaeological investigations across the landscape of Mount Shamrock have revealed the presence of remnants from both the township and the associated mining and processing area. Analysis of these physical remnants illuminates the role of small towns in informing our understanding of the story of gold mining. G. Mate The Workshops Rail Museum, Queensland Museum, North Ipswich QLD 4305, Australia G. Mate (*) Department of Anthropology, Archaeology and Sociology, School of Arts and Social Sciences, James Cook University, Cairns QLD 4870, Australia e-mail: [email protected] 466 Int J Histor Archaeol (2013) 17:465–486 Examination of the remnants at Mount Shamrock using a landscape approach showed that the town and mine were part of an integrated landscape. The history of the settlement demonstrates the relative permanence of some towns in what is traditionally regarded as a comparatively transient mode of settlement. Further, combined archaeological and documentary evidence reveal that residents operated within social and administrative frameworks which affected their approaches to everyday life in the town. Being populated by people in a range of occupations over an extended period, with the presence of women and children, and despite variable fortunes, Mount Shamrock challenges traditional narratives which paint mining towns as rough, male-dominated places and illuminates life in a mining town in late nineteenth- and early twentieth- century Queensland. Approaches to the Archaeological Investigation of Mining in Australia A number of investigations of historical gold mining complexes in Australia have been undertaken, including work by Bell (1984, 1987, 1998) on the Palmer in Queensland, Mayne (2003) at Hill End in New South Wales, Lawrence (1995) at Dolly’s Creek in Victoria and McGowan (1992, 1996, 2001) in New South Wales. Investigations focused particularly on landscapes of industries in Australia have been carried out by researchers such as McGowan (1992), Gibbs (1997), Jackman (1995) and Piddock (2007). Lawrence (2004) and Casella (2006) have also provided overviews of investigations into landscapes of industries, identifying landscape approaches as being well represented in the context of historical archaeological research in Australia. However whilst on the surface providing a reasonable body of work, many of these landscape-based studies have emphasized settlement distribution and environmental change, rather than considering landscapes as engaged entities using more socially-based frameworks. Other frameworks of investigation have included examinations of community and technology. Several authors including Bell (1987), Wegner (1995a, 1995b) and Menghetti (2005) have looked particularly at the technology of the goldfields of Queensland, although emphasis on technology has at times been at the expense of more humanly based accounts of mining (see Lawrence 1998; Mate 2010; and Wegner 1995a, 1995b for a discussion). Lawrence (2004, p. 58) in particular has argued that “continued emphasis on technology to the exclusion of its social dimension results in an impoverished understanding of the nature of industry and its associated human culture.” Lawrence (2000, 2001, 2005), Prangnell et al. (2005) and Quirk (2007, 2008) in their work on gold mining settlements have led the way in reversing this trend, presenting considered analyses of the social fabric of mining communities in Victoria and Queensland respectively. Communities associated with gold mining in Queensland have also been explored by Bell (1998), and McGowan (1992) has highlighted the networks of community connections at Shoalhaven in New South Wales. The integration of mining landscapes across settlement and industry has however had limited attention, with many researchers continuing to focus on either townships or industrial remnants. At the same time as this move towards recognition of the sociality of gold mining settlements, a number of researchers examining the archaeology of ‘contact’ in Int J Histor Archaeol (2013) 17:465–486 467 Australia have engaged with concepts of humanly constructed cultural landscapes that are meaningful and actively encountered (Byrne 2003; Godwin and L’Oste Brown 2002; Harrison 2002, 2004; Head 2000; Paterson 2005a, 2005b, 2006; Strang 1999). The investigation of cultural landscapes of mining towns provides an avenue to explore deeper engagement with place. This approach has had some currency with researchers in North America and Britain (e.g., Alfrey and Clark 1993; Casella 2005; Delle 1998; Hardesty 1998; Johnson 2007; Lightfoot et al. 1998; Metheny 2002) although there is still potential to address the concepts of landscape in historical archaeology with deeper considerations of social constitution, engagement and meaningful encounters. This is a view that sees landscapes as multivocal, mutually constituted, transformative and operating over varying scales. The study of the township and industrial complex of Mount Shamrock, undertaken as doctoral research, aims to provide such a consideration of social interpretations of the archaeology of mining towns, including landscape and technology. While aspects of the engaged landscape of Mount Shamrock are explored elsewhere (e.g., Mate 2010; Prangnell and Mate 2011), this paper explores one element of these interpretations—the recognition of the integration of town and industry. Acknowledgement of the diversity of mining settlements (Bell 2010, p. 85; Quirk 2010, p. 88) further allows recognition of both the complex landscapes that encompass industry and the community, and the underlying influences on the social construction of settlements. These affect outcomes such as longevity, demography and the historical progress or narrative of townships, ideas explored in this paper. A Brief History of Mount Shamrock Mount Shamrock was situated in the Upper Burnett region, south west of Bundaberg (Fig. 1). The first European settlers arrived in the Upper Burnett district in 1846 bringing in sheep and establishing pastoral leases. After the introduction of pastoralism, settlement in the region gradually intensified through a number of mechanisms including the selection of smaller land parcels for agriculture, the advent of mining and the gradual progress of the railway line over time. Gold mining in particular resulted in a flurry of settlement between 1870 and 1900. Within a ten mile radius around Mount Shamrock there were six mining hamlets and towns, all owing their existence to gold. Mount Shamrock was the first of these townships and outlasted all of the communities with the exception of nearby Biggenden. Gold was discovered on Degilbo Station, east of Gayndah, in July 1886 by a group of men from Maryborough and Gympie including Fred Simpson, Grovenor Simpson, John Roberts, John Lidgard and John Woodyatt (Maryborough Chronicle 1886a; Mining Warden Biggenden 1886–1907). The same week another group pegged out a claim known as Kent’s Knob in the same area (Maryborough Chronicle 1886b; Mining Warden Biggenden 1886). Within days sufficient ore had been mined to send to Gympie for trial crushing and a rush to the new township of Mount Shamrock was underway. Miners from across the district immediately began pegging out leases, including syndicates from Maryborough, Gympie, and Gayndah (Maryborough Chronicle 1886b). 