INAUGURAL LECTURE SERIES 299
GOVERNANCE CRISIS AND STATE
FAILURE IN NIGERIA:
ARE WE ALL GUILTY?
BY
M4TI'HEW OLU OK(YTON1
Professor of Public Administration
f i ODAFEMl AWOLOWO UNIVERSIITY PRESS, ILE-IFE, NIGERIA.
/
'
r
-
-
-
MATTHEW OLU OKOTOMI
Professor of Public Administration
GOVERNANCE CRISIS AND STATE FAILURE ]IN
NIGERIA: ARE WE ALL GUILTY?
An Inaugural Lecture Delivered at Oduduwa Hall,
Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria
On Tuesday, 1 4 ' March,
~
2017
MATTHEW OLU OKOTONI
Professor of Public Administration
Inaugural Lecture Series 299
O OBAFEMI AWOLOWO UNIVERSITY PRESS, 2017
ISSN 0189-7848
Printed by
Obafemi Awolowo University Press Limited,
Ile-Ife, Nigeria.
IvO
UNIVERSITY PRESS, 2017
hi~~ersity
Press Limited,
Nigeria.
GOVERNANCE CRISIS AND STATE FAILURE IN
NIGERIA: ARE WE ALL GUIL'AY?
Mr. Vice-Chancellor Sir, distinguished ladies and gentlemen, with
gratitude to the Almighty God, I stand before you this evening to
give the 299 Inaugural Lecture of this great University, Obafemi
Awolowo University, Ile-Ife. This is the fourth inaugural lecture in
the Department of Public Administration. I sincerely thank God for
this honour and privilege.
A renowned Professor of Political Science, Sam Oyovbaire
emphatically asserted that "there is crisis of governance in
Nigeria," it is "real, tangible, obvious and clear." It is difficult to
contradict this observation, because evidences abound that make
governance crisis not only perceptible, but visible, touchable and
solid. It is also a fact that Onanuga (2014) contends that "we are all
victims of Nigeria's governance crisis and we all experience its
symptoms" in one form or the other. These symptoms include,
among others - dyshnctional government, failed educational
system, debilitated health system, malfunctioned transport system,
deteriorated security system, epileptic power supply, food
insecurity, defective socio-economic and political system. All of
these, point to the incapability and helplessness of government to
function well in these areas, which amount to government's total
or partial failure to perform its primary functions up to
expectations. During an interview on A1 Jazeera Television,
Muhammadu Buhari (then as an APC presidential candidate) was
quoted to have said that the "government has failed in its principal
duty of protecting life or property of all beings inside its
territoryw.' It is rather disturbing to observe that the security
situation has not dramatically improved since May 29, 2015 when
he took over as the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria
except for the gallant performance of the Nigerian security forces,
which has increased our optimism that the Boko insurgency will
ultimately be routed from Nigeria's Northeast.
Let me assure you, ladies and gentlemen that we have to wait till
the end of this lecture to be able to answer quite affirmatively the
question on whether we are all guilty of the incidence of
governance crisis and perceived state failure in Nigeria; this is
because the answer is not as obvious and affirmative, which is the
thrust of this lecture.
My early interest in Nigeria's governance crisis and the perceived
failure of the Nigeria State in the discharge of its primary duties
and statutory responsibilities to the citizens was spurred by late
Professor (Emeritus) Vincent Ostrom of the Workshop in Political
Theory and Policy Analysis at Indiana University, Bloomington,
USA. He challenged me to present a paper on African indigenous
governance system in the face of dismal failure of the state-based
institutions during the Mini-Conference organized by the
Workshop in December 1993. In response to this, I presented a
paper titled "Village Administration in Nigeria: A Case Study of
Kabba Yoruba". This was followed by another paper titled
"Village Administration in Nigeria: A comparative Approach"
during the Mini-Conference in April-May 1994. This interest was
boosted, expanded and sustained by my teacher, pastor, mentor and
friend, Professor Bamidele Olowu, when he asked me to prepare a
draft proposal on Informal Administrative System in Nigeria,
which was adopted, modified and expanded for a group research
on indigenous governance in Nigeria by the Research Group on
Local Institutions in Nigeria (REGOLIN), also known as Local
Institutions and Development Project (LISDP) under his able
leadership. The outcome of this research gave birth to a special
edition of African Journal of Institutions and Development (AJID)
in 1996 with a focus on "Governance of Nigeria's Villages and
Cities with case studies across the country and later a book titled
Indigenolrs Governnrzce Systems in Nigeria, edited by Dele Olowu
and John Erero in 1997.
Nigerian Governance Environment
It is pertinent at this juncture to ask: What do we mean by
governance? The World Bank (1991) defines governance as "the
manner
countq
this gt
elemen
regime
manag
develo
forrnu'
functic
proce:
make
modif
as con
a COL
govet
the g
polic
that !
In th
abou
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cons
enh:
(191
on?
poc
in '
Isl:
to
acc
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in
gentlemen that we have to wait till
i3lc to answer quite affirmatively the
!re all guilty of the incidence of
11,cd state failure in Nigeria; this is
~~bvious
and affirmative, which is the
m
!i
povernance crisis and the perceived
I +hedischarge of its primary duties
+o the citizens was spurred by late
3strom of the Workshop in Political
I' Indiana University, Bloomington,
:sent a paper on African indigenous
of dismal failure of the state-based
"-Conference organized by the
In response to this, I presented a
ration in Nigeria: A Case Study of
bllowed by another paper titled
~geria:A comparative Approach"
Ipril-May 1994. This interest was
'
my teacher, pastor, mentor and
vu, when he asked me to prepare a
dministrative System in Nigeria,
ild expanded for a group research
''reria by the Research Group on
!EGOLIN), also known as Local
"mject (LISDP) under his able
research gave birth to a special
ritl,t1ons and Development (AJID)
mance of Nigeria's Villages and
ie country and later a book titled
1'7 Ariperia, edited by Dele Olowu
.
en t
to -ask: What do we mean by
291) defines govemance as "the
manner in which power is exercised in the management of a
country's economic and social resources for development". Within
this general definition, the Bank distinguishes three distinct
elements of governance. First, the form of a country's political
regime; second, the process by which authority is exercised in the
management of a country's economic and social resources for
development; and third, the capacity of the government to design,
formulate and implement policies and to discharge its core
functions. The World Bank goes on to say that "governance is the
process - by which authority is conferred on rulers, by which they
make the rules and by which those rules are enforced and
modified." Another World Bank document describes governance
as consisting of the traditions and institutions by which authority in
a country is exercised, which "includes the process by which
governrnents are selected, monitored and replaced; the capacity of
the governrnent to effectively formulate and implement sound
policies; and the respect of citizens and the state for the institutions
that govern economic and social interactions among them.'?'
In the view of Landell-Mills and Serageldin (1991)' govemance is
about how people are ruled; how the affairs of a state are
administered and regulated. To Hyden (1992) governance is "the
conscious management of regime structures with a view to
enhancing the legitimacy of the public realms"; while Rosenau
(19925) explains the concept to mean "a system of rule that works
only if it is accepted by the majority (or at least, by the most
powerful of those it affects, whereas governrnents can function even
in the face of widespread opposition to their policies." To Nazrul
Islam and Om Prakash Mathur (1995:3) "governance broadly refers
to the system of government concentrating on effective and
accountable institution, democratic principles and electoral
processes, representative and responsible structures of government
in order to ensure an open and legitimate relationship between the
' htcp://info.worldbank.org/govemancdwgi/index.aspx#hon~e
'Cited from N m l Islam and Om Pnkash Mathur (1995) "Urban Govcmancc in hsia" in Urbnn
Governnnce (Regional paper presented at thc Second Urban Forum: Noven1k.r 27-29. 1005 at the UN
Office, Nairobi.
civil society and the state." Fofana (1997) looks at governance from
economic point of view, which he describes as "the process by
which a society makes decision about the production and
distribution of scarce resources." To Zartman (1997) governance is
simply conflict management. To the UNDP, sound governance is
participatory, transparent, accountable, effective and equitable, and
promotes the rule of law.4
Crisis is defined as "a situation that is extremely difficult or
dangerous, when there are many problems5" - such as serious
economic, financial, or political crisis. Governance crisis is a
situation that is characterized by political instability, poor
management of resources due to lack of competent leadership
resulting in corruption. Failed state is one of governance crisis'
symptoms, where the state is "tense, deeply conflicted, dangerous,
and contested bitterly by waning factions;" including "armed
revolts and other hostile conflicts between the central government
and one or more insurgencies, as in Afghanistan, the Sudan, and
the Democratic Republic of the Congo", and currently in Nigeria
(Rotberg, 201 3).
To understand the Nigerian governance environment, recourse to
her political history will be necessary. Nigeria came into existence
on January 1, 1914 as a result of the Amalgamation of the
Southern and Northern Protectorates and the Lagos Colony under
the British colonial administration with its seat in Lagos. Various
parts of the territories known as Nigeria today were ceded to the
British imperii~listsat different times and dates. Lagos was ceded
to Britain on 6th August, 1861. The Southern Protectorate was
transferred from the Foreign Office to the colonial office in 1899.
