The Gaglianos:
Two Centuries of Violin Making in Naples*
Guido Olivieri
For about two hundred years, from the end of the seventeenth century to the midnineteenth century, the Gagliano was the most important family of luthiers in
Naples. Their art, transmitted from father to son for four generations, practically
coincided with the history of violin making in Naples. The exceptional production
of these makers, which covers the entire qualitative spectrum from outstanding to
rather coarse instruments, was able to compete with the most famous North-Italian
schools of violin makers and is still today in high demand.1
Violins and cellos made by members of the Gagliano family appear
frequently in the lists of important international auctions, side by side with
the celebrated instruments of the North-Italian families—Amati, Stradivari,
or Guarneri—often attaining rather high prices. A 1709 violin by Alessandro
Gagliano at Skinner auction in Boston fetched $205,000 in 2000, while another
violin dated 1702 was valued at $204,000 at Christie’s last year; a cello by Gennaro
Gagliano, dated 1741, even reached the sum of £246,500 at Bonhams.2 In 2007
a violin by Gennaro Gagliano was sold in London at a new record for that maker
of $210,000.3
Abbreviations:
ASBN: Napoli, Archivio Storico del Banco di Napoli.
ASC: Napoli, Archivio Storico del Conservatorio S. Pietro a Majella.
* This essay gathers the first results of a larger study I am conducting on the life and activity of the
Gagliano violin makers. It is my homage to William Prizer’s superb scholarship and a small token of
appreciation for having been such a rigorous and patient mentor for me. I would also like to thank
Timothy McGee and Neal Zaslaw for their invaluable suggestions. At the moment of the revision
of this article, I have received news of a paper presented by David Bonsey at the 40th Annual
Conference of the American Musical Instrument Society on the Gagliano family. Unfortunately I
could not read this paper and I am not aware of the exact content of it.
1
A recent article underlined the fame and popularity of these instruments stating that “The world is
awash in Gaglianos”; Erin Shrader, “Gaglianos Galore,” Strings 146 (Feb. 2007), 98-101 at 98.
2
For the Boston’s auction see Joanna Pieters, “News & Events,” The Strad 111, no. 1317, (Jan. 2000),
8. The report on Christie’s auction is by Caroline Gill, “Auction Report: New Internationalism,”
The Strad 118, no. 1406 (June 2007), 27. “The main attraction at Bonhams was a magnificent
cello, which sold to a well-known musician. This Gennaro Gagliano, Naples 1741, came with
an optimistic estimate of £220,000-280,000, and just managed the lower bracket of £220,000
(£246,500 with premium).” Anne Inglis, “Selling Fireworks” The Strad 111, no. 1318 (2000), 120.
3
Caroline Gill, “The Best of Times,” The Strad 118, no. 1402 (Feb. 2007), 24.
363
364
Guido olivieri
Instruments created by the Gagliano family form part of important collections
worldwide. Three violins by Nicola and Giuseppe Gagliano have been acquired by
the Royal Academy of Music in London, while other instruments of these makers
are preserved in the collections of the Library of Congress, the National Music
Museum of the University of South Dakota, and the Smithsonian Institution’s
Museum of American History, among other institutions.4
The irregular proportions adopted in the early instruments by the founding
father of the dynasty, Alessandro Gagliano—especially their longer body, a
characteristic shared with other South-Italian luthiers—makes some of these
instruments more difficult to adapt to modern standards. But their rich tone
and powerful voice are much in demand among many performers, particularly
those committed to historically-informed performance practice. John Holloway
and Fabio Biondi both play violins made by Ferdinando Gagliano in the 1760s;
Catherine Mackintosh owns an 1803 Giovanni Gagliano as her modern violin;
and Andrew Manze performs in concerts around the world with his 1783 violin
by Giuseppe Gagliano, an instrument admired for its clear and sweet tone that he
nonetheless describes thus: “of the ones coming out of the Gagliano workshop, this
was probably third-rate, a budget violin.”5
Yet despite all this interest, very little is known of this family of luthiers that
dominated the production of violins and cellos in Naples. The activity of many
of the Gaglianos – especially that of the earliest representatives – is still shrouded
in mystery, while myths and legends characterize the reconstruction of their lives.
