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Governance crisis and state Failure in Nigeria: Are we all guilty?

2017

This is the fourth inaugural lecture in the Department of Public Administration. I sincerely thank God for this honour and privilege. A renowned Professor of Political Science, Sam Oyovbaire emphatically asserted that "there is crisis of governance in Nigeria," it is "real, tangible, obvious and clear." It is difficult to contradict this observation, because evidences abound that make governance crisis not only perceptible, but visible, touchable and solid. It is also a fact that Onanuga (2014) contends that "we are all victims of Nigeria's governance crisis and we all experience its symptoms" in one form or the other. These symptoms include, among othersdyshnctional government, failed educational system, debilitated health system, malfunctioned transport system, deteriorated security system, epileptic power supply, food insecurity, defective socioeconomic and political system. All of these, point to the incapability and helplessness of government to function well in these areas, which amount to government's total or partial failure to perform its primary functions up to expectations. During an interview on A1 Jazeera Television, Muhammadu Buhari (then as an APC presidential candidate) was quoted to have said that the "government has failed in its principal duty of protecting life or property of all beings inside its territoryw.' It is rather disturbing to observe that the security situation has not dramatically improved since May 29, 2015 when he took over as the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria except for the gallant performance of the Nigerian security forces, which has increased our optimism that the Boko insurgency will ultimately be routed from Nigeria's Northeast. Nigerian Governance Environment It is pertinent at this juncture to ask: What do we mean by governance? The World Bank (1991) defines governance as "the ' htcp://info.worldbank.org/govemancdwgi/index.aspx#hon~e 'Cited from N m l Islam and Om Pnkash Mathur (1995) "Urban Govcmancc in hsia" in Urbnn Governnnce (Regional paper presented at thc Second Urban Forum: Noven1k.r 27-29. 1005 at the UN Office, Nairobi. Sec Zanrnan as citcd in Woodward, 1996: 144. 7http:l/www.expIorinBecopolitics.or~intewicw~lambach~failed~states~definitions~causes~conce ~IocaI~go~~c.mancc~authority~chaos~anarchy~fcatures~scales/ shttps:Nrobertrotbcrp.wordpress.com/20 1?/02/1 1 /failed-and-weak-states-defined/ '6http://www.dawodu.com/atofaratiI .htm ''-FX~S varin!~~ groups cannot be discussed within the scope of this Lecture. Suftice to say that each c f the Toups can be a full lecture on its own. ' Rorn Hsram is not an ethnic or cultural group but an Islamic organization that has been active in Northeastern Ni_eeria since 2009. The name of the group literally means, "Western" education is a sin ,a7 ?n ahomi~ation. The group has launched violent attacks on churches and institutions c pecially schools and police stations and sometimes banks.

INAUGURAL LECTURE SERIES 299 GOVERNANCE CRISIS AND STATE FAILURE IN NIGERIA: ARE WE ALL GUILTY? BY M4TI'HEW OLU OK(YTON1 Professor of Public Administration f i ODAFEMl AWOLOWO UNIVERSIITY PRESS, ILE-IFE, NIGERIA. / ' r - - - MATTHEW OLU OKOTOMI Professor of Public Administration GOVERNANCE CRISIS AND STATE FAILURE ]IN NIGERIA: ARE WE ALL GUILTY? An Inaugural Lecture Delivered at Oduduwa Hall, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria On Tuesday, 1 4 ' March, ~ 2017 MATTHEW OLU OKOTONI Professor of Public Administration Inaugural Lecture Series 299 O OBAFEMI AWOLOWO UNIVERSITY PRESS, 2017 ISSN 0189-7848 Printed by Obafemi Awolowo University Press Limited, Ile-Ife, Nigeria. IvO UNIVERSITY PRESS, 2017 hi~~ersity Press Limited, Nigeria. GOVERNANCE CRISIS AND STATE FAILURE IN NIGERIA: ARE WE ALL GUIL'AY? Mr. Vice-Chancellor Sir, distinguished ladies and gentlemen, with gratitude to the Almighty God, I stand before you this evening to give the 299 Inaugural Lecture of this great University, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife. This is the fourth inaugural lecture in the Department of Public Administration. I sincerely thank God for this honour and privilege. A renowned Professor of Political Science, Sam Oyovbaire emphatically asserted that "there is crisis of governance in Nigeria," it is "real, tangible, obvious and clear." It is difficult to contradict this observation, because evidences abound that make governance crisis not only perceptible, but visible, touchable and solid. It is also a fact that Onanuga (2014) contends that "we are all victims of Nigeria's governance crisis and we all experience its symptoms" in one form or the other. These symptoms include, among others - dyshnctional government, failed educational system, debilitated health system, malfunctioned transport system, deteriorated security system, epileptic power supply, food insecurity, defective socio-economic and political system. All of these, point to the incapability and helplessness of government to function well in these areas, which amount to government's total or partial failure to perform its primary functions up to expectations. During an interview on A1 Jazeera Television, Muhammadu Buhari (then as an APC presidential candidate) was quoted to have said that the "government has failed in its principal duty of protecting life or property of all beings inside its territoryw.' It is rather disturbing to observe that the security situation has not dramatically improved since May 29, 2015 when he took over as the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria except for the gallant performance of the Nigerian security forces, which has increased our optimism that the Boko insurgency will ultimately be routed from Nigeria's Northeast. Let me assure you, ladies and gentlemen that we have to wait till the end of this lecture to be able to answer quite affirmatively the question on whether we are all guilty of the incidence of governance crisis and perceived state failure in Nigeria; this is because the answer is not as obvious and affirmative, which is the thrust of this lecture. My early interest in Nigeria's governance crisis and the perceived failure of the Nigeria State in the discharge of its primary duties and statutory responsibilities to the citizens was spurred by late Professor (Emeritus) Vincent Ostrom of the Workshop in Political Theory and Policy Analysis at Indiana University, Bloomington, USA. He challenged me to present a paper on African indigenous governance system in the face of dismal failure of the state-based institutions during the Mini-Conference organized by the Workshop in December 1993. In response to this, I presented a paper titled "Village Administration in Nigeria: A Case Study of Kabba Yoruba". This was followed by another paper titled "Village Administration in Nigeria: A comparative Approach" during the Mini-Conference in April-May 1994. This interest was boosted, expanded and sustained by my teacher, pastor, mentor and friend, Professor Bamidele Olowu, when he asked me to prepare a draft proposal on Informal Administrative System in Nigeria, which was adopted, modified and expanded for a group research on indigenous governance in Nigeria by the Research Group on Local Institutions in Nigeria (REGOLIN), also known as Local Institutions and Development Project (LISDP) under his able leadership. The outcome of this research gave birth to a special edition of African Journal of Institutions and Development (AJID) in 1996 with a focus on "Governance of Nigeria's Villages and Cities with case studies across the country and later a book titled Indigenolrs Governnrzce Systems in Nigeria, edited by Dele Olowu and John Erero in 1997. Nigerian Governance Environment It is pertinent at this juncture to ask: What do we mean by governance? The World Bank (1991) defines governance as "the manner countq this gt elemen regime manag develo forrnu' functic proce: make modif as con a COL govet the g polic that ! In th abou adm cons enh: (191 on? poc in ' Isl: to acc Pr' in gentlemen that we have to wait till i3lc to answer quite affirmatively the !re all guilty of the incidence of 11,cd state failure in Nigeria; this is ~~bvious and affirmative, which is the m !i povernance crisis and the perceived I +hedischarge of its primary duties +o the citizens was spurred by late 3strom of the Workshop in Political I' Indiana University, Bloomington, :sent a paper on African indigenous of dismal failure of the state-based "-Conference organized by the In response to this, I presented a ration in Nigeria: A Case Study of bllowed by another paper titled ~geria:A comparative Approach" Ipril-May 1994. This interest was ' my teacher, pastor, mentor and vu, when he asked me to prepare a dministrative System in Nigeria, ild expanded for a group research ''reria by the Research Group on !EGOLIN), also known as Local "mject (LISDP) under his able research gave birth to a special ritl,t1ons and Development (AJID) mance of Nigeria's Villages and ie country and later a book titled 1'7 Ariperia, edited by Dele Olowu . en t to -ask: What do we mean by 291) defines govemance as "the manner in which power is exercised in the management of a country's economic and social resources for development". Within this general definition, the Bank distinguishes three distinct elements of governance. First, the form of a country's political regime; second, the process by which authority is exercised in the management of a country's economic and social resources for development; and third, the capacity of the government to design, formulate and implement policies and to discharge its core functions. The World Bank goes on to say that "governance is the process - by which authority is conferred on rulers, by which they make the rules and by which those rules are enforced and modified." Another World Bank document describes governance as consisting of the traditions and institutions by which authority in a country is exercised, which "includes the process by which governrnents are selected, monitored and replaced; the capacity of the governrnent to effectively formulate and implement sound policies; and the respect of citizens and the state for the institutions that govern economic and social interactions among them.'?' In the view of Landell-Mills and Serageldin (1991)' govemance is about how people are ruled; how the affairs of a state are administered and regulated. To Hyden (1992) governance is "the conscious management of regime structures with a view to enhancing the legitimacy of the public realms"; while Rosenau (19925) explains the concept to mean "a system of rule that works only if it is accepted by the majority (or at least, by the most powerful of those it affects, whereas governrnents can function even in the face of widespread opposition to their policies." To Nazrul Islam and Om Prakash Mathur (1995:3) "governance broadly refers to the system of government concentrating on effective and accountable institution, democratic principles and electoral processes, representative and responsible structures of government in order to ensure an open and legitimate relationship between the ' htcp://info.worldbank.org/govemancdwgi/index.aspx#hon~e 'Cited from N m l Islam and Om Pnkash Mathur (1995) "Urban Govcmancc in hsia" in Urbnn Governnnce (Regional paper presented at thc Second Urban Forum: Noven1k.r 27-29. 