The Northern part of the country that was administered by the
Royal Niger Company. whose sole interest was commercial, was
taken over by the British colonial administration on January 1,
1900. Lagos remained the political capital of Nigeria until
4
Decem
relocal
Nigeri
indepd
parlia
regior
Mid*
The c
led to
Janur
culm
15, 1
until
dernc
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tern
mar!
The
Bul
Bat
'Pr
tra1
the
thf
(S
(JJ
ur
Si
G
1'
S(
a
P
(
Trevor Gordon-Somers "Slatcmmt on Good Governance" in Afiicnn Inslitute for Dcmocmc): April
1997, page 133. Mr. Gordon-Sonicrs is Spec131A[I\.isor. UNDP Regional Bureau for Africa.
Please see Cnnrbridsc E~r,yli.rliI)icrio~irr~?
ana (1 997) looks at governance from
~h he describes as "the process by
!?ision about the production and
5.'' To Zartman (1997) governance is
the W P , sound governance is
klntable, effective and equitable, and
lion that is extremely difficult or
nny problems'" - such as serious
c" crisis. Governance crisis is a
by political instability, poor
10 lack of competent leadership
<:ate is one of governance crisis'
UIX. deeply conflicted, dangerous,
r u ~ gfactions;" including "armed
' 7 between the central government
~s in Afghanistan, the Sudan, and
Conyo". and currently in Nigeria
!crnance environment, recourse to
ksary. Xigeria came into existence
111 of the Amalgamation of the
"'es and the Lagos Colony under
In with its seat in Lagos. Various
Nigeria today were ceded to the
riles and dates. Lagos was ceded
The Southern Protectorate was
ce to the colonial office in 1899.
? that was administered by the
le interest was commercial, was
A administration on January 1,
, .
tical capital of Nigeria until
m c c " in A . f i b fnsrir~rtejorD ~ n r o r , - aApril
~,
'. I3'DP Re$onal Bureau for Africa.
December 12, 1991 when the seat of the federal government was
relocated to Abuja, the new federal capital.
Nigeria attained her independence on October 1, 1960. At
independence, Nigeria operated a civilian Westminster
Parliamentary system of government with three large and unequal
regions (and four regions in 1963 with the carving out of
Midwestern Region from Western Region) under a federal system.
The country was engulfed in an unprecedented political crisis that
led to the demise of the First Republic via the first military coup on
January 15, 1966. The coup did not end the crisis as it eventually
culminated into the thirty-month civil war from 1967 to January
15, 1970. From January 15, 1966, the military ruled the country
until October 1, 1979, when it handed over power to the
democratically elected president, Alhaji Shehu Shagari of the
National Party of Nigeria (NPN). The civilian administration was
terminated on December 31, 1983 in another military coup. This
marked the return of the military to the country's political arena.
The new military regime headed by Major-General Muhammadu
Buhari was in turn overthrown by Major-General Tbrahim
Babangida - the Army Chief of Staff who then proclaimed himself
'President'. He led the nation through a convoluted political
transition programme to civil rule, which he scuttled by annulling
the June 12, 1993 presidential election that was apparently won by
the late Chief M.K.O. Abiola of the Social Democratic Party
(SDP). He then put in place an Interim National Government
( N G ) headed by Chief Ernest Shonekan whose government lasted
until November 1993 when his Secretary of Defence, General
Sanni Abacha removed him and instituted a full-blown hfilitary
Government of which he was the head until his death on June 7,
1998. The members of his Provisional Ruling Council (PRC) then
selected the Chief of Defence Staff, General Abdulsalam Abubakar
as his successor who embarked on the shortest transition
programme in the country and handed over to Chief Olusegun
Obasahjo on May 29, 1999. Ever since, the country is still
struggling to get it right.
From the foregoing, it is clear that as at May 29, 1999, Nigeria had
been ruled by the military for about 30 years out of 39 years of
independence. It is to be pointed out that all the military regimes
and civilian administrations have been characterised by high levels
of corruption, political instability, social menace, poverty, lack of
rule of law, violence and insecurity etc. This is clearly not an
enviable govemance environment and a clear indication of
govemance crisis and a state on the verge of failure!
What is State Failure?
State failure refers to instances where "less than complete
collapse" occurs (Poon~bos,2001:5 as cited in Solomon & Cone,
2004). State failure in reality is not a sudden event but rather "a
long term degenerative di~ease."~State collapse can thus be
viewed as a downward spiral inaugurated by a complex and
conflict-ridden process of deterioration, decline and erosion of
state functions. It is associated with certain concepts, including
failed state, fragile state, collapsed state and weak state (which is
the opposite of stable or state success). To Lambach (2012)' failed
states are not necessarily sites of chaos and anarchy, as they are
sometimes portrayed - "in fact, societies usually turn to alternative
providers of govemance in the absence of the state, such as
traditional or charismatic authorities." For the purpose of this
lecture, state failure will be used as a synonym of failed state.
Why? Both of them have similar characteristics in the literature,
even though they differ in some degrees.
Rotberg (2013) explained that "a failed state is a country with a
government that cannot or will not deliver essential political goods
(public services) to its c i t i ~ e n s He
. ~ argued further that "... failed
states lack security, are unsafe, honour rules of law in the breach,
are robustly corrupt, deny participation or voice most of the time to
most of their people, discriminate within their countries against
Sec Zanrnan as citcd in Woodward, 1996: 144.
7http:l/www.expIorinBecopolitics.or~intewicw~lambach~failed~states~definitions~causes~concepts
~IocaI~go~~c.mancc~authority~chaos~anarchy~fcatures~scales/
shttps:Nrobertrotbcrp.wordpress.com/201?/02/11 /failed-and-weak-states-defined/
?at as at May 29,1999, Nigeria had
r about 30 years out of 39 years of
sd out that all the military regimes
' e been characterised by high levels
'ty, social menace, poverty, lack of
zcurity etc. This is clearly not an
ment and a clear indication of
the verge of failure!
Ices where "less than complete
1 :5 as cited in Solomon & Cone,
; not a sudden event but rather "a
-96
c.
State collapse can thus be
inaugurated by a complex and
rioration, decline and erosion of
with certain concepts, including
red state and weak state (which is
~cess).To Larnbach (2012)' failed
!f chaos and anarchy, as they are
iocieties usually turn to alternative
2 absence of the state, such as
~rities."For the purpose of this
'd as a synonym of failed state.
\r characteristics in the literature,
legrees.
a failed state is a country with a
~t deliver essential political goods
He argued further that ". .. failed
onour rules of law in the breach,
lation or voice most of the time to
te within their countries against
classes and kinds of citizens, offer sustainable economic
opportunity only to ruling elites and other cronies, and provide
human development (educational and health services) sparingly or
not at all." Going by this definition, Nigeria perfectly fits into
almost all the features that characterize a failed state.
Is Nigeria a Failed State?
This is one of the most debated questions about the Nigeria nationstate. Some have argued that Nigeria is a failed state; others
believe that it is in the process of failure, while some analysts even
predicted the disintegration of the country in 2015~. Most of these
opinions are, however, not based on tangible facts that can be
substantiated with evidence, but on political sentiments, personal
interests, ethno-religious prejudices and beliefs. A few, however,
based their positions on situational analysis. Notably, the former
US Ambassador to Nigeria, John Campbell, gave an in-depth
analysis of how Nigeria was drifting towards a failed state due to
inherent corruption, ethno-religious tensions, increasing Islamic
radicalism, power tussles by elites and the tension of the 2015
presidential election.1° This was responsible for his several
predictions that the country would not exist beyond 2015.
To address the question, some indices will be used based on the
understanding of the concepts of state success and state failure.
According to Global ~uerrillas," a nation-state success can be
measured by its ability to deliver political goods arranged in
hierarchical order as follows: (i) security (the state's primary
function that provides a framework through which all other
political goods can be delivered; (ii) Law (a system of codes and
procedures that regulate the interactions of the population and set
the standards for conduct); (iii) medical and health care (this is
central to the entire health of the country - social, political,
economic as it is commonly said "health is wealth"); (iv) schools
and educational instruction - no nation can develop beyond its
-
http:llintpolicydigest.org/2015105126/no-nigeria-isn-t-a-failed-statel
ibid
" http:Nglobalguenillas.typcpad.com~glohalguerrillasl2OO4lO5lfailed~states.html
'O
level of educational system; (v) critical infrastructure (these are
essential infrastructures such as good road networks, functional
transportation system); (vi) money and banking system; (vii)
business environment; (viii) a forum for civil society; and (ix) a
method of regulating environmental commons.
In this Lecture, the success or failure of Nigeria nation-state is
measured using the characteristics of failed states as outlined by
Rotberg (2002). These characteristics include: rise of criminal and
political violence; loss of control over borders; rising ethnic,
religious, linguistic and cultural hostilities; civil war; the use of
terror against own citizens; weak (political, social and economic)
institutions; deteriorated or insufficient infrastructure, inability to
collect taxes without undue coercion, collapsed health system,
rising levels of infant mortality and declining life expectancy, end
of regular schooling opportunities, declining levels of GDP per
capita (especially inflation), widespread preference for nonnational currencies, basic food shortages - leading to starvation,
leaders destroy the economic and political fabric of the country,
questionable legitimacy.