The information on the careers of some are based solely on the dates recorded on
the labels of the instruments they produced. Indeed, even a recent study examining
some of the Gaglianos’ finest instruments admits that the extraordinary story of
this family is still “locked in the Archives of Naples; and likely to remain so, as
the city records are notoriously incomplete, thanks to various acts of nature and
mankind.”6
It is perhaps time to shed light on and unveil some of the secrets of these
prominent Neapolitan makers. This study presents the first documentary evidence
on the activity of the Gagliano family and its relationship with the Neapolitan
conservatories in the context of the history of violin-making in Naples in the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
4
For the Royal Academy collection see David Rattray and Clarissa Bruce, Masterpieces of Italian
Violin Making 1620-1850: Twenty-Six Important Stringed Instruments from the Collection at the Royal Academy
of Music (London: Royal Academy of Music, 1991). Information on the Smithsonian Museum
collection is in Pierre Ruhe, “Preservation or Incarceration?” The Strad 108, no. 1291 (Nov. 1997),
1230. For the National Music Museum collection, I have consulted the website at http://www.usd.
edu/smm/. Several other instruments by Gagliano are preserved in the collection of instruments of
the Conservatorio di S. Pietro a Majella in Naples as well as in numerous private collections.
5
Catherine Mackintosh states: “My modern violin is an 1803 Giovanni Gagliano and that is fine for
Brahms onwards—I just don’t use a chin-rest for early 19th-century music and I have gut strings on
it.” See Jessica Duchen, “Practicing Performance,” The Strad 106, no. 1261 (May 95): 484. Manze’s
comment is in Timothy Pfaff, “Masters of Early Music,” Strings 13, no. 7, issue 77 (April 1999).
6
John Dilworth, “Like Father, Like Son?” The Strad 115, no. 1365 (Jan. 2004), 36-43 at 36.
The GaGlianos: Two CenTuries of violin MakinG in naples
365
From its inception the history of violin-making in Naples was influenced
by the intersection of two main traits: the presence in the city of workshops
established by German makers and the impact of the North-Italian schools of
luthiers.
It is well known that in some small German towns of the Bavarian region,
especially in and around Füssen, a long tradition of instrument making had
flourished since the Middle Ages. In Füssen the first guild of lute makers was
already established in 1562, and a vigorous industry of violin making was well
developed in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The series of religious wars
that ravaged Germany and central Europe in the early seventeenth century led to
a rapid decline in the once lively commerce of instruments and to the consequent
diaspora of entire families of makers. Although the German makers scattered
throughout Europe—among the most famous was the Tieffenbrucker family in
Lyon and Paris—many saw Catholic Italy as the safest place for the exercise of
their art and a thriving country in which to practice their industry. These makers
had a fundamental role in the formation and development of the luthier tradition
in Italy. Some of the most important luthiers of the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries in Italy bear German names: a branch of the Tieffenbruckers in Venice
and Padua; the Straubs in Milan, Venice, and Modena; Hans Kolb and David
Tecchler in Venice and Rome; and Michael Platner in Rome. As in the rest of
Italy, the earliest luthiers to establish their workshops in Naples during the first half
of the seventeenth century were of German origin. The long list includes at least
Matheus Daiser, Jörg Hellmeier, Georg Kaiser, Magnus Lang I, Christoph Railich,
Michael Rauscher, Hans Schavitle, Georg Schiessler, Jacob and Michael Stadler,
Lukas and Peter Steger, and Jacob Tiefenbrunner in the seventeenth century;
and Georg Bairhoff, Thomas Eberle, Josef Joachim Edlinger, Magnus Lang III,
Antonio Magnus, and Hans Man in the eighteenth century.7
Jörg Hellmeier was among the earliest makers to settle in Naples, dying
there in 1626. He was probably a member of the large family of Hollmayr (or
Hollmayer), German makers active in various Italian and European centers.
Georg Kaiser, who was originally from Rieden, near Füssen, moved first to
Venice and Padua, where he probably worked with Wendelin Tieffenbrucker, and
around 1605 arrived in Naples, perhaps together with Magnus Lang I. He was
almost certainly a relative of Martin Kaiser, an influential figure in seventeenthcentury violin making in Venice from whom Matteo Gofriller learnt his craft.8 A
document of 1615 indicates Georg Kaiser as the maker of an archlute for the
use of the Viceroy Don Pedro Fernandez de Castro, Count of Lemos, a member
7
This list, as well as some of the following information is extracted from the fundamental work
by Richard Bletschacher, Die Lauten- und Geigenmacher des Füssener Landes (Hofheim am Taunus: F.
Hofmeister, 1978).
8
Stefano Toffolo, Antichi strumenti veneziani 1500–1800: Quattro secoli di liuteria e cembalaria (Venice: Arsenale editrice, 1987); and John Dilworth, “Fit for a King,” The Strad 108, no. 1289 (Sep. 1997), 968.