1005 at the UN Office, Nairobi. civil society and the state." Fofana (1997) looks at governance from economic point of view, which he describes as "the process by which a society makes decision about the production and distribution of scarce resources." To Zartman (1997) governance is simply conflict management. To the UNDP, sound governance is participatory, transparent, accountable, effective and equitable, and promotes the rule of law.4 Crisis is defined as "a situation that is extremely difficult or dangerous, when there are many problems5" - such as serious economic, financial, or political crisis. Governance crisis is a situation that is characterized by political instability, poor management of resources due to lack of competent leadership resulting in corruption. Failed state is one of governance crisis' symptoms, where the state is "tense, deeply conflicted, dangerous, and contested bitterly by waning factions;" including "armed revolts and other hostile conflicts between the central government and one or more insurgencies, as in Afghanistan, the Sudan, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo", and currently in Nigeria (Rotberg, 201 3). To understand the Nigerian governance environment, recourse to her political history will be necessary. Nigeria came into existence on January 1, 1914 as a result of the Amalgamation of the Southern and Northern Protectorates and the Lagos Colony under the British colonial administration with its seat in Lagos. Various parts of the territories known as Nigeria today were ceded to the British imperii~listsat different times and dates. Lagos was ceded to Britain on 6th August, 1861. The Southern Protectorate was transferred from the Foreign Office to the colonial office in 1899. The Northern part of the country that was administered by the Royal Niger Company. whose sole interest was commercial, was taken over by the British colonial administration on January 1, 1900. Lagos remained the political capital of Nigeria until 4 Decem relocal Nigeri indepd parlia regior Mid* The c led to Janur culm 15, 1 until dernc Natij tern mar! The Bul Bat 'Pr tra1 the thf (S (JJ ur Si G 1' S( a P ( Trevor Gordon-Somers "Slatcmmt on Good Governance" in Afiicnn Inslitute for Dcmocmc): April 1997, page 133. Mr. Gordon-Sonicrs is Spec131A[I\.isor. UNDP Regional Bureau for Africa. Please see Cnnrbridsc E~r,yli.rliI)icrio~irr~? ana (1 997) looks at governance from ~h he describes as "the process by !?ision about the production and 5.'' To Zartman (1997) governance is the W P , sound governance is klntable, effective and equitable, and lion that is extremely difficult or nny problems'" - such as serious c" crisis. Governance crisis is a by political instability, poor 10 lack of competent leadership <:ate is one of governance crisis' UIX. deeply conflicted, dangerous, r u ~ gfactions;" including "armed ' 7 between the central government ~s in Afghanistan, the Sudan, and Conyo". and currently in Nigeria !crnance environment, recourse to ksary. Xigeria came into existence 111 of the Amalgamation of the "'es and the Lagos Colony under In with its seat in Lagos. Various Nigeria today were ceded to the riles and dates. Lagos was ceded The Southern Protectorate was ce to the colonial office in 1899. ? that was administered by the le interest was commercial, was A administration on January 1, , . tical capital of Nigeria until m c c " in A . f i b fnsrir~rtejorD ~ n r o r , - aApril ~, '. I3'DP Re$onal Bureau for Africa. December 12, 1991 when the seat of the federal government was relocated to Abuja, the new federal capital. Nigeria attained her independence on October 1, 1960. At independence, Nigeria operated a civilian Westminster Parliamentary system of government with three large and unequal regions (and four regions in 1963 with the carving out of Midwestern Region from Western Region) under a federal system. The country was engulfed in an unprecedented political crisis that led to the demise of the First Republic via the first military coup on January 15, 1966. The coup did not end the crisis as it eventually culminated into the thirty-month civil war from 1967 to January 15, 1970. From January 15, 1966, the military ruled the country until October 1, 1979, when it handed over power to the democratically elected president, Alhaji Shehu Shagari of the National Party of Nigeria (NPN). The civilian administration was terminated on December 31, 1983 in another military coup. This marked the return of the military to the country's political arena. The new military regime headed by Major-General Muhammadu Buhari was in turn overthrown by Major-General Tbrahim Babangida - the Army Chief of Staff who then proclaimed himself 'President'. He led the nation through a convoluted political transition programme to civil rule, which he scuttled by annulling the June 12, 1993 presidential election that was apparently won by the late Chief M.K.O. Abiola of the Social Democratic Party (SDP). He then put in place an Interim National Government ( N G ) headed by Chief Ernest Shonekan whose government lasted until November 1993 when his Secretary of Defence, General Sanni Abacha removed him and instituted a full-blown hfilitary Government of which he was the head until his death on June 7, 1998. The members of his Provisional Ruling Council (PRC) then selected the Chief of Defence Staff, General Abdulsalam Abubakar as his successor who embarked on the shortest transition programme in the country and handed over to Chief Olusegun Obasahjo on May 29, 1999. Ever since, the country is still struggling to get it right. From the foregoing, it is clear that as at May 29, 1999, Nigeria had been ruled by the military for about 30 years out of 39 years of independence. It is to be pointed out that all the military regimes and civilian administrations have been characterised by high levels of corruption, political instability, social menace, poverty, lack of rule of law, violence and insecurity etc. This is clearly not an enviable govemance environment and a clear indication of govemance crisis and a state on the verge of failure! What is State Failure? State failure refers to instances where "less than complete collapse" occurs (Poon~bos,2001:5 as cited in Solomon & Cone, 2004). State failure in reality is not a sudden event but rather "a long term degenerative di~ease."~State collapse can thus be viewed as a downward spiral inaugurated by a complex and conflict-ridden process of deterioration, decline and erosion of state functions. It is associated with certain concepts, including failed state, fragile state, collapsed state and weak state (which is the opposite of stable or state success). To Lambach (2012)' failed states are not necessarily sites of chaos and anarchy, as they are sometimes portrayed - "in fact, societies usually turn to alternative providers of govemance in the absence of the state, such as traditional or charismatic authorities." For the purpose of this lecture, state failure will be used as a synonym of failed state. Why? Both of them have similar characteristics in the literature, even though they differ in some degrees. Rotberg (2013) explained that "a failed state is a country with a government that cannot or will not deliver essential political goods (public services) to its c i t i ~ e n s He . ~ argued further that "... failed states lack security, are unsafe, honour rules of law in the breach, are robustly corrupt, deny participation or voice most of the time to most of their people, discriminate within their countries against Sec Zanrnan as citcd in Woodward, 1996: 144. 7http:l/www.expIorinBecopolitics.or~intewicw~lambach~failed~states~definitions~causes~concepts ~IocaI~go~~c.mancc~authority~chaos~anarchy~fcatures~scales/ shttps:Nrobertrotbcrp.wordpress.com/201?/02/11 /failed-and-weak-states-defined/ ?at as at May 29,1999, Nigeria had r about 30 years out of 39 years of sd out that all the military regimes ' e been characterised by high levels 'ty, social menace, poverty, lack of zcurity etc. This is clearly not an ment and a clear indication of the verge of failure! Ices where "less than complete 1 :5 as cited in Solomon & Cone, ; not a sudden event but rather "a -96 c. State collapse can thus be inaugurated by a complex and rioration, decline and erosion of with certain concepts, including red state and weak state (which is ~cess).To Larnbach (2012)' failed !f chaos and anarchy, as they are iocieties usually turn to alternative 2 absence of the state, such as ~rities."For the purpose of this 'd as a synonym of failed state. \r characteristics in the literature, legrees. a failed state is a country with a ~t deliver essential political goods He argued further that ". .. failed onour rules of law in the breach, lation or voice most of the time to te within their countries against classes and kinds of citizens, offer sustainable economic opportunity only to ruling elites and other cronies, and provide human development (educational and health services) sparingly or not at all." Going by this definition, Nigeria perfectly fits into almost all the features that characterize a failed state. Is Nigeria a Failed State? This is one of the most debated questions about the Nigeria nationstate. Some have argued that Nigeria is a failed state; others believe that it is in the process of failure, while some analysts even predicted the disintegration of the country in 2015~. Most of these opinions are, however, not based on tangible facts that can be substantiated with evidence, but on political sentiments, personal interests, ethno-religious prejudices and beliefs. A few, however, based their positions on situational analysis. Notably, the former US Ambassador to Nigeria, John Campbell, gave an in-depth analysis of how Nigeria was drifting towards a failed state due to inherent corruption, ethno-religious tensions, increasing Islamic radicalism, power tussles by elites and the tension of the 2015 presidential election.1° This was responsible for his several predictions that the country would not exist beyond 2015. To address the question, some indices will be used based on the understanding of the concepts of state success and state failure. According to Global ~uerrillas," a nation-state success can be measured by its ability to deliver political goods arranged in hierarchical order as follows: (i) security (the state's primary function that provides a framework through which all other political goods can be delivered; (ii) Law (a system of codes and procedures that regulate the interactions of the population and set the standards for conduct); (iii) medical and health care (this is central to the entire health of the country - social, political, economic as it is commonly said "health is