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1990, Health Affairs
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This review discusses the implications of demographic shifts, particularly the aging baby boomer population, on long-term care policies and practices in the United States. It highlights the limitations of existing public and private mechanisms for long-term care funding, emphasizing the need for a more equitable approach to care for not only the elderly but also younger individuals with chronic conditions and disabilities. The critique of the collection of essays edited by Marion Ein Lewin and Sean Sullivan underscores the failure to adequately address intergenerational equity and the complexities of integrating care funding across different populations.
Annals of Internal Medicine, 1990
Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics, 2009
The debate around age-based healthcare rationing was precipitated by two books in the late 1980s, one by Daniel Callahan and the other by Norman Daniels. These books ignited a firestorm of criticism, best captured in the claim that any form of age-based healthcare rationing was fundamentally ageist, discriminatory in a morally objectionable sense. That is, the elderly had equal moral worth and an equal right to life as the nonelderly. If an elderly and nonelderly person each had essentially the same medical problem requiring the same medical treatment, then they had an equal right to receive that treatment no matter what the cost of that treatment. Alternatively, if cost was an issue because the benefits of the treatment were too marginal, then both the elderly and nonelderly patients requiring that treatment ought to be denied it. If there were something absolutely scarce about the treatment, then some fair process would have to be used to make an allocation decision (and that fair...
An aging U.S. society, a growing array of life-extending medical interventions, Medicare policy and an ethic of individual decision-making together contribute to the deepening societal tension between controlling health care costs and enabling health consumer use of life-sustaining technologies. The activities that constitute longevity making, like so many other socio-medical practices, constitute a site for the governing of life and the emergence of new forms of ethical comportment and social participation. Those activities-including the necessity of treating risk, the difficulty of saying 'no' to evidence-based interventions and the responsibility of choosing among clinical options-also lie at the heart of debates about health care rationing and reform. Cardiac procedures, organ transplantation and cancer treatments are three examples of medicine's success in extending life and are emblematic of the existential and societal quandaries that result. A perspective from medical anthropology shows the ways in which the making of life is linked to health care spending and the ongoing debates about age-based rationing. Keywords health care reform; age rationing; privatized ethics; self-care With health care reform and especially Medicare reform on the front pages and at the forefront of the Obama administration agenda, a perspective from medical anthropology can highlight some of the socio-cultural sources of emergent and recalcitrant obstacles to cost containment efforts and can show, too, why the topic of age rationing continues to be a significant point of ongoing tension and lack of resolution. An explosion in the varieties of life-extending interventions for older persons is changing the face of many medical specialties in the U.S. Routine and innovative treatments are prolonging more lives at older ages than ever before, and the average age of persons who receive surgery or other non-primary care interventions that extend life is rising. Indeed, octogenarians comprise the most rapidly growing group of surgical patients and there is a growing medical literature on the justification and benefits for performing many kinds of procedures on persons over the age of 80. These practices are reshaping medical knowledge and societal expectations about 'normal' old age, ordinary medical treatment and the time for death. For example, medicine's successes have promoted the widespread assumption that its techniques can almost always restore health; practitioners and patients alike consider the office phone:
Medical Anthropology
Why are US health-care costs far higher than elsewhere in the world (Emanuel 2018)? And why, if so much more is spent, are such critical outcomes as rates of infant and maternal mortality, life expectancy and treatments for serious diseases not significantly betterand often markedly worsethan in other economically comparable countries (Starfield 2000)? Why, moreover, do studies show high rates of patient dissatisfaction, turnover within the nursing and allied health professions (Blouin and Podjasek 2019; Lyons, Lapin and Young 2003) and physician burnout (Shanafelt et al. 2012). And why, despite recent efforts to ease access to medical care, do 34 million people still have no health insurance, while over 176 million delay in getting needed careor put it off completely. A new West Health-Gallup (2019) survey has reported that 65 million adults said that cost kept them from seeking treatment for a medical problem, while nearly a quarter reduced other routine household spending to pay for health care and/or medicine. As many as 45% of those surveyed said they worried that a major health event could bankrupt them, including one in three families earning at least $180,000 annually. There is just one answer to each of these questions: there is no government-guaranteed right to health care in the US. This contrasts with all other high-income countries, and many others not as wealthy, which through constitutional or legislative action provide their populations with "universal" health care: at least basic medical coverage and insurance against a financial catastrophe triggered by medical problems (World Health Organization 2019). In contrast, the US health-care system is an agglomeration of private corporations whose chief function is to generate profits, and only secondarily to promote health. This unique structure dates back to the Cold War era, which saw immense growth in military-industrial spending. In his 1961 Farewell Address, President Dwight Eisenhower famously warned: "[W]e must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex" (1961). Some argue that an earlier draft included the word "congressional" in this complex (Perret 1999). Eisenhower's words apparently fell on deaf ears; even without specific mention, the US Congress has done the bidding of a powerful military-industrial alliance ever since. In 1969, just a few years later, activist scholars Barbara and John Ehrenreich observed the growth of a parallel "medical-industrial complex" (Ehrenreich and Ehrenreich 1969). Elaborating on this, Arthur Relman cautioned that "the past decade has seen the rise of another kind of private '"industrial complex'" with an equally great potential for influence on public policythis time in health care" (1980:963). In subsequent years, in consort with the US Congress, this complex grew into a nationwide network of corporations supplying health-care services and products for practically unfathomable profit. The Center for Responsive Politics reported that among the 10 most powerful interest groups in US politics, those representing corporate health care hold the third through the sixth top spots CONTACT Carole H.