366
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of the Accademia degli Oziosi and one of the most cultured personalities in
Naples.9
Before the plague that devastated the city in 1656, Jörg Hellmeier, Jacob and
Michael Stadler, Georg Kaiser, Matheus Daiser, Magnus Lang, Michael Rauscher,
Georg Schiessler, and Lukas and Peter Steger were all working in Naples. They were
members of a confraternity established to bring together citizens and craftsmen of
German origin that was located in the church of S. Maria dell’Anima dei Tedeschi,
donated to the city’s German citizens in 1586. According to the statutes of the
Confraternita dell’Anima two of the four governors had to be chosen from among
the craftsmen members.10 Jakob Stadler certainly occupied a prominent place in
the confraternity, since he was elected six times as governor between 1611 and
1644. Michael Rauscher was governor in 1620 and 1622, while Christoph Railich,
member of a family of luthiers well established in Padua, was resident in Naples at
least from 1668, where he married one Barbara de Mauro and became governor
of the confraternity in 1670 and again in 1671.
It was also common for these craftsmen to establish family ties among
themselves. In 1616 Kaiser’s daughter Apollonia married Hans Schavitle,11
another German luthier who on January 13, 1609 had been elected governor of
the Confraternita dell’Anima. The luthier Magnus Lang I, born in Schwangau,
had worked in Padua between 1597 and 1599, moving then to Naples probably
together with Georg Kaiser. Here he was elected three times as governor of the
confraternity in 1606, 1618, and 1624. His daughters Angela and Maddalena
married, respectively, the makers Georg Schiessler (in 1628) and Matheus Daiser
(in 1630).
The presence in Naples of Jacob Tiefenbrunner as a member of the
Confraternita dell’Anima in 1667-68 is significant for the liaisons between the
Neapolitan and later Mittenwald schools. Indeed, Jacob was probably a relative of
Martin Tiefenbrunner, born in 1687 and in turn the godfather of Matthias Klotz,
founder of the Mittenwald school.12
9
The document is quoted in Gaetano Filangieri Indice degli artefici delle arti maggiori e minori, 1: 450,
and reprinted in Francesco Nocerino, “Liutai del sedicesimo e diciassettesimo secolo a Napoli:
contributi documentari,” Recercare 13 (2001), 235-47, at 240. For the Count of Lemos see Otis H.
Green “The Literary Court of the Conde de Lemos at Naples, 1610-1616,” Hispanic Review 1, no. 4
(Oct. 1933), 290-308.
10
A doctoral dissertation is presently in progress at the University of Rome Tor Vergata by Luigi
Sisto on the Neapolitan luthiers during the Spanish domination (1503-1707), with the title “Napoli
e le origini della tradizione liutaria italiana.” Sisto also presented a paper at the annual conference
of the Società Italiana di Musicologia in 2007 on “Aspetti sociali e sistema produttivo liutario a
Napoli tra Cinque e Seicento. La Confraternita di S. Maria dell’Anima dei Tedeschi: storia, vita
sociale, attività corporativa (1586-1717),” which discussed his systematic research of the archival
funds of this congregation. The text of this paper was not available to me.
11
In some documents he is indicated as “Sciaffitel.”
12
We note here that Vannes reports a violin of the Mittenwald school signed “Tentzel Benedikt,
Napoli 1717.” The Tentzel was in fact a family of luthiers active in Mittenwald in the 18th century.
See René Vannes, Dictionnaire universel des luthiers (Brussels: Les Amis de la Musique, 1993), 1: 356.
The GaGlianos: Two CenTuries of violin MakinG in naples
367
Despite this significant presence of German makers in Naples, which certainly
contributed to the birth of a local tradition of violin making, some documents seem
to indicate that the production of violins in the early seventeenth century was still
very limited and was soon overtaken by the North Italian schools. It seems likely
that the best instruments were imported directly from what had already become
the most famous school of luthiers in Italy, that of Cremona. Contacts between
Naples and Cremona are confirmed as early as the first decades of the century.
One of the earliest documents attesting the circulation of violins of Cremonese
production dates back to 1620:
To the Governors of the [Congregation of] Visita Poveri 10 ducats and on
their behalf to Filippo Latino, these have been paid for the porterage of eight
violins and one bass that he brought from the city of Cremona here to Naples
to be used for the music of their conservatory and of this payment he remains
satisfied.13
An inventory of the instruments owned in 1707 by the first violinist of the
Neapolitan Royal Chapel, Pietro Marchitelli, shows that the violins of the
Cremonese school were already preferred by the most eminent performers of
the time. Marchitelli’s collection includes several precious violins from the Amati
workshop—here interestingly characterized as “old violins”—together with some
other string instruments produced locally by the still today little-known luthiers
Mancino and della Rocca:
Seven old Violins from Cremona by Nicolò, Antonio and Geronimo Amati,
three violette [violas], another violin by Mancini, one violin by Mr. Franceschino
della Rocca, one guitar.14
The production of Alessandro Gagliano, the founder of the family dynasty, clearly
demonstrates the influence of the two main traditions that coexisted in Naples.
