John Dewey and the Logical Empiricist Unity of Science1
John Dewey e a Unidade Lógico-Empirista da Ciência
Ivan Ferreira da Cunha
Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina – UFSC
[email protected]
Abstract: The idea that there is a scientific way to deal with the problems of
everyday life and the idea that such scientific way must be propagated and
taught to the people, so that society may be improved, are central to the
thought of John Dewey. These ideas are also at the core of the International
Encyclopedia of Unified Science – a project that was advanced in the nineteenthirties by the group of philosophers known as the Vienna Circle, or logical
empiricists. Dewey made two contributions to that encyclopedia. However,
some years later, mainly in co-authorship with Arthur Bentley, he presented
a strong criticism of the points of view defended by members of that group
and their associates, such as Rudolf Carnap and Charles Morris. The present
article seeks to show this conflict, explaining the aims of the logical empiricist
encyclopedia as well as Dewey’s contributions and criticisms to it. Accordingly,
this paper aims at reappraising the points of view involved, showing that
Dewey was not right in his criticisms and that the idea of placing pragmatism
and logical empiricism in continuity with each other should be seriously
considered, given the objectives of both schools of thought.
Key words: John Dewey. Logical Empiricism. Philosophy of Logic. Philosophy
of Science.
Resumo: A ideia de que há um jeito científico de lidar com os problemas da vida
cotidiana e a ideia de que tal jeito científico deve ser divulgado e ensinado às
pessoas, de modo a melhorar a sociedade, são centrais no pensamento de John
Dewey. Tais ideias estão também no núcleo da International Encyclopedia
of Unified Science – um projeto desenvolvido na década de 1930 pelo grupo
de filósofos conhecidos como o Círculo de Viena, ou lógico-empiristas. Dewey
fez duas contribuições a essa enciclopédia. Porém, alguns anos depois,
principalmente em co-autoria com Arthur Bentley, ele apresentou uma forte
crítica aos pontos de vista defendidos pelos membros daquele grupo e seus
associados, tais como Rudolf Carnap e Charles Morris. O presente artigo procura
mostrar esse conflito, explicando os objetivos da enciclopédia lógico-empirista,
assim como as contribuições e críticas feitas por Dewey a tal obra. Dessa forma,
este artigo visa a reavaliar os pontos de vista envolvidos, mostrando que Dewey
não estava certo em suas críticas e que a ideia de colocar o pragmatismo e o
empirismo lógico em continuidade um com o outro deveria ser considerada
seriamente, dados os objetivos das duas escolas de pensamento.
Palavras-chave: John Dewey. Empirismo Lógico. Filosofia da Lógica. Filosofia
da Ciência.
1
This paper was written during the author’s doctoral course at UFSC, in Brazil, with a
research stage at the University of Pennsylvania, USA, financed by CAPES foundation.
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Introduction
John Dewey had a relation with the Unity of Science Movement which could be
described as unusual. The movement was organized in the late nineteen-thirties by
former members of the Vienna Circle of Logical Empiricists, such as Rudolf Carnap,
Otto Neurath, Herbert Feigl and Philipp Frank, as well as American philosophers such
as Charles Morris and Ernst Nagel. The main publication set forth by the movement
was the International Encyclopedia of Unified Science,2 to which Dewey made two
contributions: “Unity of Science as a Social Problem”, which is a chapter in the opening
number, and the book Theory of Valuation.
Soon after the publication of the first numbers of the Encyclopedia, Dewey
became bitter about the project. This can be noticed in his correspondence and
collaboration with Arthur Bentley,3 which resulted in the book Knowing and the
Known. Dewey didn’t like some features of the proposals Carnap and Morris
advanced as they seemed to endorse a duality between the meaning of linguistic
expressions and the use that is made of such expressions. The Deweyan reader
who faces these criticisms may feel uncomfortable with the Encyclopedia, since
the impression that emerges from Dewey’s comments is that he deeply regretted
taking part in that enterprise.
