Academia.eduAcademia.edu

Ideas and Activities of Sayyid Jamal-al din Afghani

Jamal al-Din al-Afghani The Roots of Islamic Revivalism: The Muslim societies faced rapid decline after 17.century. During 19.century, the Muslim masses were under two main threat; the intellectual decline in Islam and spread of colonization. Thus, the rapid decline of Muslim world and failure to protect its land fused for modernization reforms. Since 17th century, Islamic armies under sovereignty of Ottoman caliphates retreated. It meant that Islamic civilization retreated. During 19th century, Islamic scholars began to reexamines reasons of the decline of Islamic civilization. The authoritarian rulers and conservative ulema occupied the upper strata in Muslim world. The influence of the conservative 'Ulama' is usually so strong that no authoritarian ruler has been able to challenge them. On the other hand, most peripheral Muslim lands had already been colonized. In mid-19.century, The Dutch occupied the Indonesia and British monopolized political power in India. Furthermore, China and Russia occupied the Turkestan and put an end to the Muslim sovereignty in these regions. Despite the decline of Muslim civilization, the Ottoman Turkey still was the most powerful Muslim state in world and most Muslims from Turkestan to North Africa were theoretically loyal to the Ottoman sultan, who claimed the title of caliphate. Later, the occupation of Tunisia (1881) and Egypt (1882) would damage to the prestige of Ottoman Sultans. The Islamic world seemed in danger of losing its sovereignty totally. During this turbulence time, Jamal al-Din al-Afghani called and struggled mainly for political and religious reforms. Actually, it is necessary to indentify Afghani’s root. Although, very little information was availed about his root, it was claimed that Afghani was born in Kunar province (Afghanistan). He was also supposed to be shi’a in Iran by origin (Keddie, 1972). Some have even claimed that Afghani was born into a Turkish speaking Azeri family in Maraghah/Hamadan (Kedourie, 2008). The British resources mentioned that he wore traditional cloths of Nogai Turks of Central Asia. Afghani spoke Persian, Arabic and Turkish fluently. Aziz Ahmad argues that ‘‘he was a nomad in politics, not the subject citizen of a powerful universal state’’ (Ahmad, 1960:66). His fatherland was the Muslim world. His impact over all Muslim worlds regardless to nationality was impressing. He carried his unsettling messages to Cairo, Istanbul, Tehran, and Kabul. Afghani called for urgent modernization and reformation of Muslim societies. It was obvious that Afghani’s political importance was significant. In his whole life, Afghani tried to establish a solid block against western imperialism. In this work the ideas and activities of Afghani will be analyzed. The ideas and activities of him focused on three main concern; ‘reform, liberation and unity’. In first part, the ideas of Afghani about the re-interpretation of Islam have been examined by focusing his thoughts about state, authority, modernity and materialism. He was a reformist to build model Islamic state. In second part, the call for Islamic union has been dealt. The impact of Islamic nationalism will be focus. In third part, the political activities of Afghani in Muslim countries such as Turkey, Iran, Egypt and British India have been examined by taking account of the historical events. Conclusion will examine the overall validity of Afghani and legacy of his thoughts. Finally, Surely, Afghani’s basic calls would have paved the way for Muslim modernization. Reformation: Firstly, Afghani in religious sense, proposed the time-sensitive interpretation of Quran and Sunnah. In other word, he suggested to re-open the gate of case law (ijtihad). Afghani claims that Abbasid abandoned their duty of ijtihad since 9th century. It is a general belief that ijtihad is open to reforms. While early Muslim scholar claims that no knowledge is possible beyond Qur’an or in the words of Prophet, Afghani does not follow this claim and give attention to the sufi idea of infinity of meaning (Moazzam, 1984). He argues that ‘‘each age has need of an especially experienced and learned man, without whom human order and survival will be deranged’’ (Keddie, 