HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY, ETHNOLOGY
ისტორია, არქეოლოგია, ეთნოლოგია
WHO WERE THE PROTO-GEORGIANS?
ვინ იყვნენ პროტო-ქართველები?
MAIA GHAMBASHIDZE
Doctor of History, Iv. Javakhishvili
Tbilisi State University
Associate Professor, Tel .: 599960904,
[email protected]
ORCID: 0000-0002-1008-2869
Abstract:
Based on the study and analysis of ancient near easrtern sources and current scientific literature
in the field, we believe the following conclusion can be drawn about the ethno-genesis of Georgian
tribes: the relationship between genetically related Ancient Anatolian and Georgian (in the II
millennium BC: Hatti, Kaška, Muška; in the I millennium BC – Daiaeni/Diaohi, Kulha) tribes developed
based on and largely due to the metallurgical manufacturing processes (obtaining and manufacturing
of ore and processing the metal). The engagement in the metallurgical production processes of the local
tribesand their neighboring ethnic groups led to the emergence of a common culture, religious and
ideologicalsystems, and the formation of a united consciousness across the entire geographic area of
settlements of Georgian tribes. This, created pre-conditions for the formation of Kolkhian end Iberian
kingdomslater on.
If we postulate, as supported by recent archaeological discoveries, that the Hattian and Kaška
people (they might even beone and thesame) are ancestors of Kolkhians (i.e. Proto-Kolkhians), and
consider theirneighbors – the Muškiansalso also a Georgian ethnic group, then the study of the history
of Georgiasould begin not from the period of Diaohi-Kulha kingdoms in the VIII-VII c. BC, but from
its early origins in XV c. B.C.
Keywords: Hittites, Hattians, Kaška, Muška, Diauhi, Kulha, Georgia, Georgians, Hittitology,
Caucasiology, Ancient Anatolia, metallurgy, iron
მაია ღამბაშიძე
ისტორიის დოქტორი, ივ. ჯავახიშვილის
თბილისის სახელმწიფო უნივერსიტეტის
ასოცირებული პროფესორი, ტელ.: 599960904,
[email protected]
ORCID: 0000-0002-1008-2869
აბსტრაქტი:
ბოლო წლებში რამდენიმე ურთიერთ გამომრიცხავი მოსაზრება გამოითქვა პროტოქართველების გენეტიკური წარმომავლობისა და მათი განსახლების შესახებ. სამწუხაროდ, ამ
მოსაზრებების სიმრავლის გამო დაინტერესებული მკითხველი ვეღარ ხვდება, რომელს
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ისტორია, არქეოლოგია, ეთნოლოგია
დაუჭიროს მხარი. თუმცა, უნდა აღინიშნოს, რომ ისტორიული კვლევა სცილდება ყოველგვარ,
უზუსტობას და გარკვეული დასკვნების გაკეთება მხოლოდ ფაქტების საფუძვლიანი
ანალიზის შემდეგ შეიძლება. ჩვენი ნაშრომი მიზნად ისახავს პროტო-ქართველების
წარმომავლობის ფაქტებზე დაფუძნებული კვლევის შედეგების ჩვენებას.
ძველაღმოსავლური წყაროებისა და უახლესი სამეცნიერო ლიტერატურის შესწავლის
შედეგად, ვფიქრობთ, შესაძლებელია ქართველურ ტომთა ეთნოგენეზისის შესახებ შემდეგი
დასკვნის გამოტანა: გენეტიკურად მონათესავე ძველანატოლიურ და ქართველურ ტომთა (ძვ.
წ. I ათასწლეულში ხათების, ქასქების, მუსქების, ძვ. წ. I ათასწლეულში კი - დაიაენი/დიაოხისა
და კულხას და სხვ.) ურთიერთკავშირს საფუძვლად დაედო - და ეს კავშირი დიდად
განაპირობა - მეტალურგიის საწარმო პროცესების (მადანმოპოვების, მადანდამუშავებისა და
ლითონდამუშავების) ფართომასშტაბით განხორციელებამ, ასევე - ამ პროცესში როგორც აქ
მცხოვრებ ტომთა, ასევე მეზობელ ეთნოსთა უშუალო თუ ნაწილობრივმა მონაწილეობამ და
ერთიანი რელიგიურ-იდეოლოგიური სისტემის - ერთიანი კულტის წარმოქმნამ ქართველურ
ტომთა სახლობის მთელ ტერიტორიაზე. შედეგად - ჩამოყალიბდა ერთიანი ცნობიერება,
რამაც, ბუნებრივია, შექმნა კიდეც წინაპირობები მომდევნო პერიოდში კოლხეთისა და
იბერიის სამეფოთა ჩამოყალიბებისათვის.
და თუ დავუშვებთ (და ამის საშუალებას უახლესი არქეოლოგიური აღმოჩენებიც
გვაძლევს), რომ სწორედ ხათები და ქასქები (თუ საერთოდ, ერთიდაიგივე ხალხზე არ გვაქვს
საუბარი) უნდა იყვნენ ე.წ. „პროტოკოლხები“, ხოლო მათ უშუალო მეზობლებს – მუსქებს ასევე
მივიჩნევთ ქართველურ ეთნოსად, მაშინ საშუალება გვეძლევა ჩვენი ქვეყნის ისტორია ძვ. წ.
XV საუკუნემდე დავაძველოთ.
საკვანძო სიტყვები: ხეთები, ხათები, ქასქები, მუსქები, დიაუხი, კულხა, საქართველო,
ქართველები, ხეთოლოგია, კავკასიოლოგია, ძველი ანატოლია, მეტალურგია, რკინა
Introduction:
In recent years, several conflicting opinions have been expressed about the genetic origin of ProtoGeorgians and their geographic distribution. Unfortunately, due to the abundance of these opinions in
literature, it is hard for a reader to decide which one to support. However, it should be noted that
conclusions in historical research can only be based on evidence and a thorough analysis of the facts.
Our paper aims to show the results of the fact-based research on the origin of the Proto-Georgians.
Methods:
Our research relies on a wide variety of sources, both primary & secondary including unpublished
material. It is based on following research methods: comparative-historical, description, critical,
systematic and empirical analysis.
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ისტორია, არქეოლოგია, ეთნოლოგია
HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY, ETHNOLOGY
Discussion and Results:
The shared line of work pursued by these tribes can be considered the major factor for the
formation of a united nation by different Georgian tribes and their developmentas a unique ethnic
group. These shared activities included mining, metallurgy, and metal processing. According to the
archaeological evidence, metallurgy was practiced in the Caucasus since VI millennium B.C., in the era
of the flourishing of the Kura-Arax culture on the territory of East and a big part of West Georgia,
where it was widespread as its "Inner Kartlian" variety.1
Between the end of the IVand the middle of the II millennium BC, the territories around the
Black Sea formed a united geographical and cultural area and the main purpose of theirinteraction was
the metal processing industry. The southern cultural zone of this unity was Caucasian - Middle Eastern
unity, which had its own technical and technological principles and methods of producing copper and
bronze. According to Georgian archaeological findings, the methods of the Georgian tribe's processing
of non-ferrous metals closely resembles methods used by the Caucasian and Middle Eastern palemetallic cultures, and the Georgian tribe had a central role in ancient mining culture and the common
process of development of different fields of metallurgy.2
Nowadays the oldest artifacts of copper merchandise are found in Asia Minor (in modern Turkey),
where the river Tigris originates in Ergani-Maden. These artifacts date back to the end of VII and
beginning of VI millennium B.C.; Metal artifacts found in Southern Caucasus, are dated by the end of
VI and beginning of V millennium BC. In Georgia,there are found all stages of digestion of metals –
Neolith, Early Bronze, Middle Bronze, Late Bronze – Early Iron, and wide digestion of iron ages. Today
it is also well known, that a wide front of digestion of copper and non-ferrous metals has originated
from South mining regions of Caucasus Minor and gradually spread to North – “Big Caucasus” mining
ores.3
A close examination and analysis of mining artifacts by the Georgian scientists has created a basis
to conclude, that in Ancient Georgia all branches of the mining culture were highly developed and in
the Middle Bronze age (last quarter of III and the first half of II millennium BC), the earliest complex
technologies of mining and melting of sulfide were invented here..4 Examination of mining in
mountainous Racha Antimony shows that not only an extractionbut also its melting was taking place.
In the Bronze Age, in mountainous Georgia (Racha, Abkhazia), for the first time in the world, the
layer-chamber system of mining excavations with open cleaning space was used. This makes these
shafts the unique monument of mining technologies and material culture (Of the same level asthe
Sakdrisi shaft that is nowadays destroyed).
It can be confirmed that Racha was the central region of excavation of Antimony, and Antimony
shafts of Racha are the world's distinguished monuments of the history of material culture. It is worth
mentioning, that Georgian scientists have created a mathematical model of the technological
effectiveness of old technologies for Rachian, Svanetian, and Abkhazian mining excavations, which
showed the level of founding, excavating, and processing of metal of Bronze Age (XII-X cc. B.C.) and
determined not only unity but also the identity of these regions' techniques and technologies of mining
მუსხელიშვილი დ. და სხვ. 2012: 49.
Cf. მიქელაძე თ. 1974.
3
Cf. Муджири Т.,2008.
4
ინანიშვილი გ.,მაისურაძე ბ., გობეჯიშვილი გ., 2010.
