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Herbert, Wray
Emotions in' the Ives of .Children.
,
National Inst.. of.'llen-ta.3 Health (DREW), Rockville,
Md. Div. ofpcientific and Public- Information.
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*Altruism; Children; *Emotional Development;
-*Empathy; .Imitation; Infants; Longitudinal Studies;
'Modeling (Psychological); Mothers; *Perspective
Taking; *Prosocial Behavior; Research; Role Models;
L Social Development
.
ABSTRACT
Several related studies' of empathy and.altiuism in
children were conducted to answer such questions as: (1) What are the
-very early signs of empathy and-altruism in children? A2) What kinds
. of.transformqtion's in'these behaviors take place during.development?
and (3) Hdw do rearing experienCes influence these behaviors? Data
related to these questions.were obtained from several age -groups and
through different methods. Children 10 months,to,2-1/2.years were
studied in the,
environmenE'by trained mothers who functioned ig
research assistants.. Children 3-1/2-5-1/2 years were studied under
experimental conditions. Children. 5-8 years were studied in nursery
schools And day camps through naturalistic and systematic
observation. Among the findings, developmentally changing behaviors
were noted : childrenls response to the distress of another begins
(around 14-12 months) with, agitated fa4a1 eipressi.ons and/or cry of
distress' and proceeds-through touching or rubbing the injured p#rson
andc later to trying on feelingS,by'deliberate-imitation and
self-referencing or immediate taking ,on the emotion of the injured
other. An increase in altruism appears to require a combination of
conditions in which caregivers have a narturantrelationship with-the
child and actively demonstrate altruism inbehavior toward people in
distress. IAuthor/RH),
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NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF MENTAL HEALTH
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH.
EDUCATION 8. WELFARE
NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF
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Inestigator:
Marian' Radke Yarrow, Ph.D..
Chief, Laboratory of Developmental
Pychology
Division 44 Clinical and Behavioral
Resear
Intramur4lResearch Program
National Institute .of Mental Health
Bethesda, Maryland 20014
Author:
Wray Herbert
.Date of Ilterview: May'1977
Mental Health Studies and Reports Branch -.
Division of Scientific and Public Infozraation.
Nati Onal Institute 61- Mental Health-
5603Mers Lane
,..Maryland0857.
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Stock No 0*4124-00656-4 -
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FOREWORD
Rarely do we think of-infants and shall Cli.ildr4a in terms of
emotional beings. Yet, children.from infancy on hlre iuri a world
surrounded by emotionsthe infant laviShecl..with parental -..---;
love; the toddler experiencing peer envy, anger, fear; and the-7 ._
-. growing child exposed to TV violence and eikpariding,
etivi- ,-..
..
.
rotamental pressures. When do children bec e,sansitive to
-Leniotional cis in the world around. them'i.) ..IL at impact do
itheseues have on children? What is in
*the process of
c dren's emotional growth? Do .01-:it ildrenf.experience the
same' emotions in the same way?
Dr. Marian Yarrow, Chief of theNationalInstituteofMental
Health's Laboratory-of Developmental Psychology, and her
- colleag-uet havetindertaken the di,fficult task ioPattempting to
. '
_answer_,--fhese question g They are investigating -tale broad
...
s._-alit-6 Cif factors involvegin the emoticirial.development of children; with a goal of piecing tog-ethei a scientific portrait of'
emotions in phililrep.
,
In a world made cynical by daily items of international
conflict and interpersonal aggression, the description of Dr.
Y- OVeS research presented in this report provides a refreshg perspective. It deals with emerging :pro-Social bellhyior in
.children, examining the complex'!dynainies involved in how .- .
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....
in
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empathythe forerunner of altruistic .behavierdevelOps in
children an its _relationship to. perceptual and cognitive,
abilities, goci7ê1 awareness, ad stable personality traits.
The research is of great iniportanee to those interested in
children for it suggests that adult- modeling plays a- crucial=role in nourishing altruistic lbarning- early m a child's life..
Parents particjulaill will gain insight into the emotional
7.'''stiaitili
they provide their "childien through their-childrearirig--.
.
.practaces. Researchers "will gain new .perspectives -.regardingthe complex techniques involved in tracing developniental
_
Changes in young -ehildrerr.
.
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,.
...
..
Francis N. Waldrop, M.D
Acting Director
National Institute- of Mental Health
.
1
air
Emotions In the
Lives of Children
.
412
The emotions of children are a. difficult area for scientific
I: child behavior, it is essential to examine themto learn how
they develop and how they are adaptive or maladaptive in the
lives= of young children_
.
Virtually all things_ that children do have emotional components. In early-learning, in the processes of discovery..-and
imoblemsolving, there are emotional investments and.'reacdons of a- positive nature; and, just as surely, there are vainful
emotions- locked into learning-failures. Childrearing a3ad edu-,cation involve significant. emotional interchanges between ',.
adult' and child, just as a -child's life does among hi"S. peers.
Wheil behavior becomes "pioblem be vior," clisorderecl.4:r
uncontrolled emotions are usually invoked.
One has but to ask a few questions to- discover how vastl3Fs
uncharted the realm of emotional deyelopinent is: (1) Do e
,dren -of all ages experience the same emotions 7-.-joy, anger,
b-guilt,-p ride, and so forth--"--and do they experience themiiii the
same way? (Although most of us feel quite secure in assutiun g
that experiences are different for a toddler' and a 12-yeaf7old
and that *fdeirelopmental changes must. take -place,---4iith
emotions as they ,do with other behavibrs, what is not clear-is
the nature of these developmental-changes.) (.2Y How do other
matliring-gabilities di" the child, such as cognitive abilities and
personality variables, interact with emotional development?