1972:69). He indeed, claims that prophet examined the Qur’an and its law in terms of his own time. Muslims could do it with arts and science of civilization. Afghani claims that Muslim societies were under danger of moral underdevelopment. He argues that ‘‘Lying and false accusation became our habit and our second nature (adat va malikah)’’ (Hairi, 1972:126). It could only be overwhelmed by true interpretation of Sunnah. He claims that Muslim become weak and infidels are so predominant (Hairi, 1972). Muslims ignored their divine tradition and Islamic characteristic. Consequently, he believes that way to recover the lost glory is to get the vice and virtues that the umma once possessed (Montada, 2005). In the question of decline of Islam, Afghani took a more orthodox position and presented himself as a true pious and defender of Islam. Influenced by current of scientific innovations, Afghani believes that Qur’an should be re-interpreted. Actually, Ottoman and Persian scholars had already re-examined Qur’an in order to justify modernized Armies (Keddie, 1972). Afghani indeed extended the scope of re-examination. He emphasized that the true essence of Islam was knowledge. He believed that nature and the universe were created so people would challenge to learn secrecy of universe. He often emphasized the importance of knowledge and rationality. Even the Prophet advises the believer to ‘seek knowledge even unto China’. Afghani believes that human actions are generally performed by guidance of reason. Moreover, human actions, customs and manners, everyday life and pattern of nations depend on rationality (Moazzam, 1984). Historically, Islam puts special emphasizes on the acquisition of knowledge. Qur’an does not require people to believe blindly. It is addressed to ‘‘those who are conscious of God and those who use their reason’’ (Qur’an 30:24). Therefore, the Qur’an stresses knowledge and reason as the valid way to faith and God-consciousness. It says ‘‘only those of the servants of God who possess knowledge are the ones who truly stand in awe of him’’ (Qur’an 35:28). Islam and Qur’an always emphasize the reason and knowledge. He points out the necessity of education (tarbiyya). He argues that education brought nobility and rationality to the individual life. He believes that modern and advanced education was a means of self-strengthening of Muslim milla. Thus, Afghani participated in the modernization project of Dar-ül Fünun (Istanbul Universty) in February 1870. Then, he temporarily occupied the membership of high council of education (Dar-ül Fünün). Afghani never supported blind, extremist rationalism and science fetishism. Reason and science can not please the masses. Because of this, he argues that Islam is the only religion to cope with the challenges of the modern world. In his studies, he used the Shiite-Persian rationalist philosophy. His approach to Islam was criticized by Sunni ulema of Al-Anzar. Obviously, this true essence had been expressed differently by Muslim societies. Afghani published only two books in his lifetime .The refutation of materials (1881) were significant to examine his ideas about materialism. This work represents that Afghani has growing interest toward rationalist thinking, social consciousness, and modernism. He acquired a position that defended Islam against heretical and Liberal tendencies (Keddie, 1972). Afghani refutes materialist and neutralist arguments. Afghani challenged against both materialists in Muslim and Western world. He identifies the materialists as the epitome of evil intent on destroying human civilization. Materialism reduced human-beings into the world of passions, sins and (Türköne, 1994). He argues that there were sub-movements in naturalism and materialism such as socialism and nihilism. He defined them as destroyers of law and morality (Berkes, 1998). Then, he was in critique of Darwin’s evolutionary theory. He argues that man-kind is unlike animals because it has soul. Afghani also had debate with famous French intellectual, Ernest Renan. Renan made a conference about Islam and Science in Sorbonne at 29 march 1883. He argued that Islam was antagonistic to science by nature (Türköne, 1994) .Arabs were inferior race to rational thinking. Turks lacked intellectual and philosophical