I intend to show that Dewey’s criticisms are due to a misunderstanding. In order
to try to untie this situation, this paper will present the project of the Encyclopedia,
as well as how Dewey, Carnap, and Morris took part in it. This will allow us to
reappraise Dewey’s criticism of the Encyclopedia, as well as the encyclopedic ideal.
Neurath’s mosaic
Otto Neurath started to organize the Unity of Science Movement around the midthirties in some papers and pamphlets.4 The movement sought to gather scholars
from all over the world and from the most diverse lines of research in a cooperative
enterprise that aimed at propagating the so-called scientific world-conception
(wissenschaftliche Weltauffassung), which is basically the idea that there is a
scientific way to look at the world and to deal with problems. This was already the
objective of the Vienna Circle itself, as stated in their manifesto. 5 Neurath’s proposal
was an attempt to spread such values among people and so contribute to the progress
of humankind. The movement was represented in some congresses, but the project
was delayed due to the persecution Vienna Circle members suffered with the rise
of Nazism. In the late thirties, the then-exiled participants of the movement were
able to advance the project in the United States.
The Encyclopedia started to be published in the USA in 1938 with the aim of
bringing together those intellectuals who adopted the scientific world-conception and
of establishing a fortress against the political situation, which was extremely adverse
to the ideals of a scientific way of life. The first number of the Encyclopedia, entitled
2
3
4
5
220
NEURATH; CARNAP; MORRIS, 1955, 1970; henceforth, Encyclopedia.
For the correspondence, see DEWEY, 1999.
Those can be found in NEURATH, 1983.
See HAHN; NEURATH; CARNAP, [1929].
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John Dewey and the Logical Empiricist Unity of Science
Encyclopedia and Unified Science, was signed by Neurath, Dewey, Carnap, Morris,
Niels Bohr, and Bertrand Russell, each of whom wrote one chapter (NEURATH et
al, [1938]).
In the first chapter, Neurath presents what he calls encyclopedic integration as
the ideal which will unify science in his project. He brings this ideal from the French
Enlightenment Encyclopedia. Neurath remarks that an encyclopedia is not supposed
to present the system of sciences, but rather a plural and diverse “mosaic” of all the
knowledge obtained throughout history. In Neurath’s words, “in the Encyclopedia of
Unified Science this historical situation and its consequences will be demonstrated by
showing the formation of the mosaic of scientific activities” (NEURATH, [1938], p. 5).
The comparison to a mosaic is interesting: Neurath intends the Encyclopedia
not to be composed of pieces which are perfectly uniform compared to each other.
He wants irregular stones to be put together in the same frame, and the resulting
image is to be created only when one looks from a certain distance. As an example
of this kind of plural mosaic, Neurath points out that d’Alembert in the Introduction
to the French Encyclopedia opposed some of Rousseau’s ideas, but, at the same time,
expressed himself as pleased with the fact that Rousseau was also a collaborator in
their encyclopedia (NEURATH, [1938], p. 2). So, Neurath wants the Encyclopedia
to present a collection of articles discussing science and philosophy of science, in
its different branches, becoming a compendium of the scientific attitude of his age.
Neurath explains that he is no longer adopting the old Vienna Circle method of
logical analysis of language for the unification of science. He says that it is possible
to build a coherent system for non-scientific proposals – and, therefore, the unity
of science must be reached in another way. The way Neurath proposes is this
encyclopedic integration: science is unified because of an attitude, which is to be
the mosaic image formed by the Encyclopedia, and not because all the statements
of science can be formulated in a perfect logical system. Indeed, Neurath says
that “such is the idea of the system in contrast to the idea of an encyclopedia; the
anticipated completeness of the system is opposed to the stressed incompleteness of
an encyclopedia” (NEURATH, [1938], p. 21).