1
2
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ისტორია, არქეოლოგია, ეთნოლოგია
metallurgy. This unity and unique identity were reasoned by the general character of Kolkhetian
Archeological culture, communication of merchants and transport facilities, and also geological and
geographical factors. According to this, these three centers are considered to be a unique system of
Kolkhetian metallurgical culture and are considered as part of the West Georgian, Georgian, and
Caucasian system.5
We should think that such intensity and development of metal mining and processing in the
Middle Bronze Age went beyond the internal consumption of the ethnos of a separate Kartvelian tribe
and should have been more conditioned by the so-called "By foreign order" - mostly at the request of
the ancient Middle Eastern civilizations. It was this "metallurgical motivation" that should have led to
the decline of the lowland population in the Middle Bronze Age, that is, the forced extinction of
agriculture, the depopulation of settlements, and the excavation of foothills and highlands to extract
ore and process metal. Historians have explained this situation by increasing the role of cattle during
this period and attempting to expand pasture space. Accordingly, they considered cattle breeding as
the main driving force of the Kartvelian tribes to develop (cultivate?) the foothills and highlands, while
they considered metallurgy as a supporting, secondary activity in this matter.
This generally valid statement seems to be only partially justified for the historical-cultural reality
of the South Caucasus. In the second half of the second millennium BC, the names of the Georgian
tribes as the first founders of certain fields of metallurgy were already known to the peoples of the
world's ancient civilizations. From the III-II millennia BC onwards, kings of powerful states fought to
seize their inheritance (areas rich in ore deposits). It is noteworthy that the invaders first conquered
from the vast territory of the Georgian tribes the lands rich in mineral ores and mining and
metallurgical production: Meskhetian Mountains, Basiani, Ponto (Chaneti) Mountains and Chorokhi
Basin, LowerKartli (with Lore-Tashir), mountainous Kakhet-Hereti, mountainous Inner Kartli,
Mountainous Racha (Dvaleti), Abkhazia, etc. There must have been a great demand for steel. I think
We believe, it was the demand of the international market that led to the intensive development of the
technical thought of our ancestral tribes, which became a prerequisite for proper economic prosperity
and proper ethnic-social, cultural and internal economic connection.
The rise of culture and the economy, the rise in aggregate demand for the metal, during the Middle
and Late Bronze Ages, activated and put into circulation all the deposits of copper, poly metals, arsenic,
and antimony in the South Caucasus. This led to the establishment of a copper-bronze production
system and the establishment of mining and metallurgical centers in Kakheti (Upper Alazani),
LowerKartli (Bolnisi-Dmanisi), Racha, Svaneti, InnerKartli highlands, Abkhazia and Adjara-Guria.
The direct continuation of the technical-technological advances of bronze production is the early
stage of assimilation of iron culture. From the XII c. BC, iron became a strategic material of economic
importance for the Ancient World. In Georgia, the period from the middle of the 2nd millennium to
the first half of the 1st millennium BC, is the Late Bronze-Early Iron Age (its production potential
reaches a significant level in the X-VIII BC, and in the VI century BC it is defined as the period of
extensive iron uptake). The process of creating local iron metallurgy, with its further continuous
5
Cf. ინანიშვილი გ., 2015; Abramishvili M., 2010:167-178.
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ისტორია, არქეოლოგია, ეთნოლოგია
industrial development, dates back to the XII c. BC. On the territory of Georgia, the dynamics of the
process of assimilation and spread of iron culture confirms the upward trend in the development of
technical thought in XII-I c. BC.6
As the archaeological data reveals, from this period on Southern Caucasus became one of the
central regions fortheeconomical unity of Mediterranean and Asia Minor in processing and developing
Iron metallurgy. The tomb holes and artifacts found there show not only consistent stages of birth and
gradual development of the bronze industry but also the consequent results of the introduction of the
new metal and its influence on the culture. It will not be an exaggeration to say that the tombs of
Kolkheti – Ergeta I-II-III-IV, Ureki, Dghvaba, Nigvziani, and particularly Ergeta I (where all stages of
the studied period are represented as a chain) – are exemplary monuments in this regard. The local
black metallurgy is distributed in the whole of Asia Minor. The scale and quality of local metallurgical
products show a high level of development of metallurgy and technique. The tradition continued
during the Middle Ages and culminated in the creation of steel. 7Certainly, such wide-spread practice
of the mining production among different Georgian tribes reflected the indistinctly formed social
structure and state-level centralization (that also meant internaleconomicalunion). Such distinctive
organization and centralization can not be achieved without an ideological system andits consequent
cult.
The fast development of metallurgy gave rise to new symbols in Kura-Arax culture – the ceramic
vessels were ornamented with various metallic shapes:on the vessels from that period, we see swards;
a crescent; Aries-headed pendants, that were considered to have magic powers; Aries-headed hooks of
fireplace strings, that have phallus shape. In Southern Caucasian ethnology, the cult of metallurgy is
well documented . The most obvious example of this is evident in Abkhazia and Cherkezia as "The
Cult of Blacksmith and Forgery". Here we should also mention, that cults and rituals known as
"Abkhazian" (that have close genetic ties with Anatolian tradition) completely coincide with cults and
rituals in all Georgian regions, as well as in regions of the Caucasus (with consideration of Christian
and Islamic influences in following centuries). The cult of life-giving and fertility tree is present in all
religions of the world.. According to the scientific assumptions,in Georgia, this cult came to exist from
the last third of II millennium B.C. and it is closely related to the similar cult from Asia Minor. The
worship of Oak, as a sacred tree is a widely documented and recognized fact. It is also well-known, that
it is not only a Georgian phenomenon. The oak is a sacred tree in all Asia Minor cultures. In the
Caucasus, a cult of the Oak is widespread mainly in Georgian tribes (e.g. in Pshavi and Khevsureti
existed a vary famous "prayer to the soul of the oak" till the first half of XX c.)
The Charcoal of the tree had crucial importance in regulating the temperature of fire for the
enrichment of or and manufacturing of metal. The breeds of trees that were used for metallurgy were
oak, beech, elm, hornbeam, box, English yew, Zelkova, etc. The broken or of the iron was taken to the
oven, where the oak charcoal created the highest temperature. As a result, the odor was melted and
iron was wasted. Consequently, the tree, that plaid a crucial role in the countries' manufacturing and
Cf. კვირკვაია რ., 2009.
Cf. ღამბაშიძე ი., მინდიაშვილი გ., გოგოჭური გ., კახიანი კ., ჯაფარიძე ი., 2010; მირცხულავა გ.,
მირცხულავა ნ., 2008: 199-205; ნარიმანაშვილი გ., 2014; პაპუაშვილი რ., 1998: 43-57; რეხვიაშვილი ნ.,
1943; idem. 1953; 1964;
6
7
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ისტორია, არქეოლოგია, ეთნოლოგია
economic means, gained a sacred meaning, as a symbol of life and fertility-giving god. It naturally
became a subject of worship. Presumably, this is how the cult of oak"Didi Ckoni"8was created and
gained popularity as a central part of the ideology of the metallurgical civilization. In the following
epochs the footprints of the "Cult of Metallurgy" were washed by Christianity and/or other monotheist
religions. Though, some fragments remain, as, for example, Georgian Easter hymn "Chona".9
⁎⁎⁎
So, who could be the proto-Georgian tribes which, following the footsteps of metallurgical ores,
came out and settled on the territory of Georgia? Logically, these tribes can be associatedwith the
people known to us from the Ancient Near Eastern sources and living in the neighborhood of Georgia.
Let’s discuss them individually:
A. Hattians
Hattians10 are one of the ancient ethnic groups about whom we know little. We can not say exactly
where and when they lived, what was the lifestyle and morals of these people, what social structure or
state structure they had, and, in general, what cultural heritage the Hattians left behind.
Since it is considered that this ethnos likely lived in the general area where Georgian tribe
settlements were spread, naturally, as soon as theirexistance was discovered, the idea arose among
Georgian scholars, that they were Caucasians, and according to one opinion - the ancestors of the
Georgian tribes. Supporters of this view have also appeared among non-Georgian scholars.However, it
remains difficult to ascertain the relationship of any Hattian and Georgian tribes.
We can not say for sure when the Hattians appear in Central Anatolia. Some scholars believe, that
the Hattians lived in this area in the VII millennium BC and the culture of the New Stone Age ChatalHüyük (6400-6200 BC), in southern Anatolia, in the southeast of modern Konya, belonged to them.11
But this assumption has not found support in the Hittite community, as it is believed that no ethnos in
the history of mankind has existed for 5,000 years, especially in a region like Anatolia, where migration
processes have been continuous.12
According to most scholars,13 the Hattians were the direct ancestors of the Indo-European Hittites
in Anatolia. They were either so-called "local" people, or they came and settled here in the III
millennium BC, in the Early Bronze Age. It is suggested that the archeological discoveries of the early
Bronze Age of pre-Hittite Anatolia, such as Kültepe, Alishar, Alaja-Huyük, and Horoztepe, and mainly
“chkoni” – Megrelian“oak”.
ღამბაშიძე მ., ჭირაქაძე მ., 2013: 96-98; idem. ღამბაშიძე მ./ჭირაქაძე მ., 2015: 568-590; Cf. ღამბაშიძე ნ.,
2004: 242-251; მამალაძე თ., 1963: 235-249.
10
Numerous opinions have been expressed in the scientific literature about the "Hattians". Today this ethnos is referred
to as the Hattians and not the Proto-Hittites as it was formerly accepted. For more on this, see: Дьяконов, И. М., 1967:
166-178; Neu E., 1990: 93; idem, 19831: 323;
11
Cornelius F. 1973: 34.
12
Soysal O, 2004: 2-3.
13
Soysal O., 2004: 2-3.
8
9
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- Alaja-Hüyük, with its so-called "13 royal tombs" (dated 2300-2100 BC), famous for their precious
metal products - belonged to the Hattians.