(3) What- argsthe influences Qf childhood expeiences on the
1---,study;-yet, because they are inseparable from many aspects of
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immediate and long-term emotional characteristics of the
child?
Much research must still be directed to these qUestionS
4
5C-
1L
ap-
before they can be answered with a needed specificity and
sophistication. Thfsfresearch effort must, of necessity, focus
on specific -aspects M the larger questions. Scientists at the
National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) engaged in re-
,
search on emotional_, development of .children'have been concerned particularly_ with emotions in the environments of children and how these emotions affect the emotions and behavior_
of children. In other words, how sensitive are children to the
emotions of persons around them; how do children "process"
and act upon the emotional input from their social environ-
rnent?' And how are reactions to this emotional input influenced by the developmental level and by the ways in which
the child is reared?
The scientific team engaged in this research is led by Dr.
Marian Radke Yarrow, Chief of the NIMH Laboratory of Developmental.- Psychology. .Dr. Carolyn Waxier has been a
major collaborator during much of the research, and more
recently Dr. David Barrett has joined the research team. In
addition, Dr. Phyllis Scott, now at Monash University in
Australia; and Dr. Robert King, now at the Children's Hospital National Medical. Center in Washington, D.C., were involved in earlier phases of the-program.
What is meant by emotional, or affective; input from the:environmerit? The NIMH scientists decribed the foundation for
their respazch: "Consider the day-to-day experiences of childKen. A large class of stimuli includes the emotions and
feelings qperson.s in their world. Children ar&often observers
of these events just as they-are the observers of other events.
They are bystanders, to the glee and thrill of a playmate who
has found' her lost kitten, to the grievAng of a friend whose
parent has died, to the anger of two drivers competing fdr the
same parking space. The emotions of others
often intimately t bound up with interactions- with. the are
child, as, for
example, when a mother displays fright and anger as slie
rescues her child from danger or when the child is in daily
contact with a sullen or depressed father. In these instances, a
parent's exnbtions Have direct consequences for a child; under
other circumstances, -tile emotions may be something akin to
traffic noise or climate they are context, background."
There -is every reason to believe that these stimuli do not
-.unheeded by children. Indeed, there is considerable evidence
that ;even very_yoting children are keenly sensitive to the
feelin4.5_,of others and that they often pick up subtle cues.
Many an adult, for example, who has tried to .conceal his or
----hex' real feelings to "protect" a Gild, has learned that "einoional fraud" is not easy, perhaps not even possible. Just how
diserhninating are children? What are the respohsive behaviots of Children when they are confronted with. emotional
.
_-
stimuli in -their environment?
.7- "Emotion" is a label for an extensive -assortment of states
and behavio.rs. Psychological research on emotions goes back
a long way in the history of child studies. During the 1930's
and .1940's,.scientists gave intense scrutiny to the emotions of
infants-,--looking to discover what emotions are present at
birth and soon after and how early different kinds of emotions
are experienced and expreSsed. The-roles of both maturation
and experience were given consideration. There'-were investigations of specific emotionsfears in young children, what
they are how they came into being, and how they might be
eliminated. However, over the, years, a systematic study of
children's emotions dia not Continue in any broad or comprehensive way.
Research bias flourished op certain areas of early emotional
life, notably-infant attachment to the mothei and child hostility and aggression. Other areas have been neglected. Thus,
children's affection, outside the studies of mother- child bonds, '
has not been closely examined, and, similarly, childfen'ssorrow and depression remain poorly understobd. Many other
emotional .states (pride, guilt, shame, fear), important in the
lives of children, have had relatively little systematic study.
The research at NIMH's Laboratory of Developmental Psy'cho,logy,began with a focus on empathy and feelings of
collipassion \and altrVism in children. Successive studies .involved broader emotions in the lives of children_
Empathy; as the investigators view it, is emotional arousal
-in response to another person's emotional experiences; it is the
vicarious experiencing of another's emotion. (As you witness
the car door slam shut.on your friend's fingers, you shuddetpr.
feel taint.) The capacity foreempathy is essential for effective
interpersonal relationships: Empathy, it is assumed, is a basis
for compassionate feelingd and. 'altruistic behaviors toward
(e.g., acts of help, rescue, generosity, sympathy).
There is a long history of controversy.- about altruism,
wliet
it is or is not a part of human nature. The literature-of
philo ophy, the writings of Darwin and of Freud, the investigad s in present-day biology and psychOlog-y attest to the
con ued interest in. the kinds of feelings and behaviors that
result in benefit to other persons. Research in various disci-'
plines has begun to transform the -discussion of "altruism"
from phil9Sophical argument to empirical data. As an example of the Q?iological approach, 15r. Paul MacLean of NIMH is
currently searching out the possible neural base of empathy.
From psychological studies, the2e is accumulateainformation
on the fo -ss s of altruism- and the processed `and conditions
underlyin these behavi9rs. The NIMH reseb.r41...teall has
approadhed these questions.fTom a developinental perspective.
