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An Examination of the Consequences for the Russian Orthodox Church of the official Church leadership's pact with Stalin in 1927
2014
This book tells the remarkable story of the decline and revival of the Russian Orthodox Church in the first half of the twentieth century and the astonishing U-turn in the attitude of the Soviet Union’s leaders towards the church. In the years after 1917 the Bolsheviks’ anti-religious policies, the loss of the former western territories of the Russian Empire, and the Soviet Union’s isolation from the rest of the world and the consequent separation of Russian emigrés from the church were disastrous for the church, which declined very significantly in the 1920s and 1930s. However, when Poland was partitioned in 1939 between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union, Stalin allowed the Patriarch of Moscow, Sergei, jurisdiction over orthodox congregations in the conquered territories and went on, later, to encourage the church to promote patriotic activities as part of the resistance to the Nazi invasion. He agreed a Concordat with the church in 1943, and continued to encourage the church, especially its claims to jurisdiction over émigré Russian orthodox churches, in the immediate postwar period. Based on extensive original research, the book puts forward a great deal of new information and overturns established thinking on many key points.
This paper was my project for an online class at Stanford on Revolutionary Russia - I was curious why Stalin made a truce with the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) during World War II in spite of his militant atheism. The answer is not, as used to be supposed, that he needed the Church's backing to get Russian troops to fight the Nazis. He was laying the groundwork for retaking the parts of the Soviet Union that the Nazis had captured, as well as for his future takeover of Eastern Europe.
Current History, 2017
Religion in Communist Lands, 1989
Gorbachev's emphasis on 'the human factor', 'universal human values' and the 'law-governed state' has led to a breakdown of the Marxist-Leninist certainties which have dominated public life in the Soviet Union since the 1930s. This 'de-ideologisation' of Soviet life, although far from complete, has had major repercussions for the churches. It has led to an open reassessment of the ethical and spiritual values offered by, in particular, the Christian religion. Secondly, many of the bureaucratic and legal obstacles to the activity of the churches are, with some notable exceptions, 1 being eased. This is reflected by the growth in the registration of congregations (1,610 in 1988), the annulment of unpublished and discriminatory legislation introduced by the Council for Religious Affairs (CRA) or its predecessors,2 the involvement of churches in charitable activity, the establishment of Sunday schools (still technically illegal), and the return to the church of churches and monasteries. Thirdly, almost all former religious dissidents have been released from prison or labour camp and have' re-entered church life. Fourthly, the present improvements in religious freedom are being supplemented by legal reform. A new draft USSR Law on Freedom of Conscience, which should significantly improve the rights of believers, is presently under itliscussion. 3 *Some sections of this article are based on materials used by the author in previous writings on the Georgian Church.. I For example, the Ukrainian Orthodox and Greek Catholic churches,. banned under Lenin and Stalin respectively, are still officially proscribed, despite dialogue between the Vatican and the Russian Orthodox Church since June 1988 and numerous petitions, hunger strikes and open protests by members of these Ukrainian churches. See Keston
Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews
Purpose of the Study: The aim of the research is to study the tendencies and potential of the church-state relationship at a critical juncture of the great political transformations. An objective need to analyze the past experience of church-state interrelations in Russia and to identify social and cultural role of church as the embodiment of religion served as the incentive for the present study. The article considers church-state relationship under the Soviet regime, the tragedy of their coexistence, reflected in a strong opposition, oppression and almost complete liquidation of the church, and, as a result, its accommodation in relations with the government within that period. Methodology: The authors used philosophical analysis of the church-state interaction, historicism and comparison principles enabling to consider its dynamics and evolution trends within the defined period. The researchers make the presumption that church-state relationship should be maintained on a cultu...
In this paper I address those actions of the hierarchy and clergy of the Russian Orthodox Church in the Ukrainian Republic through the 1940s–1970s that are usually described in terms of prisposoblenchiestvo. Drawing from archival and published sources as well as theoretical premises suggested by Glennys Young, William Fletcher, James C. Scott, and John Henry Newman, I argue that adaptability of the Church became a viable function in its approach to relations with the communist state. This research also allows for some broader inferences regarding relationship between communist ideology and religion: acute conflict between the two at the philosophical level while strange interpenetration at the level of day-to-day coexistence.
Religion, State and Society, 2000
Determined and vicious antireligious persecution in the Soviet Union came to an informal halt after the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941. The Russian Orthodox Church played an important propaganda role and earned recognition as a legal person and permission to have a bank account, and bishops were once more appointed to dioceses in Russia and the rest of the Soviet Union. The most important turning-point in church-state relations was, however, a meeting on 4-5 September 1943 where Stalin, Molotov and Metropolitans Sergi, Nikolai and Aleksi met and discussed the concessions that the church needed from the state in order to become a substantial force once more in the ecclesiastical world. The fact that the state waited until the autumn of 1943 to formalise its apparently more permissive relationship with the church has puzzled historians, and has led to some confusion over the role which the church played from 1941 to 1945.' In fact, there were two distinct periods, 1941-43 and 1943-45, or arguably 1943-48. The role that Stalin envisaged for the church changed in 1943 when the need to plan for the postwar settlement became apparent and the state began to reimpose official cultural values. Between 1941 and 1943 the role of the Russian Orthodox Church had involved appeals to fellow-Christians and fellow-Slavs; after 1943 the church found itself expected to play a more tightly controlled role as one aspect of the face which Soviet Russia presented to its people and the world. There were two central reasons why the state timed the meeting as it did: first, a recognition of the foreign policy potential of the Russian Orthodox Church; second, domestic control as part of a wider reassertion of party control. Foreign Policy The fate of religion in the Soviet Union had considerable propaganda significance for relationships with other countries. Although the freedoms which the church enjoyed after 1941 made it possible for allied propaganda to evade the issue of religious persecution in the Soviet Union, archival evidence shows that the relevant British authorities were sceptical about the permanence of the relaxation. Soviet representatives tried to persuade foreign powers that religion in the Soviet Union had not been persecuted; Popovsky claims that the Soviet ambassador lied to the British, saying that there were 58,442 priests in the USSR and in this way 'trying to get the British
The Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 1985
Handmaiden of the State ? The Church in Imperial Russia Reconsidered byG. L. FREEZE T he history of the Russian Orthodox Church, especially in the modern imperial period (1700-1917), has been a woefully neglected field of scholarly research. 1 That neglect antedates the collapse of the ancien regime in 1917, for pre-revolutionary historiography on the Church was neither abundant nor sophisticated; rarely did it produce more than myopic diocesan histories, fatuous accounts of the local seminary, or hagiographic paeans devoted to some prominent clergyman. 2 The reasons for this neglect of so fundamental an institution in 'Holy Rus' are many-restricted access to ecclesiastical archives, difficulties in publication because of vigilant censors, but above all the intelligentsia's indifference to an apparently moribund and state-controlled institution. Paradoxically enough, Catholic polemicists, Orthodox Slavophiles, anticlerical intellectuals and reform-minded clergy all concurred-from different motives, for different reasons-in believing that the Church had become a mere instrument of the secular state, and that this change derived from 'revolutionary' and 'Westernizing' reforms in the Church imposed by Peter the Great in the early eighteenth century. 3 Postrevolutionary scholarship has been even less attentive to the Church, at least until very recently, and has tended to accept uncritically the
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