The Hattians occupied the area of the modern river Kizil-Irmak (ancient Halis, Hittite Marašantia), as well as Cappadocia, possibly the area around Salt Lake.It is also suggested, that they
inhabited the Pontus Mountains, the same Lazistan highlands. The Hattians founded the cities of
Hattuša, Kaneš, Zalpa, Nerik. The city-state of Purushattum is also considered to be an administrative
formation of the Hattians. There is so-called text of "ŠarTamhari", which tells the story of the
expedition of the kings of Akkad - Šarrukin (2340-2285 BC) and his grandson - Naramsin (2260-2225
BC) in Purushattum. It is difficult to say how much historic informational value this story has, ,
especially since the dating of the text is completely unreliableand after so many centuries, the story is
told almost like a fairy tale or a legend.14
According to the assumption, at the end of the 3rd millennium, at the beginning of the 2nd
millennium BC, from the Caucasus, or the west - Indo-European Hittites came from the Balkans to
Central Anatolia via the Dardanelles Strait, which replaced the Hattians in this area. In the beginning,
they coexist peacefully, but from the XVIII century BC, the Hittites began conquest of nearby cities.
In the years 1750-1700 BC the city of Kuššara is in the hands of the Hittites. They then gradually
conquered several Hattian cities: King Pithana conquered Kaneš/Neša, and his son Anitta conquered
Hattuša, which 150 years later became the capital of the Hittites. Towards the end of Anittas reign,
Hittite control extended to almost all of Cappadocia. It is suggested that this event should have been
the reason for the disappearance of the Hattians from Central Anatolia.
It must be a wrong view that the Hattians no longer lived in Central Anatolia in the 2 millennia
BC. In the city of Kaneš in Cappadocia, in the same Neša(Kültepe), which was an already developed
urban settlement at the end of the 3rd millennium BC, and where archeological excavations revealed
the cuneiform tablets (dating to the 19-18th centuries BC), Assyrian merchants co-habitated with nonIndo-European Hattians as well as with Indo-European Hittites. The documents show that the
Assyrians had trade relations with the local population. Although the ethnonym "Hatti" is not found
in the texts, we find the proper names of Hattian origin - Habatali, Hašamili, Kazhanueli, Kizhanuweli,
as well as the Hattian word - Gašuhtaili. It is noteworthy that next to the Hattian names we also find
the Hittite and Luvian proper names: Šupiašhu, Valkua, and the words: Iškhiuli, Išpatalu.15The fact that
the Hattians coexisted with the Indo-European Hittites, the Palaians, and the Luvians is also indicated
by the Hattian words borrowed from these languages.16
The question arises: if the Hattians had to leave Anatolia after the Hittite arrival, where should
they go? Did they abandoned this side? What if they stayed and submitted to the rule of the Hittites?
If the Hattians left Central Anatolia, would that not mean that the trade policy - Kaneš - would also
gradually be abandoned by Assyrian merchants? The interest of the Assyrians in Anatolia was precisely
the ferrous metals here and, most importantly, iron, which seems to have been the main product of the
Hattian trade. From ancient times the Ancient Near East knew only the so-called. "Iron from heaven",
or meteorite iron. Iron was considered to be the most valuable material in the Ancient NearEast.We
14
Cf. Singer I., 1981: 119-134; Forlanini, M. 1984: 245-266.
Soysal O., 2004: 5.
16
Soysal O., 2004: 11; Cf. Akurgal E., 2001.
15
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learn from the texts that the Hittites did not extract iron, they apparently bought it from the Hattians
and then processed it. Iron was precisely the wealth with which the icons were to be traded in Anatolia,
in particular in Kaneš, with the Assyrians and the Indo-European Hittites or the Luvians. Hittite texts
mention "iron blacksmith", as well as items - "iron throne", "iron plate", etc. In one of the legal
documents, we find the expression - "the word of the king is made of iron". As can be seen from the
texts, due to its high cost, iron was used only in the palace.17
Possibly, the Hattians lived in Central Anatolia from the 3rd millennium BC. And after the
appearance of the Hittites, they continued to live in the vicinity of the Black Sea - they occupied the
city Nerik (presumably modernOsmanchik), Zalpa (probably a settlement near Samsun) and also
several seaside towns. Their cultural influence on the Indo-European Hittites is obvious - the Hattian
religion covers almost entirely the Hittite world. The Hattian religion seems so interesting to the
Hittites that the Hittite pantheon is filled with Hattian deities (Hamani, Hapantalia, Hasamili,
Karmušepa, Kaštuvariti, Kataha, Katešhavi, Lelvani, Mama, Mitununi, Šulinkate/Šulinkati, Tahatanuiti,
Taharula,Tašimeti, Tenerau, Teniraia, Tetefiri, Tuhuleli,Vašezili, Zilipura, Vurunkate, etc.). The same
is true of the rituals performed by the Hittites, most of whhich seem to be influenced by the Hattian
religion, if not translated directly from Hattian. The fact is that as soon as we find a Hattian texts (and
such is about 550 texts or a fragment of a text), they are accompanied by a Hittite translation. The texts
have sacral and ritual content. We also have texts containing metallurgical terms. These are areas that
seem to have been considered very important by the Hittites and therefore translated by
them.However, they do not seem to understand everything, since understanding the language of a nonIndo-European structure, let alone writing, must have been difficult.. As for the opinion that by the
18th century B.C., the Hattians ceased to exist in Anatolia and gave the Hittites the arena, it could
bedebadet. The question arises as to whether the Hittites, in the 13-12th centuries B.C. managed to
preserve the abolished Hattian language for 4-5 centuries, and then write and be guided by these texts,
which were no longer spoken around them. It would be especially unrealistic to assume that in the
pre-imperial period (17-14th BC), when the Hittite state was not structurally established and the Hittite
texts were originally written in Akkadian, an abolished language would survive for centuries.The
Hittites, a nomadic, socially underdeveloped, low-culture ethnos at the time of their arrival to Anatolia,
learned from the Hattians many aspects of social structure, material, and spiritual culture - be they
rituals or various branches of handicrafts - including the most important field - metallurgy. During the
existence of the Hittite Empire, it seems that the Hattians continue to coexist with the Hittites, having
no interest in a permanent economic or cultural (religious-sacral) relationship with them. Further,
from the middle of the 2nd millennium BC, in search of iron ores, Hattians gradually shifted to the
north - along the Black Sea coast and from there to Adjara and Guria, Kolkheti lowlands - beyond the
Bzipi, Kodori, Enguri, Tskhenistskali, and Rioni valleys, through Racha-Svaneti - to the north. It is
therefore not surprising to find their linguistic or ethnological parallels with the Ibero-Caucasian ethno
linguistic world.
The Hattian, like other ancient Anatolian languages - Luwian, Palaic, and Hurrian - is one of the
least known and unexplored languages.18 But, unlike Luwian and Palaic, it does not belong to the Indo17
Cf. Kammenhuber A., 1996: 209-220; Muhly J. D., Maddin R., Stech T., and Özgen E., 1985: 67-84; Siegelova J.,
Tsumoto H., 2001: 275-300.
18
Cf. Girbal Ch., 2007: 51-62; Dunaevskaja I., 1974; Kammenhuber A., 1959: 63-83; idem. 1962: 1-29; 1969: 428546; 584-588; 1996: 209-220; Klinger J., 1994; idem. 2005: 128-134; Vigo, M. 2014: 38; Taracha P., 1988; idem.
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European language family. Like Hurrian, it is an isolated language. Hattian is considered to be an
agglutination language, as are the ancient Oriental non-Indo-European languages - Sumerian, Elamite,
and Urartian. Interestingly, we know nothing about the origins of any of these languages, so there are
several hypotheses about them.
Most of the Hattian texts are found in bilingual texts, where Hattian texts are accompanied by
Hittite translations. Unfortunately, we do not have primary sources of the Hattian language, we have
information about it only from secondary - Hittite sources. It is in the Hittite texts that we find the
concepts - "From the city of Hatti ", "in Hattian", "Hattian", and we do not know anything about the
self-name of the ethnos itself.19Most scholars agree that the Hittite translators did not understand not
only the rituals and spells of the Hattians (the two main categories in which Hattian texts are found),but
also the Hattian language itself. Some scholars have suggested, that the Hittites used dictation when
writing Hittite texts, during which, the words that the Hittite writer did not understand simply
remained untranslated. There are whole passages of the text that are not translated into Hittite. And
whatever translation we have, it also seems to be free translation.20Texts in the Hattian language are
found in Central Anatolia - in the Hittite capital Hattuša (Boghazköi) and Šapinuwa (Tan. Ortaköi).
In Anatolia, during the existence of the Hittites (XVI-XVII centuries BC), the Hattian language
was a living spoken language - i.e. the Hattians coexisted in parallel with the Hittites. This is evidenced
by several Hittite cuneiform texts:.Presumably, they are school texts where the same text is written on
both sides in the Hittite cuneiform script in the Hattian language, i.e. the copyist practiced cuneiform.
There is an interesting text of the old witch woman Aškiliya (CTH 827: KBo 18.151), who was originally
Hattian, could not speak the Hittite language well and made many mistakes while speaking.21Finding
a place on the genealogical tree of languages - this is the main problem that Hittitologists face when
studying the Hattian language. Scholars of different generations have repeatedly attempted to find the
Hattian lineage with all branches of the Iberian-Caucasian language family. Theories have been
proposed that Hattian belonged to:
a. North-west. Caucasian languages (Circassian language family)22;
b. North-East Caucasian languages (Dagestani language family)23;
c. South Caucasian languages (Georgian language family).
However, these assumptions remain only hypotheses to this day, as the Hattian written sources at
our disposal are very fragmentary and it is difficult to form a systematic corpus of texts. It is also difficult
to reconstruct the structure of the Hattian language.Therefore, it is impossible to prove with certainty
its genetic connection with any family of languages.24
1995: 351-358; idem. 2000; Soysal O., 2007; Goedegebuure P.M. 2007; idem. 2008: 137-180; 2010: 949-981; Berman
H., 1977: 1-6; Bertram J.K., 2003: 245-253; Schuster H.S., 1974; idem. 2002;
19
Cf. O., Süel A., 2007; 2014; Klinger J. 1996.
