Turkish Women in the Professions: Why So Many?

IN TURK SOCIET E. J. BRILL-LEIDEN NERMIN ABADAN-UNAT C o m ite d e r e d a c tio n — E d ito r ia l c o m m itte e E. G e l l n e r (London School of Economics), C. Is s a w i (Princeton University), S. K h a l a f (American University of Beirut), A. M. K h a l if a (Sec. Gen., ASSARTI, Cairo), M. F. a l -K h a t ib (Cairo University)- S. M a r d in (Bogazi<?i University, Istan­ bul), P, M a r t h e l o t (Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Paris), M. Z g h a l (Universite de Tunis). R e d a c te u r — E d ito r C. A. O. v a n N ie u w e n h u ij z e Le but de la collection est de faciliter la communication entre le grand public international et les spicialistes des sciences sociales dtudiant le Moyen-Orient, et notamment ceux qui y resident. Les ouvrages selectionnes porteront sur les phenomenes et problemes contemporains: sociaux, culturels, economiques et administratifs. 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N o p a r t o f th is b o o k m a y b e r e p r o d u c e d o r tr a n s la te d in a n y fo r m , b y p r in t, p h o to p r in t, m ic r o film , m ic r o fic h e o r a n y o th e r m e a n s w ith o u t w r itte n p e r m is s io n fr o m th e p u b lis h e r PRINTED IN HUNGARY AYSE ONCU TURKISH WOMEN IN THE PROFESSIONS: WHY SO MANY? I. In t r o d u c t io n This paper addresses itself to an intriguing “puzzle”: the high incidence of women in the two most prestigious professions in Turkey, namely, law and medicine. One in every five practicing lawyers in Turkey is fe­ male. One in every six practicing doctors is again female. This is p uzzling in view of the fact that law and medicine have traditionally been bastions of male exclusivity in Western industrialized societies, and until recently, very few women have been able to penetrate their strongholds (Epstein, 1970; Theodore, 1971). Unlike some of the less prestigious professions, such as nursing or education, schools of law and medicine in these countries have long been considered the province of the male species, and despite the rapid move towards sexual integration in professional schools, women doctors and lawyers will find themselves a conspicious minority for years to come. The high incidence of women practitioners in law and medicine in Turkey appears anomalous not only in contrast to the patterns observed in the West but also when cast against the high rates of illiteracy in the female population and the low levels of labor force participation in urban areas of the country. Women constitute about 10 percent of the urban labor force in Turkey (Kazgan, 1978), and approximately half of the women above the age of 15 in Turkey’s urban areas have never finished primary school (Ozbay, 1978). How then, can we explain the high proportion of women in such prestigious professions as law and medicine? In the following pages, first an attempt will be made to document the phenomenon in question more fully by presenting some figures on the distribution of women practitioners in law and medicine. “Is the high incidence of women in these professions a relatively new trend? Is it a growing trend? Does it exhibit regional variations?” In the first part of the paper, questions such as these will be discussed. The second part of the paper will be devoted to a discussion of alternative explanations; 13 181 182 AYSE ONCU i.e. the question of Why? Here, available information and clues to be gained from existing social science research will be combined to pose possible answers at alternative levels of explanation. Tu r k is h Wo m e n in La w a n d M e d ic in e : So m e F a c t s a n d F ig u r e s The access Turkish women enjoy to the most prestigious and skilled professions should be considered within the context of overarching regional and economic inequalities. The proportion of female lawyers ranges from 21 percent in the more urbanized and economically devel­ oped provinces to 8 percent in the least developed ones. Thus, not only are there more lawyers in the developed regions of the country, but also a higher ratio of females among them. T a b le I D is tr ib u tio n o f L a w y e r s in T u r k e y : 1 9 7 5 F e m a le L is tin g s T o ta l L a w y e r s F e m a le L is te d L is tin g s A s P e r c e n t o f T o ta l Developed (16) Intermediate (24) Less Developed (27) 12,305 2,049 1,116 2,590 212 89 21.05% 10,35% 7,93% Totals 15,470 2,891 18.69% P r o v in c e s Source: Union of Bar Associations. When the three largest metropolitan centers of Istanbul, Izmir and Ankara are considered seperately, the disparities are even more striking. 