Florida International University
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FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations
University Graduate School
11-8-2017
Professionalization of Academic Advising
Craig M. McGill
Florida International University,
[email protected]
DOI: 10.25148/etd.FIDC004030
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FLORIDA INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY
Miami, Florida
THE PROFESSIONALIZATION OF ACADEMIC ADVISING
A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION
in
ADULT EDUCATION & HUMAN RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT
by
Craig Michael McGill
2017
To: Dean Michael R. Heithaus
College of Arts, Sciences and Education
This dissertation, written by Craig Michael McGill and titled The Professionalization of
Academic Advising, having been approved in respect to style and intellectual content, is
referred to you for judgment.
We have read this collected papers dissertation and recommend that it be approved.
_______________________________________
Norma M. Goonen
_______________________________________
Kenneth Lipartito
_______________________________________
Thomas G. Reio, Jr.
_______________________________________
Tonette S. Rocco, Major Professor
Date of Defense: November 8, 2017
The dissertation of Craig Michael McGill is approved.
_______________________________________
Dean Michael R. Heithaus
College of Arts, Sciences and Education
_______________________________________
Andrés G. Gil
Vice President for Research and Economic Development
and Dean of the University Graduate School
Florida International University, 2017
ii
© Copyright 2017 by Craig Michael McGill
All rights reserved.
iii
DEDICATION
This dissertation is dedicated to countless academic advisors, who are not valued,
recognized, or paid what they are due for their tremendously important work in shaping
the lives of millions of college students every year. The work you do changes the world.
iv
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I begin by thanking my committee, Drs. Kenneth Lipartito and Norma Goonen,
for your critical feedback that made my work stronger. I especially thank Dr. Thomas
Reio for your kindness and mentorship through the years. I am forever grateful for the
many lunches you spent with me to discuss projects and ideas! And finally, to my
fabulous chair, Dr. Tonette Rocco: you have made me a better scholar than I ever thought
I could be. Thank you for the countless hours you have spent developing me.
To friends in my doctoral cohort, especially Gisela, Lori, Chaundra, Carolyn,
Keisha, and Eric. Without your support throughout this journey, I honestly don’t know
how I would have done it. Tony, your friendship and constant support have meant the
world to me! To Janie, Asia, April, and others from FIU who have supported me through
the years! And to my boss, Mari Rosado for allowing me to take a leave of absence this
past spring to work on my data analysis. Without this sabbatical from work, I probably
would have been dissertating for a few more years!
To my best girls: Ashley, Amy, Kelly, Veronica, Jessica, Terry, DrewDrew,
Wendy, and Lulu. To my best gents: Scott, Tony, Mark and Drew. Love you all so much.
To my home at FIU, the Department of English. Most especially Carmela, Ellen,
Jason, Andy, Jamie, Heather, Vanessa, and Mike for your undying support of my
profession and my work. You have treated me as a colleague and an equal—and that is
not a privilege that every advisor enjoys, unfortunately.
To my friends and mentors in NACADA, too many to name. I must, however,
single out Charlie, Amy, Jennifer, and Kathleen. There are no words for what you have
done for me personally and professionally.
v
Seven years ago, I read an article—“The Professionalization of Academic
Advising: Where Are We in 2010?”—that changed my academic course. I became
obsessed with professionalization, and the responsibility occupational groups had to
continue to become the best they could be. In the intervening years, the first author of this
article became not only an important academic mentor to me, but also a cheerleader and
friend. He reminded me of my dad. On a few occasions, we enjoyed 3-hour phone calls
talking about life and research. My dissertation study is based on his work and I couldn’t
wait to ultimately share the findings with him and perhaps write with him one day. This
man has done so much for the field of academic advising and for me, personally. We lost
Leigh Shaffer to cancer a few months ago. I will never forget the indelible impact he has
had on my life and the field of academic advising.
To my cousins, aunts, and uncles—to many to mention! To my sweet nieces—
Addie, my Northstar; EllaBear, my mini-me; and Izzy, my ultimate entertainment!—you
are my life. And to my siblings—Elizabeth, Joey, and Matt. Love you long time!
But most of all, to the two of you. For the last ten years, I have been trying to find
my way through life without you. At times, it has felt damn near impossible. In the last
few weeks, people have said really nice and supportive things about you watching down
on me. But finishing this journey without you has been far from easy. I am forever
grateful that my first 24 years of life were spent under your gentle care. I hope that I am
making you proud and living out your legacy in a way that will be of credit to you.
vi
ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION
THE PROFESSIONALIZATION OF ACADEMIC ADVISING
by
Craig Michael McGill
Florida International University, 2017
Miami, Florida
Professor Tonette S. Rocco, Major Professor
The purpose of this collected papers dissertation was to better understand the
professionalization of academic advising. Advising can claim several features of widelyagreed upon professional components, but the question of whether academic advising
constitutes a “profession” has caused much debate. Three primary obstacles stand in its
way: advising is misunderstood and lacks a consistent unifying definition; there has not
been a substantial literature to define the content and methodologies of the field; and
there is insufficient empirical research demonstrating its effectiveness. Two studies were
conducted.
Study #1 was a structured literature review of higher education, student affairs,
and academic advising to understand how these fields have conceptualized their
professional status, especially with respect to clearly defining disciplinary boundaries
given significant overlap with one another, and having insufficient knowledge bases.
Findings were organized by field and revealed three themes in each. Obstacles for higher
education concerned the diversity and rigor of its scholarship, the (mis)conception of
being a singular field, and confounding the field with the industry of higher education.
Themes that emerged from the student affairs literature were scholarship, professional
vii
preparation and development, and community. For academic advising, obstacles were
scholarship, expansion of graduate programs, and community. Implications for the
professionalization for these three fields are: loose boundaries separating the fields,
interconnectedness between educational programs, practitioner’s credential lacks
currency, inconsistent language used in fields, autonomy, and demonstrating
effectiveness.
Study #2, a phenomenological ethnography, sought to further clarify defining
functions of academic advising and to elucidate how further definition of the scope of
academic advising will help professionalize the field. To acquire a description of the
essence of academic advising, approaches from phenomenological and ethnographic
methodologies were used. The analysis revealed that through academic advising, students
learn and develop, make meaning, and connect with a caring institutional representative.
The findings from this dissertation will help inform NACADA: the Global
Community for Academic Advising, to help move academic advising toward
professionalization, further develop academic advisors and position them to be better
scholars, to educate our constituents, and to add to the body of literature on
professionalization in any field.
viii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER
PAGE
I.
COLLECTED PAPERS INTRODUCTION ..........................................................1
Background to the Problem .....................................................................................1
Statement of the Problem .........................................................................................6
Purpose of the Collected Papers ............................................................................10
Conceptual Background for the Collected Papers .................................................10
Research on the Professionalization of Academic Advising .................................21
Description of Collected Papers.............................................................................24
Study #1: Structured Literature Review ..........................................................25
Study #2: Phenomenological Ethnography ......................................................27
Structure of Collected Papers Dissertation ............................................................31
Potential Implication of the Collected Papers Research ........................................31
References ..............................................................................................................32
II.
STUDY #1, STRUCTURED LITERATURE REVIEW—PROFESSIONS ON
THE PERIPHERY? EXAMINING THE PROFESSIONALIZATION OF
HIGHER EDUCATION, STUDENT AFFAIRS, AND ACADEMIC
ADVISING ........................................................................................................... 38
Purpose and Research Questions ...........................................................................41
Method ...................................................................................................................42
Data Collection ................................................................................................42
Data Organization ...........................................................................................46
Data Analysis ...................................................................................................47
Findings..................................................................................................................48
Higher Education .............................................................................................50
Student Affairs .................................................................................................53
Academic Advising ..........................................................................................59
Discussion: Obstacles to Professionalization.........................................................64
Implications: Does Professionalization Matter? ....................................................75
References ..............................................................................................................78
III.
STUDY #2, PHENOMENOLOGICAL EHTNOGRAPHY—TOWARDS
ARTICULATING THE DEFINING FUNCTIONS OF ACADEMIC
ADVISING: CLARIFYING THE CONCEPTUAL CHARACTERISTICS ....... 86
Purpose and Research Question .............................................................................89
Conceptual Framework ..........................................................................................89
Clarifying Defining Function(s) of a Profession .............................................90
Characterization of Academic Advising ..........................................................91
Method ...................................................................................................................92
Phenomenology................................................................................................93
Ethnography .....................................................................................................93
Qualitative Pluralism ......................................................................................93
ix
Sample..............................................................................................................94
Data Collection ................................................................................................96
Data Analysis ...................................................................................................98
Integrity Measures .........................................................................................100
Findings................................................................................................................101
Students Learn and Develop ..........................................................................101
Students Make Meaning ................................................................................104
Students Connect with a Caring Institutional Representative .......................107
Discussion ............................................................................................................109
Implications..........................................................................................................114
Limitations and Future Research .........................................................................116
References ............................................................................................................119
IV.
CONCLUSIONS..................................................................................................126
Summary of Study #1 ..........................................................................................126
Summary of Study #2 ..........................................................................................127
Overview of the Findings of the Collected Papers ..............................................129
Overall Implications of the Collected Papers ......................................................131
Conclusion ...........................................................................................................141
References ............................................................................................................142
APPENDICES ................................................................................................................147
VITA ...............................................................................................................................151
x
CHAPTER I
COLLECTED PAPERS INTRODUCTION
This collected papers dissertation examined the status of academic advising as a
profession and a field. The background to the problem, problem statement, overarching
purpose, conceptual framework, previous research on professionalization in academic
advising, description of collected papers, potential implications, and the structure of the
collected papers dissertation are presented in Chapter I.
Background to the Problem
Professionalization, “the process by which a nonprofessional occupation is
transformed into a vocation with the attributes of a profession” (Shaffer, Zalewsi, &
Leveille, 2010, p. 68), is a major opportunity for many occupations in contemporary
American society (Pavalko, 1988). Although fields such as medicine, theology, and law
have held the status of profession for hundreds of years, newer emerging fields have
sought to gain a societal seal of approval during the 20th and 21st centuries to gain respect
and influence (Abbott & Meerabeau, 1998). A great deal is at stake for people working in
areas that have not yet been deemed a profession because “professionals wield great
power in determining what goes on in our society” (Merriam & Brockett, 2007, p. 218).
Marginalized and/or misunderstood fields face obstacles in vying for resources to which
established fields have access. Professionalizing occupations is one means of improving
reputation and public understanding of their work (Cervero, 1992).
Academic advising is one field that currently strives for professionalization
(Shaffer, Zalewsi, & Leveille, 2010; Aiken-Wisniewski, Johnson, Larson, & Barkemeyer,
1
2015; Johnson, Larson & Barkemeyer, 2015). Situated within higher education, academic
advising involves:
a series of intentional interactions with a curriculum, a pedagogy, and a set of
student learning outcomes. Academic advising synthesizes and contextualizes
students’ educational experiences within the frameworks of their aspirations,
abilities and lives to extend learning beyond campus boundaries and timeframes.
(NACADA, 2006)
Although the practice of academic advising has existed in some form since the colonial
era, it is only within the last century that an organized movement to shape the field has
taken root (Shaffer, et al., 2010).
To show how academic advising has advanced to the point of seeking
professionalization as a distinct independent field, it is necessary to outline briefly its
evolution in American higher education. Some scholars trace the roots of academic
advising to the beginning of higher education in America, dividing it into four different
eras (Cate & Miller, 2015; Cook, 2009). The four-era categorization is somewhat
problematic because it presupposes that faculty and students were aware of academic
advising as an independent function in the early years of colonial America. However, this
framework does give some context as to how the field has conceptualized its history
within the broader context of American higher education and thus, is worth outlining
briefly.
During the first era (1636-1870), academic advising was not examined or defined
as something distinct from other educational practices that occurred in higher education
(Gillispie, 2003; Kuhn, 2008). Academic advising was conducted as one of many duties
of faculty members who were also charged with research, teaching, and administrative
responsibilities. Faculty began to specialize in certain subjects and took students studying
2
those areas under their wing. Students were encouraged to grow into independent
thinkers and to take charge of their educational destinies: “The mind was viewed as a tool
to be sharpened, and (required) subjects like Latin, Greek, and mathematics were the
favored sharpening stones” (Kuhn, 2008, p. 4). Thus, academic advising was critically
unexamined because it was not viewed as an independent, educative function (Cook,
2001).
The modern conception of advising began to take place in the later 19th century,
as institutions grew more diverse, with more fields of study and career options available
for students. In the second era (1870-1970), new institutions were developed and existing
institutions expanded their missions to accommodate the growing number and diversity
of students. Additionally, in the increasingly industrialized nation, the number of majors
and career options for students increased. Thus, “as institutions grew in size and
complexity, and as more was demanded of faculty members in the way of research and
service, traditional faculty responsibilities gradually unbundled, spawning new roles and
positions, one of which was the academic advisor” (Kuhn, 2008, p. 5). Because of the
increase in number and diversity of students and the continually expansive opportunities
available, students required more guidance from trained professionals. The role of
advisor was expanded and more pronounced as schools began offering students the
opportunity to choose electives (Schulenberg & Lindhorst, 2008). A prime example is
Johns Hopkins University, which in the 1870s offered seven areas of study analogous to a
“major” in higher education today (Hawkins, 1960). Although the advisor role was
increasing in its importance and required people who had advanced skills, these roles
were often viewed as clerical, and university officials had little interest in examining their
3
importance and role of influence in the student college experience (Schulenberg &
Lindhorst, 2008).
Organized attempts to professionalize the field of academic advising began during
the third era of academic advising (1970-2002) (Cate & Miller, 2015). Seminal articles
by Crookston (1972) and O’Banion (1972) helped situate the formation of the emerging
discipline by offering some theoretical and philosophical groundwork, exploring what it
meant to “advise.” However, student affairs professionals and faculty doing work in
advising during this time had no forum where they could present their work and have
conversations specifically about advising. That changed at a chance meeting in an
elevator at the American College Personnel Association conference in Denver in April
1977 between two colleagues looking for a forum to speak about issues related
specifically to academic advising (T. Grites, Personal Communication, March 23, 2013).
Together, they planned the first conference on academic advising. The number of
attendees at this conference (250) exceeded all expectations. With such a high attendance,
plans were underway for a second conference, which led to the formation of the National
Academic Advising Association (NACADA) (NACADA, 2004).
From its humble beginnings, NACADA helped guide the field through the third
era of advising, known as the “Developmental Era.” The third era was a time when the
practice “moved beyond the advisor prescribing students with a course of action; advisors
were expected to recognize the root cause of student concerns and help students identify
and develop the skills needed to address their issues” (Cate & Miller, 2015, p. 39).
College administrators began to see the need for dedicated individuals trained to work
with students with skill sets to “address a wide range of academic, environmental, and
4
interpersonal issues” (Cate & Miller, 2015, p. 40). Over the third era of advising, the
number of campuses utilizing primary-role advisors (those in roles dedicated specifically
to advising students) expanded from 2% in 1979 (Carstensen & Silberhorn, 1979) to 72%
in 1997 (Habley & Morales, 1998). These factors significantly shaped the status of
academic advising during the third era (Schulenberg & Lindhorst, 2008).
In the fourth era (2002-present), academic advising practitioners and scholars are
charged with grappling with clarifying the definition of the activity to professionalize the
field. Beginning in 1981, NACADA began publishing a bi-annual refereed (ERICindexed) journal. In 1990, the executive office was established at Kansas State University
(KSU). In 2003, to help the field in crafting a definition to clarify its identity, president
Virginia Gordon commanded a task force to recommend “specific categories of advising
competencies that all effective advisors should be able to demonstrate” (Gordon, 2003,
para. 2). Seven competencies for academic advisors were recommended: foundations
knowledge; knowledge of college student characteristics; knowledge of higher education;
career advising knowledge and skills; communication and interpersonal skills; knowledge
and application of advising skills at local institutions; and technological knowledge and
skills (Gordon, 2003). As the result of the report developed from this task force, Kansas
State University developed a fully online graduate certificate in 2003, which expanded to
a master’s degree in 2008. In 2005, another task force was formulated to develop an
operating definition of academic advising (Grites & Gordon, 2009). Because the task
force felt that academic advising was so expansive and impossible to distill down to an
operational definition, the group instead proposed a concept of academic advising “based
in the teaching and learning mission of higher education” with “a curriculum (what
5
advising deals with), pedagogy (how advising does what it does), and student learning
outcomes (the result of academic advising)” (NACADA, 2006, para 7).
Throughout the years, NACADA has been steadily growing and now has over
13,000 members in 32 countries (L. Cunningham, personal communication, November
16, 2016). To reflect the international reach of its members, the association changed its
name to “the Global Community for Academic Advising” (but retaining the acronym
NACADA). In some form, there are academic advisors on every college campus. In some
places, academic advisors hold non-tenure or even tenure-earning faculty positions
specifically for advising. It would appear to some that university provosts and
presidents—as well as institutional retention and graduation initiatives—support those
working in advising roles.
Statement of the Problem
With one recent exception (Aiken-Wisniewski et al., 2015), there has been no
empirical work examining academic advising as a profession. Scholars have analyzed
academic advising through the lens of sociological literature of how occupations become
accepted professions (Shaffer, et al., 2010) and offered perspectives on its status as an
academic discipline (Kuhn & Padak, 2008) and a field of inquiry (Aiken-Wisniewski et
al., 2015; Habley, 2009; Johnson, Larson & Barkemeyer, 2015; Schulenberg &
Lindhorst, 2008).
Academic advising can claim several features of widely-agreed upon professional
components. However, the question of whether or not academic advising constitutes a
“profession” has caused much debate (Aiken-Wisniewski et al., 2015; Habley, 2009;
Kuhn & Padak, 2008; McGill, 2013; McGill & Nutt, 2016; Shaffer, et al., 2010). Three
6
primary obstacles stand in the way of the professionalization of academic advising. First,
academic advising is misunderstood and lacks a consistent unifying definition
(Schulenberg & Lindhorst, 2008). Even those in national leadership roles focused on
discerning the history, theory and philosophy of academic advising disagree about its
definition and purpose and practitioners often have difficulty describing it or are not
happy about the ways in which it is sometimes discussed (Robbins, Shaffer, & Burton,
2016). In 2005, NACADA president Jo Anne Huber charged a task force to create a
definition for academic advising. Unable to design such a statement, the group drafted a
“concept” of academic advising, describing a curriculum, pedagogy, and learning
outcomes (NACADA, 2005).
Additionally, attempts to define the field often center on convenient analogues,
the most popular of which has become “advising is teaching.” However, the excessive
dependency on these analogues “obscures the uniqueness of academic advising and
masks the importance of the scholarship that underlies its practice” (Schulenberg &
Lindhorst, 2008, p. 43). In asserting that advising is advising, the authors argued that
advisors lacked the language needed to describe both the practice of academic advising
and its scholarly identity independent of other fields and professions” (Schulenberg &
Lindhorst, 2008, p. 44). Another recent study revealed that advisors were frustrated by
the inconsistency of job titles and responsibilities and practitioner backgrounds even
within their own campuses (Aiken-Wisniewski et al., 2015). “For advising to enjoy selfjurisdiction, the field of advising must create a clear definition of the occupation, to
include the responsibilities, procedures, scope of practice, and professional practices all
advisers would follow” (Adams et al., 2013, para 10). Thus, although academic advising
7
in some form has been a part of higher education since the seventeenth century, its role is
misunderstood by stakeholders including administrators, faculty and staff, students, and,
advisors themselves. Indeed, there is little consensus on what advising is or ought to be
(Habley, 2009; Kuhn & Padak, 2008; Schulenberg & Lindhorst, 2008; Shaffer, et al.,
2010).
Second, since the seminal articles by O’Banion (1972) and Crookston (1972),
there has not been a substantial knowledge base to define the content and methodologies
of the field (Habley, 2009; Kuhn & Padak, 2008; Shaffer, et al., 2010). The field
is not widely recognized as an important area of scholarship by those who study
higher education…Those who advise—either as teaching faculty members or as
professional advisors—are often keenly aware of the ambiguous status and
purpose of academic advising and advisors’ efforts to contribute to scholarship
are often unsupported by their institutions. (Schulenberg & Lindhorst, 2008, p.
17)
The field literature has been described as a “constellation of student services in
higher education” (Huggett, 2000, p. 48). McGillin (2000) named critical areas for
academic advising research: generating theory to elucidate what tasks constitute
academic advising and which do not; the need to study advisors, what they do, and who
they are; substantiate the claim that advising impacts retention and persistence; and
engage with collaborative projects within traditional academic disciplines. Schulenberg
and Lindhorst (2008) offered recommendations on the ways the knowledge base could be
expanded to help refine the purpose and function of academic advising. Indeed, although
the NACADA Journal has disseminated research twice a year since 1981 and three other
scholarly newsletters regularly offer practitioner insights on their professional work, an
insufficient scholarly foundation has been identified as a major barrier to
8
professionalization (Habley, 2009; Hagen, Kuhn, & Padak, 2010; Kuhn & Padak, 2008;
Schulenberg & Lindhorst, 2008; Shaffer, et al., 2010).
Finally, there is insufficient empirical research demonstrating the effectiveness of
academic advising. One recent landmark empirical study from the Center for Public
Education found that students at two-year or four-year institutions who met with an
academic advisor “either ‘sometimes’ or ‘often’” improved their odds of persisting by
53% (Klepfer & Hull, 2012, p. 8). Additionally, although scholars have analyzed
academic advising through the lens of sociological literature of how occupations become
accepted professions (Shaffer, et al., 2010) and as an academic discipline (Kuhn &
Padak, 2008) or field of inquiry (Habley, 2009), until recently (Aiken-Wisniewski et al.,
2015), there were no empirical studies that have gauged the attitudes of practitioners,
advising administrators, and scholars in the field of academic advising. Additionally, of
the empirical scholarship related to advising as a profession, most studies are quantitative
(Tokarczyk, 2012). Empirically demonstrating the effectiveness of academic advising is
directly tied to professionalizing the field (Kerr, 2000; Padak & Kuhn, 2009; Trombley &
Homes, 1981).
Despite much scholarly deliberation and discourse, academic advising and its role
in higher education remains misunderstood by university stakeholders, including faculty
and staff, students, and advisors themselves. In the last 25 years, the field has striven for
professionalization, a process whereby an occupation seeks to gain professional status
(Bullock & Trombley, 1999; Pavalko, 1988; Wilensky, 1964).
9
Purpose of the Collected Papers
The purpose of this collected papers dissertation is to explore the
professionalization of academic advising and the ways its leaders and practitioners view
professionalization. Understanding the state of the professionalization of academic
advising will help to determine what needs are still unmet and what gaps need to be
filled. Two studies using different methods (structured literature review,
phenomenological ethnography) were conducted as a part of this research.