Breach of Peace, Insecurity, Rise in Crime and Political
Violence in Nigeria
Nigeria has had her fair share in breach of peace, insecurity and
rise in crime, political violence and political instability. The period
4 1960-1966), referred to as the First ~ e ~ u b l i cwitnessed
,'~
several
crises before its collapse on January 15, 1966. Prominent among
these crises was the political turmoil in the Western Region,
leading to the declaration of the state of emergency on May 29
1962.13The Prime Minister declared that "in pursuance of Section
65 of the constitution of the federation, it is declared that a state of
public crnergency exists and that this resolution shall remain in
force
and s
feder:
now 6
rneas
peace
seriol
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'*T
The "First Rcpublic" refers to the first civilian democratic polity - I n of October 1960 to 1 5 of~
January 1960. when rhe first military coup took place; although the country only became a republic
on October I . In63 when thc nation finally broke the umbilical political cord that bound it to Britain
and bessmc a sclf-c!ovemin: state in all legal and political ramifications.
I 9.
See
I~ttp:/~~~~~vw.waado.or~nigerdelta/FedGovtlFederalism/emergency_rule/westem~
region-balewa.htmI
I?
J.P
by
an:
lez
I?
critical infrastructure (these are
1s good road networks, hnctional
noney and banking system; (vii)
forum for civil society; and (ix) a
n tal commons.
failure of Nigeria nation-state is
ics of failed states as outlined by
istics include: rise of criminal and
trol over borders; rising ethnic,
I hostilities; civil war; the use of
k (political, social and economic)
fficient infrastructure, inability to
ercion, collapsed health system,
md declining life expectancy, end
es, declining levels of GDP per
~~idespreadpreference for non:hortages - leading to starvation,
d political fabric of the country,
Rise in Crime and Political
breach of peace, insecurity and
d political instability. The period
rst ~ e ~ u b l i c ,witnessed
'*
several
ary 15, 1966. Prominent among
irrnoil in the Western Region,
state of emergency on May 29
ed that "in pursuance of Section
tion, it is declared that a state of
this resolution shall remain in
Irnncraticpolity - I n of October 1960 to 15" of
': a ! t h ~ uthe
~ hcountry only became a republic
umbilical political cord that bound it to &jtain
itical ramifications.
' FedGovt~ederaIism/emergency-rule/western-
force until the end of the month of December, nineteen hundred
and sixty-two." He added that "No responsible government of the
federation could allow an explosive situation such as that which
now exists in Western Nigeria to continue without taking adequate
measures to ensure that there is an early return to the region of
peace, order and good government." There were also series of
serious riots in Tiv land in 1960 and 1964. The cumulative effect
constituted the remote causes that led to the first military coup on
January 15 1966, while the immediate cause was attributed to the
selfishness and corruption of the politicians. The coup and counter
coups aggravated ethnic tensions and antagonisms that led to mass
killings in July and September, 1966.
Civil War
Another characteristic of a failed state is civil war. Nigeria was
engaged in a 30-month civil war (2 July, 1967 to 15 January, 1970)
resulting from various unresolved ethnic and political crises in
various parts of the country and, in particular, the coup and the
counter coup of 1966. The failure of Aburi conference" to resolve
the crisis and the creation of twelve states on May 27, 1967 from
the four existing regions were perhaps the immediate causes of the
war. The then Military Governor of the Eastern Region, Lt. Col.
Odumegwu Ojukwu saw the act of the creation of states by decree
"without consultation" as the last straw15 and, thereby, declared the
Region an independent State of Biafi-a on 30 May 1967, which the
Federal Government considered as an act of secession and illegal.
Efforts to resolve the issue peacefully failed; and to avoid total
disintegration of the country, the federal government appeared to
have only one choice of bringing back the Region to the main fold
by force.16 It was estimated that the war claimed about one million
lives and unquantifiable loss of properties.
"neAburi Conference held January 4-5, 1967 at Aburi, Ghana was at the instance of ~t.-General
].A. Ankmh - the Ghanaian Head of State. The venue was chosen because the eastem delegates led
by the Governor of Eastem State Colonel Ojukwu's felt their safety could not be guaranteed
anywhere within the western or northern part of the country.
IsAbubakar .A. Atofarati (1992) "The Nigerian civil war: causes, strategies and lessons
leamt."http://www.dawodu.codatofarati
1 .htm
'6http://www.dawodu.com/atofaratiI
.htm
9
Ethnic, Cultural and Militia ~ o v e m e n t s "
The failure of the State to provide effective security services and
cnsure protection of lives and properties in the country and,
particularly, the inefficiency and ineffectiveness of the Nigeria
Police and other enforcement agencies like the State Security
Service (SSS) in carrying out their constitutional duties, made
some communities and ethnic groups to establish for themselves
what Chikwem (2005) called "Self Determination Groups"
(SDGs). According to him, some were initially and genuinely
formed "to assist the society and others, on self-enrichment
strategies." He argued that some of them, however, "have taken
laws into their hands and are responsible for numerous human
rights abuses, murder, execution, illegal detention, unlawful arrest,
rape, extortions, illegal judgments, tenorist activities etc."
Prominent among these groups are the Area Boys (in Lagos),
Bakassi Boys, O'odua People's Congress (OPC), Movement of the
Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafia (MASSOB),
Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), Arewa
People Congress (APC), Oodua Liberation Movement (OLM),
Revolutionary Council of Nigeria (RCN), Igbo People's Congress
(PC),Ijaw Youth Congress, Ijaw National Congress, the Hisbah
Groups, Egbesu Boys, Delta People Volunteer Force (NDPVF)
and, more recently, the dreaded Boko Haram religious terrorist
Group in the ~ o r t h "and the Niger Delta Avengers who specialize
in destroying oil wells and pipelines. These ethnic, cultural and
militia movements have played prominent and mixed roles in
either disrupting, or keeping, maintaining and building peace in
Nigeria.
Apparently disturbed by the activities of the ethnic groups and the
need to regulate their activities, former President Olusegun
Obasanjo, sent a bill (The Prohibition of Certain Associations Act
''-FX~S
v a r i n ! ~groups
~
cannot be discussed within the scope of this Lecture. Suftice to say that each
c f the Toups can be a full lecture on its own.
Rorn Hsram is not an ethnic or cultural group but an Islamic organization that has been active in
'
Northeastern Ni_eeria since 2009. The name o f the group literally means, "Western" education is a
sin ,a7 ?n ahomi~ation. The group has launched violent attacks on churches and institutions
c pecially schools and police stations and sometimes banks.
rovide effective security services and
md properties in the country and,
and ineffectiveness of the Nigeria
nt agencies like the State Security
ut their constitutional duties, made
: groups to establish for themselves
led "Self Determination Groups"
some were initially and genuinely
ty and others, on self-enrichment
'me of them, however, "have taken
: responsible for numerous human
'n, illegal detention, unlawful arrest,
Ignents, fenonst activities etc."
os are the Area Boys (in Lagos),
; Congress (OPC), Movement of the
ign State of Biafra (MASSOB),
Ile Ogoni People (MOSOP), Arewa
ua Liberation Movement (OLM),
ria (RCN), Igbo People's Congress
air1 National Congress, the Hisbah
People Volunteer Force (NDPVF)
:d Boko Haram religious terrorist
ger Delta Avengers who specialize
belines. These ethnic, cultural and
d prominent and mixed roles in
naintaining and building peace in
vities of the ethnic groups and the
ies, former President Olusegun
bition of Certain Associations Act
I
the scope of this Lecture. Suffice to say that each
2002)'~ to the National Assembly, which if passed, would
empower him to "dissolve and proscribe any persons, association
of individuals or quasi-military groups, which in his opinion, is
formed for the purposes of furthering the political, religious,
ethnic, tribal, cultural or social interest of a group ... contrary to the
peace, order and good governance" of the federation. The targets
of the bill included "organizations led by prominent politicians,
which purport to defend the interests of ethnic groups or sections
of the country." Three of such groups, which he had accused of
being catalysts of ethnic conflicts, included Arewa Consultative
Forum, Afenifere and Ohaneze that respectively champion the
interests of the biggest ethnic groupings - the Hausa-Fulani, the
Yoruba and Igbo. Proscribing those groups was felt to be a
violation of human rights and freedom of association and
amounted to silencing those he perceived as opposing his
administration. Chickweed (2005), however, suggested that
Afenifere, Ohaneze Ndi Igbo and Arewa Consultative Forum, the
apex body of the Yoruba, Igbo, and Hausa-Fulani respectively
should provide advisory support to genuine self-determination
groups within their regions and reengineer their programmes to
accommodate the Nigerian society of the 2 lstcentury.
Insecurity in Nigeria from 1999-2017
This period (1999-2017) has witnessed the highest era of insecurity
and breach of peace in Nigeria. It is, perhaps, the most traumatic,
distressful and lawless period that the country had ever witnessed.
Thousands of lives are daily lost to insurgency, terror attacks,
kidnapping, armed robbery, political thuggery and assassinations.