468 Int J Histor Archaeol (2013) 17:465–486 Fig. 1 Mining towns situated in the Upper Burnett region, southwest of Bundaberg. Mount Shamrock was located close to several contemporary mining settlements The mining warden from Gayndah arrived on July 14, 1886. The warden allowed a certain amount of land to be claimed and then declared all other ground to have reverted to Crown Land and made it available for the first claimants. This resulted in a scrum of miners trying to peg the available land. Several parties were in dispute but agreement was soon reached (Maryborough Chronicle 1886a). This was clearly an event of note—by July 17, 1886, advertisements had been placed in the Maryborough Chronicle, auctioning horses for “the New Rush to Mount Shamrock” and more than 150 miners were suggested to have descended on the field within three weeks of the discovery (Maryborough Chronicle 1886c). The discovery was seen as beneficial even if the amount of gold found was less than anticipated, as it was felt that the “mild rush” initiated exploration around the district: “and this is just what the district wants. The value of a permanent mining town in that direction to Maryborough would be inestimable and we can only hope that the busy search around Degilbo will end in Maryborough suffering another stinging salvation” (Maryborough Chronicle 1886d, emphasis added). The discovery of minerals prompted a visit by the government geologist (Rands 1886), which in turn gave residents of the district grounds to increase pressure for the progress of the railway from Maryborough and to press for the improvement of roads and coach routes in the district (Maryborough, Wide Bay and Burnett Historical Society 1976, p. 21). Furthermore, by 1893 a large smelter for the treatment of a range of minerals had been built at Aldershot, just outside Maryborough (Charlton 1902, p. 71; Maryborough, Wide Bay and Burnett Historical Society 1976, p. 21) servicing a number of mines in the district. Int J Histor Archaeol (2013) 17:465–486 469 People came quickly to the new mine at Mount Shamrock, including storekeepers such as James Mortlemann from Gayndah, who arrived with his family, bringing supplies and tools and setting up business within two weeks of the discovery of gold (Maryborough Chronicle 1886e, 1886f). A police station was opened in September 1886, at which time it was estimated that there were over 200 people in Mount Shamrock (Police Department 1891). By August the following year, police were requesting permission to rent a house for 5 shillings a week, a “suitable building being available and preferable to current accommodations in a tent” (Police Department, 1891), indicating that permanent dwellings were erected by this time. The town grew through time, although for the first few years it remained somewhat rough and ready with “houses, tents and humpies on the flat,” as Elsie Bilbrough (a young English woman who was the first government teacher at the school) described when she arrived in town in 1890 (Bilbrough, An Extract from the Diary of Elsie Bilbrough: First Teacher at Mount Shamrock, 1890–1892, unpublished). By that time, the town had two stores, owned by Mrs. Burns and another early arrival, Mr. Richards, who came with his wife and children, a butcher (Mr Korn with his family), the Post Office, run by James Mortlemann, and a pub—the Jubilee Hotel—owned by Hugh Cairns. Education and religion played a part at Mount Shamrock. Initially school was taught informally in a tent by the Lalonde sisters, and families contributed a shilling per week. A provisional school was established by the Department of Public Instruction after a petition signed by local residents (including miners, carters, shopkeepers and hoteliers, both with children and without) was presented to the colonial government in June 1889 (Public Instruction Department, 1896–1935). A school house was constructed and school formally commenced in 1890 when Elsie Bilbrough arrived. Elsie Bilbrough was a devout Christian who lamented the lack of a place for regular worship and instituted Sunday School for her charges (Bilbrough, An Extract from the Diary of Elsie Bilbrough: First Teacher at Mount Shamrock, 1890–1892, unpublished). Although there was no church at Mount Shamrock, visiting ministers held occasional services. Father Fouhey, a Catholic priest had reportedly visited twice in the first three weeks of the “rush,” apparently naming the field Mount Shamrock (Maryborough Chronicle 1886f). In the 1890s, there were visits from nearby ministers who held services in the school, including Mr Doyle from Gayndah, ministers of the church from Paradise, and Reverend Brown, a Wesleyan minister from Bundaberg (Bilbrough, An Extract from the Diary of Elsie Bilbrough: First Teacher at Mount Shamrock, 1890–1892, unpublished). Elsie Bilbrough’s diary gives accounts of the social activities at Mount Shamrock: visits, walks, hymn singing, and evenings decorating bonnets were typical pastimes for her. She was also instrumental in initiating a temperance league in the town. However, it is apparent that it was not all cups of tea and religious meetings at Mount Shamrock. There was some dissolute behavior, criticized by Elsie, who commented several times in her diary on people drunk in the morning, people drunk at the dance and drunken brawling in the street; and in 1891, while she was still in residence at the town, a new public house was opened (Bilbrough, An Extract from the Diary of Elsie Bilbrough: First Teacher at Mount Shamrock, 1890–1892, unpublished). All in all, a mining town may not have been the ideal first teaching post for a 20-year old, teetotal English girl who had arrived in Australia only months earlier. Nevertheless, she 470 Int J Histor Archaeol (2013) 17:465–486 continued at the school for eighteen months, making a number of friends and taking part in community life, which included socializing with miners and their families, the mine manager and his wife and daughters, and local store owners, visiting the mine, and attending the local dances (Bilbrough, An Extract from the Diary of Elsie Bilbrough: First Teacher at Mount Shamrock, 1890–1892, unpublished). The picture painted in her diary suggests permanence and a degree of social structure different from the traditional view of rough, tough mining towns. Mining, having first started with people working individual leases, was quickly transformed by the amalgamation of claims and eventually these amalgamated claims became two specific leases worked mainly by the Mount Shamrock Gold Mining Co. which, at times, employed up to 50 miners. The richest part of the deposit was in the form of a pipe rather than a lode, and the mine yielded gold, silver and bismuth (Charlton 1902, p. 77). Although mining started in 1886, processing equipment was not actually installed until 1887—a large investment, in total valued at £5000—when a three shift operation commenced (Maryborough, Wide Bay and Burnett Historical Society 1976, p. 56). Three thousand ounces of gold were shipped in a six month period in 1887 (today, this would have been worth more than $3 million for six months work). Two years later, in 1889, the Mount Shamrock Gold Mining Co. installed an “expensive” chlorination tank system on the hillside, together with a furnace for roasting the ore and an assay office (Hill 1890, p.73). The chlorination plant only worked for two years before it was shut down. Although the mine continued to operate over the next few years, a number of external factors influenced production. The discovery of gold at nearby Paradise in 1889 induced many people to move, resulting in a decline in the population of Mount Shamrock. Families such as the Bayntuns, Denzlers, Allens, Higgins and Bodens, many of them