60 percent of all lawyers in Turkey are practicing in three metropolitan centers and one out of every four of these is female. The large advance Turkish women have made in law careers is basi­ cally a metropolitan phenomenon. It is also a post World War II phenom ­ enon. Records of the istanbul Bar Association, the oldest and largest in Turkey, indicate that the first female lawyer registered in 1936. But, until 1960, the proportion of female lawyers remained below 10 percent, after which time, steady and substantial increases became noticeable. The entry of women into the medical profession in substantial num ­ bers is again a post-World War II phenomenon. Until the 1940’s, there 183 TURKISH WOMEN IN THE PROFESSIONS T a b le I I M e m b e r s h ip D is tr ib u tio n o f th e Is ta n b u l B a r A s s o c ia tio n : 1 9 6 0 -1 9 7 8 T o ta l L a w y e r s F e m a le F e m a le L is tin g s Y ears L is te d L is tin g s A s P e r c e n t o f T o ta l 1960 1965 1970 1975 1978 2,192 2,956 3,615 5,670 6,513 279 541 822 1,562 1,859 12,72% 18.30% 22.74% 27,55% 28.54% Source: Records of The Istanbul Bar Association. was only one faculty of medicine in the country, and it was attached to the University of istanbul. By 1950, despite the establishment of a second school in Ankara, only about 10 percent of the diplomas granted annually were received by women. By 1970, this proportion had risen to about 25 percent. T a b le I I I D is tr ib u tio n o f M e d ic a l S c h o o l D ip lo m a s : 1 9 4 5 -7 0 T o ta l N um ber D ip lo m a s O f D ip lo m a s G r a n te d 1945-50 1950-55 1955-60 1960-65 1965-70 W om en G r a n te e s A s Y ears 2,368 2,677 2,461 2,573 3,281 G r a n te d to W om en 276 300 389 550 820 P e r c e n t o f T o ta l 11.66% 11.21% 15.81% 21.31% 24.99% Sources: DIE, M i l l i E g i t i m H a r e k e t l e r i : 1 9 2 7 - 1 9 6 6 , Yayin No: 517. Saglik ve Sosyal Yardim Bakanligi, T i i r k i y e S a g l i k I s t a t i s t i k Y i l l i g i : 1 9 6 4 - 1 9 6 7 ; 1 9 6 8 - 1 9 7 2 , Yayin No: 413; 444. Official statistics on the numbers and distribution of physicians in Turkey do not record sex distinction. We. therefore lack accurate data on the proportion of female physicians in the professional labor market. An estimate based on the available information regarding medical school diplomas granted and the global figures on total numbers of physicians, indicates that women constitute around 15 percent of the total number of physicians in the labor market. 13* 184 AYSE ONCU T a b le I V E s tim a te d P r o p o r tio n o f F e m a le P h y s ic ia n s in th e P r o fe s s io n a l L a b o r M a r k e t: 1 9 5 5 -7 0 E s tim a te d Y ears T o ta l N u m b e r O f P h y s ic ia n s 1955 1960 1965 1970 7,077 9,826 10,895 15,856 N u m b e r o f F e m a le P h y sic ia n s * 824 1,185 1,662 2,245 F e m a le P h y s ic ia n s A s P e r c e n t o f T o ta l ' 11.6% 12.0% 15,2% 14.1% * Estimate based on female graduation data for the 1926-70 period, using method of moving averages and assuming that survival period is 26 years for a new graduate. As in the case of lawyers, overarching regional inequalities exist in the distribution of physicians in Turkey. In 1975, 70 percent of all physicians were practicing in the most developed and urbanized provinces of Ankara, Istanbul and izmir. It would be safe to assume that the percent­ age of female physicians in these three provinces considerably exceeds the global estimate of 15 percent. The figures cited above indicate that the access Turkish women enjoy to the prestigious professions of law and medicine is equal, if not wider than that of their counterparts in such highly industrialized Western countries as the U. S. A. or France. In the U. S. A., for instance, only 3 percent of the lawyers (White, 1967) and 6 percent of the physicians are female; in France women constitute 15 percent of the physicians (Silver, 1973). We have no information on the question of the occupation ­ al success Turkish women are able to achieve in these fields and how it compares with that of men. Research on women lawyers and physicians in the advanced industrial societies of the West indicates that they tend to be concentrated in the lowest paid and prestigious specialties (SafiliosRothschild,1972). For instance, women lawyers specialize in trusts and estates, domestic relations; while women physicians are found mostly in pediatrics and, to a lesser extent, gynecology. Furthermore, women very infrequently reach the higher ranking administrative positions, and they tend to work fewer hours. It is possible that these characteristics are equally applicable to Turkish women in law and medical careers. In any case, the fact remains that Turkish women are able to enter the professional labor market in proportions that compare favorably with the most advanced Western industrialized societies. TURKISH WOMEN IN THE PROFESSIONS 185 A l t e r n a t iv e L e v e l s o f E x pl a n a t io n The range of work opportunities Turkish women enjoy in the profes­ sional labor market is wider than that in the most industrialized societies of the West. But Turkey is not unique in this respect. A number of other Third World countries which have become rapidly integrated into the world market in recent years, or are in the process of doing so, such as Mexico, Argentina, Greece, Costa Rica, India, etc., provide women with more options in the professional labor market than do the most in­ dustrialized Western societies. Cross-national studies indicate that in the capitalist societies (as opposed to state-socialist), there is a cur­ vilinear relationship between the level of industrial and economic develop­ ment and the range of options open to women in professional careers. At intermediate levels, there are higher proportions of women in pro­ fessional schools and also in the professional labor market than at either extreme. In such countries, law, medicine and dentistry constitute a “cluster” of occupations that appear as Women ’s options (SafiliosRothschild, 1971; 1972). F