Conceptual Background for the Collected Papers
The conceptual framework for this dissertation revolves around what constitutes
the process of “professionalization.” The study of vocations, occupations, and professions
is well over a century old. Early in the twentieth century, Flexner (1915/2001) questioned
if social work had met the criteria to be considered a “profession” and outlined the ways
in which several occupations were or were not professions. Since the 1960s, the
sociological literature has moved beyond discussing what constitutes a profession to
matters of how occupations become professions and the process by which fields are
professionalized.
Professionalization occurs when an “occupation transforms itself through the
development of formal qualifications based upon education, apprenticeship, and
examinations, the emergence of regulatory bodies with powers to admit and discipline
members, and some degree of monopoly rights” (Bullock & Trombley, 1999, p. 689).
Because professionals have much to gain in both economic and social benefits,
professionalization is major concern for working groups in contemporary American
10
society (Larson, 2013). Indeed, many occupational groups believe there is much to be
gained through the designation of a profession (Freidson, 1994).
Until society views an occupational group as a profession, they may experience
professional marginality (Pavalko, 1988). Borrowed from the field of sociology (first
described by Park [1928] and expanded by Stonequist [1937]), marginality described “the
immigrant who sought to disaffiliate from the immigrant group and become a member of
the dominant culture” (Pavalko, 1988, p. 42). Professional marginality, then, describes
semi-professions, quasi-professions, professions in progress, and mimic professions
seeking to professionalize. They might encounter “contradictions and inconsistencies in
the extent to which [they] exhibit the characteristics of a profession” (p. 42), but continue
to seek the societal recognition and status of being a bona fide profession.
The terms “profession,” “professional,” and “professionalization” have many
uses—colloquially and in more technical terms—and people have varied understandings
of what they mean. These variations are confusing and convolute the discussions
surrounding the professionalization of fields. Colloquially, a “professional” has been
defined as someone who earns money for a task, does excellent work, and is contrasted
with someone who is an amateur (Pavalko, 1988). On the other hand, “unprofessional” is
sometimes used as an insult. “Professional” is often used as an adjective that defines
behavior (“professional behavior”) or authority (one’s “professional judgment”) (Abbott
& Meerabeau, 1998). Profession itself has been conceptualized as a full-time activity that
carries some level of prestige with practitioners who are experts in some specialized field
(Pavalko, 1988). Although a profession is generally agreed to be an occupation with
“high status [and] high financial rewards,” (Abbot & Meerabeau, 1998, p.2), those
11
occupations that constitute professions and those that do not have been subject to much
dispute among sociologists of occupations (Shaffer, et al., 2010).
The reductive exercise of determining whether an occupation is or is not a
“profession” is not productive in and of itself (Hughes, 1963). However, focusing on the
process of professionalizing and considering an occupational group’s strengths and
weaknesses in terms of professional characteristics can only improve the work life of its
practitioners and by extension, the clients they serve. Despite a century of studying these
processes, there has been little consensus regarding the sociological features of the
professionalization process (Shaffer, et al., 2010). Although many models of
professionalization exist (Abbott, 1988; Goode, 1957; Moore, 1970; Pavalko, 1988;
Wilensky, 1964), the studies in this dissertation will be guided by two models: Pavlako
(1988) and Houle (1980). Both models were developed after several years of studying a
variety of occupations and teasing out the consistent aspects that characterize professions.
Pavalko (1988)
Pavalko’s (1988) model was developed from the study of occupations from the
1930s-1970s (Cogan, 1955; Goode, 1957; Greenwood, 1957; Moore, 1970; Parsons,
1939; Wilensky, 1964). In exploring the social phenomenon of work, he noted the
various roles work plays in our lives—as a social role, a link to the social structure, and
as source of identity—as well as an occupation’s ability to yield power in society through
social stratification. His model is concerned with “understanding the sources of
occupational differentiation, the motivations and strategies used by occupational groups
in the quest for power and prestige in the workplace, and the consequences of
achievement or failing to achieve collective power and prestige” (Pavalko, 1988, p. 11-
12
12). From his study of the sociological literature of professions, he developed eight
dimensions of ideal professions: (a) theory and intellectual technique; (b) relevance to
social values; (c) training period; (d) motivation; (e) autonomy; (f) commitment; (g)
sense of community; and (h) codes of ethics.
Each dimension had a non-professional-professional continuum, allowing an
occupation to be considered for its professional assets in each of these different
dimensions. The classic professions of law and medicine are at the root of many of these
discussions, but through his study, Pavalko (1988) determined that not all professions fit
well into these models. Questions that guided these studies included “What is distinctive
and different about the professions?” and “What do the professions have that other
occupations don’t have?” (Pavalko, 1988, p. 19). Pavalko (1988) placed each of these
dimensions on a nonprofessional-professional continuum (see Table 1). Thus, the
consideration for an occupational group was the degree to which an occupation exhibits
qualities of a profession in each of these dimensions, rather than merely being a checklist
of whether it meets the criteria or not.
Table 1
Eight Dimensions of Pavalko’s (1998) Nonprofession-Profession Continuum.
13
The first attribute considers the degree to which the occupation has established a
literature base of specialized and/or esoteric knowledge needed to practice. A
professional is expected to master the methods and literature of the discipline to practice.
This knowledge base may be highly scientific or not. For instance, Pavalko (1988)
contrasts medicine—which requires a high degree of specialized knowledge in Biology,
Chemistry, Physics, etc.—with the knowledge of law, which is a “highly elaborate and
certainly esoteric body of knowledge” (p. 20), but not scientific.
Second, a profession is distinguished from other occupations on the basis of how
relevant it is to society. Members of society reach out to professionals during crisis
because they have expert knowledge and skills that laypeople do not. Pavalko (1988)
maintains that nonprofessions are perceived as nonessential in times of societal crises
whereas professionals are called upon to solve the greatest social issues of the day.
Although all occupations require training of some kind, professional training
differs from non-professions in four ways. First, the more extensive training required, the
further it is on the professional end of the continuum: long tertiary periods of training
characterize the classic professions of law and medicine, for example. The second
difference is the degree of required specialized knowledge, which is contested because of
the specialized work of most industrial occupations. But the important difference is how
much the work can be tied to a body of specialized knowledge. Third, professions tend to
have more conceptual aspects of training than other occupations: “There is an emphasis
on the importance of mastering the ability to manipulate ideas, symbols, concepts and
principles rather than things and physical objects” (Pavalko, 1988, p. 23). Finally,
14
training for professional work consists not only of job functions, but also of norms,
values, socialization, and learning the culture. In short, the content is more elaborate than
that of other occupations.
In Pavalko’s (1988) model, the focus “is not on identifying what really motivates
people to work” but “the degree to which work groups emphasize the ideal of service to
clients and the public as their primary objective and as one of the values of the
occupational subculture” (p. 23). In the ideal conception of the model, professionals are
most interested in serving the needs of their clients and are not motivated by monetary
gain. Pavalko acknowledges that an analysis of the professionalization of an occupation
cannot generalize the motives for all of its practitioners. But, the ideal of motivation
remains important to the growth of the profession. Other important features of the
motivation characteristic are service to a vulnerable client, and that some professionals
experience a “calling” to a service profession (such as the clergy).
Autonomy is associated with self-regulation and self-control, which allow a
profession “the freedom and power…to regulate their own work behavior and working
conditions” (Pavalko, 1988, p. 25). Of all the characteristics distinguishing professions
from non-professions, autonomy is the most important (Pavalko, 1988). There are two
levels of autonomy: of the occupational group and of the individual. On the group level,
autonomy denotes that only those with sufficient knowledge, expertise, and training can
perform the work, creating an exclusion criterion for individual workers: only those with
some form of credential (whatever is required by the occupational group) can practice.
Individual autonomy is also a feature of professionalism: a professional is expected to be
self-driven and motivated, and able to perform work without constant supervision. S/he is
15
expected to have the necessary credibility to make professional judgments independently,
whether with clients or with other workers.
Sixth, the decision to enter a profession is one weighed very carefully by a
practitioner. As such, because of the training and specialized knowledge required, it is
expected that members of a profession have entered this profession for the long-term, if
not for the remainder of working life.
Seventh, members of a profession are part of a community of practitioners in
which there is a “common identity and common destiny” (Pavalko, 1988, p. 27). Cultural
norms and connections between people often extend past the professional boundaries into
non-work life/social activities. The sharing of values is important, as is the commitment
each has to the profession. The community socializes new professionals and extends past
geographical boundaries.
Finally, written or unwritten, codes of ethics are systems “of norms that are part
of the occupational subculture” (Pavalko, 1988, p. 28). These guide the ethical behavior
of the professional. Although more elaborate codes of ethics suggest that occupations
have become more professionalized, it should not imply that members of occupational
groups without such explicit codes are unethical, less honest or trustworthy. Likewise, the
existence of codes of ethical conduct does not imply that all practitioners belonging to a
profession are ethical. But, codes of ethics—written to encompass the various aspects,
outlining idealistic behaviors, values, levels of knowledge, skills, etc.—can strengthen
other features of the attribute model.
Although it is the ideal for a work group to score high on the professional end for
all eight dimensions, these professions do not exist. Similarly, there is no occupation in
16
which all dimensions are entirely absent. Thus, the model is “a heuristic device rather
than a description of actual work groups” (Pavalko, 1988, p. 29). All work groups,
therefore, enjoy aspects of professional dimensions and might strive to improve along the
nonprofessional-professional continuum in other areas. For instance, the need for a
specialized body of knowledge for a profession is not meant to imply that workers at the
non-professional end are not working from knowledge. But scrutinizing the degree of
specialized and sophisticated knowledge base needed to practice in the occupation can
inform an occupation group. Reflecting on these dimensions can guide occupational
groups in thinking about professionalizing elements of their practice.
Houle (1980)
The second model informing this dissertation was described by Houle (1980).
Though 20 years of research on 17 different professions, Houle distilled 14
characteristics that make up a profession. Table 2 shows these characteristics within one
of three larger categories: conceptual, performance, and collective identity.
Table 2
Houle’s 14 Aspects of Professionalization
17
The conceptual characteristic is primarily concerned with a professional group
“clarifying its defining function(s)” (Houle, 1980, p. 35). A defining function is essential
for a profession to guide those who are working in the field. A profession has a clear
mission and purpose so that non-professionals understand what those professions do.
Practitioners in long-standing professions may be able to get by without thinking too
deeply about the mission and function of their work, but this can lead to misguided,
subpar, or even unethical practice (Houle, 1980). Non-professions or emerging
professions may lack a central mission that is agreed upon by its body of practitioners.
There may be alternative or even conflicting ideas about the nature of the work. But
defining a mission with widespread agreement is critical to advancing a field.
The performance characteristics—mastery of theoretical knowledge, capacity to
solve problems, use of practical knowledge, self-enhancement—are so interconnected
that they “often overlap in both theory and practice” (Houle, 1980, p. 40). Members of a
profession are expected to apply practical and theoretical knowledge to creatively solve
the problems of the discipline. Whereas theoretical knowledge is developed in pursuit of
truth, practical knowledge evolves from the application of theoretical knowledge within
the discipline. The two types of knowledge cannot be fully separated, and a professional
must be able to use and contribute to both types. Self-enhancement refers to an
individual’s “self-guided development” (p. 47) by gaining knowledge in both work (i.e.,
professional) and non-work domains. The quest for learning provides “an indispensable
basis for occupational excellence” (p. 47). In other words, a professional learns not only
the knowledge needed to perform the job at hand, but also broadens his or her own
knowledge to apply it—in collaboration with others—to solve occupational problems.
18
The last set of characteristics focus on establishing a collective identity that builds
upon the “systems and structures that foster and maintain conceptual and competency
characteristics” (Houle, 1980, p. 49). In this regard, Houle contrasted occupations seeking
to professionalize “from other advanced fields of work” (e.g., artists) who claim
conceptual and performance characteristics but are not looking to unite a profession
based on occupational identity. Houle (1980) argued that most professionals required
formal training as a necessary pre-requisite to practice in the field. The formal training
might be a degree or a certificate and in some cases, might be monitored or accredited by
an agency or professional association. Professional associations can also serve as a
cultural center for an occupational group or a community of practice for the practitioner.
Although all worker groups must follow certain laws (e.g., minimum wage, child labor,
etc.), members of professions often feel entitled to special legal reinforcement, allowing
them, for example, to have exclusive rights to practice, or power to make legally-binding
decisions. They might also act to influence public policy on issues related to their
professional work.
One of the ways a profession’s collective identity can be shaped is to consider
how it is viewed by those outside of the field. In some ways, public acceptance is at the
heart of a working group’s desire to professionalize because as a collective symbol
(Becker, 1956), it signals that their work has value to society. Houle (1980)
acknowledged that public understanding—let alone acceptance—is very difficult for
occupations to ever achieve. Professions often construct codes of ethics that guide
practice, as well as determine the consequences for those who do not behave in a
professional, ethical, or competent manner. Through the process of professionalization,
19
occupational groups articulate their distinctive functions, specifically, in relation to other
vocations. This process come through articulating role differentiation from other
professionals, paraprofessionals, or support staff. Finally, the role of the occupation to the
users of that service must be considered. The classical model that follows medicine and
law puts the professional-client dyad—whereby the professional gives a service and the
client pays—in the center. The model does not work with several occupational roles
where the services are not directly paid by the beneficiaries of that service: clergy, police
office, school teacher, etc. (Bidwell, 1970; Houle, 1980). Thus, guidelines or rules about
the nature of the relationship between professional service provider and the user of that
service are important.
In contrast to the early work of Flexner (1915) who classified types of work as
either occupations or professions, Houle emphasized “the extent to which the criteria [for
professionalization] are met” (Merriam & Brockett, 2007, p. 219). Instead of focusing on
whether or not an occupation is a profession, the framework is useful in assessing where
a given field is in the process of professionalization and where the occupation can aspire
to go. This process is critical because “an awareness of how professions are defined and
how society views them can give us an understanding of what it means to
professionalize” (Merriam & Brockett, 2007, p. 220). It is by considering various
elements of professionalization that a field can begin to determine what they have and
what they need to improve their professional status (Hughes, 1963). For instance, in their
assessment of the professionalization of the field of adult education, Knox and Fleming
(2010) built on Houle (1980), posing the following areas for professionalization of the
field: (a) the essence of the field, (b) its distinctive nature, (c) the various roles performed
20
by the practitioners, (d) the career stages, (e) the influences on professionalization, (f) the
contributions of professional associations, (g) disciplinary parameters of the field, and (h)
future directions.
Both models emphasize that these are dimensions (Pavalko, 1988) or
characteristics (Houle, 1980) of professions and that occupations do not exist in a binary
of either “profession” or “non-profession.” A focus on the process, therefore, provides a
framework for working groups to consider their assets in these areas and consider where
they might seek to develop or professionalize.
Research on the Professionalization of Academic Advising
In exploring the status of academic advising, Shaffer, et al. (2010) applied the lens
of sociological literature that examines how various occupations became professions.
They concluded that advising had not yet achieved various benchmarks to be considered
a profession. Shaffer, et al. (2010) build from the framework of Wilensky (1964) who
delineates four stages of professionalization: creating occupations (which itself, consists
of four trajectories), establishing schools, forming associations, and ratifying codes.
Although the authors chart academic advising through all four stages of
professionalization, they note an important anomaly: The chartering of NACADA (stage
three) predated the establishment of schools/body of scholarly knowledge (stage two).
Although non-sequential order was not unprecedented in Wilensky’s study, when
professionalization runs rampant before a clear establishment of a scholarly base, the
results are not always favorable. Thus, Shaffer, et al. (2010) urged scholars and
practitioners to note this disparity between an active professional association guiding
practice on every college campus in the nation and the lack of a sufficient scholarship to
21
deem academic advising as an academic discipline, field of inquiry, and profession. The
authors suggested that a standard knowledge base for the field is its primary concern for
future professionalization.
Habley (2009) examined academic advising as “a field of inquiry” (p. 76).
Through a content analysis of the NACADA Journal, The Clearinghouse of Academic
Advising Resources, abstracts from conference presentations, and other journals, articles
and dissertations (using ERIC hits on “academic advising”), Habley concluded that the
field had not made substantial progress since the early 1980s in laying claim to a
sufficient knowledge base. Without research substantiating the effectiveness of advising,
…the case for the importance of academic advising can be neither built nor
sustained…Without the implementation of a plan to substantiate the claim that it
makes a difference in the lives of students and thereby enhances institutional
effectiveness, advising will most certainly remain a peripheral and clerical
activity on many campuses. (Habley, 2009, p. 82)
Several recommendations were made. First, focusing on the development of core
graduate curricula distinct from higher education and student affairs so that future
scholars could be trained in a variety of research methodologies. Relatedly, the number of
graduate programs focusing on academic advising needed to be expanded: if having a
graduate credential was an important marker of professionalization for the field, a single
master’s program at Kansas State University could not sustain an entire field. Finally, the
field should be more intentional with fostering research collaborations between advising
practitioners and faculty members.
Kuhn and Padak (2008) explored the potential for academic advising as a
discipline. Noting the traditional views of advising as a faculty responsibility and service,
they scrutinized the definition of a field. Although the definitions of field that they give
22
allow for advising to be called a field, they argue that this definition says very little about
its essence: all disciplines are fields, but not all fields can be said to be academic
disciplines. They conclude that the literature of academic advising is not substantial,
unique and far-reaching enough to be a discipline and that more graduate programs must
be developed to produce researchers.
To examine the issues of professionalization of academic advising identified in
the literature, Aiken-Wisniewski et al. (2015) designed a study of academic advisors’
perception of the field. Their research was guided by two questions: “How do advisors
describe the occupation of academic advising?” and “How do advisors describe a
profession?” (p. 61). To conduct their study, Aiken-Wisniewski et al. (2015) traveled to
six geographic regions across the US and conducted focus groups at NACADA regional
conferences. Forty-seven participants agreed to participate in their focus groups. Their
demographics are as follows:
•57% had been working in academic advising for 5 or more years with an average
of 4.73 years in the current position;
•80% had completed a graduate degree;
•70% identified as a staff advisor and the rest of the sample identified as faculty
members, peers, interns, or graduate assistants;
•The average amount of time spent on academic advising responsibilities was
reported at 80%;
•78% of respondents were female;
•70% identified as White;
•40% specifically chose a career in academic advising;
(Aiken-Wisniewski et al., 2015, p. 63)
The findings indicate that academic advising is inconsistently defined and practiced
through varying different HR titles, practitioners with differing academic and work
backgrounds, differing work responsibilities, and vastly differing reward structures. The
authors suggested that institutions need to review position descriptions for more
23
consistency with respect to job duties, functions and titles, and to define standard
caseload sizes. The field should continue to focus on professionalization so that advising
will become a “more universally recognized and intentional career choice” (p. 68). The
authors also underscored the importance of continuing to research issues of
professionalization of the field: “By continuing the research on the advisor position and
the concept of a professional from multiple perspectives, the field of advising will
continue to evolve” (p. 69).
Description of Collected Papers
The fulfillment of this collected papers dissertation took place across two studies
related to the professionalization of academic advising. Table 3 presents the running title,
method, and publication outlet for each of the studies in this collected papers dissertation.
These studies are further described in the sections that follow.
Table 3. Collected Papers Studies 1-3.
Study #1
Title
Research
Questions
Method
Conceptual
Framework
Journal
Study #2
Professions on the Periphery?
Examining the Professionalization
of Higher Education, Student
Affairs and Academic Advising
What characteristics of
professionalization have been
discussed in the literature of these
fields since 1980? How has this
impacted their development as
distinctive and independent
professions?
Structured literature review
(Rocco, Stein, & Lee, 2003)
Towards Articulating the defining
functions of academic advising:
Clarifying the conceptual
characteristic
What are the essential features of
academic advising?
Sociology of Occupations and
Professions
Continuing Learning in the
Professions (Houle, 1980)
Review of Higher Education
(APA 6th)
Research in Higher Education (APA
6th)
24
Phenomenological ethnography
(Maggs‐Rapport, 2000)
Study #1: Structured Literature Review
As academic advising only ever occurs within the higher education setting, it is
tied directly to that context. In some places, academic advising is situated in academic
affairs. At other campuses, it falls under student affairs. However, both student affairs
and, to a lesser degree, higher education are sometimes discussed as fields and
independent professions. However, each is intricately connected to each other. All three
fields face professional marginality (Pavalko, 1988) and each has its own history and
barriers to professionalization. Examining the literature of these three fields will help to
elucidate how they have professionalized, especially with respect to clearly defining
disciplinary boundaries (sharing significant overlap with one another) and having
insufficient literature.
Purpose and research question. The purpose of this structured literature review
(Rocco, Stein, & Lee, 2003) is to systematically examine the literature in higher
education, student affairs, and academic advising since 1980 to understand how these
fields have conceptualized their professional status. This literature review will be guided
by the research questions: What characteristics of professionalization have been
discussed in the literature of these fields since 1980? How has this impacted their
development as distinctive and independent professions?
Method. The data collection involved four inter-related phases: database selection
and search (Phase I), scanning reference lists articles found in Phase I (Phase II), Google
Scholar “Cited by” search (Phase III), and further database search (Phase IV). A
university librarian was consulted to determine the most appropriate search terms and
databases. “Professionalization” was selected as the primary search term and combined in
25
three separate searches with “higher education,” “student affairs,” and “academic
advising.” All document titles were read looking for relevance to the research question.
Special attention was paid to keywords: “profession,” “professionalism,”
“professionalization,” “fields,” “occupation,” along with “higher education,” “student
affairs,” and “academic advising.” After eliminations, a total of 13 articles were selected
to be analyzed from the databases. In phase II, the reference sections of all 13 articles
were scanned for relevant articles that would meet the criteria for inclusion. Reference to
“profession,” “discipline,” “field,” “professionalizing,” and “professionalization” or any
similar term was considered. When a new article was added to the accepted list, the same
process of scanning the references was performed. All accepted articles from phases I and
II were put into Google Scholar and lists of who cited the articles were produced. For
each article, the researcher performed a similar scanning process, as described in Phase
II, to find any potentially relevant articles. To ensure that the scope of the search was
sufficient, the search as described in Phase I was repeated on additional databases.
Although no additional articles were added from this phase, it increased confidence that
all relevant literature on professionalization in three fields had been gathered.
Analysis and findings. The final sample of 49 articles was separated by field and
read and coded separately to uncover themes regarding the professionalization process in
each field. The articles were coded thematically (Boyatzis, 1998), inspected for both
manifest-content (directly observable) and latent content (underlying the phenomenon).
The findings were organized by field and the analysis revealed three themes in each field.