20
Cf. Laroche E., 1947: 67-78.; Rizza A. 2007; idem. 2009: 275-286.
21
Soysal O., 2000: 6-122.
22
Cf. Иванов Вяч., 1985; Дунаевская И., 1960; Schrijver, P. 2011 : 241-255.
23
Ardzinba V., 1974: 10-15.
24
Cf. Kassian A., 2010: 309-347.
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Many Georgian and foreign scholars have focused on the Hattian-Caucasian parallels.25 When it
comes to linguistic connections, scholars rely heavily on lexical data. Unfortunately, the material is so
scarce, that it is very difficult to talk about linguistic parallels, especially on the similarities between
grammatical categories. One thing is clear - the Hattians, who inhabited the Black Sea coast and, in our
view, actively exploited the iron ore valleys of the western Georgia and the Kolkheti lowlands in the
Late Bronze-Early Iron era, would have direct interactions with the local ethnic groups. In the process
of settling in this area, they inevitably mixed and the language of the Hattians, which, in itself, would
have an Indo-European influence from Anatolia, mixed with the local language or languages. The same
would happen linguistically, ethnographically or religiously.The late Hittite reliefs (northern Syria,
Cilicia) depict the so-called "horned" shoes, which are worn only by deities and kings. We must assume
that this form of the shoe had a sacramental ritual meaning (for example, the "horned" clay shoes found
in Boghazkoy), and must have been called the "Hattian shoes" known from the Hittite texts [KUŠ]
E.SIR ḫattileš. It was sewn from the skins of cattle and was an attribute of the king's ritual garment. It
is probable, that it, like the "Hurrian garment", must have been of a peculiar type, used in religious
festivals in the Hittite kingdom. It seems that the "Horned" shoes were typical only for the Anatolian
and Syrian populations, as they are not worn by people of other origins depicted on the reliefs. One
might think, that everything related to Hattian had a sacral connotation for the Hittites and that the
adjective "Hattian" was appropriate - for example, in rituals they did not even translate Hattian sacred
expressions and the names of deities. Therefore, it is not surprising that the type of shoe that originated
from the non-Hittite tradition and was associated with the ritual-sacral tradition was even called
"Hattian shoes". It should be noted that "horned" shoes are also depicted on the medieval reliefs or seals
of the 1st millennium BC but on these reliefs, not "local" but foreigners (those who hold a gift on these
plates - a tribute taker) dressed in "horned" shoes, probably of Anatolian or Syrian origin. Discovered
in 1938, the Trialeti Cup bears a strong resemblance to (the cups from) ancient Asia Minor. 50 years
later, on the territory of Armenia, in particular, in Karashamb, a cup similar to the "Trialeti Cup" was
discovered. Both cups depict a ritual process, the participants of which wear "horned" shoes. As it turns
out, this type of shoe was widespread throughout the Caucasus (Georgia, Dagestan, Ingushetia, etc.).
The type of shoe that dates back to the II millennium BC is known from Anatolia and Syria. In the
following period, it spread throughout Ancient Near East, the Caucasus and Europe.In some countries,
including Georgia, the so-called "Oriental", "horned" hatswere also found. 26
B. The Kaskians
The people of the Kaška, living in northeastern Anatolia, are not only mentioned in Hittite and
Assyrian cuneiform sources (royal diaries, treaties, administrative texts, letters, as well as sources of
religious content: "Kaškeš", or "Kaška people", LUMES URUKa-aš-ka, LU URUKa-aš-ka, LU URUKaš-ka, LU
URUKA4-aš-ka, Egypt. KskS),27 but are directly involved in the course of Ancient Near Eastern history of
Cf.Girbal Ch., 1986;გიორგაძე გ., 2002.
About the Ancient Anatolian shoe types: ღამბაშიძე მ., 2013: 103-115; idem., 2006-07: 94-95.
27
Schuler E von.,1965; idem. 1976-80: 460-463; Klinger, J. 2002: 437-451; Klinger J., 20052: 347-359; Degen R.,
1967: 48-60.
25
26
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the XVII-VII centuries BC.28 We do not know,how these people referred to themselves, but we know
the country was called "Kaška" (by Tiglat-Pileser I (1114-1076 c.BC) - KURrKaš-ka(-a)-ja,by Sargon II
(722-705 c.. BC) - (māt) Kaš-ku and(māt) Ka-aš-ku, and by Tiglat-Pileser III (745-727 BC) - URUKaškaa-a.29
Unfortunately, we know nothing about the origin and the genetic affiliation of the Kaškians, nor
do we know anything about the Kaška language. Since historiography is not familiar with any texts in
the Kaškian language, nor do we find any reference to it in the ancient texts. There are several
suggestions about the Kaškian language:
a. The Kaškians spoke in Hattian since the names of the Kaškian and Hattian deities coincide;
b. The Kaškians, along with the Hattians, were non-Indo-European inhabitants of Anatolia;
c. Some scholars identify the Kaškians with the Circassians: in the ancient Georgian sources,the
Circassians are referred as "Kashag", in the Arabic sources as "Kesag", and in the old Russian texts as
"Kasoga";
d. This view is somewhat approached by the second hypothesis, according to which one part of
the scholars believe that the Kaškians are the ancestors of the Circassians and the Kaškian language is
a Circassian language (this assumption is based on the "Annals" of Tiglat-Pileser I (1114-1076 BC),
wherein one place the name Abeshla is found probably instead of the Kaškians);
e. The Kaškians are the ancestors of the ancient Pontians;
f. According to Iv. Javakhishvili, the Kaškians are the ancestors of the Kolkhians;
g. Gr. Giorgadze agrees with this view. He suggested that the Kaškians may be of Zanuri
(Megrelian-Chanuri) origin;
h. There is an assumption that by the end of the IX c. BC., the "Mus language" mentioned in the
Syrian inscription dating to the beginning of the VIII c. BC, belongs to the Kaškians and thus it is
related to the Muškian language (i.e. it is possible to assume the existence of two dialects of one
language, like Megrelian-Chanuri).
From the texts, it can be seen that the Kaškians inhabited the so-called mountainous system of the
"Small Caucasus", in particular - in the Pontus Mountains (the same as Lazistan ridge, which probably
corresponds to Hittite Mount Kassiari).30 This mountain range, which is still called Kachkar in Turkish,
bordered on the east and south by the river Chorokhi (Hittite “Kumešmaha”)31, and on the north by
the Black Sea coastSo, the wholecentral northern Anatolia and, partly, the territory of ancient
Paphlagonia, must have been inhabited by the Kaškians. It is unclear, exactly how far their border
went, especially to the east. It depends on where the border of the kingdom of Hayaša began32 on the
east and the Hittite kingdom on the west.
Cf. Goedegebuure P. 2013: 3700; Гиоргадзе Г., 1956; Гиоргадзе Г., 1961; გიორგაძე გ., 2000; Neu, E. 19832 :
391-399.
29
Grayson A.K., 2002.
30
Cf. Yakar, J. 2005: 817-827.
31
In the text of the XII c. BC, we find the following note: "Labarna and Hattušili have not yet released them on the
river Kumesmaha" (on the river Chorokhi).
32
Kingdom of Hayasa - a country located northeast of the Kaška country. According to Armenian scholars, Haya is
the ancestor of Armenians (cf. Haya - "Haiastan"). If we assume the Kaskians in the territory of Chaneti, the kingdom
of Hayaša will be located to its northeast, therefore, it is permissible to assume that the kingdom of (H)aya-sa is
28
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Some scholars believe that the Kaška people came and settled in northern Anatolia during the 15th
century BC. However, there is another assumption that the Kaškians were the local population of this
region since it is believed that the Kaškian names are most likely not of Indo-European, but mostly
ancient Anatolian origin. The fact that until the 14th century BC, the Hittite texts did not mention the
Kaškians at all, does not mean, that they were not living in this area before their arrival. It seems that
they definitelybecame the point of their neighbors’ interest from this period on and their mentioning
in Hittite written sources reflects that. The Kaškians are mentioned already during the reign of Hantili
(ca. 1526-1496 BC) - the Kaškians raided the cult city of Nerik. According to the text, "during the reign
of Hantili, the Kaškians reduced the land and water of the Hittites."
The toponym “Kaška” is found for the first time in the Hittite text of King Arnuwanda and his wife
Ašmunikal (c. 1400 BC), where the king tells, that the Kaškians occupied cities and regions on the Black
Sea coast: Nerik, Hursama, Kastama, Sarisa, Halila, Duduška, Himuwa, Tagašta, Kamana, Zalpuwa,
Kapiruha, Hurna, Dankusna, Tapašava, Tarukka, Ilalulha, Zihana, Šipidduwa, Wašhaia, Patalia,
Taštareša and Takupša. The names of these cities sound so "Kaškian" that it is difficult to agree with the
Hittite source, according to which these cities were supposedly Hittite, and the Kaškians tried to
conquer them. It is more probable that they were originally Kaškian and, after the Hittites captured
them, the Kaškians tried to take them back.
When the Hittites made a truce with the Kaskians, on the one side, the peace treaty was signed by
the Hittite monarch, and on the other - by the N number of "Kaška man": “Hatipta, Šunupaši, Kanu,
Piziziu, Piruwi, Kuriali, Timiti, Tutu, Dada, Kaška... Tutu (and) 9 men from Tešenipa. They all
swore...”33It is interesting that one of the treaties also mentions the names of the fathers of the signers
: “Kaašiara, son of Tarhundaziti, Patalia, son of Uravalkwi, X, son of Paata, Kalmahaziti, son of X,
Tarhundaziti, son of Kuku...". We can’t find out from the text, how important these people were, but
possibly, they were the "elders" of the community.34The Kaškians had the commanders of the army, as
mentioned in the Ugaritic text: rbktkym.35 In the text of Arnuwanda's prayer we find: LÚ.MEŠtaparijaleš
"the Ruler"36It is an interesting fact, that when the Hittites made a treaty with one of the Kaškian
communities and agreed on this or that issue, often the another (Kaskian) community violated the oath,
and this was the reason for the Hittite outrage. 37
According to the text of Šuppiluliuma I, the ethnonym “Kaška” was the general name for a union
of 12 communities that often united against the Hittites.38They acted independently of each other and
posed a constant threat to the Hittites on the northern frontier, while uniting to defend themselves
from foreign attacks.39 They did not have a single ruler, "they did not have a single kingship", and they
did not have the "lord of the community" at all.40From the texts, we know only the names of a couple
equated with the kingdom of Aia (Αἶα), a city of the “Colchians”, "Herodotus, The Histories, book 1, chapter 2, section
2.