13
“Alli Governatori de Visita Poveri ducati 10 e per loro a Filippo Latino, dite se li pagano per
la portatura di otto violini e uno basso che ha condutto dalla città di Cremona qua in Napoli per
servizio della Musica del loro Conservatorio e resta sodisfatto.” (ASBN, Banco dello Spirito Santo,
giornale copiapolizze mat. 148, on January 3, 1620). Quoted in Francesco Nocerino, “Strumenti
musicali a Napoli al tempo di Piccinni,” in Clara Gelao, Michele Sajous, and Dinko Fabris, eds. Il
tempo di Niccolò Piccinni: Percorsi di un musicista del Settecento (Bari: M. Adda, 2000), 62.
14
“Violini di Cremona vecchi di Nicolò, Antonio e Geronimo Amati n. 7, Violette n. 3, altro
Violino del Mancini, un Violino del Sig.r Franceschino della Rocca, una Chitarra.” Document
quoted in Ulisse Prota-Giurleo, “Breve storia del teatro di corte e della musica a Napoli nei sec.
XVII-XVIII,” in Felice de Filippis and Ulisse Prota Giurleo, Il teatro di corte del Palazzo Reale di Napoli
(Naples: L’arte tipografica, 1952), 69. Mancino could be possibly identified with or at least related
to the luthier Costantino Mancino. The activity of this luthier in the second half of the seventeenth
century emerges in a single document of payment for a commission of numerous harmonic tables
for the construction of calascioni and guitars: “A Giuseppe Antonio Galdieri ducati 18, tarì 1, grana
10, e per esso a Costantino Mancino a complimento de ducati 51.4.10 atteso l’altri ducati 33.3 l’ha
ricevuti contanti, quali ducati 51.4.10 se li pagano per l’intiero prezzo, vendita e consegna fattali di
numero 350 tompagni di calascione, e numero 452 detto de chitarra, quale con ditto pagamento
resta intieramente soddisfatto e per esso a Pietro de Carluccio per altritanti” (ASBN, Banco di San
Giacomo, mat. 461, 19 Agosto 1688, c.95); quoted in Nocerino, “Liutai,” 242-43.
368
Guido olivieri
The earliest violins and cellos made by this luthier show a distinctive style whose
model is closer to the German tradition than to the North-Italian one. Indeed
this is not surprising considering the history of the Neapolitan tradition of violin
making described above. One needs also to take into account that some German
luthiers were still active in Naples when Alessandro started his workshop, and that
others, such as Georg Bairhoff and Thomas Eberle, probably worked for some
time in Gagliano’s workshop—to the point that some of their instruments are often
mistaken for Gagliano’s.
A well-established tradition, however, still considers Alessandro to be a follower
of the Cremonese school and more precisely a disciple of Antonio Stradivari. This
association has been based essentially on the often unreliable surviving labels placed
inside the instruments Alessandro made around 1700, in which he calls himself
an “Alumnus Stradivari.” To corroborate the belief in Alessandro’s apprenticeship
with Stradivari is also the story of his flight from Naples to escape punishment for a
crime. One of the earliest and most imaginative accounts of this episode describes
how the young Alessandro, son of a marquis of the same name, killed a man and
was forced to “hide in a dense forest around Mariglianetto Borgo, and there as a
pastime he started carving some instruments similar to the shape of violins in the
tree trunks he found at hand.”15
A more credible version was included in 1885 in De Piccolellis’s book devoted
to the Italian luthiers:
Alessandro Gagliano was born in Naples around 1640 and since his youth
had a passion for the study of music and as a pastime made a few mandolins
and lutes, showing a certain predisposition and talent. In the Reign of Naples
there existed at that time the deplorable custom of dueling. . . . Alessandro,
following the common practice, became a very skilled swordfighter and, as he
also had a bold temperament, it was easy for him to get into trouble. Indeed,
one evening he was arguing with a young Neapolitan noble of the Mayo family,
a very powerful family on account of its friendship with the Viceroy, the Count
of Penneranda, when actions proved quicker than words and, swords having
crossed, Alessandro’s challenger fell dead on the spot. The duel occurred in
the small square of Santa Maria La Nuova near the church of the Franciscans
that a Bull of Pope Gregorio XIV had made inviolable, like all the other
churches in the city. Thus Gagliano, fearing the consequences of his homicide,
sought refuge among the friars and asked for their protection. Pennaranda was
a strenuous opponent of dueling and was accustomed in such cases to treat it
with extreme severity. . . . This was the situation, when it appeared prudent to
the Cardinal of Naples, Ascanio Filomarino, who had taken the friars’ side, to
15
“… il s’enfonça dans une èpaisse forêt près de Mariglianetto Borgo, et là pour se distraire, il se mit
à tailler dans les troncs d’arbre qu’il avait sous la main, des instruments dont la forme ressemblait
à celle du violon…” Nikolai Borisovich Youssoupoff, Luthomonographie historique et raisonnée: Essai
sur l’histoire du violon et sur les ouvrages des anciens luthiers célèbres du temps de la renaissance par un amateur
(Frankfurt am Main: Ch. Jügel, 1856), 52.