tradition. This conference frustrated many Muslim intellectuals. Namık kemal strongly criticized Renan, and pointed out Renan’s ignorance about the root of Islam. Despite Renan’s harsh critique towards Islam, Afghani took a moderate critique of Renan. He argues that every religion was antagonistic to religion. There was a historical struggle between free-thinking and dogma. Therefore, Islam could succeed like Europeans (Türköne, 1994). In contrast to ‘refutation of materials’, Afghani had limited critique toward Renan. Kedourie (2008) argues that Afghani’s heterodoxy and sympathy to philosophy prevented him from harsh critique. Keddie (1972) argues that Afghani was a man of politics and he tried to get support of French intellectual class for his cause. For Türköne (1994), that represented his main contradiction. Secondly, Afghani also challenged against absolutist regimes in Muslim countries. He strongly criticized authoritarian regimes. Afghani indeed defended more participatory regimes. Obviously, he did not favored modern parliamentary democracy. He emphasized the main participatory concepts of Islamic theory. The most well known are the concepts of Shura (consultation), Bay’a, (pledge of allegiance) and Ijma (consensus of the society). Briefly, Inspired by Farabi’s philosophy, he believes that perfect ruler (al-murshid al-kamil) who, as the benevolent despot (al-mustabidd al-Cadil), reigns in the virtuous city (al-medina al-fadila) (Matthe, 1989). Afghani addressed the institution of "consultative government" (al-hukulmat al-shüriyah). He envisioned a hierarchically structured society that functions on the principles of shame, trustworthiness, and truthfulness, and aspires to the ideals of intelligence, pride, and justice (Bashiri, 2000). He argues that the foundation of the Sultanate laid on perfection and mastery of industry and commerce (Kenny, 1966). Significantly, Afghani claims that wise and benevolent governments should record comparisons and the keeping account of the relative strength of nations. Thus, it could prevent the bankrupt or corruption. For, it has been found that the ‘‘western nations exercise great care in this matter, which is known amongst them as statistics"(Kenny, 1966:27).Afghani was not directly against sovereignty of Muslim rulers. He was against backward and ignorant despotism. It was not wrong to claim that Afghani supported constitutional monarchy. It was obvious that Afghani’s ideas on authority and society caused problems between him and authoritarian rulers. Hence, Afghani’s relations with Egyptian Khedives and Iranian Shahs were problematic. He criticized absolutist rule of Shah Nasır-al Din of Iran on the question of political participation. Similarly, he publicly criticized pro-British and anti-participatory rule of Egyptian Khedive Tawfiq. Afghani’s critiques lead up to the expulsion of him. In that point, Afghani’s relations with Sultan Abdulhamit II was interesting. Afghani was welcomed by Sultan in 1885 in Istanbul. Afghani had special interest for Ottomans. They were the legitimate caliph of Islam. In other word, Ottoman Turkey was the only hope of oppressed Muslims in the eyes of Afghani. Actually, Afghani had already contact with Turkish intellectuals particularly Young Ottomans since Tanzimat reforms in which he strongly supported. Afghani suggested Sultan to establish a Muslim League and run constitution. Afghani expected that he was going to be pan-Islamist consultant of Sultan. Nevertheless, Sultan had suspicious about him .Thus, the sultan placed him under house arrest in a royal palace. Nikkie Keddie (1972) argues that his methodology and doctrine were based on his Shi’a root. It was true that his used Persian rationalist philosophy. Even some writers claim that such as Louis Award (Matthe, 1989) claims that his ideas about rule and authority was inspired by Shaikhi and Babi movements in Iran which was the combination of rationalist philosophy and mysticism with stronger messianic tension. On the other hand, that seems an exaggerated claims because call for modernization was widely common among traditionalist Muslim intellectuals in 19th century. His reforms did not contradict with traditionalist articulation of Qur’an. It can be argues that his call for reform was a