a c ilita tin g M e c h a n is m s The by now classical argument advanced to explain this trend is as follows: upper and upper-middle class urban women in developing countries can exercise a great number of choices and thus become much more “emancipated ” than their counterparts in highly industrialized countries, due to the existence of overarching class inequalities. Rapid rural-urban migration and scarcity of factory employment result in a large pool of unskilled female labor in the large cities, which upper class women are able to exploit. Professional and marital roles become compatible because: a) domestic labor is available at prices that can be afforded by upper and upper middle class families and b) although most families are nuclear and neolocal, the extended family network can be relied upon for child rearing tasks. Thus, wives’ mothers or inlaws, in combination with hired help, can solve the problem of the working mother (Safilios-Rothschild, 1971). In its broad outlines, evidence from the Turkish case fits this argument very well. Professional women come from predominantly urban upperor upper middle class backgrounds. Access to university education, the 186 AYSE ONCU prerequisite for entry into the professions, is largely a function of the class inequalities in Turkey. And, higher education consolidates class position more often among women than among men. This is well de­ monstrated by the findings from a recent survey of applicants to the centrally administered university examinations. The salient findings from this survey can be summarized as follows (£avdar, Tiimay, Yurtseven, 1976): — 22.6 % of all applicants were female; 28 % of those who passed were females. — 30.3 % of the total applicants were from rural areas. Of the appli­ cants from rural areas only 8.7 % were females. — 31 % of the applicants and 47.6% of those who passed the entrance examinations were from the largest metropolitan centers (Istanbul, Ankara, izmir). 54% of the females who passed the examinations were from these three metropolises. — In terms of their fathers’ occupation, the percentage of farmers and laborers among the applicants was 35 %. Alternatively, the propor­ tion of civil servants and professionals was 26%. Among female applicants, these proportions were 18% and 38% respectively. Students coming from civil service or professional families are twice as likely to pass the examinations as the applicants whose fathers are laborers or farmers. — Secondary school graduation points do not seem to make a difference in terms of performance on the entrance examinations. The evidence reported above not only demonstrates that entry into the uni­ versity system is largely a function of geographical and economic inequal­ ities ; but also that it consolidates these inequalities much more strongly in the case of women than men. The findings of more delimited studies, investigating the socio-economic background of students in specific pro­ fessional schools, point in the same direction. For instance, two separate surveys of Ankara University Law Faculty students both indicate that approximately fifty percent come from civil service or professional back­ grounds in terms of fathers’ occupation (Abadan, 1961; Field, 1964). Furthermore, the proportion of female students who come from such backgrounds is higher than males (Field, 1964). While there is little dispute that upper-class women enjoy wide access to professional education in Turkey, evidence on the discrepancy between their educational opportunities and the extent of their professional achievements is much more scanty. According to the official figures of TURKISH WOMEN IN THE PROFESSIONS 187 the State Statistical Institute, 70 percent of women who have completed higher education are working, in contrast to 32 percent of those who have completed lycee education. So, seven out of ten women who have received some sort of higher training are in the labor force. But we know nothing about the process of selectivity that occurs in the transition from professional schools to the labor market. Whether women in the professional labor market are less likely to be married; whether they have fewer children; whether they are more likely to be working parttime— on these and a host of other questions, we have no information. The lack of data on these specific questions does not invalidate the general argument, however. Given the virtual absence of well staffed child care centers, professional women who are married and have children have to rely upon third persons to perform household and childrearing tasks. “Transient extended” or “modified extended” families, ie. families where one grandparent is living with the nuclear family are quite com ­ mon in large Turkish cities, ranging between 13 to 17 percent of total families (Timur, 1972; KagitQibasi, 1977). And, although most families are nuclear and neolocal, the functions of the extended family continue in terms of exchange patterns (KagitQibasi, 1977). Finally, and most impor­ tant, a ring of squatter settlements around large metropolitan centers constitute a pool of cheap female labor which can be relied upon for domestic labor. It is difficult to deny the importance of such facilitating mechanisms as the availability of relatively cheap domestic labor and the prevalence of “transient extended ” or “modified extended” families, if not in terms of residence, then in terms of exchange patterns. But in explaning why in such “developing” countries as Turkey, law medicine and dentistry constitute a “cluster” of occupation that tend to appear together as women’s options, they offer only a partial solution. What needs to be kept in mind is that in the advanced industrial societies of the West, women d o enjoy considerable access to the professions; but they tend to cluster in the middle ranks. The characteristic pattern observed in such countries as the U. S. A. or France is a tiny participation of women in the most skilled and prestigious professions, such as law and medicine, b u t a very considerable presence in such middle level professions as teaching and public administration. To give an example, in France, 55 percent of lycee instructors were women in the school year 1968— 69 (Silver, 1973). The comparable figure for Turkey in the school year of 1972-T-73 is 35 percent, indicating a sizable discrepancy (DIE, 1977, p. 102). But in the most skilled and prestigious professions, this discrep ­ 188 AYSE ONCU ancy disappears. As indicated earlier, 15 percent of physicians both in France and Turkey are women. It is difficult to account for this pattern solely in terms the presence or absence of such facilitating mechanisms as the availability of hired help or prevalence of modified extended families. Crucial differences in the historical evolution of the prestigious professions need to be taken into account. D iffe r e n c e in th e H is to r ic a l E v o lu tio n o f P r e s tig io u s P r o fe s s io n s Historically, medicine and law are oldest, the ‘Classical’ professions in advanced industrial societies of the West. Their growth in the second half of the nineteenth century is associated with the rise to power of an urban middle class, which not only provided an expanding demand for these professional services but also supplied recruits for the growing ranks of professionals. The association of law and medicine with middle­ class power marked them as ‘gentlemanly professions’ and also provided the basis from which they made persistent use of the political process to gain special privileges from the state (Carr-Saunders and Wilson, 1933). Through the creation of autonomous organizations to control standards of entry, performance and conduct in the profession and the legalization of this monopoly power by state registration, they achieved a degree of self-regulation, which has become the yardstick against which the “pro­ fessionalization ” of all other occupations is measured (Johnson, 1972). The ideology of professionalism associated with self-regulation empha­ sizes the highly skilled and complex nature of professional services, and the inability of the client to assess their quality. To protect the public against malpractice, control of entry by satisfying examinations and training requirements as well as the supervision of performance and conduct in the profession, needs to be regulated by the professional group itself. Only the members of the professional community can judge the competence of one another. This ideology of collegiate control and communtity solidarity is inculcated during lengthy periods of train ­ ing and close supervision within an apprentice system. Similar experiences of entry and socialization, reinforced by networks of communication, contact and referral among practitioners serves to maintain it. An important by-product of the degree of self-regulation achieved by the classical professions of law and medicine over the past hundred and fifty years has been the enhancement of their status and earning powers. The rising entry requirements and the strict professional norms regulating TURKISH WOMEN IN THE PROFESSIONS 189 the behavior of members with respect to fees, advertising etc., have served to limit entry and restrict competition in the profession. Thus, the classical professions of law and medicine have evolved into selfperpetuating systems; elite groups with restricted entry and tight-knit unity (Lees, 1966; Jamous and Peloille, 1970). Today, the lengthy and costly training requirements involved, coupled with the importance of social connections in the professional world to become established in private practice, continue to pose formidable barriers which only those well placed in the social pyramid can surmount. In Third World countries by contrast, the growth of professions is a much more recent phenomenon. The rapid creation of a “trained elite”, able to supervise the introduction of advanced industrial techniques into previously “underdeveloped ” countries, has been a major aim of govern ­ ments. To meet this pressing need, technical and university education has been expanded rapidly. Such rapid expansion of elite cadres with spe­ cialized higher and technical education is not possible without a large infusion of individuals drawn from backgrounds of manual or present origins— unless women from the upper reaches of the social hierarchy begin to enter professional schools. The restricted patterns of entry and the relatively tight knit unit exhibited by the most skilled, prestigious and high-income professions in the Western industrial societies is a prod­ uct of the self-regulatory systems which have evolved over the past hundred and