miners, moved to the new town of Paradise and took up Miners Homestead Leases there. The police station was closed in 1891 as the Paradise police station was by then in operation and was “only eight miles away” (Police Department 1891). Although some people did remain, the school was closed in 1894 (reopening again in April 1896) and no gold was produced at Mount Shamrock for two years. The Mount Shamrock Gold Mining Co. remained closed for several years in the 1890s due to both financial difficulties and the absence of the British owner (Ball 1901, p. 4; Maryborough Chronicle 1897). However, over this time the mine continued to be worked off and on, sometimes on tribute (Towner 1896, p. 85), sometimes on “dead work” (Loyau 1897, p. 136) and the ore was generally sent to Aldershot for treatment in this period. Despite variable production, more than 20,000 ounces of gold were produced at Mount Shamrock in the first 15 years of its life (Ball 1901, p. 7), almost twice the amount produced over the entire life of the township of Paradise (Prangnell et al. 2005, p. 70). By the last years of the 1890s, the mine was again working five shifts although this was by no means consistent, the mine often “compelled to close” (Anonymous 1900, p. 48) as a result of lack of capital or even lack of water. In 1901, cyanide tanks were installed for the treatment of tailings (Morey 1901, p. 100), set up by tribute miners (rather than a company). Shortly after this, in 1902, there was another investment of capital with machinery and a cyanide plant being erected (Vaughan 1902, p. 96). Around this time the Berrie family moved (literally) the Pioneer Hotel from Paradise Int J Histor Archaeol (2013) 17:465–486 471 to Mount Shamrock (R. Berrie, pers. comm.). A number of original families also returned to Mount Shamrock from Paradise, including the Denzlers and the Bayntuns. Herbert Bayntun had moved to the mines in Paradise in the early 1890s, taking over the lease of Paradise Great Eastern (Mining Warden Biggenden 1886–1907) but by 1902 the family had returned to Mount Shamrock (Public Instruction Department 1896–1939). At that time, Miners Homestead Leases were being claimed in Mount Shamrock “by miners and business people” (Vaughan 1902, p. 96) (Fig. 2). After the final decline of Paradise, the Paradise school building was also moved to Mount Shamrock, replacing the original school building which was in a poor state (Public Instruction Department 1896–1939), and school enrolments returned to more than 50 children (Public Instruction Department 1896–1935). However, Mount Shamrock remained a provisional goldfield. In comparison, nearby Paradise had been declared a township and goldfield within months of its establishment, yet lasted less than 15 years (Prangnell et al. 2005). After being overlooked due to the “unproven” nature of the deposit, and having been mined much longer than many other local deposits, Mount Shamrock Goldfield was finally gazetted in 1905 (Dunstan 1913). The township itself was not gazetted until after 1914 (Mines Department 1914), despite its relative longevity and the provision of a school reserve and water reserve in the early days of the town. By the end of 1926, many homesteads had been forfeited (Lands Department 1890– 1933) and enrolments in the school had fallen to 17 (Public Instruction Department 1896–1935). The mine remained inactive from the mid 1920s until the end of 1933. At that time, new plant equipment was installed and cyanide tanks were refitted on the banks of Didcot Creek for the treatment of tailings (Murray 1933, p. 104). This event occurred at a time when money was being granted by the government for mineral Fig. 2 Mount Shamrock Township 1908, John Oxley Library, Neg No. 101260 472 Int J Histor Archaeol (2013) 17:465–486 exploration to alleviate depression conditions. However, it was the last gasp for the mine and the town. Mining ceased in the first half of 1935 (Murray 1935, p. 110) and the school finally closed in 1935, marking the end of the township (Public Instruction Department 1896–1935). By then there were only 11 children in attendance, most coming from local farms and nearby communities, rather than Mount Shamrock itself (R. Berrie, pers. comm.). As the town waned, occupants moved with their houses to agricultural leases around the area or to nearby settlements, and the school was physically relocated to Biggenden. A blacksmith shop and a cattle dip, established in the latter part of the town’s life, continued in use into the 1950s but the site gradually returned to use as pastoral land. The mine and town of Mount Shamrock were in existence for almost 50 years, from 1886 to 1935. Over time the town had variable fortunes linked to the ebb and flow of mining operations, which sometimes employed 30–50 people and at other times supported only two or three miners on tribute. The nature of the township is reflected in the archaeological record distributed across the landscape. The Mount Shamrock Site The township of Mount Shamrock was positioned on the river flat near Chowey Creek above the confluence with Didcot Creek. The main street of the town contained both business and residential lots. The mine shafts and associated processing areas began adjacent to the town with the main workings approximately 500 m away on the hill above the township. Regrowth after past clearing and planting has produced a mixture of native vegetation and imported plants. Although land lots still exist in the Department of Environment and Resource Management titles register, much of the remnant material in the township has been cleared over the last 30 years. The area identified as the main settlement stretches north along Mount Shamrock Road into an adjacent paddock and west either side of Paradise Road (Fig. 3). The site is composed of artifact scatters and remnant structural features distributed across the town flat and across two adjacent hills. Two sections of the town in the south have been extensively disturbed by plowing however the northern area has been left for grazing and archaeological remnants are more substantively in evidence. In the industrial area, most equipment was removed with the end of mining, although boilers and tanks were largely left in place. Recent mining activities have caused damage to foundations, and destruction of some parts of the former processing areas has occurred as a result of earthworks. Over the entire site, post-depositional processes including flooding, clearing, bottle collecting and collection of scrap metal have further reduced archaeological remnants. Pearson (1994) conducted a brief, targeted survey of the mining remnants as part of the Mining Heritage Places Study for the Queensland Environmental Protection Agency however the area as a whole had never previously been subject to intensive archaeological work. In 2006, the township, mining areas and surrounding landscape were the focus of a detailed archaeological survey aimed at recording remnant artifacts and features. The research project drew on historical documentation, archaeological remnants, and oral testimony in order to examine the cultural landscape. Int J Histor Archaeol (2013) 17:465–486 473 Fig. 3 Lot drawing of Mount Shamrock Intensive surveying carried out across approximately 3 ha in the northern part of the township yielded information particularly related to the residential and commercial areas of the settlement. The area was surveyed in transects designed to aid in the identification of potential structural features and individually significant items of material culture in a highly disturbed environment. Artifacts were recorded using a standardized classification table and features identified within transects were recorded at the same time. Features across the broader landscape, including the area surrounding the town lots and the industrial area on the mine hillside, were identified by pedestrian survey. All features were recorded using tachiometric surveying and/or GPS and standardised feature recording forms. 