According to the CNN, Boko Haram "killed 6,644 people in 2014,.
an increase of more than 300% from the previous year, according
to the latest tally from the Global Terrorism ~ndex."'~Alongside
are the Fulani herdsmen, who constantly terrorize many
communities and farmers by destroying their farms and properties,
but an Islamic organization that has been active in
le poup literally means, "Western" education is a
ed violent attacks on churches and institutions
cs bank.
l 9 The Bill was sent on April 10,2002. Please see http://www.irinnews.org/repod3IO92lnigcriaobasanjo-proposes-law-to-banethnic-militias
http://www.dawodu.comichikwemI .htm
http://edition.cnn,com/2016M)2/13/africalboko-haram-attack-nigen'aiindex.html (Accessed on
March 28,201 6)
'ydoes not give cause to
7w ranked 187th among the
(Vorld Health Organization.
le health sector is rather pathetic,
~f the problems confronting the
s include poor funding, lack of
ies, inadequate medical personnel,
,idustrial actions by
health
y rivalries and disharmony among
nethical behaviours among health
ic hospitals. It is a common thing
health institutions to abuse patients
need for all health professionals in
ords, come together and work as
ery.
I
rike embarked upon by the resident
u'ational Association of Resident
n 2010 in the Federal Teaching
:a1 Centres (FMCs), Dr. Femi
l,
said "The
allege ~ o s ~ i t aIbad'an,
lrown into chaos. ...The sector,
In, slumped into coma with very
1 the health of ordinary citizens
ren, pregnant women and the beddoctors is another problem area.
ut 1 doctor to 4,000 patients as
ition of about 1 doctor to 600
lade Ogunsola, a professor of
tio on of Colleges of Medicine of
than 237,000 medical doctors to
!rm-Times,2015). Other problems
brain drain of medical personnel.
lrses migrate yearly to overseas
lastures. As a matter of urgency,
.S
government must take proactive measures to stem the tide of braindrain in this sector.
Malfunctioned Transport System
To say the least, the transportation system in Nigeria has not only
failed, but has collapsed in all ramifications. Nigeria Airways sadly
is moribund. It is pathetic, that the most populous African country
has no surviving national camer due to large scale corruption,
gross mismanagement, over-bloated staff and undue political
interference among several reasons. The once thriving Nigeria
Airways that came into being on August 23, 1958 had about 8,500
workforce in the 1980s with 30 aircrafts. However, from mid1980s through the early 1990s, the camer was plagued by huge
debts and multifaceted problems leading to its collapse. It ceased
operations in 2003 and was liquidated a year later. Ever since,
several efforts have been made to revive it or at least put
something in place, but have always failed up till June 13, 2012,
when the new camer was grounded by regulators for safety
reasons (Echenim, 20 12).
The Nigeria Railway Corporation (NRC) had not fared better.
Trains, which used to be one of the best transportation systems in
Nigeria, have also collapsed. The gory story below captures the
pitiable situation of the Nigeria Railway and the excessive
wastages with nothing to show for it.
.
Between 1995 and 1999, a whooping contract of $500
million was awarded to a Chinese firm,China Civil
Engineering Construction Corporation to rehabilitate the
existing rail, supply 50 locomotives, 150 coaches, 400
wagons and 20 rail buses and provide technical training
for the railways staff. The substandard rail locomotives,
wagon and coaches supplied by the Chinese firm,
however, were not fit for later use. The same China Civil
Engineering Construction Company has again been
awarded a whopping $8.3b contract to rehabilitate the rail
system. Despite the shoddy work done and substandard
locomotives supplied, China continues to make inroad in
the development of rail system. In 2006, a deal was struck
ncluding some humanitarian
nm~itteeof Red Cross (ICRC),
ise or criticize the military, but to
tisis and state failure in Nigeria.
charged with internal security,
enforcement of law and order,
bolicing, among other duties. A
re officer is to act as an official
10 is required and trusted to work
tcs and property, protecting the
~nsuringthe rights of all to liberty,
equality and justice (Onibokun,
rt provides that the Police shall be
and detection of crime, the
reservation of law and order, the
ld the due enforcement of all laws
I. are directly charged and shall
hin or outside Nigeria as may be
authority of this or any other Act.
cat nation if the police would
tutional duties as rightly pointed
hat, "good policing is the bedrock
safety" and that "the long-term
ties to address police bribery,
lement threatens the basic rights
Hu~nanRights Watch (2010) in
nyiad forms of police corruption
zation of extortion and duplicity.
police are the most corrupt in
ens to lose confidence in them
Ir friend." The inefficiency of the
tiplicity of agencies (federal and
states) that perform police functions e.g. civil defence, vigilante,
DSS, SSS as well as several private guards. Our concern here of
course is not to commend or condemn the police, but to underscore
how the police force has contributed to governance crisis in
Nigeria and its failure as a state.
WE GET
-.
,~
Figure 6: Police Extortions on the Road
Source: https:Nwww.hrw.orglnews/2010/08/ 17lnigeria-cormption-fuelingpolice-abuses
The Bureaucracy
The role of the bureaucracy in governance and state building
appears inexhaustible, covering a wide range of activities including
"coordination of federal ministries, advising the political officials,
formulation and implementation of government's policies,
gathering and supplying of data for policy makers, ensuring
continuity of services and public relations services." (Okotoni,
2001:87). The bureaucracy is so crucial and central to the smooth
running of public administration to the extent that one may be
tempted to conclude that bureaucracy is inevitable. Since the
ultimate objective of any govenunent is to serve its citizens through
Nigerian bureaucracy appears to lack the capacity to promote good
governance and a stable state, and has contributed to bad and
ineffective governance over the years.
Traditional Rulers and Institutions
There is no doubt that traditional rulers and chieftaincy institutions
play very crucial roles in Nigeria, especially in the area of socioeconomic development at the grassroots as well as being custodian
of culture and traditions. Traditional rulers and chieftaincy
institutions in many parts of Nigeria represent an embodiment of
rich culture, agent of development and catalyst of change; they
complement efforts of government in their domains (Okotoni,
20 13).
In recent years, the role of traditional rulers and chieftaincy
institutions have been largely compromised in several respects
including politicization of chieftaincy titles, involvement in
partisan politics; financial misappropriation, taking government
contracts, immoral dealings; erosion and loss of important
traditional values; monetization of chieftaincy titles to corrupt
public officials and people of questionable character in the society.
All of these apparently make it difficult for them to be impartial
and forthright. The direct and indirect involvement in corrupt and
indecent activities by some traditional rulers has contributed to the
governance crisis, especially in the area of breach of peace, caused
by community opposition when important chieftaincy titles go to
the highest bidders rather than consideration for merit and
legitimacy.
The Media
The press or media institution plays an important role in
democratic governance, nation building and development. It is
little surprise therefore that the media are referred to, as "The
Fourth Realm of the Estate" - i.e. the fourth pillar in support of the
essential tripod of government, the Executive, the Legislative and
the Judiciary (Bamidele, 2015). In recognition of this, Chapter 11,
expectations when appointed to positions of authority in the higher
institutions and in government.
One of the greatest tragedies that have befallen the country's
academia has to do with dwindling interest in research. Some
academics have gone into politics, business and other lucrative
sectors, while some have migrated from the four walls of the ivory
towers in search of greener pastures. .The brain drain has been due,
in part, to the poor economic situation in the country. Many of
those that remain in the system complain of being frustrated or
incapacitated by inadequacies that are peculiar to each institution.
Leadership
Nigeria is a country blessed with great and abundant human,
natural and mineral resources with every potential to be a great
country. Despite these abundant resources, the country suffers
from the problem of good and effective leadership that can harness
and manage the resources judiciously in order to facilitate socioeconomic development. Thus, the country remains one of the third
world countries with yawning deficit of basic social and
infiastructural amenities. Nigerian leadership failure has
manifested in poor governance, insecurity, electoral violence,
policy somersault, high level of corruption, unemployment and
underemployment and widespread poverty. In his book The
Trouble with Nigeria, Chinua Achebe (1983) unequivocally and
poignantly declared that:
The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure
of leadership. There is nothing basically wrong with the
Nigerian character. There is nothing wrong with the
Nigerian land or climate or water or air or anything else.
The Nigerian problem is the unwillingness or inability of
its leaders to rise to the responsibility, [and] to the
challenge of personal example which are the hallmarks
of true leadership.
Almost two and half decades later, Agbobu (2009) corroborated
Achebe's position by declaring that "All those who have ruled
s of authority in the higher
bat have befallen the country's
ling interest in research. Some
;s, business and other lucrative
1 from the four walls of the ivory
ES. The brain drain has been due,
tuation in the country. Many of
I complain of being frustrated or
t are peculiar to each institution.
rith great and abundant human,
4th every potential to be a great
t resources, the country suffers
lective leadership that can harness
ously in order to facilitate socioe country remains one of the third
g deficit of basic social and
eerian leadership failure has
e, insecurity, electoral violence,
rf corruption, unemployment and
mead poverty. In his book The
bchebe (1983) unequivocally and
slmplp and squarely a failure
hing basically wrong with the
is nothing wrong with the
; water or air or anything else.
le unwillingness or inability of
I responsibility, [and] to the
mple which are the hallmarks
I
hter, ~gbobu(2009) corroborated
g that "All those who have ruled
Nigeria are dealers not leaders." Although there may have been
several factors that in different ways and at different times
contributed to governance crisis in Nigeria, leadership is a very
potent one that stands out. Leadership at every level of
administration, fiom local to the national, has failed to translate the
vast resources of the country into an enviable level of
development. Two former Nigerian leaders have been reported to
have openly and voluntarily admitted to have failed their
generations. They are Dr. Goodluck Jonathan and Chief Olusegun
Obasanjo. (Leadership January 9, 2015; Nigerian Tribune,
February 28, 2017). One may wonder why the leaders should be
blamed for the woes of the country. The remark of John Maxwell,
a leadership expert, may provide an answer to the question. He
contends that "Everything rises and falls on leadership."