wealth"); (iv) schools and educational instruction - no nation can develop beyond its - http:llintpolicydigest.org/2015105126/no-nigeria-isn-t-a-failed-statel ibid " http:Nglobalguenillas.typcpad.com~glohalguerrillasl2OO4lO5lfailed~states.html 'O level of educational system; (v) critical infrastructure (these are essential infrastructures such as good road networks, functional transportation system); (vi) money and banking system; (vii) business environment; (viii) a forum for civil society; and (ix) a method of regulating environmental commons. In this Lecture, the success or failure of Nigeria nation-state is measured using the characteristics of failed states as outlined by Rotberg (2002). These characteristics include: rise of criminal and political violence; loss of control over borders; rising ethnic, religious, linguistic and cultural hostilities; civil war; the use of terror against own citizens; weak (political, social and economic) institutions; deteriorated or insufficient infrastructure, inability to collect taxes without undue coercion, collapsed health system, rising levels of infant mortality and declining life expectancy, end of regular schooling opportunities, declining levels of GDP per capita (especially inflation), widespread preference for nonnational currencies, basic food shortages - leading to starvation, leaders destroy the economic and political fabric of the country, questionable legitimacy. Breach of Peace, Insecurity, Rise in Crime and Political Violence in Nigeria Nigeria has had her fair share in breach of peace, insecurity and rise in crime, political violence and political instability. The period 4 1960-1966), referred to as the First ~ e ~ u b l i cwitnessed ,'~ several crises before its collapse on January 15, 1966. Prominent among these crises was the political turmoil in the Western Region, leading to the declaration of the state of emergency on May 29 1962.13The Prime Minister declared that "in pursuance of Section 65 of the constitution of the federation, it is declared that a state of public crnergency exists and that this resolution shall remain in force and s feder: now 6 rneas peace seriol cons1 Janu: selfi! coup killi~ Civi Ana eng: resu vari cou the the wal Od. "wj Re: Fec E8 dis ha. by liv '*T The "First Rcpublic" refers to the first civilian democratic polity - I n of October 1960 to 1 5 of~ January 1960. when rhe first military coup took place; although the country only became a republic on October I . In63 when thc nation finally broke the umbilical political cord that bound it to Britain and bessmc a sclf-c!ovemin: state in all legal and political ramifications. I 9. See I~ttp:/~~~~~vw.waado.or~nigerdelta/FedGovtlFederalism/emergency_rule/westem~ region-balewa.htmI I? J.P by an: lez I? critical infrastructure (these are 1s good road networks, hnctional noney and banking system; (vii) forum for civil society; and (ix) a n tal commons. failure of Nigeria nation-state is ics of failed states as outlined by istics include: rise of criminal and trol over borders; rising ethnic, I hostilities; civil war; the use of k (political, social and economic) fficient infrastructure, inability to ercion, collapsed health system, md declining life expectancy, end es, declining levels of GDP per ~~idespreadpreference for non:hortages - leading to starvation, d political fabric of the country, Rise in Crime and Political breach of peace, insecurity and d political instability. The period rst ~ e ~ u b l i c ,witnessed '* several ary 15, 1966. Prominent among irrnoil in the Western Region, state of emergency on May 29 ed that "in pursuance of Section tion, it is declared that a state of this resolution shall remain in Irnncraticpolity - I n of October 1960 to 15" of ': a ! t h ~ uthe ~ hcountry only became a republic umbilical political cord that bound it to &jtain itical ramifications. ' FedGovt~ederaIism/emergency-rule/western- force until the end of the month of December, nineteen hundred and sixty-two." He added that "No responsible government of the federation could allow an explosive situation such as that which now exists in Western Nigeria to continue without taking adequate measures to ensure that there is an early return to the region of peace, order and good government." There were also series of serious riots in Tiv land in 1960 and 1964. The cumulative effect constituted the remote causes that led to the first military coup on January 15 1966, while the immediate cause was attributed to the selfishness and corruption of the politicians. The coup and counter coups aggravated ethnic tensions and antagonisms that led to mass killings in July and September, 1966. Civil War Another characteristic of a failed state is civil war. Nigeria was engaged in a 30-month civil war (2 July, 1967 to 15 January, 1970) resulting from various unresolved ethnic and political crises in various parts of the country and, in particular, the coup and the counter coup of 1966. The failure of Aburi conference" to resolve the crisis and the creation of twelve states on May 27, 1967 from the four existing regions were perhaps the immediate causes of the war. The then Military Governor of the Eastern Region, Lt. Col. Odumegwu Ojukwu saw the act of the creation of states by decree "without consultation" as the last straw15 and, thereby, declared the Region an independent State of Biafi-a on 30 May 1967, which the Federal Government considered as an act of secession and illegal. Efforts to resolve the issue peacefully failed; and to avoid total disintegration of the country, the federal government appeared to have only one choice of bringing back the Region to the main fold by force.16 It was estimated that the war claimed about one million lives and unquantifiable loss of properties. "neAburi Conference held January 4-5, 1967 at Aburi, Ghana was at the instance of ~t.-General ].A. Ankmh - the Ghanaian Head of State. The venue was chosen because the eastem delegates led by the Governor of Eastem State Colonel Ojukwu's felt their safety could not be guaranteed anywhere within the western or northern part of the country. IsAbubakar .A. Atofarati (1992) "The Nigerian civil war: causes, strategies and lessons leamt."http://www.dawodu.codatofarati 1 .htm '6http://www.dawodu.com/atofaratiI .htm 9 Ethnic, Cultural and Militia ~ o v e m e n t s " The failure of the State to provide effective security services and cnsure protection of lives and properties in the country and, particularly, the inefficiency and ineffectiveness of the Nigeria Police and other enforcement agencies like the State Security Service (SSS) in carrying out their constitutional duties, made some communities and ethnic groups to establish for themselves what Chikwem (2005) called "Self Determination Groups" (SDGs). According to him, some were initially and genuinely formed "to assist the society and others, on self-enrichment strategies." He argued that some of them, however, "have taken laws into their hands and are responsible for numerous human rights abuses, murder, execution, illegal detention, unlawful arrest, rape, extortions, illegal judgments, tenorist activities etc." Prominent among these groups are the Area Boys (in Lagos), Bakassi Boys, O'odua People's Congress (OPC), Movement of the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafia (MASSOB), Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), Arewa People Congress (APC), Oodua Liberation Movement (OLM), Revolutionary Council of Nigeria (RCN), Igbo People's Congress (PC),Ijaw Youth Congress, Ijaw National Congress, the Hisbah Groups, Egbesu Boys, Delta People Volunteer Force (NDPVF) and, more recently, the dreaded Boko Haram religious terrorist Group in the ~ o r t h "and the Niger Delta Avengers who specialize in destroying oil wells and pipelines. These ethnic, cultural and militia movements have played prominent and mixed roles in either disrupting, or keeping, maintaining and building peace in Nigeria. Apparently disturbed by the activities of the ethnic groups and the need to regulate their activities, former President Olusegun Obasanjo, sent a bill (The Prohibition of Certain Associations Act ''-FX~S v a r i n ! ~groups ~ cannot be discussed within the scope of this Lecture. Suftice to say that each c f the Toups can be a full lecture on its own. Rorn Hsram is not an ethnic or cultural group but an Islamic organization that has been active in ' Northeastern Ni_eeria since 2009. The name o f the group literally means, "Western" education is a sin ,a7 ?n ahomi~ation. The group has launched violent attacks on churches and institutions c pecially schools and police stations and sometimes banks. rovide effective security services and md properties in the country and, and ineffectiveness of the Nigeria nt agencies like the State Security ut their constitutional duties, made : groups to establish for themselves led "Self Determination Groups" some were initially and genuinely ty and others, on self-enrichment 'me of them, however, "have taken : responsible for numerous human 'n, illegal detention, unlawful arrest, Ignents, fenonst activities etc." os are the Area Boys (in Lagos), ; Congress (OPC), Movement of the ign State of Biafra (MASSOB), Ile Ogoni People (MOSOP), Arewa ua Liberation Movement (OLM), ria (RCN), Igbo People's Congress air1 National Congress, the Hisbah People Volunteer Force (NDPVF) :d Boko Haram religious terrorist ger Delta Avengers who specialize belines. These ethnic, cultural and d prominent and mixed roles in naintaining and building peace in vities of the ethnic groups and the ies, former President Olusegun bition of Certain Associations Act I the scope of this Lecture. Suffice to say that each 2002)'~ to the National Assembly, which if passed, would empower him to "dissolve and proscribe any persons, association of individuals or quasi-military groups, which in his opinion, is formed for the purposes of furthering the political, religious, ethnic, tribal, cultural or social interest of a group ... contrary to the peace, order and good governance" of the federation. The targets of the bill included "organizations led by prominent politicians, which purport to defend the interests of ethnic groups or sections of the country." Three of such groups, which he had accused of being catalysts of ethnic conflicts, included Arewa Consultative Forum, Afenifere and Ohaneze that respectively champion the interests of the biggest ethnic groupings - the Hausa-Fulani, the Yoruba and Igbo. Proscribing those groups was felt to be a violation of human rights and freedom of association and amounted to silencing those he perceived as opposing his administration. Chickweed (2005), however, suggested that Afenifere, Ohaneze Ndi Igbo and Arewa Consultative Forum, the apex body of the Yoruba, Igbo, and Hausa-Fulani respectively should provide advisory support to genuine self-determination groups within their regions and reengineer their programmes to accommodate the Nigerian society of the 2 lstcentury. Insecurity in Nigeria from 1999-2017 This period (1999-2017) has witnessed the highest era of insecurity and breach of peace in Nigeria. It is, perhaps, the most traumatic, distressful and lawless period that the country had ever witnessed. Thousands of lives are daily lost to insurgency, terror attacks, kidnapping, armed robbery, political thuggery and assassinations. According to the CNN, Boko Haram "killed 6,644 people in 2014,. an increase of more than 300% from the previous year, according to the latest tally from the Global Terrorism ~ndex."'