What4are the very early signs of empathy artd altruism in children? What kinds of transformations in these behaviors take
.
place -during development? How do rearing experiences influence-:' these behaviors? These- questions have led the reseakchers through a series of dstudies which provide new
understanding of the development of emotions in the lives of
children.
The Methods
The NIMH scientists have used a variety of methods in their
investigations: (1) They have designed experiments in which
"mini-social situations" are created, in which to observe children. (2) They have used \systematic techniques for observing
children in natural interabtiohs. (3) They hate trained moth-
ers to observe and report on their children's behaviors, to
provide data not readily accessible to an "outsider." The
studies have been carried out in various "laboratories" --the
NIMI-1 psychology laboratory itself, the children's homes,
nursery schools, and:, summer camps. The children have
ranged in age from 9 months to 8 years. Since the methods for
arriving at information on these complex bZhaviors are important, each methpa is describe& below.
LJ.i.tig an experimental approach, the researchers measured
the altruistic behaviors of more than a hundred 31/2- to 51/2-yearo5ds by obtaining their responses to pictured persons or a.nimacs in distress (e.g.
(e.g., a child as fallen out of a swing) and to
behavioral events of
(e.'g-L., a teaches apparently bumps
her head hard on a desk as she gets up after retrieving a pencil
that had fallen under the de6k). The children who showed little
altruiSm became part of an experiment. Their preschool experiences were carefially, programed to provide them with
different conditions of adult care and teaching_ These were
specific learning conditions of adult care and teaching that researchers hypothesized were important in the development of
empathy and altruistic behaviors. In this experiment, groups of
children spent a period of time on each of 5 days spaced over
several weeks with experimenterzteachers; who took care of the
children in different ways. With` half of the group, the adults
systematically bkilt up wal-m and nurturant relationships with
the childrest. Tlaelother half of the. group had teachdrs who
. maintained 40;teutral, detached distance, adequately taking
care of the children's needs but not offering attentive nurturanee. After these his, ries ' of relationships between child
and adult had been esta dished, the teachers, during the next
I weeds, systematically zovided learning exrieriences about
1 behaving alttkListically
elping, sharing, comforting.
Teaching was done
o ways: One way was the use of
picture stories or toy_ drakes that might call for empathy and
altrtiism (for example, monkey trying to retrieve banana
that has, fallen outside thecage; a child has falles, off a
bicycle). The teacher interpreted each story or event, explain4
..
_
It
a
ing how the animal or child felt and what might bq said or
done to intervenein this ,way conveying principles or expectations regarding behavior in response to someone's distress.
In a second way of teaching, the adult modeled real -`helping,
sharing, and tomfcirting-. Situations involving.. minor distresses to the-adult or a-pet or a peer (for example, rescuing a
kitten that had become entangled in yarn, attending to the
minor injury- of another teacher with words of sympathy, or
sharing 'materials with a peer vOho was without them) were
carefully, integrated into the preschool routine. -Half the
growiTas'of children who had a-highly nurturant caretaker and
half who had a low-nurturant caretaker received only the first
kind of training (the symbolic and verbal altruism); the other
half of the nurtured and ldrw-nurtured groups received both
kintls of training. The children were reassessed on altruism for
2 days, and then again 2 weeks after training, on different situations in which helping, sharing, or comforting would be a
esponse.
.
This brief account,' hardly a technical or scientific description of the experimeni; illustrates how experimental methods
can be used to investigate children's social and emotional
behavior. The objective of this experiment was to Yecreatein
the laboratory, as authentically as possible; on a n?iniatue
scale, different styles. -of childrearing. The 'experimenters'
played the roles of different kinds of mother-subsikutes in
order to study how rearing influences.- the likelihood of a
child's responding to anther's distress.
Naturalistic observations were the major tool for studying
child emotions and behaviors. In other phases of the research
program, children were observed in play-and in work projects
with their.peers. Systematic observation requires precise rules
for sampling behavior and for recording and interpreting it. In
some of the studies, behavicir was recorded in specific categories (for example, shaies, shouts angrily, cries, seek mother's
attention). The categories varied, depeiaduig on the specific research questions of each study. In order to make certain that
the observational records were providing reasonably accurate
accounts, two observers piooceedecl independently, and their
reports were analyzed for correspondence.
In other-obeervational studies of altruism, the ,researchers'
accounts were made, in narrative form and then coded into 'categories_For example:
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ny is sitting in front of the TV with her faMily eating dinner. The
s program parades on-the-spot coverage of the bloody death and
destruction of street fighting in a current war. The 'family goes on with
the dinner conversation as the news continues. Ginny chews her food
and drinks her milk, all the time watching. At one point she grimaces,
but she is almost immediately caught up in her father's comment about
the family car.
k.
For still other studies, mothers were trained as research
5
assistants in techniques of observing and recording behavior.
They were asked to report incidents of distress in their
child's
environment- in which there were expressions of feeling
anger, fear,.sofrow, pain, fatigue, and so forth. The mothers
followed a specified form for dictating their observations,
always including: (1) who was expressirig emotion, (2) what
was being expressed, (3) what caused the emotion, (4) what
the child's responses to '(or about) the pepson(s) showing,
emotion were, and <5) what the mother's own behaviorg were_
One mother, fdr example, dictated this narrative
of an 1:8-month-old child:
A nbeighbor's baby cries. S 'looked- startled, her body stiffened. She
approached and tried to give the baby cookiek. She followed him around
and began to whimper herself. She then cried to stroke his hair, but he
pulled away. Later, she approached her mother. led her to the baby, and
tried to put mother's hand on the baby'g head. He calmed down a little.
but S still looked worried. She continued to bring him toys and to pat his
head- and shoulders.
