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2016, Journal of Educational and Social Research
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8 pages
1 file
Language teaching is an important device to expand and introduce culture to the other nations. Rule-governed structures are necessary for better understanding and learning of one language. This article aims at introducing the patterns of the structures of Persian simple sentences; moreover it describes these patterns with some examples from Persian to help the learners (especially non-native learners) have better understanding of them.
In this paper, we present a usage-based study to constituent ordering in Persian in line with studies on word order variations that take into account functional factors. The results of our empirical study, combining corpus-based and experimental data, goes against the widespread theoretical view of Persian’s phrase structure. More precisely, our results undermine the backbone argument put forward to support this view which consist of a broadly admitted claim regarding the relative order between objects in a ditransitive sentence. Persian is an SOV language with DOM triggered by definiteness and/or specificity and marked by the enclitic =rā, (1). This enclitic is also used as a topicalizer, placed in the initial position, beyond DO, (2). It should be noted that Persian do not formally mark nouns for definiteness, a single noun without any formal determination, ketāb, can receive two reading (except in the DO position): 1) bare noun, that is, a noun lacking any determination or quantification, nonspecific and under-specified for number, ‘a book, some books’; 2) definite noun ‘the book’. (Existential) indefiniteness is, however, formally marked by the determiner ye(k), ye ketāb, the enclitic =i, ketāb=i, or the combination of both, ye(k) ketāb=i, ‘a book’. Furthermore, disposing only of around 250 simplex verbs, verbal concepts are mainly expressed in Persian by complex predicates (cf. Samvelian 2012), that is the combination of a simplex verb and a non-verbal element, prototypically involving bare nouns (dars xāndan ‘to study’), (2). (1) a. Maryam ketāb xarid Marya book bought-3SG ‘Maryam bought a book/some books.’ b. Maryam ketāb=rā xarid Maryam book=DOM bought-3SG ‘Maryam bought the book.’ (2) tābestān=rā dars mi-xān-am summer=DOM lesson IPFV-read.PRS-3SG ‘Summer, I will study.’ Most theoretical studies, namely in the framework of the generative grammar, postulate a phrase structure for Persian reflecting a structural asymmetry between rā-marked and non-rā-marked DOs (e.g. Brown & E. Karimi 1994, Ghomeshi 1997, Karimi 2003, 2005). Despite their substantial difference, these studies posit two different positions, either base-generated or resulting from a movement, for rā-marked vs. non-rā-marked DOs, roughly represented in (3). Furthermore, they share the same methodological approach, based mainly, if not exclusively, on the authors (categorical) grammaticality judgments. (3) a. [VP DP[+rā] [V’ PP V]] b. [VP [V’ PP [V’ DP[-rā] V]]] Karimi (2005) provides the most thorough argumentation in favor of this analysis. Considering rā-marking a matter of specificity, the author assimilates non-rā-marked DOs, to bare nouns, minimizing their significant differences, and puts forward a number of observations suggesting syntactic and semantic asymmetries between rā-marked and bare DOs to support this analysis. Namely, the semantic incorporation of non-rā-DOs into the verb, similar to the combination involved in CPs, and their lack of (semantic and syntactic) autonomy contrary to rā-marked DOs, and the unmarked word order between the DO and the IO, which is, broadly assumed to follow the schema in (4). (4) a. DO[+rā] IO V b. IO DO[-rā] V Adopting a truly empirical approach, we have studied the relative order between the DO and IO in Persian in line with studies on word order preferences (e.g. Hawkins 1994, Arnold et al 2000, Yamashita & Chang 2001, Wasow 2002, Bresnan et al 2007). Including a preliminary multifactorial corpus study and follow up (off-line) psycholinguistic experiments conducted via web-based questionnaires, our study takes into account functional factors shown to play significant role in word order preferences cross-linguistically such as length, givenness, humanness, verbal lemma, via mixed-effect regression modeling. Most importantly, our results show that the oversimplifying dual classification of DOs based on markedness is flawed: in comparable context, while rā-marked DOs show a strong preference for the DO-IO order and bare DOs for the inverse, the picture is less clear-cut for in-between DOs. In one hand, indefinite/quantified (non-rā-marked DOs) - contrary to what is expected by the theory - show a clear preference, although moderate, for the DO-IO order, grouping with rā-¬marked DOs. In the other, bare DOs carrying adjuncts, show a much less strong preference for the IO-DO order. More generally, extra-syntactic factors such as relative length and humanness show up to play a significant role. Indeed, ordering preferences between the DO and the IO, rather than being dichotomous, are best reflected by a continuum based on the degree of determination of the DO - closely related to its discourse accessibility (cf. Gundel et al. 1993) - as well as other (functional) factors related to the conceptual accessibility, such as relative length (cf. Yamashita & Chang 2001) and humanness. Furthermore, examining all other arguments put forward, we conclude that there is no empirical ground for positing two syntactic positions for the DO. Accordingly, the dual phrase structure analysis for Persian that provides wrong predictions with respect to the unmarked word order is refuted. This study thus highlights the importance of using empirically solid methods in theoretical syntax.