~Alongside are the Fulani herdsmen, who constantly terrorize many communities and farmers by destroying their farms and properties, but an Islamic organization that has been active in le poup literally means, "Western" education is a ed violent attacks on churches and institutions cs bank. l 9 The Bill was sent on April 10,2002. Please see http://www.irinnews.org/repod3IO92lnigcriaobasanjo-proposes-law-to-banethnic-militias http://www.dawodu.comichikwemI .htm http://edition.cnn,com/2016M)2/13/africalboko-haram-attack-nigen'aiindex.html (Accessed on March 28,201 6) 'ydoes not give cause to 7w ranked 187th among the (Vorld Health Organization. le health sector is rather pathetic, ~f the problems confronting the s include poor funding, lack of ies, inadequate medical personnel, ,idustrial actions by health y rivalries and disharmony among nethical behaviours among health ic hospitals. It is a common thing health institutions to abuse patients need for all health professionals in ords, come together and work as ery. I rike embarked upon by the resident u'ational Association of Resident n 2010 in the Federal Teaching :a1 Centres (FMCs), Dr. Femi l, said "The allege ~ o s ~ i t aIbad'an, lrown into chaos. ...The sector, In, slumped into coma with very 1 the health of ordinary citizens ren, pregnant women and the beddoctors is another problem area. ut 1 doctor to 4,000 patients as ition of about 1 doctor to 600 lade Ogunsola, a professor of tio on of Colleges of Medicine of than 237,000 medical doctors to !rm-Times,2015). Other problems brain drain of medical personnel. lrses migrate yearly to overseas lastures. As a matter of urgency, .S government must take proactive measures to stem the tide of braindrain in this sector. Malfunctioned Transport System To say the least, the transportation system in Nigeria has not only failed, but has collapsed in all ramifications. Nigeria Airways sadly is moribund. It is pathetic, that the most populous African country has no surviving national camer due to large scale corruption, gross mismanagement, over-bloated staff and undue political interference among several reasons. The once thriving Nigeria Airways that came into being on August 23, 1958 had about 8,500 workforce in the 1980s with 30 aircrafts. However, from mid1980s through the early 1990s, the camer was plagued by huge debts and multifaceted problems leading to its collapse. It ceased operations in 2003 and was liquidated a year later. Ever since, several efforts have been made to revive it or at least put something in place, but have always failed up till June 13, 2012, when the new camer was grounded by regulators for safety reasons (Echenim, 20 12). The Nigeria Railway Corporation (NRC) had not fared better. Trains, which used to be one of the best transportation systems in Nigeria, have also collapsed. The gory story below captures the pitiable situation of the Nigeria Railway and the excessive wastages with nothing to show for it. . Between 1995 and 1999, a whooping contract of $500 million was awarded to a Chinese firm,China Civil Engineering Construction Corporation to rehabilitate the existing rail, supply 50 locomotives, 150 coaches, 400 wagons and 20 rail buses and provide technical training for the railways staff. The substandard rail locomotives, wagon and coaches supplied by the Chinese firm, however, were not fit for later use. The same China Civil Engineering Construction Company has again been awarded a whopping $8.3b contract to rehabilitate the rail system. Despite the shoddy work done and substandard locomotives supplied, China continues to make inroad in the development of rail system. In 2006, a deal was struck ncluding some humanitarian nm~itteeof Red Cross (ICRC), ise or criticize the military, but to tisis and state failure in Nigeria. charged with internal security, enforcement of law and order, bolicing, among other duties. A re officer is to act as an official 10 is required and trusted to work tcs and property, protecting the ~nsuringthe rights of all to liberty, equality and justice (Onibokun, rt provides that the Police shall be and detection of crime, the reservation of law and order, the ld the due enforcement of all laws I. are directly charged and shall hin or outside Nigeria as may be authority of this or any other Act. cat nation if the police would tutional duties as rightly pointed hat, "good policing is the bedrock safety" and that "the long-term ties to address police bribery, lement threatens the basic rights Hu~nanRights Watch (2010) in nyiad forms of police corruption zation of extortion and duplicity. police are the most corrupt in ens to lose confidence in them Ir friend." The inefficiency of the tiplicity of agencies (federal and states) that perform police functions e.g. civil defence, vigilante, DSS, SSS as well as several private guards. Our concern here of course is not to commend or condemn the police, but to underscore how the police force has contributed to governance crisis in Nigeria and its failure as a state. WE GET -. ,~ Figure 6: Police Extortions on the Road Source: https:Nwww.hrw.orglnews/2010/08/ 17lnigeria-cormption-fuelingpolice-abuses The Bureaucracy The role of the bureaucracy in governance and state building appears inexhaustible, covering a wide range of activities including "coordination of federal ministries, advising the political officials, formulation and implementation of government's policies, gathering and supplying of data for policy makers, ensuring continuity of services and public relations services." (Okotoni, 2001:87). The bureaucracy is so crucial and central to the smooth running of public administration to the extent that one may be tempted to conclude that bureaucracy is inevitable. Since the ultimate objective of any govenunent is to serve its citizens through Nigerian bureaucracy appears to lack the capacity to promote good governance and a stable state, and has contributed to bad and ineffective governance over the years. Traditional Rulers and Institutions There is no doubt that traditional rulers and chieftaincy institutions play very crucial roles in Nigeria, especially in the area of socioeconomic development at the grassroots as well as being custodian of culture and traditions. Traditional rulers and chieftaincy institutions in many parts of Nigeria represent an embodiment of rich culture, agent of development and catalyst of change; they complement efforts of government in their domains (Okotoni, 20 13). In recent years, the role of traditional rulers and chieftaincy institutions have been largely compromised in several respects including politicization of chieftaincy titles, involvement in partisan politics; financial misappropriation, taking government contracts, immoral dealings; erosion and loss of important traditional values; monetization of chieftaincy titles to corrupt public officials and people of questionable character in the society. All of these apparently make it difficult for them to be impartial and forthright. The direct and indirect involvement in corrupt and indecent activities by some traditional rulers has contributed to the governance crisis, especially in the area of breach of peace, caused by community opposition when important chieftaincy titles go to the highest bidders rather than consideration for merit and legitimacy. The Media The press or media institution plays an important role in democratic governance, nation building and development. It is little surprise therefore that the media are referred to, as "The Fourth Realm of the Estate" - i.e. the fourth pillar in support of the essential tripod of government, the Executive, the Legislative and the Judiciary (Bamidele, 2015). In recognition of this, Chapter 11, expectations when appointed to positions of authority in the higher institutions and in government. One of the greatest tragedies that have befallen the country's academia has to do with dwindling interest in research. Some academics have gone into politics, business and other lucrative sectors, while some have migrated from the four walls of the ivory towers in search of greener pastures. .The brain drain has been due, in part, to the poor economic situation in the country. Many of those that remain in the system complain of being frustrated or incapacitated by inadequacies that are peculiar to each institution. Leadership Nigeria is a country blessed with great and abundant human, natural and mineral resources with every potential to be a great country. Despite these abundant resources, the country suffers from the problem of good and effective leadership that can harness and manage the resources judiciously in order to facilitate socioeconomic development. Thus, the country remains one of the third world countries with yawning deficit of basic social and infiastructural amenities. Nigerian leadership failure has manifested in poor governance, insecurity, electoral violence, policy somersault, high level of corruption, unemployment and underemployment and widespread poverty. In his book The Trouble with Nigeria, Chinua Achebe (1983) unequivocally and poignantly declared that: The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership. There is nothing basically wrong with the Nigerian character. There is nothing wrong with the Nigerian land or climate or water or air or anything else. The Nigerian problem is the unwillingness or inability of its leaders to rise to the responsibility, [and] to the challenge of personal example which are the hallmarks of true leadership. Almost two and half decades later, Agbobu (2009) corroborated Achebe's position by declaring that "All those who have ruled s of authority in the higher bat have befallen the country's ling interest in research. Some ;s, business and other lucrative 1 from the four walls of the ivory ES. The brain drain has been due, tuation in the country. Many of I complain of being frustrated or t are peculiar to each institution. rith great and abundant human, 4th every potential to be a great t resources, the country suffers lective leadership that can harness ously in order to facilitate socioe country remains one of the third g deficit of basic social and eerian leadership failure has e, insecurity, electoral violence, rf corruption, unemployment and mead poverty. In his book The bchebe (1983) unequivocally and slmplp and squarely a failure hing basically wrong with the is nothing wrong with the ; water or air or anything else. le unwillingness or inability of I responsibility, [and] to the mple which are the hallmarks I hter, ~gbobu(2009) corroborated g that "All those who have ruled Nigeria are dealers not leaders." Although there may have been several