A single research approach, Dr. Yarrow explains, would bez,
inadequate; some methods are best suited to some stages of research, and .different methods to others. Also,. it is important to
replicate and validate a finding through the use of differing
procedukes.
The Findings
The initial studies of children's altruism were addressed to
the question of howand, indeed, whetheraltruistic behavior could be increased in young children.
Could the methods-of
caretaking and teaching, which are known
influence other
child behaviors, also influence sympathetictobehaviors?
That
is, would an adult's modeling of altruism lead to the child'ks
imitation of the altruistic acts? Would the imitations that
occurred in the presence of an adult model translate into an
enduring form of altruism? Would nurturant adult models be
most effective in influencing children's learning of altruism?
Td answer these qvestions, Dr_ Yarrow and her ,colleagues
carried out the experiment, described ear1ir, with 31/2- to 51/2year -old children. The difFerent kinds of care and fraining
provided by the various conditions of the experiment had very
different effects on the children.. Children who were tried in
words and symbols (pictures and
toy materials only) expr6ssed,more-generosity and helping only at the level of words
and symbols, not in situations calling for actual behavior: The
nurturance of the adult -made no difference_ The children
whose training included also the caregiver's modeling of
actual helpful and compassionate .behavior to "victims': of
distress, and whose caregiver was nurturant toward
them (in
a sense, modeling helpfulness and compassion toward them)
we're the children 'whose own altruistic behavior increased
1
4
markedly. Their' behaviors were sometimes quite ingenious
afisl remarkably se0itive arid adaptive. One child, for examresponded in the following way to one of the experimental
"distress" situations used to assess' the effects of the expsrimentartraining :
A mother has brought her f2-month-old infant for a visit. He is "in a
playpen. The mother who has(been playing with the child leaves the
room for a Moment and in lea
-accidently" pull(f..he tout of his
grasp, outside the playpen. This event invariably }exult
some
protest and distress. The child of-the experiment Ts momentarily alone
beside the playpen. Returning the toy to the baby is a 'usual act of
kindness. This child (age 4), however, returned the toy, brought still
an9ther; and reached out.and patted the baby's arm while trying to talk
to him comfortingly.
Thus an increase in altruisrr_
-ed a combination of
conditionsparent surrogate wht,
both a nurturant relationship with the child-and demonstrated altruism notjust in
stories or words but generally in her behavior toward_ people in
distress. There was another important element in the caregiver's behavior in the experimental ,training,_ namely, when
distress occurred' she verbally brought the distress to the
child's attention, interpreting how the "victim" probably felt
and explaining how her helping was making a difference in
the victim's feelings. In the toy drama where the monkey is
unable to reach the banana, for example, the experimenter
would say, "Oh, you -can't reach your banana. You must be
hungry. I'll help you get 4then you'll feel better."
The experiment was repeated with different adult caregivers
and.. with other groups of children in day care centers. The
results were the same as in the first study; thus helping_ to
so
the conclusions about effective conditions for learning
pros -al behaviors.
-ere findings, of course, do not produce simple recipes for
creating altruistic children. Each of the rearing pr- :tices that
appears to have been important in increasing ht. _ping, cbmforting, or sharing was carried out by adults who were aware,
of, and sensitive to, the needs and capabilities of th. young
children. Nurturance was not limitless; the adult set limits
and was at times withholding and critical: The verbal interpretations, too, were not "overdone" or belabored. It was the
combiruition of rearing practices that made a difference in the
children's behaviors. Since it is assumed that the children in
the experiments had behaved-altruistically before taking pa --t
in the experiment, the effects of the experimental training
were interpreted as making the children more aware of others'
feelings, and giving children, through the model's examples,
more ways to act on their-sensitivities. The training increased
their willingnessor their motivation or their feelings of
responsibilityto be considerate to a distressed person.
"One should not overinterpret the findings from these expet:
-iments as Providing a complete formula for develbping more
altruistic behaviors," Dr. Waxier cautioned. "Even the richest
experiment is only one step toward accounting for factors
contributing to complex behaviors such as empathy and
altituism. Although these experiments demonstrated some
telling differences in the effectiveness of various rearing
-.-
practices, the findings also clearly posed other questions!!
One set of questions grows out of the difference in responding by the children in the - exp-eriments:'-Given the same
distress signals from :'peers or adults or animals, not every
child responded empalhicallly. Exposed to What were generally the most effective training conditions for fostering these
responses, not every child learned. In other words, the training conditions were not sufficient to account for all of the
-differenCes in altruiStic behavior; and one is confronted with
questions: What kind of child is altruistic or can be trained
to
_
be so? When does a child show altruism?
There are many ways to look for answers; for example, -one
is to look fo existing personal differences in-the youngsters.
One
expect./ that certain personality -characteriitics
would make it more or less likely for a child to be altruistic.