This scientific attitude is what brings together works as diverse as science
fiction and the logic of science. Thinking about science, using science to deal with
life: this is the attitude Neurath wanted to promote, and this is the aim he wanted the
Encyclopedia to have, even if the contributors disagreed among themselves about
some topics here and there. The important point is that they were collaborating
toward the progress of science and the scientific world-conception, helping to build
a big picture of what science means.
Dewey, Morris and Carnap
In a first glance, Neurath’s project seems to fit perfectly in Dewey’s ideas. Indeed,
in his chapter in Encyclopedia and Unified Science, Dewey points out that the
Encyclopedia will bring great benefit to society, as the project will integrate those
people that support the scientific attitude and will make scientific culture stronger
and more present in education.
Nevertheless, according to Dewey, science is to be understood not only as the
contents of the scientific theories, but also as the method, as the attitude which is
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prior to those contents. In this sense, science is not the exclusive preserve of those
who are called scientists; as he says, “the body of knowledge and ideas […] is the fruit
of a method which is followed by the wider body of persons who deal intelligently
and openly with objects and energies of the common environment” (DEWEY, [1938]
1955, p. 29). Dewey points out that there are problems that do not arise simply in
the actual course of life – such problems are the result of dealing with life in an
unscientific or pseudo-scientific way. Therefore, a good way for simplifying life is
to make the scientific culture stronger, as it suffers opposition “on the part of those
influenced by prejudice, dogma, class interest, external authority, nationalistic and
racial sentiment, and similar powerful agencies”. It is in this light that Dewey considers
that “the problem of the unity of science constitutes a fundamentally important social
problem” (DEWEY, [1938] 1955, p. 32-3).
Making people more educated scientifically would avoid such kind of problems,
as people would be more suspicious as to magically easy solutions for their problems
– Nazism and racial segregation, for instance, were figured out in a so-called
scientific world-conception, but such stances show themselves to be non-sense in a
well understood conception of science. Dewey’s proposal is that people should be
properly educated in science so that they understand differences in matters like that.
Improvement of society, in Dewey’s view, requires improvement of education,
since the enemies of science gain considerable force as the scientific attitude is poorly
taught in all levels of the educational system, especially in the elementary level, when
children are extremely curious and when their fundamental ways of acting are formed.
Instead, science is taught as bodies of subject-matter and not as a habit of thought and
conduct (DEWEY, [1938] 1955, p. 35-7).6 The improvement of education that Dewey
wanted could only be obtained by promoting a scientific culture. The Encyclopedia,
as it had the aim of propagating such culture and uniting the people involved in it,
would be a very important achievement for society in Dewey’s opinion.
Facing this aspect of Dewey’s proposal and the way he stressed it in his chapter
in the opening number of the Encyclopedia, our affirmation above, that some years
later Dewey regretted having participated in that project, may sound absurd. The
fact is that he didn’t directly oppose Neurath’s proposals: his problem was rather
with Carnap and Morris. But, as we are going to see, in attacking Carnap and Morris,
Dewey left the encyclopedic ideal aside.
By that time, Carnap was working on logical constructions aimed at allowing all
branches of science to be expressed in one language system. Carnap was continuing
the work of the Vienna Circle, as it stood before the dispersion of the mid-thirties. He
was working with science as a body of contents, which was just the approach Dewey
had worries about. It is important to remark here, however, that neither Dewey nor
Carnap said that their way of analyzing science was the only one allowed. Indeed,
both of them in their chapters in Encyclopedia and Unified Science assert that they
are taking one of many possible approaches to the study of science. And, as we saw,
this was expected in a mosaic construction like Neurath proposed.
6
222
Of course, Dewey is talking about the educational system in the United States by the late
thirties. Whether such problems persist or are found in other places is a question I would
like to leave open in this paper.