Admittedly, leadership is crucial in any organization, but it does
not tell the whole story.
Followership
Literature abounds on leadership with little or no attention paid to
followership, which is as serious as leadership when addressing
organisational performance. Followership is the other side of the
coin of leadership. Followership cannot be divorced fiom
leadership as every society deserves the kind of leader it gets.
There can be no leadership if there is no followership. This fact
raises a serious challenge to the thesis or submission of Chinua
Achebe that the problem of Nigeria is squarely the failure of
leadership. Bad followership would probably engender bad
leadership more than anything else.
Followership can influence leadership a great deal - either
positively or negatively. Followers in Nigeria are rather gullible,
docile, obsequious, sycophantic, flattering and unwilling to
confront the leaders for their evil and atrocious deeds because of
personal gains; they lack courage to demand accountability fiom
the leaders. They make unreasonable financial demands and other
difficult obligations that would require the leaders to compromise
their integrity and standard; such that would make them to loot the
public treasuries in order to meet such obligations. Thus, my
submission is that both leaders and followers are guilty in the case
of Nigerian state failure and governance crisis; although the weight
of responsibility and guilt will tilt rather precariously toward the
leadership. Albeit, this is debatable, some believe that "the guilt
weighs more on the followership, who have allowed themselves to
be manipulated, deceived, abused, used and dumped by the leaders
who should be there to protect their interest" (Elueze & Agunnia,
2014 ). It is my firm belief that to be out of the doldrums, we need
responsive leadership as well as responsible and vigilant
followership.
Religious Organisations/Bodies
Many religious bodies and organisations cannot be exonerated
from the crisis of the country. On many occasions, religious
extremists have plunged this country into untold crises and
hardships. The Boko Haram sect and Shites are current examples.
In other respects, religious bodies and leaders have given awards,
titles, honours and their blessings to corrupt and bad people in the
society in exchange for huge donations. Such actions are
tantamount to endorsements of their nefarious activities. There are
hardly strong condemnations of their vices and anti-social
behaviours, which are inimical to the wellbeing of the society.
There are several other State institutions such as the Nigerian
Custom Service (NCS), the Nigeria Immigration Service (NIS), the
Nigerian Prison Services (NPS), the Federal Road Safety Corps
(FRSC) and the Nigeria Port Authority (NPA) that are in no way
less culpable in their contributing roles to crisis of governance in
the country, but for constraint of space they are not discussed in
this lecture.
The Society at Large
Whatever in the world has happened to societal core moral,
cultural and social values in Nigeria! How can we exonerate the
society from the problem and burden of bad governance in
Nigeria? A society that is corrupt, a society that celebrates
:et such obligations. Thus, my
d followers are guilty in the case
nance crisis; although the weight
It rather precariously toward the
~le,some believe that "the guilt
who have allowed themselves to
,used and dumped by the leaders
~eirinterest" (Elueze & Agunnia,
be out of the doldrums, we need
I as responsible and vigilant
;anisations cannot be exonerated
On many occasions, religious
country into untold crises and
t and Shites are current examples.
es and leaders have given awards,
:s to corrupt and bad people in the
ge donations. Such actions are
their nefarious activities. There are
of their vices and anti-social
lo the wellbeing of the society.
I.
hstitutions such as the Nigerian
eria Immigration Service (NIS), the
F), tile Federal Road Safety Corps
huthority (NPA) that are in no way
ing roles to crisis of govemance in
,-ace they are not discussed in
happened to societal core moral,
diceria!
How can we exonerate the
"
nd burden of bad govemance in
corrupt, a society that celebrates
mediocrity, robbers and looters of public treasuries; a society that
believes its own lies, and a society that has lost its core values of
integrity, sound character, good name, morality, uprightness,
honesty, respect for elders, family values, good neighbourliness,
hard work, respect for law and human dignity, justice and fair play,
etc., has in no little way jeopardized the success of democratic
governance and national sustainable development. These values
were the foundation on which many African societies were built
and were the sinews that guaranteed their peace, harmony, sanity,
security and development.
The absence of these core values has opened doors to manv vices
in the society such as violence, robbery, kidnapping, assassination,
'4-1-9', get-rich-quickly syndrome, corruption, celebration of
criminals with chieftaincy titles, special honours and awards by
secular, academic and religious organisations; they are usually
made to take the front seats in places of worship and occupy the
'high tables' at state and social functions. In the good old days in
Nigeria, individuals who breached the societal codes of conduct
were seriously sanctioned, denied the right to take wives in their
communities; and in serious cases, banished from the community.
The society therefore was sanitized and safe for good governance.
Concluding Remarks, Research and Community Sewice
Mr. Vice Chancellor Sir, we have traversed quite a tenitory
looking at the multiplicity of symptoms and veritable indicators of
governance crisis and state failure. Most of these have remained so
far as intractable problems. The presence of these symptoms and
characteristics - which in broad terms, are. social, economic,
political, security, leadership, followership and development
problems, is undeniable and require urgent steps to salvage the
country from m h e r degeneration and degradation with a view to
averting total collapse. These will be addressed under the policy
recommendations.
In the last two and half decades, my research focus covered human
resources management and general administration with emphasis on
the Nigerian public bureaucracy and governance. Since the ultimate
objective of any government is to serve its citizens, this subject
becomes very crucial as this can only be achieved through effective
management of the public personnel, otherwise referred to as the
bureaucracy or the civil service. Citizens measure the success of
government, its overall efficiency and effectiveness of agencies and
programmes through their impression of the bureaucracy. To
strengthen the bureaucracy, periodic administrative reforms are a
sine-qua-non. I have looked into this area to draw lessons from
Britain and the United States of America.
My interest in field administration is not a departure from this
focus. The effectiveness of most public services is easily measured
through the way the field offices are managed. The personnel in
the field offices are those that have direct contact with the citizens
who assess the speed and courtesy with which their problems and
complaints are handled when they come into contact with them. I
have carried out empirical studies on Nigerian field administration
system, stressing the important role played by field administration
as one of the main channels used by government to carry its
policies to the citizens in their respective domains. To strengthen
this aspect of my research, I did a comparative analysis of the
practice of field administration system in Nigeria, France and the
United States of America with a view to drawing useful lessons
from the two countries, which have track records of effective field
administration that could assist Nigeria to improve its field
administration system.
Since public administration is about service delivery and good
governance, I have shown interest in decentralization and service
delivery, local administration as well as indigenous governance. I
have sought to understand the ways African indigenous
communities are governed and how an amalgam of formal state
institutions and indigenous institutions can be harrnonised to
produce better ways of governance in the face of unabated
governance crises in Nigeria and poor performance in the provision
of public goods and services.
pvernance. Since the ultimate
;ewe its citizens, this subject
be achieved through effective
, otherwise referred to as the
iizens measure the success of
1effectiveness of agencies and
ion of the bureaucracy. TO
: administrative reforms are a
lis area to draw lessons from
rica.
is not a departure from this
)lit services is easily measured
re managed. The personnel in
direct contact with the citizens
with which their problems and
come into contact with them. I
Nigerian field administration
: played by field administration
d by government to carry its
pective domains. To strengthen
a comparative analysis of the
$em in Nigeria, France and the
view to drawing useful lessons
e track records of effective field
Nigeria to improve its field
bout service delivery and good
;t in decentralization and service
uell as indigenous governance. 1
the ways Afncan indigenous
low an amalgam of formal state
titfitions can be harmonised to
lance in the face of unabated
poor performance in the provision
Ladies and gentlemen, it is apposite, at this point to mention that in
the course of my research efforts and those of my colleagues, we
observed that the pseudo federalism in Nigeria, has led to overcentralisation. This has not only contributed to governance crisis,
but also to administrative failure in all ramifications. This has been
well captured by Wunsch and Olowu (1992) in their book, The
Failure of the Centralised State.