One-might also anticipate that children's cognitive ,abilities,
especially abilities o take the roles or. perspectives of other
persons, would be influential in the likelihood of responding
when another person was in distress.- All told, much of the
evidence on both .the perS'onality or the cognitive side as to
who is less or more altruistic has yet to be gathered. The research was directed to this issue; therefore,-several hundred
children, some in nursery schools and some in,day camps,
were systematically obsqrved in interactions with their peers
and with their adult caregiNKers. Interabtions of each child
were coded as social initiatioxs that were assertive,- aggrelsive, seeking the-adult's attention, sharing, helping, or sympathizing.. Behaviors that peers directed to :-the child-were coded_
similarly. Personal characteristics expressed in modes of
--interaction were folind to make a difference in whether or not
children intervened 'to help-their peers, There was a tendency
for the less sbcially interactive .children to show leSs altruism,
which suggests that general inhibition in social initiatives
interferes with altruistic or--,prosocial reactions. Aggressive
and assertive behaviors in children and altruistic behaviors
are complexly related -Co altruism.
r
Whereas in much earlier research
(In the-1930's) a-positive
siiive
association had' been ieported, and ever. since asMamed, between sympathy and aggression .(suggesting possibly a reparative motive for the altruism), studies by the NIMI-L team
tell 'a different story. Children showing socially .assertive
behaviors (which may sometimes' border-on wl-i&t one thinks
of as "aggressive ") were more likely,to respond altruistically
.
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than children who were nonassertive. I-Iloweve, children'(Usu-`-- -.. ally bOy_s)- showing high frequencies- of clearly -aggressive
behaviors, such as hitting or calling names, _were less likely to
..cOme to the help of-their peers:A lot of aggressive behavior is
'----.
,
:
,--
not compatible with a lot of altruistic behaviorsatleast not
within the saine general peer circumstances. Also,: when the
-succession or _sequences of these children's interactions with -" .
peers were observed, itliecarae clear -that, after a child has
,-...-
been aggressive to a peer, theprobability of a prosocial action ,
or other peers is
in the :succe:eding- interaction wit14 that
significantly lowered_ For a brief time at least, the-child seems
to be lessresponsiVe:th-sbcial -cues that signal otoportunitiesto ..
be prosocial. Certain other kinds of experiences with-peers, on
---the other. hand, seemed to sensitize children_ to. feelings of;
othets: Children, ._who had some peer aggzession directed
against their were more altruistic than children who had not
had such experiences; however, there a9 no correlation for '
th.cie children who had been victimized
by their
peers
a great C
..
;
.
deal.
The children who were observed in their play were also
,tested to see if cognitive abilities, along with personal-characteriSties, help to predict qiialities of altruistic children. How.
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,
g..
.
.
Well can a child understand the paint of view a .another
person which differs from his or her own? If a child had.
-.
success and .fin with a game, how well appreciated was the
fact that another child disliked .the game -(a child who had
been unsuccessful)? Or, if the child was sitting across the table
frcim the teacher and was looking at the picture of a man,
could the child -understand that the man in the picture was
upside down to the teacher? These questions were called
"ticing the perspective of the other."
-A second social cognitive _ability was assessedhow well
,,..
.
-
.
.
the child can interpret behavior. Children were shown a series
of video tapes of interaction in which behavior changed
_because of some emotional event. For example, a little boy is
-skillfully constructing a buildingiout .ofblocksAlis parents are
in the room .talldng with once another. -As their talk; Ti g becomes an angry interchange, the boy casts some quick glances
at them; his-hands become unsteady2 and the building begins
to fall.. Children are asked tosrexplain what happened. Onesays,..,!I think he got scared and shaky when his mother and
fatheri:-were.fighting." The researchers were interested to :learn
whether chAdren's abilities to make -inferences about= others'
behavior: related to their. inclinaAons to respond to therS in
-.
heed.
.
i
---.. In general, the tested cognitive skills ciid not pi. "ct 'degrees
of altraiSmunless they were considered along with personality traits.' .'or' Chi.ren. who skillfully interpreted .the video:taped sequeficeS;;Veisocially
assertive was positively asso,.
.
I`)
9
-...
.
cia tt.d with altruistic behavior. For--4ja.adren not skilled in
interpreting behavior, iliere was no preclictioi-idfc;altruistic
behavioif Dr.,Barrett said of these findings: "For childranfivho.
interpret othei-tporsons' beha-4ois on the basis of logical orgy
nizing principles, the prediction of altr=uism froin other person al variables may be better than fox chlItzlren. who view behavior. Less systeniatigally. For their, _perhaps, their prosocial'
behaviors are tore dependent on situational events than on
personalitY..characteristics."
To better understand the conditions -affectimg individ.ual.
children's' decisions to intervene, some of the 1-iildren were
'observed closely when someone was in distress. Varied motives aid inhibitions 'seetned to be operating. On the occasion
of-a familiar adult's tearful upset over the contents of a letter,
several children approaclied and sympathized openly-:*-"I'm'
sorry you feel sad." Other-children-seemed, to attempt to make :
.. contact, alternately approaching.- and withdrawing. One.child-.
oscillated like a pendulum; circling and grimacing but:not
Another-child tritrjrie3o aid the adult indirectlY"wrapping4ecrayon In a paper
lane and throwing ifloviard
the adult; she` then ran and stared out the window. She. later
explained that she was trying to cheer up the adult. Wh-6n the
teacher pinched her finger in a drawer, one child came up
quickly, "I'll take care of you." In cases of peer distresS, children's-reactions ranged from direct helping to running to the
teacher for help, scurrying away as if fearful, or paying no
attention.
