Number 10 Year 2020
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF
TURKOLOGY
RESEARCH and STUDIES OF ISLAMIC INSCRIPTIONS
Des Etudes et des Recherches Épigraphiques Islamiques
İSLAMİ KİTABE ARAŞTIRMALARI
مجلة دراسات الكتابات والنقوش اإلسالمية
Publicatiıon of SOTA
ISSN 1570-694X
[email protected]
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF TURKOLOGY
nr. 10
Kasim/ November 2020
RESEARCH and STUDIES OF ISLAMIC INSCRIPTIONS
Etudes et des Recherches Épigraphiques Islamiques
İSLAMİ KİTABE ARAŞTIRMALARI
مجلة دراسات الكتابات والنقوش اإلسالمية
ISSN 1570 694X
Chief-editor: Mehmet Tütüncü
Editors: Ahmed Ameen (Fayoum University), Fathi Jarray
(Tunis), Mamoona Khan (Islamabad).
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Sami Saleh Abdelmalek (Cairo), Ibrahim Yılmaz (Erzurum),
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Vasileva (St. Petersburg), Moshe Sharon (Jerusalem), Klaus
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Contact:
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Cover photo: Mecca Painting in the Uppsala University Libraray UU 2372 (Photo: Uppsala University Library)
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İÇİNDEKİLER / CONTENTS
Turkology.092020.ID0029
CARINE JUVIN
pp. 4-10
Two Unpublished Mamluk Decrees in the al-Shāfiʿī Mosque in Jedda
Turkology.092020.ID0030
Mehmet Tütüncü
pp. 11-58
UPPSALA MECCA PAINTING DEBATE. Some remarks to an article
by Deniz Beyazıt in Muqarnas 37 (2020).
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Two Unpublished Mamluk Decrees in the al-Shāfiʿī Mosque in Jedda
Dr Carine Juvin
While many historical and funerary inscriptions
from the medieval period are known for the
Hijaz area, particularly in the holy cities of
Mecca and Medina, only two inscriptions have
been recorded thus far for the main Hijazi
port of Jedda in the Thesaurus d’épigraphie
islamique, and both only through vague
mentions. One of these two inscriptions was
surveyed in the al-Shāfiʿī mosque, also known
as Jāmiʿ al-ʿAtīq.1 Actually, there are more
inscriptions in this mosque, but this paper
will mainly focus on two inscriptions which
appear to be decrees issued by the Mamluk
sultan Barsbāy (825-842/ 1422-1438). Only
partly legible, their texts are here given and
commented.2 They bring new evidence
corroborating the written historical sources
about Barsbāy’s commercial and fiscal
intervention in the Red Sea trade.
Topographical Context
The al-Shāfiʿī mosque, also known as Jāmiʿ al-ʿAtīq, is located in the old city area, near
Bāb Makka, at Maḥallat al-Mazlūm district. It is believed that a first mosque was built there
by ‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb. The present building could partly date from the reconstruction of
the mosque undertaken by the Rasulid sultan al-Malik al-Muẓaffar in 1251.3 The mosque
1
Thesaurus d’épigraphie islamique online (TEI), no. 14588, from a mention of an inscription naming
Ḥasan b. ʿAjlān [see inscription A of this paper) in : Vincenzo Strika, «Studi saudiani (I- Le moschee di Gedda; IIAspetti giuridici delle attivita archeologiche)», Annali Istituto Orientale di Napoli XXXV, 1975, p. 557. The second
recorded inscription is TEI no. 13624, inscription dated 915/ 1509-10, location and content unknown, from a note
by Gaston Wiet (archives in the Max van Berchem Foundation, Geneva). V. Strika actually also mentionned a
second inscription above the main entrance of the Shāfiʿī mosque, in the name of al-Malik al-Muẓaffar, but this
inscription is not recorded otherwise and not extant in the present mosque.
2
My reading was made from photographies, taken in January 2014, provided by Dr Mehmet Tütüncü. I
warmly thank him for this opportunity to work on these exciting documents.
3
This is mentioned in a seventeenth century source: ʿAbd al-Qādir b. Aḥmad al-Shāfiʿī, al-Silahwa
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was subsequently restored in the mid sixteenth century by the khawājā Muḥammad ʿAlī,
an Indian merchant, who would have brought some wooden columns from India (still extant
inside the mosque); this Indian merchant also built houses and shops surrounding the
mosque according to the endowment deed (waqfiyya).4 This renovation is corroborated by
an inscription situated above the door of the main entrance, on the southern wall, leading to
the court of the mosque (Fig. 1). The text is displayed in four lines, in an elegant thuluth script
with elongated vertical strokes, carved in a wood panel5 and painted. It mentions the khawājā
Muḥammad ‘Alī and gives the date of 946H/ 1539-40:6
ـ امر بعمارة هذا الجامع المبارك الفقير الى هلل تعالى١
... خواجا محمد علي... ـ الراجى عفو العزيز٢
في عام ستة... ـ عفى هلل تعالى عنه و جعل الجنّة٣
ـ و اربعين و تسع مائة من الهجرة النبوية المصطفوية٤
1 - The construction of this blessed Friday
mosque was ordered by the poor [slave] of
God the Exalted
2 - who seeks for the forgiveness of the Mighty
[God]... khawājā Muḥammad ʿAlī…
3 - may God the Exalted forgive him and allow
him to Paradise… in the year six
4 - and forty and nine hundred of the Chosen
Prophet’s Hijra.
Other more recent inscriptions are found inside the prayer hall, around the mihrab, which
have received a late Ottoman style decoration: several medallions contain Qur’anic excerpts
(notably 2: 137 in the spandrels); a top inscription in mirror maʿqilī script contains the
al-jidda fī ta’rīkh bandar Jidda, ed. ʿAlī Muḥammad ʿUmar, Cairo, 1997, p. 47-48, quoted in: G. R. D. King, The
Historical Mosques of Saudi Arabia, London and New York: Longman, 1986, p. 38-39. See also : ‘Abd al-Qaddūs
al-Anṣārī, Kitāb ta’rikh Juddah, Jedda, 1383/1963. For a recent discussion and study of the Shāfiʿī mosque, see
: Hidaya Abbas, “Al-Jami’al-‘Atiq, the Oldest Mosque in Jadda”, Journal of Islamic Thought and Civilization 4,
no. 2 (2014): 09–20 ; and also, for construction analysis : Ashraf Osman, “Structural Strengthening of al-Shafi
Mosque at Jeddah-KSA”, 10th Alexandria International Conference on Structural, Geotechnical Engineering and
Management, Alexandria, December 2019 : https://www.researchgate.net/publication/338111588 (accessed
25/08/2020).
4
According to ʿAbd al-Qādir b. Aḥmad al-Shāfiʿī, see reference in note 1.
5
The nature of the material is uncertain, this statement is made from its aspect on the photography.
6
This inscription was not mentionned by V. Strika ; H. Abbas mentions it (Abbas, op. cit., p. 10), but without giving a full reading and with a faulty date of 944/1538.
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shahāda; a medallion at the apex of the arch of the mihrab gives the date of 1334/1915;7
there is also a renovation inscription band above the arch, in large thuluth, obviously naming
an Ottoman sultan, which should be Mehmet V (1909-1918) according to the date of the
mihrab.8 The mosque was heavily restored in the recent years.
The Mamluk Decrees: Description and Content
On the wall above the door of the southern entrance, framing the previously mentioned
inscription of khawājā Muḥammad ‘Alī, are two slabs of dark basalt stone. The one on the
right (inscription A, Fig. 2) is almost square in shape, and smaller than the one on the left
(inscription B, Fig. 3), which is rectangular. Both have sixteen lines of text. Inscription A is
the more complete, though it is still difficult to decipher due to its fouling and erased parts.
Inscription B is almost completely erased except parts of the first top lines. One can hope that
in the future, a careful cleaning will allow a more accurate reading, at least for inscription A.
Both are written in a small curvilinear script, hesitating between naskh and thuluth, with many
entangled words or letters (some letters being written above the main writing line). The script
is in very low relief against the hammered background. The text blocks are simply framed by a
thick strip; the only ornaments enhance the first line of each text (the basmala): a twisted strip
for inscription A and some foliage motifs for inscription B.
These two inscriptions, which have never been studied thus far, are actually decrees issued
by the Mamluk sultan Barsbāy, also naming (inscription A) the sharif Barakāt b. Ḥasan b.
ʿAjlān, amir of Mecca between 829/ 1426 and 859/1455 (with an interruption between 845 and
850). Both decrees are dated 8th Jumādā I 830/ 7th March 1427.9
:Inscription A
ـ بسم هلل الرحمن الرحيم١
ـ لمّا كان بتأريخ ثامن شهر جمادى األولى سنة ثالثين و ثمان مائة٢
ـ برز المرسوم الشريف العالي المولوي السلطاني الملكي األشرفي٣
ـ ابو النصر برسباي خلد اهلل ملكه و و ثبّت قواعد دولته إلى السيّد٤
اهلل تعالى... ـ الشريف بركات ابن حسن بن عجالن امير مكّة المشرفة٥
ـ باجهار النداء بمكّة المشرفة و بجدّة المعمورة بأن ال يؤخذ من تجّار هنود٦
7
These inscriptions are reproduced and read in : H. Abbas, op. cit., p. 15-16.
8
Unfortunately, this inscription is not discussed by H. Abbas, and the photographies do not allow a proper
reading.
9
H. Abbas, who only read the names of the sharif Barakāt in inscription A and of sultan Barsbāy in inscription B, considered that they were renovation inscriptions.
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ـ و غيرهم المجورين عن عدن الواصلين الى جدّة٧
المعمورة سوى العشور
... ـ كلّ صنف من صنفة من غير٨
... ـ إلى الطور المبارك٩
... ـ الطور المبارك٠١
... ـ المراسم الشريفة١١
... ـ الندا ذلك٢١
... ـ و الرعايا و المجاورين٣١
...قواعد... ـ٤١
صلى اهلل على........... ـ٥١
... ـ عمل محمّد ابن٦١
1 - In the name of God the Compassionate, The Merciful,
2 - when it came to the date of 8th Jumādā I of the year 830
3 - was issued the high and noble decree of the master, the sultan al-Malik al-Ashraf
4 - Abū’l-Naṣr Barsbāy, may God perpetuate his reign, and strengthen the basis of his power,
through the sayyid
5 - the sharif Barakāt b. Ḥasan b. ʿAjlān, amir of the Noble Makka... God the Exalted
6 - the proclamation at the noble Makka and at the florishing [sultanian] Jedda10, that it should
not be taken anything from the Indian merchants
7 - or of other origin, having deviated from Aden and arriving at Jedda the well-built, except
the ushūr duties
10
On the meaning and translation of the epithet “maʿmūra”, see : H. El-Hawary and G. Wiet, Matériaux
pour un Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum, 4e partie, Arabie. Inscriptions et monuments de La Mecque, Haram et
Ka‘ba (ed. N. Elisséeff), Cairo: IFAO, 1985, p. 160.
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8 - on the goods...
9 - towards the blessed al-Ṭūr...
10 - the blessed al-Ṭūr...
11 - the royal decrees (or duties)...
12 - the proclamation...
13 - the permanent and temporary residents...
14 - ...the rules (or duties)...
15 - blessing of God upon...
16 - work of Muḥammad b. ...
Inscription B:
ـ بسم هلل الرحمن الرحيم١
ـ لمّا كان بتأريخ ثامن شهر جمادى األولى من عام ثالثين و ثمان مائة٢
ـ [برز] المرسوم الشريف العالي المولوي السلطاني الملكي٣
... ـ [األشرفي] ابو النصر برسباي خلد٤
... برسم... ـ٥
... اهلل تعالى... ـ٦
...
1 - In the name of God the Compassionate, the Merciful,
2 - on the date of 8th Jumādā I of the year 830
3 - was promulgated the high and noble decree of the master, the sultan al-Malik
4 - [al-Ashraf] Abū’l-Naṣr Barsbāy, may God perpetuate [his reign...]
5 - ... by order...
6 - ...God the Exalted...
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Two Decrees related to Taxation on the Sea Trade
The decree transcribed in inscription A obviously deals with the taxation of the ships
arriving to the port of Jedda from India or others places in the Gulf. It also mentions the
port of al-Ṭūr, on the southwest coast of the Sinai Peninsula. These two ports gained an
increasingly prominent position in the Red Sea during the first half of the fifteenth century,
at the instigation of the Mamluk state. Jedda competed with the port of Aden for the ships
arriving from the Gulf and the Indian Ocean, while al-Ṭūr, after its renovation at the end of
the fourteenth century, became the main Egyptian spice trade station to Cairo.
This inscription finds direct echoes in the contemporary historical sources, which document
the intensification of Mamluk domination on the commerce in the Hijaz concurrently
with the sharif of Mecca and the Rasulids of the Yemen.11 This decree illustrates the
11
On the political and commercial situation in the Hijaz under sultan Barsbay, and for details of the
sources, see: Ahmad Darrag, L’Égypte sous le règne de Barsbay (1422-1438), Institut Français de Damas,
Damascus, 1961; John L. Meloy, Imperial Power and Maritime Trade. Mecca and Cairo in the Later Middle
Ages, University of Chicago, 2010, p. 120 ff ; Eric Vallet, L’Arabie marchande. Éat et commerce sous les sultans rasūlides du Yémen (626-858/ 1229-1454), Paris, Publications de la Sorbonne, 2010, p. 656-670.
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implementation of this fiscal control by the Mamluk sultanate. Around 830/1427, numerous
Indian and Persian (Hormuz) ships arrived in Jedda, having deviated (hence designated
as mujawwirūn) from Aden, the Yemeni port which was their usual destination. This change
was partly due to the harsh treatment that the merchants sometimes received in the Yemeni
port, and probably because they were willing to have a more direct access to Meccan
markets. These Indian ships were until forty in Jedda in 829/1426 according to al-Maqrīzī.
The Mamluk state wanted to make some substantial profit from this situation and taxes
(mukūs, ‘ushūr) were taken on them by seasonal Mamluk troops since 828H/1425; these
taxes were in principle shared with the sharif of Mecca. The Meccan chronicler Najm al-dīn
ibn Fahd records that in the very year 830, rabīʿ I / January 1426, some Indian merchants
complained to the Mamluk sultan that one-third of their goods were lost because of the
corrupted official (mubāshir) in place.12 The decree in the Shāfiʿī mosque seems to be a
direct answer to these complaints, by reaffirming the only legal ʿushūr (one-tenth) duties that
should be taken from them. Interestingly, Najm al-Dīn ibn Fahd also notes that by this date of
830/1426, the stipends of the staff members in local mosques in Jedda were funded by the
revenue of theses taxes on the ships, according to orders sent from Cairo.13 One wonders
if the inscription B could have transcribed this order. The Shāfiʿī mosque was an important
Friday mosque in the city of Jedda, and, as such, a favored place for affixing a decree on its
entrance portal, so that it would be broadly announced to the local community.
The look of these slabs, their material – dark basalt stone - and the style of their script show
close similarities with the Meccan tombstones of the same period, notably with a group of
stelae made between 824/1421 and 854/1450, signed by a lapicid named Muḥammad b.
Abū’l-khayr al-mu’adhdhin.14 On the decree A, it seems that there is a signature of the lapicide
at the bottom line, but unfortunately only his ism “Muḥammad” can be read. Whoever he may
have been, these two inscriptions were most probably ordered from a specialized workshop
in nearby Mecca and then brought to Jedda. It is also possible that a double of the decree A
was made to be affixed on a building in Mecca, as suggested by the mention found on line 6,
naming the two cities.