There is an urgent need for a re-appraisal of this especially in
organizing the public service and decentralized structures -- both
field administration and local governments -- building fi-om the
roots and effectively connecting to the centre, using basic
institutions of governance of cities, towns and villages that are
self-governing, empowered to organize their communities and
local economies within the framework of a polycentric governance
in which they can relate to other structures of governance, be it
business, administrative or faith based organisations as they
occurred in the First Republic. The First Republic operated a
federal republican constitution that ensured a large measure of
autonomy (e.g. reasonable level of decentralization) to the regions
including education and health services. Chief Obafemi Awolowo
introduced the first health care scheme in 1953 and pioneered free
primary education (UPE) in 1955 in the Western Region. The latter
graduated into the establishment of the first regional university in
t h e country, the then University of Ife in 1962 (now, Obafemi
Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, our own OAU - Oba Awon
University)! There was also a decentralized security system
especially the local police maintained by regional governments
until 1966 when the military government disbanded the local
police forces. The decentralized economy also allowed each region
to develop its economic activities especially the regional
governments' conglomerates such as the Northern Nigeria
Development Corporation (NNDC), the Western Nigeria
Development Corporation (later, Oduduwa Group of Companies)
and the Eastern Nigerian Development Corporation. The Western
Region also pioneered the Television broadcasting in Nigeria in
October
1959,
known
as
the
Western
Nigerian
Television (WNTV) in Ibadan, the first station in Africa.
Faith Based educational and health institutions also occupied
significant place in governance especially in the areas of service
delivery, which facilitated national development. Space will not
permit me to elaborate on this. Unfortunately, the taking over of
these structures through a process of centralization by the Federal
Government and military governments totally destroyed these once
great and vibrant institutions.
My submission therefore is an advocacy for interactions among
these relatively autonomous institutions with one another
especially in co-production, cooperation, synergy or competition to
generate energy for change and increasing levels of social
production that would facilitate effective and efficient delivery of
public goods and services in Nigeria, which are hallmarks of good
governance and a strong state.
Besides my teachings and research works, I have been privileged
to mentor young academics. Altogether, I have success~lly
supervised twenty-three (23) M.Sc. students, thirteen (13) doctoral
candidates and numerous DPA, MPA and MBA candidates; some
of whom are in academics, senior administrators and managers in
the public sector and captains of industry in the private sector. By
the grace of God, some of my former students are professors and
associate professors and I am still counting as I am still active in
mentoring and supervising.
On the administrative front, I have served as the Acting Head of
Department for four consecutive academic sessions fiom August 1,
2003 to July 31, 2007; as well as the Vice Dean Faculty of
Administration during the 200012001 and 200112002 Academic
Sessions. I have also served as Member, Faculty Research
Committee; Member of Editorial Board, Quarterly Joumal of
Administration as well as the Editor-in-Chief, Quarterly Joumal of
Administration. My administrative services in the university
the Western
Nigerian
e first station in Africa.
,
lalth institutions also occupied
specially in the areas of service
al development. Space will not
Jnfortunately, the taking over of
; of centralization by the Federal
ients totally destroyed these once
~dvocacyfor interactions among
institutions with one another
rration, synergy or competition to
nd increasing levels of social
ffective and efficient delivery of
:ria, which are hallmarks of good
ch works, I have been privileged
Altogether, I have successfully
ic. students, thirteen (13) doctoral
WA and MBA candidates; some
,r administrators and managers in
' industry in the private sector. By
Drmer students are professors and
ill counting as I am still active in
Ive served as the Acting Head of
academic sessions from August 1,
111 as the Vice Dean Faculty of
)I2001 and 200112002 Academic
I as Member, Faculty Research
ial Board, Quarterly Journal of
itor-in-Chief, Quarterly Journal of
xtive services in the university
included serving in one of the most tedious committees in this
university - the Postgraduate College Board for almost twelve
years; pioneering member of Conflict and Peace Studies Group;
Faculty Representative in the University Senate (2002 to 2008) and
numerous statutory and other adhoc committees. I am presently,
serving as the Dean, Faculty of Administration and Editor-inChief, q e Journal of Humanities and Social Studies (IJOHUSS).
Community services included the followings:
Member of a Consortium to Lagos State Government
Comprehensive Manpower Audit, 1990-1992.
(Sabbatical) Professor of Public Administration, Adeleke
University, Ede, October 2014 to September 2015.
Dean, Faculty of Business and Social Sciences, Adeleke
University, Ede, October 20 14-September 20 15 (Sabbatical
Year)
Co-authored a Report on Decentralization Programmes in
Africa: The Nigeria Component submitted to the World
Bank in 1998.
One of the Principal Investigators, Research on Primary
Health Care (PHC) in Nigeria sponsored by the World
Health Organization (WHO), Geneva, 2000
External Assessor to Universities and Polytechnics in
Nigeria and Ghana.
Guest Lecturer to State Civil Services; the National Youth
Service Corps (NYSC); Induction Ceremony of the College
of Health Sciences, Ladoke Akintola University Teaching
Hospital, Osogbo.
Reviewer for several international journals.
m ' One of the Principal Investigators, Research ~ r o u
on~
Local Institutions in Nigeria, Sponsored by Ford
Foundation West Afiica Office.
One of the Principal Investigators, Research on Property
Taxation and Nigeria Local Government, Sponsored by
IDRC, Canada.
Pastor, The Redeemed Christian Church of God.
The Way 4~orwardlPolicyRecommendations
Mr. Vice-Chancellor Sir, we must look beyond the numerous woes
that have befallen our great nation as a result of governance crisis
resulting in state failure from which no sector of the society can be
totally exonerated, and engage our minds with issues that will
move Nigeria forward. Therefore, following our detailed
assessment of the governance crisis and what we see as state
failure in Nigeria, we must now consider the following strategies
for coming to grips with these perceived problems and challenges
in order to avert a total collapse of our national inheritance. The
situation is not hopeless or irredeemable. Change is still possible.
Restructuring of the Federation
As earlier observed, one of the fundamental problems of the
country is the geographically lopsided structure of the
amalgamated entity, the federal republic of Nigeria. The colonial
administration paid scant attention to its ethnic diversity and
therefore the need for honest and realistic attention to the principle
of ethnic affinity in its administrative components. To address this
problem, there is a need to revisit the restructuring of the
federation. A restructured entity is one legacy this generation can
and ought to bequeath to the generations to come. This is not a
subterfuge for disintegration or secession. Far from it! It is an
advisory to create a more perfect administratively more meaningful
union that conforms to basic tenets of federalism. It is time for all
the stakeholders to agree to sit down and map out the structure of
the country as well as the modalities for staying together as a
country. The restructuring would involve some merger and
demerger that have created problems over the years. We all love
our country-Nigeria.
Let us use just one example to underscore this point. As parts of
efforts to address the imbalance, merger and demerge for instance,
the Yoruba in Kwara and Kogi States should be moved to join their
kinsmen in the southwestern Nigeria, with whom they share the
same social and cultural affinities. This becomes necessary against
the background that Kwara State created on 27 May 1967 by the
lmendations
look beyond the numerous woes
n as a result of governance crisis
~h no sector of the society can be
Dur minds with issues that will
:fore, following our detailed
:risis and what we see as state
consider the following strategies
:rceived problems and challenges
of our national inheritance. The
:mable. Change is still possible.
I
re fundamental problems of the
ly lopsided structure of the
republic of Nigeria. The colonial
[tion to its ethnic diversity and
I realistic attention to the principle
pative components. To address this
revisit the restructuring of the
' is one legacy this generation can
pnerations to come. This is not a
r secession. Far from it! It is an
t administratively more meaningful
lets of federalism. It is time for all
down and map out the structure of
~dalitiesfor staying together as a
ould involve some merger and
lblems over the years. We all love
score this point. As parts of
merger and demerge for instance,
States should be moved to join their
Ggeria, with whom they share the
ies. This becomes necessary against
ite created on 27 May 1967 by the
I
t,
Military Government of General Yakubu Gowon was made up of
the former Ilorin and Kabba Provinces, and was initially named the
West Central State, but later changed to "Kwara", a local name for
the River Niger. The Yoruba in these states, so addressed as
northerners, not only that they have nothing in common
whatsoever, they have been marginalized, frustrated and alienated
socially, culturally and politically.
Reforming the Judiciary
The counsel of President Buhari to the Judiciary is not only
apposite, but timely: "the Judiciary must go the extra mile to
sanitize itself and improve its capacity to act independently,
courageously and timeously". Beyond self-reforms advocated by
the President; government should ensure that the selection and
appointment of judges is based strictly on merit, professional
expertise, transparency, personal integrity and probity of
prospective candidates to be appointed as judges in the country,
while the place of affirmative action such as federal character,
gender, religion and other considerations are played down, but not
necessarily abandoned or disregarded. For the judiciary to act more
independently as the President encouraged, the arm must be well
funded. The current situation where judges' salaries and
allowances are not paid for months will encourage them to be more
prone to corruption. Until the judiciary is truly reformed and
transformed, it will be difficult for the country to get out of the
woods!
Reformation of the Political Class
In several ways the political class has contributed to the
governance crisis and state failure in the country. To get out of the
crisis, the political class needs total reformation, self-cleansing and
transformation. Efforts must be made to discourage politics as a
business venture. Prospective aspirants to political office(s)
(elected and appointed) must be people with good jobs, legitimate
and sufficient source(s) of living. The Revenue Mobilization
Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC), which is
constitutionally empowered to undertake a review of the
remuneration packages of political and public office holders must
take urgent steps to review downward their packages to make them
unattractive, so that only serious minded and patriotic citizens
willing to serve will vie for the offices. Nigerian political office
holders are about the highest paid in the world. How do we explain
it in a country where the government approved minimum wage is
N18,000 per month and legislators earn almost N10 million per
month?