As Dr. YarroNw r. explained, long observation, under many
kinds of circumstances, is necessary to arrive at good assessments of the individual, to know, for example, what is facilitating hindering a child's socially responsible:-behavior,
whether. a child has chaliacteristic responses - to another
person's emotion, and whether some.children''are consistently
nonempathic and nonaltruistic and others consistently
empathic and altrUistic.
Similarly, before makingotTnersliations about 'age differnces or s differences in empathy and altruism,
a substam... tial sampling is required. Therefore, the conclusions-that the
researchers draw from their data are stated tentatively. Almost every one,-of the childjen-Studied showed some prosocial
responding, but the frequency varied considerably. There was
a tendency, but not a strong one (§ignificant correlations
- about +.38), for children's scores on sharing and comforting,
tested' experimentally, to be similar to their scores on these
behaviors observed in natural settings. In this sense, _there
was a suggestion of individual' corkSistency. The ages of the
children (5 to 8) did not mark- off. any consistent trends of
increase or decrease in altruism, and neither the frequency nor
the forms of altruism appeared to differ
for boys and girls of :these
ages.
r.
.
.
Cr.,
IQ
14
./
These studies and the dxperiandni$ describea:earher framed .1' _the oblectivdsvaf the research that -Dr. Yarrow descyibed as a
"naturalf.' extension of the precesding work_ "To -get at the
-emerge a of empathic' and altruistic behaviol-s, we needed to '.
study ei.j.d.ren younger, than die nursery agewhen. sharing_
and helping and syrnpathiztag are already present; children
at the end ofthe first .year.and4into the second and$third year
of life. To get. at development ,of syhipathy and altriism.,- weneeded to stay with each child: Oyer an extended period of time. 7
If we- did this we would also be. in a positibn to look at 'individual' patterns, and 13;rhaps consistencies in 'empaihic
behaviors. We needed to move away from experimental designs; for a time at least, in order to deal with more intense
emotional experiences in-the lives of young children."
To fulfill these research Parposes, 24 children, were studied
iniensively70ne-third of the group was-10 months old whenthe...study. started and 19 months old when It ended; a second
one-third of the children entered the study at 15 months andended at 24 months; another one-third began at 20. months
and ended at 29 months_
The overlapping cohort design made possible longitudinal
and cross-sectional examinations of development from 10
months to ,21/2 years. Mothers of the children were trained as
research assistants. Their job was to report on emotional
events occurring in ,,the natural environment. These- Were
events in which pain, anger, joy, sorrow, orweaxiness were
expressed by persons in the child's immediate surrounditig. ,
The emotional events to be noted were of two' kinds': those in
which the child was -a bystander, and those in which the child
was the cause of someone's distress. Events were recorded in
accordance with specified procedures: Mothers dictated an
account of the event,.the child's responses to_he event, and the
consequences, if any, of the child's reactions_ At the same time
the mothers -also simulated seven specified emotions on a
predetermines schedule, one emotion each week, and recorded
the child's reactions. The mothers thus supplied data on chil. dren's reactions to the emotions of :others, especially those
assumed to be emotions of distress_ In;this way it was possible
to obtain data on -pe. pr--cili-sors,,-and ear ly forms of empathy
and altruism and, from the 9 months of records on each child;
to map the developmental transformations in empathy and.
altruism. AppfoxinaatelY 1,500 incidents were obtained.
Dr. Yarrow -described the'develOpraentally changing behiviors.4Children of all, ages, she noted, responded to positive,
happy events differently from events -of emotional distress_
Laughing and imitating were the primary responses to the joy
of another person. The repertoire of'the 10- to 12-month-old
children in response to others' emotions of distreS's is limited
.
-
and predictable: Agitation, expressed in facial expressions
Of
.
,
(
74.
' cry may 'be :assumed to be a primitive, reflexive empathic
_response; which at- this -age has little to do with the other
...?
--t..1person,;? . for ...example, the reaction of a child of 10y2montlis:
r
.7
....-
a
J.intensefroWn, a Waverial.g.smile),
(an ntense
and/O-r-a cry. of distress
- chafacteristic reactions to another person's distress! The
t'ale
I
On observing- the painful blow on her mother's ankle, the child "looked
sad, puckered up and burst out crying. She continued to cry intensely,"
or: When father and mother were fighting; the child "whim 'pered, tensely
.
m2y.e8 heik.arms about, becoming very restless."
-thi 'age the child- seems unready to engage the victati and
does not look for specific cu relating to the dis1 .ti-es.s;.-bzi rather to the perscin as a w
in contrast to children several months. older who often
ect.victiros' tears or
bruises.
Around 12 to 15 months, everchild studied showed the first
,
positive responses directed to the °the/ perscin, The first form
of touching or rubbing the person seems to suggest the child is
establiShing the distress and -emotion as part of the other
person. It is possible that these responses also represent the
child's seeking comfort in an upsetting circumstance through
contact and attempting-to give comfort.
The crying response begins to wane. Beginning at -about 18
months, children chahge- in their reactions to the expressed
fear, pain, anger, and sadness of others. Two kinds of reactions, emotional expression and self-refererktial behaviors, tellA lot about what the child is processing. Imitations- of the other
person's emotional expressions seem almost reflexive.. (The
mother accidentally bit her cheek and winced_ Immediately,
the- child's face "was an exact mirror of _the pain. ") This
imitation seems, of course, much like empathy (experiencing
mother's- emotion) .