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Another point to consider is that Carnap’s constructions were being guided by
his principle of linguistic tolerance, which roughly says that many logical systems
are possible for a given aim, depending only upon the conventions adopted.7 This
principle grants Neurath’s provision that the unity of science is not to be reached by
means of a logical system that is the only correct one: Carnap’s principle of tolerance
establishes that there is no one correct logical system, but always many possible
constructions. His chapter in the opening number of the Encyclopedia discusses tools
and strategies that can be used in logical analyses of science – and makes it clear,
from the very first sentence of the text, that “the task of analyzing science may be
approached from various angles” (CARNAP, [1938], p. 42).
In his chapter, Morris presented his scientific empiricism – a meta-philosophical
approach that sought to bring together pragmatism and logical empiricism, by
showing that those are complementary schools of thought with similar aims
(MORRIS, [1938a]). This was supposed to be the cement that would bond together
all the irregular pieces of the Encyclopedia mosaic. Morris advanced his point of
view in the same year, with the second number of the Encyclopedia, his Foundations
of the Theory of Signs. In this book, he proposed the science of semiotics, an
approach to the study of language that analyzes the process of signification into
three dimensions: syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic. Syntax studies the relations
a sign has with other signs, Semantics studies the relation of signs with the object
they signify, and Pragmatics studies the relation between signs and their users
(MORRIS, [1938b], p. 79-91).
Dewey didn’t like Morris’s semiotics at all. He thought it contained
misunderstandings of the ideas of Charles Peirce. But, it seems, the main reason for
Dewey’s rejection of Morris’s proposal was the three-folded character of philosophysemiotics and the consequent division of labor. According to Dewey, meaning, or the
relation of a sign with the object it signifies, is established in the use of the sign by
the people who are using it. So, the separation between semantics and pragmatics is
dangerous and artificial, as it appears to be merely dissolving the problem instead of
facing it. And even more: such separation could entail a division of labor, in which the
semanticist would concentrate on the abstract meaning problem and the pragmatist
(or, “pragmaticist”) would work with the sociological and psychological character of
the use of signs. In other words, the problem would never be dealt with in a proper
way, that is, in the continuum between the use of signs and the reference to objects
(DEWEY, 1946, p. 85-92).
Morris reacted to the criticisms in an effort to fix the problems with his semiotics.
But it is important to notice that Morris never proposed this hard and fast severance of
pragmatics and semantics. He proposed merely that the two areas could be thought
separately in an abstract way, but he never said that it was forbidden to study both
areas in continuity. Indeed, Carnap’s works on pure semantics by the early forties
– which Dewey and Bentley saw as the fulfillment of the above-mentioned division
of labor – presents exactly the instrumental character of the abstraction of semantics
from pragmatics and syntax (CARNAP, 1942, p. 3-15). As a heuristic procedure, this
should not be ruled out so abruptly.
7
Carnap stated this principle in CARNAP, [1934], p. 51-2.
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Arthur Bentley joined Dewey in his criticisms, but his efforts were directed
mainly at the semantical studies done by Carnap, among other logicians, such as
Ernest Nagel, C. I. Lewis and Alfred Tarski. In the paper “Vagueness in Logic”, written
by Bentley, endorsed by Dewey,8 and published in their joint book Knowing and
the Known, there is an attack on every kind of logical investigation that is made in a
modern, mathematical, way. The impression one gets from those texts – besides that
Bentley didn’t understand the terminology used by Carnap and other logicians – is
that every formal logician is doing it wrong and that the only right way to research
logic is by means of attaching it to a theory of knowledge and inquiry, which appears
to be, in Bentley’s criticism, the only possible (or, permitted) application of logic
(BENTLEY, [1945]).