474 Int J Histor Archaeol (2013) 17:465–486 Township Area The artifacts primarily consist of structural (concrete, bricks, timber stumps, metal sheeting, sawn timber and alignments of stone) and domestic (ceramic and glass) components although many of the artifacts are degraded and very fragmented. There are also clear indications of roadways and ditches, together with some evidence of imported vegetation. Analysis of these various components has allowed identification of the distribution, location and size of some of the dwellings across the town flat, with block boundaries delineated by remnant fence lines (Figs. 4 and 5). Analysis of documentary and photographic evidence has allowed the linking of the remnant structural components to specific residences and businesses. The most evident were the Berrie’s Hotel, the residence of William Parry (mine manager in 1906), Fredrick Korn’s butcher shop, and the location of the “assembly rooms” constructed around the early 1900s (see Fig. 4). There are a range of identifiable artifacts including ceramics, glassware, a sewing machine component, clock workings, pieces of harmonica, tools, furnishings, and pieces of writing slates and slate pencils. The ceramics found include identifiable pieces of tableware, some with transfer-printed patterns and bone china with overglaze gilding. There are also a range of personal artifacts including buttons, beads, a thimble and fragments of clay smoking pipes. As a result of site formation processes, the domestic evidence appears to be less clearly linked to particular places than the structural evidence. Interestingly, tools related to construction and agricultural activity were found relatively intact and reasonably abundantly within the survey area and these included carpentry tools, ploughshares, rakes, and even evidence of carting. Together with Fig. 4 Features distributed across the township of Mount Shamrock Int J Histor Archaeol (2013) 17:465–486 475 Fig. 5 Survey of township remnants at Mount Shamrock identified vegetation, structural components, remnant fence lines and domestic artefacts, view looking south. Photo courtesy Nick Burrell documentary evidence of the subsequent use of the land and the dispersal of people locally into agriculture, these artifacts point to a crossover in labor, with activities at Mount Shamrock not solely mine-related but also including a number of land-related labors. This aligns with Lawrence’s (1998, p. 48) suggestion that at Dolly’s Creek in Victoria miners supplemented their income with farming activities. Across the broader town landscape, larger features have been identified including fence lines, drains and roads. The school reserve, situated on the hill on the western side of the southern portion of the township, contains corner posts of the school building, together with evidence of an outhouse and extensive remnant fence line (presumably that erected in 1910) (Public Instruction Department 1896– 1939). Limited artifactual material has been found in this area although evidence of a dump was found in the gully on the northwestern edge of the school reserve. Although the remainder of the southern part of the town is now under cultivation, inspection indicated that farm tracks and fence lines follow the original lines of roadways. A number of other artifacts including rails, boiler plates, industrial-styled fixing brackets, and a number of pieces of heavy gauge plate metal, all probably sourced from the industrial area, were also found across the township area, suggesting utilization of materials from the mines to supplement requirements in the town. This included the presence of at least 20 furnace bricks clearly taken from the industrial area. A number of features relating to mining were also visible from the town flat, including mine shafts, mullock heaps, and trackways. These features and 476 Int J Histor Archaeol (2013) 17:465–486 artifacts are a clear manifestation of an integrated landscape where the mine and town are inextricably linked. Industrial Area There was better preservation of features in the industrial area with a range of foundations, earthworks and building remnants being identified. Industrial artifacts were primarily found on the hillside north of the township and were distributed unevenly across the industrial survey area (approximately 12 ha). The archaeological context shows the spatial and temporal extent of mining and processing, with traces of different phases of operation identifiable, and supported by documentation such as plans, extending from the 1890s through to the 1930s (Mate 2010). Mining remnants include the presence of an adit at Kent’s Knob, and the original open cut “glory hole,” main shaft, and haul adit for the Mount Shamrock mine. In all, ten shafts and adits have been identified, spread over the hillside, serving to demonstrate the proximity and relative distribution of the mines (Fig. 6). The archaeological remnants of processing areas are also spread across the hillside with the most prominent features being a stone chimney and associated flue, substantial equipment foundations and several tanks. At the creek crossing at the base of the hill, a number of features related to the first machine area (established in 1887) were located. These included the prominent stone chimney of a furnace (Fig. 7), a rectangular cutting and associated structural remnants interpreted as the site of the first stamper battery, and a highly disturbed area with broken concrete and metal artifacts believed to be the remnants of associated processing equipment foundations. The structural remnants of the Assay Office were also identified; with key indicators including a paved floor, two small furnaces, the bases of assay crucibles, and glass from chemical storage containers. The brick-paved floor of a second building adjacent to the Assay Office was also recorded in detail. Closer inspection revealed that this floor is not paved entirely but is intermingled with drains and bare patches of earth. The structure was labeled as a store on a later plan of the mining lease, but the pattern of paving suggests it may previously have been used as the working floor of a chlorination or precipitation plant. Evidence of the presence of chlorination vats was found adjacent to this area in 1994 by Michael Pearson, but these appear to have been destroyed by recent earthworks for a large dam. The remnants of a later phase of operation (ca.1902) are the most substantial still extant at Mount Shamrock. These are located further up the hillside from the early battery site. Remains include a boiler (Fig. 8), foundations for a steam powered engine, substantial foundations for crushing and milling including the concrete foundations of a stamper battery, and wooden foundations of equipment for gravity separation and concentration, together with remnants of the building itself (Fig. 9). There are also two large round concrete cyanide tanks, together with an associated feed tank and a smaller boiler. Additional cyanide tanks established in the early 1900s, and