factors that in different ways and at different times contributed to governance crisis in Nigeria, leadership is a very potent one that stands out. Leadership at every level of administration, fiom local to the national, has failed to translate the vast resources of the country into an enviable level of development. Two former Nigerian leaders have been reported to have openly and voluntarily admitted to have failed their generations. They are Dr. Goodluck Jonathan and Chief Olusegun Obasanjo. (Leadership January 9, 2015; Nigerian Tribune, February 28, 2017). One may wonder why the leaders should be blamed for the woes of the country. The remark of John Maxwell, a leadership expert, may provide an answer to the question. He contends that "Everything rises and falls on leadership." Admittedly, leadership is crucial in any organization, but it does not tell the whole story. Followership Literature abounds on leadership with little or no attention paid to followership, which is as serious as leadership when addressing organisational performance. Followership is the other side of the coin of leadership. Followership cannot be divorced fiom leadership as every society deserves the kind of leader it gets. There can be no leadership if there is no followership. This fact raises a serious challenge to the thesis or submission of Chinua Achebe that the problem of Nigeria is squarely the failure of leadership. Bad followership would probably engender bad leadership more than anything else. Followership can influence leadership a great deal - either positively or negatively. Followers in Nigeria are rather gullible, docile, obsequious, sycophantic, flattering and unwilling to confront the leaders for their evil and atrocious deeds because of personal gains; they lack courage to demand accountability fiom the leaders. They make unreasonable financial demands and other difficult obligations that would require the leaders to compromise their integrity and standard; such that would make them to loot the public treasuries in order to meet such obligations. Thus, my submission is that both leaders and followers are guilty in the case of Nigerian state failure and governance crisis; although the weight of responsibility and guilt will tilt rather precariously toward the leadership. Albeit, this is debatable, some believe that "the guilt weighs more on the followership, who have allowed themselves to be manipulated, deceived, abused, used and dumped by the leaders who should be there to protect their interest" (Elueze & Agunnia, 2014 ). It is my firm belief that to be out of the doldrums, we need responsive leadership as well as responsible and vigilant followership. Religious Organisations/Bodies Many religious bodies and organisations cannot be exonerated from the crisis of the country. On many occasions, religious extremists have plunged this country into untold crises and hardships. The Boko Haram sect and Shites are current examples. In other respects, religious bodies and leaders have given awards, titles, honours and their blessings to corrupt and bad people in the society in exchange for huge donations. Such actions are tantamount to endorsements of their nefarious activities. There are hardly strong condemnations of their vices and anti-social behaviours, which are inimical to the wellbeing of the society. There are several other State institutions such as the Nigerian Custom Service (NCS), the Nigeria Immigration Service (NIS), the Nigerian Prison Services (NPS), the Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC) and the Nigeria Port Authority (NPA) that are in no way less culpable in their contributing roles to crisis of governance in the country, but for constraint of space they are not discussed in this lecture. The Society at Large Whatever in the world has happened to societal core moral, cultural and social values in Nigeria! How can we exonerate the society from the problem and burden of bad governance in Nigeria? A society that is corrupt, a society that celebrates :et such obligations. Thus, my d followers are guilty in the case nance crisis; although the weight It rather precariously toward the ~le,some believe that "the guilt who have allowed themselves to ,used and dumped by the leaders ~eirinterest" (Elueze & Agunnia, be out of the doldrums, we need I as responsible and vigilant ;anisations cannot be exonerated On many occasions, religious country into untold crises and t and Shites are current examples. es and leaders have given awards, :s to corrupt and bad people in the ge donations. Such actions are their nefarious activities. There are of their vices and anti-social lo the wellbeing of the society. I. hstitutions such as the Nigerian eria Immigration Service (NIS), the F), tile Federal Road Safety Corps huthority (NPA) that are in no way ing roles to crisis of govemance in ,-ace they are not discussed in happened to societal core moral, diceria! How can we exonerate the " nd burden of bad govemance in corrupt, a society that celebrates mediocrity, robbers and looters of public treasuries; a society that believes its own lies, and a society that has lost its core values of integrity, sound character, good name, morality, uprightness, honesty, respect for elders, family values, good neighbourliness, hard work, respect for law and human dignity, justice and fair play, etc., has in no little way jeopardized the success of democratic governance and national sustainable development. These values were the foundation on which many African societies were built and were the sinews that guaranteed their peace, harmony, sanity, security and development. The absence of these core values has opened doors to manv vices in the society such as violence, robbery, kidnapping, assassination, '4-1-9', get-rich-quickly syndrome, corruption, celebration of criminals with chieftaincy titles, special honours and awards by secular, academic and religious organisations; they are usually made to take the front seats in places of worship and occupy the 'high tables' at state and social functions. In the good old days in Nigeria, individuals who breached the societal codes of conduct were seriously sanctioned, denied the right to take wives in their communities; and in serious cases, banished from the community. The society therefore was sanitized and safe for good governance. Concluding Remarks, Research and Community Sewice Mr. Vice Chancellor Sir, we have traversed quite a tenitory looking at the multiplicity of symptoms and veritable indicators of governance crisis and state failure. Most of these have remained so far as intractable problems. The presence of these symptoms and characteristics - which in broad terms, are. social, economic, political, security, leadership, followership and development problems, is undeniable and require urgent steps to salvage the country from m h e r degeneration and degradation with a view to averting total collapse. These will be addressed under the policy recommendations. In the last two and half decades, my research focus covered human resources management and general administration with emphasis on the Nigerian public bureaucracy and governance. Since the ultimate objective of any government is to serve its citizens, this subject becomes very crucial as this can only be achieved through effective management of the public personnel, otherwise referred to as the bureaucracy or the civil service. Citizens measure the success of government, its overall efficiency and effectiveness of agencies and programmes through their impression of the bureaucracy. To strengthen the bureaucracy, periodic administrative reforms are a sine-qua-non. I have looked into this area to draw lessons from Britain and the United States of America. My interest in field administration is not a departure from this focus. The effectiveness of most public services is easily measured through the way the field offices are managed. The personnel in the field offices are those that have direct contact with the citizens who assess the speed and courtesy with which their problems and complaints are handled when they come into contact with them. I have carried out empirical studies on Nigerian field administration system, stressing the important role played by field administration as one of the main channels used by government to carry its policies to the citizens in their respective domains. To strengthen this aspect of my research, I did a comparative analysis of the practice of field administration system in Nigeria, France and the United States of America with a view to drawing useful lessons from the two countries, which have track records of effective field administration that could assist Nigeria to improve its field administration system. Since public administration is about service delivery and good governance, I have shown interest in decentralization and service delivery, local administration as well as indigenous governance. I have sought to understand the ways African indigenous communities are governed and how an amalgam of formal state institutions and indigenous institutions can be harrnonised to produce better ways of governance in the face of unabated governance crises in Nigeria and poor performance in the provision of public goods and services. pvernance. Since the ultimate ;ewe its citizens, this subject be achieved through effective , otherwise referred to as the iizens measure the success of 1effectiveness of agencies and ion of the bureaucracy. TO : administrative reforms are a lis area to draw lessons from rica. is not a departure from this )lit services is easily measured re managed. The personnel in direct contact with the citizens with which their problems and come into contact with them. I Nigerian field administration : played by field administration d by government to carry its pective domains. To strengthen a comparative analysis of the $em in Nigeria, France and the view to drawing useful lessons e track records of effective field Nigeria to improve its field bout service delivery and good ;t in decentralization and service uell as indigenous governance. 