Obstacles for the professionalization of higher education concerned the diversity and
rigor of its scholarship, the (mis)conception of it being a singular field, and confounding
26
the field of higher education with the industry of higher education. Themes that emerged
from the student affairs literature were issues with scholarship, professional preparation
and development, and community. For academic advising, the obstacles were issues with
scholarship, the expansion of graduate programs, and community. The implications for
the professionalization for these three fields are: (a) loose boundaries separating the
fields, (b) interconnectedness between educational programs, (c) practitioner’s credential
lacks currency, (d) inconsistent language used in fields, (e) autonomy, and (f)
demonstrating effectiveness.
Publication submission and formatting. This first study of the collected papers
was submitted to Research in Higher Education on September, 24, 2017, which requires
that the paper be formatted to APA (6th ed.).
Study #2: Phenomenological Ethnography
The question of whether or not academic advising constitutes a “profession” has
caused much debate (Aiken-Wisniewski et al., 2015; Habley, 2009; Kuhn & Padak, 2008;
McGill, 2013; McGill & Nutt, 2016; Shaffer et al., 2010). One of the primary obstacles is
that academic advising is misunderstood and lacks a consistent unifying definition
(Himes, 2014; Schulenberg & Lindhorst, 2008). A second concern is that attempts to
define the field often center on convenient analogues, the most popular of which has
become “advising is teaching.” However, the excessive dependency on these analogues,
“obscures the uniqueness of academic advising and masks the importance of the
scholarship that underlies its practice” (Schulenberg & Lindhorst, 2008, p. 43). In
asserting that advising is advising, Schulenberg and Lindhorst (2008) argued that
advisors “lacked the language needed to describe both the practice of academic advising
27
and its scholarly identity independent of other fields and professions” (p. 44). Despite
much scholarly deliberation and discourse, academic advising and its role in higher
education remains misunderstood by university stakeholders, including faculty and staff,
students, and advisors themselves. Indeed, there is little consensus on what academic
advising is or ought to be (Aiken-Wisniewski et al., 2015; Habley, 2009; Himes, 2014;
Kuhn & Padak, 2008; McGill, 2013; McGill & Nutt, 2016; Shaffer et al., 2010), and how
academic advising is valued at institutions plays a role in its status as a profession (Kerr,
2000). Despite how much work is being done to define academic advising, “many
advisors might still see their roles as course recommenders rather than teachers who are
fundamental constituents of a college or university’s teaching mission” (McGill, 2016, p.
50). Several writers have articulated the need for a normative theory of academic
advising (Himes, 2014; Lowenstein, 2014), which would describe an ideal for which
academic advising should strive. However, there has been a dearth of empirical work that
has investigated how practitioners view the essence of the field.
Purpose and research question. The purpose of the phenomenological
ethnography (Katz & Csordas, 2003; Maggs‐Rapport, 2000) is to further clarify defining
functions of academic advising and to elucidate how further definition of the scope of
academic advising will help professionalize the field. This paper will be guided by the
following research question, “What are the essential features of academic advising?”
Method. This study uses qualitative plurality (Frost, 2011): engaging in more
than one qualitative approach. As such, the method is neither fully phenomenological nor
fully ethnographic, but rather it combined elements of both. Providing a description of
the essence of the phenomenon using data gathered is the “culminating aspect of a
28
phenomenological study” (Creswell, 2013, p. 79). Ethnographic studies focus on the
views people give to their worlds and thus, concentrate on shared views of a group
aiming “to describe the cultural knowledge of the participants” (Maggs‐Rapport, 2000, p.
219). Whereas the phenomenologist is interpreter, the ethnographer servers as an
observer, looking for patterns in the group’s ideas and beliefs (Fetterman, 2010). The
product of an ethnography is a “cultural portrait” (Creswell, 2013, p. 96). The
phenomenological aspect of this study was the attempt to get to the essence of academic
advising, as described by 17 of its leaders who have served as academic advisors in
various capacities. The ethnographic aspect of this study is the focus on NACADA as a
shared culture and the observation-participant experience of the researcher over eight
years. To acquire a description of the essence of academic advising from several leaders
in the field, I sought approaches from both methodological schools.
There were two sources of data for this study: interviews and documents. Unlike a
pure phenomenology, a homogenous sample was not sought for this study. Through
purposeful sampling, I interviewed 17 NACADA leaders (seven men and ten women). To
qualify for the interview portion of this study, participants had to be involved in
NACADA in one of the following leadership roles: a commission chair, a subject matter
expert publishing about the professionalization of academic advising, or those who have
held high office (e.g., presidents, board members, etc.). The semi-structured interviews
were conducted from Fall 2013-Fall 2015 and ranged from 74-147 minutes. The data
were transcribed and sent to the participants to verify accuracy.
The second source of data was five email chains from the Theory, Philosophy, &
History of Advising Commission listserv. As a participant-observer of these
29
correspondences over the course of several years, I gathered insight into the qualitatively
different ways (Marton, 1981) the people in this group have thought about the
professionalization of academic advising.
Analysis and findings. Analysis took place in two phases. First, the interview
transcripts were coded using thematic analysis (Boyatzis, 1998) at both the manifestcontent (directly observable) and latent content (underlying the phenomenon) levels.
When the phenomenon under investigation lacks research, “researchers avoid using
preconceived categories” (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005, p. 1279) and allow “the categories
and names for categories to flow from the data” (p. 1279). The codes and sub-codes were
described, noting the distinctive nature of each (Boyatzis, 1998). When all the interview
data had been analyzed, a preliminary thematic description of the phenomenon of
academic advising had been articulated. However, because a second analytical phase was
planned, this remained tentative. For the second phase of data analysis, I coded the five
selected chains of email threads. Although I had already begun to articulate a description
of academic advising from the interview analysis, the email threads were approached
openly and coded inductively using conventional qualitative content analysis (Hsieh &
Shannon, 2005; Tesch, 1990). The analysis of the email chains added nuance to the
existing themes, but did not add any new themes. Upon completing the analysis of the
email threads, the interview data were re-visited to ensure that the whole scope of the
phenomenon had been represented by the emerging categories and codes. Through both
analytical processes, three themes emerged: through academic advising, students learn
and develop, make meaning, and connect with a caring institutional representative.
30
Publication submission and formatting. The second study of the collected
papers was submitted to the Journal of Higher Education on September 24, 2017. The
journal requires APA formatting (6th ed.).
Structure of Collected Papers Dissertation
This doctoral dissertation follows the FIU College of Arts, Sciences, and
Education’s guidelines for the “Collected Papers” dissertation format. It consists of an
introductory chapter and a closing chapter written solely for the dissertation, as well as
the two related studies outlined above submitted to peer-reviewed journals. Dissertation
chapters are as follows:
Chapter I: Introduction, related literature review, research rationale
Chapter II: Paper I: “Professions on the periphery? Examining the professionalization of
higher education, student affairs and academic advising”
Chapter III: Paper II: “Towards articulating the defining functions of academic advising:
Clarifying the conceptual characteristic”
Chapter IV: Conclusions, cross-cutting implications, directions for future research.
Potential Implications of the Collected Papers Research
Findings from this collected papers dissertation may reasonably be expected to
help inform NACADA, to help move academic advising toward professionalization, and
to add to the body of literature on professionalization in any field. For instance, one of the
main hurdles that has faced practitioners in the field of academic advising is a lack of
public understanding (both within academia and outside) as well as a lack of professional
role-modeling for its practitioners. These issues will be explored in the collected papers.
31
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CHAPTER II
STUDY #1, STRUCUTRED LITERATURE REVIEW—
PROFESSIONS ON THE PERIPHERY? EXAMINING THE
PROFESSIONALIZATION OF HIGHER EDUCATION,
STUDENT AFFAIRS AND ACADEMIC ADVISING
Professionalization—the process whereby an “occupation transforms itself
through the development of formal qualifications based upon education, apprenticeship,
and examinations, the emergence of regulatory bodies with powers to admit and
discipline members, and some degree of monopoly rights” (Bullock & Trombley, 1999,
p. 689)—is a major concern for many occupations in contemporary American society
(Larson, 2013). For decades, the literature has discussed the status of professions in
society, the financial and social benefits professionals belonging to a profession reap, and
the roles professions play to the function and advancement of society (Moore, 1970). The
foregone conclusion is that occupational groups and their practitioners have much to gain
from the designation of profession (Freidson, 1994).
Professional marginality (Pavalko, 1988) refers to occupations that might be
described as semi-professions, quasi-professions, professions in progress, and mimic
professions that are at a crossroads of professionalization. They encounter “contradictions
and inconsistencies in the extent to which [they] exhibit the characteristics of a
profession” (p. 42). These occupations are working to professionalize, but encounter
various obstacles. These obstacles create a sense of marginality in the community that the
group seeks to work through for the societal recognition and status of being a bona fide
profession.
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Three inter-related fields facing professional marginality are higher education,
student affairs, and academic advising, each with its own history and barriers to
professionalization. American higher education dates to 1636 (Geiger, 2005). The first
colleges were small, ill-funded, and dominated by religious denominations and the
faculty consisted of recent graduates or tutors who awaited positions in the ministry. A
college president, along with three or four tutors, taught all subjects (Cohen & Kisker,
2010). Faculty were not experts in a field, and by necessity, taught the entire curriculum.
They had little autonomy or administrative interaction with the institution. The colonial
colleges in America were governed by outside boards and the only faculty member a part
of this board was the president. Students ate in dining halls and lived in dormitories, and
faculty exercised in loco parentis, supervising and disciplining students (Nuss, 2003).
Today, higher education is recognized as a field of study with academic journals (e.g.,
The Review of Higher Education) and professional associations (Association for the
Study of Higher Education [ASHE] and the American Association for Higher Education
and Accreditation [AAHEA]).
The field of student affairs evolved from academic affairs when in 1870, the
president of Harvard University appointed a dean for higher education whose main
responsibilities were teaching and disciplining students (Nuss, 2003). In 1891, the role
was expanded to include counseling students. As access to higher education increased in
the twentieth century, more practitioners were needed for a variety of responsibilities,
serving an increasing number of students. Despite the clear need for professional staff in
American universities, the field of student affairs faced many critiques and obstacles
toward professionalization. In the mid-twentieth century, the professionalization of
39
student affairs was measured against the following eight criteria: application of standards
of selection/training, definition of job titles and functions, specialized knowledge and
skills, professional consciousness and professional groups, standards of admission and
performance, legal recognition, code of ethics, and a socially needed function. Having
only made progress in four of these realms, it was decided that student affairs was not a
profession (Wrenn & Darley, 1949). Penney (1969) wrote an often-cited critique,
referring to student affairs as “a professional stillborn” (p. 958) and Shoben (1967)
alleged that the field had been obsessed with “housekeeping” tasks. Commenting in the
late 1980s, Rickard (1988) suggested, “unless alternative perspectives on the profession
are explored, the field will be damned to push a boulder up the slope of professional
legitimacy only to fail again and again” (p. 389). Today, the field of student affairs has
academic journals (Journal of Student Affairs Research and Practice and Journal of
College Student Development) and professional associations (NASPA: Student Affairs
Administrators in Higher Education and ACPA: College Student Educators
International).
Although some scholars trace the roots of academic advising to the beginning of
higher education in America (Cate & Miller, 2015; Cook, 2009), the modern conception
of advising began to take place in the later 19th century, as institutions grew more diverse,
with more fields of study and career options available for students. In the 1870s, Johns
Hopkins University began allowing students to choose electives to supplement their
major studies. The growing number of choices allotted to students during the 20th century
made the advisor role more pronounced, although until the 1970s, the work itself was
very prescriptive and authoritarian: students were told what to do and what to take (Cook,
40
2009). In the 1970s, seminal articles (Crookston, 1972; O’Banion, 1972) spurred a
movement to begin thinking about academic advising as a developmental process. In
1977, the National Academic Advising Association (NACADA) was established, and the
field has been striving for professionalization since. NACADA, renamed “the Global
Community for Academic Advising” in 2012 is the premiere professional association for
the field and The NACADA Journal, the most important outlet for scholarly research.
This brief historical overview situates the fields of student affairs and academic
advising within American higher education. As academic advising only ever occurs
within the higher education setting, it is tied directly to that context. In some places,
academic advising is situated within academic affairs. At other campuses, it falls under
student affairs. However, both student affairs and, to a lesser degree, higher education are
sometimes discussed as fields and independent professions. Nevertheless, despite their
long-shared history, all three fields face barriers to professionalization as a consequence
of clearly defining disciplinary boundaries (sharing significant overlap with one another)
and having insufficient knowledge bases. Simply debating whether an occupation is a
profession is a futile exercise (Hughes, 1963). However, a focus on the process of
professionalization and how a field can improve its professional status can only better
serve the members of an occupation, and by extension, their clients.
Purpose and Research Questions
The purpose of this structured literature review (Rocco, Stein, & Lee, 2003) is to
systematically examine the literature in higher education, student affairs, and academic
advising since 1980 to understand how these fields have conceptualized their professional
status. The year 1980 was selected for three reasons: (a) the U.S. Census report re41
conceptualized the Standard Occupational Classification system (Pavalko, 1988) into six
broad clusters, the first major reorganization since 1950; (b) the NACADA Journal was
established in 1981; and (c) a seminal article (Carpenter, Miller, & Winston, 1980)
spurred a decade-long debate about the professionalization of student affairs. This
literature review will be guided by the research questions: What characteristics of
professionalization have been discussed in the literature of these fields since 1980? How
has this impacted their development as distinctive and independent professions? This
paper proceeds in three sections: methods, findings, and discussion and implications.
Method
A structured literature review (Rocco et al., 2003) is a method of gathering
relevant literature on a topic in a systematic way. An increased attention to the methods
used to gather the literature can reduce researcher bias and gain reader confidence that all
literature meeting specified criteria and study parameters are included in the sample and
reported in the findings. This section describes the data collection, data organization, and
data analysis.
Data Collection
The data collection involved four inter-related phases: database selection and
search (Phase I), scanning reference lists articles found in Phase I (Phase II), Google
Scholar “Cited by” search (Phase III), and further database search (Phase IV).
Phase I: Database Selection and Search. A university librarian was consulted to
determine the most appropriate search terms and databases. Two databases were selected:
ERIC (ProQuest) and Education Source. The following delimitations were added: full
text; scholarly journals; published between 1980-2016; English; and PDF full text
42
available. “Professionalization” was selected as the primary search term and combined in
three separate searches with “higher education,” “student affairs,” and “academic
advising.” The related terms “profession,” “professionalism,” and “profession*” (which
collects every permutation of these) were tested, but produced irrelevant results. The
search term combinations yielded 234 hits in Educational Resource and 300 in ERIC
ProQuest, totaling 534 (See Table 1 for distribution among fields).
All document titles were read (and when there was doubt, abstracts were read)
looking for relevance to the research questions. Special attention was paid to keywords:
“profession,” “professionalism,” “professionalization,” “fields,” “occupation,” along with
“higher education,” “student affairs,” and “academic advising.” From the 534 initial hits,
521 documents were eliminated for two reasons. First, the search attempted to focus on
articles published in peer reviewed journals, and so several non-peer reviewed
publications (e.g., book reviews, magazines, and business reports) were excluded.
However, two exceptions—one book chapter and one practitioner article—were included
because they were relevant to the research topic. With the inclusion of these two non-peer
reviewed publications, the decision was made to include other non-peer reviewed types
of publications that were germane to the research.
The second reason documents were eliminated was because of the content rather
than publication type. For example, although “professionalization” proved to yield some
productive results, it also had results that focused on issues of professional development
and the continued professional learning of its practitioners. In such cases, these were
excluded because they are not directly related to the discussion of professionalization of
fields.
43
After the eliminations, a total of 13 publications were selected for analysis: one
book chapter, one practitioner piece, nine conceptual pieces, and two empirical studies
(one qualitative, one quantitative). Table 1 outlines the number of hits for each
combination of search terms per database, as well as the number ultimately accepted.
Table 1
Search Results by Field and Database
Phase II: Scanning of Reference Lists. Given the low number of results
produced in phase I, the search was expanded, adding three additional phases. In phase II,
the reference sections of all 13 publications were scanned for other relevant publications
that would meet the criteria for inclusion. Reference to “profession,” “discipline,” “field,”
“professionalizing,” and “professionalization” or anything of the like was considered.
Publications were included if they were relevant to the research topic. When a new
publication was added to the accepted list, the same process of scanning the references
was performed. Through this method, 12 conceptual papers, one interview, five book
chapters, two journal editorials, six position papers and one empirical (qualitative)
study—a total of 27 more publications—were added to the sample for a subtotal of 40.
44
Phase III: Google Scholar. Google Scholar has a “Cited By” function that allows
researchers to see who has cited publications. All accepted publications from phases I and
II were put into Google Scholar and lists of who cited the publications were produced.
For each publication, the first author performed a similar scanning process, as described
in Phase II, to find any potentially relevant publications. A total of nine more
publications—one empirical (quantitative) study, two practitioner pieces, two conceptual
articles, one literature review, and three book chapters—were accepted through this
process.
Phase IV: Further Database Search. To ensure that the scope of the search was
sufficient, the search as described in Phase I was repeated in seven other social science
databases outside of education (See Table 2). Although no additional articles were added
from this phase, it gave the authors confidence that they had gathered all the relevant
literature.
Table 2
Additional Search Results
The Sample. The final sample consisted of 49 publications. Below are the types
of publications by field (Table 3) and the top journals (Table 4).
45
Table 3
Types of Publications by Field
Table 4
Top Journals
Data Organization
Records including citation information (article title, author, year, journal); the
field (higher education, student affairs, or academic advising); the type of article (e.g.,
empirical, practitioner piece); and the way the article became part of the sample (Phase I,
II, or III) were kept in an Excel document. Additionally, separate Word documents were
kept for each field with notes, observations, commentary, and possible categories. Each
46
publication was printed, separated by field, organized in chronological order, and
assigned a reference number.
Data Analysis
The articles in each field comprised one of three samples. Articles were read and
coded separately to uncover categories of the professionalization process in each field.
Publications were read twice. During the first round, copious notes were taken in the
margins of the printed document and in a codebook, but no formal coding was done until
round two. The first author recorded ongoing thoughts, possible relationships to ideas
presented among different articles, ways of presenting materials, discussion points,
implications, areas for future research, questions about what might come next in the
scholarly discussion, how ideas might relate to what other fields had experienced, etc.
After all publications were read, notes were typed up and transferred into a
Microsoft Word document with evidence from the publications. Thus, the data could
easily be moved and manipulated to form clusters of meaning (Patton, 2002) into a
hierarchical order of categories and subcategories (Morse & Field, 1995). The
publications were coded inductively, inspected for both manifest-content (directly
observable) and latent content (underlying the phenomenon). Approaching the raw data
in this manner allowed the researcher “a way of seeing” and “making sense” (p. 4) of the
phenomenon of professionalization across three fields. Once categories began to emerge,
the codes were defined and descriptions and distinctive features of each were added
(Boyatzis, 1998). Points illustrating concepts and/or exemplary quotations were added to
each set of codes or sub-codes. During this process, the data were re-visited periodically
47
to ensure that the full view and nuance of the emergent categories and sub-categories was
captured.
Findings
Before presenting the findings by field, it is important to look at the trends in the
sample itself and what this suggests about the discussions in each field. Table 5 outlines
the selected publications by decade by field. In Table 6, the top two years in each field—
as well as the number of selected publications in those years—are presented. The first
publications in higher education were in 2007, which indicates that professionalization
has only recently become a topic of discussion in the field. Both student affairs and
academic advising were having scholarly discussions about professionalization in the
early 1980s. Of particular interest here is the low number yielded from the 1990s,
revealing a relative absence of discussion about the professionalization process of these
fields. In the 2010s, there was a revival of discussion about the professionalization of
student affairs. Academic advising had a steady stream of publications from 2000-2016.
These are discussed in more detail in the sections that follow.
Table 5
Sample by Decade
48
Table 6
Top Years for Publications in the Sample
The categories and subcategories discussed in the literature for the three fields is
displayed in Table 7 and discussed next.
49
Table 7
Categories and Sub-categories by Field
Higher Education
Nine higher education publications were selected for analysis, published from
2007-2016, an average of approximately one publication a year. This indicates that not
only is professionalization a recent topic, but also that it is not a very pressing issue. The
sample included two book chapters and seven publications from five scholarly journals.
The first two articles (chronologically) discussed aspects of the
professionalization of higher education were from the late 2000s. Both articles were
published in Teaching in Higher Education, a journal focused on theorizing higher
education pedagogy. One article discussed the professionalization of higher education
pedagogy (Canning, 2007) and the other, a reflection on scholars conducting higher
education research who are trained in other disciplines (Harland, 2009). These articles set
the tone for the challenges to the professionalization of higher education found in the
50
literature during the next decade: diversity and rigor of scholarship in higher education;
higher education as a singular field; and higher education as an industry.
Diversity and rigor of higher education scholarship. An extensive review of
the literature found that higher education is mostly athematic, somewhat limited in terms
of its theoretical and methodological breadth (Haggis, 2009), and therefore, not an
academic discipline (Tight, 2004). The field relies chiefly on four methods: document
analysis, surveys, multivariate analyses and interviews (Green, 2015). Research on higher
education published outside of higher education journals tends to be more inclusive of
different methodological approaches (Haggis, 2009).
Although some scholars publishing research in higher education have terminal
degrees in education, the field is also challenged by the various backgrounds of the
people who publish its research. As higher education research can be conducted by
virtually anyone at an academic institution—with little or no training in the loosely
defined field of higher education—the potential to be recognized as a discipline or field is
weakened (Harland, 2012). The field, therefore, lacks “epistemological precision”
because “those who study higher education tend to work in higher education and
effectively study their own social situations” (Harland, 2009, p. 579).
Higher education as a singular field. Even though there are several peer
reviewed journals, professional associations, and graduate programs dedicated to the
study of higher education, some literature debated if higher education could be thought of
as a field or singular body of literature. Rather, most of the literature discussed higher
education as a loosely defined field of research—slowly developing since the 1960s
(Green, 2015)—that lacks an epistemological nucleus (Harland, 2009). There are five
51
main characteristics of an academic discipline: community of scholars, a tradition of
inquiry, a mode of inquiry and accompanying methods of analysis, definitions of new
knowledge, and a communications network (Davies, Davies, & Devlin, 2010). Judging
by these criteria, higher education falls short (Tight, 2014), causing it to be viewed as “a
set of multiple but related fields rather than a single cohesive field,” (Hancock, Clegg,
Crossouard, Kahn, & Weller, 2016, p. 284) “highly dispersed within and beyond the
academy” (Tight, 2014, p. 93). In fact,
higher education is not a scholarly or scientific discipline; it has no central and
accepted methodology nor does it have a set of concerns for research and study.