Though unfortunately damaged and thus fragmentary, these two inscriptions represent unique
material testimonies of the Mamluk domination over the port of Jedda in the fifteenth century,
complementing the textual sources. They add to the few Mamluk decrees already known for
Mecca15 and prove that new historical epigraphic documents from the medieval period are still
to be brought to light in Arabia.
12
Quoted in : Meloy, op. cit., p. 129, and in Vallet, op. cit., p. 662.
13
Meloy, op. cit., p. 129.
14
See Carine Juvin, “Calligraphy and Writing Activities in Mecca in the Medieval Period”, Proceedings of
the Seminar for Arabian Studies 43, Oxford, Archaeopress, 2013, p. 161-162.
15
Published in : H. El-Hawary and G. Wiet, op. cit.
10
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Entrance of the mosque and the location of the inscriptions (Photos from January 2014, by Mehmet
Tütüncü)
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11
UPPSALA MECCA PAINTING DEBATE. How not to define Ottoman realism
in the Uppsala Mecca painting.
Some remarks to an article by Deniz Beyazıt in Muqarnas 37 (2020).
Mehmet Tütüncü
In Muqarnas 37 (published in November
2020), an article by Deniz Beyazit (from The
Metropolitan Museum of Art, in New York) was
published. The article1 deals with a subject
that’s near to my heart: The Mecca painting
at Uppsala University in Sweden. In 2015, I
published a comprehensive article about the
same subject. So, I was very much interested
if Deniz Beyazit’s article would give any new
insight and possible new points of view and
discoveries. But after reading, I was left with a
great disappointment, since the complete text
is repeating the conclusions and plagiarize my
earlier published article, but without giving
sufficient acknowledgment, credits, or the
necessary reference. Instead, the author tries
to depreciate my contributions by grabbing
some of my views and discoveries and
presenting this as hers.
Before I go further in this critic, I would like to
dwell on my involvement in the painting, and
my professional relation to this unique piece
of art.
1. My involvement
One of my research axes after 2010 became
the Ottoman Mecca and Medina. I became
involved in the subject after 2010, due to my
general research on the Ottoman heritage. It
started with inscriptions and continued with
illustrations, images (representations), and
maps, which is presented in my publication
list.2 During this research, I have given give
1
Defining Ottoman Realism in the Uppsala Mecca
Painting By: Deniz Beyazıt, Muqarnas 2020, pp. 209–245.
Publication date: 06 Oct 2020.
2
“The Uppsala Mecca painting: A New Source
12
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many lectures at different international
conferences, congresses, workshops – in
London (2012), Leiden (2013), Saudi Arabia
(2014), Uppsala (2014), Napoli (2015), Istanbul
(2017), and also in Ankara (2019).
One of my great passion for research in recent
years has been the mysterious Mecca painting
from Upsala University. This painting was,
until my efforts, a more or less neglected piece
for the Cultural Topography and Historiography for Mecca”, Hajj Global Interactions through
Pilgrimage. Edited by Luitgard Mols & Marjo
Buitelaar, Leiden 2015 pp. 137–162 Procedings Symposium Hajj: Global Interactions
through Pilgrimage 28th and 29th November
2013.
- “Arabic and Turkish Inscriptions on the Darb al-Hajj
al-Shami”, in The Archaeology of the Syrian Hajj
Route in the Medieval and Ottoman Periods Route,
by Andrewe Petersen, British Academy/ Oxbow, Oxford (May 2012), pp. 155–163.
- Mekka and Medina Maps and Illustrations: From 15th to
20th Century. By Mehmet Tütüncü ISBN 97890-6921-022-3, Haarlem 2020, 182p. CORPUS
OF TURKISH ISLAMIC INSCRIPTIONS nr: 18
TÜRK İSLAM KİTABELERİ DİZİSİ no:18.
- Mehmet Tütüncü, Mekke Kitabeleri, Meccan Inscrip
tions, Haarlem 2020 ISBN 978-90-6921- 026-1
- “Royal Ottoman Inscriptions on the Istanbul to Mecca Pilgrimage Route (Darb al-Hajj al-Shami)”
Hajj Congress British Museum, 22-24 March
2012 Published in Hajj Collected Essays, edited
by Venetia Porter and Liana Saif, London British Museum 2013, pp. 36-43
-“Kabe’deki Osmanlı Topları” Düşünce ve Tarih Dergisi, Mart 2015 Yıl 2 sayı 8, s. 16–23
-“Suudi Arabistan’ın Cidde kentinde Bir Türkçe Kitabe Mısır valisi Kavalalı Mehmet Ali Paşa’nın
Cidde’de Hanefi Camisi’nde Bulunan Kitabesi”, Düşünce ve Tarih, Şubat 2017, s. 32–37.
of art. Through my efforts and interventions,
the painting is recognized and is now in the
front line for historical Mecca studies. The
Harameyn Museum in Mecca has now a facsimile copy, offered by the Swedish embassy
in Saudi Arabia.
After that, I was invited to different programs
to present and lecture about this painting. I
participated in one workshop at Uppsala University, May 2014, (Appendix 2), in Istanbul
April 20–21, 2017 (Appendix 3), in Congress
of Turkish Art Napoli in September 2015 (Appendix 4), and also in Saudi Arabia (Appendix
I become involved in this painting during a
6).
preparation for an exposition on Hajj in the
Ethnographic Museum of Leiden University, Shortly after the painting came to Holland
which opened in October 2013. During one for the exposition, I contacted Karen Ådahl,
of the preparatory meetings with the Curator who had written the first catalog text, and inLuitgard Mols, I suggested to get this paint- formed her that I was preparing an article and
ing from Sweden to Leiden. Luitgard Mols started to work on the reading the mystericontacted the University, and she managed ous captions (email exchange 25-09-2013 and
that this piece of art was sent to Holland, for 3-10-2013). Ådahl informed me that she was
her excellent curated exhibition, where it be- preparing a book about the painting and and
came one of the top objects of the exhibition. invited me to participate into a workshop she
And I had the chance to study in extenso the was organizing.
painting during this exhibition, which lasted
2. Research history
from September 10th 2013 until March 9th 2014.
The Uppsala painting was for 300 years stored
In November 2013, shortly after the opening,
in Uppsala University without creating much
a symposium was held, entitled: Hajj: Global
interest. The Swedish scholar Erik Gren wrote
Interactions through Pilgrimage 28 and 29 Noin 1945: ‘This, without any doubt, is the greatest
vember 2013 (see appendix 1 for the conference
treasure that Eneman brought back, and it is
program and participants list).
quite remarkable that it should still not have been
In this symposium, I presented my discoveries published, even though its great value always has
on this painting for a forum of international ex- been appreciated’. Also, Karin Ådahl, in 2001,
perts of Islamic art (appendix 1). My commu- lamented: ‘Today fifty years later, the painting
nication of this presentation was a revelation has still not been made the subject of any scholarly
of the facts “that this painting by an unknown study’ (Ådahl 2001: 256).
artist appears to be a realistic and astonishing- So, I came in 10 years later than Karin Ådahl’s
ly exact drawing of Mecca from the years 1710- lament.
1712. It contains unique and very important In this workshop in Uppsala University, I
information about the cultural topography of presented the result of my research. Deniz
Mecca and its urban fabric.” And I closed my Beyazit was also one of the speakers, and we
presentation with the following words: “No had afterwards e-mail exchanges and. Karin
other illustrations of Mecca contain more or Ådahl was preparing a book about the Uppsala
richer details. There is still much more analy- painting, but some eight years later this book
sis to be done on this painting, which has only is still not published. My article was published
started to reveal its secrets.” The symposium in a book which was based on the Symposium
paper I worked out, resulted in an article for held in Leiden in 20153, and Deniz Beyazit has
a book that was published in 2015 (Mols 2015, 3
“The Uppsala Mecca Painting: A New
Hajj Global Interactions through Pilgrimage, Source for the Cultural Topography and
edited by Luitgard Mols and Marjo Buitelaar Historiography for Mecca,” in Hajj: Global
appendix 5).
Interactions through Pilgrimage, ed. Luitgard
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now published her article 5 years later in 2020.
Despite our friendly exchange, and
participating in 2 similar subject symposium
organized by the Swedish Research Institute
in Uppsala and Istanbul (in 2014 and 2017),
Beyazit never gave me her paper. So, I was
very interested in what Beyazit should have
written about the painting.
3. Article of Deniz Beyazit:
Beyazit’s article is quite long (37 pages);
Beyazit writes in the introduction: “This
paper will provide both a detailed analysis of the
painting and a comprehensive comparative study,
which should allow for a fuller understanding of
the characteristics of the Uppsala painting and a
clearer determination of the sources and models
that may have inspired its maker. The paper also
aims to position the work within the history of
Mecca paintings, and attempts to address the
painting concerning the westernization tendencies
of art and culture in the later Ottoman empire.”
View and Map of Mecca: The Inscriptions,” online
preprint, Uppsala University, http://uu.divaportal.org/smash/record.jsf?pid=diva2:693332,
1–14. As part of the Swedish research project,
directed by Karin Ådahl, workshops were held in
Uppsala (May 2014) and in Istanbul (April 2017),
in which the author of this study participated. A
collective volume is in preparation for publication.
I am grateful to Karin Ådahl and Johan Heldt for
having shared their papers with me.
Hereafter Beyazit writes: Mehmet Tutuncu
also presented on the painting; see “The Uppsala
Mecca Painting: A New Source for the Cultural
Topography and Historiography for Mecca,” in
Hajj: Global Interactions through Pilgrimage,
ed. Luitgard Mols and Marjo Buitelaar (Leiden,
2015), 137–162.
And adds that: Tutuncu draws on Hans
Nordesjo’s reading of the inscriptions, while
adding a few new findings on the inscriptions. He
stresses the importance of the painting; however,
Beyazit first describes methods and systems his article does not fully discuss how the Uppsala
of mapping technics of cities from different Mecca painting relates to other artistic traditions
perspectives and presents the painting and and imagery of Mecca.
add some comments on some points. And
then she describes the painting and its origins. Footnote 10. The inscriptions have been studied
by Nordesjö, “A 17th-Century View,” 1–14. See
Beyazit mentions in three footnotes my name also Tutuncu, “Uppsala Mecca Painting.”
and work. In footnote six, Beyazit gives the
Footnote 136. For a preliminary discussion, see
next observations:
Tutuncu, “Uppsala Mecca Painting.”
The Uppsala Mecca painting was first published and
discussed by Karin Ådahl, Orientalismen i svensk This is all that I get of credit from Deniz Beyazit
konst: Islamiska föremål, förebilder och influenser on my article from 2015
i konst och konsthantverk (Stockholm, 1990) and
is also included in the catalog of the Uppsala 4. Critics:
University Art Collections: Thomas Heinemann, What Beyazit says, is by downplaying and
ed., Uppsala University Art Collections, Painting neglecting others accomplishments and
and Sculpture (Uppsala, 2001), 256–57, with a short especially, my contribution to the subject
commentary by Karin Ådahl. Hans Nordesjö was which is the first serious and most significant
the first to study and publish the painting’s many contribution to the contents of the painting
inscriptions; see Hans Nordesjö: “A 17th-Century after nearly 300 years of its long sleep in
Uppsala University. Beyazit remarks my
Mols and Marjo Buitelaar (Leiden, 2015), pp.
contribution very cool with the words “MT
137-162
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also presented on the painting”.
So first let’s see what my contribution was:
1. I made the first scholarly lecture at an
International conference in Leiden 2013 about
this painting. And this was for the first time the
full aspects of the painting and its importance
was concretely named and its secrets were
disclosed.
2. And I published also the first scholarly
article in 2015. So, I did not only “also present”
as Mrs. Beyazit writes, but I made the biggest
contribution in the 300 years old paintings
importance and interest.
3. Beyazit also writes in a depreciating
way of my contribution that although I stress
the importance of the painting, I am not
discussing how the Mecca painting is related to
other artistic traditions and imagery of Mecca.
This remark is also beyond any scholarly
standards of objectivity. In my published
article, that I had uploaded to academia.
edu and was and is free downloadable, was
25 pages long, and if we look at the heading
of my article after an introduction, I discuss
representations of the Kaaba before and after
the painting, I discuss the Uppsala paintings
and its captions, and also later developments
in representations of Mecca and Kaaba and
closes with a conclusion and an appendix of
legends in the painting and 16 figures with
details of the Kaaba painting and numbered
captions for easy reference. So, this remark
of Deniz Beyazit as I have not discussed the
painting to other artistic traditions is beyond
any truth.
4. I discuss the traditions before and
after the painting. Why Deniz Beyazit tries
o diminish the value of my article remains
a mystery. Instead of building on my solid
article, she tries to depreciated my article and
build her new building.
5. Captions: Beyazit says that I draw on
the captions of Hans Nordesjö. That’s also not
true. In a footnote, I presented my readings
of the captions at the Leiden Conference in
November 2013. I numbered all the captions
in the painting and for easy reference used the
number in the pictures that accompanied my
article. When I contacted Karen Ådahl, she
suggested that Hans Nordesjö has also worked
on those issues. In a footnote in my article and,
based on my presentation in 2013, I put the
next footnote:
(MT 2015, p. 140, footnote 3):
Hans Nordesjo, one of the contributors of the
Uppsala University Image of Mecca symposium
(on 5 May 2014), studied the red captions of the
painting and submitted his findings on 2 April
2014 to the Uppsala University repertory. My
readings presented during the Hajj symposium in
Leiden in November 2013, differ in some respects
from those of Hans Nordesjö.
Captions are Ottoman markers of buildings
and topographical objects. They identify the
buildings and are sometimes erased but mostly easily legible words. It should be no surprise
that two people with knowledge of Arabic
could come mostly to the same result. But what
Beyazit also tries with this remark, is claiming
that I draw on Nordesjö’s readingsand diminish my contribution on the captions, giving the
credit to Hans Nordesjö. With Hans, I worked
closely together to revise his captions and to
solve some issues. (Because Hans Nordesjö is
an Arabist, he has sometimes no idea what the
Ottoman words are). From an email from 11
february 2014, from which an image is printed here one can see that I sended my readings
of captions to Hans Nordesjo. He comments
on my numbered readings. Deniz Beyazit was
aware of my conversation with Hans Nordesjö, and she participated also in the e-mail
discussion. But in her footnote she tries to put
doubt on my findings and tries to attribute it
to someone else.
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e-mail from Hans Nordesjo from 11 February 2014
But thats not all Beyazit suggests that my article is about captions. “ Tutuncu draws on Hans
Nordesjo’s reading of the inscriptions, while adding a few new findings on the inscriptions”. My
article is not only about captions. It is is a comprehensive survey of the painting and comparing it with other sources. It is like an editio
princeps, an attempt to open up a closed book.
I write in page 140 what I am trying to do with
my article:
as if it has been only about captions. My article is about the historical topography of Mecca
and discusses historical relevant facts connected to the painting.