Combating Corruption Headlong
President Buhari has repeatedly said that "if we do not kill
corruption, it will kill us". Corruption has done more damage and
dealt debilitating blow to the country more than anything else. If
corruption is that serious, then kid glove approach must stop; it
must be tackled headlong. There must be stiffer measures. How
ridiculous is it for an Abuja court to have handed a two year jail
term (to run concurrently), with a N250,OOO fine option, to one of
six federal officials tried for stealing N32.8 billion of police
pension fund?
Another aspect that requires urgent attention in combatting
corruption is the slow pace of adjudication. Vice President Yemi
Osinbajo who was represented by Prof. Itse Sagay lamented the
low conviction rate in high profile corruption cases in Nigeria
since the inception of EFCC in 2002. Of the eight cases, one was
overturned by the Supreme Court on technical grounds, which
implies that only seven major convictions have been secured after
trial in 13 years. This observation came at a workshop on sections
306 & 396 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA)
2015 and Delay of Corruption Cases. Itse Sagay (SAN) added:
"We must do more." We must add: Expeditiously too!
How can we claim to be fighting corruption when we retain
immunity clause in the Constitution? Section 38 of the 1999
Constitution that guarantees immunity fi-om prosecution for the
President, Vice President, Governors and their deputies, even on
account of criminal charges. This must be expunged, amended
and public office holders must
ard their packages to make them
minded and patriotic citizens
~ffices.Nigerian political office
n the world. How do we explain
ent approved minimum wage is
rs earn almost N10 million per
0%
said that "if we do not kill
ition has done more damage and
ntry more than anything else. If
id glove approach must stop; it
must be stiffer measures. How
t to have handed a two year jail
N250,000 fine option, to one of
tealing N32.8 billion of police
urgent attention in combatting
Ljudication. Vice President Yemi
?y Prof. Itse Sagay lamented the
,file corruption cases in Nigeria
10Q2.Of the eight cases, one was
urt on technical grounds, which
nvictions have been secured after
n came at a workshop on sections
I of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA)
Cases. Itse Sagay ( S A N ) added:
d: Expeditiously too!
~tingcorruption when we retain
tution? Section 38 of the 1999
rnunity fiom prosecution for the
rnors and their deputies, even on
his must be expunged, amended
sccordingly, if indeed we are serious about the fight against
corruption.
In China, the use of the death penalty in corruption cases, setting
the threshold at 3 million yuan, or $463,000 for anyone found
guilty of embezzlement or taking bribes of this amount or more - in
what China's top court called "extremely serious cases" that have
an "extremely vile impact" will face the death penalty (Hewitt,
2016). In 2015, it was reported that China punished almost
300,000 officials for graft as President Xi Jinping continued to
wage a high-profile war against corruption. Nigeria can borrow a
cue fiom China if we really want to fight corruption.
Beyond punishments and sanctions, an expert has advocated that
"the single most important solution to the problem of corruption by
public service workers is paying a proper living wage" (Hull,
2012). This should be critically looked into in a country where
only N18,000 is the national minimum wage, which of course is
not yet implemented by many state governments.
Reforming the Bureaucracy
One of the greatest criticisms against bureaucracy is its inability to
correct itself. I had argued earlier that the several reforms carried
out in Nigeria had yielded little or no dividends. I am reiterating
my earlier position that future reforms in the country should be
more pragmatic, devoid of garrulity and loquacity (Okotoni,
2004).The Nigerian public bureaucracy is long overdue for a
complete overhauling right from recruitment and selection to
retirement.
Restoring Sanity and the core values of the Traditional
Rulers/Institutions
Once the chieftaincy institutions returned to their original
traditional roles, they have great potentials to influence
development greatly both at the grassroots, state and even at the
national levels. By restoring the cultural, moral and society values;
chieftaincy institutions have a lot to offer the society at large in
terms of development, good governance and stable government.
Government should interfere minimally in traditional rulers' affairs
and thereby de-politicize chieftaincy institutions.
Repositioning the Academia
The question is who does the repositioning? Although, it will
require all stakeholders, but the most assured way is self-reforming
and repositioning. Government can play its own role by adequately
funding the education sector as a whole, while those entrusted to
manage the funds and train our youths, especially in the ivory
towers, should be men and women of character and of
unimpeachable integrity, managers of men and resources, endowed
with a robust vision of the university as a centre charged with the
onerous task of nation building through the training and
development of relevant manpower resources for the nation. No
task should be considered more sacred than the molding of the
lives of our youths, the future leaders of Nigeria.
rn
Genuine Leadership
Genuine leadership cannot emerge in Nigeria without the
willingness and readiness to pay the price especially change. A
genuine leader is the one that is willing and ready to move away
from the status quo. Of course, this will be vehemently and
violently resisted. Such prospective leaders may be very few in our
society that is full of praise-singers, men pleasers and eye-service
men and women. The process of selecting leaders at the various
levels of society needs to be reviewed. The idea of imposing
leaders rather than allowing the people choose their own leaders
must be jettisoned. All stakeholders must be involved in the
process of selecting or choosing leaders at the local and national
levels. It is only then genuine leaders can emerge who are not
seeking self-aggrandizement.
r! New Orientation for Followership
It is about time that the followership in Nigeria received new
orientation; to stop being gullible and docile. Edmund Burke said,
"The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men
to do nothing." There are lots of "good men" - citizens/followers
inimally in traditional rulers' affairs
lincy institutions.
n
c repositioning? Although, it will
most assured way is self-reforming
can play its own role by adequately
s a whole, while those entrusted to
jur youths, especially in the ivory
d women of character and of
cers of men and resources, endowed
jrersity as a centre charged with the
ilding through the training and
,o\i7erresources for the nation. No
,re sacred than the molding of the
eaders of Nigeria.
emerge in Nigeria without the
pay the price especially change. A
is willing and ready to move away
me. this will be vehemently and
ctive leaders may be very few in our
ngers, men pleasers and eye-service
; of selecting leaders at the various
e reviewed. The idea of imposing
he people choose their own leaders
eholders must be involved in the
Ing leaders at the local and national
le leaders can emerge who are not
~wership
Io\l.ership in Nigeria received new
ible and docile. Edinund Burke said,
the triumph of evil is for good men
; of "good men" - citizens/followers
in the country who have refused to do something. A time came
when French citizens (followers) felt that "enough is enough";
"razed and redesigned their country's political landscape,
uprooting centuries-old institutions such as absolute monarchy and
the feudal system."33 With the new orientation, Nigerian citizens
will decide their own destinies and become responsible followers
and cease to be gullible and manipulated followers.
Professionalization of the Military
Military intervention and involven~entin politics is not only a
serious aberration, but a clear bastardisation of the military
profession. On return to democratic administration, President
Olusegun Obasanjo (1999-2007) embarked on series of reforms,
including the professionalization of the Nigerian military, with key
components such as prevention of coups, demilitarization of
society as well as subordination of the military to civil authority.
Apart from training, President Obasanjo took steps to remove
officers who had held political appointments either as state
governors or cabinet ministers in previous regimes and who may
still be ambitious enough to try to seize power. Though
commendable, other aspects of military professionalism such as
discipline, loyalty, skills, commitment and institutionalization of
ethics and accountability are still very much lacking; this explains
the large scale corruption in the military, particularly, under
President Goodluck Jonathan. What the current administration
under President Buhari needs to professionalise the Nigerian
Military requires much more.
.Reforming the Police
The image of the Nigeria Police has been dented almost beyond
repairs due to its numerous nefarious and heinous activities,
including extortions, embezzlements, brutalization and extrajudicial killings. The Human Rights Watch, in 2010, described the
Police as the most corrupt institution in Nigeria. Information
revealed that the history of police reforms could be traceable to
33
See, http://www.history.com/topics/ffench-revolution
57
1967, when a commission was set up by the military government.
The commission concluded that the "despicable image of the
police" was in part attributable to "bribery and corruption''.
(Vanguard, March 7, 2012). Ever since, there have been several
other reform panels and nothing concrete has come out of them.
The recommendation is that the current administration should go
into the archives and look into the various white papers and make
serious efforts to implement them.
Restoration and Promotion of the core values of the Society
Traditional African societies, in general, and Nigeria societies, in
particular, cherished certain socio-cultural values, which
constituted the social capital of these societies. Gradually, these
core cultural values are being eroded, leaving many societies in the
country morally bankrupt. Efforts must be made to emphasize
these values as the active leaven of the society. This is where the
National Orientation Agency (NOA) comes in.
Redefinition of the Role of Religious Organisations
Finally, religious bodies and organisations have major roles to play
in restoring sanity to the society. All religious organisations as
much as possible should eschew violence; preach and embrace
peace, tolerance, harmony and unity, not only among other faiths,
but to the society. They must stop celebrating ungodly people in
the society by conferring titles on them. More importantly, they
should seek divine intervention. In the Holy Bible, God says: "If
My people who are called by my name will humble themselves,
and pray and seek My face, and turn from their wickedness ways,
then I will hear from heaven, and will forgive their sin and heal.
their land." 2 Chronicles 7:14. Whatever solution we proffer in this
lecture, this is about the most potent.