1 the ways Afncan indigenous low an amalgam of formal state titfitions can be harmonised to lance in the face of unabated poor performance in the provision Ladies and gentlemen, it is apposite, at this point to mention that in the course of my research efforts and those of my colleagues, we observed that the pseudo federalism in Nigeria, has led to overcentralisation. This has not only contributed to governance crisis, but also to administrative failure in all ramifications. This has been well captured by Wunsch and Olowu (1992) in their book, The Failure of the Centralised State. There is an urgent need for a re-appraisal of this especially in organizing the public service and decentralized structures -- both field administration and local governments -- building fi-om the roots and effectively connecting to the centre, using basic institutions of governance of cities, towns and villages that are self-governing, empowered to organize their communities and local economies within the framework of a polycentric governance in which they can relate to other structures of governance, be it business, administrative or faith based organisations as they occurred in the First Republic. The First Republic operated a federal republican constitution that ensured a large measure of autonomy (e.g. reasonable level of decentralization) to the regions including education and health services. Chief Obafemi Awolowo introduced the first health care scheme in 1953 and pioneered free primary education (UPE) in 1955 in the Western Region. The latter graduated into the establishment of the first regional university in t h e country, the then University of Ife in 1962 (now, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, our own OAU - Oba Awon University)! There was also a decentralized security system especially the local police maintained by regional governments until 1966 when the military government disbanded the local police forces. The decentralized economy also allowed each region to develop its economic activities especially the regional governments' conglomerates such as the Northern Nigeria Development Corporation (NNDC), the Western Nigeria Development Corporation (later, Oduduwa Group of Companies) and the Eastern Nigerian Development Corporation. The Western Region also pioneered the Television broadcasting in Nigeria in October 1959, known as the Western Nigerian Television (WNTV) in Ibadan, the first station in Africa. Faith Based educational and health institutions also occupied significant place in governance especially in the areas of service delivery, which facilitated national development. Space will not permit me to elaborate on this. Unfortunately, the taking over of these structures through a process of centralization by the Federal Government and military governments totally destroyed these once great and vibrant institutions. My submission therefore is an advocacy for interactions among these relatively autonomous institutions with one another especially in co-production, cooperation, synergy or competition to generate energy for change and increasing levels of social production that would facilitate effective and efficient delivery of public goods and services in Nigeria, which are hallmarks of good governance and a strong state. Besides my teachings and research works, I have been privileged to mentor young academics. Altogether, I have success~lly supervised twenty-three (23) M.Sc. students, thirteen (13) doctoral candidates and numerous DPA, MPA and MBA candidates; some of whom are in academics, senior administrators and managers in the public sector and captains of industry in the private sector. By the grace of God, some of my former students are professors and associate professors and I am still counting as I am still active in mentoring and supervising. On the administrative front, I have served as the Acting Head of Department for four consecutive academic sessions fiom August 1, 2003 to July 31, 2007; as well as the Vice Dean Faculty of Administration during the 200012001 and 200112002 Academic Sessions. I have also served as Member, Faculty Research Committee; Member of Editorial Board, Quarterly Joumal of Administration as well as the Editor-in-Chief, Quarterly Joumal of Administration. My administrative services in the university the Western Nigerian e first station in Africa. , lalth institutions also occupied specially in the areas of service al development. Space will not Jnfortunately, the taking over of ; of centralization by the Federal ients totally destroyed these once ~dvocacyfor interactions among institutions with one another rration, synergy or competition to nd increasing levels of social ffective and efficient delivery of :ria, which are hallmarks of good ch works, I have been privileged Altogether, I have successfully ic. students, thirteen (13) doctoral WA and MBA candidates; some ,r administrators and managers in ' industry in the private sector. By Drmer students are professors and ill counting as I am still active in Ive served as the Acting Head of academic sessions from August 1, 111 as the Vice Dean Faculty of )I2001 and 200112002 Academic I as Member, Faculty Research ial Board, Quarterly Journal of itor-in-Chief, Quarterly Journal of xtive services in the university included serving in one of the most tedious committees in this university - the Postgraduate College Board for almost twelve years; pioneering member of Conflict and Peace Studies Group; Faculty Representative in the University Senate (2002 to 2008) and numerous statutory and other adhoc committees. I am presently, serving as the Dean, Faculty of Administration and Editor-inChief, q e Journal of Humanities and Social Studies (IJOHUSS). Community services included the followings: Member of a Consortium to Lagos State Government Comprehensive Manpower Audit, 1990-1992. (Sabbatical) Professor of Public Administration, Adeleke University, Ede, October 2014 to September 2015. Dean, Faculty of Business and Social Sciences, Adeleke University, Ede, October 20 14-September 20 15 (Sabbatical Year) Co-authored a Report on Decentralization Programmes in Africa: The Nigeria Component submitted to the World Bank in 1998. One of the Principal Investigators, Research on Primary Health Care (PHC) in Nigeria sponsored by the World Health Organization (WHO), Geneva, 2000 External Assessor to Universities and Polytechnics in Nigeria and Ghana. Guest Lecturer to State Civil Services; the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC); Induction Ceremony of the College of Health Sciences, Ladoke Akintola University Teaching Hospital, Osogbo. Reviewer for several international journals. m ' One of the Principal Investigators, Research ~ r o u on~ Local Institutions in Nigeria, Sponsored by Ford Foundation West Afiica Office. One of the Principal Investigators, Research on Property Taxation and Nigeria Local Government, Sponsored by IDRC, Canada. Pastor, The Redeemed Christian Church of God. The Way 4~orwardlPolicyRecommendations Mr. Vice-Chancellor Sir, we must look beyond the numerous woes that have befallen our great nation as a result of governance crisis resulting in state failure from which no sector of the society can be totally exonerated, and engage our minds with issues that will move Nigeria forward. Therefore, following our detailed assessment of the governance crisis and what we see as state failure in Nigeria, we must now consider the following strategies for coming to grips with these perceived problems and challenges in order to avert a total collapse of our national inheritance. The situation is not hopeless or irredeemable. Change is still possible. Restructuring of the Federation As earlier observed, one of the fundamental problems of the country is the geographically lopsided structure of the amalgamated entity, the federal republic of Nigeria. The colonial administration paid scant attention to its ethnic diversity and therefore the need for honest and realistic attention to the principle of ethnic affinity in its administrative components. To address this problem, there is a need to revisit the restructuring of the federation. A restructured entity is one legacy this generation can and ought to bequeath to the generations to come. This is not a subterfuge for disintegration or secession. Far from it! It is an advisory to create a more perfect administratively more meaningful union that conforms to basic tenets of federalism. It is time for all the stakeholders to agree to sit down and map out the structure of the country as well as the modalities for staying together as a country. The restructuring would involve some merger and demerger that have created problems over the years. We all love our country-Nigeria. Let us use just one example to underscore this point. As parts of efforts to address the imbalance, merger and demerge for instance, the Yoruba in Kwara and Kogi States should be moved to join their kinsmen in the southwestern Nigeria, with whom they share the same social and cultural affinities. This becomes necessary against the background that Kwara State created on 27 May 1967 by the lmendations look beyond the numerous woes n as a result of governance crisis ~h no sector of the society can be Dur minds with issues that will :fore, following our detailed :risis and what we see as state consider the following strategies :rceived problems and challenges of our national inheritance. The :mable. Change is still possible. I re fundamental problems of the ly lopsided structure of the republic of Nigeria. The colonial [tion to its ethnic diversity and I realistic attention to the principle pative components. To address this revisit the restructuring of the ' is one legacy this generation can pnerations to come. This is not a r secession. Far from it! It is an t administratively more meaningful lets of federalism. It is time for all down and map out the structure of ~dalitiesfor staying together as a ould involve some merger and lblems over the years. We all love score this point. As parts of merger and demerge for instance, States should be moved to join their Ggeria, with whom they share the ies. This becomes necessary against ite created on 27 May 1967 by the I t, Military Government of General Yakubu Gowon was made up of the former Ilorin and Kabba Provinces, and was initially named the West Central State, but later changed to "Kwara", a local name for the River Niger. The Yoruba in these states, so addressed as northerners, not only that they have nothing in common whatsoever, they have been marginalized, frustrated and alienated socially, culturally and politically. Reforming the Judiciary The counsel of President Buhari to the Judiciary is not only apposite, but timely: "the Judiciary must go the extra mile to sanitize itself and improve its capacity to act independently, courageously and timeously". Beyond self-reforms advocated by the President; government should ensure that the selection and appointment of judges is based strictly on merit, professional expertise, transparency, personal integrity and probity of prospective candidates to be appointed as judges in the country, while the place of affirmative action such as federal character, gender, religion and other considerations are played down, but not necessarily abandoned or disregarded. For the judiciary to act more independently as the President encouraged, the arm must be well funded. The current situation where judges' salaries and allowances are not paid for months will encourage them to be more prone to corruption. Until the judiciary is truly reformed and transformed, it will be difficult for the country to get out of the woods! Reformation of the Political Class In several ways the political class has contributed to the governance crisis and state failure in the country. To get out of the crisis, the political class needs total reformation, self-cleansing and transformation. Efforts must be made to discourage politics as a business venture. Prospective aspirants to political office(s) (elected and appointed) must be people with good jobs, legitimate and sufficient