fifty years. While professional associations and state registration have also been introduced in the Third World countries, it is difficult to maintain self-perpetuating elite recruitment patterns under conditions of rapid expansion in professional education. The evidence from the Turkish case indicates that despite the rapid expansion of professional education over the past fifty years, the proportion of uni­ versity students drawn from manual or peasant backgrounds remains limited. This is in part because women from professional and white­ collar origins have begun to enter professional schools in substantial numbers. The argument which emerges here is as follows: under conditions of rapid expansion, the elite recruitment patterns into to most prestigious and highly remunerated professions are maintained by the admission of women from the upper reaches of the social hierarchy. Women from elite backgrounds are much more acceptable and less threatening than upwardly mobile men from humbler backgrounds who are likely to be more competitive and achievement oriented. The admission of women serves to maintain closure by keeping it a family affair, so to speak. 190 AYSE ONCU Given the importance of professional contacts and referrals in such fields as medicine and law, women with family connections in the elite world find it much easier to establish themselves in the job market than men from manual and peasant backgrounds. This argument, emphasizing the maintenance of closure in elite recruitment patterns does not of course negate the importance of the facilitating mechanisms discussed previously. It does, however, offer a more macro level explanation of why such facilitating mechanisms are called forth. C h a n g e s in th e S e x -lin k e d S te r e o ty p e s o f th e P ro fe s s io n s The two arguments presented above, although they represent different levels of explanation, both lead to predictions in the same direction: the rate of “feminisation” of the prestigious professions in Third World countries will decline. The reasons why such a trend might be expected to occur are obvious: the circumstances which foster the entry of large numbers of women from elite backgrounds into the professions are to some degree historically specific, involving as they do the rapid expansion of the professions and the hothouse creation, bolstered by state policies, of a new professional-technical elite cadre. The facilitating mechanims which enable women to reconcile professional and marital roles, on the other hand, do not entail a radical redefinition of marital roles. The availability of third persons to perform household and childrearing tasks constitutes a transitional type of solution which cannot continue when the daughters of working women will want to work and when hired help becomes more scarce and expensive as more lower class urban women enter the organized labor market. Thus, both of the arguments presented above lead to the conclusion that the proportion of females in the prestigious professions will become stabilized in the near future, or perhaps decline. One development which casts doubt upon such a prediction involves the changes in sex-linked stereotypes in the professions. Perhaps it would be more correct to talk about the absence of sex-typing, rather than changes therein. The recency and rapidity which characterizes the growth of professions in the Third World countries not only renders them more ‘open’ but also frees them from traditional sex-linked stereo­ types. The state sponsored political ideology concerning women’s equality -with men; coupled with sizable proportions of women actually able to TURKISH WOMEN IN THE PROFESSIONS 191 enter the prestigious professions, inhibits the institutionalization of sexual stereotyping. In the advanced industrial societies of the West, law and medicine still remain stereotyped as “masculine ”, despite women’s greater participation in recent years. The redefinition of an existing and traditional “masculine ” image is a lengthy process. In the Third World countries by contrast, the expansion of prestigious profes­ sions is a much more recent phenomenon; their newness in the cultural context means that the socialization process which labels these professions as ‘deviant’ careers for women has not occurred. Under these conditions what determines the desirability of a particular profession for women is the nature of the work involved. Such professions as law, medicine or dentistry provide maximum flexibility and a satisfactory and highly remunerative source of work, since the practice of these professions can be limited for some years to only certain hours of the day, those hours being chosen on the basis of a schedule best suited to the needs, for example, of a mother with young children. The pattern of sex-linked stereotypes which emerges as a result, varies from those attached to various professions in many of the advanced Western industrial societies. Depending of the popular image of the work involved, certain profes­ sions become desirable choices for women, despite the fact that men largely predominate in them. A number of studies on the occupational aspirations of female students and of their parents in Turkey, indicate that medicine and pharmacy, for instance, have become defined as highly desirable occupations for women. A