Such criticisms were not very well received by the community of logicians,
since, by the late forties and the fifties, semantics already had an important application
outside of theory of knowledge: in the promising area of artificial intelligence and
computers. In his review of Bentley’s and Dewey’s works, Alonzo Church points out
that logic was, by then, having a development similar to that of mathematics, when
researches in the so-called area of pure mathematics started to be made (CHURCH,
1945, p. 133). Indeed, forbidding pure semantical research sounds pretty much
like forbidding pure mathematical research – something which may sound insane,
since it is well known that many ideas developed in “pure” programs soon became
“applied” mathematics.
It is important to emphasize that, although Charles Morris never proposed the
dualism Dewey accused him of, he sought to fix the misunderstanding in the book
Signs, Language, and Behavior and in the paper “Signs About Signs About Signs”.9
Dewey and Bentley never accepted his reformulations, which may be evidence of a
personal problem that they had with Morris. In Dewey’s correspondence, it is possible
to find evidence that he was not much willing to solve the misunderstanding with
Morris. In a letter to Morris, Dewey says (DEWEY to Morris, IN: DEWEY, 1999, item
14423):
I am not at all sure how likely we should be to get anywhere in an oral
discussion – not because of ‘hard feelings’ but because […] it seems to
be that your position is badly confused and in need of a clarification that
only you can provide. I haven’t seen your new book but judging from an
analysis sent me by Bentley, in an article that will come out in [Philosophy
and Phenomenological Research],10 it is even more confused than the article
about which I wrote my letter in the Journal.
Therefore, Dewey had not read Morris’s book but he was trusting in Bentley’s opinion
about it. Bentley on the other hand was criticizing the logicians based on prejudice, as
pointed out by Church. He was also not much eager towards coming into agreement,
8
9
10
224
See DEWEY; BENTLEY, [1949], p. 7.
That is, respectively, MORRIS, [1946] and (1948).
Dewey is talking about BENTLEY (1947), which also appeared as the chapter 9 of
Knowing and the Known.
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John Dewey and the Logical Empiricist Unity of Science
as one may notice in his 1944 correspondence with Ernest Nagel, then the editor of
The Journal of Philosophy, where “Vagueness in Logic” and other chapters of Knowing
and the Known first appeared. Nagel suggested some corrections in Bentley’s papers
in order to smoothen his criticisms and misunderstanding.11 Bentley then replies
that he had already softened his positions to a scholarly level. Among many of his
verbiages, Bentley says (BENTLEY to Nagel, IN: DEWEY, 1999, item 19978):
Take the Carnap case. What I should have said was that it was as hard to
corner him as to catch a greased pig, or that a high school student turning
in a report on his work on a terminological level as low as Carnap’s would
have been kicked out, even from a high school.
About Morris, Bentley said in a letter to Felix Kauffmann: “I placed one sentence in
a footnote to a recent paper, about Morris’ signs. I used no adjective, but the fact I
stated, in my judgment, should be sufficient to bar Morris from admission to a high
school” (BENTLEY to Kauffmann, IN: DEWEY, 1999, item 19928).
Even though those criticisms were presented in private letters, they may well
serve to help us understand what Bentley thought about Carnap and Morris. And
what can be easily noticed is that Bentley was not a good reader, in the sense that
he was not much disposed to understand the points Carnap and Morris were trying
to make; or, if he had such intention, this didn’t become clear in his criticisms which
are far from what can be called constructive criticism. Consequently, Bentley could
not be considered a good source of information on the Encyclopedia authors, and
Dewey should not have trusted him on this matter.
The resulting mosaic
The image we see when looking at the Encyclopedia mosaic, therefore, by the
late forties, is perhaps of starker disagreement than Neurath had planned. The
Encyclopedia had the aim of uniting people who worked with science in order to
create a mosaic-like image of the scientific attitude of an age. The unity of science,
which was supposed to be the raison d’être of the movement, was supposed to be
attained in this mosaic. But what we see from one side is that some members of the
movement were still trying to create another kind of unity – Carnap was apparently
trying to create the artificial language in which all science statements could be
formulated, and Morris was developing a broader science that would include and
unify all other studies about science. From the other side, we see Dewey – associated
with Bentley – seeking to disqualify Carnap’s and Morris’s works, overlooking the
ideal of irregular pieces brought together to form a big picture that would contribute
to the advancement of society.