source(s) of living. The Revenue Mobilization Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC), which is constitutionally empowered to undertake a review of the remuneration packages of political and public office holders must take urgent steps to review downward their packages to make them unattractive, so that only serious minded and patriotic citizens willing to serve will vie for the offices. Nigerian political office holders are about the highest paid in the world. How do we explain it in a country where the government approved minimum wage is N18,000 per month and legislators earn almost N10 million per month? Combating Corruption Headlong President Buhari has repeatedly said that "if we do not kill corruption, it will kill us". Corruption has done more damage and dealt debilitating blow to the country more than anything else. If corruption is that serious, then kid glove approach must stop; it must be tackled headlong. There must be stiffer measures. How ridiculous is it for an Abuja court to have handed a two year jail term (to run concurrently), with a N250,OOO fine option, to one of six federal officials tried for stealing N32.8 billion of police pension fund? Another aspect that requires urgent attention in combatting corruption is the slow pace of adjudication. Vice President Yemi Osinbajo who was represented by Prof. Itse Sagay lamented the low conviction rate in high profile corruption cases in Nigeria since the inception of EFCC in 2002. Of the eight cases, one was overturned by the Supreme Court on technical grounds, which implies that only seven major convictions have been secured after trial in 13 years. This observation came at a workshop on sections 306 & 396 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA) 2015 and Delay of Corruption Cases. Itse Sagay (SAN) added: "We must do more." We must add: Expeditiously too! How can we claim to be fighting corruption when we retain immunity clause in the Constitution? Section 38 of the 1999 Constitution that guarantees immunity fi-om prosecution for the President, Vice President, Governors and their deputies, even on account of criminal charges. This must be expunged, amended and public office holders must ard their packages to make them minded and patriotic citizens ~ffices.Nigerian political office n the world. How do we explain ent approved minimum wage is rs earn almost N10 million per 0% said that "if we do not kill ition has done more damage and ntry more than anything else. If id glove approach must stop; it must be stiffer measures. How t to have handed a two year jail N250,000 fine option, to one of tealing N32.8 billion of police urgent attention in combatting Ljudication. Vice President Yemi ?y Prof. Itse Sagay lamented the ,file corruption cases in Nigeria 10Q2.Of the eight cases, one was urt on technical grounds, which nvictions have been secured after n came at a workshop on sections I of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA) Cases. Itse Sagay ( S A N ) added: d: Expeditiously too! ~tingcorruption when we retain tution? Section 38 of the 1999 rnunity fiom prosecution for the rnors and their deputies, even on his must be expunged, amended sccordingly, if indeed we are serious about the fight against corruption. In China, the use of the death penalty in corruption cases, setting the threshold at 3 million yuan, or $463,000 for anyone found guilty of embezzlement or taking bribes of this amount or more - in what China's top court called "extremely serious cases" that have an "extremely vile impact" will face the death penalty (Hewitt, 2016). In 2015, it was reported that China punished almost 300,000 officials for graft as President Xi Jinping continued to wage a high-profile war against corruption. Nigeria can borrow a cue fiom China if we really want to fight corruption. Beyond punishments and sanctions, an expert has advocated that "the single most important solution to the problem of corruption by public service workers is paying a proper living wage" (Hull, 2012). This should be critically looked into in a country where only N18,000 is the national minimum wage, which of course is not yet implemented by many state governments. Reforming the Bureaucracy One of the greatest criticisms against bureaucracy is its inability to correct itself. I had argued earlier that the several reforms carried out in Nigeria had yielded little or no dividends. I am reiterating my earlier position that future reforms in the country should be more pragmatic, devoid of garrulity and loquacity (Okotoni, 2004).The Nigerian public bureaucracy is long overdue for a complete overhauling right from recruitment and selection to retirement. Restoring Sanity and the core values of the Traditional Rulers/Institutions Once the chieftaincy institutions returned to their original traditional roles, they have great potentials to influence development greatly both at the grassroots, state and even at the national levels. By restoring the cultural, moral and society values; chieftaincy institutions have a lot to offer the society at large in terms of development, good governance and stable government. Government should interfere minimally in traditional rulers' affairs and thereby de-politicize chieftaincy institutions. Repositioning the Academia The question is who does the repositioning? Although, it will require all stakeholders, but the most assured way is self-reforming and repositioning. Government can play its own role by adequately funding the education sector as a whole, while those entrusted to manage the funds and train our youths, especially in the ivory towers, should be men and women of character and of unimpeachable integrity, managers of men and resources, endowed with a robust vision of the university as a centre charged with the onerous task of nation building through the training and development of relevant manpower resources for the nation. No task should be considered more sacred than the molding of the lives of our youths, the future leaders of Nigeria. rn Genuine Leadership Genuine leadership cannot emerge in Nigeria without the willingness and readiness to pay the price especially change. A genuine leader is the one that is willing and ready to move away from the status quo. Of course, this will be vehemently and violently resisted. Such prospective leaders may be very few in our society that is full of praise-singers, men pleasers and eye-service men and women. The process of selecting leaders at the various levels of society needs to be reviewed. The idea of imposing leaders rather than allowing the people choose their own leaders must be jettisoned. All stakeholders must be involved in the process of selecting or choosing leaders at the local and national levels. It is only then genuine leaders can emerge who are not seeking self-aggrandizement. r! New Orientation for Followership It is about time that the followership in Nigeria received new orientation; to stop being gullible and docile. Edmund Burke said, "The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing." There are lots of "good men" - citizens/followers inimally in traditional rulers' affairs lincy institutions. n c repositioning? Although, it will most assured way is self-reforming can play its own role by adequately s a whole, while those entrusted to jur youths, especially in the ivory d women of character and of cers of men and resources, endowed jrersity as a centre charged with the ilding through the training and ,o\i7erresources for the nation. No ,re sacred than the molding of the eaders of Nigeria. emerge in Nigeria without the pay the price especially change. A is willing and ready to move away me. this will be vehemently and ctive leaders may be very few in our ngers, men pleasers and eye-service ; of selecting leaders at the various e reviewed. The idea of imposing he people choose their own leaders eholders must be involved in the Ing leaders at the local and national le leaders can emerge who are not ~wership Io\l.ership in Nigeria received new ible and docile. Edinund Burke said, the triumph of evil is for good men ; of "good men" - citizens/followers in the country who have refused to do something. A time came when French citizens (followers) felt that "enough is enough"; "razed and redesigned their country's political landscape, uprooting centuries-old institutions such as absolute monarchy and the feudal system."33 With the new orientation, Nigerian citizens will decide their own destinies and become responsible followers and cease to be gullible and manipulated followers. Professionalization of the Military Military intervention and involven~entin politics is not only a serious aberration, but a clear bastardisation of the military profession. On return to democratic administration, President Olusegun Obasanjo (1999-2007) embarked on series of reforms, including the professionalization of the Nigerian military, with key components such as prevention of coups, demilitarization of society as well as subordination of the military to civil authority. Apart from training, President Obasanjo took steps to remove officers who had held political appointments either as state governors or cabinet ministers in previous regimes and who may still be ambitious enough to try to seize power. Though commendable, other aspects of military professionalism such as discipline, loyalty, skills, commitment and institutionalization of ethics and accountability are still very much lacking; this explains the large scale corruption in the military, particularly, under President Goodluck Jonathan. What the current administration under President Buhari needs to professionalise the Nigerian Military requires much more. .Reforming the Police The image of the Nigeria Police has been dented almost beyond repairs due to its numerous nefarious and heinous activities, including extortions, embezzlements, brutalization and extrajudicial killings. The Human Rights Watch, in 2010, described the Police as the most corrupt institution in Nigeria. Information revealed that the history of police reforms could be traceable to 33 See, http://www.history.com/topics/ffench-revolution 57 1967, when a commission was set up by the military government. The commission concluded that the "despicable image of the police" was in part attributable to "bribery and corruption''. (Vanguard, March 7, 2012). Ever since, there have been several other reform panels and nothing concrete has come out of them. The recommendation is that the current administration should go into the archives and look into the various white papers and make serious efforts to implement them. Restoration and Promotion of the core values of the Society Traditional African societies, in general, and Nigeria societies, in particular, cherished certain socio-cultural values, which constituted the social capital of these societies. Gradually, these core cultural values are being eroded, leaving many societies in the country morally bankrupt. Efforts must be made to emphasize these values as the active leaven of the society. This is where the National Orientation Agency (NOA) comes