The GaGlianos: Two CenTuries of violin MakinG in naples
369
save Alessandro by arranging his escape. He took all the necessary steps to have
him secretly leave the convent, and at night, securely escorted by armed men,
he took him to his villa in Mignaniello, from where Alessandro left for Rome.
Alessandro moved on and, going from city to city, finally arrived to Cremona.
There he had the opportunity to meet Stradivari and, observing the works
of this luthier, Alessandro once again became inflamed with a passion for
making instruments and entered the workshop of that great master as a pupil.
He worked for about thirty years under the guidance of the illustrious luthier
and acquired true mastery. Then, after such a long exile, having obtained an
official pardon, he left Cremona and in the last days of the year 1695 saw his
hometown again.16
Although there is no documentary evidence to confirm this legend, its profusion
of details suggests that it was copied from a chronicle of the time. A few elements,
however, make even this version suspicious. If Alessandro was indeed born in
1640 and the duel took place around 1664—this being the last year of Marquis of
Peñaranda’s reign—he would have returned to Naples to start up his independent
workshop at the age of fifty-five and continued to make violins well into his eighties.
Besides considering it unlikely that an artisan could start his activity in his late
maturity—what is more, after spending about thirty years in a different city—one
must also consider that in the 1660s Stradivari was still at the beginning of his career
and therefore far from being the celebrated violin maker that he became later. It
is also important to bear in mind that in most of the surviving labels Alessandro
“Alessandro Gagliano nacque in Napoli verso il 1640 e fino dai suoi più giovani anni studiò con
amore la musica e per diletto si diede a costruire qualche mandolino e qualche liuto, mostrando
una certa naturale disposizione ed ingegno. Nel vicereame di Napoli esisteva a quei tempi la funesta
piaga dei duellanti [...]. Alessandro, seguendo l’esempio comune, divenne un abilissimo spadaccino
ed ebbe inoltre un’indole molto temeraria e tal da doverlo trascinare facilmente a qualche mal
passo. Ed in fatti, avendo egli una sera attaccato briga con un nobile napoletano della famiglia
Mayo, potente assai per l’amicizia che lo legava al vicerè conte Penneranda, furono i fatti più pronti
delle parole: ed incrociate appena le spade, il suo avversario cadde ucciso sul colpo. Avvenne il
duello nel piccolo largo di Santa Maria la Nuova vicino alla Chiesa dei Francescani, resa inviolabile,
come tutte le altre della città, dalla bolla di papa Gregorio XIV, onde il Gagliano, spaventato per
le conseguenze che poteva avere tale omicidio, cercò ricovero dai frati, mettendosi sotto la loro
protezione, in grazia del diritto d’asilo che essi godevano. Era il Penneranda strenuo persecutore
dei duellanti, e soleva in simili casi trattarli con asprissimo rigore. [...] Stavano così le cose,
quando parve savio partito al cardinale di Napoli Ascanio Filomarino, che si era mischiato nella
faccenda per sostenere i frati, di ridurre in salvo Alessandro colla fuga. Procurò tutti i mezzi acciò
segretamente si allontanasse, e nottetempo, con sicura scorta d’armati, lo diresse a Mignaniello in
una sua villa, di dove lo fece partire per Roma. Alessandro spinse più innanzi i suoi passi, e di città
in città giunse fino a Cremona. Quivi ebbe occasione di conoscere lo Stradivari, ed osservando le
opere sue gli si riaccese la passione di costruire strumenti, ed entrò come scolare nella officina di
quel grande maestro. Lavorò circa trent’anni sotto la guida dell’illustre liutaio, ed acquistò una vera
abilità. Poi, dopo un così lungo esilio, avendo avuta notizia del suo perdono, lasciò Cremona e negli
ultimi giorni dell’anno 1695 rivide la sua città nativa.” Giovanni de Piccolellis, Liutai antichi e moderni
(1885) (repr., Bologna: Arnaldo Forni, 1985), 31-32.