likely to have been for the treatment of tailings, were found on the banks of the nearby creek. The remnants here include the tanks Int J Histor Archaeol (2013) 17:465–486 477 Fig. 6 Distribution of industrial remnants at Mount Shamrock themselves, cyanide tailings, and earthworks and structural remnants indicating the location of the charge ramp and boiler. A number of additional features were identified across the entire industrial area, including several cuttings for auxiliary buildings, a small limestone kiln, and extensive tracks between features (see Fig. 6). In particular the haul-way from the main adit to the original battery site is still intact; however the haul-way from the main shaft to the upper stamper battery site has been obscured by recent earthworks. These remnant features present a mining landscape that highlights the importance of considering the entirety of a site, not just the prominent features such as mine shafts and stamper batteries. The landscape and the wide range of features allow investigation of the way mining and processing areas worked together, demonstrating the proximity and relationships between components. Further, the richness of the record demonstrates the possibility of considerations that extend from these features into the broader landscape. For example, the presence of the assay office leads to consideration of the movement of gold; and the stores and lime kilns link to transport and supply of chemicals and other consumables. These types of analyses can provide a more 478 Int J Histor Archaeol (2013) 17:465–486 Fig. 7 Remnants of a stone furnace located in the industrial area of Mount Shamrock textured picture of work at a mine and prompt consideration of the leviathan that mining was—consuming wood, ore, chemicals, and people, with a hive of activity and movement that occupied the entire landscape and extended to the township. A Symbiosis of Town and Mine Mount Shamrock was a gold mining town that continued in existence for 50 years. In that time, many people moved to Mount Shamrock. Mostly they were locals trying to Fig. 8 In situ boiler, with traces of foundations, brickwork and flues visible Int J Histor Archaeol (2013) 17:465–486 479 Fig. 9 Building and foundation remnants for grinding mills, a steam engine and feeder tanks from major mineral processing area of Mount Shamrock make a living on the goldfield either by mining or by supplying miners with goods or services. However, Mount Shamrock did not clearly conform to the narrative of a gold rush town with miners moving from deposit to deposit. Instead there were a range of different stories highlighting the more intricate networks and personal arrangements of the residents that extended over half a century. Compliance with social requirements influenced decisions about the township—the need for education, law enforcement, religious observance, and adherence to legislation related to mining and land were all acted upon by the residents. Women working in the community (for example as store keepers and midwives), the attendance at school by children, social networks within the community that encompassed miners, teachers, store owners and managers, and even marriages between families, all contributed to the cultural landscape and made up the context of Mount Shamrock. Permanence The relative permanence of mining settlements has long been attributed to the type of mine and the size of the deposit; however there are often other factors at play. In his examination of the Mountain Street site in Sydney, Sneddon (2006, p. 1) argued against a revisionist approach to slums “that reflects the ‘brighter side’ of living in abject poverty.” In particular he suggests that in trying to avoid one stereotype (that of a life of unremitting poverty), alternative interpretations of the archaeological evidence as suggesting a life with “a degree of comfort” still serve to mask the 480 Int J Histor Archaeol (2013) 17:465–486 complexities of life in nineteenth century urban slums (Sneddon 2006, p. 5). The same desire to emphasize the economic drive of gold mining has led to an emphasis on the transience of alluvial mining towns and the permanence of towns associated with hard-rock mining. Yet a straight correlation between type of deposit and relative longevity of a settlement fails to take into account other factors that influence the permanency of a place. At one time a proportion of the population of Mount Shamrock moved to other mining communities, although there was still a viable “hard-rock” deposit at Mount Shamrock. Conversely, in later years people continued to live at Mount Shamrock in the face of variable income and a distinct lack of continuity of employment from the mine. This suggests two things: that they were able to make a living other than through mining alone, and that the establishment and continuity of the settlement was based on more than just the presence of a long term payable ore body. Mount Shamrock was by no means a permanent and continuous operation bringing stability to the workforce. Although it was a viable hard-rock mine, in some ways the mining operations were as transient as those of the alluvial mines on the Palmer River in North Queensland. The ebb and flow of operations at Mount Shamrock was affected by a number of factors. The discovery of gold at Paradise, the availability of capital, management decisions by a remote board, decisions of less experienced mine managers, the attitude and availability of the owners, and even climate all influenced the productivity of the mine. These factors made for fluctuations in population and employment. It is therefore apparent that the type of ore body is not the only factor influencing the degree of permanence in a mining settlement. One factor in the establishment and longevity of the town was the demographic makeup. As the historical evidence from Mount Shamrock shows, there were not just miners in this mining town; there were people who ran stores and hotels, people who were employed as carters and farmhands. The presence of women and children is attested to by both documentary evidence and artifacts—evidence that points to a range of occupations and family arrangements for the female residents. There were a range of single women living with their families or boarding with married couples, married women with and without their husbands, common law wives, and widows. Children ranging in age from infants to those about to reach their majority were active in the town, attending school and Sunday school, fetching water, running errands, taking piano lessons and so on. Men also lived under a variety of arrangements from married life and common-law relationships to boarding and bachelorhood. The range of domestic arrangements meant that, while not impossible, geographic mobility was more complex. Artifacts found across the town flat also demonstrate an established town with an array of domestic facilities, and access to consumables and domestic paraphernalia typical of late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Queensland—a material culture indicative of social awareness and showing Mount Shamrock to be a settled place. Archaeological evidence such as agricultural tools further suggests that the miners themselves not only took part in mining activities but carried out agricultural undertakings as well. In fact, many of the residents of Mount Shamrock moved into farming at the end of the gold boom. This meant that the mine was not the only focus of the community. Mining was the context of the town and