in. Redefinition of the Role of Religious Organisations Finally, religious bodies and organisations have major roles to play in restoring sanity to the society. All religious organisations as much as possible should eschew violence; preach and embrace peace, tolerance, harmony and unity, not only among other faiths, but to the society. They must stop celebrating ungodly people in the society by conferring titles on them. More importantly, they should seek divine intervention. In the Holy Bible, God says: "If My people who are called by my name will humble themselves, and pray and seek My face, and turn from their wickedness ways, then I will hear from heaven, and will forgive their sin and heal. their land." 2 Chronicles 7:14. Whatever solution we proffer in this lecture, this is about the most potent. Appreciation and Acknowledgement Mr. Vice-Chancellor, Sir, permit me to conclude this Lecture by acknowledging and thanking all those who have in one way or the other contributed to what I am today and especially to my academic career. First, I must begin by thanking the Almighty God et up by the military government. k the "despicable image of the le to "bribery and corruption". ler since, there have been several Iconcrete has come out of them. I current administration should go he various white papers and make !ofthe core values of the Society I general, and Nigeria societies, in socio-cultural values, which if these societies. Gradually, these oded, leaving many societies in the brts must be made to emphasize In of the society. This is where the IOA) comes in. / Religious Organisations ani is at ions have major roles to play lety. All religious organisations as iew violence; preach and embrace unity, not only among other faiths, stop celebrating ungodly people in s on them. More importantly, they a. In the Holy Bible, God says: "If my name will humble themselves, id turn from their wickedness ways, and will forgive their sin and heal Whatever solution we proffer in this dgement imit me to conclude this Lecture by all those who have in one way or the I am today and especially to my begin by thanking the Almighty God most sincerely for being what I am today. "By the grace of God I am what I am, and His grace toward me" has not been in vain (I Corinthians 15:10). Next, I want to thank the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, for giving me the opportunity to train, develop and grow to the peak of my career as Professor of Public Administration. May I express my very special appreciation to Professor Bamidele Olowu and his family, the God-sent on.my academic voyage. Professor Olowu has been my teacher, mentor and pastor for about three decades even after he voluntarily retired from the services of the University since 1996. God has used him and his family very tremendously in many ways to bring me to this point. I want to sincerely thank all my past teachers from primary, secondary and tertiary institutions. However, the constraint of time and space will only permit me to acknowledge and express my appreciation to a handful of them: Late Mr. E.O. Lawanson, my secondary school principal, who believed so much in me; Professor Omoniyi Adewoye (former Vice-Chancellor of University, Ibadan), my undergraduate project supervisor at the University of Ibadan, Ibadan; my Master's supervisor Ambassador Dr. 0 . M. Laleye; my Ph.D. supervisor, Late Professor Samuel Bamidele Ayo and a host of others who taught me History, Language Arts and Political Science at the University of Ibadan and Public Administration at the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife. I am very gratehl to God for having the opportunity to work with pleasant and helphl colleagues in the Department of Public Administration. They are Professors A.M. Oladoyin, I. A. Omoleke, J.T. Makinde, A.A. Adesopo. Others are Drs. 1.0. Fayomi-Awodele (Acting Head), 0 . 0 . Popoola, C.O. Ogbogu, K.S. Benson, T.A. Olaiya, A. Hassan, R. 0 . Sakpere, T.A. Agboola, Dare Ayeni, David Apeloko, Seyi Alamu, I. Igbokwe and Messrs Ayo Bello, and Bola Shiyanbade. I want to specially thank Professor R.A. Olaniyan, a very senior colleague, who has retired but not tired in intellectual activities and Prof Wale Adegbite (my co-editor-in-chief of IJOHUSS), Prof. (Mrs) J.T. Makinde and Dr. Olufemi Popoola, for contributing to the success of the inaugural lecture. I appreciate my Vice Dean, Prof E.D. Adetayo and all the four heads of department in the faculty: Prof D.O. Elumilade, Department of Management & Accounting; Prof 1.0. Aransi, Department of Local Government Studies; Dr (Mrs) 1.0. Fayomi-Awodele, Department of Public Administration and Dr. K.O. Olayode, Department of International Relations. I appreciate all the professors in the faculty for their unalloyed supports for anchoring the various statutory ad hoe committees in ensuring the smooth running of the administration. All the past deans in the faculty are thankfully acknowledged for their leadership role, particularly the immediate past two deans Professors Kunle Awotokun and Taiye Asaolu. My late senior colleague and a former dean of the faculty, Prof E.J. Erero, is equally acknowledged for his good team work in the department. All the academic and the non-academic staff in the faculty are gratefully acknowledged for their supports. The committee that facilitated the logistics of the inaugural lecture coordinated by Drs. Taiwo Olaiya, Olufemi Popoola and Afeez Hassan is very highly appreciated for the good work. Outside the University, I specially appreciate late Professor (Emeritus) Vincent Ostrom of the Workshop in Political Theory and Policy Analysis, Indiana University, Bloomington, USA. As earlier mentioned in the introduction, Professor Ostrom spurred my initial interest in Nigeria's governance crisis and the perceived failure of the Nigeria State in the discharge of its statutory responsibilities and primary duties to the citizens. The wife, Late Professor Elinor Ostrom, who in 2009 shared the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences with Oliver E. Williamson for "her analysis of economic governance, especially the commons"; the only woman to win the Prize in Economics. Both of them imparted knowledge on me on institutional analysis as a visiting scholar to the Workshop in Political Theory and Institutional Analysis, Indiana University, Bloomington, 1993-1994. lltor-in-chief of IJOHUSS), Prof. ~femiPopoola, for contributing to ture. I appreciate my Vice Dean, four heads of department in the Department of Management & lepartment of Local Government -Awodele, Department of Public iyode, Department of International nrofessors in the faculty for their I Q ~ the various statutory ad hoc loth running of the administration. i. are thankfully acknowledged for 11the immediate past two deans id Taiye Asaolu. My late senior y f the faculty, Prof E.J. Erero, is ,ood team work in the department. -academic staff in the faculty are ~eirsupports. The committee that augral lecture coordinated by Drs. a and Afeez Hassan is very highly ~ecially appreciate late Professor the Workshop in Political Theory !civersity, Bloomington, USA. As ction, Professor Ostrom spurred my ivemance crisis and the perceived in the discharge of its statutory ties to the citizens. The wife, Late in 2009 shared the Nobel Memorial rith Oliver E. Williamson for "her me, especially the commons"; the I Economics. Both of them imparted nal analysis as a visiting scholar to -heory and Institutional Analysis, ,n. 1993-1994. To all my spiritual and academic children (too numerous to mention), especially my past and present students, I say a big thanks to them. To my spiritual constituency, I want to appreciate the entire family of The Redeemed Christian Church of God, the past and present regional, statelprovincial pastors in Osun State. All our friends too numerous to mention are all appreciated. To my- parents (both of blessed memory), Chief Obatewase Okotoni and Madam Omowumi Okotoni for laying the foundation of my education at an early age, when some of my age mates were asked to work on their parents' farm, I am eternally grateful to have them. I also thank my two elder brothers - Owonola Oke Okotoni and Ambrose Osadare Okotoni (both of blessed memory) as well as my elder sister, Mrs. Abigail Ajayi for their roles at different times. To my mother-in-law, Madam Beatrice Adesanya "Grand ma"; thanks for always being around for us. Finally, to my immediate family, I owe a deep sense of appreciation to my wife, Dr. (Mrs.) Comfort Abosede Okotoni, whom we have been in the race together for close to three decades both in rain and sunshine. She has paid her due price of marrying an academician and a pastor, which she has successfully combined with her own career and calling. She has ministered and is still ministering to me in sundry ways as a virtuous woman and a vessel of honour from God. She has constantly been on my neck on when I will give the Inaugural Lecture. Thank God, today, it is a reality! To our children - Ifeoluwa, Toluwase and Ayooluwa, I express immeasurable gratitude to God for them, and I say may their coasts be greatly enlarged in the Name of Jesus, Amen. Above all, to God be the glory. The Final Word Finally, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps, you are still not sure of the answer to the Question - "Are we all Guilty of the Nigeria's governance crisis and state failure?" The following story of a priest and his congregation may be useful. All his congregation members have complained that the church was a dead church. All the blame was heaped on the priest. In frustration, he finally put up a notice of the funeral ceremony of the dead church with the casket inside the church. On the D-Day, everybody was eager to see the dead church in the casket before it was buried! The congregation all filed up to pay their last respect to the dead church. Apparently, the priest had placed a mirror inside the casket, and as everyone peeped into the casket to view the dead church, s h e saw himself7herself in the casket. At the end, they all resolved that the "dead church" must not be buried; but rather to jointly revive it. This evening, I do not have a better way of concluding this lecture than asking you to look in the mirror of this lecture, and let us jointly, like that congregation resolve to revive our ailing great country - Nigeria. The Eagle shall fly again! Nigeria shall be great again! Thank you all very much for coming and for listening. ation, he finally put up a notice ~dchurch with the casket inside ,ody was eager to see the dead a buried! The congregation all the dead church. Apparently, the le the casket, and as everyone w the dead church, s h e saw he end, they all resolved that the d; but rather to jointly revive it. [er way of concluding this lecture mirror of this lecture, and let us :solve to revive our ailing great I1 fly again! Nigeria shall be great ling and for listening. BIBLIOGRAPHY Achebe, C. (1983) The Trouble with Nigeria Fourth Dimension Publishers, Enugu. Abubakar, A. A. 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