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No less than Narendra Modi, India's erudite prime minister, had attributed the selfdisparaging Indian character to its thousand years of slavery, that too on the floor of the Indian parliament. And it's no wonder that Asaduddin Owaisi, the Islamist revivalist in the Indian remnant, promptly contested the said proposition. Needless to say, while Modi echoed the lament of the Hindu nationalists, albeit in a politically correct vocabulary, Owaisi sees the Muslim invasion of Hindustan through the prism of eight-hundred years of Islamic hukummat over the same. Whatever, a critical examination of India's Islamic history, even the one dished out by its Muslim overlords, and an objective analysis of its socio-cultural construct therein would belie the supposition that Hindus were forced into slavery in any which way. No doubt, when the Islamic marauders eyed it for loot and rapine, India was long since the home to the Nalandas and the Takshasilas, the Ivys of yore, and it was also the world's largest economy with some thirty-percent share of its gross domestic product. Thus, it's as if India then was the crown of the creation, adorned with Hindu jewels, and that being the case, maybe the Hindus of that time were justified to feel top-of-the-world, like the Americans of the day do. So, that's exactly what they felt like, and we have Aberuni's testimony for that In his eponymous book on India of around 1030CE. "… the Hindus believe that there is no country but theirs, no nation like theirs, no kings like theirs, no religion like theirs, no science like theirs."
The Wire, 2017
Despite economic troubles, a questionable education system and a booming healthcare sector catering fabulously to its minuscule elite, it is religion that is on the tip of every politician’s tongue.
Journal of International and Global Studies Volume 4, Number 2: April 2013, 2013
Journal of Asian Studies, 2008
In the early twentieth century, Hindutva, or Hindu nationalism, was a philosophy premised on exclusivist notions of "nation-ness" and "nation-state-ness." India, proponents claimed, had since the earliest times been the pitrabhumi and the punyabhumi of Hindus-their fatherland and holy land. This ideal realm was corrupted by Muslim and Christian "invaders," foreigners who defiled and split asunder "Akhand Hindustan," the one India of Hindus. In the context of British rule of the subcontinent, Hindu nationalists mirrored colonial claims and held up the native princely states as exemplars of "tradition," as territories unspoiled by foreign hands and thus representative of the "true India." The idea behind Akhand Hindustan came from a prominent member of the princely state bureaucracy, K. M. Munshi. Here the author explores how and why princely states were idealized in the Hindu imaginary and what role reformers, particularly Munshi, played in perpetuating this hard-line ideology. By exploring the regions on which early Hindu nationalism was mapped, the author illuminates the teleology of Hindutva while providing a better understanding of the place of princely states in the politics and society of colonial India.
So to say, the Macaulay Minute with Maulana’s add-ons thus shaped the fake Nehruvian ‘Idea of India’ based on the perverse narrative of tolerance of the intolerant and intolerance of the tolerant, which insensibly afflicted the Hindu mindset and the thought process in every sphere of India’s intellectual activity. What’s worse, in a continuing saga, the Hindus of the day too remain unmindful of the inimical demographic designs of the Islamists and the evangelicals alike in their land that would portend its geographical doom should baffle the historians and the laymen alike. So this exercise is to decipher the peculiarity of the suicidal Hindu mindset that set India on its ruinous course, and continues to do so.
The Hindu Nation: A Reconciliation with modernity, 2021
The book begins with an introduction examining ‘nationhood’ in India and then traces the political conflict to Nehruvian cultural policy after 1947. In today’s world, no religion can claim to be superior to any other. But in pursuing ‘modernity’ and inculcating the ‘scientific’ and ‘secular’ outlook, Nehruvian rationalism created an elite liberal class that was sceptical about the majority religion, but this was not extended to other religions because of a misunderstanding of ‘secularism’. In promoting Westernised education, the preserving of local knowledge was neglected and Hinduism lost respect among the educated elite born into it. The elite class became the intermediary with the West, which now dominates academic study of India. Further, prompted by the sceptical attitude of liberal Indians, Western academics and intellectuals accord Hinduism less respect than to other religions and treat it as ‘superstition’. Traditional Indians who revere Hinduism but are products of the same lop-sided system respond by attributing false value to India’s prehistory and its past. Hinduism is not a religion but a collection of practices associated with the space now called India. Author M.K. Raghavendra examines what being ‘Hindu’ means and asks whether its practices are reconcilable with global modernity and compatible with justice and egalitarianism.