7. Another point that Deniz Beyazit is
distorting, is a very serious matter. She pretends a fact that was discovered by me as a fact
that she has discovered. This is Adriaan Reland’s connection to the painting. She writes
the name as Reelant, but the good Adriaan
In this study of the painting, I will first briefly was called Reland and not Reelant as Deniz
discuss Mecca representations that preceded the Beyazit is quoting so her reference to Reelant
Uppsala painting. Then in the main body of my is a non-existing person.
text, I will describe the contents of the painting
She writes: Among the earliest realistic European
and relate these to details from other sources that
drawings of Mecca are two examples, which
can provide information about what the painting
must be discussed here. The first was included in
reveals. Finally, I will reflect on the influence of
the expanded version of Adrian Reelant’s book,
this painting on the development of later Mecca
De religione Mohammedica libri duo, Defining
representations. (p. 140)
Ottoman Realism in the Uppsala Mecca Painting
6. Beyazit also tries to distort my article published in 1717 in Utrecht (fig. 6).31 It is the
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e-mail from Deniz Beyazit 8 July 2014, asking confirmation on Reland.
earliest known European attempt to portray the
Great Mosque in Mecca with accuracy.32 Reelant,
who had seen the Uppsala painting in 1714, decided
to include a reproduction of it in his book. While the
composition shows the rectangular sanctuary from
a bird’s-eye view, similar to the Uppsala painting,
only part of the Great Mosque is depicted. The most
important buildings and elements are copied from
the Uppsala painting, including the Ka’ba, the four
maqāms, and even details such as openings with
triangular pediments. While the drawing does
not include any surrounding buildings or sites,
pilgrims — portrayed as standing, walking, and
praying— have been added to the composition.
This drawing was widely circulated in Europe and
was reprinted in several places, for example in the
the Mahometans, published in London in 1731.
In a footnote she presents her sources as
follows:
31. Michael Eneman, who at that time was a
professor at the University of Uppsala, had shown
Reelant the Uppsala painting. Hadriani Reelandi
(Adriaan Reelant), De religione Mohammedica
libri duo (Utrecht, 1717), 119–28. In the same book
is also included a drawing of Muzdalifa, which
agai is a copy made after the Uppsala painting
(ibid., 115). Michel Eneman at his return from his
journey visited Reland on his trip back and showed
the painting to Adriaan reland.
The reader gets after reading this long passage
the idea that Deniz Beyazit presents here
results of her research: That she discovered the
fact that Adrian Reland copied the painting.
Atlas historique, published by Henri Chatelain and
But that’s not true. The relation between
Nicolas Gueudeville in 1719 in Amsterdam, and in
Reland’s engraving and the Michael Eneman
the third edition of Joseph Pitt’s work, A Faithful
painting was for the first time discovered by
Account of the Religion and Manners of
me and presented in Leiden symposium 2013
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and later also in Uppsala in 2014, where mrs. seems to be repeating my conclusion from
Beyazit was present. And written down in 2015. I quote from both, line for line in two
my article in 2015, so that she was full aware. paralel columns. . (next page)
So, how the honor for this scholarly relevant
discovery should not be be given in a scholarly
article to the original author? But Deniz does
not refer to anybody. she presents this as her
product.
Deniz Beyazit was present in Uppsala where I
presented this discovery. Beyazit later wrote
an e-mail to me, 8 July 2014, for confirming
about this Reland facts (in Turkish, see image
of email page 16). But she does not give any
credit in her article not to the Conference (5
may 2014) where she had first time about
Reland connection, Not to the email (8 July
2014) where she checks with me the facts I had
presented, and not to the publication (in 2015)
where she had read the facts about Relands
connection.
This is a serious scholarly shortcoming
and appropiating someone elses work, and
misleading of scholarly community.
8. Main part of Beyazit’s article (p.
223-229) is description of Mecca painting. In
my contribution in 2015 I had the approach:
I followed the Hajj rituals and zooming on to
certain places and describing them in relation
to Hajj and urban fabric of Mecca. I had
described this survey as follows: `”The survey
starts in Arafat, the first location of Hajj,and
follows the stations and rites of Hajj. It ends with
an analysis of the Kaba and its captions4” In her
contribution Beyazit follows this method
without giving any credit to my description
which she is imitating
9. The conclusive paragraph of Deniz Beyazıt
4
18
MT 2015 p. 142
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Conclusions DB 2020 Deniz Beyazit 2020
Conclusions MT2015 Mehmet Tütüncü 2015
DB2020 : The Uppsala canvas is one of the MT2015 The Uppsala painting is a unique and
most remarkable and sophisticated depictions extraordinary representation of Mecca and the
Ka’ba.
of Mecca known today.
DB 2020: For many reasons, it marks a turning
point in the history of depictions of the Ka’ba
and Mecca. It is the first known painting of
the Muslim holy site painted in a realistic
illusionistic style and composed from a bird’seye view that depicts not only the sanctuary
but also the surrounding urban landscape and
other important sites in Mecca.
MT: The painting is the first known threedimensional
representation
of
Mecca
and demonstrates what was at the time a
revolutionary bird’s eye view.
DB2020: Through the labeling of the many MT2015 In the painting, important buildings
buildings and sites, the work also serves as and places are identified by small labels in red
ink (legends), which give information about
one of the earliest detailed maps of Mecca.
their name and function. There are 75 of these
captions in the painting, which are marked
with numerals. P. 142.
DB2020 However, the location of certain
sites does not follow the cardinal system,
but accords with the Ottoman tradition. My
analysis shows that the architectural details
share features with the Mamluk and Ottoman
architecture of Cairo and also with the Hijaz
and Mecca/Medina. Due to the naturalistic
and realistic aspects of the work, future
research might investigate to what extent the
map can help illuminate the now lost buildings
and sites in Mecca.
MT 2015: No other illustrations of Mecca
contains more or richer details about the urban
network and city pattern than the Uppsala
painting. P. 158.
MT: The relevance of this painting has only
recently been recognized by scholars. An
important reason for this is that old Mamluk
and Ottoman Mecca was destroyed completely
by the Saudi guardians of the Holy City; this
picture is indispensable to reconstructing and
describing the Ottoman City.
DB2020 The stylistic analysis and provenance MT 2015 It was probably made by a Muslim
artist in Cairo and, after its purchase by
of the painting point to Egypt as a possible
Michael Eneman, arrived in Uppsala in 1714.
source of production.
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MT 2015: My research showed that because
before 1717 not any reliable picture of Mecca
was available in Western Europe, Uppsala
painting served as a model for later engravings
and illustrations. (p. 156-158, MT2015)
First one is made in 1743 in Sweden some 30
years after the painting came to Uppsala and
second one is from 1922-23 (see appendixes 7
and 8) it would be interesting to research how
and why this paintings were produced.
Deniz Beyazit comes (not) surprisingly to the
same conclusion.
DB 2020: My research suggests that the bird’s-eye
view of the Uppsala painting and its composition
with linear perspective was not inspired by
European engravings or other models depicting the
site of Mecca, as one might expect. (p. 236)
Rather, the work is the result of the long, complex,
and hybrid journey of Ottoman art towards realism,
applied to a large-scale topographic landscape
composition. This new, realistic style of depicting
Mecca from a bird’s-eye view in an illusionistic
manner was conceived around 1700. The design
type exemplified in the Uppsala painting not only
spread across several media in eighteenth-century
Ottoman art, but also expanded beyond the borders
of the empire, reaching Europe and East Asia,
where comparable engravings and other depictions
were created.
In my article in 2015, I had written next remarks
about the painting from 1922-23: In the Khalili
collection, there is a copy of the Uppsala painting.
In fact, the shape of the ountains and the streets
are one-to one copy, the painting is signed by the
hitherto unknown painter Shawkat and is dated
1341 AH (1922-23 CE). How he gained access to
the ainting at Uppsla University in order to make
a copy is a mystery (MT 2015, p. 158).
In the article of Deniz Beyazit there is no
one word about the first painting and more
interesting the second painting by an Ottoman
Artist, who had copied an another Ottoman
painting 300 years later. This are points of
research where she could had opportunities to
contribute. She missed this all. But its not late
she can still work on that axis further.
5. Concluding:
So nearly everything that Deniz Beyazit has
written down was already written by MT
and published in the article in 2015, 5 years
earlier. Deniz Beyazit presents a paper as
an original work, in fact she plagiarizes (in
different words) my article from 2015 and
tries to diminish and depreciate the value
of my article with subjective and suggestive
methods, while appropiating many of my
views and findings to herself. The article by
To end this review not negatively I would like Beyazıt is a waste of paper for the otherwise
to give a few suggestions for further research. respectable Muqarnas Journal.
10. The only point that Deniz Beyazit adds to
my conclusions is some speculations about the
possible patron
In the absence of more evidence, we can speculate
that this sophisticated painting and detailed map
of Mecca and the Hajj was intended for a member
of the diverse Ottoman ruling elite who had ties
to Egypt and possibly controlled the Hijaz, its
Muslim holy sites, and the Hajj.
11. Suggestions for Further research:
There are at least 2 copies of Uppsala painting.
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6. Appendixes:
Appendix 1 (Programme Hajj Symposium Leiden) 28-29 November 2013 (3 pages)
Appendix 2 (Programme Uppsala Workshop) May 5th 2014 (3 pages)
Appendix 3 (Programme Istanbul Workshop) 20-21 April 2017 (2 pages)
Appendix 4 (Programme Turkish Art Congress Naples 15-17 September 2015 (2 pages.)
Appendix 5 (News Item in Turkish Daily Milliyet 21 April 2017 (1 page)
Appendix 6 (Affiche Conference in Jedda Saudi Arabia 21 january 2015 (1 page)
Appendix 7 (Painting from 1743 based on painting of 1713 in Uppsala University) (2 pages)
Appendix 8 (Painting in Khalili Collections, based on painting of 1713 in Uppsala University) (2 pages)
Appendix 9 (Catalogue entry Karen Adahl , Uppsala art Collections, 2001 (2 pages)
Appendix 10 (Article by Mehmet Tütüncü Hajj Global Interactions through Pilgrimage Leiden 2015
(27 pages)
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Appendix 1 (Programme Hajj Symposium Leiden) 28-29 November 2013
Symposium
Hajj: Global Interactions through Pilgrimage
28 and 29 November 2013
Venue: Rijksmuseum Volkenkunde, Steenstraat 1, Leiden
The symposium is organized on the occasion of the exhibition Longing for Mecca: the
Pilgrim’s Journey (10 September 2013 -9 March 2014) on the Hajj to Mecca in Rijksmuseum
Volkenkunde, which was developed in cooperation with the British Museum in London. The
symposium starts with a reflection on the ‘Theory & Practice’ of the pilgrimage to Mecca
from religious, anthropological, and material culture perspectives. This introductory session
will contextualize two subsequent sessions: one involving case-studies concerning global
interchange and interactions in material culture spurred by the Hajj, like the production of
the kiswa (the textile covering the Ka’ba), pilgrim’s certificates and Hajj wall-paintings.
Another session will be dedicated to case studies concerning transnational & local, social &
political dimensions of the Hajj as well as issues concerning the meanings of pilgrimage for
the religious lives and identity politics for individuals. The symposium will be concluded by
an in-depth on-stage interview with two Dutch Hajjis and the 3rd Adrian Gerbrands lecture by
Finbarr Barry Flood (New York University).
The symposium is organised by the National Museum of Ethnology (NME), Leiden University
Centre for the Study of Islam and Society (LUCIS), the Fund for Ethnology Leiden (FEL),
Netherlands Interuniversity School for Islamic Studies (NISIS) and Institute of Cultural
Anthropology and Development Sociology (CAOS)
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Program
Thursday 28 November 2013
9:30-10:00: Registration
10:00-10:15: Welcome by Stijn Schoonderwoerd, director Rijksmuseum Volkenkunde
10:15-10:45: Mohammed Cheppih (Radar and al-Kauthar) Mekka: 'a real dream '
10:45-11:15: Léon Buskens (LUCIS, Leiden University) Useful knowledge made in Holland:
Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje and the Dutch Tradition of Hajj Research and Policy Making
11:15-11:45: Coffee break
11:45-12:15: Marjo Buitelaar (Groningen University and NISIS) Anthropological approaches to the
study of pilgrimage to Mecca
12:15-12:45: Venetia Porter (British Museum, London) The arts of Hajj (preliminary title)
12:45-14:00: Lunch
14:00-14:25: Nahla Nassar (The Nasser D. Khalili Collections of Islamic Art, London) The kiswah of the
Noble Ka‘bah. Piety, prestige and politics
14:25-14:50: Mehmet Tütüncü (Research Centre for the Turkish and Arabic World, Haarlem) How a
Kaaba Painting changed the Perspectives: The Uppsala University Kaaba and Mecca painting and its
importance for the Cultural Historiography of Hajj
14:50-15:15: Oliver Moore (Rijksmuseum Volkenkunde and Leiden University) Islam’s Object
Histories from China
15:15-15:45: Tea Break
15:45-16:10: Remke Kruk (Leiden University) Hajj murals in Dakhla oasis (Egypt)
16:10-16:35: Luit Mols (National Museum of Ethnology and LUCIS) Mecca and Medina in print:
souvenirs and Hajj-certificates
16:35-17:00: Neil van der Linden (Author/editor Gulf Art Guide) Hajj Music
18:30: Dinner for speakers
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Friday 29 November 2013
09:30-09:55: Sean McLoughlin (University of Leeds) British Muslim Experiences of the Hajj
09:55-10:20: Pnina Werbner (Keele University) Migrant Stories: Sacrifice, Purification and Gender in
the Hajj
10:25-10:45: Robert R. Bianchi (Middle East Institute, National University of Singapore) The Hajj and
Contemporary Politics in Turkey and Indonesia
10:45-11:15: Coffee break
11:15-11:40 Richard van Leeuwen (University of Amsterdam) Hajj and Islamic reformism: Rashīd
Ridā’s journey to Mecca in 1916
11:40-12:05: Arnoud Vrolijk (Leiden University Libraries) Hajj collections in the Special Collections of
Leiden University
12:05-14:00 Lunch and opportunity to visit the exhibition Longing for Mecca. The Pilgrim’s Journey
14:00-15:00: On stage interview with Famile Arslan (Arslan Lawyers) and Ali Eddaoudi (Dutch
Military Force) on their experiences of the Hajj
15:00-15:30: The Steven Engelsman Grantees: Presentation of grant awards
15:30-16:00: Tea Break
16:00-17:00 The 3rd Adrian Gerbrands Lecture: Finbarr Barry Flood (New York University) Sanctified
Sandals. Imaging the Prophet in an Era of Technological Reproduction
17:00-18:00: Drinks for all in the lounge café of the Rijksmuseum Volkenkunde
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Appendix 2 (Programme Uppsala Workshop) May 5th 2014
”The Image of Mecca”
A Symposium at the Uppsala University Library
May 5th, 2014
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Invitation
Uppsala University Library, the Swedish Research Institute in Istanbul
and Forum for Turkic Studies at Uppsala University
are inviting to an international symposium on the important Mecka painting from the
early 18th century in the Uppsala University art collections.
”The image of Mecca”
The iconography, the topography and the pilgrimage
Monday 5th May, 2014
at the Uppsala University Library ”Carolina Rediviva”
In 1713 the young theologian Michael Eneman returned to Uppsala from his expedition
to the Orient, the second expedition initiated by King Karl XII. Eneman brought a large
image of Mecka painted in oil on canvas. This painting is the earliest known image of
Mecka with the intention of giving an exact knowledge of the holy haram area and the
surrounding urban context.
The inscriptions in Arabic and Ottoman Turkish explaining the important buildings have
now been read for the first time since the painting came to Sweden. New research on its
provenance, but also on its artistic, iconographgic and topographic context will be
presented and discussed.
Opening of the symposium:
Chief Librarian, Professor Lars Burman, Uppsala University Library , Carolina Rediviva
Professor Jan von Bonsdorff, Department of Art history, Uppsala University
Professor Eva Csato Johanson, Forum for Turkic Studies, Uppsala University
Presentations:
Deniz Beyazit, Ph.D, Curator Department of Islamic Art, Metropolitan Museum, New York
Johan Heldt. Ph.D. cand, Forum for Turkic Studies, Uppsala University
Mehmet Tütüncü, Chairman Research Centre for the Turkish and Arabic World in the Netherlands, Harlem
Hans Nordesjö, Ph.Lic, former librarian Uppsala University Library
Karin Ådahl, Ph.D, Assoc. Prof.,former director of the Swedish Research Institute in Istanbul.