Rather, it is a field that uses the disciplinary insights of other fields, mainly in the
social sciences, to inform research themes that often require interdisciplinary
insights. Higher education, as a field, is significantly unbalanced… without a
clear intellectual, methodological, or disciplinary center. (Altbach, 2014, p. 1319)
Although a growing number of scholars are invested in a wide range of topics in
higher education research, the gamut is too wide, too unfocused to be considered an
academic discipline or profession (Altbach, 2014; Tight, 2012).
Higher education as an industry. Part of the difficulty in conceptualizing higher
education as a profession is that it can also be thought of as industry that employs around
four million people in the United States in 2016 (Steinberg, 2017). As an industry,
institutions of higher education employ people from all walks of life: from academics and
researchers, to lawyers and medical doctors, to custodians and groundskeepers. As a
complex industry, “higher education has become a major economic player in markets
around the world” (Koprowski, 2016, para. 1).
52
Student Affairs
The issue of professionalization has been a concern almost since the field began.
Even prior to 1980, several scholars (Penney, 1969; Shoben, 1967; Wrenn & Darley,
1949) considered the professional status of student affairs. But professionalization
became a hotly contested discussion among student affairs scholars during the 1980s. The
controversy around the professionalization of student affairs came to the fore with a
special issue of Journal of College Student Affairs dedicated to discerning
professionalization in 1988. Although scholars have largely abandoned the concern of
whether or not student affairs constitutes a profession, some have consistently written on
important related topics in the years since (Carpenter, 1991; 2003; Carpenter & Stimpson,
2007). Twenty-three student affairs publications were selected for analysis, published
from 1980-2011. The sample included three book chapters and 20 publications from five
scholarly journals. Three categories emerged: issues with scholarship; professional
preparation and development; and community.
Issues with scholarship. A key characteristic of professions is a specialized body
of knowledge (Pavalko, 1988). A professional is expected to master the methods and
literature of the discipline to practice in the profession. Issues with scholarship included
student affairs as a non-specialized body of knowledge and research demonstrating
effectiveness is limited/lacking/needed.
Non-specialized body of knowledge. A specialized body of knowledge has been a
much-contested area for student affairs scholars because of the quantity, lack of distinct
field boundaries, and meaningfulness (Canon, 1982; Stamatakos, 1981a). Up to the early
1980s, the literature was “superficial, eclectic, inconsistent, and lacking in professional
53
distinction,” a small minority of literature was the “result of a deliberate and systematic
research-based attempt to respond to the need for basic constructs, specific knowledge
and its application in the work setting” (Stamatakos, 1981a, p. 110). Later in 2011, the
“lack of consensus about the core functions and purposes that define student affairs as a
profession and the knowledge and expertise required for effective practice” (Dalton &
Crosby, 2011, p. 3) remained an issue. Other issues and questions such as the field’s
origin and breadth have surfaced (Carpenter, Miller, & Winston, 1980).
Scant literature demonstrating field’s effectiveness. In the early 1980s, scholars
questioned if the purpose of student affairs was merely to serve the immediate needs of
students and the institutions, or if there truly was a widely-recognized responsibility to
develop and educate students (Stamatakos, 1981b). If the latter, there is more
responsibility to assess the outcomes of student affairs work. As such, scholars called for
the field to develop research plans to substantiate student affairs’ existence, fearing that
technology may overtake if the field did not show its worth (Kuk, 1988). Clear data
demonstrating the work of student affairs were necessary to support student affairs
programs (Carpenter, Miller, & Winston, 1980). More recently, scholars have noted a
lack of systematic and empirical literature available in the field (Carpenter & Stimpson,
2007; Porterfield, Roper, & Whitt, 2011).
Professional preparation and development. Training of professionals differs
from that of non-professionals in four ways: long tertiary periods of training; higher
degree of required specialized knowledge; heavier focus on conceptual aspects rather
than technical skills; and training beyond job functions, including norms, values,
54
socialization, and learning the culture (Pavalko, 1988). The student affairs literature
discussed graduate preparation, credentialing, and professional development.
Graduate preparation. A review of graduate programs in the early 1980s
(Stamatakos, 1981a) revealed that some were focused on counseling-focused skills while
others were largely defined by administrative functions. With variety in graduate program
content and inconsistent admissions criteria, student affairs faced challenges in having a
unified field of study (Rickard, 1985; Stamatakos, 1981a). Other scholars questioned
whether student affairs was specialized enough to require unique graduate-level training
(Carpenter, Miller, & Winston, 1980).
Credentialing. The concern for the proper academic preparation of student affairs
practitioners led to the formation of the Council for the Advancement of Standards in
Higher Education (CAS) in 1986. The CAS standards detailed skills, education, and
knowledge that student affairs practitioners ought to have to be effective, providing a
framework to evaluate the quality of the various functional areas within student affairs.
Although it enhanced the field’s professional mission (Paterson & Carpenter, 1989), the
standards were merely recommendations and did not create a consistent approach to the
hiring of student affairs practitioners.
Licensure for all student affairs practitioners has been a discussion point in the
field for years (Stamatakos, 1981b; Carpenter, 2003). Opponents of licensure say that
given the varied number of roles within student affairs, it is inappropriate and a bad
substitution for the implementations of standards and procedures (Stamatakos, 1981a).
Although licensure is at the bedrock of more established professions, by itself, “is not
enough to assure professional status” (Carpenter, 2003, p. 577). Although licensure was
55
widely discussed in the 1980s, by the early 2000s, scholars noted that licensure was
neither practical, nor desirable at any time in the future (Carpenter, 2003). Rather,
professional associations should guide members on appropriate knowledge, skills, and
best practices.
Professional development. Without a consistent standard body of knowledge on
which all practitioners are trained, the field lacks the criteria to be considered a
profession (Carpenter, 2003). An alternative solution is to develop a robust professional
development program for those with no student affairs background (Canon, 1982;
Carpenter, 2003). Professional development programs are important to help practitioners
stay abreast of the most recent field literature (Paterson & Carpenter, 1989). In addition
to knowledge about higher education environments, student characteristics and behaviors,
human development and relational skills (Canon, 1982), those working in student affairs
should also be trained in research and evaluation (Paterson & Carpenter, 1989).
Community. Members of a profession are part of a community of practitioners in
which there is a “common identity and common destiny” (Pavalko, 1988, p. 27). Cultural
norms and connections between people often extend past the professional boundaries into
non-work life/social activities. Student affairs faces two issues related to community:
divided professional community; and its lack of professional autonomy.
Divided professional community. With so many different functional areas, some
scholars questioned whether there was enough commonality in terms of core beliefs to
justify having one field. The “unity” view assumes “that all professionals in student
affairs are members of one profession” (Rickard, 1988a, p. 388). Although it is clear that
student affairs shares one united purpose and mission—“Concern for the holistic
56
development and general welfare of students” (Dalton & Crosby, 2011, p. 3)—the
disparate roles in student affairs “share only cursory connections” (p. 2) and function
mostly independently. As such, some scholars posited that student affairs could never be
one profession. With “tremendous eclecticism, inconsistency and wide variance of
philosophies and practices” (Stamatakos, 1981a, p. 107) the field is far too loosely
defined “for it to qualify as a whole” (Bloland, 1992, para 6). Although a profession
should have a set of shared goals, the many roles under student affairs make it difficult to
formulate one overarching purpose (Bloland, 1992; Rickard, 1988a; Sandeen, 2011).
Blimling (2001) argued that student affairs has outgrown one common purpose and that
instead, there are four communities of practice (COP). Those oriented in student
administration, “focus heavily on procedures, policies, and processes” (p. 388). In the
student services COP, the focus is on providing “high-quality student services that are
cost-efficient and result in student satisfaction” (p. 389). Arguing that “their work is
equal to that of the classroom,” student development-oriented COP “facilitate the
psychosocial and cognitive growth and development of students” (p. 389). The fourth
COP—student learning—is chiefly concerned with “engaging students in various forms
of active learning…that result in skills and knowledge consistent with the learning
mission of higher education” (p. 390). Although these are four disparate COPs, certain
student affairs units on a campus may encompass more than one. This may not result in
organizational dissonance, but it does question the unifying mission of the field. These
communities “are separated by differing contextual assumptions about the nature and
purpose of student affairs work” (p. 388).
57
One study (Rickard, 1985) found 86 different titles of chief academic officers
(down from almost 300 in the 1940s), but the “lack of agreement on a single name to
encompass over 20 diverse functional areas is neither surprising nor troubling” (Rickard,
1988a, p. 389). Still, the standardization of titles can bring some cohesion to the field.
Although it is expected for there to be many different specialties within student affairs,
combining similar roles and standardizing job titles within and across institutions will
help the field unify the field of student affairs (Porterfield, Roper, & Whitt, 2011).
One of the most obvious markers of a professional community is having at least
one professional association. The two biggest student affairs associations—NASPA:
Student Affairs Professionals in Higher Education and the American College Personnel
Association (ACPA)—trace their roots to the early 20th century. Some scholars felt
having two major associations—with different structures and organizations—weakened
the field (Dalton & Crosby, 2011; Knock, 1988). In recent years, members of NASPA
and ACPA have voted not to combine as one (Grasgreen, 2011).
Lack of professional autonomy. Autonomy is one of the most important elements
of the sociology of professionalization (Pavalko, 1988). In the student affairs literature,
autonomy was discussed in relation to its independence from higher education. Because
the very existence of student affairs is to serve the students and the institution, it:
has no independent existence in American higher education; it is always a part of
an institution and, more importantly, is always established to serve that
institution’s educational mission. Thus, any attempt to define a unifying purpose
for “student affairs” is made very difficult by the wide variation in institutional
purposes. (Sandeen, 2011, p. 4)
58
Academic Advising
Although there are some early concerns regarding the professionalization of
advising (Trombley & Holmes, 1981), most of the discourse occurred after the turn of the
century. From the potential for academic advising as an academic discipline (Kuhn &
Padak, 2008) or field of inquiry (Habley, 2009) to a consideration of its problematic
comparisons to other professional endeavors (Schulenberg & Lindhorst, 2008), the issue
of the field’s professional status came to a fore with the publication of “The
professionalization of academic advising: Where are we in 2010?” (Shaffer, Zalewski, &
Leveille, 2010). Analyzing the status of academic advising through the lens of sociology
of occupations and professions, the authors deemed that academic advising was not a
profession. This controversial article spurred a field-wide debate about the future of the
field and prompted discussions the field might wish to develop. In total, 17 academic
advising publications were selected for analysis, published from 1981-2016. The sample
included four book chapters, two practitioner pieces, one interview, and 10 publications
from two scholarly journals. Three categories emerged: issues with scholarship;
expanding graduate programs; and community.
Issues with scholarship. The academic advising literature identified issues with
scholarship as a barrier to professionalization including: defining the field of academic
advising; articulating the knowledge base; and necessary research to demonstrate
effectiveness.
Defining the field. Statements articulating advising as an educative venture
helping students to discover their passions, talents, and capabilities abound (Danis &
Wall, 1987/2009; Huggett, 2000; Schulenberg & Lindhorst, 2008; Trombley & Holmes,
59
1981), but ultimately, “the definitions of academic advising equal the numbers of
postsecondary institutions” (Cate & Miller, 2015, p. 41). One central, succinct yet
comprehensive definition has proven to be very difficult for the field. In 2005, NACADA
charged a task force to create a definition for academic advising. Unable to design such a
statement, the group developed a “concept,” which described an advising curriculum,
pedagogy, and learning outcomes (NACADA, 2005).
Soon after, the analogue “advising is teaching” became popular among the
advising community. Other analogues were also offered in relation to advising,
comparing it to counseling, learning, mentoring, encouraging, advocating, educating, and
friendship (e.g., Hemwall & Trachte, 2005; Lowenstein, 2005; Melander, 2005; Rawlins
& Rawlins, 2005). Some previous NACADA presidents encouraged the field to move
away from analogues as a means of defining itself (Padak & Kuhn, 2009). The
outpouring of comparisons and analogues led to the publication of a seminal article in the
field: “Advising is Advising: Toward Defining the Practice and Scholarship of Academic
Advising” (Schulenberg & Lindhorst, 2008; emphasis added). The authors critiqued the
“advising is teaching” paradigm because it only captured one aspect of academic
advising.
Field seeking specialized body of knowledge. There have been many attempts to
define a specialized body of work in academic advising. Two seminal works in the early
1970s (Crookston, 1972; O’Banion,1972) helped move the field beyond its prescriptive
role into a developmental phase. However, reflecting on the state of the field in the mid
1990s, O’Banion (1994) said that not enough had changed in the 20 years since he had
written the article (Frost, 2000). At the turn of the century, scholars questioned if the
60
developmental paradigm was the only way of approaching academic advising (Hemwall
& Trachte, 2005). The quest for seeking a more established body of specialized literature
continued. With borrowed literature from a “constellation of student services in higher
education” (p. 48), advisors are required to be generalists, “responsible for specialized
knowledge in an academic discipline and occupational field, or they may be expected to
know campus regulations, counseling skills, career and life planning, multicultural issues,
technological delivery systems, and other areas that represent student needs” (Huggett,
2000, p. 47). Two other studies (Habley, 2009; Kuhn & Padak, 2008) concluded that
academic advising had not produced enough specialized knowledge to be considered an
academic field of study or discipline.
Demonstrating effectiveness. Empirically demonstrating the effectiveness of
academic advising is directly tied to professionalizing the field (Kerr, 2000; Padak &
Kuhn, 2009; Trombley & Holmes, 1981). How advising is valued at institutions also
plays a role in its status as a profession (Kerr, 2000). In the 1980s, there was a dearth of
research on the effectiveness of advising and throughout the 1980s and 1990s, not much
had improved (Habley, 2009). A landmark empirical study from the Center for Public
Education found that students at two-year or four-year institutions who met with an
academic advisor “either ‘sometimes’ or ‘often’” improved their odds of persisting by
53% (Klepfer & Hull, 2012, p. 8). Additionally, the study found that meeting with
college advisors prior to college enrollment was one of three indicators of future student
success (math placement and AP credits were the other two predictors of success). These
findings are important in demonstrating to institutional stakeholders the fiscal value of
advising. NACADA continues to make research and defining the knowledge base a
61
priority through its scholarly forums, publications advisory board and research
committee, which awards research grants annually.
Expanding graduate programs. The literature suggested the need for graduate
training (Kerr, 2000), to require a graduate degree as a point of entry for academic
advisors (Danis & Wall, 1987/2009; Padak & Kuhn, 2009), and to create more graduate
programs in academic advising (Habley, 2009; Shaffer, Zalewski, & Leveille, 2010).
Currently, there is one graduate degree in the field. Kansas State University (KSU) began
offering a graduate certificate in 2003 consisting of five courses. In 2008, KSU began
offering a master of science in academic advising completely online, consisting of 30
credits and a capstone project. Although a few graduate certificates have cropped up in
academic advising across the United States (e.g., Sam Houston State University and
Florida International University), “the dearth of other advising education programs
illustrates that advising as a branch of learning is not yet acknowledged as a field of
study, a discipline, or as a profession equivalent to others that characterize higher
education” (Habley, 2009, p. 81).
Community. A professional community socializes new professionals and extends
past geographical boundaries. The sharing of values is important, as is the commitment
each professional has to the profession. Two sub-categories for the academic advising
community are the establishment of NACADA and the lack of a uniform administrative
home for academic advising across colleges and universities.
Establishment of NACADA. The professionalization process for academic
advising commenced with the establishment of NACADA in 1977 (Cook, 2009; Shaffer,
Zalewski, & Leveille, 2010). Over time, the association has grown to represent the
62
international academic advising community and has around 13,000 members (NACADA
Executive Office, personal communication, November 16th, 2016). Since then,
individuals in the association have worked hard to advance advising as a profession
(Tuttle, 2000). The association is so strongly tied to the field that for many, they are
inseparable. Although critical in his assessment of calling advising an academic disciple,
Habley (2009) prefaced his article with this note, which tellingly comments on the
connection:
To avoid potential boredom with the repetitive use of NACADA, I have used it
synonymously with the terms academic advising and field of advising throughout
this article. Because no professional association so thoroughly represents a field
of endeavor, NACADA cannot be adequately separated from either academic
advising or field of advising. (Habley, 2009, p. 76; emphasis in original)
Administrative home for academic advising. Until the 1970s, academic advising
was done exclusively by faculty members, so academic affairs had long been its natural
home (Cook, 2009). Beginning in the 1970s, advisors dedicated full time to advising
were being hired and the number is growing exponentially still (Schulenberg &
Lindhorst, 2008). However, even when full time advisors are hired, advising is still often
housed in academic affairs (Cate & Miller, 2015; Kuhn & Padak, 2008). In a 2011
national survey, 57% of advisors reported to academic affairs, 21% to student affairs.,
11% report to both, 7% to enrollment management, 2% to the registrar (Carlstrom &
Miller, 2013). Until the field establishes clear professional boundaries and articulates
field-wide vision statements, advising will also be tethered to higher education and the
larger goals of its particular institution.
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Discussion: Obstacles to Professionalization
Working toward professionalization, occupational groups encounter many
obstacles from internal and external entities, which might include:
•
•
•
•
•
•
Other organizations and bureaucracies that limit an occupational group’s
autonomy;
A knowledge base borrowed or shared with similar fields;
A knowledge base that favors technical knowledge that can be learned by
employees on
the job rather than theoretical or conceptual knowledge;
Occupational duties or purpose that is difficult to explain to laypeople and
thus, mask the public’s ability to utilize the professional service;
Lack of internal agreement between the people working in the occupation;
Insufficient resources to move the field forward. (Cooper 2012)
Some of the obstacles come from within the occupational group: the nature of the
knowledge base (technical versus esoteric/theoretical/conceptual); and the level of
agreement about occupational purpose/function within the group. But many of the
obstacles are external: bureaucracies that control the fates of occupational groups,
knowledge bases that are reliant upon other fields, occupational purposes/functions that
are difficult to convey to the public, and having enough support (e.g., financial resources
and personnel) to move an occupational group beyond the periphery. Occupational
groups need to navigate and negotiate these obstacles within their groups and outside of
them to professionalize.
Even once an occupational group has achieved some professional stature,
obstacles can still be encountered to becoming a fully bona fide profession (Pavalko,
1988). Professionalization of a field is a dynamic and fluid process and as such, obstacles
occur at any stage of professionalization. A knowledge base of a field that becomes so
standard, routine or procedural threatens a profession’s claim to esoteric, abstract or
64
conceptual knowledge (Pavalko, 1988). Therefore, professionals may be less relied upon
as the public can more easily access information once considered to be elusive.
Additionally, with erosion of the professional community comes the splintering of newer,
more nuanced specialized areas. These “internal divisions based on specialization
represent a potential threat to the integrity and cohesion of the professional community”
(p. 40).
This section outlines shared obstacles to professionalization among all three fields
and obstacles for each individual field.
Shared obstacles to professionalization of all three fields
There are six interrelated obstacles to professionalization for these three fields: (a)
loose boundaries separating the fields, (b) interconnectedness between educational
programs, (c) practitioner’s credential lacks currency, (d) inconsistent language used in
fields, (e) autonomy, and (f) demonstrating effectiveness.
First, there are loose boundaries separating the three fields and each has been
tasked with outlining clearer boundaries from the others. Higher education—an umbrella
term for everything at an institution of higher learning—is an industry of over 5,300
universities and colleges in the U.S. (Selingo, 2015). Higher education is also a field
studying the industry and preparing students to be administrators in the industry (Knock,
1988). Academic advising is an umbrella term for advising on degree and life planning in
colleges and universities regardless of whether the advisor is faculty, a trained
practitioner in the art of academic advising, or someone hired to perform the job task of
advising (NACADA, 2006). Student affairs is a term for the division in a university
encompassing a variety of roles concerned with student growth and development outside
65
of the classroom. Student affairs practitioners can be faculty who hold joint
administrative positions, practitioners trained in the art of student affairs, or someone
hired to perform the tasks involved with a degree in any field (NASPA, 2017). The
divisions between these three fields and who at a college or university belongs to which
field is often blurred. For instance, a recent email bulletin addressed “Faculty of student
affairs and higher education graduate preparation programs” (NASPA, personal
communication, August 21, 2017) as though they were the same group of people; indeed,
they often are.
The second obstacle is interconnectedness between programs in higher education,
student affairs, academic advising, and other related fields such as adult education,
counseling and educational administration. Many higher education programs offer tracks
in student affairs, or those interested in student affairs can earn a degree in higher
education. Academic advising is generally a track or course under higher education.
When doing a web search for academic programs to study advising the most notable
results are to the advising centers at various universities. Aside from the master’s degree
and graduate certificate offered by Kansas State University (the only program endorsed
by NACADA and found on their website), a web search for graduate programs for
academic advising retrieved eight other graduate certificates in the U.S. but no other
masters programs. NASPA (2017) lists 220 student affairs programs divided into seven
areas of focus: administration (N=112), counseling (N=21), international education
(N=4), leadership (N=57), policy (N=6), student learning and development (N=95), and
other (N=63). Some of the programs have more than one foci and few focus only on
student affairs. Many programs are combined with another field or student affairs is a
66
track of the program. The Association for the Study of Higher Education (ASHE, 2017)
published a higher education program directory that contains a listing of masters and
doctoral programs at 233 colleges and universities in the U.S. The breakdown of degree
type is: M.A. (N=81), M.Ed. (N=97), M.S. (N=61), M.S.Ed. (N=3), Ed.D. (N=94), Ph.D.
(N=83), and Ed.S. (N=1). Ten different program titles (or similar variants) were used:
administration (N=113), student affairs/administration (N=128), leadership & policy
studies (N=83), teaching (N=74), community college (N=30), athletics (N=3), counseling
(N=1), first-year studies (N=1), adult education (N=1), and comparative higher education
(N=1). A comparison between the topics listed by NASPA and ASHE suggests that there
is either major overlap between the fields (especially regarding the areas of
specialization) or that the creators of these respective lists feel the boundaries are so
blurred that these areas belong on the same lists.
Third, the credential of the person working in these fields lacks currency. In true
professions, only those with sufficient, knowledge, expertise, and training can perform
the work (Pavalko, 1988), creating an exclusion criterion for individual workers: only
those with some form of credential (sanctioned by the occupational group and sometimes,
the government; see van Loo & Rocco, 2006) can practice. A study exploring the
perceptions of advisors regarding the professionalization of academic advising found that
despite most of the group (59%) having at least a master’s degree, most did not find a
graduate degree necessary to advise well (Adams, Larson, & Barkemeyer, 2013). If these
are the perceptions of advisors themselves, the field surely faces obstacles in terms of the
way it is perceived by outside stakeholders: “Unless the current educational demands and
standards for advisors can be clearly differentiated from such programs, the image of
67
advisors as paraprofessionals will remain indelible” (Shaffer, Zalewski, & Leveille, 2010,
p. 74). In student affairs, scholars discussed the problem with job postings being
intentionally vague about requirements. For example, stating a master’s degree in student
affairs, higher education, counseling or related field would suffice: The “well-established
professions would never violate their professional status and insult their programs of
professional education by considering applicants with degrees from related [emphasis
added] fields” (Knock, 1988, p. 396). It is problematic when even the highest level of
chief student affairs officers can acquire positions without the commiserate experience or
education (Young, 1998).