Journal of International and Global Studies, 2013
"What"s in a name?" asks an old saying, but the notion that a name is not necessarily synonymous with an identity has not stopped the scholars of India from engaging in lengthy debates regarding the names given to particular peoples or practices. While naming "races" in India and Europe occupied much of the early discourse on Indian ethnic identity, the current discourse centers on the use of the term "Hindu," an umbrella term meant to identify and group the peoples associated with the indigenous religious and cultural systems of India. The conversation about the use of this term and what the term represents takes up more space in postcolonial studies than any other issue related to India or Indian history, culture, and identity. The debate about how to classify the religion(s) of India is currently discussed without much agreement among scholars, leading to a rift; there are those who argue that "Hinduism" appropriately identifies an indigenous Indian socio-religious and cultural sphere, and there are those who argue that the purported "Hindu" identity is nothing more than a construct, existing only in the imagination of the West, conveniently but erroneously grouping a wide diversity of beliefs, practices, and traditions into a single, supposed entity. The subject of whether or not the term Hinduism legitimately refers to a religion has raged in Western academia for the last decade and continues to inspire publications. Rethinking Religion in India is one such publication that addresses this question. The book is divided into two parts, with Part I, "Historical and Empirical Arguments," containing five articles and Part II, "Theoretical Reflections," containing four articles. The book begins with an introduction by Marianne Keppens and Esther Bloch that addresses the central issues concerning the question of the existence of Hinduism and the understanding of Hinduism as a religion. The authors say that the near non-existence of religious studies programs in Indian academia and the dichotomy that is presented in Indian academia between Hindutva (a term roughly meaning "Hindu-ness," coined in 1923 and currently understood to conceptualize "the way of life of the Indian people and the Indian culture") and a more secular understanding of Indian identity are both compelling reasons to rethink religion in India (p.1). The editors consider the colonial construct of Hinduism as central to this debate. They raise a number of questions about the nature of religion in India, including, "Do Indian traditions like Hinduism, Buddhism, and Jainism form different kinds of religions?" "Do such "Indian Religions," exist at all?" "Did a new religion, namely Hinduism, come into being during the colonial era?" "How could this happen?" Following these questions, the editors proclaim the importance of finding answers to these questions, saying that such answers are essential if one is to understand contemporary issues in India, such as religious conversion and religious conflict. Further, they note that academia has not given due attention to this issue, and they lament the sparse academic works on the subject. As such, the editors strive to bring together the most important voices of the debate in order to establish the notion that Hinduism is indeed a construct. The first article, by David N. Lorenzen, "Hindus and Others," includes a discussion of the practice of Buddhism in India, along with the practices of Christianity and Islam, addressing only Hinduism as conceptually problematic-though other contributing authors, like Balagangadhara, submit to the premise that there is no religion in India and that neither Hinduism, nor Buddhism, nor Jainism are religions at all. Lorenzen attempts to analyze three topics in his essay: (1) religion as an academic study in the universities in the West, (2) the construction of the concept
academia.edu, 2019
Abstract Colonialism in India continues to have far-reaching consequences on people’s lives. Post-1857, a new form of colonial rule was introduced that interpreted several aspects of socio-culture life and created triangulation in many parts of the society. The effect of these changes also affected the religious life in India. In interpreting Hinduism in the colonial frontier, European scholarship indicated two critical ways that classified the religion as a particular, homogenous religious element: first, by finding the essence of the Indian thought in certain Sanskrit writings and second, by analyzing Indian religion by utilizing contemporary European understandings of Christian conventions as an epistemological measuring stick. Hinduism was thus reinterpreted and recast with much Christian underpinnings. This led to separation of the social and cultural aspects of Hinduism from its religious elements resulting in a westernized form of Hinduism. This has led to confusion on the boundaries and parameters of Hinduism in the post-colonial period and, though having been in India over millennia, Hindus now finds themselves at the crossroad of identity. This paper discusses these colonial changes and looks at how to carry forward the study of Hinduism in future.
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