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Program
9.30 Registration and coffee
10.00 Opening of the symposium
Chief librarian, Professor Lars Burman, Uppsala University Library
Professor Jan von Bonsdorff, Department of Art History, Uppsala University,
Professor Eva Csato Johanson, Forum for Turkish studies, Uppsala University
10.30 Karin Ådahl, Ph.D, former director of the Swedish Research Institute in Istanbul
”Michael Eneman and the expedition to the Orient. The history of the Mecca
painting in the Uppsala University ”.
11.00 Johan Heldt, Ph.D.cand., Uppsala University
”Michael Eneman and Johan Silfwercrantz in Cairo in the spring of 1712”.
11.30 Deniz Beyazit, Ph.D, Department of Islamic Art, Metropolitan Museum, New York
”Exploring the Uppsala Mecca painting: Depicting in Western Fashion but
Mapping the Hajj in the Eastern Mode”.
Discussion
13.00 Lunch
14.30 Hans Nordesjö, Ph.Lic., former librarian at the Uppsala university library
”Reading the inscriptions of the Mecca Painting in the Uppsala University ”.
15.30 Mehmet Tütüncü, Chairman of the Research Centre for the Turkish and Arab
world in the Netherlands, Harlem
”The Uppsala Mecca painting and its importance for the knowledge of the
cultural topography and history of Mecca”.
Discussion
16.30 Conclusion of the symposium
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Appendix 3 (Programme Istanbul Workshop) 20-21 April 2017
The Mecca painting in the Uppsala University
Aspects on early representations of Mecca and the Ka´ba
in Ottoman art.
Workshop at the Swedish Research Institute in Istanbul
20-21 April 2017
Program
Thursday 20 April
9.30 Coffee
10.00 Opening of the seminar.
Johan Mårtelius, director of the Swedish Research Institute
Karin Ådahl, project leader
Jan von Bonsdorff, Professor, Art history department, Uppsala
university
Introduction
10.30 Karin Ådahl – The Mecca painting in the Uppsala university and
its context. Origin, iconographical aspects, and technical issues.
Session I – Mecca – the holy religious centre, the hajj and the
Uppsalapainting
11. 00 Mehmet Tütüncü – The Uppsala Mecca painting: A new source
for the cultural topography and historiography of Mecca.
11.30 Meraj Mirza – Aspects on the Mecca painting in Uppsala
university.
12.00 Round table Discussion. Chair: Jan von Bonsdorff
13.00 Lunch
28
Session II - The iconography of the Mecca representation
14.30 Deniz Beyazit – European or Ottoman? Exploring the Uppsala
Mecca painting.
15.00 Sabiha Göloğlu – Representations of the Holy sites in prayer
books.
15.30 Johan Mårtelius – The architectural representation in the Uppsala
Mecca painting.
16.00 Coffee
16.30 Round table Discussion. Chair: Günsel Renda
17.30 Conclusions
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19.30 Dinner
Friday 21 April
10.00 Visits to the Hekimoğlu mosque, the Turkish and Islamic Art
Museum (TIEM) and the Başbakanlık Ottoman Archives.
Lunch
Discussion and Conclusions at the Swedish Research Institute
Dinner
Invited participants:
Nurhan Atasoy, Professor
Deniz Beyazit, Ph D, Metropolitan Museum, New York
Jan von Bonsdorff, Professor, Uppsala university
Sabiha Göloğlu, Ph.D cand
Johan Heldt, Ph.D cand, Uppsala university
Gül Irepoğlu, Professor, Istanbul
Meraj Mirza, Professor, Mecca
Günsel Renda, Professor, Koç university
Zeren Tanindi, Professor, Uludağ university, Bursa
Mehmet Tütüncü, Dr, Leiden
Zübeyde Cihan Özsayıner, director Waqf Calligraphy Museum
Ömer Faruk Şerifoğlu, dr, Art Historian, expert paintings at Dolmabahçe
Museum
Organizers:
Johan Mårtelius, director, Swedish Research Institute
Karin Ådahl, project leader
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Appendix 4 (Programme Turkish Art Congress Naples 15-17 September 2015
Congress Locations in Naples
Basilica of San Giovanni Maggiore
Rampe San Giovanni Maggiore/
Via Mezzocannone
Università degli Studi di Napoli “L’Orientale”
Palazzo Du Mesnil - Halls 1-2
Via Partenope 10/A
Biblioteca Nazionale di Napoli “Vittorio Emanuele Ill”
Piazza del Plebiscito 1
Related Events
Tuesday 15th September, h. 15.00
Biblioteca Nazionale di Napoli “Vittorio Emanuele Ill”
Piazza del Plebiscito 1
Exhibition:
La conoscenza del mondo islamico a Napoli (XVI-XIX secolo)
The Islamic World through Neapolitan Eyes (Sixteenth-Nineteenth Centuries)
Wednesday 16th September (Morning Session)
9.00
Registration
10.00
Plenary Session - Basilica of San Giovanni Maggiore
Greetings by Elda Morlicchio
10.10
Greetings by H.E. Aydın Adnan Sezgin
10.25
Greetings by Roberto Tottoli
10.40
Greetings by Luigi De Magistris
10.50
Greetings by Hayati Develi
11.10
11.20
Rector of the University of Naples “L’Orientale”
Ambassador of the Republic of Turkey in Italy
Director of the Dipartimento di Asia Africa e Mediterraneo
University of Naples “L’Orientale”
Mayor of Naples
President of the Yunus Emre Institute
Opening Session - Basilica of San Giovanni Maggiore
Frédéric Hitzel
Chair of the French Committee of the 14th ICTA
(Paris, Collège de France, 19th-21st September 2011)
Greetings by François Déroche
President of ICTA
30
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Introduction to the Congress
Michele Bernardini
Friday 18th September (Afternoon Session)
Palazzo Du Mesnil - Hall 1
Palazzo Du Mesnil - Hall 2
Biblioteca “Vittorio Emanuele III”
Numismatic and Epigraphy
(Chairman: Hakk Acun)
The Decorative Arts
(Chairman: Hüseyn Rahmi Ünal)
Naples and the Ottoman World
(Chairman: Michele Bernardini)
14.30
Ceren Ünal, H. Sibel Ünalan
Çeşme Müzesi’nden Sikke Örnekleri
Eşliğinde 12.-13. Yüzyllarda Kültürel
Etkileşim ve Astrolojik Unsurlar
14.30
Seza Sinanlar Uslu
Pera Salon Exhibitions (1900-1903)
under the New Art Historical
Interpretation
14.30
Güner Doğan
The Elephant of the Sultan:
The Diplomatic and Cultural Re
between the Ottoman Empire a
Naples in the Light of New Doc
14.50
Günnur Aydoğdu
Ayyubid Coins on the Scale of the
Kahramanmaraş Museum
14.50
İlona Baytar
Three Sultans Three Styles:
19th-century Ottoman Palace
Furniture
14.50
Lorenzo Ebanista
The Image of the Turks in the
Neapolitan Crèche between
the 18th and 19th Century:
The Case of the Marching Ban
15.10
Roberta Giunta
The Islamic Inscriptions of the Turkish
Dynasties in Iranian Territories
(End of the10th-Beginning
of the 13th Century)
15.10
Ece Zerman
The Living Room as a “Family Museum”:
Self-representation in the Domestic
Interiors from the Late Ottoman Empire
to the Early Turkish Republic
15.10
Carmine Romano
The Neapolitan Crèche and the
15.30
Discussion
15.30
Discussion
15.30
Discussion
15.50
Break
15.50
Break
15.50
Break
Material Culture
(Chairman: Bruno Genito)
Contemporary Architecture: Italy & Turkey
(Chairman: Lea Nocera)
The Representation of the “Other”
(Chairman: Günsel Renda)
16.05
Sibel Klç
Horse and Horse Adornments
Among the Turkmen Tribes with their
Sociocultural and Cultic Dimensions
16.05
Pelin Kotas
Luigi Piccinato in Turkey
16.05
Pelin Şahin Tekinalp
Italy As Seen Through
the Ottoman Wall Paintings
16.25
Alptekin Yavaş
Anatolian Seljuk Arrowheads: A
Chronologic, Typological,
Terminological and Metallurgical
Analysis
16.25
A. Şevki Duymaz
An Italian Architect in the Architectural
History of the Republic of Turkey:
Paolo Vietti-Violi
16.25
Mehmet Zeki İbrahimgil, Funda N
19. Yüzylda Floransa (Firenze
Resim Ekolünün Balkanlar’da
Osmanl Mimarisindeki
Duvar Resimlerine Yansmalar
16.45
Discussion
16.45
Gül Cephanecigil
Celal Esad Arseven and “A Journey
Through Italy”: Reflections on the
Travel Notes of an Art Historian
16.45
Deniz Artun
Copying lngres: A Gaze from t
Orient on the “Grande Odalisq
17.05
Discussion
17.05
Discussion
17.10
Break
17.10
Break
17.10
Break
Interior Decoration
(Chairman: Tadeusz Majda)
19th and 20th Century
(Chairman: Zeynep Yasa)
The Mecka Painting
in the Uppsala University Library
(Chairman: Michele Bernardini)
17.20
Ekin Akaln
Representations of Istanbul
Wall Paintings
17.20
Ahu Antmen
A Promising Young Levantine of the
Ottoman Art Scene: Lina Gabuzzi
17.20
Karin Ådahl
The Mecka Painting of 1711:
Architectural Representation
17.40
Bilge Ar
Ottoman Mural Paintings of
Hagia Eirene in Istanbul
17.40
Ayşenur Güler
A Turkish Female Artist Leaving her
Trace through the 20th Century:
Sabiha Rustu Bozcali (1903-1998)
17.40
Johan Mårtelius
A Birds Eye View of Mecka
18.00
Büke Uras
Decoration for the Empire
“Art of Bedros Sirabyan Kalfa
(1833-1898)”
18.00
Ali Kayaalp
The Representation of Islamic
Religion and Religious Clergy
in Osman Hamdi Bey’s Paintings
18.00
Mehmet Tütüncü
The Uppsala University Paintin
and its Importance for the Dev
of Mecka Images
18.20
Discussion
18.20
Discussion
18.20
Discussion
18.30
End of Session
18.30
End of Session
18.30
End of Session
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Appendix 5 (News Item in Turkish Daily Milliyet 21 April 2017
32
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Appendix 6 (Affiche Conference in Jedda Saudi Arabia 21 january 2014
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Appendix 7 (Painting from 1743 based on painting of 1713 in Uppsala University)
34
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Copy from 1743 Ex archetypo Reg: Bibliothe:
Upsal: pinxit Iahannes Petri Mortenson Uppsaliae
1743.
Bird’s euye view of Mecca.
Penteckening aquarel, gouache op papier
60x47 cm
NMH THC 696, transfered from 1866 from
Kings Library
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Appendix 8 (Painting in Khalili Collections, based on painting of 1713 in Uppsala University)
36
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Appendix 9 (Catalogue entry Karen Adahl,
Uppsala Art Collections, 2001
38
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Appendix 10 (Article by Mehmet Tütüncü Hajj Global Interactions through Pilgrimage Leiden 2015
Hajj
Global Interactions
through Pilgrimage
Sidestone
edited by
Luitgard Mols & Marjo Buitelaar
43
e d e d e for
l i nMehmet
g e n v Tutuncu
a n h e (
[email protected])
t R i j k s m u s e u m v oTransaction:
o r V o l k0004278329
enkunde,
PreparedM
exclusively
40
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T HE U PPSALA M ECCA P AINTING : A N EW S OURCE FOR
THE C ULTURAL T OPOGRAPHY AND H ISTORIOGRAPHY
FOR M ECCA
Mehmet Tütüncü
Images of Islam’s holiest place, the Ka’ba and the city of Mecca, have been very
popular throughout the centuries. These images have been put on different
materials, such as stone, ceramics, paper, and cloth (Blair 2013: 160–168). The
Hajj exhibition Longing for Mecca, the Pilgrim’s Journey held at the National
Museum of Ethnology in Leiden exhibited many samples of representations of
the holy city of Mecca and the Ka’ba.1 A key piece was a particularly important
and special eighteenth-century painting from the Uppsala University collection
in Sweden, of which no other comparable contemporary drawings exist (Mols
2013: 120–121).
The painting by an unknown artist appears to be a realistic and astonishingly
exact drawing of Mecca and the Ka’ba in the years 1710–1712 (figure 1). It
contains unique and very important information about the cultural topography
of Mecca and its urban fabric at the beginning of the eighteenth century. The
painting shows a topographical view of Mecca with the Great Mosque in the
centre, the houses immediately surrounding it, the different neighbourhoods of
the city, and the surrounding hills and mountains. The street patterns of Mecca
can easily be recognised, as can many buildings that are marked by a red brush to
identify their names. In the middle of the large open court of the Great Mosque
stands the Ka’ba, the holiest sanctuary of Islam.
The painting (oil on canvas, H 85 x W 111 cm without frame, H 93 x W
119 cm with frame, inv. nr. UU2372) was purchased by Uppsala University in
1717 from the estate of the Swedish theologian and orientalist Michael Eneman
(1676–1714). Eneman, an envoy of the Swedish King Charles XII (1682–1718)
in Istanbul, probably acquired the painting in Cairo in 1712.2 He travelled in
1
2
This chapter is based on preliminary research on the Uppsala painting, the first results of which I
presented at the Hajj: Global Interactions through Pilgrimage symposium in November 2013 at the
National Museum of Ethnology in Leiden and at a symposium organised by Karin Ådahl on 5 May
2014 at Uppsala University entitled The Image of Mecca. The Pilgrimage, the Topography and the
Iconography. I would like to thank Luitgard Mols, one of the organisers of the Leiden symposium and
curator of the exhibition, as well Karin Ådahl, the organiser of the Uppsala symposium, for allowing
me to study the painting and for their generous support during my research.
On the basis of Silfwercrantz’s unpublished diary, Johan Heldt from Uppsala University has
discovered that the painting was acquired by Michael Eneman’s companion Johan Silfwercrantz in
Cairo in March 1712. (Johan Heldt, Oral Presentation at the Image of Mecca symposium, Uppsala
University, 5 May 2014).
137
Prepared exclusively for Mehmet Tutuncu (
[email protected]) Transaction: 0004278329
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Egypt and Syria between 1711 and 1713 to collect oriental manuscripts and
to explore commercial prospects. When he returned to Istanbul in 1713, he
was informed that he had been appointed professor of oriental languages at
Uppsala University, after which he returned to his home country. On 5 August
1714, Eneman arrived on Swedish soil and immediately went to Uppsala. His
travelling, however, had seriously injured his physical condition, and, shortly
after his installation as professor on 26 September, he caught a cold and died on
7 October 1714. The painting was purchased from his estate in 1717 by Uppsala
University. The Uppsala representation of Mecca is unique because it is painted
with oil on canvas, a technique that was rarely used in the Islamic world in this
period. It might be the first oil-painting created by a Muslim artist. Its unusually
detailed and correct depiction of Mecca in the beginning of the eighteenth
century is of a unique quality. Equally revolutionary is the use of the so-called
‘bird’s eye view’, which was first developed in Europe during the Renaissance,
which allowed the immediate visual comprehension of a large space. It was the
first time that a Muslim artist introduced this perspective for depicting Mecca.