The fourth is language. Terms are used interchangeably; the same term can mean
very different things in different fields and contexts. For example, the use of “program”
in higher education or student affairs might refer to an extracurricular program for
student involvement/service whereas “program” used in academic advising is used to
refer to an academic program of study. The terms higher education, student affairs, and
academic advising can refer to fields of study and divisions of institutions for higher
learning/education.
Fifth, student affairs and academic advising will always be situated within higher
education, and therefore, never enjoy true professional autonomy. Autonomy is
associated with self-regulation and self-control, which allow a profession “the freedom
and power…to regulate their own work behavior and working conditions” (Pavalko,
1988, p. 25). Although professions certainly exist within organizations, those
organizations do not determine the language the profession uses to define or describe
itself. Higher education institutions as individual organizations define and describe roles
68
and responsibilities within the institution according to the administrative hierarchy’s
vision and organizational chart—an organizational chart that frequently changes with
each new administration.
The relationship of student affairs and academic advising to higher education
“calls into play the concept of professionals in bureaucracies… student affairs workers
never operate in an atmosphere of unbounded autonomy, regardless of their status as
professionals” (Carpenter, 1991, p. 258). The relationship to clients—in both cases,
students—is different than traditional professions. To serve the best the interests of
students, student affairs practitioners and advisors may, in some instances, have to go
against what is best for the institution (Carpenter, 2003). This presents an ethical
dilemma because as employees working for an institution, they are not fully autonomous.
This lack of autonomy impacts the professional status of the fields. For “academic
advising to become recognized as a profession…it has to stand on its own and not be a
part of bundled or shared responsibilities of faculty or even those in student personnel
who have a host of other responsibilities” (NACADA co-founder and former president
Toni Trombley in Padak & Kuhn, 2009, p. 64-65). This is true of all three fields. If
advising, or student affairs, or higher education administration is “professional work,”
members of these fields must also have individual autonomy: “members of a profession
have a high degree of control over their work, are actively involved in creating policy,
and are equipped to evaluate the quality of work within a profession” (Huggett, 2000, p.
47). A professional is expected to be self-driven and motivated, able to perform work
without constant supervision, and to have the necessary credibility to make professional
judgments independently (Houle, 1980).
69
Finally, all three fields have been charged with demonstrating effectiveness.
Because neither advising academic and student affairs has autonomy from higher
education, each must vie for resource allocation, which comes from the institution
internally. Although higher education as an industry has come under public scrutiny to
demonstrate effectiveness in the post-recession market, this does not affect the
professional status of higher education as a field.
Individual field obstacles
In addition to the shared obstacles, each field faces its own unique barriers to
professionalization.
Higher Education. There were three interrelated obstacles unique to higher
education: the question of who constitutes a higher education professional, the wide
range of academic credentials for those working in upper level administrative
appointments, and the issue of anyone being able to conduct research in higher education.
This review found little to support that higher education is an academic discipline,
an emerging discipline, or that professionalization is much of a topic of interest to its
scholars and practitioners. Perhaps this occurs because higher education has long been
considered a profession (Shaffer, Zalewsi, & Leveille, 2010) with the professoriate being
the professionals working within. However, this view says nothing for everyone else
working in higher education. When thinking about roles on the “professional” end of the
spectrum, there remains the question of who identifies as a higher education professional.
For example, there are many professional positions in a university. Each one of these
professions has a professional home such as student affairs, human resources, and
70
instructional designers for online programs. There are even associations for university
presidents and other high-level administrators.
Each of these professionals can also consider themselves higher education
professionals, which raises a second issue. High-level administrators in universities and
colleges have a wide range of academic credentials. These credentials may have been
sought to become faculty in a discipline such as biology, political science, or finance.
Once faculty are promoted to an administrative role, they retain an allegiance to their
academic discipline and become a higher education professional without any academic
preparation in the discipline or practice of higher education.
Third, any faculty member or practitioner working for a higher education
institution can do research on issues and problems situated in higher education related to
their academic discipline. Examples might include a chemist publishing about pedagogy
in a chemistry education journal rather than a higher education journal or a sociologist
publishing about the higher education environment in a sociology journal. Because of the
number of different types of people doing research in the field and their identity as part of
their discipline or origin, higher education as a field of research “lacks a strong or
disciplinary identity” (Tight, 2014, p. 93). Thus, despite the large number of people
working in higher education, very few are likely to identify higher education as home
base. Such a large and complex industry presents challenges to professionalization.
Student Affairs. There were two interrelated obstacles unique to student affairs:
the varied functional roles under the student affairs umbrella; and professional affinity to
the functional area.
71
First, there are a variety of roles under the student affairs umbrella, which
exacerbates the field’s inability to agree on a central mission uniting all practitioners
(Paterson & Carpenter, 1989; Porterfield, Roper, & Whitt, 2011; Stamatakos, 1981b).
NASPA (2017) includes almost 40 functional areas, ranging from disability support
services and GLBT student services to commuter student services and recreational sports.
The concern for defining functions was noted in the early literature—student affairs
“cannot afford to wait for ‘outsiders’ to develop and force upon it unacceptable models
for evaluation and assessment” (Stamatakos, 1981b, p. 200)—up until the last few years:
If student affairs is viewed by presidents and other senior administrators as
primarily a collection of offices and departments, how is it any different from
some other administrative or academic section of the campus? There is nothing
permanent about the current arrangement of how student affairs is organized on a
campus; any of the offices and departments in student affairs could be assigned to
another division of the institution…Who will articulate the ‘reason’ for a student
affairs division in a way that makes it essential to the institution? (Sandeen, 2011,
p. 5)
Without an explicit overarching purpose for its existence encompassing all
functional areas—shared by those working within the field and outside of it—student
affairs will not be able to gain public acceptance (Houle, 1980) and therefore continue to
face obstacles towards professionalization.
Second, because of the growing number of specialty areas in student affairs, there
has been a proliferation of professional associations (e.g., NODA - The Association for
Orientation, Transition, and Retention in Higher Education [NODA] or the National
Association of College and University Residence Halls [NACURH]) (Dalton & Crosby,
2011). Scholars noted the issue of allied professionals (Creamer et al., 1992),
practitioners identifying more with their functional area than with student affairs at large
72
(Dalton & Crosby, 2011; Rickard, 1988; Williams, 1988). Included in this identity are
specialized professional associations with attributes of individual professions (e.g.,
disciplinary journals, codes of ethics, etc.) (Carpenter, 2003). If student affairs is to
advance as a profession, practitioners need to identify unequivocally as student affairs
practitioners (Knock, 1988). Practitioners participating more with their specialized
association rather than the two prominent associations in the field, NASPA or ACPA
presents a problem of unity to the professionalization of student affairs. When a
profession’s cohesion is splintered, “the ability of the group to exercise control over its
members is also lessened” (Pavalko, 1988, p. 41).
Academic Advising. There are four barriers to professionalization for academic
advising: the need to further define the field; the role of the professional association; the
issue of graduate programs, and the lack of a consistent home for advising.
First, like student affairs, academic advising has had great difficulty defining
itself: “The field struggles to articulate its unique role in higher education because
advisors lack the language needed to describe both the practice of academic advising and
its scholarly identity independent of other fields and professions” (Schulenberg &
Lindhorst, 2008, p. 44). In a recent study, participants expressed their frustrations with
inconsistently defined practice with respect to titles, practitioner backgrounds, practice,
recognition and affirmation (Aiken-Wisniewski, et al., 2015). Without defining functions
that all academic advisors understand and practice—which can be conveyed to the
various stakeholders—the field will have difficulty becoming a unified, profession.
Second, several complications with its première professional association,
NACADA, prolong the professionalizing of academic advising. Because of its status as a
73
501(c)(3) tax-exempt organization, NACADA has limitations in how much it can lobby
politically for the professionalization of academic advising (Shaffer, Zalewski, &
Leveille, 2010). Still, NACADA could play a bigger role in self-regulation and the setting
of professional standards for the field of academic advising (Adams, Larson, &
Barkemeyer, 2013). Despite having the Core Values, the Concept of Academic Advising
and the CAS Standards, the lack of clarity with role boundaries and responsibilities are
troubling and holding the field back in its quest for professionalization (AikenWisniewski, et al., 2015). NACADA is also housed at Kansas State University (KSU).
This connection is important and has served the field and the association well. However,
because of the enormous support it receives, NACADA lacks autonomy from the
interests of KSU. Despite their important role in the professionalization of fields (Palea,
2012), too much reliance on a single professional association—especially one that is tied
to the interests of a sponsoring university—prevents academic advising from outward
expansion.
Third, if graduate education is a criterion for professionalization, one program is
not enough to professionalize a field. The curriculum and specialized body of knowledge
needs to be examined and established so that more programs can follow (Habley, 2009).
Scholars recommend that the field of study be further developed before more programs
are established (Cate & Miller, 2015; Shaffer, Zalewski, & Leveille, 2010). Until then,
“advisor is no more than a job title and advising may never lay claim to being a discipline
or a profession” (Habley, 2009, p.82). Although there remain questions about how it will
look, plans are already underway at KSU to begin offering a doctorate in academic
advising in 2018 (C. Nutt, personal communication, May 24th, 2016). Although this has
74
certainly piqued the interest of many in the field, until there are more graduate programs
undergirded by a substantive body of knowledge, the field will have a tough claim to a
profession.
The last obstacle is the lack of consistency for the administrative home for
academic advising on different campuses: advising can be housed under academic affairs,
student affairs, or on some campuses, both. The issue of administrative home has
implications for who does the advising, consistency of advising, and a host of other
challenges. Because some academic advisors are full time advisors and some are faculty,
there can be difficulty in uniting the community. This division is palpable on many
campuses and to professionalize, the field must unite all advisors toward a common
defining purpose (Schulenberg & Lindhorst, 2008).
Implications: Does Professionalization Matter?
The exponential growth of higher education in the past few decades has increased
the amount of research being done (Altbach, 2014; Tight, 2012). But there are many
areas where future research could clarify some of the challenges each field faces to
professionalization. First, to address the concern of the overlap between higher education
and student affairs, a future study could sample articles from journals in both fields and
through content analysis, indicate how much overlap exists between the two bodies of
literature and suggest if student affairs constitutes a substantially different body of
literature independent from higher education. Similarly, future research should examine if
graduate programs in higher education are unique from those in student affairs, if the two
fields differ substantially from each other, and if they are preparing practitioners for
similar work roles. Studies might also look at job postings by different functional areas in
75
student affairs to find trends in terms of preferred and required qualifications, degrees,
etc. Other research might explore if non-faculty higher education professionals think of
their professional identity as a higher education professional. Or does their professional
identity stem from their specialization/job assignment from within the academy? Future
research might be more intentional in gauging the perspectives of people in the field.
Such analyses might reveal issues and obstacles of the field’s professionalization that
have not been discussed in the literature.
Second, studies in other fields have used instruments built on Hall’s (1968)
attitudinal attributes of professionalization to gauge how practitioners in a field view their
work. These attributes are: (a) the use of professional organization as a major reference;
(b) belief in service to the public; (c) belief in self-regulation; (d) sense of calling to the
field; and (e) autonomy. For instance, questions about why practitioners chose to enter
their respective fields and why they choose to stay could help to elucidate the meaning
these professionals give to their work. Such a study might seek a wide swath of
practitioners working in a variety of settings to determine how they view the
professionalization of their field. Studies using mixed methods to determine if positive
perspectives on the work of the profession improved the retention of practitioners in the
field would also be welcome.
Finally, more scholarship needs to set field parameters if advising is to become a
bona fide profession. Without a knowledge base substantiating the effectiveness, a claim
for the importance of academic advising is unsubstantiated, and advising continue to be
viewed as clerical (Habley, 2009). Research is needed to generate theory to elucidate
what tasks constitute academic advising and which do not; to study advisors, what they
76
do, and who they are; to substantiate the claim that advising impacts retention and
persistence; and for advisors to collaborate with faculty on research topics within the
field of advising (McGillin, 2000). In considering the important role professional
associations play in the professionalization of fields, future research should explore how
NACADA’s association with Kansas State impacts the professionalization of advising.
As resource allocation is critical for the advancement of student affairs and academic
advising, research conducted in these fields needs to continue to demonstrate impact and
effectiveness to stakeholders.
Throughout the literature in student affairs, there were debates about why the
topic of professionalization mattered. Sparked by a debate in an issue of Journal of
College Student Development, Kuk (1988) proclaimed, “The issue is not whether or not
we are a profession. We are a profession. The real issues are how we see ourselves as a
profession, how others see us as a profession, and how we organize our efforts and set
priorities as a profession” (p. 398). This debate frustrated some (Kuk, 1988; Moore,
1988) but for others was “a sign of vigorous health” (Sandeen, 2011, p. 5). Scholars have
made the point that models of traditional professions—characterized by elitism and
exclusivity—do not fit these fields well (Moore, 1988), and that perhaps these values are
at odds with the missions of student affairs, academic advising and higher education
(Carpenter & Stimpson, 2007). Is student affairs—and by the same token, academic
advising and higher education—a “new kind of profession?” (Carpenter & Stimpson,
2007, p. 270). Old paradigm or new, the discussion of professionalization ultimately
“matters because policy, practice, and rewards are at stake” (Huggett, 2000, p. 50). For
these reasons, these fields should persist to move past the periphery.
77
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CHAPTER III
STUDY #2, PHENOMENOLOGICAL ETHNOGRAPHY—
TOWARDS ARTICULATING THE DEFINING FUNCTIONS OF ACADEMIC
ADVISING: CLARIFYING THE CONCEPTUAL CHARACTERISTIC
Academic advising in American higher education has been traced back to the
colonial era (Cate & Miller, 2015). Initially considered one of the activities of faculty
members, there became a need to have a designated role to assist students as institutions
became much more diverse, with an expanding array of subjects to study and careers to
consider. In the 1870s, Johns Hopkins University began allowing students to choose
electives to supplement the major studies. The growing number of choices allotted to
students during the twentieth century made the advisor role more pronounced, but until
the 1970s, the work itself was very prescriptive and authoritarian: students were told what
to do and what classes to take (Cook, 2009). In the 1970s, seminal articles (Crookston,
1972; O’Banion, 1972) spurred a movement to begin thinking about academic advising
as a developmental process.
In 1977, the National Academic Advising Association (NACADA) was
established for advisors to discuss issues in the field. Throughout the years, the
association grew steadily and now boasts over 13,000 members in 32 countries (L.
Cunningham, personal communication, November 16th, 2016). To reflect its international
reach, NACADA changed its name to “the Global Community for Academic Advising”
(but retained the acronym NACADA). Beginning in 1981, NACADA began publishing a
bi-annual refereed (ERIC-indexed) journal. In association with NACADA, Kansas State
University began offering a graduate certificate in academic advising in 2003 and a
86
master’s degree in 2008. NACADA has grown and the field has expanded in the last 25
years: In some form, there are advisors on every college campus. In certain places,
advisors hold non-tenure or even tenure-earning faculty positions specifically for
advising (see, for example, The University of Hawai’i Manoa).
However, the question of whether or not academic advising constitutes a
“profession” has caused much debate (Aiken-Wisniewski, Johnson, Larson, &
Barkemeyer, 2015; Habley, 2009; Kuhn & Padak, 2008; McGill & Nutt, 2016; Shaffer,
Zalewski & Leveille, 2010). One of the primary obstacles is that academic advising is
misunderstood and lacks a consistent unifying definition (Himes, 2014; Schulenberg &
Lindhorst, 2008). In 2005, NACADA president Jo Anne Huber charged a taskforce to
create a definition for advising. Unable to design such a statement, the group drafted a
“concept” of academic advising, describing a curriculum, pedagogy, and learning
outcomes (NACADA, 2006). However, it “does not attempt to dictate the manner in or
process through which academic advising takes place, nor does it advocate one particular
advising philosophy or model over another” (NACADA, 2006, para. 7). Because it aims
to be as inclusive as possible, some might argue the ‘concept’ is inept in describing the
essence of academic advising. A related document, the Core Values of Academic
Advising (NACADA, 2006) described responsibilities advisors have in guiding students
and what external stakeholders can expect from advisors. Although both documents
attempted to articulate a framework for academic advising, neither achieves a description
of its essence and it is not clear whether advisors could or would articulate advising in
this manner.
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A second concern is that attempts to define advising often centered on convenient
analogues, the most popular of which is “advising is teaching.” However, the excessive
dependency on these analogues “obscures the uniqueness of academic advising and
masks the importance of the scholarship that underlies its practice” (Schulenberg &
Lindhorst, 2008, p. 43). In asserting that advising is advising, Schulenberg and Lindhorst
(2008) argued that advisors “lack the language needed to describe both the practice of
academic advising and its scholarly identity independent of other fields and professions”
(p. 44). Another recent study revealed that advisors were frustrated by the inconsistency
of job titles and responsibilities and practitioner backgrounds even within their own
campuses (Aiken-Wisniewski, Johnson, Larson, & Barkemeyer, 2015). To achieve selfjurisdiction, “the field of advising must create a clear definition of the occupation, to
include the responsibilities, procedures, scope of practice, and professional practices all
advisers would follow” (Adams, Larson, & Barkemeyer, 2013, para 10).
Despite much scholarly deliberation and discourse, academic advising and its role
in higher education remains misunderstood by university stakeholders, including faculty
and staff, students, and advisors themselves. Indeed, there is little consensus on what
advising is or ought to be (Aiken-Wisniewski, Johnson, Larson, & Barkemeyer, 2015;
Habley, 2009; Himes, 2014; Himes & Schulenberg, 2016; Kuhn & Padak, 2008; McGill,
2013; McGill & Nutt, 2016; Shaffer, Zalewski & Leveille, 2010), and how advising is
valued at institutions plays a role in its status as a profession (Kerr, 2000). In the last 25
years, advisng has striven for professionalization, a process whereby an occupation seeks
to gain professional status (Pavalko, 1988; Wilensky, 1964). Despite how much work is
being done to define and professionalize academic advising, “many advisors might still
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see their roles as course recommenders rather than teachers who are fundamental
constituents of a college or university’s teaching mission” (McGill, 2016, p. 50).
Purpose and Research Question
Several scholars have articulated the need for a normative theory of academic
advising (Himes, 2014; Himes & Schulenberg, 2016; Lowenstein, 2014), which would
describe an ideal state for academic advising. However, scant empirical work has
investigated how practitioners view the essence of advising. As clarifying the defining
functions (Houle, 1980) is the bedrock of an occupational group’s claim to
professionalization, the purpose of this phenomenological ethnography (Katz & Csordas,
2003; Maggs‐Rapport, 2000) is to further clarify the functions of academic advising and
to elucidate how further definition of the scope of advising will help professionalize the
field. Guided by the following research question, “What are the essential functions of
academic advising?,” this paper will proceed in five sections: conceptual framework,
method, findings, discussion, and implications.
Conceptual Framework
Professionalization has been a subject of scholarship since at least the beginning
of the 20th century. Despite an assortment of professionalization models (Abbott, 1988;
Pavalko, 1988; Wilensky, 1964), Houle’s (1980) is the most appropriate because of its
focus on the conceptual characteristic of professionalization. This section overviews
Houle’s conceptual characteristic: clarifying defining function(s); and the ways academic
advising has been characterized since the 1950s.
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Clarifying Defining Function(s) of a Profession
Through twenty years of writing and research, Houle (1980) distilled the common
elements of 17 professions (e.g., accountants, lawyers, social workers). The purpose was
“to advance the process by which greater conceptual coherence may be brought to the
educational endeavors of practicing professionals” (p. xi). Houle (1980) outlined
characteristics of professions in three broad categories: conceptual, performance, and
collective identity. All are important to understand the status of an occupational group’s
professionalization, but this paper focuses on the conceptual characteristic, which is
principally concerned with a professional group “clarifying its defining function(s)” (p.
35). Defining functions—“the structural tenets of a practitioner’s work” that “give it
focus and form” (p. 35)—are essential for a profession to guide those working in the
field. A clear mission and purpose communicates to non-professionals what the
profession does. Practitioners in long-standing professions may be able to manage
without thinking too deeply about the mission and function of their work, but this can
lead to misguided, subpar, or even unethical practice. Non-professions or emerging
professions may lack a central mission agreed upon by its body of practitioners. There
may be alternative or even conflicting ideas about the nature of the work. The absence of
a central mission may lead to further role conflict and job ambiguity (Kahn, 1964).
Clarifying the conceptual purpose forces the field to determine the defining functions
falling under their purview and those falling outside. As fields develop, however, their
central missions often expand:
A new intellectual abstraction of the vocation’s central mission may be stated by
an established leader or by some person whose unorthodoxy initially gives rise to
indifference, anger, or ridicule. If the idea appears to have sufficient promise or
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threat, it will be subjected to elaboration, refinement, and adjustment to the
realities of practice through a process of discussion, argumentation, debate, and
other activities customary to the mode of inquiry. The outcome may be
reaffirmation of the old idea, acceptance of the new one, compromise, or the
perception of deeper unities originally hidden by surface disagreements. Thus, the
new sense of mission develops out of a process of collective self-education among
established or emergent leaders of the profession. (Houle, 1980, p. 39)
Therefore, the conceptual grounding of a field is often a discursive, evolving, and
iterative process. In the last half century, academic advising has been through several
phases of defining its conceptual characteristic.
Characterization of Academic Advising
Although it is impossible to give a complete history of how advising has been
described, a few key definitions through the years will help situate its development.
There are three general models in which academic advising has been characterized: as
prescriptive, developmental, and teaching and learning.
Until the early 1970s, advising was viewed as prescriptive, described in the 1950s
as: “tedious clerical work combined with hit and run conferences with students on
curricula. It is a most cordially hated activity [emphasis added] by the majority of college
teachers” (Maclean, 1953, p. 357). Advising was authoritarian and transmissive, making
the student a passive recipient of information. Crookston (1972/1994/2009) contrasted
prescriptive advising with developmental, which was “concerned with not only the
specific personal or vocational decision but with facilitating the student’s rational
processes, environmental and interpersonal interactions, behavioral awareness, and
problem-solving, decision-making and evaluation skills” (p. 78). In the 1980s,
developmental academic advising was explicitly named and defined as: “…a systematic
process based on a close student-advisor relationship intended to aid students in
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achieving educational, career, and personal goals through the utilization of the full range
of institutional and community resources” (Ender, Winston, & Miller, 1984, p. 18-19).