it impinged on everyone’s life, but it was not the sole occupation. Int J Histor Archaeol (2013) 17:465–486 481 The residents of Mount Shamrock formed a community that existed long beyond the success of the mine. Knapp (1998, p. 5) suggests that mining communities formed a “skilled self aware community of miners (which) persisted well beyond the span of any specific rush site,” specifically identifying moveable communities that continued from one mining settlement to the next mine site. This idea of a community beyond one specific location or body of ore could be further enhanced by consideration of not just the context of mining but also the social context of the community. The community of Mount Shamrock, reflecting this persistence, continued beyond the life of the mine, expanding to encompass the new town of Paradise, whilst Mount Shamrock still continued in existence in reduced circumstances. The ongoing movement of people between Paradise and Mount Shamrock suggests not only a continuity of community but clear attachments to place. This extended even further throughout the life of Mount Shamrock with connections to the mining settlements of Chowey, Gebangle, Paradise, Biggenden, and Mount Steadman over time. The community of Mount Shamrock continued, even after mining finally ended, with residents staying in the district, turning to farming and local business, and even continuing, albeit dispersed, in a form of the community today (Prangnell and Mate 2011). It is therefore possible to revisit what constitutes permanence in a mining town: to people who remained at Mount Shamrock, changes in occupation did not necessarily reflect impermanence, just a shift of focus. Administrative and Social Framework The residents of Mount Shamrock were operating under an overarching social and administrative framework that affected their choices. Yet at the same time they still made their own decisions, even when they were miles from officialdom: for example the location of the town itself, individual land lots, and even the size and shapes of land lots, were all decisions made by residents of the town, often with family networks influencing the lots chosen. These choices are illuminated by identifying the influences on, and the decisions made by, people in establishing their dwellings, laying out their towns and appropriating or allocating space for activities. From these changes or actions we may be able to distil elements of the cultural “landscape” of nineteenth-century mining towns. Archaeological evidence of the boundaries of residential lots and the location of residences and buildings reflect the surveyed town lots, yet documentary evidence points to the establishment of lots well before formal surveying. In 1902, people were claiming Miners Homestead Leases on areas already occupied, where dwellings were largely already in place and had been there for some time (Lands Department 1890– 1933). Despite the lack of formal lease agreements and surveying (Vaughan 1902, p. 96), people were obviously making decisions about size, position and orientation of their blocks that largely complied with legislated requirements. Residents at Mount Shamrock clearly operated within and had an understanding of land regulations, long before their leases were granted. Even in the earliest days of the mine, residents were careful to comply with mine lease and business license requirements. The mining warden visited irregularly but had the power to undo any lease arrangements. 482 Int J Histor Archaeol (2013) 17:465–486 Therefore it was in the best interests of the residents to comply with legislated requirements. Cultural mores regarding the structuring of space also influenced the layout of the town: the parceling of land (lots that restrict access to other than the owners); defined areas of activity (administration, mining, position of the school, residential areas, and areas for distasteful activities, such as the location of the dumps); and the influence of topography on the situation of the town (Mate 2010) all affected the final appearance. The adherence to an accepted “pattern” or form for a mining town and investment in “infrastructure” such as schools would have further emphasized ideas of permanence at Mount Shamrock. However other mining towns such as Paradise, while having equivalent or better facilities had a much shorter existence. The social framework of the township was another element of the context of Mount Shamrock. Although it has been suggested that miners in nineteenth century Australia occupied the top tier of the working classes (Thorpe 1996, pp. 146–149), access to land and the opportunity to accrue wealth from either mining or business meant that there was an opportunity for some degree of social mobility for residents of Mount Shamrock. As has been argued elsewhere (Mate 2010; Prangnell and Mate 2011), relationships between different groups associated by links of family or friendship formed an additional social structure that appears to have occurred in the hierarchical framework. Manipulation of social identity may also have been in part the motivator of activities such as membership of the school council, a form of selfpromotion through which individuals strived by their behavior to alter their perceived class. Active participation in the running of the school may be seen as a form of conformance to cultural standards, part of the rules of society for those of a higher status; a community had a school and one had to actively participate in that endeavor. Other elements of the conduct of residents suggest a desire to promote a civilized appearance for the town, a desirable and settled place, through activities such as the organization of committees for reading rooms, and temperance societies. Ideas about “proper accommodations,” such as those provided in the parlour of Hugh Cairns’ hotel (Maryborough Chronicle 1887), were readily expressed and illustrate not only the desire of residents to put down roots and establish themselves in a particular class but also the promotion of a settled appearance. It is also clear from the archaeological evidence that the residents intended to settle, rather than seeing themselves as part of an ephemeral mining town, and their intention was one of social rather than geographic mobility. Clearance of land, the provision of extensive fencing, stumps-and-brick instead of earth-packed floors all point to an intention of permanency. Some of the earliest settlers quickly established substantial dwellings, which argues further for an intention of permanence. The presence of artifacts such as ceramic, glass, and pieces of metal fireplace also demonstrate that the residents had a range of material culture that was more appropriate for a settled existence than that of a mobile workforce (Hardesty 1998, p. 84). Lawrence (1998, 2000) has argued that residents of Dolly’s Creek took care with decoration and furnishing, and used a range of domestic objects such as ceramics and decorative glassware in an attempt to conform to ideals of a respectable home, despite living under canvas. The residents of Mount Shamrock also created a relatively stable, permanent settlement. They used material culture in the construction of identity, being active participants in establishing their community. Int J Histor Archaeol (2013) 17:465–486 483 An Integrated Landscape At Mount Shamrock, the access to town lots in the form of Miners Homestead Leases provides a ready point to emphasize the integration of industry and settlement. The mine permeated