16
370
Guido olivieri
Gagliano stated only that he was a follower of Stradivari, without providing any
further details. While we may safely assume that these labels referred to the by then
famous Antonio Stradivari and were most likely used as an advertising stunt, the
discovery of the last will of the celebrated luthier has revealed that his youngest
son, Omobono, traveled to Naples probably around 1698 and spent two and a
half years there.17 It is certainly possible that Omobono Stradivari met Alessandro
Gagliano and worked with him for a few months, and that this was enough to cause
the Neapolitan maker to proclaim himself a disciple of Stradivari.
The lack of documentary evidence makes it extremely difficult to discern
any grain of truth behind the legends surrounding the activities of the Gagliano
family. However, new documents have emerged during this early stage of my
research that provide precise information and firm data about the Gaglianos and
their association with the Neapolitan conservatories. The four conservatories in
Naples had evolved during the course of the seventeenth century from orphanages
into full-fledged music schools. A complex administrative apparatus regulated the
organizations of education and saw to the other needs of the figlioli, the young
boys in training to become professional musicians. From the start these institutions
had obviously to resort to luthiers in order to acquire and repair the instruments
used by the figlioli. Some conservatories employed local makers on an occasional
basis, while others, such as the Conservatorio of S. Maria di Loreto, hired them
permanently among the official personnel, beginning with makers of harpsichords
and organs, and later including makers of the string and wind instruments.
Starting in the mid-seventeenth century the names, years of activity, and stipends
of these “accomodatori d’istrumenti” were listed in the account books of the
conservatories.
The first mention of Alessandro Gagliano appears in the list of the luthiers
appointed at the beginning of the eighteenth century. In the Libro Maggiore covering
the years from 1699 to 1703, the following makers are listed: Felice Cimmino, organ
maker, and Matteo Cappello, who “from the first day of April 1699 has again
started to serve the Conservatory for all repairs to violas and violins.” Cappello
worked for the conservatory until September 1701 and was temporarily replaced by
Vito Antonio Albanese from March 9, 1702.18 In June of the same year, Albanese
ceded the post to Alessandro Gagliano, who was hired with a salary of 7.2.10
ducats per annum: “Alessandro Gagliano—1703 on 20 May, Ducats 3.3.15 to be
paid through the Bank of S. Eligio for six months of salary up to December 11,
1702.”19 (see Fig.1.)
17
On Stradivari’s testament and Omobono’s travel to Naples, see Carlo Chiesa and Duane
Rosengard, The Stradivari Legacy (London: Peter Biddulph, 1998).
18
It is possible that this maker belonged to a family of luthier of old tradition. An Orazio Albanese
was active in Naples as a maker of viols in the second half of the sixteenth century. See Nocerino,
“Liutai,” 238.
19
“Alessandro Gagliano -- 1703 @ 20 Maggio Ducati 3.3.15 pagabili per il Banco di S. Eligio
per sua provvisione di mesi sei per tutto li 11 di Xmbre 1702 ut supra in esso banco.” ASC,
Conservatorio di S. Maria di Loreto, Libro Maggiore (1699-1703) (III.1.2.20), c. 289.
The GaGlianos: Two CenTuries of violin MakinG in naples
Figure 1: ASC, Conservatorio di S. Maria di Loreto, Libro Maggiore (16991703) (III.1.2.20), c. 289. (By kind permission of the Archivio Storico del
Conservatorio di S. Pietro a Majella, Naples)
Figure 2: ASC, Conservatorio di S. Maria di Loreto, Libro Maggiore (16991703) (III.1.2.20), c. 289v. (By kind permission of the Archivio Storico del
Conservatorio di S. Pietro a Majella, Naples)
371
372
Guido olivieri
Figure 3: ASC, Conservatorio di S. Maria di Loreto, Libro Maggiore (1704-14)
(I.22.7), c.358. (By kind permission of the Archivio Storico del Conservatorio
di S. Pietro a Majella, Naples)
A note on the previous page reiterates that the salary of 7.2.10 ducats is
awarded to Gagliano for one year of service “starting in June 1702 and ending on
June 11, 1703 with the obligation of repairing violins and violas in the same way as
carried out by Master Matteo Cappello.”20 (see Figure 2.)