Although useful in elevating the status and practice of advising, critics of the
developmental paradigm (e.g., Hemwall & Trache, 1999; Lowenstein, 2005; White &
Schulenberg, 2012) argued that it had too long dominated the field’s identity. Some
suggested that the term was used in too many ways to aptly describe advising and in
focusing too much on the growth of the student, neglected “the central mission of higher
education” (Hemwall & Trache, 1999, p. 5): the learning processes that occurred in
advising. Beginning with higher education’s central mission of learning, a theory of
advising that focused on student learning was needed (Hemwall & Trache, 1999;
Lowenstein, 2005).
As there has been little consensus (and no empirical work) on the conceptual
characteristic of advising, it is not clear that these paradigms are widely held or if they
are practiced as described. Articulating the central mission of a field is important because
it affects “how people understand their work and how they do it” (Lowenstein, 2005, p.
73). As such, continued investigation is necessary.
Method
This study is conducted at the crossroads of two qualitative approaches:
phenomenology and ethnography. Before discussing the specific methods of data
collection, this section reviews significant features of each and what the application of
both offers.
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Phenomenology
At its core, a phenomenological study attempts to describe the essence of a
phenomenon through the experiences of the participants. The researcher is the interpreter,
and the meaning of the essence comes from what the researcher understands the
phenomenon to be based on the synthesis from the participants. Providing a description
of the essence rooted in data is the “culminating aspect of a phenomenological study”
(Creswell, 2013, p. 79). The phenomenological aspect of this study was the attempt to
describe the essence of the phenomenon of academic advising, as described by 17 of its
leaders who have served as advisors and leaders in NACADA in various capacities.
Ethnography
Ethnographic studies focus on shared views of a group aiming “to describe the
cultural knowledge of the participants” (Maggs‐Rapport, 2000, p. 219). Whereas the
phenomenologist is interpreter, the ethnographer is an observer, looking for patterns in
the group’s ideas and beliefs (Fetterman, 2010). The research approach can be either
emic, in which little theory is brought to the observation of the group, or etic, in which a
theory is brought in from the literature and applied to the group. The product of an
ethnography is a “cultural portrait” (Creswell, 2013, p. 96). The ethnographic aspect of
this study is the focus on NACADA as a shared culture.
Qualitative Pluralism
A range of qualitative methods exist to answer different kinds of research
questions. The research question of a study should dictate the appropriate method.
Sometimes, the research question(s) can be best explored using more than one method.
Qualitative plurality (Frost, 2011)—using more than one approach—allows the
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researcher to “access as much as possible within the data” (Frost, 2011, p. 10). Bricolage
(Denzin & Lincoln, 2000) is one form of qualitative plurality. It describes a process that
“promotes interdisciplinarity as a way of drawing on many methods of inquiry” to “avoid
the limitations imposed by employing a single method” (Frost, 2011, p. 5).
The method for this study is neither fully phenomenological nor fully
ethnographic, but rather, combined elements of each. To acquire a description of the
essence of academic advising from several leaders in the field, approaches from both
methodological schools were used. When these approaches are appropriately combined:
the phenomenological perspective enables the researcher to concentrate on the
phenomenon under review whilst the ethnographic perspective allows for the
phenomenon to be considered in terms of the participant group and its cultural
background. The researcher concentrates on how members of the participant
group differ in their knowledge of their ‘community,’ whilst attempting to
emphasize the individuality of participant experience. (Maggs‐Rapport, 2000, p.
222)
The growing number of disparate ethnographic schools have made ethnography
especially available to pluralistic studies (Creswell, 2013). Using phenomenological
approaches within ethnographic studies is particularly well-suited because they probe
“beneath the locally warranted definitions of a local culture to grasp the active
foundations of its everyday reconstruction” (Katz & Csordas, 2003, p. 284-285).
Sample
Unlike a pure phenomenology, a homogenous sample was not sought after for this
study. Seventeen NACADA leaders who offer “information-rich” (Patton, 2002, p. 46)
descriptions of the phenomenon were recruited for the study. Criterion sampling, in
which “cases that meet some criterion” (Patton, 2002, p. 243) was used to investigate the
phenomenon. The leaders have served in a variety of advising positions and in a variety
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of roles in the association. All of them are professionals working in the field and have
graduate degrees (many had doctorates). To qualify for the interview portion of this
study, participants had to be involved in one of the following leadership roles: a
commission chair, a subject matter expert publishing about the professionalization of
academic advising, or those who have held high office (e.g., presidents, board members,
etc.).
First, NACADA has 42 commission and interest groups (CIG) organized around
topics of advising administration, advising specific populations, differing institutional
types, and the theory, practice, and delivery of academic advising. Each CIG has a chair
(two-year appointment) who guides members in achieving the goals of the CIG. Five
commission chairs participated. Second, because of their important scholarly
contributions and knowledge of the professionalization of academic advising, nine
subject matter experts were interviewed. They have published about the obstacles the
field faces and potential solutions toward professionalization. The third group—ten
NACADA leaders who have held high offices—were selected because their leadership
and service to the field offered a wide perspective of professionalization. This included
members who: served on the board of directors (a three-year term); served as a president
or vice-president; or administrators in NACADA’s executive office. Although there are
three different ways/groups in which participants were eligible, some participants fell into
more than one group.
Table 1 displays the profiles of the participants.
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Table 1
Participant Profiles
Data Collection
An interview protocol was designed based on Knox and Fleming’s (2010)
analysis of the field of adult education (vis-à-vis Houle, 1980), examining the essence
and distinctive nature of the field, the various roles performed by its practitioners, the
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career stages of advisors, the role of scholarly literature and graduate curricula, the
perceptions of the field by other stakeholders, and future directions. The semi-structured
interviews, conducted from Fall 2013-Fall 2015, ranged from 74-147 minutes. The data
were transcribed and sent to participants to verify accuracy.
One of NACADA’s commissions—Theory, Philosophy, & History of Advising
Commission—is dedicated to examining “the theoretical, philosophical and historical
foundations of academic advising, in addition to supporting theory building initiatives
and their applications” (NACADA, 2013). Since the group’s formation in 2000, there has
been an active listserv, a forum in which participants can debate and engage in the
meaning of academic advising. Internet listservs have been used in qualitative research
projects ranging from the concerns of physical education teachers (Pennington,
Wilkinson, & Vance, 2004) to health-related support groups (Kennedy, 2008). Internet
data is widely available and therefore, fodder for analysis. However, there is a
longstanding debate about whether this type of research constitutes human subjects
research or simply text analysis (Herron, Sinclair, Kernohan, & Stockdale, 2011).
Because internet data is public domain, some scholars (Walther, 2002; Bassett &
O’Riordan, 2002) deem it to be “non-reactive data collection which can be gathered
without the knowledge or consent of the subjects through non-disruptive observation”
(Herron et al., 2011, para. 14). It is considered “fair use” by law and researchers are
entitled to “access and quote such material if it is for non-commercial or academic
purposes” (para. 16).
Upon reviewing the literature and consulting with the director of the NACADA
Center for Research, the decision was made to treat the archival email threads as textual
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analysis and not human subjects research. However, like any form of data, care must be
taken to ensure that the research protects confidentiality and “benefits the lives of listserv
members” (Kennedy, 2008, p. 4). Five email chains were selected for analysis, detailed
below in Table 2.
Table 2
Email Chains Analyzed
Title of Email Thread
“The Value of Academic
Advising”
“After the Corporate
University…Now What?”
“A Theory on the Purpose of
Academic Advising”
“Conferences ours and
others”
“Customer Service—A
Dissenting Opinion”
Date of Original
Post
October 15, 2012
Number of
Responses
45
Number of
Participants
29
December 5, 2012
6
6
December 6, 2010
16
10
September 21, 2013
29
15
March 18, 2014
24
18
Data Analysis
There were two types of data analysis: interviews and documents. Document
analysis is a way of corroborating the evidence found in other methods, to verify findings
from other sources of data, and to reduce potential bias (Angrosino & Mays de Pérez,
2000). However, if the evidence from documents contradicts other findings, the
researcher is responsible for further investigating the problem. When the data can be
corroborated, there is more trustworthiness for the study (Bowen, 2009).
Interviews. The interview transcripts were uploaded into NVivo to assist with
tracking the codes. To arrive at a thick description of the phenomenon, the data were
“inductively analyzed to identify the recurring patterns or common themes that cut across
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the data” (Merriam, 2002, p. 7). The data were analyzed for “codable moments”
(Boyatzis, 1998, p. 9) at both the manifest-content (directly observable) and latent
content (underlying the phenomenon) levels. Data was first approached with open
coding, looking for important words and phrases while making notes of initial
impressions (Huberman & Miles, 2002). When the phenomenon under investigation lacks
research, “researchers avoid using preconceived categories” (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005, p.
1279). This allowed the emerging codes to be “reflective of more than one key thought.
These often come directly from the text and then become the initial coding scheme”
(Hsieh & Shannon, 2005, p. 1279). The codes and sub-codes were described, noting the
distinctive nature of each (Boyatzis, 1998). Finally, representative quotations adding
nuanced meanings to the codes were selected. “The researcher then analyzes the data by
reducing the information to significant statements or quotes and combines the statements
into themes” (Creswell, 2013, p. 80), thus developing a textual description. When all the
interview data had been analyzed, a preliminary thematic description of the phenomenon
of academic advising had been articulated. However, because a second analytical phase
was planned, this remained tentative.
Documents. For the second phase of data analysis, the selected chains of email
threads were input into NVivo and coded. Although I had already begun to articulate a
description of academic advising from the interview analysis, the email threads were
approached openly and coded inductively using conventional qualitative content analysis
(Hsieh & Shannon, 2005). The analysis of the email chains added nuance to the existing
themes, but did not add new themes. After this process, the interview data were re-visited
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to ensure that the whole scope of the phenomenon had been represented by the emerging
categories and codes.
Integrity Measures
Three integrity measures undergird this study: data triangulation; researcher
identity and prolonged engagement in the field; and member checking.
First, data triangulation (Denzin, 2012) is achieved with multiple forms of data,
giving the findings a broader basis for support, deepening the rigor of the design. In this
study, the analysis of the email threads added additional evidence to all three of the
original themes and no new themes emerged. This suggests that data saturation had been
reached (Fusch & Ness, 2015).
Second, one important duty for a qualitative researcher is to locate themselves in
the research (Merriam, 2002). In ethnographic research, this participant-observation role
affords opportunities, but demands attending to the potential bias of the researcher (Yin,
2009). As an academic advisor for eight years and active member of NACADA
leadership, it is impossible to remove myself from this professional context. Thus, many
of the participants whom I interviewed I knew well, and conversations about this topic
have extended beyond the interviews themselves. My prolonged engagement in the field
of advising generally—as well as my participation within NACADA in particular—gives
me several advantages: direct insight into the field and a thorough understanding of the
association, easy access to leaders in the field, and the ability to obtain necessary
documents for research purposes. However, as the primary instrument (Merriam, 2002),
the researcher takes themselves out of study as much as possible, setting aside preconceived ideas about the phenomenon “to take a fresh perspective toward the
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phenomenon under examination” (Creswell, 2013, p. 80). As a phenomenological
ethnographer, this was only possible to a certain degree, but remaining cautious of this
helped me to manage my own subjectivities (Peshkin, 1988) and be alert for the potential
for bias (Yin, 2009). For instance, one email chain contained a vigorous debate about
whether advising was inherently more of a service or more a of an educational endeavor.
As a researcher, I had to bracket my strong personal beliefs about the matter to properly
analyze both sides of the issue.
Finally, once these data were organized by themes, participants were given the
opportunity to confirm meaningfulness of the themes. Some simply agreed with the
themes while others reflected on them. One participant had trouble distinguishing themes
I and II, noting their interconnectedness. However, for others, theme II was the most
original contribution of the research: “It is still relatively rare that scholarly articles deal
with such things as making meaning. That’s the one that is most surprising” (Interviewee
5). Upon receiving feedback from the participants, themes were revisited and refined.
Findings
As a phenomenological ethnography, this section presents a description of the
essence of academic advising through the lens of its leaders: Through academic advising,
students learn and develop, make meaning, and connect with a caring institutional
representative. (Note regarding quotations: Interviewed participants are referred to as
“interviewee” and are numbered 1-17. Quotes used from emails refer to the specific chain
[1-5] and either the originator [labeled as Responder 1] or any subsequent responder.)
Students Learn and Develop. First, advising was primarily characterized as a
“cognitive and intellectual” (Interviewee 3) endeavor in which students learn and
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develop. Therefore, the duty of advisors is to discuss intellectual goals with students and
to facilitate student learning and development: “It is work that enhances learning and is a
locus of learning. It is the place where people learn, not just a service, not even a service
that tells you where to go learn” (Interviewee 3). To fulfill this function, advisors should
help students to understand, “how to improve their intellectual development (which
might…involve considerations of emotional and other aspects of development)” (Chain
1, Responder 10). This might complicate understandings that people hold about advising
and participants took issue with the over-simplification of advising. Although advising
serves the needs of students, participants posited that it went beyond transactional
activities such as disseminating information and making referrals. They emphasized the
word academic over advising: advising consists of teaching students and facilitating their
growth “as opposed to telling students what to do” (Interviewee 11). In fact, it is this
emphasis on learning where advising differs from other fields because it is concerned
with the academic needs for people in higher education, thus making it unique to the
college setting. Whereas every person might benefit from some guidance dealing with the
transition to adulthood, “Not everybody needs help interrelating academic disciplines to
each other, planning an education and making sense out of the relationship between
courses and why we take things in a certain order and how to choose intellectual
directions” (Interviewee 3). Additionally, as professionals with advanced education,
advisors should model higher ways of thinking and provide scaffolding for student
learning. In helping students to understand their curricular decisions, advisors help
students to craft their education.
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Advisors facilitate personal development for students. For example, through
advising, students articulate, develop, and accomplish goals. Advisors help students think
about their actions and behaviors and future plans and “are the only ones with an
institutional role for doing that” (Interviewee 6). Advisors help students learn to
appreciate ambiguity and develop critical thinking. Participants noted that this goes far
beyond instructing students about their graduation requirements. In a nod to the emphasis
on retention in higher education, one interviewee said that although graduation is “an
okay thing to measure” it should not necessarily be a goal of academic advising. In
thinking about advising as an endeavor through which students learn and develop,
…what good is it going to do a person to understand what the graduation
requirements are later in life? That learning outcome has a short half-life. We
know there is more, that it’s not all that simple. And to hear a colleague say, ‘well
it’s just about graduating people,’…we know it’s not. (Interviewee 5).
In fact, participants argued that although graduation might be an important aspect of
advising, it could not be the primary goal. Several brought up the example of an advisor
who sees that a student would be better served by leaving the institution and recommends
that they leave. Thus, there are times when advisors must go against institutional
imperatives to best meet the needs of students.
To take seriously the role of facilitating personal growth and development,
advisors must meet the different needs of each student. This involves meeting the
students where they are and providing what they need in that moment: “Some will need
to be educated on policy, some on requirements; some will require assistance in learning
to manage their time, and some will need assistance developing decision making skills”
(Chain 5, Responder 8). Two interviewees mentioned that in treating students as
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individuals, it is important not to unintentionally foster co-dependency in them. One
refers to this in terms of the nature of the advising relationship whereas another talks
about challenging the students properly to develop the skills they need to be successful.
Through a balance of challenge and support, advisors have a responsibility to help
students become their best selves. An extension of encouraging student’s growth is
helping them become engaged citizens: both on campus and in planning for their futures.
Although it was widely agreed that advising should be primarily about the
learning and development of students, some questioned if advisors had the time or the
expertise to teach students in a manner comparable to faculty. This is challenging because
often advisors do not have graduate training in the field for which they advise: “We’re
only academic advisors, not academics” (Chain 1, Responder 10). Participants suggested
that to claim to be an educative function, advising needed to have clear learning
outcomes that could be assessed. Thus, the question of what we want students to learn
through advising was posed. One email responder suggested four types of knowledge
and/or skills students should acquire through advising: facts/information,
technical/discipline-based skills, transferrable skills, and habits of mind. When pondering
issues of assessing these areas of skills or knowledge, one suggested that the measure of
good advising is what students learn: “One knows ‘good’ advising by the types and depth
of learning that occur in students” (Chain 1, Responder 11).
Students Make Meaning. The second theme was that advising is a place where
students make meaning. In a judgment-free space, advisors help students determine their
values and take stock of their situation. Interviewee 3 noted, “an advisors’ job is to train
you as a human being, and to figure out what is important to you, and to help you create
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the education that’s meaningful to you and important to your life… to guide and shape
the student’s academic experience in the institution” (Interviewee 3). Participant 1
offered this example: “I often talk to students about the difference between their own
intrinsic motivations and their motivations to meet extrinsic expectations, particularly
from their parents. Who else is going to ask them those questions?” (Interviewee 1). The
one-to-one setting of advising allows the student an opportunity to think more deeply
about experiences and attempt to make connections.
Participants described advising as an opportunity for students to intentionally
synthesize their learning experiences and make meaning of them. Beyond learning skills
such as goal setting, “the learning that advising brings about is integrative and synthetic
learning and its job is to help students make meaning out of their education taken as a
whole” (Interviewee 3). Many felt this was unique to academic advising. For example,
one felt that although there are opportunities in classes and in extracurricular activities for
students to make meaning of their experiences, it is within the advising setting “where
that synthesis can happen…” (Interviewee 1).
From synthesizing learning experiences within the classroom and through
engagement on campus, students begin to form an academic identity. Advisors facilitate
conversations about the connections between academic programs, careers, and values.
For example, with an engineering student, it is the advisor—rather than the calculus
instructor—who is likely helping the student to understand the importance of the course
in relation to the rest of the curriculum. Advisors help
…students to ask some of those same questions about themselves and to reflect on
their education as it grows and to see how things fit together. Compare the
different courses that they are taking and see how the different disciplines that
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they are studying inform each other. That’s what I think is the most exciting work
that advisors can do. (Interviewee 3)
Not only does advising help students to understand the connections between parts
of their coursework (the logic of the curriculum, Lowenstein, 2005), they help students to
make connections to their life’s larger purpose. For instance, advising is a setting where
students are challenged to think about the bigger picture: “it’s one of the few places in
higher education that students are asked to think about why they’re there. Why they want
to study some type of major? Where is their passion?” (Interviewee 7). Participants spoke
about the need for advising to be a transformative experience. In their view, this
distinguished advising from other units on campus: “When students go to financial aid or
the registrar, that student is going to get a service. But when advisors work with students,
our ultimate goal is to transform that student’s beliefs, practices, behaviors, in a way that
benefits the educational goals of the institution and the student” (Interviewee 3). As
Interviewee 5 noted, “We help them attain, for themselves, an education worth having for
a lifetime. That’s not something any idiot with a college bulletin can do. That’s not about
graduating on time. It’s not about retention either.” Advisors are primed “to help today’s
students make sense of what, how, and why they are studying” (Chain 1, Responder 10).
They have a responsibility to “help students understand the reasons that higher education
exists (not merely, what a degree can do for the student)” (Chain 3, Responder 5).
Therefore, advisors help students make sense not just of their chosen major path, but also
about how different parts of their college experiences relate to the entirety of their lives.
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Students Connect with a Caring Institutional Representative. Finally,
advisors support students by providing them resources and serving as a point of
institutional connection.
Participants described the role of advisors as guiding students’ academic pursuits,
helping them see opportunities they might otherwise miss, and getting them engaged on
campus. One interviewee likened advisors to case managers—they may be the only
consistent university representative with whom students develop a long-standing
significant relationship. Participants agreed that one of the primary missions of academic
advising is to support students, sometimes advocating on their behalf. One referred to the
Greek term, Paraclete (“one who is called alongside to help”) to describe the actions of
advisors:
When my students are not in good academic standing or violating university
policy, they need somebody who can help them stand up for themselves and
sometimes they’ve done wrong and they need to take their medicine, but
somebody needs to stand for them. (Interviewee 8)
In the current climate of retention and focus on graduation, advocating may be the most
important responsibility of the advisor.
Advising was described as a unique place of connection for advisors and students.
Participants highlighted advising as an interactive endeavor and not one in which the
student is the passive recipient of information.
The essence of academic advising is meeting a student and connecting in a place
where they are making significant life decisions. And academic pathways reflect
these decisions, which tie into their identity, and academic advising is connecting
that place of honesty and truth where the student allows the advisor to provide
whatever is needed in that moment to help things become clearer for that student.
And that can take on a lot of different dimensions. It can be different expressions
of that same thing, or different student needs being met in that moment of
connection. The strength of our profession lies is the heart of what happens in that
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interaction. A student can go on a computer, look up information and think about
where they’re going or what matters to them or what class might be interesting or
might not interesting. It’s when that exchange happens between this
knowledgeable person who’s truly invested in that student’s success—if that’s the
case or even variations of that level of investment—that’s what academic advising
is. And yet, we haven’t quite grasped that process. (Interviewee 13)
The one-on-one nature makes advising unique from other settings on the
university campus. It is the dialectical connection with the institutional representative that
fosters the learning occurring in advising. Participants argued that some information
students need could be found online and advisors should be more than “living and
breathing FAQ documents” (Interviewee 3). Some even mentioned that if it were simply
about conveying such information, well-trained peer (student) advisors could be hired to
work with students. However, even if students come in for simple matters, if the student
is meeting with a concerned representative, it is likely that deeper issues will come up.
Interviewee 3 suggested that
the real heart of advising rests in these discussions about substantive issues. I
don’t want to suggest that the ‘details’ are not part of the work of advising, but
they are fairly easily recognizable as part of the work of advising and at the same
time don’t seem to tell us exhaustively what advising should really involve.
(Interviewee 3)
This same advisor described the difficulty in relating to students who were simply there
to absorb information. For her, the office desk represented a barrier and form of power.
To circumvent this, she often meets students outside the office for coffee. Students
sometimes have the expectation that they are there to get their course schedule form
signed. “That’s great, but that’s not advising” (Interviewee 3). Instead, advising is an
opportunity for informal learning (Marsick & Watkins, 2015). If advising is perceived by
students to be a place to receive information, this is what they will come to expect.
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To serve students in these ways, advisors must wear many hats, to be able to read
and interpret students and be able to integrate many skills on the spot. This process is an
artform of integration:
The ability to integrate the theoretical understanding of what is happening, the
conceptual and cognitive understanding of your job with the human interaction.