Nevertheless, this was not the most serious difficulty the Encyclopedia faced.
As George Reisch (2005) points out, the political situation of cold war in the United
States also damaged the project. Carnap and Philipp Frank used to hold leftist
standpoints in Europe, and were investigated by the FBI in the post-war period. With
11
See DEWEY, 1999, item 19977.
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Neurath deceased, and Morris worried about Dewey’s rejection, it is not surprising
that the Encyclopedia project required thirty years to have its first development phase
published – and it was terminated after that.
The surprising part is that in 1962, the Encyclopedia published, in volume two
number two, probably the most important work in twentieth century philosophy
of science: The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, by Thomas Kuhn.12 This book
provided philosophers with tools for a pragmatic – historical and sociological – study
of science. It linked discoveries in psychology, linguistics, logic, and history to present
a different way of researching and understanding science. Kuhn provides us even
with a tool for understanding some of Bentley’s criticisms to the formal logicians:13 he
was a researcher who was not very familiar with the vocabulary of the new paradigm;
that’s why Bentley and Dewey felt so desperate about some terms Carnap and Morris
didn’t define explicitly in their texts.
The resulting image that the Encyclopedia mosaic presents after all is of a
revolution happening within philosophy of science itself. This idea deserves deeper
development, but not here. So far, I have shown that Dewey’s criticisms seem to be
unjustified, that is, the ideas he was criticizing cannot be charged of the accusations
he makes. Now, we are going to see how Dewey’s criticisms may be overthrown
from the point of view of Dewey’s own proposals.
Experience and nature
In the book Experience and Nature, Dewey said that the method, i.e., the way of
reasoning, used in the natural sciences brings together experience and nature. The
subject-matter of those sciences is nature – and the scientists base all their investigation
in experience. Dewey’s argument is basically that the natural sciences have a good
method because they do not separate those two concepts. Philosophy, in Dewey’s
view, should adopt a method that worked in a similar fashion. To make his point,
Dewey describes the work of a natural scientist as follows (DEWEY, [1925], p. 11):
the investigator assumes as a matter of course that experience […] is the
avenue that leads to the facts and laws of nature. He uses reason and
calculation freely; he could not get along without them. But he sees to
it that ventures of this theoretical sort start from and terminate in directly
experienced subject-matter.
In other words, natural science begins with experience, takes a roundabout way
through reasoning and calculation, gets to the facts and laws of nature, and then comes
back to experience. About this contact between experience and theory, continuing
the part just quoted, Dewey says that “theory may intervene in a long course of
reasoning, many portions of which are remote from what is directly experienced.
But the vine of pendant theory is attached at both ends to the pillars of observed
subject-matter” (DEWEY, [1925], p. 11).
12
13
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That’s KUHN (1970).
Such criticisms may be found in BENTLEY, [1945]; see, as an illustration, p. 25-6, in
which Bentley polemicizes about Carnap’s definition of ‘language’.
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This is the overall appearance of the method Dewey wants to apply to
philosophy: in his view, philosophy should start with a problem that is experienced,
develop a line of reasoning that often goes beyond direct experience, and in the
end presents something that can again be experienced. This process of investigation
was examined by Dewey in another book, Logic: The Theory of Inquiry, in which
he analyzes the process into steps. Roughly, those steps are: (1) an indeterminate
situation, (2) the institution of a problem, (3) the determination of a solution, (4)
reasoning, and (5) the operational resolution (DEWEY, [1938] 2008, p. 109-20).