Appreciation and Acknowledgement
Mr. Vice-Chancellor, Sir, permit me to conclude this Lecture by
acknowledging and thanking all those who have in one way or the
other contributed to what I am today and especially to my
academic career. First, I must begin by thanking the Almighty God
et up by the military government.
k the "despicable image of the
le to "bribery and corruption".
ler since, there have been several
Iconcrete has come out of them.
I current administration should go
he various white papers and make
!ofthe core values of the Society
I general, and Nigeria societies, in
socio-cultural values, which
if these societies. Gradually, these
oded, leaving many societies in the
brts must be made to emphasize
In of the society. This is where the
IOA) comes in.
/ Religious Organisations
ani is at ions have major roles to play
lety. All religious organisations as
iew violence; preach and embrace
unity, not only among other faiths,
stop celebrating ungodly people in
s on them. More importantly, they
a. In the Holy Bible, God says: "If
my name will humble themselves,
id turn from their wickedness ways,
and will forgive their sin and heal
Whatever solution we proffer in this
dgement
imit me to conclude this Lecture by
all those who have in one way or the
I am today and especially to my
begin by thanking the Almighty God
most sincerely for being what I am today. "By the grace of God I
am what I am, and His grace toward me" has not been in vain (I
Corinthians 15:10).
Next, I want to thank the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife,
for giving me the opportunity to train, develop and grow to the
peak of my career as Professor of Public Administration. May I
express my very special appreciation to Professor Bamidele Olowu
and his family, the God-sent on.my academic voyage. Professor
Olowu has been my teacher, mentor and pastor for about three
decades even after he voluntarily retired from the services of the
University since 1996. God has used him and his family very
tremendously in many ways to bring me to this point.
I want to sincerely thank all my past teachers from primary,
secondary and tertiary institutions. However, the constraint of time
and space will only permit me to acknowledge and express my
appreciation to a handful of them: Late Mr. E.O. Lawanson, my
secondary school principal, who believed so much in me; Professor
Omoniyi Adewoye (former Vice-Chancellor of University,
Ibadan), my undergraduate project supervisor at the University of
Ibadan, Ibadan; my Master's supervisor Ambassador Dr. 0 . M.
Laleye; my Ph.D. supervisor, Late Professor Samuel Bamidele
Ayo and a host of others who taught me History, Language Arts
and Political Science at the University of Ibadan and Public
Administration at the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife.
I am very gratehl to God for having the opportunity to work with
pleasant and helphl colleagues in the Department of Public
Administration. They are Professors A.M. Oladoyin, I. A.
Omoleke, J.T. Makinde, A.A. Adesopo. Others are Drs. 1.0.
Fayomi-Awodele (Acting Head), 0 . 0 . Popoola, C.O. Ogbogu,
K.S. Benson, T.A. Olaiya, A. Hassan, R. 0 . Sakpere, T.A.
Agboola, Dare Ayeni, David Apeloko, Seyi Alamu, I. Igbokwe and
Messrs Ayo Bello, and Bola Shiyanbade.
I want to specially thank Professor R.A. Olaniyan, a very senior
colleague, who has retired but not tired in intellectual activities and
Prof Wale Adegbite (my co-editor-in-chief of IJOHUSS), Prof.
(Mrs) J.T. Makinde and Dr. Olufemi Popoola, for contributing to
the success of the inaugural lecture. I appreciate my Vice Dean,
Prof E.D. Adetayo and all the four heads of department in the
faculty: Prof D.O. Elumilade, Department of Management &
Accounting; Prof 1.0. Aransi, Department of Local Government
Studies; Dr (Mrs) 1.0. Fayomi-Awodele, Department of Public
Administration and Dr. K.O. Olayode, Department of International
Relations. I appreciate all the professors in the faculty for their
unalloyed supports for anchoring the various statutory ad hoe
committees in ensuring the smooth running of the administration.
All the past deans in the faculty are thankfully acknowledged for
their leadership role, particularly the immediate past two deans Professors Kunle Awotokun and Taiye Asaolu. My late senior
colleague and a former dean of the faculty, Prof E.J. Erero, is
equally acknowledged for his good team work in the department.
All the academic and the non-academic staff in the faculty are
gratefully acknowledged for their supports. The committee that
facilitated the logistics of the inaugural lecture coordinated by Drs.
Taiwo Olaiya, Olufemi Popoola and Afeez Hassan is very highly
appreciated for the good work.
Outside the University, I specially appreciate late Professor
(Emeritus) Vincent Ostrom of the Workshop in Political Theory
and Policy Analysis, Indiana University, Bloomington, USA. As
earlier mentioned in the introduction, Professor Ostrom spurred my
initial interest in Nigeria's governance crisis and the perceived
failure of the Nigeria State in the discharge of its statutory
responsibilities and primary duties to the citizens. The wife, Late
Professor Elinor Ostrom, who in 2009 shared the Nobel Memorial
Prize in Economic Sciences with Oliver E. Williamson for "her
analysis of economic governance, especially the commons"; the
only woman to win the Prize in Economics. Both of them imparted
knowledge on me on institutional analysis as a visiting scholar to
the Workshop in Political Theory and Institutional Analysis,
Indiana University, Bloomington, 1993-1994.
lltor-in-chief of IJOHUSS), Prof.
~femiPopoola, for contributing to
ture. I appreciate my Vice Dean,
four heads of department in the
Department of Management &
lepartment of Local Government
-Awodele, Department of Public
iyode, Department of International
nrofessors in the faculty for their
I Q ~
the various statutory ad hoc
loth running of the administration.
i. are thankfully acknowledged for
11the immediate past two deans id Taiye Asaolu. My late senior
y f the faculty, Prof E.J. Erero, is
,ood team work in the department.
-academic staff in the faculty are
~eirsupports. The committee that
augral lecture coordinated by Drs.
a and Afeez Hassan is very highly
~ecially appreciate late Professor
the Workshop in Political Theory
!civersity, Bloomington, USA. As
ction, Professor Ostrom spurred my
ivemance crisis and the perceived
in the discharge of its statutory
ties to the citizens. The wife, Late
in 2009 shared the Nobel Memorial
rith Oliver E. Williamson for "her
me, especially the commons"; the
I Economics. Both of them imparted
nal analysis as a visiting scholar to
-heory and Institutional Analysis,
,n. 1993-1994.
To all my spiritual and academic children (too numerous to
mention), especially my past and present students, I say a big
thanks to them. To my spiritual constituency, I want to appreciate
the entire family of The Redeemed Christian Church of God, the
past and present regional, statelprovincial pastors in Osun State.
All our friends too numerous to mention are all appreciated.
To my- parents (both of blessed memory), Chief Obatewase
Okotoni and Madam Omowumi Okotoni for laying the foundation
of my education at an early age, when some of my age mates were
asked to work on their parents' farm, I am eternally grateful to
have them. I also thank my two elder brothers - Owonola Oke
Okotoni and Ambrose Osadare Okotoni (both of blessed memory)
as well as my elder sister, Mrs. Abigail Ajayi for their roles at
different times. To my mother-in-law, Madam Beatrice Adesanya
"Grand ma"; thanks for always being around for us.
Finally, to my immediate family, I owe a deep sense of
appreciation to my wife, Dr. (Mrs.) Comfort Abosede Okotoni,
whom we have been in the race together for close to three decades
both in rain and sunshine. She has paid her due price of marrying
an academician and a pastor, which she has successfully combined
with her own career and calling. She has ministered and is still
ministering to me in sundry ways as a virtuous woman and a vessel
of honour from God. She has constantly been on my neck on when
I will give the Inaugural Lecture. Thank God, today, it is a reality!
To our children - Ifeoluwa, Toluwase and Ayooluwa, I express
immeasurable gratitude to God for them, and I say may their coasts
be greatly enlarged in the Name of Jesus, Amen.
Above all, to God be the glory.
The Final Word
Finally, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps, you are still not sure of the
answer to the Question - "Are we all Guilty of the Nigeria's
governance crisis and state failure?" The following story of a priest
and his congregation may be useful. All his congregation members
have complained that the church was a dead church. All the blame
was heaped on the priest. In frustration, he finally put up a notice
of the funeral ceremony of the dead church with the casket inside
the church. On the D-Day, everybody was eager to see the dead
church in the casket before it was buried! The congregation all
filed up to pay their last respect to the dead church. Apparently, the
priest had placed a mirror inside the casket, and as everyone
peeped into the casket to view the dead church, s h e saw
himself7herself in the casket. At the end, they all resolved that the
"dead church" must not be buried; but rather to jointly revive it.
This evening, I do not have a better way of concluding this lecture
than asking you to look in the mirror of this lecture, and let us
jointly, like that congregation resolve to revive our ailing great
country - Nigeria. The Eagle shall fly again! Nigeria shall be great
again!
Thank you all very much for coming and for listening.
ation, he finally put up a notice
~dchurch with the casket inside
,ody was eager to see the dead
a buried! The congregation all
the dead church. Apparently, the
le the casket, and as everyone
w the dead church, s h e saw
he end, they all resolved that the
d; but rather to jointly revive it.
[er way of concluding this lecture
mirror of this lecture, and let us
:solve to revive our ailing great
I1 fly again! Nigeria shall be great
ling and for listening.
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