Gagliano maintains his positions also in the years 1704-14 with the same
obligations and an unaltered annual salary. But the Libro Maggiore further reveals
the existence of a contractual agreement: (see Figure 3 above):
Ducats 3.3.15 for his six months’s salary from July 1 1703 until December of
the same year with the obligation to repair the violins and violas according to
the contract stipulated by the Notary Domenico Marinelli, to which we make
reference, and he remain satisfied of the past, [he accepts] the balance as it
appears in the preceding [account] book on c.289.21
The activity of Alessandro Gagliano at the Conservatory of S. Maria di
Loreto ended in 1722, with the last payment being recorded in December of that
year. All biographies place Alessandro’s death sometimes between 1725 and 1735.22
20
Ibid., c. 289v.
“Ducati 3.3.15 per sua provvisione di mesi sei dal primo di Luglio 1703 per tutto Xmbre detto
per lo peso d’accomodare li violini e viole giusta l’espresso nell’istromento rogato per Notar
Domenico Marinelli, al quale ut supra stando sodisfatto del passato come dal libro antecedente a
c. 289 ut supra a conto de Resti.” Ivi, Conservatorio di S. Maria di Loreto, Libro Maggiore (1704-14)
(I.22.7), c. 358.
22
Luigi Francesco Valdrighi, Nomocheliurgografìa antica e moderna: ossia Elenco di fabbricatori di strumenti
armonici (1884) (repr., Bologna: Forni, 1967); Giovanni de Piccolellis, Liutai; Willibald Leo
21
The GaGlianos: Two CenTuries of violin MakinG in naples
373
I believe it is unlikely that Gagliano, having worked for about twenty years in the
same conservatory, decided to retire from this secure position and either move to
another institution or devote himself exclusively to the production of violins in his
workshop. If not precisely in 1723, I would estimate the time of Alessandro’s death
as probably no more than a few years later.
Alessandro’s successors at the conservatory of Loreto were three little-known
luthiers: Emilio Sfrondato, from May 1723 to April 1726; Michele Sala, from
September 1726 to August 1731; and Nicola Vinaccia, from October 1731 to March
1734. The last is the earliest-known member of an important family of instrument
makers active in Naples in the second half of the eighteenth century. His name
does not appear in any biographical repertory, but an archival document indicates
that in the same year (1734 )he was employed as a luthier at the Conservatory of
Sant’Onofrio a Capuana.23
Between May and June 1734 the Gaglianos re-established their supremacy.
Alessandro’s eldest son, Nicola, probably the most talented member of the family,
was hired as luthier at the Conservatory of Loreto. His activity there continued
uninterruptedly for the entire period of fourteen years covered by the account
book. (See Fig. 4 on p. 374.) It is certain that Nicola Gagliano kept his position
at the Conservatory of S. Maria di Loreto for at least another ten years, as it is
confirmed by a document dated November 14, 1758:
Expenditures - To Magnifico Nicola Gagliano for three ducats, grana 3.15
via the Bank of S. Eligio for his salary of 6 months ended this month of
November 1758, corresponding to his annual stipend of ducats 7.2.10 for the
duty of repairing violins, cellos, and double basses in our Conservatory and
Sacred House of Loreto, according to what has been agreed, and he remains
satisfied …24
Lütgendorff, Die Geigen und Lautenmacher vom Mittelalter bis zur Gegenwart (Frankfurt a.M.: Verlag von
Heinrich Keller, 1913); and Henri Poidras, Critical & Documentary Dictionary of Violin Makers, Old and
Modern (Rouen: Imprimerie de la Vicomté, 1928) all give 1725 as the year of death for Alessandro
Gagliano. Vannes, Dictionnaire, puts the end of Alessandro’s activity around 1728, while Cecie
Stainer, A Dictionary of Violin Makers (London: Novello,1956) states that Alessandro died in Naples
“around 1730.” In his recent article “Like Father, like Son?” John Dilworth extends the activity of
Alessandro to 1735.
23
“Ducati 2.2.10 a Mastro Nicola Vinaccia, disse esserno per il semestre maturato alla fine di
giugno 1734 per l’accomodi che fa alli Violini, viole, controbasso, ed altro delli figlioli del loro
Conservatorio.” ASBN, Banco dei Poveri, Account 1164, on July 7, 1734; quoted in Paologiovanni
Maione, “Le carte degli antichi banchi e il panorama musicale e teatrale della Napoli di primo
Settecento,” Studi Pergolesiani 4 (2000), 1-129, at 76.
24
“Esito – Magnifico Nicola gagliano per Ducati Tre, grana 3.15 per il Banco di Sant’Eligio per sua
provvisione di Mesi 6 finidi nel corrente Mese di 9mbre 1758, alla ragione di ducati 7.2.10 l’anno
per lo peso d’accomodare li Violini, Violoncelli e Contrabassi del nostro Real Conservatorio e Casa
Santa di Loreto, giusta il convenuto, e resta sodisfatto [...]. ASC, Conservatorio di Santa Maria di
Loreto, Giornale dell’Introito et Esito (1758-1762), c.37r. The document is published in Tommasina
Boccia, “Documenti e regesti”, in Il museo della musica. Guida alla mostra, ed. Luigi Sisto, Emanuele
Cardi, and Sergio Tassi (Naples: Accademia organistica campana, 2002), 27. I am grateful to Luigi
Sisto for making available this material.