neo-traditionalist expression of religion with Sufism and rationalist philosophy. Unity: Jamal al-Din Afghani called for new sense of solidarity of Muslims and patriotism. Afghani was also strong supporter of Muslim unification under sovereignty of Ottoman caliphates. He believed that the cause of the decline of Islam was that Dar-al Islam was no longer politically integrated and all-embracing (Ahmad, 1960). For him, Ottomans were the legitimate caliphates of Dar-al Islam. Actually, he favored a Muslim commonwealth which strengthened solidarity among Muslim countries. For Afghani, Ottoman Sultans should establish a Muslim league. Ottoman Empire was a buffer zone against ultimate enemy; west. Ottoman caliphate protected Muslims form economic and political penetration west. For him, it did not matter if Arabs were ruled by Turks or Persians were ruled by Arabs (Moazzam, 1984). Significantly, he argues that if the Ottoman system collapsed, each of its subjects becomes independent; they will come under foreign yoke (Keddie, 1972). Afghani believed that Sunni-Shi`a division as ostensible and harmful for both groups. It was obvious that Afghani marked the world-wide Pan-Islamism. For him, selfish Muslim rulers exploited that division in order to legalize their position. He argues that the split only divides and weakens the Muslims. ‘‘Neither Ali (whom the Shi’a see as Muhammad’s successors) nor Abu-Bakr (recognized as the first caliph by Sunnis) would approve of the wars and divisions carried out in their name’’ (Keddie, 1972:396). He had both sunni and Shi’a expression. Hence, he preferred to end the long-lasting division. Afghani also criticized the lack of diplomatic relations between Muslim countries. The antagonism of Muslim leaders to each other frustrated him. He claims that Ottoman sultan should abandon the policy of hostility against Persia. In his journal (Al-Urwa al-Wuthqa) he questioned this situation. ‘‘What happened to the unity and sincerity? Why does Iran not send an ambassador to Morocco? Why does Morocco not dispatch a plenipotentiary to the Ottoman [Empire]? What happened to the friendship between Iran and Afghanistan?’’(Hairi, 1972:127) Afghani was the strong supporter of Pan-Islamist idea. He sought to use pro-caliphate and Pan-Islamic enthusiasm to mobilize Umma (Muslim societies) for the defense of Dar-al Islam (Ahmad, 1960). With the personal support of Afghani, Ottoman caliphates increased their prestige among Muslim masses. He promoted the loyalty to the Ottoman Sultan. For example, Yakub Beg of Kashgar, who was granted the title of Commander of the Faithful by Abdul Aziz and even coined money in the name of the sultan (Lee, 1942). In India, the name of Ottoman Sultans was read in the Khutbes. Middle class Muslim Indians had strong sympathy towards Ottoman sultans. ’’It is not surprising, therefore, that the most willing and eager supporters of the Ottoman caliphate in the earlier period were Central Asiatic and Indian Moslems, who, at the mercy of both British and Russian expansionists’’ (Lee, 1942:283). Mardin (2004) argues that Pan-Islamism was the outcome of change in the mood of Ottoman subjects and elites. The failure of westernization projects, growing financial difficulties, Russian-Turkish war and aggressive western politics disillusioned the Muslim elites of Ottomans. The mid-19th century of western expansionism and the suffering of Turkestan, Algeria and Indian Muslims and group of exiles in Istanbul triggered Pan-Islamist identity in the hearth of Islamic world; Ottoman Turkey (Keddie,1972). As a result, Islam turned out to be a political community and a civilization (Berkes, 1998). Significantly, Afghani also supported nationalism among Muslim societies. He opened the door of nationalism to the Muslim world; nevertheless he continued to propose Islamic unity. He was aware of the fact that tribe or nation exerts great influence on individual’s soul (asabiyya) . The spirit of nationalism (Jinsiyya) provided the harmonious functioning of different group and class. Moreover, it was necessary for the elimination of tribalism among Muslim societies. Thus, it was a progressive element for social development (Moazzam, 1984). Afghani tried to awake the national pride. He used such terms nationalism, Islamism, holy