It’s simultaneously seeing the student in front of you, meeting them where they
are, integrating your responsibility as a professional, and your institutional
mission, to marshal these intangible intangibles. I operationalize that very
practically, even though ‘artform’ sounds like something that you can’t define.
Those are measurable competencies that are built over time. (Interviewee 9)
Advisors must have a broad and in-depth understanding of the campus and the
curriculum of the university and have the skills to read individual students including the
issues they are presenting and those that are beneath the surface. One frustrated
interviewee likened the advising interaction as a close reading of text: “It’s more
complicated than just graduation rates, and retention rates. It’s being able to interpret a
text well; to understand the student before us. To honor them, revere them, and respect
them” (Interviewee 5). At many institutions, lip-service is given to caring about student’s
graduation in terms of how it was going to help them carry out their lives. But
participants stressed that if graduation was the goal, advisors would be missing what was
really going on with that student in that moment of connection.
Discussion
Through academic advising, students learn and develop, make meaning, and
connect with a caring institutional representative. This helps to articulate an essence, a
central mission, and the conceptual characteristic for the field.
Advancing the profession involves not only problematizing simplistic views and
practices of advising, but also thinking more intentionally about its distinctive purpose
109
and essence: “When no existing researching or theory is applicable to the phenomenon or
idea at hand, the scholar must develop a theory on which to base inquiry” (Robbins,
2010, p. 38). Although emerging professions may have alternative or competing ideas
about the nature of the work, a primary concern should be “clarifying its defining
function(s)” (Houle, 1980, p. 35). Participants sometimes disagreed about a universal
purpose underlying academic advising, but most agreed it was critical to work toward a
professional consensus. As advising has been positioned as counseling, learning,
mentoring, encouraging, advocating, educating, and friendship (e.g., Hemwall & Trachte,
2005; Lowenstein, 2005; Melander, 2005; Rawlins & Rawlins, 2005), there has been
some heated discussions about what advising is.
Advising as teaching, first advocated by Crookston (1972), has continued to be a
popular slogan in the community. Although originally meant to clarify the function of
academic advising, it was contested by interviewees and email commentators. Advising
as teaching and other popular analogues obscure the essence of advising (Schulenberg &
Lindhorst, 2008). Such simplistic views of a profession are not “useful in dealing with the
priorities and ethical decisions encountered” (Houle, 1980, p. 35) in professional practice.
Particularly in the email threads, there was significant clashing between themes one and
three: whether academic advising was inherently a teaching endeavor or some sort of
service. One person suggested advising as service is a more apt descriptive than advising
as teaching. The responder posited that although the comparison with teaching might
raise the professional stature of advising, there is
…more opportunity to support, encourage, advocate for, and help our students
find their way (literally and metaphorically) than…teach[ing] them how to make
connections between various parts of their curriculum. Students come to us for
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help (choosing classes, navigating university bureaucracy, graduating, applying
for scholarships, etc.) and they deserve our consideration and attention. (Chain 5,
Responder 9)
Another agreed with this sentiment, adding: “we are offering support, guidance and
information to students. There may be some teachable moments in our interactions, but
we are providing a service” (Chain 5, Responder 12). These responses corroborate some
evidence found in the interviews: that initially the “advising as teaching” slogan was used
to elevate the professional stature of advising and help to clarify for advisors and other
university stakeholders that it was more than a transmission of information to students
and assisting them to maneuver a college setting. Some interviewees noted that as a field,
advisors have an inferiority complex. One insisted that part of an advisor’s job is to help
students choose their classes. Another suggested that “advising as teaching” was a way of
overlaying the work we do to others in a way that they will understand. She equated this
practice with the early Christians converting Pagans.
Others saw the over-emphasis on service aspects of advising to be problematic.
One commentator indicated what advising as service might communicate to the student:
Service…can readily be construed by students as doing what they would like not
to bother doing or are afraid of doing or need to be taught how to do. Indeed, as
with parenting, it is often far easier for us to do-for than it is to teach and explorewith and scaffold skills and development…is this the best way to offer service
and help in the fullest sense of those words? If we use the vocabulary of service
and help…we mislead students about what we and they need to and should be
doing. (Chain 5, Responder 4)
Are teaching opportunities in advising neglected because advisors see their role as a
transmitter of information? If advising requires such expertise, do advisors have the
training/knowledge/qualifications to have complex conversations (Lowenstein, 2014)?
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Has the utility of “advising as teaching” passed its prime? Can we look at advising as
having an educative function/responsibility, but not equating it to college teaching?
To clarify these purposes, scholars (e.g., Hagen 2005; Himes, 2014; Himes &
Schulenberg, 2016; Lowenstein, 2014; Schulenberg & Lindhorst, 2008) have advocated
for a theory (or theories) unique to advising. This is critical because “the continued use of
theoretical bases solely borrowed from other disciplines will jeopardize the recognition of
advising as a distinct field of practice and scholarship” (Himes, 2014, p. 5). The
approaches to these issues have been different, but each agrees that advising is at a
critical juncture in defining itself, both to guide our practice and to help stakeholders
better understand, value, and appreciate the work of advisors (Himes, 2014). Schulenberg
and Lindhorst (2010) posited three purposes for advising: “engaging student in reflective
conversations about educational goals, teaching students about the nature of higher
education, and provoking student change toward greater levels of self-awareness and
responsibility” (Himes, 2014, p. 6). Lowenstein’s (2014) advising theory of integrative
learning advocated for six core concepts:
•
•
Advising is an academic endeavor.
Advising enhances learning and at its core is a locus of learning and not
merely a signpost to learning.
•
The learning that happens in advising is integrative, and helps students
make meaning out of their education.
•
The student must be an active rather than a passive participant in this
process.
•
Advising is transformative, not transactional.
•
Advising is central to achieving the learning goals of any college or
university.
(Lowenstein, 2014, paras. 50-56)
In its focus on learning, this normative theory helps to clarify an ideal to which advising
should strive. However, in thinking about the essence of advising, this theory says little
112
about the connection between student and advisor. Therefore, an advising approach such
as appreciative advising (Bloom, Hutson, & Ye, 2008) focusing on relational aspects of
advising and meaning-making might be coupled with theory of integrative learning. On
writing about features of a theory of advising, Lowenstein (2014) describes two key
elements: a description of features unique to advising (a similar aim of this study); and a
normative theory, which, by its very nature, is not empirically testable. Such a theory
would “be a statement of the ultimate purpose of advising, of what advising ideally
should be, not necessarily what advising actually is” (emphasis in original; Lowenstein,
2014, para. 17). The current study was an attempt at empirically exploring what a theory
of advising—as viewed by leaders in NACADA—might look like.
Part of the difficulty is placing advising theory in advising context. Academic
advising will always be situated within higher education, will not be charging clients for
services, and therefore, never have full autonomy from the broader structures of the
institution. Some professional groups have difficulty when “establishing its central
mission because of circumstances beyond its control” (Houle, 1980, p. 36). This study
revealed that advisors experience role conflict: at times, the interests of the student may
not be in the interests of the institution. This poses an ethical dilemma that must be
negotiated by the advisor. Because the central mission of academic advising will always
be situated in a specific institutional context, it may always have to be compromised
according to the mission of the academic institution and those who run it.
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Implications
There are three implications for this research: the meaning advisors have for their
work; the ramifications for institutional graduation efforts; and the academic
preparedness and professional development of advisors.
First, how are frontline advisors thinking about their work? Are they thinking in
terms of providing students with accurate and timely information to help them graduate
on time? How are they communicating the value of their work to students and to other
stakeholders? When advisors meet with students at freshman orientation and talk about
advising, then sit down with them and tell them what classes to take, what message does
that convey? By assisting students in learning the language of higher education, advisors
are “cultural navigators,” striving “to help students move successfully through education
and life” (Strayhorn, 2015, p. 59). Advisors also model behaviors and attitudes for
students. Given such a great responsivity, participants indicated that advisors need to
think more deeply about their role in student success. What are the implications for
professional socialization of advisors? How are advising administrators communicating
the value of academic advising to advisors? Besides their work with students, what other
kinds of work are advisors given? Is it mostly clerical? How is advising evaluated? How
is good advising rewarded? If advising is discussed in terms of helping students graduate
and if the work is evaluated as such, advisors will continue to see their roles are course
schedulers and not as professionals who are integrally part of the teaching and learning
mission of the institution (McGill, 2016).
Second, if the essence of academic advising involves teaching, facilitation of
development, meaning-making, and connection, what does this mean for graduation and
114
retention efforts? Although there is certainly evidence to suggest that advising is helpful
in retention efforts, is this how the field wants to be defined? Does this box advising into
one specific institutional goal and allow others to define our work for us? Retention is the
byproduct of an engaging college experience, not the goal itself (Tinto, 1993). Advising
is often linked directly to retention and graduation because people see advisors as
monitoring student’s graduation. Viewed as course scheduling, the role of advising in
student engagement and campus involvement is severely diminished (Kuh, Kinzie,
Schuh, & Whitt, 2005). If advising is about learning, development, meaning-making and
fostering a connection with a concerned institutional representative, why is so much
emphasis placed upon course selection and graduating students on time? What are the
implications for advising caseload sizes? When caseloads remain higher than 300:1, the
ability to connect with individual students and help them to co-construct their academic
identity becomes less possible (Robbins, 2013). How can advising administrators better
communicate the value of advising up the chain of command? Advising administrators
and other campus stakeholders will need to grapple with these questions if they wish to
see advisors doing more than simply raising their graduation rates. A theory of advising
could help clarify the role and to convey the value of academic advising to stakeholders
(Himes, 2014; Himes & Schulenberg, 2016).
Third, if good advising requires more than providing accurate information and
facilitating a timely graduation, do advisors have the academic background, training,
expertise or time to have complex conversations with students? What criteria exist for the
selection of advisors during hiring? When asked about the appropriate academic
background and level of education required to be an academic advising, participants gave
115
a wide array of responses. Could a theory of advising clarify this? (Himes, 2014). What
are the implications for training/development of good advisors? Of Habley’s (1986) three
components of advisor’s training and development (informational, relational,
conceptual), the informational component is over-stressed in advisor job training and that
the other two are often neglected entirely. If advisors come away from an initial training
feeling fully equipped to disseminate the procedures and policies of the institution but are
lacking an understanding of academic advising beyond a transmission of information,
how are they going to conduct their practice? If advising is a place where students grow
and learn, why are advisors not trained on a variety of learning theories? If good advising
is about meaning making and interpreting a student as one would interpret a text
(Champlin-Scharff, 2010), how might advisors be trained in hermeneutics to guide
students through meaning making processes? If advising is about an institutional
connection for the student, why are advisors not studying relational skills? Are relational
competencies learned on the job? The difference between a paraprofessional and
professional with respect to necessary job knowledge to practice is what is learned on the
job verses what is learned as part of one’s prior professional education (Pavalko, 1988).
Thus, to properly carry out their work and be called professionals, advisors must keep
abreast of the professional literature.
Limitations and Future Research
There are two limitations to this study. First, in terms of sample, interviewees
were all leaders in the field and email responders represented members of the Theory,
Philosophy, & History of Advising Commission. Because of their roles in the association,
the participants think intentionally about overarching issues of the meaning of their work.
116
The possibility exists that they are outliers, and that others might not describe their work
in terms of learning, meaning-making and being a resource and connection for students.
For instance, with respect to the debate surrounding “advising as teaching” versus
“advising as service,” it is not clear if frontline advisors would describe their role in that
manner or if they would feel equipped to carry out complex conversations with students.
Future research should be conducted to gauge how advisors view their work. For
example, studies might build from McGill’s (2016) application of the developmental
teaching perspective (Pratt, 1998) to consider if and how the other perspectives
(transmission, apprenticeship, nurturing, and social reform) might be applicable to
advising work. Future research might be more intentional in gauging the perspectives of
people in the field. Such analyses might reveal issues and obstacles of the field’s
professionalization that have not been discussed in the literature.
Second, like most qualitative research, the findings represent a small group—in
this case, of NACADA leadership—and therefore, are not representative of the feelings
of the entire field. Future research might engage in similar questions with a larger pool
and with participants who do not necessarily represent NACADA leadership. For
example, studies in other fields have used instruments built on Hall’s (1968) attitudinal
attributes of professionalization to gauge how practitioners in a field view their work.
These attributes are: (a) the use of professional organization as a major reference; (b)
belief in service to the public; (c) belief in self-regulation; (d) sense of calling to the field;
and (e) autonomy. Interview questions about why advisors chose to enter the field and
why they choose to stay could help to elucidate the meaning advisors give to their work.
Such a study might seek a wide swath of advisors working in a variety of settings to
117
determine how they view the professionalization of the field. Studies using mixed
methods to determine if positive perspectives on advising improved the retention of
advisors in the field would also be welcome. Additionally, although professional
socialization and professional identity are studied in many fields, little work has been
done on advisors.
In terms of how academic advising is perceived from outside the field, large-scale
studies of high level college and university officials could be conducted. How do these
stakeholders of advising view the occupation? According to them, which activities fall
under the purview of academic advising? When thinking about the teaching and learning
missions of their institutions, do they think of academic advisors as being a critical piece
of that goal? With the recent lease of NACADA’s new core competencies of academic
advising in informational, relational and conceptual realms (Farr & Cunningham, 2017),
it would be telling to see how closely this aligns with high level administrators who—at
least to some degree—shape the work that academic advisors do. How does this impact
how advisors are viewed on their campuses? How does it impact resource allocation?
Does such a top-down view of advising shape how students and other stakeholders view
it?
How can theories of informal and incidental learning (Marsick & Watkins, 2015)
inform the theory and practice of academic advising? Informal learning, “may occur in
institutions, but is not typically classroom-based or highly structured, and control of
learning rests primarily in hand of the learner… Informal learning can be deliberately
encouraged by an organization or it can take place despite an environment not highly
conducive to learning” (Marsick & Watkins, 2015, p. 12). Because advisees are not held
118
responsible (i.e. evaluated) for the learning gained in an advising setting, this could be a
helpful lens in which to study the learning that takes place in academic advising. Future
research should continue to investigate what is learned in academic advising.
Finally, as the first empirical study to investigate this phenomenon, this study sets
the stage for other theorists and researchers to continue to develop and refine a theory of
academic advising. The conceptual characteristic was investigated as part of a larger
project looking at many different facets of professionalization. To further refine a theory
of advising, studies could use different methodologies (e.g., Delphi and/or grounded
theory) geared specifically toward further theory development. Future studies could seek
to learn if and to what extent the themes found in this study are found in other
populations or through different methodologies. Studying the essence of academic
advising with many different pools of participants using multiple methods might facilitate
a widely accepted common theory of advising (Lowenstein, 2014).
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inquiry in academic advising (pp. 17–28). Manhattan, KS: NACADA.
Shaffer, L. S., Zalewski, J. M., & Leveille, J. (2010). The professionalization of academic
advising: Where are we in 2010? NACADA Journal, 30(1), 66-77.
Strayhorn, T. L. (2015). Reframing academic advising for student success: From advisor
to cultural navigator. NACADA Journal, 35(1), 56-63.
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CHAPTER IV
CONCLUSIONS
The purpose of this collected papers dissertation was to better understand the
professionalization of academic advising and the ways its leaders and practitioners view
professionalization. Understanding more about the status of academic advising in terms
of its professionalization will help to determine what needs are still unmet and what gaps
need to be filled. Two studies using different methods (structured literature review,
phenomenological ethnography) were conducted as a part of this research. This
concluding chapter consists of four sections: (a) summary of study #1, the structured
literature review; (b) summary of study #2, the phenomenological ethnography; (c) an
overview of findings of the collected papers dissertation; and (d) the overarching
implications of this collected papers dissertation for theory, research, and practice.
Summary of Study #1: “Professions on the Periphery? Examining the
Professionalization of Higher Education, Student Affairs and Academic Advising”
This structured literature review (Rocco, Stein, & Lee, 2003) explored the
professional status of three inter-related fields facing professional marginality: higher
education, student affairs, and academic advising, each with its own history and barriers
to professionalization. Despite their long-shared history, all three fields face barriers to
professionalization due to clearly defining disciplinary boundaries (sharing significant
overlap with one another) and having insufficient knowledge bases. The purpose of this
structured literature review was to systematically examine the literature in higher
education, student affairs, and academic advising since 1980 to understand how these
fields have conceptualized their professional status. The review was guided by the
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research questions: “What characteristics of professionalization have been discussed in
the literature of these fields since 1980? How has this impacted their development as
distinctive and independent professions?”
The final sample of 49 articles was separated by field and read and coded
separately to uncover themes regarding the professionalization process in each field. The
articles were coded thematically (Boyatzis, 1998), inspected for both manifest-content
(directly observable) and latent content (underlying the phenomenon). The findings were
organized by field and the analysis revealed three themes in each field. Obstacles for the
professionalization of higher education concerned the diversity and rigor of its
scholarship, the (mis)conception of it being a singular field, and confounding the field of
higher education with the industry of higher education. Themes that emerged from the
student affairs literature were issues with scholarship, professional preparation and
development, and community. For academic advising, the obstacles were issues with
scholarship, the expansion of graduate programs, and community. The implications for
the professionalization for these three fields are: loose boundaries separating the fields,
interconnectedness between educational programs, practitioner’s credential lacks
currency, inconsistent language used in fields, autonomy, and demonstrating
effectiveness.
Summary of Study #2: “Towards Articulating the Defining Functions of
Academic Advising: Clarifying the Conceptual Characteristic”
The purpose of this phenomenological ethnography (Katz & Csordas, 2003;
Maggs‐Rapport, 2000) was to further clarify defining functions of academic advising and
to elucidate how further definition of the scope of academic advising will help
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professionalize the field. The study was guided by the research question, “What are the
essential features of academic advising?” Several scholars have articulated the need for a
normative theory of academic advising (Himes, 2014; Lowenstein, 2014), which would
describe an ideal for which academic advising should strive. However, scant empirical
work has investigated how practitioners view the essence of the field.
To acquire a description of the essence of academic advising from several leaders
in the field, I sought approaches from both phenomenological and ethnographic
methodological schools, thus engaging in qualitative plurality (Frost, 2011). The
phenomenological aspect of this study was a description of the essence of academic
advising, as described by leaders who have served as academic advisors in various
capacities. The ethnographic aspect of this study was the focus on NACADA as a shared
culture and the observation-participant experience of the researcher over eight years.
Three themes emerged. First, advising was primarily characterized as an endeavor
in which students learn and develop. The duty of academic advisors, therefore, is to
discuss intellectual goals with students. Through advising, students learn to articulate,
develop, and accomplish goals, to appreciative ambiguity, and develop critical thinking
skills. Advisors also facilitate personal development for students and help them think
about their actions and behaviors. Through a balance of challenge and support, advisors
have a responsibility to help students become their best selves and to make the most of
college.
Second, advising is an interaction in which students make meaning and synthesize
their learning experiences. Advisors help students determine their values and take stock
of their situation. Through this synthesis, students form an academic identity. Advising is
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a setting where students are challenged to think about the bigger picture. Advisors
facilitate conversations about the connections between academic programs, careers, and
values. Advisors help students make sense not just of their chosen major path, but also
about how different parts of their college experiences relate to the entirety of their lives.
Advising can, therefore, be a transformative experience.
Finally, advisors support students by providing them resources and serving as a
point of institutional connection. Advisors may be the only consistent university
representative with whom students develop a long-standing significant relationship.
Advising is an interactive endeavor and not one in which the student is the passive
recipient of information. It is the connection with the institutional representative that
fosters the learning occurring in advising. Advisors must have a broad and in-depth
understanding of the campus and the curriculum of the university and have the skills to
read individual students, including the issues they are presenting and those that are
beneath the surface.
As the first empirical study to investigate this phenomenon, this study sets the
stage for other theorists and researchers to continue to develop and refine a theory of
academic advising.
Overview of the Findings of the Collected Papers
The field of academic advising has made significant strides toward
professionalization: the establishment of a professional association, a refereed journal and
other field literature, and graduate programs. However, the field still faces obstacles.
Most pressing is the issue of a clearly agreed upon purpose. Despite much scholarly
deliberation and discourse, academic advising and its role in higher education remains
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misunderstood by university stakeholders, including faculty and staff, students, and
advisors themselves. Indeed, there is little consensus on what advising is or ought to be
(Aiken-Wisniewski, Johnson, Larson, & Barkemeyer, 2015; Habley, 2009; Himes, 2014;
Kuhn & Padak, 2008; McGill, 2013; McGill & Nutt, 2016; Shaffer, Zalewski & Leveille,
2010), and how advising is valued at institutions plays a role in its status as a profession
(Kerr, 2000). There are two overarching findings that will be discussed here: (a)
autonomy and (b) professional community.
First, autonomy is associated with self-regulation and self-control, allowing a
profession “the freedom and power…to regulate their own work behavior and working
conditions” (Pavalko, 1988, p. 25). Of all the characteristics distinguishing professions
from non-professions, it is the most important (Pavalko, 1988). Autonomy denotes that
only those with sufficient knowledge, expertise, and training can perform the work. This
creates an exclusion criterion for individual workers: only those with some form of
credential (whatever is required by the occupational group) can practice. The literature of
review from study #1 suggested that academic advising is not a profession independent
from student affairs and higher education (Habley, 2009; Huggett, 2000; Kuhn & Padak,
2008; Shaffer el al., 2010). Similarly, the consensus is that student affairs has not met the
sociological standards to be considered a profession due to its context within higher
education (Carpenter, 2003). This review found little in the way of professionalization
being a concern for the field of higher education. Because student affairs and academic
advising are always situated in higher education, they can never be fully autonomous.
Second, the two guiding frameworks for this collected papers dissertation discuss
the professional community (community of practitioners [Pavalko, 1988] and collective
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identity characteristics [Houle, 1980]). In a community of practitioners, members share
important values and commitment to the profession. A unique issue for academic
advising is the issue of its administrative home within higher education. Academic
advisors are both full time, primary-role advisors and full time faculty who advise as part
of their load (and this is considered under service or under teaching, depending on the
institution). Thus, there can be difficulty in uniting the community. This division is
palpable on many campuses, but scholars have suggested that this is counter-productive
because all advisors need to be working together toward their shared goals and values
(Schulenberg & Lindhorst, 2008). Additionally, there is an underrepresentation of faculty
advisors within NACADA (C. Nutt, Personal Communication, May 24th, 2016). Without
empirical investigation or targeted surveys, it is impossible to know the reasons why
faculty are not more involved with NACADA, but it could be that they feel less
community there than they do at conferences in their respective fields. Or, perhaps, that
that academic advising has no journals published by reputable publishers. All the journals
are association or institution published therefore no impact factors are likely. Thus, when
considering what “counts” towards tenure and promotion, faculty may opt to be less
involved in NACADA. Regardless of where advising is housed or who is doing the
advising, advisors ought to work to form a stronger community of collaboration and to
articulate a shared vision for practice (Schulenberg & Lindhorst, 2008).