everything about life at Mount Shamrock—it provided money to live and land to live on, it influenced how many children attended the school, provided construction material to build houses in the town and the miners themselves gave life to social events and activities (Bilbrough, An Extract from the Diary of Elsie Bilbrough: First Teacher at Mount Shamrock, 1890–1892, unpublished; E. Bayntun pers. comm., descendant of Mount Shamrock family). The influences of industry on social identity were seen through the access to income and opportunities to grow financially from tribute miners to shareholders (Mate 2008) and from miners to mine owners, allowing a degree of social mobility. The movement of people across the landscape to other mining towns in the local district and their subsequent return to Mount Shamrock, highlights not only an attachment to place but also that industry did play a role in the social networks. The importance of the mine as the major source of employment at Mount Shamrock and the self-identification of residents as living in a mining town all reinforce the view that industry and township were inextricably linked. Neither were the town and mine separated in people’s everyday interactions: material from the industrial area pervaded the town and the pathways used. Mining added another dimension of noise, smell and activity to the environment on the town flat, a sense-scape of mining and processing that people lived in. The mine was a source of constant noise from sirens to steam engines; timber and mullock heaps were highly visible; and even the smell of chemicals used in processing would have drifted through the township at times. The environment was also influenced by the industry as vegetation was stripped to make space for the settlement and mining activities and timber was taken for buildings and to supply boilers. Supplies for the mine and its products constantly moved through and around the town and parts of the landscape overlapped, including routeways and waterways. Even the paths to the mine meant that miners would have walked to and from work along the main street of town. The town and the mine, in a symbiotic relationship across a shared landscape, cannot be disengaged. Conclusion There is little doubt that the cultural landscape of Mount Shamrock was integrally bound up with the mine. This landscape however does not fit the stereotype of rough, basic and transient nineteenth-century gold mining towns. Instead archaeological research has provided a picture of relative permanence, adding to our understanding of gold mining in Queensland. This paper has emphasized three points in particular: that longevity of a mining settlement is not just related to deposit size and type but is influenced by a number of factors; that the landscape of mine and settlement are irrevocably integrated through space, activity, senses and material; and that people in nineteenth-century gold mining settlements operated within social and administrative frameworks that contributed to a sense of permanence in the settlement. 484 Int J Histor Archaeol (2013) 17:465–486 Acknowledgments Thanks to Dr. Jon Prangnell and Professor Ian Lilley for overview of this project, to Dr Karen Murphy for comments on early versions of this paper, and to the referees for their constructive suggestions. Thanks also to the Berrie family for all their kind assistance, for access to Mount Shamrock and their valuable personal communications, the Bayntun family for access to their family history research including oral histories, and to all the fieldwork volunteers. References Alfrey, J., and Clark, C. (1993). The landscape of industry: Patterns of change in the Ironbridge Gorge, Routledge, London. Anonymous (1900). Mount Shamrock Mine. Queensland Government Mining Journal 1: 48. Ball, L. C. (1901). Stanton-Harcourt Diggings and the Mount Shamrock Mine, Queensland Geological Survey, Brisbane. Bell, P. (1984). Timber and iron: Houses in North Queensland Mining Settlements, 1861–1920, University of Queensland Press, St Lucia, Queensland. Bell, P. (1987). Gold, iron and steam: The industrial archaeology of the Palmer Goldfields, James Cook University Press, Townsville, Queensland. Bell, P. (1998). The fabric and structure of Australian mining settlements. In Knapp, A. B., Pigott, V. C., and Herbert, E. W. (eds.), Social approaches to an industrial past: The archaeology and anthropology of mining, Routledge, London, pp. 27–38. Bell, P. (2010). Reply from a straw person in Paradise. Australasian Historical Archaeology 28: 85–87. Byrne, D. (2003). Nervous landscapes: Race and space in Australia. Journal of Social Archaeology 3: 169–193. Casella, E. C. (2005). “Social workers”: New directions in industrial archaeology. In Casella, E. C., and Symonds, J. (eds.), Industrial archaeology: Future directions, Springer, New York, pp. 3–31. Casella, E. C. (2006). Transplanted technologies and rural relics: Australian industrial archaeology and questions that matter. Australasian Historical Archaeology 24: 65–75. Charlton, F. J. (1902). The Wide Bay and Burnett Districts Queensland. Geographical Journal 18: 69–88. Delle, J. A. (1998). An archaeology of social space: Analysing coffee plantations in Jamaica’s Blue Mountains, Plenum, New York. Dunstan, B. (1913). Queensland mineral index and guide, Queensland Geological Survey, Brisbane. Gibbs, M. (1997). Landscapes of meaning: Joseph Lucas Horrocks and the Gwalia Estate, Northampton. Studies in Western Australian History 17: 35–60. Godwin, L., and L’Oste-Brown, S. (2002). A past remembered: Aboriginal “historical” places in Central Queensland. In Harrison, R., and Williamson, C. (eds.), After Captain Cook: The archaeology of the recent Indigenous past in Australia, University of Sydney, Sydney, Archaeological Computing Laboratory, pp. 191–212. Hardesty, D. (1998). Power and the industrial mining community in the American West. In Knapp, A. B., Pigott, V. C., and Herbert, E. W. (eds.), Social approaches to an industrial past: The archaeology and anthropology of mining, Routledge, London, pp. 81–96. Harrison, R. (2002). Shared histories and the archaeology of the pastoral industry in Australia. In Harrison, R., and Williamson, C. (eds.), After Captain Cook: The archaeology of the recent indigenous past in Australia, University of Sydney, Sydney, Archaeological Computing Laboratory, pp. 37–58. Harrison, R. (2004). Shared landscapes: Archaeologies of attachment and the pastoral industry in New South Wales, University of New South Wales Press, Sydney. Head, L. (2000). Cultural landscapes and environmental change, Hodder Headline Group, London. Hill, W. R. O. (1890). Gayndah Goldfields. Annual Report for the Department of Mines 1890: 73–74. Jackman, G. (1995). ‘No good is to be found in granite’: Aspects of the social maintenance of mining concepts on Blue Tier Tin-Field, Tasmania. Australasian Historical Archaeology 13: 49–58. Johnson, M. (2007). Ideas of landscape, Blackwell, Malden, MA. Knapp, A. B. (1998). Social approaches to the archaeology and anthropology of mining. In Knapp, A. B., Pigott, V. C., and Herbert, E. W. (eds.), Social approaches to an industrial past: The archaeology and anthropology of mining, Routledge, London, pp. 1–23. Lands Department (1890–1933). Miners Homestead Leases, Biggenden. Queensland State Archives Item ID 173939, Brisbane. Lawrence, S. (1995). No abiding city: The archaeology and history of an ephemeral mining settlement. Doctoral dissertation, Latrobe University, Melbourne. Int J Histor Archaeol (2013) 17:465–486 485 