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2009, Cognitive Processing
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3 pages
1 file
Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 1993
Fundamental to spatial knowledge in all species are the representations underlying object recognition, object search, and navigation through space. But what sets humans apart from other species is our ability to express spatial experience through language. This target article explores the language of objects and places, asking what geometric properties are preserved in the representations underlying object nouns and spatial prepositions in English. Evidence from these two aspects of language suggests there are significant differences in the geometric richness with which objects and places are encoded. When an object is named (i.e., with count nouns), detailed geometric properties – principally the object's shape (axes, solid and hollow volumes, surfaces, and parts) – are represented. In contrast, when an object plays the role of either “figure” (located object) or “ground” (reference object) in a locational expression, only very coarse geometric object properties are represented...
Cognition, 2001
We examined the relationship between spatial language and spatial memory by comparing native English, Japanese, and Korean speakers' naming of spatial locations and their spatial memory for the same set of locations. We focused on two kinds of spatial organization: axial structure of the reference object, and contact/support with respect to its surface. The results of two language (naming) tasks showed similar organization across the three language groups in terms of axial structure, but differences in organization in terms of contact/support. In contrast, the results of two memory tasks were the same across language groups for both axial structure and contact/support. Moreover, the relationship between spatial language and spatial memory in the two sets of tasks did not show a straightforward isomorphism between the two systems. We conclude that spatial language and spatial memory engage the same kinds of spatial properties, suggesting similarity in the foundations of the two systems. However, the two systems appear to be partially independent: the preservation of particular spatial properties was not mandatory across languages, nor across memory tasks, and crosslinguistic differences in spatial language did not lead to differences in the non-linguistic encoding of location. We speculate that the similarity in linguistic and non-linguistic representations of space may emerge as a functional consequence of negotiating the spatial world.
The categories named by spatial terms vary considerably across languages. It is often proposed that underlying this variation is a universal set of primitive spatial concepts that are combined differently in different languages. Despite the inherently cognitive assumptions of this proposal, such spatial primitives have generally been inferred in a top-down manner from linguistic data. Here we show that comparable spatial primitives can be inferred bottom-up from non-linguistic pilesorting of spatial stimuli by speakers of English, Dutch, and Chichewa. We demonstrate that primitives obtained in this fashion explain meaningful cross-linguistic variation in spatial categories better than primitives designed by hand for that purpose, and reflect both universal and language-specific spatial semantics.
Perception, 2012
David Marr's metatheory emphasized the importance of what he called the computational level of description--an analysis of the task the visual system performs. In the present article I argue that this task should be conceived of not just as object recognition but as spatial understanding, and that the mental representations responsible for spatial understanding are not exclusively visual in nature. In particular, a theory of the visual system must interact with a theory of the language faculty to explain how we talk about what we see--and how we see all the things we talk about as though they are part of the perceived world. An examination of spatial language both raises the bar for theories of vision and provides important hints for how spatial understanding is structured.
Cognition, 2002
This paper investigates possible influences of the lexical resources of individual languages on the conceptual organization and reasoning processes of their users. That there are such powerful and pervasive influences of language on thought is the thesis of the Whorf-Sapir linguistic relativity hypothesis which, after a lengthy period in intellectual limbo, has recently returned to prominence in the anthropological, linguistic, and psycholinguistic literatures. Our point of departure is an influential group of cross-linguistic studies that appear to show that spatial reasoning is strongly affected by the spatial lexicon in everyday use in a community . Specifically, certain groups use an absolute spatial-coordinate system to refer to directions and positions even within small and nearby regions ("to the north of that coconut tree") whereas English uses a relative, body-oriented system ("to the left of that tree"). The prior findings have been that users of these two types of spatial systems solve rotation problems in different ways, ways predicted by the language-particular lexicons. The present studies reproduce these different problem-solving strategies in monolingual speakers of English by manipulating landmark cues, suggesting that the prior results were not language effects at all. The results are discussed as buttressing the view that linguistic idiosyncracies do not materially restrict the thought processes of their users.
Proceedings of the 32nd annual meeting on Association for Computational Linguistics -, 1994
This paper outlines the linguistic semantic commitments underlying an application which automatically constructs depictions of verbal spatial descriptions. Our approach draws on the ideational view of linguistic semantics developed by Ronald Langacker in his theory of Cognitive Grammar, and the conceptual representation of physical objects from the two-level semantics of Bierwisch and Lang. In particular the dimensions of the process of conventwnal imagery are used as a metric for the design of our own conceptual representation.
1989
Development of a comprehensive model of spatial relations is important to improved geographic information and analysis systems, and also to cognitive science and behavioral geography. This paper first reviews concepts of space. A critical distinction is between small-scale spaces, whose geometry can be directly perceived through vision and other senses, and large-scale space, which can be perceived only in relatively small parts. Fundamental terms for spatial relations often are based on concepts from small-scale space, and are metaphorically extended to large-scale (geographic) space. Reference frames, which form an important basis both for spatial language and for spatial reasoning, are discussed. Lastly, we set as a short term but important goal a search for geometries of spatial language.
International Journal of Human-Computer Studies, 1998
Previous studies have provided evidence of multi-level mental representations of language-conveyed spatial (scenic) information. However, the available evidence is largely inconclusive with regard to the structure of these mental representations. A laboratory experiment assesses computer-assisted problem-solving performance abilities when language-conveyed representations of spatial information are matched with the language perspective of the task and with individual cognitive skills. Our findings largely validate this paradigm of ''cognitive fit'' that has been applied in non-language computer display domains, and the results suggest language-fostered ''perspective-bias'' in the formation and use of mental representations of spatial (scenic) information.
Nyagudi Josiah Safara, 2013
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