war, scheming interchangeable. In Afghani’s though, these ideas were mutually reinforcing each other. When Russian invaded Merv, Afghani declared that he ‘‘will call them (Turcomans) to revenge and incite the pride of their Turkish race and carry the banner of Unity of Islam on my shoulder and call to religious war’’ (Keddie, 1972:140). For him, nationalism could easily mobilize the masses against any foreign intervention. Afghani's first speech is directed at the Ottoman Muslims alone in Istanbul at 1870. While he spoke about ancient past of Egypt in Cairo, he emphasized the historical legacy of Muslim Indians (Keddie, 1969). He believes that There is no doubt that the unity of language is more durable for survival and permanence in this world than unity of religion since it does not change in a short time in contrast to the latter. One may say that the ties and the unity that arise from the unity of language have more influence than religious ties in most affairs of the world.(Keddie,1969:23) Pan-Islamic movements usually displayed a local, national character. For Afghani, Although, Muslim societies were diverse each other, they were able to overcome their difference in order to protect their independence. For him, the Islamic identity (Umma) was an umbrella over all Muslims. He also believes that religious and national feeling reinforced the self-strengthening cause. Inspired by Afghani, many local nationalists were also pan-Islamist in nature such as Young Turks, Muslim Brotherhood or Jadids. Briefly, the ideas of unity of Muslims made Afghani one of the founding fathers of Pan-Islamism and Islamic nationalism. Consequently, Pan Islamism appealed to these reformers as a means to cut down oppressive western influence (Keddie, 1972). Liberation & Anti-Colonization: Afghani was a strong opponent of Western expansionism against Muslim world. For him, the establishment of independency and sovereignty of Muslim masses was an essence. He claims that Dar-ül Islam extended from the shore of the Atlantic Ocean in West Africa to the west of China with prosperous lands and fertile soil (Hairi, 1971). Nevertheless, Russians, Chinese, Dutch, British and French occupied the majority of it. Afghani often questioned that situation. ‘‘Out of fear of the Europeans and Westerners they [the Muslims] cannot sleep at night and have no peace in the daytime. The foreigners' influence has affected [even] their blood vessels to the extent that they shudder with fear when they hear the words of Russia and England. What an immense tragedy! What a great catastrophe has fallen [on us]’’ (Hairi, 1971:124-125). Afghani believes that the re-conquest of occupied Muslim territories was a religious duty. ‘‘Resistance to non-Muslim aggression and re-conquest was the duty not merely of the Muslims of the particular region involved, but of all Muslim’’ (Ahmad, 1960: 69). He adapted conservative-traditionalist expression of Jihad which was a method to answer a foreign invasion towards Muslim territories. For him, this political goal was the true Islam. Moreover, since 19th century, Ottoman heartland was under threat of western expansionism and Christian irredentism. Hence, it was claimed that only Islamic solidarity and unity could resist such aggressions. He argues that western values (liberalism, blind westernization) reduced the spirit and strong solidarity of Muslims. On the other hand, he argues that westerners (particularly British, Russians and French) were the zealously defenders of their faith. He points out that British Prime Minister Gladstone was a fanatic protestant (Montada, 2005). Dar-ül Islam was surrounded by foreign powers. It was very hard to struggle against all of them. Afghani tried to trigger a war between major powers of Europe particularly between Great Britain, Russia and France. On one hand, he encouraged the British to declare war on Russia because of Russian presence in Merv, on the other hand in 1887 he asked Russians to assault British. For Muslims, there was no difference between those powers. Indeed, he thought that war of great powers could arms Muslims and ultimately strengthen the Muslim position (Keddie, 1972). Nevertheless, Afghani ignored the dynamics of international relations. Europe enjoyed to its so-called