Overarching Implications of the Collected Papers
Findings from this collected papers dissertation are expected to inform
NACADA, to help move academic advising toward professionalization, and to add to the
body of literature on professionalization in any field. These findings have important
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implications for building a research base and advancing the field through theory-building,
to bring in other disciplinary perspectives into the field (especially from the humanities),
to better educate academic advisors and position them to be better scholars, and to
educate advising constituents. These implications are divided into two broad categories:
research and practice.
Research
Advancing the profession involves not only problematizing simplistic views and
practices of advising, but also thinking more intentionally about its distinctive purpose
and essence. Emerging professions may have alternative or competing ideas about the
nature of the work (Houle, 1980). As clarifying the conceptual defining functions is at the
bedrock of an occupational group’s claim to professionalization, it is critical that future
research continue to explore and articulate the core functions of academic advising. As
advising has been positioned as counseling, learning, mentoring, encouraging,
advocating, educating, and even friendship (e.g., Hemwall & Trachte, 2005; Lowenstein,
2005; Melander, 2005; Rawlins & Rawlins, 2005), there has been divisive discussions
about what advising is. “Advising is teaching,” first advocated by Crookston (1972), has
continued to be a popular slogan in the advising community. Although originally meant
to clarify the function of academic advising, it has recently been resisted by many and
was contested by interviewees and email commentators in study #2. “Advising as
teaching” and other popular analogues obscure the essence of advising (Schulenberg &
Lindhorst, 2008) and thus, the conceptual characteristic (Houle, 1980) must continue to
be explored in future research. Because of their roles in the association, the interviewees
for study #2 think very intentionally about overarching issues of the meaning of their
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work. With respect to the debate surrounding “advising as teaching” versus “advising as
service,” it is not clear if frontline advisors would describe their role in that manner or if
they would feel equipped to carry out complex conversations with students. Future
research should be conducted to gauge how advisors themselves view their work. For
example, studies might build from McGill’s (2016) application of the developmental
teaching perspective (Pratt, 1998) to consider if and how the other four perspectives
(transmission, apprenticeship, nurturing, and social reform) might be applicable to
advising work. This might facilitate the development of a widely accepted common
theory of advising (Lowenstein, 2014).
At the heart of a profession is its intellectual, esoteric body of literature (Pavalko,
1988). The theory and intellectual techniques of the field involve articulating the
problems defining the parameters of the field and shaping its body of specialized
knowledge. With their positions in NACADA, it comes as no surprise that the most
important aspect of growing toward professionalization for participants was the need to
build a research base in the field, to advance the field using theory, and to increase
opportunities for advisors to produce scholarship. One participant noted:
The scholarship and research may be one of the most essential pieces of
professionalizing academic advising. We need to continue to support and promote
research in the field from all sorts of disciplines: the social sciences and the
humanities. There is a lot of research happening in the social sciences. It’s
understandable, the history of the field promotes psychology and counseling…But
being a humanist, I would be interested in seeing more from the humanities. I
don’t think it means to the exclusion of the social science, because social science
research is really important, but in some ways having the two paired can be a
really interesting conversation and can add something to the field. It’s important
that the question of the nature of academic advising and consideration of what
some of the essential characteristics are is an important conversation to start and
to have. I think we need to continue to write and to publish and connect with each
other. (Participant 3)
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For a field that draws upon practitioners from every academic discipline,
producing new work drawing upon innovative methodologies will be critical. Because
there is not a firm disciplinary foundation, researchers in the field need to work especially
hard at connecting to others doing research. To further refine a theory of advising, studies
could use different methodologies (e.g., Delphi and/or grounded theory) geared
specifically toward further development for a theory of advising. Future studies could
seek to learn if and to what extent the themes found in study #2 are found in other
populations of academic advisors or through different research methods.
Research should also examine journals publishing research on academic advising
outside of academic advising journals. This will help to better gage the current shape and
scope of the knowledge base. Currently, academic advising does not have a journal
published by an academic publisher. This poses a significant challenge to its
professionalization.
Another stream of research could examine the content of graduate programs in
academic advising. In addition to the master’s program at Kansas State University (and
its corresponding graduate certificate), a Google search retrieved eight other graduate
certificates in academic advising from the following U.S. institutions: Angelo State
University, Arkansas Tech University, Eastern Michigan University, Florida International
University, Kent State University, Sam Houston University, University of Central
Missouri, University of South Florida. A quick review of the titles of courses required for
these certificates indicated that courses focus on theory of academic advising, working
with diverse students, student development theory, and administration of academic
advising. Further content analysis of these programs could elucidate the current state of
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graduate study in academic advising and what is missing for it to be an academic
discipline (Kuhn & Padak, 2008). Although the development of a master’s program was a
milestone for the field of academic advising, it is not enough to sustain an entire field of
practitioners. The curriculum and specialized body of knowledge needs to be examined
and established so that more programs can follow (Habley, 2009). There remain
questions about how it will look, but plans are already underway at Kansas State
University to begin offering a doctorate in academic advising in 2018 (C. Nutt, personal
communication, May 24th, 2016). NACADA is housed at Kansas State University; this
connection is important and has served the field and the association well. Although it is
beyond the scope of this dissertation, one important question for future research will be
“How does NACADA’s association with Kansas State impact the professionalization of
the field?” Professional associations play a significant role in the professionalization of
fields.
Perhaps the most important avenue of investigation is to generate empirical
research that demonstrates the impact that advising has on student success. The literature
reviewed in study #1 described the academic advising as a field on the margins. In an
article published in one of the first issues of the NACADA Journal, Trombley and Holmes
(1981) asked: “What will be the consequences of marginality?” (p. 48). The
conversations in student affairs centered on defining the field lest some other entity seeks
to define it (Paterson & Carpenter, 1989; Porterfield, Roper, & Whitt, 2011; Stamatakos,
1981). Many interviewees in study #2 expressed this concern for the field, especially with
increasing budget cuts and resource allocation in higher education. If academic advising
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is going to prove its worth in tangible ways that will speak to administrators, it needs to
demonstrate impact and effectiveness to stakeholders (McFarlane & Thomas, 2016).
Practice
How are frontline advisors thinking about their work? Are they thinking about
advising in terms of providing students with accurate and timely information to help them
graduate on time? How are they communicating the value of their work to students and to
other stakeholders? (Davis Jones, 2016). When advisors meet with students at freshman
orientation and talk about advising, then sit down with them and tell them what classes to
take, what message does that convey to students? Advisors also model behaviors and
attitudes for students. Given such a great responsibility, participants in study #2 indicated
that advisors need to think more deeply about their role in student success. What are the
implications for professional socialization of advisors? If advisors study Freitag’s (2011)
four advisor classifications—advising practitioner, emerging professional, professional,
scholar—and think more intentionally about advising theory, how it relates to their
practice and their career/professional identity, will this help elevate the status of
academic advising? How are advising administrators communicating the value of
academic advising to advisors? (McFarlane & Thomas, 2016). Besides their work with
students, what other kinds of work are advisors given? Is it mostly clerical? How is
advising evaluated? How is good advising rewarded? If advising is discussed in terms of
helping students graduate and if the work is evaluated as such, advisors will continue to
see their roles as course schedulers and not as professionals who are an integral part of
the teaching and learning mission of the institution.
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What does this research suggest for institutions in terms of graduation and
retention efforts? Little is known, empirically, about the public acceptance of academic
advising. Anecdotally, it might be said that most people who know academic advising
exists probably think of it in terms of course registration. Although there is certainly
evidence to suggest that advising is helpful in retention efforts, is this how the field wants
to be defined? Does this box advising into one specific institutional goal and allow others
to define our work for us? Tinto (1993) argued that retention is the byproduct of an
engaging college experience, not the goal itself. Advising is often linked directly to
retention and graduation because people see advisors as monitoring student’s progress
toward graduation. Viewed as course scheduling, the role of advising in student
engagement and campus involvement is severely diminished (Kuh, Kinzie, Schuh, &
Whitt, 2005; Tinto, 1993).
If advising is about learning, development, meaning-making and fostering a
connection with a concerned institutional representative, why is so much emphasis put on
course selection and graduating students on time? How does the goal of retention differ
from school to school? Is a private, elite school such as Harvard as concerned about
retention as a state school vying for state funding based on performance? What role does
advising play in this equation? In noting how academic advising should strive for
professionalism, one participant noted the importance of communicating the value of
advising to constituents: “So much of what we do is informed by impressions of what
others have of this field. Educating them in terms of how we view what we do. Those
would be the pieces of how we should move forward” (Participant 2). If people are going
to learn what it is that academic advisors do, it is incumbent on those in the field to
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inform them. What does a description of advising—in which students learn and develop,
make meaning, and connect with a caring institutional representative—imply for advising
caseload sizes? When caseloads remain higher than 300:1, the ability to connect with
individual students and help them to co-construct their academic identity becomes less
possible (Robbins, 2013). Continued work on a theory of advising could help clarify the
role and to convey the importance and value of academic advising to stakeholders
(Himes, 2014).
There are also implications for hiring and formal training. How are academic
advisors trained? How do they learn to be academic advisors? (Tokarczyk, 2012). Is there
a required specialization? If good advising requires more than providing accurate
information and helping facilitate a timely graduation, do advisors have the academic
background, training, expertise or time to have complex conversations with students?
What criteria exist for the selection of advisors during hiring? There remains a huge gap
in the academic advising literature on the education and hiring of advisors (Himes, 2014).
Could a theory of advising help to clarify this? What are the implications for
training/development of good advisors? Tokarczyk (2012) interviewed six professional
advisors at three research universities in the Midwest about their training and workplace
learning through the lens of the adult education literature. The study is the first of its kind
in the field of academic advising, as very little literature has studied academic advisors
themselves (Habley, 2009). The little research that exists about advisors is by-and-large,
quantitative (Tokarczyk, 2012). Of Habley’s (1986) three components of advisor’s
training and development (informational, relational, conceptual), the informational
component is over-stressed in advisor job training and that the other two are often
138
neglected entirely. If advisors come away from an initial training feeling fully equipped
of the procedures and policies of the institution, but are lacking an understanding of the
role of academic advising beyond a transmission of information, how are they going to
conduct their practice? If advising is a place where students grow and learn, why are
advisors not trained on learning theory? If good advising is about meaning making and
interpreting a student as one would interpret a text (Champlin-Scharff, 2010), how might
advisors be trained in hermeneutics to guide students through meaning making
processes? If advising is about an institutional connection for the student, why are
advisors not studying relational skills? Are relational competencies trained on the job?
One difference between a paraprofessional and professional with respect to necessary
knowledge to practice is what is learned on the job versus what is learned as part of one’s
professional education prior to getting a job (Pavalko, 1988). Professional knowledge is
more conceptual, requiring the professional to apply conceptual knowledge to several
different practical contexts. Is the knowledge required to be an advisor specialized and
conceptual? Or is it specific and applied knowledge?
If the field is going to advance in terms of its scholarship, it needs to be producing
researchers and new voices need to be joining the scholarly conversation. One participant
noted that the main graduate program in advising (offered through Kansas State
University) is mostly concerned with producing practitioners rather than scholars.
Although a research methods course is required, the degree does not culminate with a
research experience. She said:
We need to ensure that there is a scholar track within the field. I think
opportunities to do research, sharing what we learn and having a bit of
transparency in what we learn in that research. We are not only creating well139
rounded and solid professionals, but also scholars that examine academic
advising. And we also need to start building our research base related to that,
examine ourselves as a profession. (Participant 2)
In their co-editorial, “Is Academic Advising a Discipline?” then NACADA
Journal co-editors Kuhn and Padak (2008) briefly outline how the field of academic
advising functioned as a faculty responsibility, as a service and whether it could be called
a field or an academic discipline. While noting that academic advising could be
considered a “field,” they argue, “not every field could be called a ‘discipline’” (p. 3).
However, “the term ‘field’ is so generic that calling academic advising “a field” says
little about its essence” (p. 2). But to call the field an academic discipline would require
“a body of credible organized knowledge that is unique” and can only happen once
…it has a clear delineation of the modes of inquiry by which it validates itself,
creates new knowledge, and advances as a discipline; and when its intellectual
content is offered as a coherent grouping of courses in degree-granting majors at
several institutions of higher education. (p. 3)
The issue of graduate training and graduate programs is of chief concern for the
professionalization of fields (Shaffer, Zalewski, & Leveille, 2010). A prior study
exploring the perceptions of advisors regarding the professionalization of academic
advising found that despite the majority of the group (59%) having at least a master’s
degree, the majority of the group did not find a graduate degree necessary to advise well
(Adams, Larson, & Barkemeyer, 2013). If these are the perceptions of advisors
themselves, the field surely faces obstacles in terms of the way it is perceived by outside
stakeholders: “Unless the current educational demands and standards for advisors can be
clearly differentiated from such programs, the image of advisors as paraprofessionals will
remain indelible” (Shaffer et al., 2010, p. 74).
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This issue of academic home for academic advising is a significant obstacle to its
professionalization. In some places, it is housed under student affairs; in other places, it is
under academic affairs. Charlie Nutt, NACADA executive director, commented on the
main issue he sees as he visits campuses around the country and the world; he suggested
the need for more consistency of standards across the nation with help from human
resources departments on individual campuses (Adams, Larson, & Barkemeyer, 2013).
Consistent standards—led by a theory of advising—would impact students positively,
help clarify the purpose of academic advising, guide the field’s scholarly identity and
retain advisors in the field.
Conclusion
If academic advising is not recognized as a profession—or at least as professional
activity—advisors will not be rewarded accordingly (Kerr, 2000). This is tied to a lot of
issues including the retention of practitioners to the field. Although Pavalko’s (1988)
motivation dimension suggests that professionals are motivated by the welfare of their
clients instead of monetary gain, if pay is not commiserate with level of education,
experience, and hours worked, academic advisors will look for other opportunities.
Recognition and reward was an important form of motivation in the academic advising
literature (Kerr, 2000; Padak & Kuhn, 2009). Due to the low number of institutions who
value academic advising enough to consider recognition and reward, “academic advising
is definitely at the crossroads of not being recognized as a profession in the near future
unless we make a dramatic about-face” (Kerr, 2000, p. 352). In one study, past presidents
of NACADA indicated the great need to increase the visibility of advising awards and the
winners thereof (Padak & Kuhn, 2009).
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In the first issue of the NACADA Journal, Borgard (1981) stated, “we need
something more if academic advising is to become a truly educative function rather than
an adjunct to teaching, research, and service” (p. 1). Participants in Study #2 said that
after more than 35 years, the field is still searching for its identity. If the field of
academic advising wishes to move beyond of the periphery of professional marginality, it
must consider how to address these various implications.
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Appendix A
INTERVIEW GUIDE
1.) What is a profession? What constitutes a profession?
2.) How does theory add to the discussion of professionalism in advising? What role
should theory play in the professional development of academic advisors? Is there a
common core of theoretical knowledge that should be mastered by those practicing
academic advising?
3.) What is the essence of academic advising? What is the distinctive nature of academic
advising?
4.) What specific roles do academic advisors play that people outside of the field do not?
5.) To what fields is advising related? How does this relationship influence its
advancement as an independent, distinctive field?
6.) What sort of specialization is required for academic advisors?
7.) What are the career stages for academic advisors? What is important for career
progression in the field of advising? What are the criteria for advancement in the field?
8.) Should there be a distinct program of study for academic advisors? What would a
formalized field of study for academic advising look like? Should there be coursework
distinct from that of higher education, student affairs or educational leadership graduate
programs?
9.) What role should credentialing play in academic advising?
10.) What are important considerations for professionalization for the future of academic
advising?
11.) Where does the field stand in terms of public understanding and public acceptance?
a.) What perceptions do university provosts have of the field of academic
advising?
b.) What perceptions do university presidents have of the field of academic
advising?
c.) What perceptions do faculty have of the field of academic advising?
d.) What perceptions do administrative staff have of the field of academic
advising?
e.) What perceptions do support staff have of the field of academic advising?
f.) What perceptions do students have of the field of academic advising?
What impact does this have on the field?
147
12.) How should academic advising strive for professionalization?
13.) Is there anything I should have asked you about the professionalization of advising
that I didn’t?
14.) Is there anything you’d like to add?
148
Appendix B
CONSENT FORM EXAMPLE
ADULT CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN A RESEARCH STUDY
Leaders’ Perception of the Professionalization of Academic Advising
PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
You are being asked to be in a research study. The purpose of the phenomenology is to
investigate what subject matter experts who are members of NACADA understand as the
state of the professionalization of academic advising.
NUMBER OF STUDY PARTICIPANTS
If you decide to be in this study, you will be one of twelve people in this research study.
DURATION OF THE STUDY
Your participation will require three hours of your time; participation will require
approximately 1.5 hours for the interview and approximately 1.5 hours to review the
transcripts and themes.
PROCEDURES
If you agree to be in the study, we will ask you to do the following things:
1.
Share your thoughts and perspectives about the field of Academic
Advising;
2.
You will agree to be audio recorded;
3.
As part of the member checking process, you will be asked to review the
transcripts for accuracy and increased clarification.
RISKS AND/OR DISCOMFORTS
There are no known risks associated with the participation of this study.
BENEFITS
This study will provide the participants with an opportunity to reflect on their occupation
and professional identity. After the study is completed, the participants can relate their
feelings to those of their peers.
ALTERNATIVES
There are no known alternatives available to you other than not taking part in this study.
However, any significant new findings developed during the course of the research which
may relate to your willingness to continue participation will be provided to you.
149
CONFIDENTIALITY
The interviews will be recorded and transcribed. Once the transcription has been
completed, the recordings will be erased. During the study, the recordings will be kept on
the investigator’s computer. The participants will be given participant codes in the
transcription and will be referred to as such in the written manuscript. A master key will
be locked up in investigator’s office. The transcription of the interviews will be presented
to the participants for approval before coding begins. Anything with which they are
uncomfortable will be erased from the transcripts and not included in the published paper.
COMPENSATION & COSTS
There is no monetary compensation available for the participation of this study.
RIGHT TO DECLINE OR WITHDRAW
Your participation in this study is voluntary. You are free to participate in the study or
withdraw your consent at any time during the study. Your withdrawal or lack of
participation will not affect any benefits to which you are otherwise entitled. The
investigator reserves the right to remove you without your consent at such time that they
feel it is in the best interest.
RESEARCHER CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions about the purpose, procedures, or any other issues relating to
this research study you may contact Craig M. McGill at Florida International University,
305-348-3372,
[email protected].
IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you would like to talk with someone about your rights of being a subject in this
research study or about ethical issues with this research study, you may contact the FIU
Office of Research Integrity by phone at 305-348-2494 or by email at
[email protected].
PARTICIPANT AGREEMENT
I have read the information in this consent form and agree to participate in this study. I
have had a chance to ask any questions I have about this study, and they have been
answered for me. I understand that I am entitled to a copy of this form after it has been
read and signed.
________________________________
Signature of Participant
__________________
Date
________________________________
Printed Name of Participant
________________________________
Signature of Person Obtaining Consent
__________________
Date
150
VITA
CRAIG M. McGILL
2001-2005
Bachelor of Arts (B.A.)
Music, English, Communication Studies, Film Studies
University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Lincoln, Nebraska
2006-2008
Master of Music (M.M.)
Music Theory
University of Nebraska-Lincoln
Lincoln, Nebraska
2008-2010
Master of Science (M.S.)
Academic Advising
Kansas State University
Manhattan, Kansas
2013-2017
Doctor of Education (Ed.D.) Candidate
Adult Education & Human Resource Development
Florida International University
Miami, Florida
PUBLICATIONS (Selected)
McGill, C. M. (under review). ‘This burning desire is turning me to sin’: The
intrapersonal sexual struggles of two Disney singing villains. Under review for Queer
Studies in Media & Popular Culture.
McGill, C. M. (under review). Leaders’ perception of the professionalization of academic
advising: A phenomenography. Under review for the NACADA Journal.
McGill, C. M. & Rocco, T. S. (under review). Professions on the periphery? Examining
the professionalization of higher education, student affairs, and academic advising. Under
review for Research in Higher Education.
McGill, C. M. (under review). Towards articulating the defining functions of academic
advising: Clarifying the conceptual characteristic. Under review for The Journal of
Higher Education.
McGill, C. M. & Lazarowicz, T. (under review). Connecting students for success through
a 2+2 program: A descriptive case study. Under review for The Journal of College
Orientation and Transition.
151
Rocco, T. S. & McGill, C. M. (2017). [Chapter 5] Examining mandated education
through Dewey’s eyes. In A. Mandell & X. Coulter (Eds.) Adult educators on Dewey’s
experience and education
Wright, U. T., Rocco, T. S. & McGill, C. M. (2017). [Chapter 8] Exposing oppressive
systems: Institutional ethnography as a research method in adult and workforce
education. In V. X. Wang & T. G. Reio (Eds.) Enhancing research methods through
innovative techniques, trends, and analysis (x-x). Hershey, PA: Information Science
Reference/IGI Global.
Nutt, C. & McGill, C. M. (2016). Challenges for the future: Developing as a profession,
field, and discipline. In eds. Grites, T. & Miller, M. Beyond foundations: Developing as a
master academic advisor (Jossey-Bass/NACADA).
McGill, C. M. (2016). “Cultivating ways of thinking”: The developmental teaching
perspective in academic advising. New Horizons in Adult Education and Human
Resource, 28(1), 50-54.
McGill, C. M. & Collins, J. (2015). Creating fugitive knowledge through disorienting
dilemmas: The issue of bottom identity development. New Horizons in Adult Education
and Human Resource Development, 27(1), 32-43.
McGill, C. M. & Martinez, A. (2014). Appreciative mentoring: Applying the appreciative
framework to a writing fellows program. Journal of Appreciative Education, 2(1), 10-15.
McGill, C. M. (2014). “It might have been sophisticated film music”: The role of the
orchestra in stage and screen versions of Sweeney Todd, the Demon Barber of Fleet
Street. Studies in Musical Theatre, 8(1), 5-26.
McGill, C. M. (2014). Sweeney Todd: Hypertexuality, intermediality and Adaptation.
Journal of Adaptation in Film & Performance, 7(1), 41-63.
McGill, C. M. (2012). Sondheim’s use of the “Herrmann chord” in Sweeney Todd.
Studies in Musical Theatre, 6(3), 291-312.
McGill, C. M. & Lazarowicz, T. (2012). Advising transfer students: Implications of
Schlossberg’s transition theory. In eds. Grites, T.J. and Duncan, C. Advising transfer
students: Strategies for today's realities and tomorrow's challenges. [Monograph No.
25). Manhattan, KS: National Academic Advising Association.
152