Imitations also may be deliberate and studied, as though the
child is "trying on" the emotional expression and getting
feedback to know how it feels. We see this "deliberate" imitation and self-referencing in the progression of a 21- month -old
-child's reaction: The mother bumped her elbow and grimaced
and rubbed it. The child looked pained too, rubbed her own
elbow, said "Criir," and then rubbed her mother's elbow. This
.sequence
seems to aid the child's comprehension of the moth.,
e s emotion as it progresses to an actual initiation of -a
p
'five positive behavior toward the victim.
For some children, in the developmental changes, imitation
appears to take second place to the predominance of affect. The
developmental transformation appears to be more a relocation
of affect, as illustrated in changes in one little girl from 11
months old to 19 months old. This child is in the ciistwess-cry
stage; her brother is enraged, `she cries, turns t9 hermother
and is nestled and stroked. Later, when she is a little older, she
comes upon her mother who is reacting ..t.o a scalded hand.
i
.
-12
1
Again the nestlig ,o-c1=4-igging_w-rth bier mother occur, but
now she gives some comfort to her mother as..-well as getting.
-coinfort from her. Still later, the child's independent affect is.
unmistakable. .She is observed coinfortmg a visiting, crying
baby. She 1ST stri*iiig his head; hugsigg and patting him,
offering-,im taysi and finally-trying to bring her mather.to the
rescue..
/ The children'S tendeny to refer sOmepn.e's'ethotion to themselves, as in the illustration of the mothers bumped elbow, is
especially interesting because such sent""- reference seems to
show children's active attempts fo understand others' feelings
by, "trying them on.7 according to Dr. King. It was not
uncommon, he. indicated; for self- referential responses to be'
follOwect-by compassionate actions_ Athong 117 to 2 year olds,
.NRoinforting was sometimes elaborate: -Eugging the sobbing
baby, trying to giVe theTibaby a toy, covering -mother with a
'blanket 'when she is resting, trying to put-a Band-aid on a.
peer's hurt, Or verbal-17irg sympathy or concrrx.
Of course, acts., ;.-of kindness toward someone in distress are
not-universal reactions of young childien. There are alsam.aily,
'occasions when other? emotions bring no suchresponses and;
.
'7
instead, bririg anger and aggressionoi no reaction at all.
What is significant,' however, is that the capabilities for
kindness and compassion are preseiit at very early stages of development.
..")
One. of- the most evocative emotions for young children is
auger in others:: It is' reacted to strongly and variously. For
example, 'children showed distress to parents' arguments and
---i-anger with one another: 'crying, covering eyes and ears,
Iiiigging one parent, hitting- parents, or running out of the
doom.
"We have been describing the central tendendies in the ways
-
children in the first 2 yeas -react toward others in emotional
distreSsi in order to show the developmental changes," Dr.
Yarrow noted. "We had several-- other interests in this study,
one being to-look at.chiidien over time for patterns of individual consistency. Indeed, :distinct and consistent patterns
emerged for. some children. A. number-of children stood out a..4_
empathic _and securely and .competently altruistic.. Several
were intensely emotionally invested in comforting. For one
little boy, emotionS_ seemed tO, make Pirriost no impression.
Another child stood- out In her lack-of tolerance for others'
emotions...4511e physically shut.I.lierL out (hiding,' covering her
. ears, cotvering, fleeing the room)' or 3n_shed out aggressively.
Theseprofiles were relatively stable- dyer the 9 months of thestudy. They alert.us to the fact that the beginnings of empathic
qualities wf _the indiVidual are discernible at very early ages,
and to look for factors.shaping these qualities we will do well to
considr what emotions. are being manifested around and
to5vir,ard: the- child."
13
The mothers' descriptions of thesemotional 'events and
,
their handling, of these situations provide information op-how
.chilth.en: are being trained difFerentfy, in regard, to being'
responsive to others' feelings-and to being kind. Dr. Waxier described maternal ,behaViors that are linked with
'empathy and conpassibii. Children who wsre most empathic
and-altruistic and mbst. reparative when they had caused
distress had 1-mothers.. who showed ia. concern about others'
emotional well-being. Mothers were themselves exemplars of
altruism , in responding-Ito- others' needs" and in being warm
and- caring toward .their own children. -These moihers,had
high expections-con.cenaing the child's control of his/her
aggressive impulses. When the child'S own acts wereinjurious
to another,. thjese mothers strongly and affectively explained
the diltressing,_ impact of the child's actions on the other
person: "That Makes me very sad to see Siou hit someone."
"People -are not for hurting!" "Stop #.4at You
hurting
him." ."1- don't -like to be with you. when yoii act like that." And
the
.leaves the room The researchers suggest that it is
notth' verbal contents .of mothers' communications but _the'
emotional accompaniments that arouSepliildren to. action. Or
it may be that the mother's_affect is necessary in order to get
the cognitive message to the Child.
A significant locus for the child's learning empathy and
altruism; these investigators believe, is the 'situation in which
the child is directly involved by having. caused the &Stress.