hundred year peace established after Napoleonic era. War between Russia and Great Britain was an option that did not exist. Afghani politically acted through Eastern Masonic Lodge and speeches to masses and elites. It could be seen contradictable for an Islamist to involve in Masonic activities. Kudsi-Zadeh (1972) mentions that the aim of Afghani was to use the lodge for political mobilization and agitation against the Khedive Ismail and the increasing European intervention in the affairs of Egypt. He might have thought that the politicization and nationalization of Masonic lodge could be used to balance against European influence. Kedourie (2008) argues that freemasonry and freethinking had close relations at that time in near East. His membership of Masonic lodge was the expression of his criticism of orthodoxy and traditionalism. Nevertheless, his membership did not long so much. Thus, it was still a controversial topic. Afghani increased his significance through his speeches and discourses. His speeches were a cause for the awakening of frustration among Egyptians with their governments (Keddie, 1972). While he was in Egypt (1871-1879), he strongly resisted against pro-British politics. Inspired by Afghani’s ideas, Egypt was shaken by Islamists Urabi Colonel Ahmad Urabi Revolt (1879-1882). Urabi revolt was followed by Mahdi Revolt (1881-1899) in Sudan. During Mahdi Revolt in Sudan, Afghani became a pragmatist broker between Great Britain, Turkey and Mahdi. He offered to British full support of Ottoman Caliphate in exchange for total withdraw from Egypt and Sudan .Although, Afghani had no direct links with the rise of revolts, he spread the nationalist and Islamic feelings. Both movements were crushed by Anglo-Egypt forces. Thus, it consolidated British position in Egypt and Sudan. Although, Afghani was expelled by Khedive from Egypt in 1887, he was incorporated into Egyptian history as precursor of early phase of Egyptian nationalist movement. His position was equated with Salad-Al din challenge against early imperialism of Crusaders. He became a major figure in the political history of Egypt (Keddie, 1972). Obviously, his non-Arab root and pro-Ottomanism were controversial issues in today Egypt (Matthee, 1989). In 1884, Afghani published a short-lived Arabic Journal Al-Urwa al-Wuthqa (The Strongest Bond) with Muhammad Abduh. Journal gained ground among Muslim masses. In spite of its short life, it offers some insights for Afghani’s thought (Montado, 2005). ‘‘The journal was a Pan-Islamic paper that urged Muslims all over the world to unite and restore the lost glories of Islam. It was specifically aimed at liberating Egypt from the British occupation by stirring up public opinion in Egypt and also in India’’ (Salem, 2004: 30). Although, Journal was banned in Egypt and India, it had deep influence over Muslim society. The Journal usually pointed out the Islamic common identity. Surely, Afghani was aware of the fact that only awakening of Muslim people could have overthrow foreign rules. Afghani was a strong anti-British person. He considered British imperialism as "a dragon which had swallowed twenty million people, and drunk up the waters of the Ganges and the Indus, but was still unsatiated and ready to devour the rest of the world and to consume the waters of the Nile and the Oxus’’ (Ahmad,1960:66). He criticized Muslim leaders of India due to their pro-British politics and policy of isolation of Muslim India from particularly Turks. Afghani consolidated the legitimacy of Ottoman Sultans in India. Afghani proposed an independent Muslim state in India which covered Muslim Afghanistan and Central Asia. Afghani’s call for independence had sound among Indian Muslim elites. Al-Afghani's articles in al-'Urwa al-Wuthqa influenced the leaders of the Indian Khilafat movement (Ahmad, 1960). The secession as a separate state was a solution which was first expressed by Afghani. He claimed that the independent Muslim State incorporating Afghanistan and Turkestan was possible as Mughal Sultans did before. Inspired by Afghani, The idea of independent Muslim state in India was re-articulated by Muhammad Iqbal later. Afghani opposed the every form of western domination; political or economical. While he was in Iran, he publicly led a protest