The painting probably also served as a model for later European images of the
Ka’ba (e.g. Reland 1717, discussed below). Despite its tremendous importance
for our historical knowledge of Mecca and the Hajj, research on the painting has
42
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Tütüncü.
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only just begun.3 The Swedish scholar Erik Gren wrote in 1945: ‘This, without
any doubt, is the greatest treasure that Eneman brought back, and it is quite
remarkable that it should still not have been published, even though its great
value always has been appreciated’.4 Also, Karin Ådahl has lamented ‘Today
fifty years later, the painting has still not been made the subject of any scholarly
study’ (Ådahl 2001: 256).
In this study of the painting, I will first briefly discuss Mecca representations
that preceded the Uppsala painting. Then in the main body of my text, I will
describe the contents of the painting and relate these to details from other
sources that can provide information about what the painting reveals. Finally, I
will reflect on the influence of this painting on the development of later Mecca
representations.
Representations of the Ka’ba before 1712
The earliest surviving illustration of the Ka’ba appears on a Hajj certificate, now
in the collection of the Turkish and Islamic Arts Museum in Istanbul. It is dated
589 AH (1084 CE) (Aksoy & Milstein 2000: 104). Pilgrims who had fulfilled
their Hajj duty could buy such Hajj certificates, which, from the twelfth century
onwards, were illustrated with the Ka’ba and Holy places surrounding it. These
certificates served as proof for pilgrims of their Hajj travels, as Luitgard Mols
demonstrates in her chapter on printed Hajj-certificates in this volume. Other
representations on paper of Mecca and the Ka’ba can be found in illustrations
for the guides used by pilgrims for orientation during the Hajj.
Images of the Ka’ba and the Masjid al-Haram (Great Mosque) also appeared
in other media. A very famous Ka’ba representation was found on an earlythirteenth-century stone slab from Mosul, now in the Iraq Museum in Bagdad
(figure 2). In the centre of this much studied slab the Masjid al-Haram, the
Ka’ba, and several buildings surrounding the mosque are schematically carved
(Strika 1976: fig. 73; Blair 2013: 163; Juvin 2010: 499). From the second half of
the seventeenth century to the first half of the eighteenth century, depictions of
the holy sites appeared on tiles and tile panels (figure 3). These tile panels often
portrayed the minarets, doors, and domed galleries of the Great Mosque, as well
as the multiple small buildings that surrounded the Ka’ba (Maury 2013: 143–
159). Common to all these Ka’ba illustrations is that they are simple schematic
drawings that combine ground plan and elevation but lack any real perspective
or depth. They all sketch the basic lines of the Great Mosque but nearly nothing
of the city around it. For the topography of the city of Mecca, they are therefore
3
4
44
Hans Nordesjö, one of the contributors of the Uppsala University Image of Mecca symposium, studied
the red captions of the painting and submitted his findings on 2 April 2014 to the Uppsala University
repertory. My readings presented during the Hajj symposium in Leiden in November 2013 differ in
some respects from those of Hans Nordesjö.
Translation by Ådahl (2001: 256).
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ȱ¢ȱ¢ǯ
of little importance. This traditional style of painting Mecca and the Ka’ba
would change dramatically with the Uppsala painting (figure 4).
The Uppsala Painting and Its Captions
The Uppsala painting is orientated from the perspective of Mount Sha`b Ali,
northwest of the Ka’ba. This mountain provides an excellent view of the Ka’ba
and Mecca, and it looks to the sa’i area, where the rite of running between the
hillocks of Safa and Marwa takes place, and the northern facade of the Masjid
al-Haram. In the drawing, south is in the upper right of the canvas, and north
in the lower left. Mount Arafat is correctly drawn to the southeast of Mecca, as
is Jeddah, which is painted to the west. Also the road to Arafat is realistically
rendered, as it goes to the north first and then bends sharply to the east.
Nowadays except for the Ka’ba, all buildings and places from historical
Mecca have vanished. This makes the painting particularly important because
it provides information about the buildings that were destroyed during the
uprisings in the nineteenth century and modernisations of the twentieth century
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(Krieger 2013; Nasrawi 2007).5 The painting depicts a view of the Holy City
after the Ottoman rebuilding period of the sixteenth century. The painter has
tried to show the town planning and street patterns. The old Meccan districts
were densely inhabited and the houses reached the exterior walls of the Great
Mosque.
What is further striking is the complete absence of any human being in the
painting. This indicates that the painting was probably intended for a qibla
wall (the wall in the direction of Mecca) in a mosque. Depicting human beings
in a religious context is prohibited in Islam, so that people who pray are not
distracted.
In the painting, important buildings and places are identified by small labels
in red ink (legends), which give information about their name and function.
There are 75 of these captions in the painting, which are marked with numerals,
in figures 1, and 5 to 14 for easy reference. Prayer places and important holy
buildings in the city are painted with green domes. The domes of profane
buildings like public baths (hammams) are coloured grey. This indicates that
the painter was well informed about the nature of the buildings that he drew.
The houses have flat roofs and are painted in white or grey colours. The houses
mostly consist of two floors, while some have an additional third floor. Official
and governmental buildings are four or five stories high.
Below I will survey the whole painting with caption numbers in brackets.
A description of the object or building, with references and observations from
older sources, is added and is followed by an appendix with a list of legends. The
survey starts in Arafat, the first location of Hajj, and follows the stations and
rites of Hajj. It ends with an analysis of the Ka’ba and its captions.
Arafat, Muzdalifa, and Mina (figure 5)
At the top left corner of the frame (topographically south-east of Mecca), it is
written (1) Cebel-i Arafat (Mount Arafat).
Arafat is a large plain surrounded by mountains, some 25 kilometres from
the Ka’ba. It is said that the Hajj is Arafat, because the most important rite of
the Hajj takes place there. Pilgrims must reach Arafat by midday prayer on the
ninth day, or yawm al-wuquf (the ‘day of waiting’ or ‘standing’) of the month of
Hajj (Dhu al-Hijja). From noon till sunset pilgrims are required to remain and
5
46
The destruction of the old cities of Mecca and Medina was done after the 1973 oil crisis, when the
Saudis had become financially independent. With the oil money they started great building activities
under the pretext of needing to host large numbers of pilgrims. To accommodate the pilgrims and
to extend the holy mosque, all the buildings of the old city were completely wiped out despite all
cultural, historical, or archaeological arguments. Many people suspect that this was done by the
Saudi authorities for religious reasons, to prevent the preservation of historical buildings that might
lead to polytheism. They destroyed also all tombs and tombstones and flattened the cemeteries. From
historical Mecca and Medina nothing remains except the Ka’ba and the Prophet’s Mosque.
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pray in Arafat. According to tradition, it was here that the Prophet Muhammad
delivered his farewell speech.
Two pools that receive their water from the source Ayn Zubayda have been
included in the painting. Also, next to mountain Arafat, a building with four
or five domes can be observed. This is the (2) Matbah, the ‘kitchen’, which
no longer exists. The matbah in the drawing is surely the one mentioned by
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the seventeenth-century Ottoman traveller Evliya Çelebi as Mescid-i Matbah-ı
Hazret-i Adem, that is, The Mosque of the Kitchen of Adam:6
Adam and Eve were reunited here after a long period of separation
following their expulsion from Paradise. It is here where they are
said to have been taught how to prepare soup. So it is tradition
that rich people make fire and cook here, and distribute their
food to the poor people. The later rulers built a mosque which has
no minaret, and which can accommodate 200 (praying) people.
(Evliya Çelebi 2005: 356)
Leaving Arafat the pilgrim passes two pillars, the (4) Mileyn (‘two milestones’),
which mark the boundaries of the sacred territory of Arafat. In total six such
milestones can be seen in the painting. On the tenth day of Dhu al-Hijja all
pilgrims must make sure to be inside the territory marked by these milestones. If
they stay outside, then the Hajj is not valid. Further to the right is the (3) Mescid-i
İbrahim (the ‘Mosque of Abraham’), also called Masjid al-Namira. Pilgrims pray
here after they stand and pray at Arafat. This mosque is situated just outside the
border of Arafat and, in the painting, is rightly portrayed beyond the milestones.
The next stop is (5) the open plain of Muzdalifa (Turkish: Müzdelife), where
a large mosque with a minaret is located. Muzdalifa is situated between Mina
to the east and Arafat to the west and is surrounded to the north and south by
mountains. After sunset on the day of the rite at Arafat, pilgrims proceed to
Muzdalifa. Here they spend the night praying or sleeping after having collected
pebbles for the next day’s rite of stoning the Jamarat, the pillars at the site where
Shaytan (‘Satan’) is believed to have tempted the Prophet Abraham into leaving
his faith.
Downwards from Muzdalifa is (10) Mina. In the painting we can see a
mosque with two minarets, the (11) Mescid-i Hayf (the al-Khayf Mosque),
where, according to tradition, the Prophet prayed. To the right of the mosque
is a smaller domed building (12). This is the Mahall-i Nüzul-i ‘Ve’l-Mürselât’, or
‘the place where [the sura] Wa-’l-Mursalat was revealed’ (i.e. Qur’anic verse 77:1,
which reads ‘By those sent forth in swift succession’).
To the right of Muzdalifa, (6) a village called Hüseyniye (Husayniyya) is
depicted in an oasis about twenty kilometres south-east of Mecca. The painter
has placed this village halfway between Mecca and the pilgrimage sites. To the
6
48
Evliya Çelebi was born in 1611 in Istanbul and died in Egypt in 1685. He travelled far and wide
across the Ottoman Empire and neighbouring areas and wrote extensively about his travels in his
Seyahatname (The Book of Travels). It is the longest and most detailed travel account in Islamic (if
not world) literature. It is a vast panoramic description of the Ottoman world and is a unique source
for reconstructing the Ottoman Empire’s social and cultural life in the mid-seventeenth century.
Volume 9 of Seyahatname is dedicated to Evliya’s Hajj voyage. He starts his journey in May 1671
in Istanbul and reaches Damascus in January 1672. From there, he joins the pilgrimage caravan of
Damascus. The pilgrimage month that year—Dhu al-Hijja 1082 AH—corresponds to April 1672.
After performing his duty, Evliya joins the caravan of the Egyptian pilgrims, who leave immediately
after the Hajj ritual to travel across the Red Sea to Cairo.
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left of the mosque, one can see (7) Cemre-i Evvel, the first of three pillars where
the ritual throwing of pebbles to symbolise the stoning of Satan takes place. Then
follows the second pillar, (8) Cemre-i Sani, and, at the border of the painting,
the third, (9) Cemre-i Salis. According to tradition, Satan is stoned because he
wanted to prevent the sacrifice of Ishmael. The place where the sacrifice was to
take place is indicated at the edge of the painting, (24) Mahall-i Zebh-i İsmail
(place of the sacrifice of Ishmael).
Down from Mina on the way to Mecca is a mosque, (13) Mescid-i Aşere,
which nowadays is also called Masjid Aqaba, after the largest of the three
stoning-pillars, or Masjid al-Bay`a, where the Prophet Muhammad received the
oath of allegiance from the people of Medina. This mosque still stands before
the entrance to the pillars.
Number (14) is the Mahall-i Șakk ul-Kamer (or Mahall Shaqq al-Qamar in
Arabic, the ‘Place of the Splitting of the Moon’), a reference to Qur’anic verse
54:1, a miracle ascribed by some commentators to the Prophet Muhammed. To
the left of the sanctuary, on a prominent mountain with a domed mosque or
memorial, is (15) Cebel-i Ebu Kubeys (the ‘Mountain of Abu Qubays’), where
the Black Stone may have been kept for some time, originally or during a flood.
Cidde (Jeddah) (figure 6)
Above the central part of the sanctuary (fig. 6) there are two captions: (18) refers
to the birthplace of Abu Bakr (Mahall-i Mevlud-ı Ebu Bekir), the successor to
the Prophet Muhammad and first caliph of Islam. The other caption, (17), is
located above the first one and indicates the place of Burke-i Yemeniye. This
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is the Yemeni water reservoir, where the Yemeni pilgrims gathered and stayed
during the Hajj period. Some tents are also depicted. Two other reservoirs for
the Hajj caravans, the (38) Damascus one and the (39) Egyptian one, together
with their pools and camping places, have also been included in the painting.
The city of Jeddah is painted to the upper right-hand corner of the painting
(topographically to the west). The road to Jeddah starts in a small village (28)
named after Şeyh Mahmud (Shaykh Mahmud), a holy person. Şeyh Mahmud’s
shrine is depicted with three domes. According to Evliya Çelebi, Şeyh Mahmud’s
resting place is under a low dome. It is on the south direction from Mecca. There
are 200 poor houses and palm trees, and a few masjids (mosques) (Evliya Çelebi
2005: 407).
A (29) fountain or Sebil under a domed building is shown near the frame of
the painting, slightly below the village of Şeyh Mahmud. This Sebil-i Mahmud
could be the Sebil-i Kızlarağası near the Market of Lahza that is described by
Evliya Çelebi (2005: 397).
From here to Jeddah, it is some 70 kilometres. While the scale is clearly
distorted towards the left and right corners of the painting, the locations and
directions are correct. Evliya Çelebi writes in his Seyahatname (The Book of
Travels) about the road to Jeddah ‘In the south there are a few coffeehouses’
(Evliya Çelebi 2005: 407). The coffeehouses, referred to as (20) Kahve, are also
present in the painting. The (21) small fort and village Hudde is also shown,
about which Evliya Çelebi writes ‘It is six hours travels to Wady Hudde. In former
times it was a grand city but nowadays it only consists of a few coffee houses’
(Evliya Çelebi 2005: 407). Outside the fort in Hudde, some dwellings and also
some tents are drawn, which may indicate the camping site of pilgrims who
arrive to Jeddah by sea and travel to Mecca by land.
In the upper-right-hand corner of the painting, one can see the (22) Sebil-i
Ahmed Bey (the ‘Fountain of Ahmad Bey’), which the pilgrims would pass by
before arriving in Jeddah. The (23) port of Cidde (Jeddah) is also shown near this
corner of the painting. Jeddah is painted with outer fortifications but without
any details. But an observer of the painting will at least learn how the road to
Jeddah runs and what one can expect upon arriving in Jeddah.
The mountains around Mecca (figures 6, 8 and 10)
The mountains that surround Mecca are painted in an unrealistic and inaccurate
way, looking more like a sea of sand dunes. They all have the same shape and lack
distinctive characteristics. Only some mountains are identified by name. On the
right side of the painting, the uppermost mountain is (26) the Cebel-i Güzel
(‘The Beautiful Mountain’, fig. 8), which is also known under different names:
al-Ahmar (‘the Red’), al-A`raf (in pre-Islamic times), and Jabal Hindi. Even
further to the right is (16) Cebel-i Sevir ( ‘the Bull Mountain’). This mountain
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rises from a desert of small mountains depicted in the upper part of the painting.
It is known for the cave in which the Prophet took refuge with Abu Bakr at the
beginning of his Hijra, or emigration from Mecca.
Near the frame on the left, under a domed building on a very steep
mountain, there is caption (49) that ends with the word nur (‘light’) (fig. 10).
The beginning of the caption may read Makam or Maqam, that is, ‘place’ or
‘station’. The caption may refer to the Cebel-i Nur (‘the Mountain of Light’),
which is the place where the first revelation of the Qur’an, sura 94, is believed
to have occurred. This mountain is situated to the north of Mecca. To the left of
the uppermost minaret at the right side of the painting is the mountain of Umar
with a (19) domed building called Mevlud-ı Seyyidina Ömer (‘the birthplace of
our lord Umar’) (fig. 6). This refers to Umar ibn al-Khattab, the second caliph.