What the caregiver does here in close interaction with the
child tends to "develop feelings and behaviorS in the ch that
transfer to othei- distress situations in which the child is not
the, cause and in which the child behaves altruistically. Thits,
coming to someone's rescue, or comforting sometioae who is sad
or hurt, is not always without some anxious feelings on the
'part of the child. These. anxiqus fee hn-gs probably derive from
the affect-arousing messages from the mothei when the child
-has been "at fault" Training the child to be attentive-to the
needs of others and to be responsible for one's own 'behavior
which hurts others, and at the same time not to carry a heavy.
burden of anxiety, is not an easy task for parent's. The "affecfive loading". of the parent's communications seems to be, a
critical dimension, but one nbt fully clarified in the present
data. Dr:Yarrow emphasized the "in progress7, nature of this
aspect of the research: "Our study of the youiagest children
and their - mothers .has given us descriptive information from
which we have made. inferences about Isiocesses of- parental
influence. Our dgsigpas now take us to ekperimental Procethires
in which we,Fwith the mothers, will be attempting to. bring the
processes into clearer view.",
.
-
.L
._
14
V
--ConcLusidri
-
0-4e
By their- ir(quiries into the emotions of children and' the 'emotional environments that impinge on children:Dr. Yarrow
and her associates have added new Perspectives-on child:development. They have offe,ried insights into the complexities of
social-emotional development by tracing some of the developempathic and altruistic capabilities of
mental changes
of thelactorS contribyoung childrerrrand by idgntifying some_ fZuna
links between
uting to the'Se behaviors. They have
these beha.vidrs and childrearing practkes, On t_ he orre hand,
of
and individual temperamental and :cognitive-:properties
sight
of
the
rechildren; on the other. It is important not to lose
studies
= search techniques that were developed in these phenometechniques that managed to retain fir reality of
to exper-.
na under scrutiny while sirbjectirig these phenomena
-imentation, intensive observation, and rigorous analysis. But
`the keen
most of all, these data are important as they signalEspecially
z
sensitivities of young children to emotional stimuli.
in .the longitudinal analyses of Children in the second and
third years of life, the acquired data are useful as (1) markers of
normal emotional development and (2) early,-signs of deviant..
..
affective behavior.
influenced
by expeEmpathy and altruism are appreciably
riential factors, as dembristrated in the experimental studies.
of preschool -age children and. in the naturalistic studies of
younger children. Data from these sources indicate that altru.ism- is best learned from parents who are themselves empathic
th-&i. provide a moderof
and altruisticarentsmust do more
others;they must also pro- ,
compassionate behaviors toward
vide cognitive training of the kind decribed, maintain high
expectations for their" child, and have a caring, nurturant
relationship with 4.ifir child_
-4,Ithough the research has been concentrated on4parents'
rearii:4g practices, Drt. Yarrow and Waxier present a much
broader version of "rearing influences at a- distance"--the
emotional events in the child's immediate environent. The
emotions of other persons in the world of children, especially
in the pr.t.,,..rate wOrld of the family,- are stibauli quit as rea4. as
roan_ y more toner to and tangible stimuli and potentially quite
as influential as, the more direct rearing practices in the.
.
-_
-
moldin.g.of children's emotional-s6Cial development.
-15
Suggested Readings
.--
s
Barrett, D.E., and YarroVi, M.R. Prosocial behavioi., assertivenets and social.
48:47-.48.1,
1977.
it;.,
inferential abilkty in children. child Development,
?.
.,,
i . -influencing
'..Vglitative
learning
in
Waxiel, C2., and Yarrow, M.R.Experimental,
Factors
Child
Piychology,
9:1.15-130,
,-gr'esalobl children. Journal .of
19,70.
,L
-
_
-i'" *
and Yarrow, M.R. An observationjal study of maternal. models.
,
,.
A Wax ler4C.Z,
----Zr-Vi:u.cr-nca of Developmental Psychology, 4:485-494, 1975,
Wa./e'r, C.Z. 'and Yag-o- w, !VIM. Perspective-taking And prosocial behavior.
Journal ofDevelopmental Psychology, 13:87-88, 1977.
Yarrow, M.R. Research on child rearing a.s3a basis forti practice. Child Welfare,
4:209-2-19, 1973.
eds.
Yarrow,...M_R.::Peers and- frieldship. In: Lewis: M., And Rosenblum, L.,York:
Origin
of
BehdVior.
VoL
II.
New
Friendship and Peer .Relatierho:. The
john Wiley and Sons,L976.
Imitation of nurtura.nt and nonnurturant
Yarrow, M.R-, and Scott, P
models. Journal of Persorzalitytznd Social Psychology, 23:25970, 1972_
Yarrow, M.R.; Scott, RM.; an Waxier, C.Z. Learning concern fOr others. Developrnental Psychology, 8:240-266, 1973.
and correlates of prosoefal
Yarrocr, M L, and Waxier, C2. Dimensions
behavior in young children. Child Development, 47:118 -125, 1976:
-Yarrow, M_RiVand. Waxier, CZ. Emergence and functions of progoCial behavand Smart, ;M., eds. Readings in
iors in young children. In: Smart, R.C.,and
Infants: Developmental and
Child -Development and Relationships
Relationships. New York: Macmillan Publishing Co., 1976. pp. 77-812Yarrow,Nr.Rf, and Waxier, C.Z ,.. Observing interaction: A cptifroAtation with
-methodology. In: Carins, Robert, ed. Social Interactional Aruilysis": Methods
an4lllustrations. Hillsdale, N.J.': Lawrence Eribaum A'ssociates.n press.
,
.
3
17:
S.::+cablaVERNMENT PRIlsrrZIG OFFICE :1978 0
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264..448