over British monopoly over tobacco that is, tobacco boycotts (1881). Iranian Shah, Naser ed Din (1848-1896), was so generous to grant many concessions to Europeans. Then, Ordinary Iranians refused to smoke tobacco and Shi’a ulema led by Great Ayatollah Mirza Hasan Shirazi followed Afghani. It was obvious that Iranian clergies had impact on politics. Both orthodox and heterodox branches were tied to nationalism than other Muslim countries. Moreover, Afghani spread the anti-western anti-imperialist feelings among ordinary people and clerical class. In other word, he motivated anti-foreign feelings of Ulema. In all cities, the leading figures of opposition were the members of Ulema (Keddie, 1972). Thus an alliance of ulema, merchants, modernizers, and the city populace had for the first time in modern Iranian history engaged in a coordinated movement that shook the foundations of the government and forced it to change course. The strength of the opposition was so great that many observed doubted that either the Shah or Amin as-Sultan could keep his position. Amin as-Sultan was able to save himself by switching from an Anglophile to a Russophile policy and by bribing some of the leading ulema, but organized opposition to the government continued after 1892 culminating in the Iranian Constitutional Revolution of 1905-1911.(Keddie,1972:354) Having been expelled from Persia, Afghani arrived to Istanbul (1892-1897) by invitation sultan Abdul-hamit II and stayed here until his death. Afghani suggested Sultan Abdül-Hamid II to establish a Muslim commonwealth and be more active in colonized and occupied Muslim regions. Actually, Abdul-Hamit was willing to use his prestige in Ottoman zone. While Afghani followed the policy of liberation of Muslims in world-wide, Sultan preferred an inside Islamism in order to protect the integrity of State. Moreover, many Ottoman officers believe that interest of state lay in the hands of the British. Sultan indeed was a somewhat modernist. Nevertheless, Afghani often has tried to persuade the Sultan let him carry on the agitation against Muslim subjects in Egypt and Sudan (Kedourie, 2008). Consequently, Afghani noticed that the ‘‘Sultan was trying to exploit the 'pan-Islamic' and pro-Caliphate enthusiasm to secure his position at home and abroad, the Afghani idealist was seeking to make these two movements the rallying points of the Umma for the collective defense of Dar-al Islam’’ (Ahmad, 1960: 71). The relations between prominent pan-Islamists such as Ruhi, Kermani and Afghani with Sultan turned out to be deteriorated (Keddie, 1962). The oppositions of Afghani influenced Sultan against him. The assassination of Iran Shah (1896) led up to the growing suspicion against him. Afghani had understood that it was an error to cooperate with sultan. Mistrusted and ineffective Afghani sought an asylum from British government. He claims that he was an Afghan subject and demanded protection from British ambassador Sir Philip Currie. He wrote that ‘‘he spent a lifetime in uprooting fanaticism, the most serious malady of this country (Turkey)’’ (Kedourie, 2008:62). After spending entire life against British hegemony, the seeking protection from them was a contradiction of him as his entire life. Afghani had died in Istanbul (9th march, 1897) due to his cancer and buried with low-profile ceremony. In late, 1944, Afghanistan government claimed that he was an Afghan citizen. Thus, his body was relocated to Kabul. Conclusion: Jamal al-din Afghani was one of the most enigmatic figures in 19th century. Despite all his controversies and mysteries, his intellectual legacy was significant. He had an eclectic philosophy consisting ancient and modern philosophy, Sufism and Islamic traditionalism. While he proposed rationalist method for self-strengthening of Muslims, he followed Islamic traditionalism to criticize existing order (Türköne, 1994). He transformed Islamic system of thought into a formidable political movement which was combined of modernism, local nationalism and Pan-Islamism. Actually, the defense of Islam was a political issue. He adopted Muslim traditions to the needs of age. Afghani was a man of deed because he believed that leading principle of the Islamic faith was based on struggle for Islam. He aimed to