33
KBo 8.35 § 11.
34
Cf. "Makhvshebi" or "Khevistavi" = the heads of the community in the mountanous Georgia.
35
Schuler E von. 1965, 72.
36
KBo 31.124 IV 1.
37
CTH 375.1.
38
Deeds of Supliluliuma, frag. 14.; Cf. Glatz, C. – Matthews, R. 2005: 47-65.
39
The auxiliary army of the Kaskianswas called: ERINMESNARARI.
40
Cf. "The country without of the Lord" of Svaneti and Khevi.
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of high-ranking Kaškians: CommandersPittaparra and Pitagatalli. The Assyrian king Tiglat-Pileser III
(745-727 BC) names Dadilu, the ruler of the Kaška. It is not known, whether Dadilu was the ruler of
one of the cities or the lord of the united Kaškian communities since we do not find the name of
anyKaška ruler with the title of king/prince in the ancient sources.41This is evidenced by the text of the
“Annals” of Tiglat-Pileser I: The Assyrian king recountshow he captured the 4,000-strong invading
Kaškian soldiers, belonging to the Hittite army. The same text mentions right there 20,000-strong
Muškiansoldiers, "which had 5 kings."42
During the reign of Šuppiluliuma, the Kaškians crossed the river Marašantiya (Halis of antiquity,
modern Kizil-Irmak) and Hattuša was burned. Šuppiliuma was still trying to fortify the northern border
during his reign, but later his interest shifted to the south, towards Syria, which led to the invasions of
the Kaškians in the country from the north.
The text of Muršili II's annals provides many interesting facts about the political organization of
the Kaškians, at least, through the position of the Hittites:in the 7th year of his reign, Muršili marched
against Pihhunia, the ruler of Tipiya, one of the main Kaškiancities, which periodically "attacked" the
Hittite cities of the "upper country" since his father's times. Muršili writes that "Pihhunia did not rule
like Kaškians." As mentioned above, the Kaškiansdid not have a monarchy, and Pihhunia, as
Muršilinotes, "ruled like a king":“I, my Sun, went and sent him a messenger and wrote to him: give me
back my subordinates, which you captured and took to Kaška land.But Pihhunia sent me back (the
messenger) and wrote to me: I will give you back nobody. And if you attack me, I will not fight with
you on my land, but on your land! " Muršili defeated Pihhunia and took him, as a prisoner, to Hattuša.
The existence of the city of Tipiya dates back to the XVI century BC. It becomes known from the
text of the "Chronicle of Amuna", and during the Hittite Empire (XIII-XII BC) it acquired special
significance. Interestingly, if in the old kingdom we meet the "city of Tipiya", in the period of the
empire it is referred to as the "country of Tipiya". It is probable that during the Old Kingdom, the newly
formed city of Tipiya was further strengthened, expanded, and referred to as a country.43Itwaslocated
in the north of the Hittite kingdom, probably near the Black Sea coast, and was periodically in the
hands of the Hittites. Possibly, it even neighbored the country of Azzi-Hayasa from the southwest:.44After corresponding with the Kaškians, Muršili II began to correspond with the ruler of AzziHayasa, Aniya.
Muršili II, fought the Kaškians for 9 years of his reign and won twice. In a battle with the Kaškians,
Muršili’s brother, Muwattalli, moved the capital south to the country of Kizzuwatna (Turkey's southern
coast to the Mediterranean Sea), which further intensified the Kaškians raids on the Hittitekingdom.
The same situation continued during the reign of Hattušili III (1267-1237 BC). As Hattušili III describes
in his "Apology", the Kaškians crossed the river during his reign. They even reached Marašantiya
(modern Kizil-Irmak) and Kaneš/Neša (modern Kayseri).
According to the texts, the Kaškians had a large army. Some mention 800, 5 000, some - 7 000, 9
000, infantry, cavalry, and chariot soldiers. Therefore, the population of the country of the Kaškians
41
The Sumerian ideogram LUGAL of the Assyrian texts to denote both a king and a prince.
Grayson A. K., 2002: 14, 17; Tadmor, H., 1994.
43
Further about the localisation of Tipiya: Гамбашидзе М., 2005: 68.
44
Judging by the texts, depending on the location, might it be possible to connect Tipija to Tao-Klarjeti?
42
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must have been quite numerous. It is also interesting about the equipment of the warrior that the
Hittites mention the so-called "Kaškian short bow".In general, the Kaškians are equated with a very
dangerous, spontaneous, unpredictable, and invincible enemy. The Kaškians did not inflict any damage
on the Hittite kingdom or? any of its neighbors. Unfortunately, the information we have about the
Kaškian identity and political activities is one-sided.We only have Hittite sources and we do not know
what kind of relationship they actually had - everything is just a speculation.
Asfor the daily life of these people, it is clear from the texts, that in summer the Kaskians took the
cattle to the mountains - to different places, quite remote from their place of residence.45Because of
this, they periodically attacked the Hittite border towns to expand their pastures.46 The reason for this
was the following circumstance: the Hittite kings gave their subjects the lands to 47 that were located
in the border zone of the country and at one time belonged to the Kaškians. It seems that the Hittites
captured these cities in a war. 48
Archaeologists have suggested that the Hittite fortifications between the rivers Devrez Chai and
Kizil-Irmak, with their watchtowers, protected the central settlements of the Hittites from the
Kaškians. The fortifications were located at equal distances from each other, mainly on hills.They had
water and agricultural land. The castles were fortified and sometimes even occupied one acre. Such a
castle was discovered in modern Eldivan.The Kaškians successfully used guerrilla warfare tactics against
the enemy. They used toattack the Hittites unexpectedly.. The Hittites were on constant alert - the
guards were watching the approach of the army so that they had time to get to the battlefield or escape.
The Kaška communities warned each other of the impending danger. They were united against the
common enemy, making it difficult to defeat them.
It is noteworthy, that in the battle of Kadesh, the Kaškians were allies of the Hittites: “Now (he)
and His Majesty asked them: "Who are you? They replied, "We are the nobles of the mighty king of
the land of Hittites and he sent us to spy out where His Majesty was." His Majesty answered them:
"Where is he, O mighty king of the land of Hittites? "As far as I know, he must be in the country of
Aleppo, north of Tunis." They replied to His Majesty: "Behold, the mighty king of the land of Hittite,
with his many lands, which by force came from the various districts, and now they are within the
borders of the land of Hittite - the land of Nakharina, the land of Kaskashi, the land of Irzu, the country
of Ikerih, the country of Aleppo and the country of the ridge - they were deployed (to fight). They
have become infantry and chariots ... their number is innumerable, like sand on the shore. You see,
they are standing, war-trained, on the outskirts of Kadesh."49
After Šuppiluliuma I conquered the Kaškian country, the Kaškian soldiers were sent to Egypt
presumably as captives50- the Egyptian source mentions the "Kaškian warriors in chariots". The
Kaskians in Egypt seem to have played an important role: the Egyptian Pharaoh Amenhotep III (13881351 BC) asks the Asia Minor chief to send him the Kaškians. Interest in the Kaškians continues also
Cf. “Mountain-plain living” of Achara people.
Cf. Leks in Kakheti.
47
See theHittite "Land Gift Documents".
48
Cf. The resettlement of the Borchalu Shiite tribe by Safavid Iran in Shida Kartli or the fact that Jews from the former
Soviet Union were being deported to Israel in the conflict zone.
49 ღამბაშიძე მ., 2012, 12.
50
Cf. "Mamluks".
45
46
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in the 13th century - Ramses II's bride was accompanied by "many Kaškian captives"51in her dowry. It
is not surprising then, that the Kaškians captured in Egypt mingled with the Egyptians.52. It is in Egypt
that the only relief of the Kaškian warrior is depicted.53It seems that the Kaškian warriors were
distinguished by exceptional bravery, courage, and bravery. They fought not only in the Hittite army
but also in the service of various countries. They also took part in the Hittite civil war - helping Hattušili
III ascend to the throne. Kaškian warriors are also found in Ugarit. 54
It is not known whether the Kaškians participated in the destruction of the Hittite kingdom. One
thing is clear: by year 1200 B.C. they had taken advantage of the decline of the Hittite kingdom (by
this time the Hittite kingdom was on the verge of falling) and invaded the Hittite kingdom. By the end
of the twelfth century BC, the Kaškians are mentioned in Assyrian sources. Tiglat-Pileser I (ca. 11141076 BC) writes of the Kaškians that they did not stay long in the conquered territory. Based on this,
we can surmise, that their homeland was near the Black Sea and they did not occupy a large area - from
the sea to eastern Anatolia. They are mentioned in Assyrian texts up until the VIII century BC. The
Kaskiansages are last mentioned in the annals of Sargon II, then their mention is no longer found in
the texts.