study on the occupational aspirations of lycee students in Izmir, one of the three largest metropolitan centers, reveals that nearly half of the females in the sample aspire to the prestigious professions and among these medicine is accorded the highest preference. Male students also aspire to the professions but engineering is the most favored (Uysal, 1970). A wider national survey conducted in 1973 (Ozbay, 1978) indicated that in large cities, 17 percent of mothers want their daughters to be medical doctors. This channelling of the occupational aspirations of women to the prestigious professions and the institutionalization of cultural definitions which label them as desirable careers for women countervails the expec­ tation that the proportions of females in these professions will stabilize or decline. It is possible that elite women in the Third World countries will in the near future have to compete with men of similar backgrounds, given the fact that the conditions which have facilitated the rapid expan ­ sion of professional-technical cadres in these countries are to some degree 192 AYSE ONCU historically specific. Even where university education continues to ex­ pand rapidly, entry into the most prestigious and highly remunerated professions is likely to become more difficult and competative. But to the extent that these professions have acquired a ‘feminine’ image, the key social determinant of selectivity will be class background, rather than gender. A decline in the availability of third persons to help with childrearing and household tasks is again possible. But, elite women have the power basis from which they can make persistant use of the political process to generate governmental action in providing more and better services such as nursery schools and kindergartens for working mothers. Also, it is difficult to see how an acute market demand on the part of a group with substantial buying power could fail to stimulate private investments in schools and child care centers of acceptable quality. Su m m a r y and Co n c l u d in g Re m a r k s This essay has mainly focussed on the question of why there are so many Turkish women in the prestigious professions. ‘Many’ is a relative term of course and if equal proportions of men and women are meant by it, then Turkish women in law and medicine are very few indeed. But when the over all rates of female participation in the non-agricultural labor force are taken as the base, then female lawyers and physicians in Turkey are conspiciously numerous. Also, the level of participation of Turkish women in the professions compares quite favorably with the most advanced industrial societies of the West; this being the case only in the highest ranking professions and not in the middle ranks. In cross-national perspective, countries where women enjoy equal or wider access to the prestigious professions than Turkey fall into two groups: Third World countries at ‘Intermediate levels of development ’ and state-socialist societies. In state-socialist countries, the presence of women in the professions is part of a wider patterns of high female labor force participation. In ‘developing’ Third World countries by contrast, women enjoy access to the prestigious professions despite the charac­ teristically low rates of participation in the non-agricultural labor market. A particular combination or configuration of conditions needs to be taken into account to explain this phenomenon. One common characteristic of women entering the prestigious profes- TURKISH WOMEN IN THE PROFESSIONS 193 sions in the Third World countries is that they come from elite back­ grounds. In Turkey, available evidence indicates that women in the highest ranking professions are predominantly drawn from urban, pro­ fessional or civil service backgrounds. The elite background of profes­ sional women is significant from two points of view. First, within the context of overarching class inequalities in developing countries, the ready availability of lower class women as domestics in private homes “emancipates” upper class women to pursue professional careers. Secondly, in the face of deliberate state policies aimed at the rapid ex­ pansion of professional cadres, maintenance of elite recruitment patterns is only possible through the infusion of women. Thereby women from elite backgrounds are encouraged to enter the prestigious professions, restricting the options available to men from manual or peasant back­ grounds. This particular combination or configuration of conditions which enables women from elite backgrounds to enjoy access to the prestigious professions are to some extent historically specific. But at the same time, the cultural definitions which label a number of prestigious professions as desirable and acceptable options for women are becoming institu ­ tionalized. To the extent that such cultural definitions tend to be enduring, the prestigious professions in the Third World countries are not likely to develop into strongholds of masculine dominance. T h e r e fe r e n c e lis t o f th is c h a p te r is o n p a g e 3 2 1 REFERENCE LISTS 321 Kagitcibasi, Cigdem, Modernity and the Role of Women in Turkey. B o g a z i f i U n i v e r s i ­ t e s i D e r g i s i . Sosyal Bilimler. 3(5027). 83-90, 1975. 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