2009
SIL bibliography listing for A study of Persian discourse structure.
This paper addresses Persian Complex Predicates (CPs) from an Applied/Pedagogical Construction Grammar (PCxG) stance. PCxG is an approach to foreign language pedagogy that emphasises the importance of constructions (form-meaning pairings), which are patterns of words and grammatical structures that have meaning beyond the sum of their individual parts. According to Goldberg (2006: 3), it is 'an attempt to describe language in a way that is both descriptively accurate and pedagogically useful'. Persian CPs are multi-word predicates comprised of twenty so-called light verbs and a nonverbal element (noun, adjective, adverb, preposition, verbal particle, complex noun, noun plus adverb) forming a single conceptual unit (e.g. pakhsh kardan, lit. scatteredADJ do, 'to spread'; and charkh zadan, lit. wheelN hit, 'to stroll'). Persian CPs present a compelling challenge to linguistics due to their lexical and phrasal properties. For example, they can undergo derivational processes, but they are also syntactically separable by the negation prefix, future auxiliary, or the direct object clitics. In this study, I argue that for teaching Persian CPs to English speakers a PCxG approach can be construed as a multidisciplinary effort aiming to elicit those aspects of Construction Grammar (CxG) that can be tied in more explicitly with Applied Linguistics, teacher education, and foreign language pedagogy. Pakzadian, M. (2024). Persian (Farsi) Complex Predicates from an Applied Cognitive Construction Grammar Stance. Cahiers du Centre de Linguistique et des Sciences du Langage, n 68, 171-198.
International Journal of Linguistics, 2012
Prepositional phrases may take different roles in Persian sentences as independent constituents. They can also act as constituents dependent to nominal, adjectival and adverbial phrases. Role and Reference Grammar presents a general classification of prepositional phrases. This classification is applied to prepositional phrases in Persian in this paper. In this theory, prepositions are categorized as either predicative or non-predicative. The former provides semantic information for the clause in which it occurs. The latter bear no semantic information for the clause and the nominal phrase occurring with them is determined by the predicate.The prepositional phrases are also classified into three groups of adjunct prepositional phrases, argument-marking, and argument-adjunct. In the first group, the predicative prepositions as heads, take the syntactic adjunct position. In the second group, the non-predicative prepositions don't add substantial semantic information to the clause and the nominal phrase occurring with them is determined by the predicate. It means that the prepositional phrase is one of the arguments of the predicate. The third group contains predicative prepositions that add to the meaning of the sentence. In addition, argument-adjunct prepositional phrases introduce one of the participants in the event. This study demonstrates that the prepositional phrases in Persian have different functions. They not only take an adjunctive role but also act as argument for the predicates of different kinds
The Oxford Handbook of Persian Linguistics, 2018
This chapter is devoted to three specific features of Persian syntax, namely, the Ezafe construction, differential object marking with the enclitic râ, and complex predicates, which have received a great deal of attention for more than thirty years. Each of these phenomena involves language-specific challenging facts which need to be accurately described and accounted for. At the same time, each constitutes a topic of cross-linguistic investigation for which the Persian data can be of crucial interest. The chapter is divided into three sections. Each section provides an overview of empirical facts and the way various theoretical studies have tried to account for them. While it was impossible to do justice to all influential studies because of the impressive amount of work on each topic, the article is nevertheless intended to be as exhaustive as possible and to maintain the balance between different theoretical approaches.