The city of Kaška provides very important information about theiragriculture economics. In the
text of Muršili II's prayer to the sun-god of the city Arinna the Kaškians are described as "shepherds of
pigs and (flax) weaver"(LÚ.MEŠSIPAD ŠAḪ ešer Ù LÚ.MEŠE-PI-IŠ GADḪIA ešer). These two professions seem
to have been particularly characteristic of the Kaskians.Both of these professions had a common feature
- both activities were the prerogative of women - women doing housework, tending pigs,55 and
weaving, while men wereshepherdingcattle herds and guarding the country or pastures. From the
hostile attack of the neighbors, which was perceived by the Hittites as "appropriation of someone else's
land" - Muršili II notes that Kaškian "Pihhunia conquered the side of Išhtitina to turn it into his
pasture." (natza apel uišiyauwaš pedan iyat).
Flax (Linum) was a rare and important plant that was used both for knitting and clothing, as well
as for obtaining oil for food and lightingand for lubricating the wheels of carts, etc. Flax specimens
found at Ikiztepe (on the Black Sea coast, near Samsun) date from the Chalcolithic (Copper-Stone Age)
to the Bronze Age. Flax cultivated by the Kaškians was considered the best in that period.56
51
Schuler E. von, 1965: 81.
This may also be the basis for Herodotus' famous assumption about the origin of the Colchians, cited as the "father
of history" - cf. "But it is clear that the Colchians are Egyptians. I realized this myself before I heard it from others
and would say so. And because I thought this, I asked both of them, the Colchians were better remembered by the
Egyptians than the Egyptians by the Colchians. The Egyptians say that they think that the Colossians are from the
army of Sesostis, and I myself also seemed to be, because the Colchians are dark-skinned and greedy ... ”Herodotus History II Book - Euterpe, 104).
53
C. Kuentz, Qadesch 50, 7, 385, 69, Pl. XXV.
54
Modern Ras-Shamra, Syria. Port city in the II millennium BC.
55
It is noteworthy that the pig was considered a sacred animal among iron-mining peoples because it was associated
with oak. Cf. Colchian pig head bracelet. To this day, among the Georgians of Imerkhevi, the word "pig" is perceived
as a synonym of strength, goodness, courage (Compare the flag of the Odishars, on which, according to Vakhushti,
Takhi is depicted, Topchishvili R., 2017: 25).
56
Cf. Colchis in Greece: “I can say something else about the Colchians, which makes them look like the Egyptians.
Only the Colchians and the Egyptians cultivate flax alike; All life and language are similar to each other. The Colchian
52
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As for the pigs, while men were tending herds on summer pastures, women were taking care of
pigs that were running in the woods57and only grazing them in late autumn. This circumstance allows
us - contrary to popular belief - to assume that the Kaškians, like the rest of the population of the Black
Sea region, lived a nomadic life.58 This is also supported by the fact that the Kaškians pursued viticulture
and agriculture, which is documented in ancient texts.They even paid tribute to the Hittites with
wine.59 They also brought wheat, the harvest of which was periodically destroyed by the Hittites.60
As for the religious views of the Kaškians, the sources indicate that their pantheon was polytheistic
and theyhad a corresponding idea of the world: "In the deities of the Kaškas", they meant the three
deities of the weather - Hanupten, Kutupuruzi, and Pazim . One of their chief deities was Zitharia,
originally from the Black Sea city of Zitharia, and the Kaškians worshiped him in the form of a
sheepskin (KUŠkurša "fleece").
Interestingly, in one of the treaties, the Kaškian deities are mentioned along with the Hattian
deities. One list contains the traditional list of Hittite deities, but this list is preceded by the Kaškian
war deity Zababa, who stands directly behind the Hatti weather deity and the sun deities. According
to scholars, Zababa must have been a Hattian deity. Based on these and other Hattian-Kaškian
similarities, it is speculated that the Kaškians may have been descendants of the Hattians, some of
whom have been mixed with the Hittites for centuries, while those who settled north on the Black Sea
coast formed Kaškian communities. Also interesting are the Kaškian-Hattian-Hurrian cultural parallels:
the Hattian moon deity - Kašku and Hurrian - Kušuh, the sun deity - Šimešu and Šimegi. It is suggested
that the chief deity of the Hayasa kingdom, DU.GUR, located east of the Kaška estate, is the same as
the Hattian deity - Šulinkate. The name of the second deity is Tarumu, which is also very similar to the
Hattian weather deity - Taru. 61 This suggests that during the 2nd millennium BC, the Hattian cultural
area stretched along the entire southern coast of the Black Sea. In the following period, they also
connected with Halibs/Halds, iron ore miners of the Pontus area. Their name probably derives from
the Hattian word - hapalki - "iron" (Hurrian. Hapalkinnu, Greek chalups),62which is associated with
the extraction and exploitation of iron in this region.These linguistic observations are confirmed by the
rich archaeological material found in Colchis. 63
It is difficult to restore the true picture of the history of the Kaškians by the fact that we do not
have the Kaškian sources directly at hand and we know the issue of the Hittite-Kaškian relationship
only from the Hittite side. The Kaškians did not have awriting system and because of this, we cannot
establish the truth about them. What we can assume for sure is that their campaigns against the Hittites
Seljuks are called Sardonians by the Hellenes, and those who came from Egypt are called Egyptians ”(Herodotus History II Book - Euterpe: 105).
57
Cf. Svaneti, where it is the same today.
58
Sources say that the Hittites used pigs only in rituals, which is also confirmed by archeological excavations: in the
Bronze Age, pig bones were found less in Khatusa than in cattle, and in the Late Iron Age, the use of pigs increased
actively, as did plain unbaked pottery. Based on this fact, I. Singer that the Kasks did indeed take part in the fall of
Hattusa: Singer I. 2007: 166-181; Cf. Collins, B.J. 2006: 155-188.
59
KBo 5.8 I 39; KUB 19.37 III 46.
60
KUB 14.15 I 11; KBo 2.5 II 34; KUB 14.16 II 10.
61
Cf. Georgian "dari".
62
Strabo XII, 3 years.
63
ხახუტაიშვილი, დ., 1980) and etc.
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were not looting attacks by nomadic, underdeveloped people, as the Hittites put it, but rather
retaliation for the seizure and takeover of their cities and pastures by the Hittites.And if we assume
that the Kaškians (and, consequently, the Hattians) are the ancestors of the ethnos living in the area
after them: the Zani (Chans and Megrelians), then it will not sound surprising that this ethnos is
described as unmatched warriors, producers of the highest quality flax,good viticulturist, ore minerprocessor, etc.
The way of life of the Kaška communities closely resembles the way of life of the Kolkhians (cf.
"lordly country", living in communities, helping each other without enemosity).Proper names (cf.
Dadilu, Paata, Kalmahaziti,64 etc.), as well as activities such as - flax processing, winemaking, their
service to the Egyptian army, and, most importantly – the cult of the pig and the fleece, clearly suggest
direct connection of the Kaskians to the Zanuri (Megrelian-Chan) world. Moreover, in the ancient
sources, the references to the Kaškiansterminates and around the same time, since the VII c. BC,
references to the Kolkhians appear in the sources.
C. Muškians
Ethnonym Muška are mentioned in Assyrian, Urartian, and hieroglyphic-Luwian written
sources.65Muška are also found in the Bible and Greco-Roman texts. Interestingly, this ethnonym is not
found in this form in Hittite texts. The Hittites referred to areas that presumably belonged to the
Muškiansas ?? (e.g. Alzi and Purulumzi). This is also logical since it is inconceivable that the Hittites
had no relationship with their immediate neighbors.
In the special literature of the twentieth century, it was believed that there were two different
Muškiansin the XII century BC that inhabited the river Aršaniaš and the river Euphrates. They were
so-called "Eastern Muškians" and IX-VIII c. BC. living in Cappadocia and Cilicia, the so-called "Western
Muškians", who are identified with the Phrygians.66But this view is not confirmed by either historicalgeographical sources, nor does archaeological material support such a conclusion. The material culture
of the Muskians is in no way similar to that of the Phrygians who invaded Central Anatolia from the
Balkans, so their association is not proven.
Scholars associate the name Muška with the "Meskhetians" of Georgian sources, the "Moskhes" of
the Greco-Roman texts, and the "Mosokh-Meshek" of the Bible. As far back as the 19th century,
historians - H. Helzer, e. Schroeder, f. Lenorman, etc.The Muškians of Assyrian sources are considered
to be the ancestors of the Georgian Moskhes, the Meskhetians. This theory was also shared by Georgian
historians: D. Bakradze, Al. Khakhanashvili, M. Janashvili, and in the later period - Iv. Javakhishvili, S.
Janashia, G. Melikishvili, and others. There have been numerous attempts to attribute Muškians to
ethnicities of different origins, but all these assumptions so far remain only hypotheses. Among the
main theories about theMuskians, are ones linking them to the following:
E.g. A dance named "kalmakhuri" was danced in Guria until recently, წულაძე, აპ., 1971: 98.
Cf. Wittke, A.-M., 2004; Grayson A.K., 2002.
66
This view arose after Mita, the king of the country of the "Mušks" mentioned in the texts, was mistakenly identified
with King Midas of Phrygia.
64
65
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a. Old Balkan (Phrygian);
b. Georgian (Caucasian);
c. Ancestors of Moshes mentioned in Greek-Latin texts.
Presumably, the name Muška must have been a compound name, and under this name, like the
Kaskians, several communities were united. Information about them is first found in the royal
inscriptions of the Assyrian king Tiglat-Pileser I (1115-1077 BC). In the twelfth century BC, the
Assyrian kingdom became the most powerful state in the ancient Near East at that time, due to the
weakening of the Hittites, Egypt, and Babylon. It was during this period that Tiglat-Pileser I was active,
seeking glory and power through conquests. According to the text, the Muskians are one of the five
major political associations in the five communities, headed by the five main ones.67 Almost half a
century before the reign of Tiglat-Pileser I, ca. in 1165, BC, the Muškians returned their territories to
Alzi and Purulumzi, who were vassals of the Assyrians and were paying tribute to them. Dissatisfied
with the Muškians’ action, the Assyrians invaded the area to subdue them. The fighting broke out in
the Muškian area, on the land of Katmuhi, where the Muškians brought out 20,000 warriors under the
command of five princes. The Muškians could not repel the Assyrians. 6,000 Muškians survived this
battle and surrendered to Tiglat-Pileser:
"In the year that I ascended the throne, 20,000 Muškians with their 5 kings, who for 50 years held
(it) Alzi and Purulumzi, who paid tribute to Assyria, my lord - (Muškians), whom no king could defeat
because of their strength, from the mountains they came down and seized the country of the chicken.