According to Johann Ludwig Burckhardt, this building was destroyed by the
Wahhabis (Burckhardt 1829: 207).
Zawiyes and Sufi tarikats: dervish lodges (figure 7)
The right lower corner (north) of the painting is filled with a variety of buildings,
pools, cemeteries, cupolas, and mosques. A street from the gate Bab üs-Selam-ı
Cedid of the Great Mosque leads out of Mecca. In reality this street is the road
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that runs to Mina and Arafat. Just outside Mecca, there are the two water pools
that I mentioned earlier in the text. The one on the left (38) is named Burket
el-Şami, ‘the Syrian reservoir’, and the one on the right (39) is Burket-i Mısri,
‘the Egyptian reservoir’. On the map of Mouradgea D’Ohsson7 they are named
Scham-Burkessy nr. 20 and Missir-Burkessy nr. 31.8 But D’Ohsson has located the
pools on the lower-left corner (east of Mecca), which is actually wrong. Near the
pools, the tents where the contingents of pilgrims from Damascus and Egypt
would have stayed are also painted. The road here turns to the left, makes a
U-turn, and continues to Arafat to the south-east of Mecca.
Above the two water reservoirs indicating the camping sites of Damascus
and the Egyptian contingents of pilgrims, one building with a minaret and
another adorned by a cupola are depicted. The captions on these buildings are
also difficult to read. The one on the left (35) ends in Ahmediye, and the one on
the right (36) may end in Kadiriye. My conjecture would be that these buildings
were centres for the Sufi orders of the Ahhmediye (perhaps a branch of the
Khalwatiyya or Halvetiye) and Kadiriye.
Below and to the left of the reservoirs of the Damascus and Egyptian
camping sites is the Mevlevihane (44) (‘the house of the Mevlevi dervishes’).
This Mevlevihane is described by Evliya Çelebi as follows:
Inside the city of the Ka’ba there are 78 convents of dervishes.
They welcome as guests poor persons. But the best place is the
convent of Mevlana near the Mu`alla, which is a paradise-like place
with a great garden, it has a sema and safahane (places where music
and dances of the whirling dervishes were executed) as well as
many rooms where people could stay, it has water fountain pools,
and a sebil. It is a place where you can have a pleasant stay. All
the notables from Mecca and learned persons from Bekke come
to watch the Mevlevi rituals here. This convent was established by
Dervish Muhammad from Hind and Lahore with the permission
of Mevlanazade Çelebi Efendi from Konya. (Evliya Çelebi 2005:
399)
Ma`la and its surroundings
Right below the pools on the foot of a mountain is the great cemetery of Ma`la
or Mu`alla, where many family-members of the Prophet and important figures
in early Islamic history were buried. In the lower corner on the right-hand side
7
8
52
Ignatius Mouradgea D’Ohsson (31 July 1740–27 August 1807) was an Ottoman-Armenian
orientalist, historian, and diplomat in Swedish service. In 1768 he was supreme interpreter and
elevated to the Swedish nobility. He is the author of the famous 1788 Tableau Général de L’Empire
Othoman and has published very famous Mecca engravings that were drawn by French engraver
l’Espinasse.
D’Ohsson 1788: pl. 45, Vue de La Mecque, nr. 30 Sham-Burkessy (pool of the Syrians) and nr. 31
Missir Burkessy (pool of the Egyptians).
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of the painting in the cemetery is (43) a building with an inscription that is
difficult to read, but which refers to the grave (kabr) or mausoleum (makam) of
Hatice (Khadija), the first wife of Muhammad.
Outside the cemetery there are four buildings with cupolas. The second from
the left (41) is the Merkad-ı Ebu Talib (‘the Tomb of Abu Talib’), the uncle of
Muhammad and father of Ali. The building to the right (42) is Mescid-i Cinn
(the ‘Mosque of the Jinn’).
Further to the right we find two buildings in front of the right-hand reservoir.
The inscription on the upper one is easier to read: (40) Serdar-ı Müstahfızan
(the ‘Place of the Head of the Guards’). At the time of Ali Bey, these were the
barracks of the ‘Negro and Mogrebin’ guards (Ali Bey 1816: 119).
Hammams (figures 8 and 10)
On the north-western side of the sanctuary, a caption on a cupola (27) reads
Makam-ı Aydarus, ‘the Station of Aydarus’, probably a holy man. A few houses
down (north) of this station is (25) Hammam-ı Umre (‘the Umra Bath’). It is
so named because it is located near the Umra Gate of the Great Mosque. The
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name Umra refers to the so-called ‘lesser pilgrimage’ to Mecca, which may be
undertaken at any time of the year. The Umra bath is mentioned by Burckhardt,
but it was destroyed during the expansion of the Haram in 1970 (Burckhardt
1829: 250–251).
The other bath, which was located in the north-east quarters of Mecca, is the
(48) Hammam ün-Nebi (‘the bath of the Prophet’) (fig. 10). It derived its name
from its location near the (50) Birthplace of the Prophet (fig. 10). This was the
Ottoman hammam of Sultan Süleyman. According to Evliya Çelebi, who refers
to it as Hammam-ı Kuşaşiye (‘The Bath of the Qushashiyya [Quarter]’), the bath
was designed by the famous architect Sinan (c. 1490-1588) (Burckhardt 1829:
110). The bath had an inscription from the year 970 AH (1562 CE) (Uluengin
1988: 347).
The road to Arafat (figure 9) and the birthplaces of the Prophet and
his family (figure 10)
After passing two pools and the Mevlevihane on the road to Arafat, we come to
a garden with a palace (45) that is separated from the Holy City by a hill. This
palace is the biggest building of the painting. The inscription on it ends in Vezir
(‘minister’). This is probably Qasr al-Wazir, palace of the vizier or Sharif of
Mecca; it is a big palace garden and has palm trees. In old maps a palace of the
Sharif was located to the north-east. In his plan of Mecca, Christiaan Snouck
Hurgronje mentions under nr. 42 the Sommergarten der Scherife (‘summer
garden of the Sharifs’) on the road to Mina and Arafat. (Snouck Hurgronje
1888: Map 1). In his plan, under nr. 59, Burckhardt lists ‘a garden and a pleasure
house of the sharif. The garden is enclosed by high walls and towers’ (Burckhardt
1829: 185).
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In the quarters to the north-east of the sanctuary there are two buildings with
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cupolas (figure 10). One (47) is the birthplace of Fatma (Fatima), the daughter
of Muhammad and wife of Ali, the fourth caliph. Only the word ‘Fatma’ can be
clearly recognised in the caption. This building was also known as Dar Khadija
(‘House of Khadija’), the first wife of the Prophet. After his wedding the Prophet
moved to this house. Under the birthplace of Fatma or Khadija’s House is (46)
Menzil-i Ebu Bekir (the ‘House of Abu Bakr’), the first caliph.
The birthplace of the Prophet Muhammed, which is marked as a mosque
with a cupola and a minaret, is (50) Mevlud ün-Nebi, the Birthplace of the
Prophet. This house where the Prophet Muhammad was born has since been
knocked down; nowadays, the library of Mecca is situated on this site. A
photograph (figure 11) of this building from the beginning of twentieth century
shows similarities with the domed structure in the painting.9
Beyond the three houses that are depicted above the birthplace of the Prophet,
there is another domed building (52) called Mevlud-ı Ali (the ‘Birthplace of
Ali’). Burckhardt refers to it as the Mouled Imam Aly in the quarter called Shab
Aly (Burckhardt 1829: 312–313). This is a small shrine, the floor of which has
a hole that marks the spot where Ali, the son-in-law of Muhammed, is said to
have been born.
Slightly to the right of the minaret of the Prophet’s House (50) is the inscription
(51) Dar el-Hayzuran, the ‘house of Khayzuran’, mother of the Caliph Harun
al-Rashid, who bought the house where the Prophet Muhammad had his first
secret meetings with his followers and which he turned into a place for praying.
Safa and Marwa (figures 12 and 13)
One of the Hajj rites is the sa’i, the walking back and forth seven times between
the former hillocks of Marwa and Safa in imitation of Hagar’s walking through
the desert in search for water for her baby Ishmael.
The sa’i course has been included in the painting as follows: the triple-arched
building to the left or south is the (53) Makam-ı Safa (the ‘Station of Safa’),
and the arched, roofless building to the right or north (34) is Makam-ı Merve
(the ‘Station of Marwa’). The building with iron grills between (59) and (60)
is the Sabil or water-dispensary of the Mamluk sultan Qaytbay (r. 887–901
AH (1468–1496 CE)). From here water was distributed to the pilgrims. The
building near the (59) Bab-ı Sebil-i Qaytbay (the ‘Gate of the Sabil of Qaytbay’)
(between (58) and (59)) is the Medrese (Madrasa), the school of Sultan Qaytbay
that was erected by him in 992 AH (1477 CE) (figure 13). He also furnished it
with a valuable library. The school was built in the Mamluk style and had four
iwans, but was demolished in 1956. There were 72 cloisters and large windows
looking onto the Masjid al-Haram and the street al-Mas`a.
9
56
This photo was provided by Dr. Meraj Nawab Mirza from The Center of Makkah History at Umm al
Qura University in Mecca. According to him, this photo was taken at the beginning of the twentieth
century.
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Between the (56) Bab-ı Ali (‘Gate of Ali’) and that (60) Bab ün-Nebi (‘Gate
of the Prophet’) is (61) Mil-i Ahdar (the ‘Green Signpost’) on a pillar. This is
one of the pillars along the Mas’a, where pilgrims run seven times between the
hillocks of Marwa and Safa.
The signpost marks the spot where pilgrims have to change from walking
to running. A few of these marker stones have survived in the Al-Haramayn
Museum in Mecca. Near the second minaret on the right (counting from the
bottom), the (31) Mahkeme or ‘court of justice’ is shown (figure 14). Further
down one can identify the (32) Medrese-i Süleymaniye or ‘School of Süleyman’,
which was built by Sultan Süleyman I and Selim II and housed the four Sunni
law schools. This school used to have a minaret, but it was demolished in 1956.
Immediately below the Mas`a is an inscription (33) that is difficult to read
(figure 13). It could be read as Mazabiz (‘taps’ or ‘public fountains’). This would
correspond to the map of D’Ohsson: 1788 (nr. 29), which mentions in the same
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place a ‘fontaine publique’ (D’Ohsson 1788: nr. 29). Also, Burckhardt states
‘near this place, too, is a public fountain, the work of the Othman Emperor
Soleyman Ibn Selym: it is supplied from the Mekka aqueduct, and is crowded the
whole day by hadjys [pilgrims], who come to fill their water-skins’ (Burckhardt
1829: 215).
The Sanctuary (Haram) area (figure 14)
The view of Mecca is dominated by the sanctuary area, the Haram. In the centre
is the Ka’ba. The (75) Hacer ül-Esved (or al-Hajar al-Aswad, the ‘Black Stone’)
written vertically immediately to the left is inserted into the eastern corner
of the Ka’ba. On the roof of the building, the text (74) Altun Oluk or ‘Gold
Spout’ is written at the place of the waterspout. In Arabic this would be called
Mizab al-Rahma (the ‘Spout of Mercy’). The Ottoman Sultan Ahmed I replaced
the traditionally silver or wooden spout with a gold specimen. The use of the
Ottoman term Altun Oluk, instead of the Arabic or Persian phrase, demonstrates
that the painter was a Turkish person.
On the south-east side of the sanctuary, there is a palace with an inscription
on the roof (54) that reads Dar us-Sa`ada, one of the names of Istanbul. This
could be the palace of the aghas of the Dar us-Sa`ada, who were sent from
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the palace in Istanbul to Mecca to supervise the sultan’s waqfs, or religious
endowment funds.
Only a few of the numerous gates of the Great Mosque are depicted and
labelled on the painting. In the back, forming a special square outside the southwest wall, is the (55) Bab-ı İbrahim (the ‘Gate of Ibrahim’), named not after the
Prophet Abraham, but after a tailor who lived nearby this gate. To the right, in
a similar square outside the north-west wall between two minarets, is the (30)
Bab üz-Ziyade (the ‘Gate of the Increase’). At the front or north-east side the
inscriptions read, from right to left, (57) Bab üs-Selam-ı Cedid (the ‘New Gate of
Peace’), (58) Bab üs-Selam-ı-Sağir (the ‘Small Gate of Peace’), (59) Bab-ı SebilQaytbay (the ‘Gate of the Fountain of Qaytbay’), (60) Bâb-el-Nebí (the ‘Gate of
the Prophet’), and (56) Bab-ı Ali (the ‘Gate of Ali’). Opposite the right side or
north-west face of the Ka’ba is a low semi-circular wall. It encloses an area of
special sanctity, the (72) Hicir (or Hijr, meaning the ‘inviolable’). According to
the tradition, this is where Ishmael and Hagar are buried. The inscription below
the wall reads Hicr-i İsmail. Immediately below the front or north-east face of
the Ka’ba is a square hollow in the ground, identified by the text (73) Micene (Ar.
Mi`jana, ‘trough’). This is the place where Abraham and Ishmael are believed
to have mixed their mortar when they built the Ka’ba. This was also the place
where presents sent from all over the world to the Ka’ba used to be preserved.
The four law schools (madhhabs) of Sunni Islam each are located around the
Ka’ba. The (69) Makam-ı Hanbelî (‘Hanbali Place’) on the left-hand or southeast side, the (70) Makam-ı Maliki (‘Maliki Place’) at the back on the southwest side, and the (71) Makam-ı Hanefi (‘Hanafi Place’) on the right-hand or
north-west side behind the Hijr wall. The fourth law school of Imam Shafi’i, is
not marked in the painting, but the shafi’is always prayed in the (64) Makam-ı
İbrahim (the ‘standing place of Abraham’). This place is marked by a stone with
Abraham’s footprint. Abraham is believed to have stood on it when building the
Ka’ba. To the left is the pavilion with the (66) Zemzem-i Şerif (‘Noble Zamzam’).
The painting has a vertical fold here. Thirsty pilgrims could drink the holy water
of the Zamzam well easily without waiting as it was stored in the numerous
water-jugs that were lying in the courtyard.
Between the two domed pavilions there is a small, movable staircase with the
text (63) Medrec (‘staircase’). These stairs are used to enter the Ka’ba , since the
entrance is placed slightly higher than the ground. On the painting the entrance
is marked right of the (75) Hacer ül-Esved (the Black Stone) on the face of the
building.
To the right of the Makam-ı İbrahim is the (65) Minber-i-Şerif (the ‘Noble
Pulpit’), used for preaching. The text is written along one of the pillars at the
top of the square. In front of the Makam-ı İbrahim there is a gate, (62) Bab üsSelâm-ı Atik (the ‘Old Gate of Peace’). This gate is perhaps the only remaining
part of an older enclosure of the sanctuary.
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In the lower corner to the left of the sanctuary stand two buildings known as
(67-68) al-Qubbatayn (‘the Two Domes’). They were used as storehouses before
being demolished in the late nineteenth century. The inscriptions on the painting
are difficult to read. The left one perhaps reads as (67) Makam ül-Ferraşin (the
‘Dome of the Caretakers of the Haram’), and the one to the right may read (68)
Makam-ı Kadem in-Nebi (‘Dome of the Footprint of the Prophet’).