This method of inquiry can as well be observed in the mathematics, but not
so directly. In Reconstruction in Philosophy, Dewey says that if one takes a historic
approach to mathematics, one sees that the discipline is as empirical as any other
human activity. In his words, the structure of mathematics “is a product of long
historic growth, in which all kinds of experiments have been tried […]; a history in
which matter and methods have been constantly selected and worked over on the
basis of empirical success and failure” (DEWEY, [1920], p. 159).
If such a method is permitted in mathematics and philosophy, why not in logic?
With the development of linear algebra between the seventeenth and the nineteenth
centuries, many logical problems came to be experienced by theorists, who developed
a complicated system of reasoning that occasionally produced operational resolutions
and applications for the world of experienced things. Logic, understood as a theory
of inquiry, as with Dewey, is an important field of research – just as important as
any other. But it doesn’t mean that logical tools are only applicable to the theory of
inquiry itself.
In Experience and Nature, Dewey continues the passages quoted above by
saying that “this experienced material is the same for the scientific man and the
man in the street. The latter cannot follow the intervening reasoning without special
preparation. But stars, rocks, trees, and creeping things are the same material of
experience for both” (DEWEY, [1925], p. 11). Bentley and Dewey sound like the men
in the street who do not appreciate Carnap’s reasoning in pure semantics, but would
be able to experience things like computers and electronic domestic appliances that
are built using tools developed by the kind of logic they were criticizing.
Concluding remarks
What we have seen may lead us to conclude, in the first place, that there are no
reasonable arguments in Knowing and the Known for a Deweyan scholar to reject
modern mathematical logic: Dewey’s and Bentley’s criticism doesn’t do justice to
Carnap’s and Morris’s proposals. If such a scholar wishes to reject that tool, then it
should be done with proper arguments, as, for example, that modern logic is not a
good instrument for analyzing inquiry processes,14 even though it may have other
applications. A second point is that the Encyclopedia is a project that should not be
left aside in Deweyan studies: as we tried to show, the program of the Encyclopedia
fits very well with the analyses Dewey makes of science and society.
14
Even this claim is highly disputable, although this is not going to be discussed here.
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Following the other side of our argument, the works of John Dewey offer a
very good counterpart for the logical empiricist kind of philosophy of science, since
Dewey performs pragmatic analyses of social contexts – something that logical
empiricists usually lack – and also presents great tools for studies of valuation and
the context of inquiry.
The main objective of the Encyclopedia seems to have been lost in the middle
of controversy. Bringing together people that share the scientific attitude toward life
in order to promote and popularize that attitude is an objective of greater value than
the divergences about how science is to be unified. This objective is at the heart of
both classical pragmatist and logical empiricist philosophies and should receive more
attention. And in this direction, portraits of science are always important – no matter
the nature of the resulting picture.
The unity of science is a problem which has not been much discussed as a
central issue in recent philosophy of science. And so is the matter of the importance
of uniting people that share the scientific way of seeing the world and of solving
problems. If we think that science is a living subject, and that such is the way for
improving society, then we must realize that understanding the pieces of the patchwork
of science15 is a never ending work – and it should never end, since making the world
more scientific and society more intelligent must be the goal of anyone concerned
with humankind.
References
BENTLEY, Arthur F. [1945] [1949] (2008). “Vagueness in Logic”. IN: DEWEY; BENTLEY,
[1949], p. 8-45.
_____. (1947). “The New Semiotic”. IN: Philosophy and Phenomenological Research,
8 (Sep. 1947), p. 107-31.
CARNAP, Rudolf. [1934] (2002). The Logical Syntax of Language. Translated by Ameathe
Smeathon (Countess von Zeppelin). Chicago and La Salle: Open Court.
_____. [1938] (1955). “Logical Foundations of the Unity of Science”. IN: NEURATH
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Endereço/ Address
Ivan Ferreira da Cunha
Rua Engenheiro Costa Barros, 1520,
Bloco 2, apto. 43
Curitiba – PR
CEP: 82940-010
Data de envio: 15-06-2012
Data de aprovação: 27-09-2012
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