Thanks to Assyria, my master, I trained my cavalry and infantry, and so as not to wait for the rescue
squad, I overcame the dangerous mountain of Kaššiar. I fought them with 20,000 warriors and 5 kings
in the country of Chicken. I defeated them ... I scattered their corpses like a raging wave in a mighty
collision. I covered the whole valley with their corpses up to the top of the mountain, cut off their
heads, and sorted them like zebras. I completely took possession of their property and wealth. Their
6,000 warriors, who escaped my weapons, fell to their feet. I received them and counted them among
the people of my country. "
The Muškians living in the mountains, like their neighboring Kaškians, were warrior, brave
people. The Assyrians' constant attempts to subdue these two peoples often failed, and such a great
empire even lost against a brave minority.The country of the Muškians consisted of 5 communities,
which, according to the text of Tiglat-Pileser I, could produce 20,000 warriors. The total population
was estimated at 70,000-80,000 people.
What was their life like? From the texts, we do not know specifically what kind of farming the
Muškians followed - agriculture or cattle-breeding, – residential or nomadic life. According to Assyrian
sources, we can assume that the Assyrians made expeditionary invasions against them to seize the
minerals. What minerals might these have been? The wood material mentioned in the Assyrian texts
is GIŠMušku and bronze (most likely also iron). From the IX century, BC concrete data appear: the
The text mentions the "5 kings of the Muškians", which does not mean that they were the rulers of the kingdom.
Presumably, they were princes of different communities, who from time to time fought with each other and united
against a common enemy (cf. Georgian princes). When naming another ethnos in Assyrian sources, e.g. In the case of
the Tabals, we meet the hierarchy - "the great king, the vassal king ...". In the case of musks, there is no hierarchy.
67
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tribute imposed by the Tukulti-Ninurta II (ca. 1240-1205 BC) consisted of bronze vessels, cattle and
small cattle, and wine. Also of interest is the later Assyrian text, which mentions various "muscular
underwear" (probably made of linen).
In one of the hieroglyphic-Luwian inscriptions found in Carchemish (near Syria), which is dated
by about the end of the IX century B.C. and beginning of the VIII century B.C., the language of the
Muškians is mentioned. The text lists the languages spoken in Karkhemish: native Luwian, Assyrian
(which was an international language at the time and he must have known it), as well as Egyptian,
Urartian, Phoenician, Mussoorian, and Muscovite. It is suggested that the Musk language may have
been the same Kask language, a relative of the Muškian, or, at least, dialects of one language (cf.
Megrelian-Chanuri). Moreover, we do not know what the Kaskians called themselves. If they called
themselves Muses, it turns out that they must have been the Zanuri tribe of the ancient written sources
- Mosins, Mosins ...
As for the religious beliefs of the Muškians, they coincide with the religion of the people living in
Syria in I millennium B.C. The main deities are the deities of weather and the moon. It is also probable
that they celebrated the spring - the feast of the cult of fertility. One of the Assyrian texts mentions the
"eku-place" of the Muškian settlement. This was the square in the center of the city where the festivities
took place.
An interesting point of view is expressed by Gr. Giorgadze when he compares the so-called
"Triads"68 of the Hittite and Hurrian deities. In particular, the description of the statues of Ishtar and
her two accompanying deities - Ninata and Kulita - is similar to that of the HurutTeshub - Sher - Hur
and the North Syrian weather deities - Hazi and Namni. Finally, he compares all of them to
thrMtskheta triad of Armazi, Gatsi, and Gaimi. The descriptions of the statues are so similar that we
must assume - it was one cultural-religious space, which included Anatolia, Syria, and the South
Caucasus, in particular - Kartli.
The area where the Muškians were supposed to have settled must have been the Tao-Klarjeti area,
in the text of Tiglat-Pileser I the Muškians are mentioned next to the Kaškians. Due to the Urartian
conquest wars in the IX century B.C., the Muškians moved north and settled in the territory of presentday Meskheti.69 It is an interesting fact that in 2003 in Kartli, in the village of Tsalkadistrict, the socalled Avranlo, in the tomb of a megalithic building, a dagger-shaped weapon was found,70 which was
common in Assyria of II-I millennia B.C. The relief of Assyrian King Aššurnaşirpal II (883-859 BC)
depicts a similar weapon used to fight "evil spirits". Thus, when Aššurnatşirpal says: "... I received
tribute from the country of the Kaškians and the Muškians, bronze cauldrons, oxen, sheep (and) wine",
it is not excluded that the area of the Muškians settlement was far to the north, the territory of Trialeti.
68
Giorgadze G. G.1999: 547-556.
There are many proper or geographical names related to this toponym in Georgian - Muskhi, Muskhelishvili, Muska,
etc.
70
Narimanashvili G., Amiranashvili J., Kvachadze M., Sanshashvili N, 2008: 381-409.
69
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D. Daiaeni/Diauhi
We note at the outset that we are dealing with two different terms, Daiane and Diaukhi.71 The
first is found in XII century B.C.(and?)in the Assyrian texts of the VIII century B.C., and in the second
- in the Urartian texts of the VIII century BC. There is an opinion that both terms refer to the same
people - the Tao people, the same Taoists. Daia is related to the Georgian Tao and the Armenian Taik /
Taokh, the location of which is considered to be northeast of Arzrum, the Oltu Plateau. It is also
probable that it is related to the Taoche mentioned in the works of Xenophon. This name is still
preserved in the form of Tao. Matching the terms is easy to accept, since the root of the word is the
same, in Assyrian the suffix "-eni" is plural ("Tao people, Taoelni"), and the Urartian suffix "-khi" is a
toponym.
The inscription on the prism made by the Assyrian king Tiglat-Pileser I (115-1077 B.C.) tells us,
that in the third year of his reign (1112 B.C.) the Assyrian king marched against the Nairi lands
(meaning the areas north of the lakes of Van and Urmia).72 He describes in detail the route of the
expedition, the difficulties, and obstacles which his warriors had to overcome before defeating the
combined army of the twenty-three countries of Nairi. It seems, that the opponent was led by King
Sien of the country of Dayan - among the rulers of the country of Nairi only he is mentioned by his
proper name. The king of Assyria defeated the enemy and brought their captive kings to his royal city
of Assyria. Sien swore allegiance to Tiglat-Pileser, and only then was he pardoned. Later, as one of the
cuneiform inscriptions informs us, the Assyrians defeated the kings of the Nair countries who came out
to help the enemy. They lived in the vicinity of the "Upper Sea". It seems that the Assyrians meant the
Black Sea under the "Upper Sea" and the ancient inhabitants of the historical Tao-Klarjeti, Artaan, and
Erusheti in the surrounding areas. It is probable that in the twelfth century BC, Daiani had to rise above
other countries in terms of its political-economic and social development.
It is clear from the texts that the Assyrians received up to 100 tons of silver annually as a tribute
from the northern countries. The amount of the tribute is likely to be exaggerated, though this does
not change the main point: the interest that drove the Assyrians for six centuries to the north, to the
mountainous and hard-to-subdue, ore-filled countries.
From the end of the XII century BC, Assyrian sources no longer mention Diane, which must have
been related to the weakening of Assyria. During this period the Assyrian kings had to defend
themselves from the Aramaeans and were no longer able to organize military expeditions to the north.
From the IX century BC, the re-strengthened Assyria again began to pursue conquests against the Nair
countries, which is reflected in Assyrian written sources.
During this period, Urartu aggravated Diane's condition. Diane’s rulers sought to establish goodneighborly relations with Assyria and to deal with Urartu’sexpansion (conquest) policies with them.
King Salmanasar III of Assyria (859-824 BCE) tells us: “In the 15th year of my reign I marched against
the land of Nair, at the headwaters of the river Tigris ... on a rocky place ... I erected my image ... and
on it, I engraved (inscription) about my heroic deeds ... But I destroyed the city of Urartu at the
headwaters of the Euphrates River, destroyed it, burned it, went to the headwaters of the Euphrates,
71
72
Cf. Меликишвили Г., 1950: 26-42; ქავთარაძე გ., 2005: 13-18; idem.: 2006.
Cf. Waefler M., 1986: 87-94; Salvini M. 2002; idem. 2015: 389-394.
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and sacrificed to my deities: (Deity) I threw the weapon of Assyria into it (the Euphrates). Asia, the
king of Diane, knelt down, and I received tribute, gifts, and horses from him. I made my image (and)
stood in the center of his city. "As this inscriptionshows, after defeating the Urartian army at the head
of the Euphrates, the Assyrian king meets the Asian the king of Diane who, without a fight, presents a
new gift to the Assyrians and swears allegiance to them. It is possible that King of Diane's attitude
towards the former enemy was motivated by a far-sighted view: he was in alliance with the Assyrians
against Urartu, who was the greatest and real threat to him during this period.
Information about Diauhi is given in the inscription of King Urartu's menu (end of IX century BC
and beginning of VIII century BC) also from an inscription from Yazilita (near Erzurum): “The deity
Haldi is strong, the weapon of Haldi is powerful. The deity with the power of Haldi went to
MenuaIšpuini (for battle). (Him) was preceded by the deity Haldi.” The menu says: “I conquered the
country of Diauhi, the city of Shashilu, the royal city of battle. I burned the country, the fortress (I
destroyed) ... Menua says: “In Utupuri, the king of Diauhi came before me, put me on my feet, fell
down, I (him) had mercy on him, I forgave him on the condition of (paying) tribute. He gave me gold
(and silver), a tribute ... I removed two kings from there: the country of Kaltulhi (king) and the city of
Haldiriulis (king). I conquered the fortified fortresses (which were in that country) from there. "
The Diaenes/Diaokhis, like the Muškians and Kaskians, probably pursued farming and metallurgy.