374
Guido olivieri
Figure 4: ASC, Conservatorio di Santa Maria di Loreto, Libro Maggiore
(1715-48), [I.23.3], ff. 183 r-v. (By kind permission of the Archivio Storico
del Conservatorio di S. Pietro a Majella, Naples).25
Nicola was also active as a luthier at the Conservatorio dei Poveri di Gesù
Cristo around the same time. The documents related to the expenses for this
conservatory in 1742 include the indication of a regular salary paid to “Nicola
Cagliano” [sic] as maestro in repairing all the string instruments of the conservatory
and other related duties for 8 ducats a year.26 Another document in the same book
records a payment for 1 ducat to “Mastro Nicola Cigliano” [sic] to repair a cello
completely broken (“rotta é tutta scassata”) of one of the figlioli.
The association of the Gagliano family with the Neapolitan conservatories
extended over the entire eighteenth century and beyond. Some documents of the
early-nineteenth century confirm that, even after the suppression of the four old
conservatories and the creation of the Real Collegio di Musica a San Sebastiano,
the Gaglianos remained the luthiers of choice. A list of all the repairs to the violins
25
26
ASC, Conservatorio di Santa Maria di Loreto, Libro Maggiore (1715-48), [I.23.3], cc. 183r-v.
“A di. d.o [Dec. 31, 1742] al Sig. Nicola Cagliano Maestro di Accomodare tutti li Istrum[en]ti di
corde della Casa e Altro D. 8 per l’annata finita ut supra -----8” Naples, Archivio Storico Diocesano,
Conservatorio dei Poveri di Gesù Cristo, Libro d’Esito (1742) [D51], f. 49v.
The GaGlianos: Two CenTuries of violin MakinG in naples
375
and bows of the students of the conservatory made between January and March
1816 bears the signature of Giuseppe Gagliano,(see Figs. 5 & 6 on p. 376), the
second son of Nicola. This is clear evidence that Giuseppe was still active at
the beginning of the nineteenth century, although apparently not as a violin
maker.27
A later resolution of July 12, 1831 by the administration of the (now) Real
Collegio di Musica rewarded a different member of the Gagliano family for his
work in the manufacture and repair of instruments: “We pay to Antonio Gagliano
30 ducats and 14 grana for the cost of a violin and other new pieces made for
the violin, cello, and double bass of this Collegio, in accordance with the estimate
for this amount provided by Maestro Cerretelli.”28 The luthier named here is
either Nicola’s third son — who often collaborated with his brother Giuseppe on
the manufacture of violins — or, more likely, Nicola’s grandson, who belonged
to the last generation of violin makers bearing this surname. Both Raffaele and
Antonio, sons of Giovanni Gagliano, the last child of Nicola, started their activity
as makers of violins in the family workshop, but their instruments are often of
inferior quality, and they soon confined themselves to the production of strings
for instruments.
By the mid-nineteenth century, the long tradition of the Gagliano family
that started with Alessandro had been irreparably lost, but this family of violin
makers had left its mark in the development of a Neapolitan school of luthiers:
a school that created some of the finest instruments of the eighteenth century,
still regarded as models by subsequent generations of luthiers inside and outside
Naples.
27
The two leaves are in ASC, Real Conservatorio di S. Sebastiano, Vol. Florimo, Rari 19.9, doc.
133. Many thanks to Dr. Tommasina Boccia, head archivist of the Conservatory, for pointing out
this document to me.
28
“Pagansi ad Antonio Gagliano ducati trenta et grana 14 per importo di un violino ed altri pezzi
nuovi datti ai violini, violoncello, e contrabasso di questo Collegio, giusta la nota valutata per detta
somma dal Maestro Cerretelli.” ASC, Serie Amministrazione, Sottoserie Deliberazioni, Registro
delle Deliberazioni della Commissione Amministrativa del Real Collegio di Musica (8 gennaio 1831 – 27 Dicembre
1836), f. 13v. The document is reproduced in Boccia, “Documenti,” 29.
376
Guido olivieri
Figs. 5-6: ASC, Real Conservatorio di S. Sebastiano, Vol. Florimo,
Rari 19.9, doc. 133. (By kind permission of the Archivio Storico del
Conservatorio di S. Pietro a Majella, Naples)