papers.ssrn.com
2010
hospice staff, patients, and families I met and interacted with during my Masters Degree Practicum for helping cultivate my interest and understanding of Medical Ethics. The other two members of my committee-David Reidy and Alfred Beasley-have also contributed to my development as a scholar, educator, and philosopher. Vera Jakoby at McDaniel College and Kim Kipling, Professor Emeritus, at Radford University also deserve a special "thank you." When, during the second week of college my freshman year, I asked Dr. Jakoby what I could do with a major in Philosophy, she kindly pointed to a picture on her office door of an ascending staircaseeach step representing a different profession grounded in philosophical traditions. Kim's perpetual excitement for doing philosophy is infectious. His willingness to engage me in philosophical conversation before or after class, during office hours, or on walks around campus led me to better understand the aesthetic value of being a human looking into the abyss. Both are responsible for the passion and appreciation I have for doing philosophy. I perhaps owe the most to my family, friends, and colleagues. My parents have 1.
Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics, 2011
What does it mean to be a “just” and “caring” society in meeting the health care needs of the terminally ill when we have only limited resources to meet virtually unlimited health care needs? This is the question that will be the focus of this essay. Another way of asking our question would be the following: Relative to all the other health care needs in our society, especially the need for lifesaving or life-prolonging health care, how high a priority ought the health care needs of persons who are terminally ill have? Should any of the health care needs of the terminally ill be assigned very low priority? Or should all their health care needs be assigned the highest priority? If we reflect a bit, we will find ourselves greatly internally conflicted. On the one hand, the “caring” side of our moral self might see terminally ill individuals as being among the “medically least well off,” and therefore, deserving virtually any medical resources that will yield any degree of good for them.
Medical Anthropology Quarterly, 2011
Medicare, Ethics, and Reflexive Longevity: Governing Time and Treatment in an Aging Society The clinical activities that constitute longevity making in the United States are perhaps the quintessential example of a dynamic modern temporality, characterized by the quest for risk reduction, the powerful progress narratives of science and medicine, and the personal responsibility of calculating the worth of more time in relation to medical options and age. This article explores how medicine materializes and problematizes time through a discussion of ethicality-in this case, the form of governance in which scientific evidence, Medicare policy and clinical knowledge and practice organize first, what becomes "thinkable" as the best medicine, and second, how that kind of understanding shapes a telos of living. Using liver disease and liver transplantation in the United States as my example, I explore the influence of Medicare coverage decisions on treatments, clinical standards, and ethical necessity. Reflexive longevity-a relentless future-thinking about life itself-is one feature of this ethicality. [bureaucratic rationality, technological innovation, bioethics, liver transplantation, U.S. society] Anticipatory Medicine The emergence of "the timing of death" as a focus for individual-clinical control has become ubiquitous in U.S. society, and that preoccupation, together with the desire to "grow older without aging" (Miller 2006) are two dimensions of a dynamic modern temporality in an aging society. In "advanced liberal" sectors of society (Rose 1996) that temporality is expressed through the quest for health promotion and risk reduction and by "living in prognosis" (Jain 2007), that is, a way of knowing and living that is oriented toward probabilities of the timing of death in the context of disease. Overall, contemporary temporality is infused with a sensibility of anticipation (Adams et al. 2009) in which the future is made present via
International Journal for Equity in Health 18:140, 2019
This article aims to clarify the moral underpinning of the policy framework of Healthy Ageing. It is a policy adopted by the World Health Organization designed to operate in alignment with the United Nations (UN) framework of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the urgency given for the achievement of Universal Health Coverage (UHC). It particularly reflects on what, if anything, justifies protecting the most basic rights to health and well-being of older adults from possible policy trade-offs on the path to UHC. It argues that the dignity of older adults-under which are nested more specific ideas of self-respect, respect for autonomy, as well as the ethical priority for living well-underpins a categorical moral injunction against imposing the familiar utilitarian calculus as the default criterion for policy trade-offs across age groups. Respect for the dignity of older persons marks the moral threshold that every society ought to uphold even under conditions of relative resource scarcity. The moral constraint on permissible policy trade-offs relating to the health of older adults must reflect an understanding of older persons as active agents in the social structure of (their) well-being, not merely as passive vessels through which a good healthy life may or may not occur. We argue that there are three main domains where trade-offs are unacceptable from the moral point of view: it is impermissible (1) to prioritise key service(s) across different (vulnerable) age groups on the basis of actual or future contribution to society, (2) to prioritise across different age groups when co-prioritisation is warranted by the ethical theory, and (3), to always prioritise (by default) services that improve well-being over those that foster respect for dignity and autonomy.
Psychonomic Bulletin & Review, 2016
La metodologia valutativa dei principi orientativi
M. Á. GONZÁLEZ (Comis.), Teresa de Jesús. Mujer, Santa, Doctora, II Catálogo de la Exposición. A&M Gráficas, S, L, pp. 121-136, 2022
Moreshet Israel, 2019
Петербургское востоковедение, 2023
African Journal of Biotechnology, 2016
France Culture (Radio France) émission Cultures Monde
Diabetes Research and Clinical Practice, 2002
International Journal of Social Ecology and Sustainable Development, 2013
Comunicación y Medios, 2021
PLOS ONE, 2016
Journal of Urban Economics, 2014
Proceedings of the 2018 Conference of the ACM Special Interest Group on Data Communication, 2018