The purpose of this synopsis is to facilitate the learning of the Ottoman Turkish language by offering the learner a synoptical overview of those elements of the Persian language that he or she is likely to encounter while studying with a textbook. It is mainly focused on two grammar points which are most prominent in Ottoman: on the so called izafet-construction (a genitival or appositional type of noun-adjective or noun-noun phrase untypical of Turkish left-branching syntax, but abundantly employed in Ottoman and other languages with a strong Persian influence, e. g. Urdu) and on word-formation. Persian compound word make up lot of Ottoman vocabulary, especially in the vocabulary of Divan-poetry. The leaner can of course always consult the dictionary while reading texts as compound words are usually listed as separate entries, yet reading comprehension and vocabulary acquisition can be effectively facilitated by learning the most common formative elements and understanding their underlying grammatical form. I have benefited from the exhaustive lists of Persian formative elements provided by Buğday, Kissling and Develi. The formative elements have been rearranged according to function or semantic field and supplemented with information on the underlying verbal form, which should facilitate the learning process. This synopsis (Persian grammatical elements in Ottoman) is part of a series of upcoming Ottoman Turkish language learning materials (on Ottoman script, Arabic grammatical elements in Ottoman, Turkic grammatical elements in Ottoman, Divan-poetry vocabulary worksheets, Ottoman metrics …) which is intended to supplement the basic study with a textbook by giving the learner a synoptic, to-the-point overview of certain aspects of the Ottoman language.
Stony Brook University Dissertation , 2018
In this dissertation, adopting Rizzi’s (1997) Split-CP hypothesis, I provide a unified account for various elliptical structures in Persian on the basis of the interaction between information structure and ellipsis licensing feature bundles. I argue that ellipsis is constrained by information structure, in particular topic and focus. Only the elements that carry contrastive topic or contrastive focus features can survive ellipsis while the other elements are elided under identity with their corresponding elements in the antecedent clause. I discuss Merchant’s (2001) theory of ellipsis, in which the elements that survive ellipsis have a focus feature, and show that his approach cannot account for the Persian data. I argue that it is contrast that saves elements from being elided. To account for elliptical constructions in Persian, I propose the Contrast Condition on Ellipsis, which has three conditions: i) Ellipsis Condition: ellipsis is possible only in contexts in which an element in a sentence involving ellipsis contrasts with its corresponding element in the antecedent clause, ii) Identity Condition on the Remnant: the element that survives ellipsis must be in a contrastive relationship with its correlate and they must have identical information structure, and iii) Identity Condition on the Elided Elements: an element can be elided only if it is identical to its corresponding element in the antecedent clause. Regarding licensing ellipsis, I propose that ellipsis in Persian is licensed by the heads that have a focus feature, i.e. Foc(us) head, Pol(arity) head and Int(errogative) head. The proposed licensing heads are the result of the restrictions on the feature bundles that are possible in Persian. The [E] feature (Merchant 2001), which licenses the deletion of its complement at the PF level, can bundle with i) a strong uninterpretable contrastive focus [ConF] feature, [E, uConF*], ii) a strong uninterpretable [wh] feature, [E, uwh*], and iii) an uninterpretable [Pol] feature, [E, uPol].The [uConF*] and [uwh*] features trigger the movement of the elements with interpretable [wh] and [ConF] features out of the phrase that is specified for deletion. On the other hand, the [uPol] feature is satisfied by having a polarity marker in the Spec of PolP. The polarity marker can be affirmative or negative, depending on the polarity of the preceding clause. Based on the proposed theory, I study various elliptical structures in Persian. In chapters 2 and 3, I provide an in depth analysis of Verb-stranding and Stripping constructions with negation, respectively. In chapter 4, I provide an overview of Why-stripping, What-stripping, Cherā-stripping, Gapping, Sluicing, Fragment Answers, and Noun Phrase Ellipsis.
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