Other details
Some very interesting details that are not marked with captions but do provide
interesting information when studied in combination with other sources can be
observed in the painting. On the road to Arafat, three wells are painted. Inside
the Haram there are numerous water jugs for storing Zamzam water. One can
also see tents in the city suburbs. Also, there are seven unmarked quadrangular
or round steeples, which can be identified as the minarets of Bab al-Umra; Bab
al-Salam; Bab Ali; Bab al-Wida; Bab Madrasat Qaytbay; Bab al-Ziyada; and Bab
Madrasat al-Sultan Sulayman.
Later Developments in Representations of Mecca and the
Ka’ba
Despite the already mentioned lack of scholarly interest over the last 300 years,
the Eneman painting has had quite an impact on European representations of
the Ka’ba and Mecca. In 1717 for example, Adriaan Reland, a Dutch professor of
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oriental languages at Utrecht University, published the second edition of his book
De Religione Mohammedica Libri Duo on Islam. It contains two illustrations; one
of the Ka’ba and one of Muzdalifa (Reland 1717: 114, 118). Reland is known
as the first European scholar to publish a realistic representation of the Ka’ba.
On his way back to Sweden in 1714, Michael Eneman visited the Netherlands
and had a meeting with Reland in Utrecht. Reland mentioned that Eneman
showed the painting of Mecca to him and that he gave him the permission to
make a copy (Reland 1717: 119; Witkam 2002: 235–237). Reland drew the
Masjid al-Haram and Ka’ba and added people around the courtyard, some of
them performing the prayer. In this drawing, only the Holy Mosque is depicted;
the city itself is not shown. Reland probably wanted to concentrate on the holiest
place and not on the city of Mecca.
Another famous Mecca illustration is the already mentioned engraving of
D’Ohsson (1740-1807) (D’Ohsson 1788: pl. 45 ). D’Ohsson’s representation is
taken from the same perspective as the Uppsala painting, but his drawing is less
sophisticated and less exact. We do not know whether he had seen the Uppsala
painting. But in his engraving, especially the city and its surroundings are less
sophisticated than Eneman’s.
An image that resembles the Uppsala painting can presently be found in the
Khalili Collection (Rogers 2010: 260–261). This drawing in ink and opaque
watercolour on paper was produced in the year 1845 by Muhammed Abdullah,
who was a cartographer from Delhi. The drawing is comparable to the Uppsala
Painting in its choice of vantage point. It is also very accurate, but does not
include captions on the buildings and other points of interest.
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In the Khalili Collection, there is a copy of the Uppsala painting (figure
16).10 In fact, the shape of the mountains and the streets are a one-to-one copy.
The painting is signed by the hitherto unknown painter Shawkat and is dated
1341 AH (1922–1923 CE). How he gained access to the painting at Uppsala
University in order to make a copy is a mystery.
Photography
Since the 1880s, the city of Mecca has been photographed and filmed. Even
these images, however, are of less value than the Uppsala painting. Paradoxically,
though these photos are panoramic, they do not show as many details as the
earlier representations did. Therefore, one can conclude that the Uppsala
painting remains an absolute summit in Hajj representations and has never been
surpassed, even by later techniques of coloured pictures or photographs.
Conclusion
The Uppsala painting is a unique and extraordinary representation of Mecca
and the Ka’ba. It was probably made by a Muslim artist in Cairo and, after
its purchase by Michael Eneman, arrived in Uppsala in 1714. The painting is
the first known three-dimensional representation of Mecca and demonstrates
what was at the time a revolutionary bird’s eye view. It provides a very detailed
description of the buildings of the city. The relevance of this painting has only
recently been recognised by scholars. An important reason for this is that old
Mamluk and Ottoman Mecca was destroyed completely by the Saudi guardians
of the Holy City; this picture is indispensable to reconstructing and describing
the Ottoman City. No other illustrations of Mecca contain more or richer details
about the urban network and city pattern than the Uppsala painting. There is
still much more analysis to be done on this painting, which has only started start
to reveal its secrets.
10
62
158
This ’ba painting (inv. nr. MSS 1163, Panoramic View of the City of Mecca, oil on canvas, 98 x
193cm) is not published. I would like to thank Nahla Nassar, curator of the Khalili Collections, for
giving me permission to study this object.
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Appendix: Legends in the Uppsala Painting
I have used the Turkish transcription for the legends that are written in the
painting. The most important difference between Ottoman and Arabic placenames are the characters c, v, ş and ç (Ottoman) for j, w, sh and ch (Arabic).
1. Cebel-i Arafat (Mountain Arafat)
2. Matbah (Kitchen)
3. Mescid-i İbrahim (Mosque of Abraham)
4. Mileyn (Markers of the border of Arafat)
5. Müzdelife (Muzdalifa)
6. Hüseyniye (al-Husayniyya village)
7. Cemre-i Evvel (the First Pillar)
8. Cemre-i Sani (the Second Pillar)
9. Cemre-i Salis (the Third Pillar)
10. Mina
11. Mescid-i Hayf (Mosque of al-Khayf )
12. Mahall-i Nüzul-i ‘Ve’l-Mürselat’ (Place of Revelation of Sura wa-al-Mürselat)
13. Mescid-i Aşere (Mosque of Aqaba)
14. Mahall-i Şakk ul-Kamer (Place where the Moon was Split)
15. Cebel-i Ebu Kubeys (Mountain of Abu Qubays)
16. Cebel-i Sevir (Thawr Mountain)
17. Burket-i Yemeniye (the Yemeni Pool)
18. Mahall-i Mevlud-i Ebu Bekir (Birthplace of Abu Bakr)
19. Mevlud-ı Seyyidina Ömer (Birthplace of our Lord Umar)
20. Kahve (Coffee and Rest House)
21. Hudde (Hudde Village)
22. Sebil-i Ahmed Bey (Fountain of Ahmad Bey)
23. Cidde (Jeddah)
24. Mahall-i Zebh-i İsmail (Place of the Sacrifice of Ishmael)
25. Hammam-ı Umre (the Umra Bath)
26. Cebel-i Güzel (Jabal Hindi)
27. Makam-ı Aydarus (Station of Aydarus)
28. Şeyh Mahmud (Shaykh Mahmud)
29. Sebil[-i Mahmud] (Fountain [of Mahmud])
30. Bab üz-Ziyade (Gate of Increase)
31. Mahkeme (Court)
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32. Medrese-i Süleymaniye (Suleymaniye School)
33. Mazabiz (Ablution Fountain)
34. Makam-ı Merve (Marwa Hill)
35. Zaviye-i Ahmediye (Convent of the Ahmadiyya Order)
36. Zaviye Kadiriye (Convent of the Qadiriya Order)
37. Suk (Market)
38. Burket el-Șami (Damascus Pool)
39. Burket-i Mısri (Egyptian Pool)
40. Serdar-ı Müstahfızan (Head of the Security)
41. Merkad-ı Ebu Talib (Tomb of Abu Talib)
42. Mescid-i Cinn (Mosque of the Jinn)
43. (Merkad-ı ) Hatice ([Tomb of ] Khadija)
44. Mevlevihane (Convent of Mevlevi Dervishes)
45. [Kasr-ı] Vezir ([Palace of the] Governor)
46. Menzil-i Ebu Bekir (House of Abu Bakr)
47. [Mevlud-ı] Fatma ([Birthplace of ] Fatima )
48. Hammam ün-Nebi (Bath of the Prophet)
49. Makam-ı Cebel-i [Nur] (Standing-place of [Nur] Mountain)
50. Mevlud ün-Nebi (Birthplace of the Prophet)
51. Dar el Hayzuran (House of Hayzuran, mother of Harun al-Rashid)
52. Mevlud-ı Ali (Birthplace of Ali)
53. Makam-ı Safa (Standing-place of Safa)
54. Dar us-Sa`ade (House of Felicity, the house of the Ottoman governor)
55. Bab-ı İbrahim (Gate of Abraham)
56. Bab-ı Ali (Gate of Ali)
57. Bab üs-Selam-ı Cedid (New Gate of Peace)
58. Bab üs-Selam-ı Sağir (Small Gate of Peace)
59. Bab-ı Sebil-i Qaytbay (Gate of the Fountain of Qaytbay)
60. Bab ün-Nebi (Gate of the Prophet)
61. Mil-i Ahdar (the Green Signpost)
62. Bab üs-Selam-ı Atik (the Old Gate of Peace)
63. Medrec (Staircase)
64. Makam-ı İbrahim (the Standing place of Abraham)
65. Minber-i Şerif (the Noble Pulpit)
66. Zemzem-i Şerif (the Noble Zamzam [well])
67. Makam-ı Kadem in-Nebi (the Location of the Foot of the Prophet)
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68. Makam ül-Ferraşin (the Location of the Caretakers)
69. Makam-ı Hanbeli (the Location of the Hanbali school of jurisprudence)
70. Makam-ı Maliki (the Location of the Maliki school of jurisprudence)
71. Makamı Hanefi (the Location of the Hanafi school of jurisprudence)
72. Hicr-i İsmail (the Burial place of Ishmael)
73. Micene (‘Trough’)
74. Altun Oluk (Golden Spout)
75. Hacer ül-Esved (the Black Stone)
Bibliography
Ådahl, K. (1990), Orientalismen i svensk konst. Islamiska föremål, förebilder och
influenser i konst och konsthantverk. Stockholm: Höganäs Wiken.
Ådahl, K. (2001), ‘View of Mecca and the Ka’ba’, in T. Heinemann, Uppsala
University Art Collections, 256-257. Uppsala: Uppsala University.
Aksoy, Ş. & R. Milstein (2000), ‘A collection of thirteenth–century illustrated
Hajj certificates’, in İ.C. Schick (ed.), M. Uğur Derman 65 yaş armağanı –
65th birthday festschrift, 101-134. Istanbul: Sabancı Üniversitesi.
Ali Bey (alias Domingo Badia y Leyblich) (1816), Travels of Ali Bey in Morocco,
Tripoli, Cyprus, Egypt, Arabia, Syria and Turkey between the Years 1803 and
1807, 2 vols. London: Longman.
Blair, S. (2013), ‘Inscribing the hajj’ in V. Porter & L. Saif (eds.), Hajj. Collected
essays, 160-169. London: The British Museum Press.
Burckhardt, J.L. (1829), Travels in Arabia. Comprehending an account of those
territories in Hedjaz which the Mohammedans regard as sacred. London:
Colburn.
D’Ohsson, I.M. (1788), Tableau général de l’Empire othoman. Divisé en deux
parties, dont l’une comprend la législation mahométane; l’autre, l’histoire de
l’Empire othoman, dédié au Roi de Suède, 2 vols. Paris: L’Imprimerie de
monsieur [Firmin Didot].
Evliya Çelebi (2005), Evliyâ Çelebi Seyahatnâmesi. Topkapı Sarayı Kütüphanesi
Bağdat 306, Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi Pertev Paşa 462, Süleymaniye Kütüphanesi
Hacı Beşir Ağa 452 numaralı yazmaların mukayeseli transkripsiyonu dizini, in
Y. Dağlı, S.A. Kahraman & R. Dankoff (eds.), 1. baskı kitap 9. Istanbul:
Yapı Kredi Yayınları.
Gren, E. (1945), ’Bidrag till Michael Enemans biografi studier och bokförvärv’,
in Donum Grapeanum. Festskrift tillägnad överbibliotekarien Anders Grape på
sextiofemårsdagen den 7 mars 1945, 445-494. Uppsala: Almqvist och Wiksell.
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Juvin, C. (2010), ’The tombstones from the al-Ma’ala cemetery in Mecca’, in
A.I. al-Ghabban et al., Roads of Arabia, archaeology and history of the Kingdom
of Saudi Arabia, 490-521. Paris: Musée du Louvre.
Krieger, Z. (2013), ‘ McMecca. The strange alliance of clerics and businessmen in
Saudi Arabia. Why are Wahhabi leaders allowing the destruction of historical
sites in Islam’s holiest city?’, in The Atlantic, 19 March 2013. Online accessible
at: http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2013/03/mcmeccathe-strange-alliance-of-clerics-and-businessmen-in-saudi-arabia/274146/.
Maury, C. ( 2013), ‘Depictions of the Haramayn on Ottoman tiles. Contents
and context’, in V. Porter & L. Saif (eds.), Hajj. Collected essays, 143-159.
Londen: The British Museum Press.
Mols, L. (2013), Verlangen naar Mekka. De hadj in honderd voorwerpen. Leiden:
Rijksmuseum Volkenkunde.
Nasraw, S. (2007), ‘Mecca’s ancient heritage is under attack. Developments
for pilgrims and the strict beliefs of Saudi clerics are encroaching on or
eliminating Islam’s holy sites in the kingdom’, in Los Angeles Times,
September 16, 2007. Online accessible at http://articles.latimes.com/2007/
sep/16/news/adfg-mecca16.
Reland, H. (1717), De Religione Mohammedica libri duo. Editio altera auctior.
Utrecht: Broedelet.
Rogers, J.M. (2010), The arts of Islam. Masterpieces from the Khalili Collection,
London: Thames & Hudson.
Snouck Hurgronje, C. (1888), Mekka. I. Die Stadt und ihre Herren. Haag:
Martinus Nijhoff.
Strika, P.V. (1979), ‘A Kaba Picture From Mosul’, in Sources for the history of
Arabia. Studies in the history of Arabia, vol. 1, 145-149. Riyadh: Riyadh
University Press.
Uluengin, N. & B. Uluengin (1988), ‘Minar Sinan’ın Mekke ve Medine’deki
Eserleri’, in Mimar Sinan Dönemi Türk Mimarlığı ve Sanatı, 345-360.
Istanbul: Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Yayınları.
Witkam, J.J. (2002), Vroomheid en activisme in een islamitisch
gebedenboek. De geschiedenis van de Dala’il al-Khayrat van al-Gazuli.
Leiden: Universiteitsbibliotheek (Kleine publicaties van de Leidse
Universiteitsbibliotheek).
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NEW BOOK on
MECCA AND NEDINA ILLUSTRATIONS,
DRAWINGS AND MAPS
Mekke ve Medine
Harita ve Tasvirleri 15. Yüzyıldan 20. Yüzyıla
خرائط ورسوم مكة المكرمة والمدينة المنورة منذ
(م15-20( القرن التاسع وحتى القرن الرابع عشر للهجرة
(
MEKKA & MEDINA | Mehmet Tütüncü
MEKKA
MEDINA
maps and illustrations from 15th to 20th century
Mehmet Tütüncü
Mecca and Medina maps and Illustrations from
15th to 20th Century
Mekke ve Medine Harita ve Tasvirleri
15. Yüzyıldan 20. Yüzyıla
خرائط ورسوم مكة المكرمة والمدينة المنورة
(م15-20( منذ القرن التاسع وحتى القرن الرابع عشر للهجرة
(
Mehmet Tütüncü
2020
Mekka and Medina Maps and Illustrations: from 15th to 20th Century
Mekke ve Medine Harita ve Tasvirleri : 15 yüzyıldan 20. yüzyıla
(م15-20( خرائط ورسوم مكة املكرمة واملدينة املنورة منذ القرن التاسع وحتى القرن الرابع عرش للهجرة
Mehmet Tütüncü
with contributions from Atef Alshehri (Medina-Riyadh), Ahmed
Ameen (Fayoum University -Egypt) and İbrahim Yılmaz (Erzurum).
Graphic Designer: Omer Erdem
[email protected]
ISBN 978-90-6921-022-3
CORPUS OF TURKISH ISLAMIC INSCRIPTIONS nr: 18
TÜRK İSLAM KİTABELERİ DİZİSİ no:18
Kapak resmi / Cover: Mecca painting on the Qibla Wall of Şerif Halil Pasha Mosque in Shumen (Bulgaria).