Lawrence, S. (1998). Gender and community structure on Australian colonial goldfields. In Knapp, A. B., Pigott, V. C., and Herbert, E. W. (eds.), Social approaches to an industrial past: The archaeology and anthropology of mining, Routledge, London, pp. 39–58. Lawrence, S. (2000). Dolly’s Creek: An archaeology of a Victorian goldfields community, Melbourne University Press, Melbourne. Lawrence, S. (2001). After the gold rush: Material culture and settlement on Victoria’s central goldfields. In McCalman, I., Cook, A., and Reeves, A. (eds.), Gold: Forgotten histories and lost objects of Australia, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 250–266. Lawrence, S. (2004). Landscapes of industry: archaeology of mining in Australia. In Murray, T. (ed.), Archaeology from Australia, Australian Scholarly Publishing, Melbourne, pp. 55–70. Lawrence, S. (2005). Colonisation in the industrial age: The landscape of the Australian gold rush. In Casella, E. C., and Symonds, J. (eds.), Industrial archaeology: Future directions, Springer, New York, pp. 279–298. Lightfoot, K. G., Martinez, A., and Schiffer, A. M. (1998). Daily practice and material culture in pluralistic social settings: An archaeological study of culture change and persistence from Fort Ross, California. American Antiquity 63: 199–223. Loyau, G. E. (1897). The history of Maryborough and Wide Bay and Burnett Districts from the year 1850 to 1895, Pole, Outridge, Brisbane. Maryborough Chronicle (1886a). Mount Shamrock: From our correspondent. July 17. Maryborough Chronicle (1886b). Mount Shamrock Gold Discovery. July 14. Maryborough Chronicle (1886c). Local News. July 30. Maryborough Chronicle (1886d). Local News. July 17. Maryborough Chronicle (1886e). Mount Shamrock: From our correspondent. July 24. Maryborough Chronicle (1886f). Local News. July 27. Maryborough Chronicle (1887). Mount Shamrock: From our correspondent. June 23. Maryborough Chronicle (1897). The Mount Shamrock Mine. November 2. Maryborough, Wide Bay and Burnett Historical Society (1976). A history of Maryborough, 1842–1976, Wide Bay and Burnett Historical Society, Maryborough. Mate, G. (2008). “A nice bar of gold”: Social influences on the technologies of historic gold mining. Paper presented at the 6th World Archaeological Congress, Dublin. Mate, G. (2010). Mining the landscape: Finding the social in the industrial through an archaeology of the landscapes of Mount Shamrock. Doctoral dissertation, University of Queensland, Brisbane. Mayne, A. (2003). Hill End: An historic Australian goldfields landscape, Melbourne University Press, Carlton, Victoria. McGowan, B. (1992). Aspects of gold mining and mining communities in the Shoalhaven area of New South Wales: An archaeological and historical study. Australasian Historical Archaeology 10: 43–54. McGowan, B. (1996). The typology and techniques of alluvial mining: The example of the Shoalhaven and Mongarlowe Goldfields in southern New South Wales. Australasian Historical Archaeology 14: 34–45. McGowan, B. (2001). Mullock heaps and tailing mounds: Environmental effects of alluvial goldmining. In McCalman, I., Cook, A., and Reeves, A. (eds.), Gold: Forgotten histories and lost objects of Australia, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 85–100. Menghetti, D. (2005). Invention and innovation in the Australian non-ferrous mining industry: Whose technology? Australian Economic History Review 45: 204–219. Metheny, K. (2002). The landscape of industry and the negotiation of place: An archaeological study of worker agency in a Pennsylvania coal company town, 1891–1947, Boston University, Boston, Doctoral dissertation. Mines Department (1914). General Correspondence, Mine –Mount Shamrock Field. Queensland State Archives Item ID 275198, Brisbane. Mining Warden Biggenden (1886–1907). Registers of claims for goldfields - Mining Warden, Paradise/ Biggenden. Queensland State Archives Item ID 84839, Brisbane. Morey, M. (1901). Paradise and Mount Shamrock fields. Annual Report for the Department of Mines 1901: 100. Murray, J. A. (1933). Maryborough and Biggenden. Annual Report for the Department of Mines 1933: 100–103. Murray, J. A. (1935). Maryborough and Biggenden. Annual Report for the Department of Mines 1935: 109–111. Paterson, A. (2005a). Early pastoral landscapes and culture contact in central Australia. Historical Archaeology 39(3): 28–48. 486 Int J Histor Archaeol (2013) 17:465–486 Paterson, A. (2005b). Historical interactions between Aborigines and European pastoralists in Australia’s drylands. In Smith, M., and Hesse, P. (eds.), 23° S: Archaeology and environmental history of the southern deserts, National Museum of Australia Press, Canberra, pp. 267–280. Paterson, A. (2006). Towards an historical archaeology of Western Australia’s northwest. Australasian Historical Archaeology 24: 99–111. Pearson, M. (1994). Mining heritage places study: Stage 2B. southern and central Queensland. Heritage management conservation, Queensland Department of Environment and Heritage, Brisbane. Piddock, S. (2007). Slate, slate, everywhere slate: The cultural landscapes of Willunga slate quarries, South Australia. Australasian Historical Archaeology 25: 5–18. Police Department (1891). Mount Shamrock Police Station Files. Queensland State Archives Item ID 290287, Brisbane. Prangnell, J., Cheshire, L., and Quirk, K. (2005). Paradise: Life on a Queensland goldfield, University of Queensland Archaeological Services Unit and Burnett Water, St. Lucia, Queensland. Prangnell, J., and Mate, G. (2011). Kin, fictive kin and aspirational movement: Working class heritage of the Upper Burnett. International Journal of Heritage Studies 17(4): 318–330. Public Instruction Department (1896–1935). Statistical Returns Furnished by Head Teachers of Provisional and State Schools, Mount Shamrock School. Queensland State Archives Item ID 11158, Brisbane. Public Instruction Department (1896–1939). School Files (Correspondence) for State Schools, Mount Shamrock No.757 State School. Queensland State Archives Item ID 15567, Brisbane. Quirk, K. (2007). The Victorians in ‘Paradise’: Gentility as Social Strategy in the Archaeology of Colonial Australia, University of Queensland, Brisbane, Doctoral dissertation. Quirk, K. (2008). The colonial goldfields: Visions and revisions. Australasian Historical Archaeology 26: 13–20. Quirk, K. (2010). Reply to a “Straw Person in Paradise. Australasian Historical Archaeology 28: 88. Rands, W. H. (1886). Report on the Gold and Silver Deposits in the Neighbourhood of Mount Shamrock, Queensland Geological Survey, Brisbane. Sneddon, A. (2006). Seeing slums through rose coloured glasses. Australian Archaeology 63: 1–8. Strang, V. (1999). Competing perceptions of landscape in Kowanyama, North Queensland. In Ucko, P., and Layton, R. (eds.), The archaeology and anthropology of landscape: Shaping your landscape, Routledge, London, pp. 206–218. Thorpe, B. (1996). Colonial Queensland: Perspectives on a frontier society, University of Queensland Press, St. Lucia, Queensland. Towner, L. D. (1896). Paradise, Mount Shamrock and Mount Steadman fields. Annual Report for the Department of Mines 1896: 84–85. Vaughan, F. (1902). Paradise, Mount Shamrock and Mount Steadman fields. Annual Report for the Department of Mines 1902: 96. Wegner, J. (1995a). Croydon: Technology transfer on North Queensland Goldfield, 1885–1915. Doctoral dissertation, James Cook University, Townsville. Wegner, J. (1995b). Winding engines on the Croydon Goldfield: What the documents don’t say. Australasian Historical Archaeology 13: 11–17.