It is noteworthy that the menu mentions Diaukhi as a strong country. During the reign of Menu's
successor, Argishti I, Urartu sought not only to conquerDiaukhi but also to annex its territories directly
to Urartu. The inscription on one of the steles tells the story of Argishti, according to which the king
of Urartu took Diaukhi and annexed three provinces to his kingdom, captured the kings of Kaška,
Ardarahik, Baltulhi, and Kabuluhi, and annexed their lands to Urartu.
During one of the expeditions to Diauhi, the Urartians captured 28,619 men, seizing countless
cattle and small cattle. The defeated king of Diaukhi swore allegiance to Urartu and presented the
winner with 41 cups of gold, 37 cups of silver, 10,000 cups of copper, 1,000 horses, and jewels.One of
the steles has the following inscription: "Conqueror of Nairi from Tumen to Dayan, conqueror of Habih
to the Great Sea."In 1985 in the province of Kars, in Hanak, near Lake Shadow (Childir), north of
Ardahan (Artaan), to the east, an Urartian inscription was found on a rock (kept in the Istanbul
Archaeological Museum).73 It tells the story of the expedition of King Argishti I of Urartu, who invaded
the country of Taru and continued on his way. He came to the country of Husha, the country of Bian,
the country of Aškalaš. Argishti speaks on behalf of the great deity Haldi: “After Diauhi he came to me
in the land of the city of Ahurvan. I defeated the army, I destroyed the city. Ka [...] Uni land. I got:
72080 cattle, 7000 + (N number) people. I killed one and let the other go alive. I destroyed 6 fortresses,
I burned 50 cities. "
The cities of Diauhi are known from the texts: Shashilu - the main city, Utukha, Zuain - the main
city of Khaldirilukhi; Settlements: Ardarakikhi, Askalas, Baltukhi, Kabilikhi, Kada, Saski.74The most
important detail in the Hanaki inscription is that the existence of the Urartians near the Lake of
Shadows is confirmed. It seems that this inscription was sent by the king of Urartu to the conquered
territory (we should not forget the fact that in the world of that time such inscriptions, stelae, bas73
74
Dinçöl A., Dinçöl B. 19921;Dinçol, A.M. and Dinçol, B. 19922.
АрутюнянН. В., 2001: 503; Меликишвили Г., 1960; მელიქიშვილი გ., 1990: 269-295.
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ისტორია, არქეოლოგია, ეთნოლოგია
reliefs, etc. were one of the most effective means of presenting themselves. Kings glorified themselves,
which was necessary their legitimacy. Therefore, in describing their deeds, they exaggerated
achievements, booty, etc., but this circumstance does not change the picture as a whole). Some scholars
equate the with Hanak. Bianca and Husa are then located further north, as are Aškalašika and Ahuria.
In this case, the border of Diauhi goes to the border of today's Georgia. According to Hanaki's
inscription, Diane may be located on the northern border of Georgia. Most scholars place Diane in the
vicinity of Erzurum.
Where is the Kingdom of Dayani/Diaukhi located? The most important source for locating it is the
Tiglat-Pileser clay prize and the news of the Salmanasar hike. In the 15th year of his reign, Salmanasar
sailed to the cities of Urartu, to the head of the Euphrates, received tribute from Daiane, and erected
Stella Daiane in the royal city.75Today, Diaukhi is thought to be located in the Chorokhi Basin, near
the Euphrates, in the Arzrum region. Urartian sources mention three major cities - Zua, Utu, and
Shashilu. Zua is connected with Zivin Kale, Utu with Oltu, and Shashilu with modern Georgian
Sasire/Tortom.
Also interesting is the fortress of UmudumTepe, 18 km north of Erzurum, which is a megalithic
structure (huge stones built without dry material) and which, according to scholars, must have been
the fortress of the ruler of Diaukh, which was controlled by the Urartians.76 It is an interesting fact that
in the whole territory of Tao-Klarjeti and also in southern Georgia, especially in Samtskhe-Javakheti
and Trialeti we find abundant similar megalithic, dry-built castles. For example, we can name the Abuli
Fortress, built on a dry pile on the small Abuli Mountain near Lake Paravani, with a wall thickness of
4 meters and a height of 8 meters. The pottery found here dates back to the Late Bronze-Early Iron era.
Presumably, such megalithic fortresses, which are architecturally similar to the buildings in Eastern
Anatolia and Syria, as in the example of Avranlo,might have been built by the inhabitants of Musk, or
Diane/Diaukh. A systematic study of the examples of Georgia as a whole and, particularlyof all of TaoKlarjetiwould be of great importance for drawing final conclusions.
Georgian historiography holds the view that Diauhi was finally destroyed by the kingdom of Kulha
in ca. 760 year BC. This view is supported by the fact that in the inscriptions of the Urartian kings from
this periodDiauchi and Kulhaare no longer mentioned. This fact seems to be confirmed by the
inscriptions of Sarduri II, in which the king does not mention the expedition to Diauhi and only tells
the story of the expedition to Kulha and his defeat. The mere fact that Sarduri II did not invade Diauhi
and, as such,Diauhi is not mentioned in his inscription, seems unconvincing (and suggests(?) hat this
kingdom was destroyed by Kulha). Ancient Near Eastern sources do not provide information on how
the history of the kingdoms of Diauhi and Kulha evolved, but we think they were probably separate
political entities in the VI century BC. After the VIII century BC, they no longer appear on the
international political arena. We think that these ethnic groups migrated to the north, in the south of
Georgia, where they and we should consider them as the ancestors of Georgians. In this regard, the
historical views established in the existing Georgian special literature are thoroughly reviewed.77
E. Kulha
75
Russell H. F., 19841: 186; idem. 19842: 171-201.
Cf. Çilingiroğlu A. 1980: 195-198.
77
Cf. ასტახიშვილი ე., 1998: 12.
76
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HISTORY, ARCHAEOLOGY, ETHNOLOGY
ისტორია, არქეოლოგია, ეთნოლოგია
We have very little information about ethnonym "Kulha". It is believed to have been located west of
Diauhi during the reign of Sarduri II, King of Urartu (764-735 BC). In the text of Tiglat-Pileser I (11141076 BC) the toponym is mentioned as "Kilhi" and following G. Melikishvili, it is equated with "Kulha".
It is possible that Kulha must have been the kingdom of Kolchismentioned in later Greek sources.As it
turns out, Sarduri78 rallied several times against the country of Kulha. According to the text, he was a
neighbor of Hushani/Hushahli, and Hushahli himself is mentioned in one of the Urartian inscriptions
- together with Diauhi and Zabaha. Kulha is mentioned twice in Sarduri's text: "...(so) says Sarduri: I
ran against the country of Kulha, its... cities... Ildamusha, the king of the country of Kulha I... the
fortified royal city, I conquered by battle, burned, the population, I destroyed the army of Kulha. I
made an iron ring. I erected an inscription in Ildamusha, I burned castles, cities, I destroyed the
country, I called men (and) women."
In Greek texts of the same period, the same name is found in the form of "Colchis". Georgian
scientific literature acknowledges that the Kulha kingdom was destroyed by the Cimmerian tribes that
invaded from the north. This is evidenced by the fact mentioned in the Assyrian text that a people
called "Gimri" rebelled against Urartu. This is all the textual information we can find. Thus, the notion
that the Cimmerians destroyed the kingdom of Kulha is neither textually nor archaeologically
substantiated. 79
Conclusion
From the above reasoning, we can draw the following conclusions: According to Ancient Near
Eastern sources the ethno-genesis of Georgian tribes can be described in the following way: Ancient
Anatolian and Kartvelian (in II millennium BC - Hatti, Kaška, Muška; in I millennium BC –
Daieni/Diaokhi, Kulha, etc) tribes were genetically related and had close relations in terms of
metallurgical manufacturing processes (obtaining, manufacturing of ore and processing the metal).
Also, this process of involvement and interaction of local tribes and neighboring ethnic groups led to
the formation of a the shared culture and religious system and the emergence of the united conscious.
This, consequently created pre-conditions for the establishment of Kolkhian and Iberian kingdoms in
the future.
And if we presume that Hattian and Kaška people (they might be one and the same) are ancestors
of Kolkhians (i.e. Proto-Kolkhians), and their neighbours – the Muškians could be associated with
Kartvelian ethnic groups, then the ethnogenesis history of the Georgian state could be started not with
Diaokhi-Kolkhian kingdoms in VIII-VII c. BC, but with Hattians and Kaškians by XV c. B.C.
At the end of the article, I would like to express my gratitude, first of all, to my teachers - +Prof.
Grigol Giorgadze and Nana Nozadze, who gave me the impetus and made me fall in love with the
Ancient Near East and Assyriology. Also, to my parents - Givi Gambashidze and Manana Chirakadze,
78
79
Salvini M. 2009-11: 39-42.
კვირკველია გ. 1985: 111-122.
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ისტორია, არქეოლოგია, ეთნოლოგია
who got me acuainted withCaucasology. Together with them, for years, we discussed and debated the
issues and reasons of ethnogenesis of the Georgian tribes.
ბიბლიოგრაფია
Abbreviations:
CTH = Catalogue des Textes Hittites, Paris.
KBo = Kelischrifttexte aus Boghazköy, Berlin.
KUB = Keilschrifturkunden aus Boghazköy, Berlin.
RlA = Reallexikon für Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie, Berlin.
StBoT = Studien zu den Boghazköy Texten, Wiesbaden.
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