© Copyright 2020, SOTA All rights reserved. No part of this book may be
reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in
any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying and recording or otherwise, without prior written permission of the publisher
and copyright holder.
Publisher:
SOTA / Research Centre for Tukish and Arabic World
Brabantlaan 26
2101 SG Heemstede
Netherlands
Tel: + 31 23 5292883
Email:
[email protected]
or
[email protected]
Web: www.turkistan.org
Medina tile, Handanija mosque, Prusac Bosnia, 17th Century
Photo Mehmet Tütüncü (2009)
2
Content
İçindekiler
Introduction / املقدمة
Giriş
Categories of Holy Site Images
5
8
10
Chapter I [en, tr]
First Western Illustrations of Mecca and Medina
Mainz 1486, Breydenbach Panoramic Map
Augsburg 1517, Vartema and Martin Waldseemüller
Antwerpen 1672, Mecha in Arabien
13
14
15
Chapter 2 [en, tr, ar]
Medina-Istanbul 1540, Topkapi Scroll
19
Chapter 3 [en, tr]
Berlin 1707-1709, Miniatures
67
Chapter 4 [en, tr]
Uppsala 1713, Mecca Painting
75
Chapter 5 [en, tr]
Utrecht 1717, Engraving of Adrian Reland
113
Chapter 6 [en, tr]
Shumen 1757, Sharif Halil Pasha Mosque
120
Chapter 7 [en, tr]
Copenhagen 1784, Manuscript of Baron d’Aurange
Mecca tile, Handanija mosque, Prusac Bosnia, 17th Century
Photo Mehmet Tütüncü (2009)
126
Chapter 8 [en, tr]
Paris 1787, Engraving of Muradgea D’Ohsson
132
Chapter 9 [en, tr]
Medina, 1849-1861, Paintings in Masjid al-Nabawi
138
Chapter 10 [en, tr]
London 1907-1908, Early Photography of
Mecca and Medina The lens of Mirza
143
List of Pictures
181
3
INTRODUCTION
al map of Mecca and Medina, however what sets it
apart is that for the first time in history a different
technique gives the observer a feeling of depth for
these places, which had been absent in earlier depictions of Mecca and Medina. The first dated map
to have a bird’s eye view comes from a collected
manuscript with texts about the Hajj pilgrimage.
This manuscript from the year 1707 has two pictures with spatial depth (theso-called “bird’s eye
view”). but even though this is a three-dimensionaldepiction, the minarets and some buildings are
oriented towards the center of the painting so that it
looks as if the minarets and buildings are suspended in mid-air. The captions are also written in the
same way as in the other example. As such, we are
one step away from the more accurate representations with a proper perspective.
Drawings and images of Islam’s holiest places, the
Kaaba and the city of Mecca, alongside Medina
with the Mosque of Prophet, have been very popular over the centuries. These images have been
used for various purposes and had also been executed for these purposes (drawn, sketched, coloured, incised, stencilled, cut, knitted, printed or even
built) on or using a variety of materials, such as
stone, ceramics, paper, textiles, wood, marble/tiles
(in the form of frescoes), etc. This book is a publication for the first time of nine key objects, and
contains unique information about the history and
topography of the holy cities of Islam. All of these
key objects are monuments of the arts, and will, for
the first time, be analysed
and studied and compared to one another so that
the information they have will be disclosed to the 4. Uppsala Painting:
This extraordinary object is the earliest paintingof
reader.
Mecca remaining and which comes from 1713. It
was presumably painted in Cairo but now is a part
1. The first western depictions
in the Western world are from 1486.In a book print- of the collections of Uppsala University. This is
ed in Mainz, Germany, Mecca has been drawn on a painting which seems to be revolutionary when
a panoramic map of the Middle East, with Jerusa- it comes to the images of Mecca. This painting is
lem as its centre. A second sample is from 1672 knownas the “Mecca Painting of Uppsala Univerand comes from the Netherlands. However, these sity” and contains the richest material and inforworks are not based on reality, they are based on mation for the historical topography and geography
hearsay without any intention of accurately repre- of Mecca, as this is the first birds eye view over
Mecca And its surroundings. This chapter is the
senting Mecca or Medina.
essential part of our book, where there are also descriptions and where comparisons with chapter 3, 5
2. Topkapi Scroll:
A gigantic 815 cm-long scroll originating from and 7 are central.
Mecca from the year 1540, depicting maps of Mec- 5. Utrecht Engraving. This object is an engraving
ca, Medina, and Their surroundings. This map, en- from 1717. For the first time, it is a reliable scientiftitled the Topkapi Scroll, was a gift from the people ic drawing and publication of Mecca and Kaaba in
a printed form and which was published in Utrecht,
of Medina to the Turkish Sultan.
hence giving it its name. With this engraving, the
knowledge about the holy places of Islam in the
3. Berlin Miniatures:
This third work comes from 1707 and is a tradition- western world became widely available.
74
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6 Schumen (Bulgaria) 1744 Sherif Halil Pasha
Mosque:
Inside this Mosque which was builded in 1744 there
are 2 paintimgs on the mihrab wall which contains
a Mecca and a Medina city portrait.There is no
information about when and how these paintings
where produced. But the original internal decoration of the Mosque is still intact. So we can guess
that these paintings are the oldest specimen of holy
cities paintings that have survived and are in situ.
All of these works of art contain unique information
about the buildings and topography of Mecca and
Medina.
While some are well known, they have never been
studied on their connection and content. They are
important because they provide information about
the historical cities that no longer exist. So, for a reconstruction of Mecca and Medina, we are dependent on thesepictures and images.
Heemstede, January 1st, 2020
7. Baron D’aurange 1784:
In the Queen’s library in Copenhagen isa manuscript that is dedicated to Danish King Christian
VII in the year 1784 by a mysterious writer named
Baron D’Aurange. This is huge manuscript with a
description of Mecca and Medina in twovolumes.
Therein is included two very large hand-made pictures of the holy sites along with a map of Arabia.
We publish here, for the first time, these images.
8 Muradgea D’Ohsson 1787:
Muradagea D’Ohsson, a famous Tableau General, produced a very venerated and famous map of
Mecca, which for many years remained an iconic
representation of Mecca until the development of
photography.
9. Late Ottoman Paintings and illustrations:
These are two late-Ottoman period paintings inside
al-Masjid al-Nabawi: the first depicts al-Masjid
al-Haram in Mecca, while the second shows Masjid Quba.\
10. Mirza’s Photos 1907-1908:
The final monumental work from our book are 13
photos taken by the Indian photographer Mirza
which are now stored at the British Library in London. Throughout the centuries, various techniques
and different artists have tried to picture Islam’s holiest cities Mecca and Medina for the wider public.
K A S IM -N OV E M B E R
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SOTA PUBLICATIONS / SOTA YAYINLARI
Series editor: Mehmet Tütüncü
CORPUS OF TURKISH ISLAMIC INSCRIPTIONS /
TÜRK İSLAM KİTABELERİ DİZİSİ
1. Mehmet Tütüncü, Turkish Jerusalem (1516-1917), Ottoman Inscriptions from Jerusalem and Other Palestinian Cities, 268p + 84p, Haarlem
2006. ISBN 90-807403-4-9
2. Mehmet Tütüncü, Turkish Palestine (1069-1917) Inscriptions from alKhalil (Hebron), Nebi Musa and Other Palestinian Cities under Turkish
Rule , 320p, Haarlem 2008. ISBN 978-90-6921-004-9
3. Leyla Yılmaz, Antalya’da Türk Dönemi Kitabeleri, Haarlem 2009.
273p, with a map 42x60 ISBN 978-90-6921-005-6
4. Nurcan Boşdurmaz, Bosna Hersek Mezartaşları, Haarlem 2011.
ISBN 978-90-6921-006-3
5. Mehmet Tütüncü, Cezayir’de Osmanlı İzleri 314 yıllık Türk Hakimiyetinde Cezayirden Kitabeler. Eserler, Portreler, İstanbul-Haarlem
2012. 447p, ISBN 978-90-6921-000-1
6. Emine Karpuz, Gaferyad Tarihi, Karaman’ın Kazımkarabekir İlçesinde
Tarihi eserler, Kültür ve Kitabeler, Haarlem 2015. 224 p, ISBN 97890-6921-008-7
7. Mehmet Tütüncü, Corpus of Ottoman Inscriptions from Albania and
Montenegro, Mehmet Tütüncü. Haarlem 2017. 312p, ISBN 978-906921-010-1
8. Mustafa Hami, Sevkü’l-askeri’l-cedîd der-ahd-i Sultân Mecîd, facsimile, transliteration and translation, with an introduction by
Mehmet Tütüncü, Cihan Okuyucu and Klaus Kreiser, Haarlem
2017. 354p, ISBN 978-90-6921-011-7
9. Mehmet Tütüncü, Toplu makaleler - Collected Studıes I. Kudüs ve
Türkler, Hollanda Türkiye İlişkiler, Osmanlılar ve Hac ve Evliya
Çelebi’nin İzinde Haarlem 2017. 474p, ISBN 978-90-6921-012-4
10. Mehmet Tütüncü, Toplu makaleler II - Collected Studies II.Kitabe
Araştımaları, Cezayir ve Akdeniz, Arnavutluk ve çeşitli yazılar,
Haarlem 2017. 465p. ISBN 978-90-6921-013-1
11. M. Zeki İbrahimgil, Rodos Adası´nda Osmanlı Mirasi / Ottoman Heritage in Rhodes Island, Haarlem, 2018. 468p, ISBN 978-90-6921-0070
12. Mehmet Tütüncü, 1565 Malta Kuşatması Saray Freskleri, 64p, Haarlem 2018. ISBN 978-90-6921-014-8
13. Mehmet Tütüncü, Silsile-name-i Varşova, Resimli Peygamberler ve
Sultanlar Silsilesi, Illustrated Genealogy of Prophets and Rulers, Haarlem 2018. 184p, ISBN 978-90-6921-015-5
14. Mehmet Tütüncü / Erik Swart / Bülent Arı 400+ jaar Vriendschap
Vriendschapsverdrag uit 1612 tussen Nederland en Turkije, tekst en
vertaling naar het moderne Turks en Nederlands. 400+ Yıllık Hatır
1612 Hollanda Ahitnamesinin tıpkıbasımı, metni, günümüz Türkçesine ve Hollandacaya tercümesi Haarlem 2019. 64p, ISBN 978-906921-017-9
15. Mehmet Tütüncü, Early Photography of the Cities Mecca and Medina:
The Lens of Mirza / Erken Mekke ve Medine Fotoğrafları: Mirza’nın
Merceğinden Haarlem 2019, ISBN 978-90-6921-018-6
16. Mehmet Tütüncü, Toplu makaleler III - Collected Studies III. Kitabe
Araştımaları, Karadeniz, Akdeniz, Arabistan Yarımadası ve Çeşitli Yazılar Haarlem 2019, 465p. ISBN 978-90-6921-019-3
17. Mehmet Tütüncü - Andrey Krasnazhon, Ismail, Şehri ve Kaleleri
(XVI-XIX YüzyIl belegelerinde) Izmail City and its fortifications, Haarlem-Odessa 2019 ISBN 978-90--6921-020-9 ISBN 978-966-555325-0
18. Mehmet Tütüncü, Mekka and Medina Illustrations: from 15th
to 20th Century / Mekke ve Medine Tasvirleri : 15 yüzyıldan 20.
yüzyıla(خرائط ورسوم مكة املكرمة واملدينة املنورة منذ القرن التاسع وحتى القرن الرابع عرش
م15-20( للهجرة, Haarlem 2020, ISBN 978-90-6921-022-3
19. Mehmet Tütüncü, Karadeniz Kuzeyinde Osmanlı Kitabeleri
(Ukrayna-Rusya-Gürcistan-Moldova) / Corpus of Ottoman
Inscriptions from Northern Black Sea / Haarlem 2020. ISBN 97890-6921-023-0
20. Mehmet Tütüncü, Tuna Boyunda Osmanlı Kitabeleri (RomanyaMacaristan-Sırbistan) / Ottoman Inscriptions along the Danube
(Romania-Hungary-Serbia) Haarlem 2020. ISBN 978-90-6921024-7
21. Mehmet Tütüncü, Bulgaristan'da Osmanlı Kitabeleri / Corpus of
Ottoman Inscriptions from Bulgaria, Haarlem 2020. ISBN 978-906921-025-4
22. Mehmet Tütüncü, Tolga Teker, Mekke Kitabeleri, Meccan Inscriptions, Haarlem 2020 ISBN 978-90-6921-026-1
23. Mehmet Tütüncü- Evren Kutlay, Long Lost Fortune: Sultan Abdülhamid’s Music Album to Romanian Queen Elizabeth of Romania,
Bir TatlI Huzur: Sultan Adülhamid’in Romanya Kraliçesi Carmen
Silva’ya hediye ettiği Müzik Albümü, Haarlem 2021.ISBN 978-906921-022-3
FORTHCOMING:
24. Mehmet Tütüncü (ed) Ottomano-Ukrainica, Studies on Ottoman
Ukrainian Borders. Haarlem 2020
25. Ahmed Ameen, Corpus Inscriptionum Ottomanincarum Greaecia
(CIOG) Volume I, Inscriptions of Ottoman Buildings in Thrace [Evros,
Rhodope, Xanti], Haarlem 2021
26. Ali Cheib ben Sassi, Les Inscriptions de Tripoli (Trablusgarb et
Libie) à l’Epoque Ottomane (1551-1911), Tripoli-Haarlem 2021.
27. Mehmet Tütüncü, Etudes sur les Monuments Ottomanes d’Algerie, Algiers-Haarlem 2021
28. Abu Bakr Efendi- A. van Selms, Bayan-al-Din / Uiteensettinge van
Godsdienst, Facsimile and transcription of the first book in Arabic letters
in Dutch language. (Afrikaans). printed 1869 in Istanbul. Haarlem-Pretoria, 2021
29. Fathi Jarray, Corpus des Inscriptions des Monuments de la Regence
Tunis a l’Epoque Ottomane, Tunis-Haarlem, 2022
30. Historical Maps and Illustrations of Algiers / Tarihi Cezayir Harita ve Tasvirleri, Haarlem 2024
NEW BOOK ABOUT MEKKA AND MEDINA CARTOGRAPHY
AND ILLUSTRATIONS:
Mekka and Medina Illustrations: from 15th to 20th Century
Mekke ve Medine Tasvirleri : 15 yüzyıldan 20. yüzyıla
خرائط ورسوم مكة المكرمة والمدينة المنورة منذ القرن التاسع وحتى القرن الرابع عشر للهجرة-
Mehmet Tütüncü
with contributions from Atef Alshehri (Medina-Riyadh), Ahmed
Ameen (Fayoum University -Egypt) and İbrahim Yılmaz (Erzurum).
Graphic Designer: Omer Erdem
[email protected]
ISBN 978-90-6921-022-3
CORPUS OF TURKISH ISLAMIC INSCRIPTIONS nr.18
TÜRK İSLAM KİTABELERİ DİZİSİ no:18
Kapak resmi / Cover: Mecca painting on the Qibla Wall of Şerif Halil Pasha
Mosque in Shumen (Bulgaria).
Publisher:
SOTA / Research Centre for Tukish and Arabic World
Tel: + 31 23 5292883
Email:
[email protected]
or
[email protected]
30x30 cm, hardcover luxurious paper and print
Will published at 1st of September 2020.
Price € 200 excl. Shipping costs
Pre-ordering possible until 15 august which gives 40% discount.
And the book will cost € 120 excluding shipping costs. (until 15 august orders)
Please send your orders to next email:
[email protected]
Some sample pages are hereunder.