revive the power and dynamism of early Islam. Hence, he tried to awaken the hopeless Muslims. While he challenged western penetration in Egypt and Iran, he propagated pan-Islamic feelings in Turkey. He always took considerable risks for his cause such as membership of a Masonic lodge. Sometime, he obtruded the conditions and limits of his time. Consequently, he often faced irreparable mistakes. Afghani was politically pragmatist person. He tried to use one card against other. He tried to play British against Russians, masons against Khedive, Shi’a ulema against Shah. Despite his lack of clear political success, his system of thought was developed by indigenously. While Muslim brotherhood adopted a conservative form of Afghani, Young Turks or Jadids had modernist and nationalist expression of Afghani’s thought. Moreover, he directly or indirectly influenced the prominent political and religious figures ranging from Namık Kemal, Rashid Rida, Said Nuri to Muhammad Iqbal and Ismail Gaspıralı. In the end, Rashid Rida argues that Jamal al-din Afghan, was settled in linear history of Islam as a hero and a reaction to western oppression (Kedourie, 2008). Afghani was also a man of contradictions and mysteries. His ethnic background was a controversial issue. Although, Keddie (1972) insisted on that he was an Iranian and Shi’a by nature, he was known as an Afghan commonly. The ethnic question brought religious question. It was a huge debate whether he was a heterodox shi’a as Kedourie argues or orthodox sunni as Rashid Rida pointed out. It was obvious that he had no permanent residence and travelled from one country to another. His Masonic connection and call for protection from Britain represented how he sometimes was in contradiction. Despite all his short-comings, Afghani had a respected prestige among Muslim world. Apart from all mythologies and conversions, Jamal al-din Afghani struggled for the liberation of Muslim lands. Surely, he was one of the most influential figures of his time without rival who had the ability to inspire. BIBLIOGRAPHY: Ahmad, Aziz (1960) ‘‘Sayyid Aḥmad Khān, Jamāl al-dīn al-Afghānī and Muslim India’’,Studia Islamica, 13:55-78 Bashiri, Iraj (2000) ‘‘Jamal al-Din al-Afghani ’’, Bashiri Working Papers on Central Asia and Iran Berkes, Niyazi (1998) The Development of Secularism in Turkey, Hurst & Company, London Hairi, Abdul-Hadi (1973) ‘‘Afghānī on the Decline of Islam: A Postscript’’, Die Welt des Islams, New Series, 14(1/4):116-128 Hairi, Abdul-Hadi (1971) ‘‘Afghānī on the Decline of Islam’’, Die Welt des Islams, New Series, 13(1/2):121-125 Kedourie, Elie (2008) Afghani and Abduh: An Essay on Religious Unbelief and Political Activism in Modern Islam, Routledge, London Keddie, Nikki (1972) Sayyid Jamal ad-Din al-Afghani: A Political Biography, University of California Press, Los Angeles & London Keddie, Nikki (1969) ‘‘Pan-Islam as Proto-Nationalism’’, The Journal of Modern History, 41(1):17-28 Keddie, Nikki (1963) ‘‘Symbol and Sincerity in Islam’’, Studia Islamica, 19:27-63 Keddie, Nikki (1962) ‘‘Religion and Irreligion in Early Iranian Nationalism’’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 4(3): 265-295 Kenny, M.L (1966) ‘‘Al-Afghānī on Types of Despotic Government’’, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 86(1):19-27 Kudsi-Zadeh, Albert (1972) ‘‘Afghānī and Freemasonry in Egypt’’, Journal of the American Oriental Society, 92(1):25-35 Lee, Dwight (1942), ‘‘The Origins of Pan-Islamism’’,The American Historical Review, 47(2): 278-287 Mardin, Ş.A (2004) Yeni Osmanlı Düşüncesinin Doğuşu, iletişim Yayınları, Istanbul Matthee, Rudi (1989) ‘‘Jamal al-Din al-Afghani and the Egyptian National Debate’’, International Journal of Middle East Studies, 21(2):151-169 Salem, Ali (2004) ‘‘Challenging Authoritarianism, Colonialism, and Disunity: The Islamic Political Reform Movements of al-Afghani’’, The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, 21(2):25-54 Türköne, Mümtazer (1994) Cemaleddin Afghani, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı Yayınları, Ankara Moazzam, Anwar (1984) Jamāḷ al-Dīn al-Afghāni: a Muslim intellectual, Concept Publishing Company, India Montada, Joseph P (2005) ‘‘ Al-Afghânî, a Case of Religious Unbelief ’’, Studia Islamica, 100(101): 203-220 PAGE 17